TOWARD A NEW MODEL OF URBAN PLANNING by * JOHN KENT GERECKE B.A. University of Saskatchewan, 1969. M.A. University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1971. A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the school of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standards THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA January 1974 In presenting th i s thesis in pa r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary shal l make it f ree ly ava i lab le for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th is thesis for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives. It is understood that copying or pub l i cat ion of th is thesis for f inanc ia l gain shal l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The Univers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada i i ABSTRACT Urban planning faces a tremendous challenge: changing i t s r o l e from land use planning to one of responding to "the current and urgent problems of the c i t y " . Under such circumstances the en t i r e approach to planning has come under question. Waterston summarizes the current problem i n hi s "three-horned planning dilemma". He asserts there are three approaches to planning, a l l of which must f a i l : comprehensive planning which assumes long-range s o c i e t a l goals can be i d e n t i f i e d , systems planning which attempts to provide structured solu-tions to unstructured problems, and p a r t i a l planning which merely f i g h t s "brush-f i r e s " . This discourse engages i n a search f o r a way around the "three-horned planning dilemma". A dual methodology was used i n this study. F i r s t inductive research was selected which allowed a search f o r a new model of planning unconstrained and not misdirected by past planning t h e o r y — a confusing l i t e r a t u r e . With t h i s freedom, the inductive method n a t u r a l l y directed the research from a broad empirical base to generalizations, of a new theory. The second part of the methodology was the use of the case study technique. This search f o r a new model focused on a seemingly innovative urban plan-ning agency. A case examination of planning i n the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t between 1969 and 1973 provided the data base f o r the research. The four middle chapters contain the de t a i l e d descriptions of planning i n the GVRD. The case material provided basic conceptualizations f o r a d i s t i n c t model of urban planning as prac t i c e d i n the GVRD. GVRD planning proved to be i i i a b s o l u t e l y d i f f e r e n t from current planning p r a c t i c e , and four major character-i s t i c s of t h e i r planning were i d e n t i f i e d : 1. Auto-Action which s t i m u l a t e s a wide range of planning a c t i o n s , 2. Q u a l i t a t i v e A n a l y s i s combining technique and d i v e r s e judgments, 3. P o l i t i c a l Dialogue or working out program design, a n a l y s i s , and s o l u t i o n s w i t h p o l i t i c i a n s , and 4. General I n t e r a c t i o n which i n -volves the p u b l i c , l o c a l and sen i o r governments, and consul t a n t s . The i n d u c t i v e process moved the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n beyond case m a t e r i a l and the GVRD model to a new model of urban planning. Processes and theory of GVRD planning l e d to a new bundle of planning theory l i t e r a t u r e p r i m a r i l y the works of Ruth Mack, John Friedmann, and Edgar Dunn. A "Learning Model" of urban planning evolved which had four c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : 1. goal development as an e s s e n t i a l p a r t of the planning process and goal determination through wide-spread d i a l o g u e , 2. the inherent l i m i t a t i o n s of S o c i a l Knowledge which can be overcome by t r a n s a c t i v e planning and mutual l e a r n i n g , 3. Bottom-up Planning as the extensive use of l o c a l task f o r c e s , and 4. S o c i a l Change, i n the form of new s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s , as o f f e r i n g promise f o r s o l u t i o n s rather than d e a l i n g w i t h symptoms. The Learning Model evolved from one p a r t i c u l a r case which l i m i t s i t s range as a generic theory. I t has, however, provided a l i n k between p r a c t i c e and theory and has complemented a new wave of planning theory. i v TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE PART ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER ONE: PROBLEM AND RESEARCH DESIGN . 2 The Problem . 3 Comprehensive Planning 5 Systems Planning 7 P a r t i a l Planning 11 Research Design . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 CHAPTER TWO: AN OVERVIEW OF CANADIAN URBAN PLANNING 23 Formal Beginnings: 1909 - 1931 . 24 I n a c t i v i t y : 1932 - 1943 . 28 Restart: 1944 - 1950 . 29 Rise of Public Agencies: 1950 - 1970 33 Recent C r i t i c i s m : 1970 - present 38 Conclusion 41 PART TWO: URBAN PLANNING IN THE GREATER VANCOUVER REGIONAL DISTRICT: 1969 - 1973 48 Introduction . 49 CHAPTER THREE: A NEW CONSCIOUSNESS: GVRD PLANNING IN 1969-70 . . 50 Frame of Reference 56 Senior S t a f f . . . . . . . . . 60 Departmental Organization . . . . . . . . . . 62 Basic Work 64 The Great C i t y D e b a t e — F i r s t Retreat . 67 Salt Spring 70 What Form of Plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Harrison Seminar . . . . . . . . . 74 V Goals Seminar • 76 Summary 82 CHAPTER FOUR: FIRST BOLD MOVES: GVRD PLANNING IN 1971 . . . . . . 89 Broad Brush Transportation Plan Stream . 91 Regional Transportation as a GVRD Function 96 Regional Plan and P o l i c y Making Stream 99 Project Alpha . 99 L i v a b i l i t y Indicators Study . . . . • . 104 Start of the Pub l i c Program 106 Other Streams 110 Summary 112 CHAPTER FIVE: FLYING APART: GVRD PLANNING IN 1972 118 Mount Baker Retreat 118 Lash's Tour of B r i t i s h Planning 122 Pu b l i c Program . . . . . 124 Issue Investigation . 129 Other Work 133 Manning Park Retreat • • • 136 Coach House Retreat . 139 A Report on L i v a b i l i t y . 142 Summary . . . . . . 145 CHAPTER SIX: BIG PUSH AND DISCOVERY: GVRD PLANNING IN THE FIRST HALF OF 1973 . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 Tooling Up for the Accelerated Program 153 Pu b l i c Program 157 Po l i c y Committees . . . . . 162 Matrix One 171 Land Prices Seminar . . . . . . . 179 Buchanan Seminar . . . . . . . . . 180 v i Other Work . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Summary 181 PART THREE: INTERPRETATIONS . 190 I n t r o d u c t i o n 191 CHAPTER SEVEN: AN INTERPRETATION OF GVRD'S PLANNING . . . . . . . . 192. Process ' 192 Auto-action 192 Q u a l i t a t i v e A n a l y s i s 198 P o l i t i c a l Dialogue 202 General Interaction 207 A Comparison w i t h Current P r a c t i c e 214 The Three-horned Planning Dilemma R e v i s i t e d 215 CHAPTER EIGHT: A LEARNING MODEL OF URBAN PLANNING 222 The New Model • • • 225 Dunn's Theory 226 Goals 2 2 8 S o c i a l Knowledge 231 Bottom-up Planning . . . . 234 S o c i a l Change • 237 Some Nagging Questions . . . . . . . . . . 240 Conclusion 242 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . 248 APPENDICES . 259 v i i LIST OF FIGURES PAGE Figure 1: Streams of GVRD Planning, 1969 - 1973 53 Figure 2: Proposed Transportation Studies—1973 . . 94 Figure 3: Actual Transportation Studies, 1973 95 Figure 4: Model of GVRD Planning 193 Figure 5: Major Studies of Urban Planning 261 v i i i LIST OF APPENDICES PAGE Appendix A: Studies of Urban Planning 260 Appendix B: Work by Subject Matter 279 Appendix C: Pr o f e s s i o n a l Staff 281 Appendix D: Comparison of Proposed and Actual Transportation . Study Programs 283 Appendix E: Consultants Used by GVRD Planning 285 Appendix F: L i s t of Objectives 290 Appendix G: L i s t of Means 294 Appendix H: Comparison of GVRD Planning with Current P r a c t i c e ... 297 Appendix I: Comparison of GVRD Planning with the Three Basic Types of Planning 300 Appendix J : GVRD Boundaries 302 i x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A study of an activity l i k e the practice of urban planning relies heavily on the cooperation of practicing planners. For this research, Harry Lash and the planning staff of the G.V.R.D. offered an extraordinary openess of records, proceedings, ideas and hearts which not only made this study possible but also provided a rich idea source for the future development of planning. Thank you G.V.R.D. planners for sharing your work. I also wish to extend thanks to Professors Wiesman, Wallin, and Milne. During my doctoral studies Professor Wiesman provided a special understanding of this project which few others could have given. Professors Wallin and Milne f a c i l i t a t e d a new linkage of planning, administration, and organization theory through their intellectual insights and challenges. For a rich source of ideas and intellectual stimulation, I thank Ruth Mack, Edgar Dunn, and John Friedmann. May I also thank Wendy Gerecke for providing a higher level of support which maintained our healthy lives under times pressure. PREFACE This study searches for a new approach to urban planning through the experiences of a major Canadian urban planning agency. The general objective is to identify a new model of urban planning. Part One introduces the subject matter with a problem statement in Chapter One and a review of current practice, including some his t o r i c a l back-ground, in Chapter Two. There are four chapters to Part Two which together form a case study of a striving urban planning agency over the past four years Part Three offers an interpretation of the data from the case study which is contained i n Chapter Seven. Finally, a new model of urban planning i s present ed in Chapter Eight along with conclusions from the research. 1 PART ONE INTRODUCTION 2 CHAPTER ONE THE PROBLEM AND RESEARCH DESIGN A tremendous challenge faces urban planning today. Nearly a l l North American c i t i e s have f u l l time planning agencies, but their activities are largely based on traditional concepts of urban design and land-use planning. The planners clients, politicians and the public, are demanding a new role for planning to which i t is not responding. Herbert Gans says planners must develop a method of planning that w i l l provide the c i t i e s with rational but p o l i t i c a l l y relevant advice on how to solve problems of the city. To put i t another way, what the cities are ask-ing is that the city planner become a planner who deals with the cur-rent and urgent problems of the city, and cease being a urbanist, a professional concerned with the physical^city and an advocate of an ideal (or comprehensively planned) city. Critics of urban planning are becoming numerous. Jane Jacobs started the c r i t i c a l movement with her attack of the practice as applied to urban 2 renewal. She was followed by others who proved conclusively that urban 3 4 renewal was a failure. Subsequently, Robert Goodman found that the decen-tralizatized and participatory Model Cities approach came to the same end. He calls for "demystifying the profession" which really means transferring it s useful s k i l l s to the people for a saner use of technology. Such arguments typically classify the planner as part of the problem and c a l l for p o l i t i c a l solutions. Another example of criticism is Jon Gower Davies' study of a plan-ning exercise in Newcastle upon Tyne.^ A decaying neighborhood was to be revitalized through planning instead of bulldozing, but through a comedy of 3 errors, and a blind belief by planners that their ways were right, the scheme ended in a disaster: the homes of 4000 people were expropriated for demolition and the residents condemned to anxiety and misery. Davies says If planners and their colleagues in related fields are to be able to make a legitimate claim of being liberators rather than oppressors, then they must transfer the zeal with which they pursue the latest in technical gimmickry to an analysis of the society in which they function and in which they market their wares. The sloppy thinking that characterizes so many planning documents reveals just how com-mitted to the status quo our planners have become. Brave words about affluence and modern image become so much hot air when confronted by the reality of a socio-economic system which must^be changed before planning can become either possible or desirable. Last, in our sampling of planning criticisms, we turn to a prominent planner. Marshall Kaplan has t i t l e d his recent book Urban Planning in the 1960's: A Design for Irrelevancy, indeed a very serious charge. From many years experience he observes that one need not look for evidence, even i f anecdotal, to show that the impact of the planning profession on the quality of urban l i f e has been marginal at best and, at times, negative.... It is not easy to pinpoint the reasons for the impotence of the planning profession. I, for one, am convinced, however, that a good part of the blame rests on the unwillingness of planners—and indeed of clients and constituents—to challenge ideas in common currency concerning pro-fessional goals, patterns of behavior, and techniques.^ The above comments suggest two approaches to overcome the irrelevancy of current urban planning: seek a p o l i t i c a l solution in place of planning, or develop new methodologies for government planning. While valid claims may be made for each, this thesis searches for new methodologies for institutional-8 ized public planning. This does not exclude politicized planning as part of government planning. The Problem From the above discussion, the implied problem of urban planning is i t s failure to match i t s work to the conditions of the environment. But i t is incomplete to see the problem as formalism, where Institutional goals have taken over original goals, or simply as a problem of bureaucracy. We must expand our problem definition. A Following the r e l a t i o n s h i p between planning and i t s environment a l i t t l e f urther, we a r r i v e at the paradox of planning. As Friedmann states i t where the need to plan i s greatest, because changes have accelerated beyond the l e v e l s of past experience, planning tends to be l e a s t e f f e c t i v e ; where the amount of perceptible change i s small, so that planning can be carried out on the basis of nearly perfect knowledge, i t i s not needed. 9 T r i s t also i d e n t i f i e s this paradox when he says the greater the degree of change, the greater the need for planning, otherwise precedents of the past could guide the future; but the greater the degree of uncertainty, the greater the l i k e l i h o o d that plans r i g h t today w i l l be wrong tomorrow.-^ With such a paradox to overcome i t i s no wonder that urban planning has had s l i g h t success. And i t i s most l i k e l y that the planning paradox never can be f u l l y eliminated by any planning methodology. It i s also most l i k e l y that large scale public planning w i l l continue as a major a c t i v i t y of government i n developed countries. Accordingly a planning methodology which minimizes the paradox i s e s s e n t i a l . The problem of planning may then be broadly defined as developing a methodology which w i l l make i t a much more e f f e c t i v e a c t i v i t y . The problem can be further understood by reviewing what i s d e f i c i e n t i n current methodo-l o g i e s . Albert Waterston, an i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y known planner, presents the following thesis Three major approaches are d i s c e r n i b l e i n the l i t e r a t u r e concerned with the theory and p r a c t i c e of planning. The f i r s t i s the conven-t i o n a l form generally accepted today which seeks to maximize benefits through r a t i o n a l choice of means among a v a i l a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s to achieve s p e c i f i c objectives. Conventional planning i s usually em-bodied, at the national (or regional) l e v e l , i n a global aggregative, multi-annual plan for an economy or, at the urban l e v e l , i n a master or general plan for a c i t y or metropolitan d i s t r i c t . The second approach seeks to optimize benefits obtainable from a v a i l a b l e r e -sources. It usually r e l i e s on sophisticated econometric techniques. The t h i r d approach i s a p a r t i a l , frequently i n t u i t i v e , approach to planning which attempts to achieve r e s u l t s on a piecemeal b a s i s . ^ These three approaches w i l l hereafter be referred to as comprehensive, 12 systems and p a r t i a l planning for easy i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . Waterston's thesis i s that none of these o f f e r s hope for planning. B r i e f l y he presents a "three horned planning dilemma"—(1) comprehensive planning is thwarted by inevitable data gaps and generalized goals cannot satisfy a diversified society; (2) sys-tems planning just seeks to provide structured solutions to problems which are essentially unstructured; and (3) partial planning is "squeaky wheel" planning with no assurance of being any better than the other two. He sug-gests that "a new conceptual framework is required better to meet current needs ,,13 Waterston's thesis can be expanded by examining each of these plan-ning approaches separately, including more explicit definitions and a sum-mary of defects. Comprehensive Planning A comprehensive plan "is the o f f i c i a l statement of a municipal legis-lative body which sets forth its major policies concerning desirable future physical development.""^ Such plans are comprehensive in that they cover the total area of the city or metropolitan area, and are always long range: usually with a 20 to 30 year time horizon.. Normally a comprehensive plan has three elements: a pattern of land uses, community f a c i l i t y needs and loca-tions, and transportation networks for the future c i t y . Comprehensive plan-ning gained acceptance around the turn of the century and has been included in nearly a l l planning enabling legislation for Provinces and States in North America. The comprehensive planning process can be shown in a simple model as follows: planning legislation community goals planner selects > "best" basic studies pattern —forecast of requirements and urban pat-terns p o l i t i c a l authority adoption plan plan implement. zoning and capital bud-get revise each 5 years Since legislation assumes that a chief purpose of planning is to prepare a comprehensive plan, planners w i l l usually i n i t i a t e such plans as a matter of right. Basic studies such as population, economic base, land-use, transporta-tion, recreation and community f a c i l i t i e s are conducted with each yielding a prediction of needs for the 20-30 year planning period. These predictions in aggregate can be met by alternative physical patterns which are judged accord-ing to the planners Interpretation of community goals (usually health, order, efficiency and beauty). A best urban pattern emerges which is then sold to the politicians who adopt the plan as a guide, but not as a legal document. In this context i t is often called an impermanent constitution. Subsequent action through zoning and subdivision regulations and public investments implements the plan. Enabling legislation most often requires comprehensive plans to be updated every five years. Most criticisms of comprehensive planning start out with the fact that i t just hasn't worked. There are several more fundamental flaws. Friedmann has suggested six reasons for the failure of comprehensive planning. 1. Diverse values cannot be integrated into a single normative scheme, they can only be resolved through the process of negotia-tion, bargaining, and p o l i t i c a l pressure; 2. It cannot readily incorporate changes in the external environment, i.e. there are large uncertainties and prediction is therefore imperfect; 3. Partial knowledge by planners necessitates the f i l l i n g in of the comprehensive plan by their intuitions which need be no more valid than anyone elses, i.e. a l l needed data is never available; 4. "Comprehensive planners assume a capacity for central coordination that rarely exists in fact"; 5. Comprehensive planning assumes static institutional arrangements whereas rapid change calls for new institutional arrangements to 7 handle innovation, and 6. "The logic of comprehensive planning is inconsistent with the imperatives for action" which focus on limited objectives, short range, and opportunitism. In other words, implementation of end-state plans requires a large leap forward which poses major p o l i t i -16 cal, economic and administrative hurdles. Waterston also adds the di f f i c u l t y of formulating an internally consistent plan "because much of what passes for planning is ad hoc and based on hunch.""'"'' Comprehensive planning also employs extensive use of standards and regulations: the former in determining urban patterns and the latter in implementing the plan. According to Webber, standards and regulations share deficiencies with the plan. He claims the planner has three major social inventions, the comprehensive plan, the technical standard and the regulation. Three underlying conceptions of the plan-standards-regulations approach need to be re-examined: First is the notion that there is a meaningful community, comprising a l l residents of a city or con-nurbation, who hold to a coherent value system that ties them to-gether. Second is the idea that technical requirements and stand-ards can be discovered that conform to and further value systems. Third is the expectation that we can conceive a system-wide cit y -development policy that is technically valid and that w i l l promote the overall community's interests. I suggest that the f i r s t two of these propositions are untenable and that the third is unattainable. While comprehensive planning continues to be followed in practice, there has been during the 60's and 70's a "noiseless secession" from com-19 prehensive planning in theory. This w i l l be discussed under systems plan-ning. Systems Planning A trend to the development of systems methods for urban planning is well underway. A dominant theme of this trend is to c a l l for a replacement of the simplistic notion of a normative end-state of land uses by a view of "man's environment as being composed of several interacting and interdependent 8 20 dimensions" or a dynamic system. This has been conceptualized by Foley as a distinction between "unitary" and "adaptive" approaches. The unitary or comprehensive approach views the city as a spatial, physical form and views planning as the creation of a future physical form (goal) plan. On the other hand the adaptive approach to urban or metropolitan planning views the city or the metropolitan community as.a complex interaction of diverse and functionally interdependent parts, with the parts evolving over time as they seek to adapt to the ever-changing contexts around them. This approach focuses on process, particularly the interactions that take place on a daily or short-term cycle—such as commuting, shopping, weekday business dealing, weekend recreational trips and acti v i t i e s , etc.—rather than on longer-term cycles. Metropolitan planning, from this point of view, would seek f i r s t to gain a f u l l understanding of how establishments and households interact (via the myriad actors involved), and how the metropolitan area develops over time. It then would seek to identify alternative development policies and to exam-ine the probable implications of each in the light of certain estab-lished c r i t e r i a as to desirable future conditions or optimal decision-making conditions. Planning, according to this approach, would seek to influence various of the development forces at^work rather than aiming for a future metropolitan form as a goal. 22 While the systems approach is best developed in theory, there have also been some operational projects. Thirteen U.S. cities started systematic metropolitan land-use and transportation planning programs in the 60's, the most famous being the Penn-Jersey study. Also several urban simulation models have recently begun of which the Vancouver Regional Inter-institutional Policy Simulator (HPS) is one. For a clearer understanding of the systems approach a model based on 23 McLoughlin's work is presented below. development proposal existing state model systems traj ectory plan >] control analysis advice action 9 Before tr a c i n g through the process i n the above model, i t i s e s s e n t i a l to understand the "systems t r a j e c t o r y plan" step. An urban systems t r a j e c t o r y i s a sequence of future states at regular time i n t e r v a l s . These are obtained through a recursive model which simulates the evolution of a system i n stages with the output of each stage being the input of the next. Advantages of the recursive model over more s t a t i c p r e d i c t i v e models are that one can observe dynamic evolution at each stage, non-linear trends can be inserted at the appropriate stage, and the planner can intervene i n the simulation at any time to a l t e r any assumptions as previous r e s u l t s may suggest. Several sys-tems t r a j e c t o r i e s emerge from such modelling and a best a l t e r n a t i v e or a systems t r a j e c t o r y plan i s selected by comparing the a l t e r n a t i v e with the given goals. The above systems model involves four steps. F i r s t an urban develop-ment proposal i s received. Second, t h i s proposal i s added into the e x i s t i n g s tate model and i t s impact i s simulated. T h i r d , the r e s u l t i n g plan i s com-pared with the best systems t r a j e c t o r y plan or intended state model. I f the plan contributes to achieving the intended state, i t i s supported; i f i t leads i n another d i r e c t i o n i t i s rejected. This l a s t step may be c a l l e d a control a c t i v i t y which i n p r a c t i c e would not be so simple. Frequently the comparison between the r e a l world and the future model may not y i e l d a clear answer on the d e s i r a b i l i t y of the development proposal. However, i n making the compari-son new r e l a t i o n s h i p s can be discovered which increase the p r e d i c t i v e powers 25 of the systems approach. L a s t l y , advice i s given based on the learning from the control a c t i v i t y and action taken. Systems planning need not be so complex and may take the form of mere-ly t r y i n g to keep urban systems in equilibrium. The objective i s to bring the urban system into equilibrium a f t e r each disturbance. H o l l i n g and Gold-berg have suggested a theory of urban planning of this type which i s important to us because they are also the designers of the Vancouver Regional Inter-10 institutional Policy Simulator (HPS) . They find a similarity between ecolo-gical and urban systems and suggest "there must be a set of urban equilibrium conditions...(and) these equilibrium states must exist within a domain of 26 s t a b i l i t y that defines the resilience of the urban systems." To avoid unexpected consequences and keep urban systems from exceeding undesirable thresholds, they identify the following goals for urban systems: diversity and complexity to add resilience, and small or bounded decisions to maintain st a b i l i t y . Systems planning is currently in vogue, and is referred to as the "new Utopia". "New Utopian" city planners and social engineers project self-regulat-ing large scale and complex organic eco-systems and biotectures. They study how to govern continuous complex social and physical environ-ments. They experiment with systems theory and translate the latest results to our present c i t i e s , intending to support new directions in city planning: the change from the sequential implementation of unique ideas to a constant steering of tendencies and processes; the change from the practice of pure art and organization to a s c i e n t i f i c method of steering urban systems. Their basic idea is to liberate society from material and physical restrictions through the implemen-tation of an open, flexible, continually changing and transparent, balanced, non-exploited environment which is supposed to stimulate society to change and in turn be changed through society. 2^ But through the mysticism of this new utopia many d i f f i c u l t i e s can be seen. Major criticisms of systems planning are as follows: 1. Non-quantifiable variables are largely ignored because of the problems of relating them to quantifiable variables. In other words there i s a data problem. 2. Qualitative analysis i s rejected i n favor of quantitative analysis. 3. Despite claims that systems planning can be a learning process, detailed outputs tend to be interpreted as solutions, i.e. com-puter magic. 4. A l l problems are seen as s c i e n t i f i c problems with rational solu-tions. For example MIT's Dean of Engineering, Gordon Brown, has said "I doubt i f there i s such a thing as an urban c r i s i s , but If 11 there were, MIT would l i c k i t i n the same way we handled the 28 Second World War." 5. There i s a tendance to functionalism rather than humanism. Present s o c i a l structures are accepted as given and the idea of construct-ing a new s o c i a l order i s renounced. 6. I t builds on the e x i s t i n g order, and therefore i s low on innova-t i o n . 7. Urban systems thinking adapts to the i r r a t i o n a l i t y of c a p i t a l i s m 2 9 rather than to the needs of people. Attention now s h i f t s to p a r t i a l planning. P a r t i a l Planning P a r t i a l planning i s most simply what i s done when the other approaches prove too d i f f i c u l t . Waterston says i n theory p a r t i a l planning i s always I worse than other approaches, but i n p r a c t i c e i t seems bet t e r because i t i s the easiest to apply. I t i s e a s i l y understood as "seat-of-the-pants" planning or as "squeaky wheel" planning. In planners terms t h i s means problem planning or conducting s p e c i a l research for p a r t i c u l a r problems as they occur. S p e c i f i c a l l y the model for p a r t i a l urban planning i s as follows: tension a l t e r n a t i v e s & consequences recommendation based on the "public i n t e r e s t " action >— F i r s t , tension i n the environment signals a problem. Through analysis a l t e r -native solutions and consequences are l i s t e d , generally as i n Simon's " s a t i s -30 ficing man". In t h i s process a s o l u t i o n i s selected which best meets the planner's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the public i n t e r e s t and this w i l l usually accord with what i s considered "to be p o l i t i c a l l y v i a b l e . Action then follows d i r e c t -ed at r e l i e v i n g the tension. In theory, p a r t i a l planning can be associated with Lindblom's 12 31 "partisan mutual adjustment" or incrementalism. Lindblom outlines a new theory of decision making which he believes describes reality and provides a normative model for good decisions. It absolutely contradicts the rational comprehensive model of decision making; therefore, partial planning and com-prehensive planning are at opposite ends of a continuum. Essentially Lindblom's model minimizes the debate over values because ends can only be discovered in the consideration of means, i t calls for a series of small decisions with only slight changes from the status quo which limits analysis over outcomes, and includes alternatives through the p l u r a l i s t i c structure of interests—consensus equals a good or rational decision. Flaws in partial planning and incrementalism are as follows: 1. Partial planning doesn't yield satisfactory change. "Incremental change is only a form of adaptation which leaves basically intact 32 what ought to be changed." 2. Policy development is not advanced by partial planning. Ad hoc policies may cancel out one another, be circular or lead nowhere. Partial planning is more a theory of agency survival than an ad-vance in policy making. 3. Innovation is kept down by being limited to small or isolated changes. Since organizations already have a tendency to limit their search for alternatives, there is no need to further restrict them. 4. Incremental decision making really occurs within the context of fundamental decisions. "Most incremental decisions specify or anticipate fundamental decisions, and the cumulative value of the incremental decisions is greatly affected by the related funda-33 mental decisions." 5. Small changes to the environment only can be considered optimal when there is high social s t a b i l i t y . Under rapid change, the past 1 3 becomes a poor c r i t e r i a for the future. 6. There i s no way of evaluating the action. Consensus and pluralism are the ingredients to a good decision, but are the r i g h t represen-tatives of pluralism present? Or does incrementalism and p a r t i a l 34 planning tend to represent the in t e r e s t s of the most powerful? It i s now appropriate to summarize the planning problem. Comprehen-sive^ systems and p a r t i a l planning share two major problems. F i r s t , none of them adequately handle change. Comprehensive planning cannot e a s i l y incor-porate unexpected change into i t s plans, systems planning i s based upon con-t i n u i t y i n the e x i s t i n g order, and p a r t i a l planning minimizes change and i s Inadequate under conditions of rapid change. To be more e f f e c t i v e urban plan-ning cannot e a s i l y incorporate unexpected change into i t s plans, systems plan-ning i s based upon continuity i n the e x i s t i n g order, and p a r t i a l planning min-imizes change and i s inadequate under conditions of rapid change. To be more e f f e c t i v e urban planning somehow must be able to include the dynamics of change i n i t s processes. This change problem has been noted e a r l i e r i n the planning paradox. Second, and perhaps the other side of the coin, these approaches are committed to the e x i s t i n g power structure. Comprehensive plan-ning assumes s t a t i c i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements, and the nature of the plan i s inconsistent with the imperatives for action. Systems planning, according to Kuenzlen, i s the t o o l of the power structure, and p a r t i a l planning r e l i e s on consensus of the most i n f l u e n t i a l . In other words, urban planning has a low action p r o f i l e . In addition to these two shared problems, there i s a problem of a lack of synthesis among the three approaches. Each approach has i t s own weakness and strengths, an overview of which i s presented i n Table 1. 14 Table 1 : Trade-offs among planning approaches major weakness major strength comprehensive simplistic goals innovative incomplete data systems non-qualitative, interrelationships, computer magic learning partial status quo qualitative oriented The approaches tend to be mutually exclusive; any one approach may overcome the weaknesses of the other two but brings i t s own particular shortcomings. This i s a zero-sum game where one gain is offset by a new loss. In a highly generalized way, these three approaches could be characterized as Utopian, s c i e n t i f i c , and pragmatic, respectively, with major trade-offs involved among them. To make planning more effective, one could determine which approach best matches a certain environment or circumstance. Such a strategic use of planning approaches may yield short term benefits, but i t clouds over the larger problem of a lack of synthesis. Planning methodology needs to move beyond exclusive alternatives and toward a methodology which can aggregate strengths while minimizing weaknesses. Research Design The objective of this research is to identify characteristics of a model of planning which may overcome the "three-horned planning dilemma". In other words, identify a planning activity which avoids the problems of non-adaption to change, over-commitment to the power structure, and a zero-sum synthesis among comprehensive^systems and partial planning. > There are two major types of research: deductive and inductive. De-duction is "the process of reasoning from general principles to particular 35 instances." It assumes the existence of valid general principles or accept-able theoretical framework and seeks to refine the theory by adding knowledge about a specific area which henceforth was unexplained. In practice, deduct-15 ive research is characterized by a review of the literature, identifying an area of deficiency, suggesting an hypothesis consistent with the general theory, and testing the hypothesis through the collection and analysis of data. Bolan offers an excellent example of deductive planning theory in his article 36 on "Community Decision Behaviour". He examines general theory in terms of rationality, roles, environment, strategies and issue characteristics for planning from which he presents a model of community decision behaviour and a series of hypotheses for future testing. Unfortunately many deductive plan-ning theories emerging from academe are never tested. On the other hand, induction "is the process of reasoning from indi-37 vidual instances to general principles." A generalized theory is not cen-t r a l to this method. It focuses on a particular phenomena requiring explana-tion. "The experimental method is basically inductive, in that general con-38 elusions are derived from individual observations." In addition to induct-ive research in the physical sciences, that is describing seemingly peculiar phenomena, considerable social science research also follows the Inductive method. A prime example is anthropological research which describes unfami-l i a r cultures in great detail. While deductive research is often favoured, because of its appearance of being more rigorous, there are signs that inductive research may be of extreme importance to contemporary society. Numerous scholars see the growth 39 of knowledge as not only cumulative but also revolutionary. Thus there are two modes of social learning, Normally i t i s a process of social system refinement under the control of accepted system goals. This normal practice, however, occasionally, reveals anomalies or new knowledge that leads to a paradigm shift or social reorganization. When this occurs the concepts of system entity and system goals are, themselves, revised. The developmental hypothe-sis takes the form of hypothecating that a different form of game from the one currently^played might prove superior. These correspond to the deductive and inductive approaches in which inductive research deals with fundamental societal changes or new schools of thought. 16 A frequently used example of paradigm shift is the replacement of Aristotel-ian physics by Newtonian physics and, in turn, its replacement by quantum mechanics. Similar major shifts are occurring within the social sciences. For example, Dunn identifies areas of major shifts in the following areas: philosophy, psychology, cybernetics and general systems theory, decision 41 theory and organizational theory and economics. Revolutionary theories or paradigm shifts occur through a process of 42 concept displacement. This is based on several premises. F i r s t , cumulative knowledge occurs within the assumptions of current orthodoxy but is subject to occasional revolutionary changes (as described above). Along with this is the recognition that man's knowledge of reality, at any one time, is small. Second, and most important, innovation or invention is acknowledged as the source of new theories as distinct from the completion of old theories. Last-ly, a paradigm shift only occurs when these new ideas are accepted by the com-munity which is similar to the diffusion of technical innovations. The latter means that theory cannot be separated from man himself. Within this frame-work inductive research is of great importance because i t can identify innova-tion and provide the language for the diffusion of innovation. This study follows inductive research. By accepting Waterston's thesis of the three-horned planning dilemma", the existing theoretical base of planning has been found wanting. Accordingly, this study searches for a new planning model which overcomes the deficiencies of the three schools of thought in the "three-horned dilemma". In moving from the particular to the general, a particular example of innovative urban planning had to be identified. Such an agency was known to the author from an examination of planning across Canada, professional evalu-ations, and general observations. The Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD) had the appearances of striving to reach beyond accepted planning prac-tice and w a s selected a s the particular example for H t u d y . 17 Next the case study research method was selected because i t compli-mented the inductive approach. That i s , i t allowed a broad yet detailed exam-ination of the selected planning activity. Case studies, however, usually imply that the case is typical. This rule i s explicitly violated in search of new perspectives toward resolving the "three-horned planning dilemma". Other reasons for using a case study are as follows: 1. The linkage of practice and theory. "Practice not only provides a springboard for new conceptualizations; i t is also the condi-43 tion for their ultimate test under f i r e . " With such a broad and d i f f i c u l t problem to tackle, i t became expedient to take advantage of the natural link of practice and theory and the tacit knowledge within an ongoing activity. 2. To capture the planning process in detail. Empirical studies of planning emphasize p o l i t i c a l constraints, issues or failings, and have not provided detailed descriptions of how planning is done (see Appendix A). A case study of a planning process promises a more complete understanding of urban planning, albeit one case which may be atypical. 3. Predetermined parameters would be inadequate. Parameters presume the outcome in advance whereas this research searches for an un-44 known. Accordingly a broad view of the agency was necessary. Data collection for a case study presents a special problem: a l l data should be collected but cannot be. As w i l l be outlined in Part Two, this was handled in two ways. First, what the agency spent their "energy" on, in terms of annual priorities and actual man/hours for projects, was used as a c r i t e r -ion for data collection. Second, verification of this data through systematic review by key staff members of the written accounts for each year was made. Of equal importance, extreme care and hard work accompanied a l l data .collec-tion. The research concurs with P.W. iiridgman thut Jn the end "the scientist 18 45 has no other method than doing his damndest". Ultimately i t is up to sub-sequent research to verify or refute the record here presented. Finally, i t should be pointed out that this inductive exercise in search of a new model for urban planning offers no assurance that an accept-able new model w i l l be found. The test of a paradigm shift for urban planning w i l l be in the general acceptance of innovations uncovered in the GVRD. Mere identification of these innovations in no way guarantees their general adop-tion; five years from now they may a l l be forgotten and GVRD may be pursuing a different model. On the other hand, identification and amplification of these innovations is a prerequisite to their diffusion and the prime contribu-tion that inductive research can make. 19 FOOTNOTES 1. Gans, Herbert J., "The Need for Planners Trained in Policy Forma-tion", in Erber, E.(ed . ) j Urban Planning in Transition, Grossman, 1970, p. 240. 2. Jacobs, Jane, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Random House, 1961. 3. see Anderson, Martin, The Federal Bulldozer, McGraw-Hill, 1964. 4. Goodman, Robert, After the Planners, Simon and Schuster, 1972. 5 i Davies, Jon Gower, The Evangelistic Bureaucrat, Tavistock Publi-cations, 19 72. 6. Ibid., p. 232. 7. Kaplan, Marshall, Urban Planning in the 1960's: A Design for Irrelevancy, Praeger, 1973, pp. v-vi. 8. In an excellent recent study, Reginald McLemore, "Effecting Change in Low-Income Areas" unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Waterloo, 1972, the p o l i t i c a l and institutional approaches are put in perspective. These are the community control model in which the community controls the change process, and an adaptive organizations model in which control is l e f t in the hands of existing governments but planners are more flexible and open. While he favors the former he does not see them as mutually exclusive and says that maybe the adaptive organizations model is just a transitional stage to community control. This researcher believes that government planning w i l l continue as a major activity along with big government; therefore, i t is most likely that both w i l l for some time be important parts of planning. 9. Friedmann, John, Retracking America, Anchor, 1973, p. 133. 10. Trist, Eric, "Urban North America—the Challenge of the Next Thirty Years", Plan Canada, Vol. 10, No. 3, 1970, p. 5. 11. Waterston, Albert, "Resolving the Three-horned Planning Dilemma", itcc review, Association of Engineers and Architects in Israel, Tel Aviv, Vol. 1, No. 4, October 1972, p. 19. 12. Waterston's conceptualizations apply to national, regional and urban'planning whereas this thesis deals with urban planning. Accordingly a change in terminology makes our presentation apply more precisely to urban planning. Particularly note the change in the second approach. Waterston refers to this as involving econometrics, such as cost benefit. While this is the type of sophisticated planning which frequently occurs at the national level, the comparable approach at the urban level i s systems planning. 13. Waterston, op. c i t . , p. 19. 14. Waterston's three approaches are accepted as an overview of plan-ning theory rather than making a new review which would be very d i f f i c u l t due to the "babble" of this literature. Traditionally planning schools have in -cluded a planning theory course in their curriculum, but recently they are 20 disappearing. As one head of a Canadian school s a i d , "we have not been able to f i g u r e out what planning theory i s so we have no such course." Another reason for i t s decline i s that "planning theory" l i k e l y cannot be separated from the theory of substantive planning courses. A review of "Planning Theory i n Contemporary Professional Education" was made by Henry Hightower i n 1969: Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, September. He found' that "theory can no longer be separated into i t s own pigeonhole" but went on anyway to l i s t the contents of "planning theory". From t h i s review we may b r i e f l y say planning theory covers administrative and planning procedures from such authors as Simon, Dror, B a n f i e l d and Davidoff; d e c i s i o n models such as cost benefit and PPBS; goals and values through authors such as Lindblom, P e r l o f f , A l t s h u l e r and including c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n s t r a t e g i e s ; and l i t e r a t u r e from the large area of urban structure. 15. Kent, T.J., The Urban General Plan, Chandler, 1964, p. 18. 16. Friedmann, John, "The Future of Comprehensive Planning: a C r i t i q u e " , Public Administration Review, Vol. XXXI, No. 3, pp. 317-18. 17. Waterston, op. c i t . , p. 20. 18. Webber, M.M., "Permissive Planning", Beyond the I n d u s t r i a l Age and Permissive Planning, Centre for Environmental Studies, London, Working Paper, 1968. 19. Perin, Constance, "A Noiseless Secession from the Comprehensive Plan!', Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, September 1967. 20. Loeks, CD., "The New Comprehensiveness: Interpretive Summary", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, September 1967, p. 347. 21. Foley, Donald L., "An Approach to Metropolitan S p a t i a l Struc-ture", i n Webber, M.M., et a l , Explorations into Urban Structure, U. of Pennsylvania Press, 1964, p. 57. 22. see Robinson, I r a M., (ed.), Decision-Making i n Urban Planning, Sage,1972 }and p a r t i c u l a r l y McLoughlin, J . Brian, Urban & Regional Planning: A Systems Approach, Faber and Faber, 1969. 23. McLoughlin, J . Brian, Urban & Regional Planning: A Systems Approach, Faber and Faber, 1969. 24. McLoughlin admits that choosing a plan o f f e r s unsolved problems. To help the planner he suggests three techniques to r e l a t e goals to plans: the cost-benefit method, the balance sheet method and the goals achievement method. In the end he says the p o l i t i c a l process may be the best judge. Ibid., Chapter 10. 25. McLoughlin, op. c i t . , p. 292. 26. H o l l i n g , C S . and Goldberg,• M.A., "Ecology and Planning", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, July 19 71. 27. Kuenzlen, Martin, Playing Urban Games: the Systems Approach to Planning, i press, 1972, pp. 7-8. 28. Time, A p r i l 23, 1973. 21 29. These criticisms are a l l contained in Kuenzlen's provocative book, op. c i t . 30. Simon, H.A. and March, J.G., Organizations, Wiley, 1958. 31. Lindblom, C.E., "The Science of 'Muddling Through'", Public Administration Review, Vol. XIX, No. 2, 1959, and Braybrooke, D., and Lindblom, C.E., A Strategy of Decision, Free Press, 1970. 32. Heydebrand, W., "Administration of Social Change", Public Admin- istration Review . 33. Etzioni, Amitai, "Mixed-Scanning: A 'Third' Approach to Decision-making", Public Administration Review, December 1967, p. 388. 34. These criticisms can be found in Yehezkel Dror, "Muddling Through —'Science' or Inertia"; Roger W. Jones, "The Model as a Decision Maker's Dilemma"; Micky McCleery, "On Remarks Taken Out of Context"; Wolf Heydebrand, "Administration of Social Change"; a l l in Public Administration Review, Vol. XXIV, No. 3, September 1964, and Amitai Etzioni, "Mixed-Scanning: A 'Third' Approach to Decision-making", Public Administration Review, December 1967. 35. Theodorson, G.A., and Theodorson, A.G., Modern Dictionary of Sociology, Crowell, 1970, p. 104. 36. Bolan, R.S., "Community Decision Behaviour: the Culture of Plan-ning", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, September 1969. 37. Theodorsons, op. c i t . , p. 199. 38. Ibid. 39. Kuhn, T.S., The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, University of Chicago Press, 2nd Edition, 1970; Schon, D.A., Beyond the Stable State, Random House, 1971; and Dunn, E.S., Economic and Social Development, John Hopkins Press, 19 71. 40. Dunn, op. c i t . , p. 143. 41. Ibid., Chapter 8. 42. Schon, D.A., Displacement of Concepts, Tavistock Publications, 1963. 43. Friedmann, op. c i t . , p. 235. 44. This research choice was taken after considerable other explora-tions. A dimensions approach to understanding urban planning was developed by the researcher but abandoned after i t proved too cumbersome and failed to give the whole picture. The researcher also developed a deductive model of an ! ideal planning process which underwent considerable discussion among practi-tioners (including a major address to the Town Planning Institute of Canada and a subsequent workshop). The model was quite abstract. Of interest is that the development of a new model in this research from a practical case differs considerably from the former, goes much beyond i t in theory, and is also abstract (planning requires some d i f f i c u l t thinking). 22 45. Kaplan, Abraham, The Conduct of Inquiry, Chandler, 1964, p. 27, quoting Bridgman. 23 • J CHAPTER TWO AN OVERVIEW OF CANADIAN URBAN PLANNING Canadian urban planning has a vivid history marked by dynamic actors, quiescence, the hard-sell to recovery, formalized professional influence, and recently, criticism. An overview of these events is presented in this Chapter to provide background information on the evolution of Canadian planning"*" and to identify the current urban planning model which Will be used as a basis for subsequent analysis. The origin of Canadian planning can be traced to European antecedents. On the other hand, i t may also be associated with nation building: early col<-onial town layouts, frontier towns alongside the railroads, the work of imag-inative surveyors, civic leagues in the s p i r i t of "city beautiful", or the 2 institutionalization of urban planning. Since this historical review serves primarily as an introduction to contemporary practice, i t is sufficient to begin with the institutionalization of Canadian urban planning. It is at this stage that the shift from planning for private clients to planning as a public activity occurred which set the course for today's urban planning. By defini-tion this shift marks the birth of modern Canadian urban planning. It occur-red in 1909 when the Commission of Conservation was established. Within the modern period, five distinct phases can be identified for Canadian urban planning;'each w i l l be described in turn. These are 1. Formal beginnings: 1909 - 1931 - influence of the Commission of Conservation of Natural 24 Resources particularly on planning legislation and the establishment of local and provincial planning. 2. Inactivity: 1932 - 1943 - depression and war shifted priorities and drew off energies. 3. Restart: 1944 - 1950 - new l i f e and support as a part of federal post-war recon-struction a c t i v i t i e s . 4. Rise of public agencies: 1950 - 1970 - acceptance as part of local government administration, i n -creasing planning budgets and number of professional planners 5. Increasing imbalance: 1970's - c r i t i c a l reaction to the growing power of local planning. Formal Beginnings: 1909 - 1931 Strange as i t must seem, modern Canadian urban planning arose from the early conservation movement, the latter being externally stimulated. In 1907 and 1908 two American Commissions were established to deal with inland waters and natural resources in general. President "Roosevelt was aware that to safeguard some American resources would require cooperative efforts with neighboring nations. He proposed that we should take up these questions in 3 Canada, and his proposal was accepted by the Laurier Government". Thus Canada created the Commission of Conservation of Natural Resources by Act of Parliament in 1909. Sir Clifford Sifton, draftsman of the Act, was appointed chairman. Broadly, the Commission's function embraced a l l questions related to the better ut i l i z a t i o n of natural resources of Canada. Early in i t s existence urban planning came to be included in this function through Dr. Hodgetts, one of the f i r s t permanent specialists of the Commission. He saw "two important factors in the question of national conservation, the physical and the v i t a l . The former relates (to) the protecting of our land, our forests, our minerals, 25 our waters, our sunlight, our fresh a i r ; the latter, to the prevention of dis-eases, to health and to the prolongation of l i f e . In housing and town plan-ning we are dealing with most of the former and a l l of the latte r " . ^ This approach led the Commission into urban planning which was high-lighted by the tenure of the eminent British planner, Thomas Adams. In Britain, Adams had been active in the Garden City movement, as a private town planning consultant, a planner for the national government, and one of the founders and f i r s t presidents of the Royal Town Planning Institute. He had previously visited Canada and the U.S. speaking to planning conferences. Upon his arrival in 1914, Sifton introduced him to the Commission as one who has "undoubtedly helped to create in the public mind a better understanding of the questions involved in what may be described as the science of town planning"."' During the eight years, 1914 - 1921, when Adams was with the Commis-sion, great accomplishments were made. As a preface to these accomplishments, and to put them in perspective, let us review planning progress to 1914. According to Adams this included the Winnipeg Tenement House Bylaw of 1909, the town planning begun at the same time and culminating in the Greater Winnipeg planning Com-mission of 1914, the Civic Guild of Toronto begun in 1897, the Toron-to Housing Company's project of 1913, the metropolitan Parks and Planning Commission established in Montreal as a child of the ( s t i l l extant) Montreal Civic Improvement League, and on local plans pre-pared for Prince Rupert, Port Mann, Edmonton, Brantford, Calgary, Ottawa, Halifax and many others; ...Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Alberta had Town Planning Acts, the earliest of them dating from 1912, , based on the British Act of 1909 in part; ...(and) the movement for a National Housing and Town Planning Association or a Civic improvement League of some sort.^ Keeping these notable but disparate and uneven accomplishments in mind, we may now turn to the accomplishments made by Adams and his staff. These may be summarized under five categories. F i r s t , and most general, the Commission planted the seeds of urban planning across the country especially through Adam's writing and speaking. Second, model planning legislation for provincial adoption was refined and promoted. Adams revised the Commission's model act, secured conforming amendments to existing acts, and convinced a l l but two of the remaining provinces to adopt this planning instrument.'' The legislation contained provisions for the establishment of local lay planning commissions, zoning control, and subdivision regulation. Third, Adams spoke and wrote ex-tensively on the need for provincial municipal affairs departments. Many provinces followed his advice, particularly in Western Canada. Fourth, Adams did special consulting work for local councils, for example: a zoning bylaw and draft O f f i c i a l Plan for Halifax, a large town extension scheme for Saint John, two new towns—Ojibway for U.S. Steel near Windsor, and one for a pulp company on Lake Temiskaming, advice on the development of Stanley Park, Van-couver, a housing survey for the City of Ottawa, a redevelopment plan for Halifax after the 1917 explosion, advice on the taxing of oversubdivided lands 8 in Alberta, and a new highway route from Toronto to Hamilton. The f i f t h accomplishment was the establishment of planning as a formal professional act-iv i t y in Canada through the formation of the Town Planning Institute of Canada; Adams led this movement and was the f i r s t President. The Commission of Conservation established urban planning on a uni-form basis in Canada. Their model planning legislation influenced a l l prov-inces and set the parameters for local planning: a lay planning commission, the right to adopt a comprehensive plan, and the powers to zone and regulate the subdivision of land. Other influences toward uniformity were the i n s t i t u -tionalization of provincial planning in departments of municipal affairs par-ticularly on the p r a i r i e s , and establishment of a national professional Institute. Further insight into the period can be gained by viewing the Commis-sion's approach as selective borrowing from British and American practices. The more advanced planning in these countries early in the 20th Century con-tained four major themes between them. In Britain there was the tradition of the public health movement in response to the squalid conditions of the Indus-t r i a l Revolution, and the Utopian t r a d i t i o n best represented by Ebenezer Howard and the garden c i t y movement. In America there was the new instrument of zoning, applied through a lay planning commission, and the c i t y b e a u t i f u l movement a r i s i n g out of the Chicago Exposition of 1893. The Commission of Conservation deemphasized the more aesthetic approaches of garden c i t y and c i t y b e a u t i f u l . For example, Dr. Hodgetts said i t i s "not so much the c i t y b e a u t i f u l as the c i t y healthy that we want for Canada". Rather they borrowed from p u b l i c health, zoning and lay commission t r a d i t i o n s of B r i t i s h and Ameri-can planning r e s p e c t i v e l y . As a r e s u l t , Canadian urban planning emphasized i n s t i t u t i o n a l mechanisms and ways of regulating the p h y s i c a l environment, pr i m a r i l y to secure a i r , sunlight and space. A s p e c i f i c example of compromise between B r i t i s h and American practices occurred over the l o c a l mechanism for planning. B r i t i s h p r a c t i c e favored planning as an administrative function of government while American p r a c t i c e favored the independent lay commission. Adams compromised i n his model l e g i s l a t i o n by creating a commission with a blend of elected, administrative and lay members."*"^ B i l l 187 of the Canadian Parliament's Spring Session 1921 repealed the Commission of Conservation Act. Its demise has been attributed to the expansion of f e d e r a l government departments into areas covered by the.Commis-sion , d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n to the provinces of resource menagement and municipal, planning, and c e r t a i n r i v a l r i e s b u i l t - u p over time within the federal govern-^ 11 ment. The planning work of the Commission, however, had continuing i n f l u -ence. The new planning profession, which attracted able and energetic men, took over Adam's mission to strongly e s t a b l i s h urban planning across t h i s country. Of p a r t i c u l a r importance was the Journal of the Town Planning I n s t i -tute of Canada. I t contributed a profound l i t e r a t u r e on urban planning during 12 i t s p u b l i c a t i o n from 1922 to 1931. Of passing i n t e r e s t i s the I n s t i t u t e ' s o f f i c i a l d e f i n i t i o n of planning which prefaced the Journal: "town planning may 28 be defined as the s c i e n t i f i c and orderly d i s p o s i t i o n of land and buildings i n use and development with a view to obviating congestion and securing economic and s o c i a l e f f i c i e n c y , health and w e l l being i n urban and r u r a l communities". Unfortunately, the Great Depression brought a ha l t to nearly a l l urban plan-ning a c t i v i t y In Canada which marks the end of this f i r s t period. I n a c t i v i t y : 1932 - 1943 The Depression and Second World War l e f t a corresponding void i n Canadian urban planning. Local planning commissions, departments of municipal a f f a i r s and the profession became i n a c t i v e . As evidence of th i s break, "In 1943 a survey was made to determine the extent of community planning i n Canada. Only 100 r e p l i e s were received to 400 questionnaires that were sent to c i t i e s and towns and these r e p l i e s showed that not one c i t y or town had adopted an 14 o f f i c i a l community plan. Only a few were doing much about i t . Humphrey Carver provides one cogent explanation of the Canadian s i t u a t i o n , In both the U.S. and i n B r i t a i n the foundation of present planning ideas and methods was l a i d down during the period between the two wars. In Canada t h i s did not happen. For us the economic Depression of the T h i r t i e s was a vacuum and a complete break with the past. We had no Frederic Osbornes, Abercrombies and Clarence Steins. We had no p u b l i c housing programs and none of the adventurous s o c i a l experi-ments of the New Deal. In the Toynbee sense, we did not react to the challenge of the Depression perhaps our roots were not yet deep enough. We withered on the stem. So i n 1946 we almost l i t e r a l l y s tarted from scratch with no plans or planners and we immediately h i t a period of tremendous c i t y growth.-'-^ From t h i s we must ask wasn't Thomas Adams one of the greats who should have led us through these d i f f i c u l t times? In the f i r s t place, Adams l e f t Canada for the U.S. i n 1923 where he worked on the Regional Plan of New York and Its Environs. Furthermore, Adams may have f a l l e n j u s t short of greatness. For example his plan of New York was strongly c r i t i c i z e d by Lewis Mumford for the compromises made and what i t did not do. In retrospect, one h i s t o r i a n has said the following of Adams: "His conservatism kept him from being a t r u l y great planner. He was incapable of being ahead of his time. Most of his pro- ' posals were already orthodox"."^ There i s no need to belabor this discussion. 2.9 Being a small and developing country and without continuous and great planning leadership, these combinations of factors caused the quiescence of Canadian urban planning between 1932 and 1943. Restart: 1944 - 1950 With the preparations for post-war recovery Canadian urban planning got i t s second s t a r t . Housing and town planning was one of s i x major areas reported on by the federal Advisory Committee on Reconstruction."^ This report of 1944, today c a l l e d the Curtis Report a f t e r i t s Chairman, had terms of reference "to review the e x i s t i n g l e g i s l a t i o n and administrative organiza-t i o n r e l a t i n g to housing and community planning...and to report regarding such changes...necessary to ensure the most e f f e c t i v e implementation of...an ade-quate housing program f o r Canada during the years immediately following the 18 war". With an assigned focus on housing and a strong economic bias less than one tenth of the report dealt with urban planning. Nonetheless, t h e i r planning advice was s u b s t a n t i a l ; i t i s summarized i n the following four points. F i r s t , the report recommended the establishment of an harmonious th r e e - l e v e l program among f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l governments i n which a separate n a t i o n a l planning authority would be established to promote plan-ning standards, encourage and a s s i s t p r o v i n c i a l planning l e g i s l a t i o n and pro-vide planning research. At the p r o v i n c i a l l e v e l they also recommended a plan-ning authority. I t would prepare general p r o v i n c i a l master plans, adopt l e g i s -l a t i o n for l o c a l planning boards and make l o c a l master plans mandatory. L o c a l -l y the Commission c a l l e d f o r l o c a l planning departments who would prepare deta i l e d master plans and enact and enforce ordinances which implement the" v 19 master plan. Second, the Curti s Report recommended that "the Dominion government should give f i n a n c i a l assistance (to m u n i c i p a l i t i e s ) , i n the form of long term loans at low i n t e r e s t rates, for large-scale assembly, a c q u i s i t i o n and 20 cl e a r i n g of land, slums and blighted areas". 30 Third, i n recognition that l e g i s l a t i o n alone " w i l l not be enough to ensure the success of town planning", the federal government should develop a program of public education "to e l i c i t the interest and cooperation of a l l 21 groups of the public concerned". Fourth, the committee recommended that since "Canada has an altogether inadequate supply of persons properly trained i n town-planning techniques, ... that the Dominion Government make available a fund for assistance to u n i v e r s i -22 t i e s and other i n s t i t u t i o n s able to accommodate appropriate students". Regarding the basis of i t s advice, the Curtis committee referred to two B r i t i s h reports (Committee on Land U t i l i z a t i o n i n Rural Areas of 1942, and Committee on Compensation and Betterment of 1942—called the Uthwatt Report) and to the writings of two American professors (Dr. Guy Greer and Professor A l v i n Hansen). Influence of the B r i t i s h reports on the above recommendations appears to be s l i g h t ; however, the influence of Greer and Hansen, who empha-23 sized master plans and land acquisition and clearing, was considerable. This may indicate a greater reliance or closer a f f i n i t y to our American neigh-bor subsequent to the breakdown of Canadian urban planning during the depres-sion and war. A more important observation on the source of t h e i r ideas may be a negative one. I t Is quite clear that the Commission's .advice was not based on the groundwork of Adams and others. Of these e a r l i e r e f f o r t s , the report says: It i s true some "town planning" l e g i s l a t i o n e x i s t s . Most of the provinces have passed statutes, and town planning powers of a kind have been available to l o c a l authorities for a number of years past. But they are, almost invariably, not drawn to the necessary dimen-sions of the task. Most of the provisions are of a general nature, and by and large they represent a form of negative control. In some cases, they do l i t t l e or nothing creatively by themselves, though they prevent certain things being done. Even within these l i m i t a -tions, however,, town planning l e g i s l a t i o n i n Canada has not been successful; and for the most part i t i s i n o p e r a t i v e . 2 4 Federal action was taken on a l l of the Curtis Report major recommend-ations but not exactly as proposed. Instead of creating a separate federal 31 planning agency, planning was added to the functions of the newly created crown corporation for housing: Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 1946. The Corporation had a primary r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for housing, p a r t i c u l a r l y housing the returning veterans, which l e f t urban planning i n a secondary p o s i t i o n . Many of the intended functions of a Federal Planning Authority, such as assistance i n e s t a b l i s h i n g p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l agencies and updating p r o v i n c i a l planning l e g i s l a t i o n , were simply not done. With t h i s weak e f f o r t , the old framework for l o c a l and p r o v i n c i a l planning, which the Curtis report found inadequate, remained as the guide or constraint f o r the r e s t a r t of urban planning. This compromise greatly l i m i t e d the o v e r a l l development of urban planning i n Canada. The second recommendation, of federal assistance f o r land assembly and clearance, was adopted. Concerning the two recommendations for pu b l i c and professional planning education programs, these were i n i t i a l l y considered as al t e r n a t i v e s to the same end rather than complementary. There was a debate between a r c h i t e c t s , surveyors and planners, and f e d e r a l o f f i c i a l s as to whether urban planning should be established through the then defunct profes-sion, the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e of Canada, or through a pu b l i c grass roots program. F.W. N i c o l l s , Director of Housing for the National Housing Adminis-t r a t i o n , 1935 - 1945, put i t t h i s way: Most of the recognized planners (and there were few of them during the war years) wanted to r e v i t a l i z e the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e , thus p l a c -ing the necessary missionary work i n the hands of the professional plan-ners. However, i n the opinion of the National Housing Administration o f f i c i a l s , education of the public should come f i r s t so as to be sure to reach the prospective home owner as d i r e c t l y as possible. 2-* Following t h i s advice the fed e r a l government gave p r i o r i t y to a pu b l i c educa-26 t i o n program. The philosophy was "unless i n t e r e s t was fostered on a broad base, progressive action by m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and p r o v i n c i a l governments might 27 well be slow i n coming". A c i t i z e n s organization came into existence to fos t e r a public education-a l program f o r planning. Out of meetings and a conference, sponsored by Cen-t r a l Mortgage and Housing Corporation f o r the exchange of planning ideas, the Community Planning A s s o c i a t i o n of Canada emerged i n 1946. CPAC's purpose was the dissemination o f non - t e c h n i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n on planning to the g r e a t e s t number of people. I t ' s membership was open, but p r o f e s s i o n a l s and planning 28 devotees had the p r i n c i p a l i n f l u e n c e . Through the l a t e f o r t i e s and e a r l y f i f t i e s CPAC became the motive f o r c e f o r the r e s t a r t of l o c a l urban planning. While a s m a l l s t a r t toward educating more p r o f e s s i o n a l s was made i n 1947 by e s t a b l i s h i n g planning f e l l o w -s h i p s , CPAC made the major t h r u s t by promoting planning. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , CPAC's accomplishments can be summarized as f o l l o w s : •1. s u c c e s s f u l promotion of p r o f e s s i o n a l planning, 2. encouragement of p r o f e s s i o n a l l y s t a f f e d m u n i c i p a l planning o f f i c e s , 3. communication of planners' work.to the community, 4. lobbying f o r b e t t e r p r o v i n c i a l planning l e g i s l a t i o n , 5. p u b l i c education through short courses and p u b l i c a t i o n s , and 29 6. l o c a l l y , t a k i n g up s p e c i a l issues and c o n t r o v e r s i e s . Regarding the output of l o c a l p l anning, CPAC made e f f o r t s to promote 30 urban general plans by c o l l e c t i n g and p u b l i s h i n g examples of Canadian pla n s . These plans were l a r g e l y schematic, d i f f e r e d i n focus, and were extremely modest. Most were never completed or adopted, but they represent the f i r s t r e a l e f f o r t to o p e r a t i o n a l i z e urban planning i n Canada on a wide-scale b a s i s . I t i s i n the next p e r i o d that a s i g n i f i c a n t s u b s t a n t i v e impact came about. In s h o r t , CMHC and CPAC provided the opportunity f o r Canadian urban planning to develop i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y and p r o f e s s i o n a l l y . CMHC st i m u l a t e d p l a n -ning through the funding of CPAC, the precedent of planning f e l l o w s h i p s , and the enactment of redevelopment l e g i s l a t i o n . I n t u r n , CPAC increased p u b l i c awareness of the need f o r planning which f a c i l i t a t e d the establishment o f l o c a l planning agencies and the growth of the planning p r o f e s s i o n . Together they were catalysts. Their f a c i l i t a t i n g roles make 1944 - 1950 a transitional period toward the rise of public agencies. Rise of Public Agencies: 1950 - 1970 The current stage of Canadian urban planning can be characterized in terms of the rise of the public agency as an integral part of local government in most Canadian c i t i e s over 20,000 population as well as an activity in many smaller centres. This period also may be seen in terms of the growth of the profession. In 1949 there were only 45 practicing planners in Canada, by 1967 there were 31 about 650 and in 1971 there were 1,020. The Town Institute of Canada began operations again in 1952. Three main factors contributed to this growth. 1. CPAC promotion of urban planning greatly increased the demand for planners. Up u n t i l 1950 there were about six municipal planning agencies in Canada, by 1960 there were around thirty, and today 32 about 75. 2. The unprecedented scale and extent of post-war urbanization led to a new awareness of urban problems, the recognition of a chronic shortage of qualified urban planners, and a demand for more pro-fessional positions in the public service simply to order the rapid growth process. 3. Schools of planning began during this period. In response to the demand for professional planners and influenced by CMHC's "prime the pump" policy of offering fellowships for the study of planning (started in 1947), there has been a proliferation of planning schools: McGi'll, 1947; Manitoba, 1949; UBC, 1950; Toronto 1951; Montreal, 1961; Waterloo 1964; York, 1969; Ottawa, 1970; and Calgary, 1971. With the increased number of professional planners, a significant change occurred: the emergence of the professionally staffed planning agency. 34 Previously, urban planning was conducted by semi-autonomous planning commis-sions or boards. These were chiefly composed of citizens, with some p o l i t i -33 cians. They were semi-autonomous to keep them above politics and had a lay membership in the absence of professional planners. As professional staffs were attached to commissions or boards, or created as a regular department of local government, the model of urban planning was greatly altered. The commission model of urban planning called for the lay commission-ers to prepare a comprehensive plan, sometimes with the help of a consultant, and also to prepare zoning regulations to complement the plan. One deficiency of this model was i t s isolation from elected o f f i c i a l s and municipal adminis-trators . The Commission...has met with d i f f i c u l t i e s that are inherent in the relationship between an advisory body and local government when a duality of functions exists over complex technical and administrative matters. The embarrassments experienced by both Council and Commis-sion are not due to conflicts of personalities, or to deliberate obstruction, but to confusion of responsibility in an undertaking of great magnitude and complexity. To solve the d i f f i c u l t y i t is now recognized that a permanent and well devised organization for plan-ning should be established within the city administration, and that the function of the Commission as an advisory body to Council, should be unhampered by technical and administrative detail.34 A second downfall of the commission model was its failure to have plans imple-mented. Plans were prepared in isolation, frequently never forwarded to city 35 councils, and not o f f i c i a l l y adopted. The new model for urban planning emerged out of the special studies of Professors H. Spence-Sales and J. Bland of McGill University. More gener-36 ally their work followed the studies of R.A. Walker in the United States. 37 Spence-Sales and Bland introduced their model to several Canadian c i t i e s . The recognition of planning as a staff function which should have its own place in local government was the primary characteristic of the model. F u l l time planning agencies Were proposed each to be headed by a planning director. Also the overall purpose of planning was reinterpreted as "to coordinate a l l functions of the municipality that bear upon physical development, so as to 35 38 conserve resources in attaining the development, of the urban area". To achieve this, a mechanism called the Technical Planning Board was introduced in various forms. Typically membership included a l l civic department heads concerned with physical development plus the Superintendents of Schools and Parks with the Director of Planning as Chairman. Council could delegate powers to the Technical Planning Board, and i t met behind closed doors so 39 that public opinion could not affect technical considerations. This mechan-ism made planning more acceptable by increasing technical power and allowing others to share the added power. During the 1950's and 1960's in Canada, urban planning became well established on a departmental basis in local government. Planning commissions and boards were retained, some with advisory and others with principal roles. But the emergence of the professional planning department changed urban plan-ning greatly. Three major changes are noted below. Fir s t , planners had to spend considerable time and effort in gaining acceptance of their new departments. They had to build confidence in this new function with politicians, administrators and other departments. Although urban planning has escaped most of the ideological arguments against planning, i t could not completely avoid some backlash while carving out new territory within established institutional systems. As a result about half of Canada's urban planning agencies s t i l l have a primary role of building confidence in 40 their activity. While a more technical or educational role would be prefer-able, in the words of one planner, they "have to keep going back to square 41 one". Since confidence building as a primary agency role does not relate to the age of the agency, one can only conclude that the creation of planning departments has drained off considerable energy in mere institution building. Second, urban planning took on a new relationship with politicians. As a staff agency planners became more directly accountable to p o l i t i c a l o f f i -cials. Under this new relationship a compromise o c rred over rior ties and 36 goal s e t t i n g . When planning was separate from p o l i t i c i a n s , analysis of the c i t y and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of problems was s o l e l y a planning a c t i v i t y . As a s t a f f agency, with a c c o u n t a b i l i t y to p o l i t i c i a n s , planning had to respond to externally set p r i o r i t i e s . For example, a 1971 survey of Canadian urban plan-ning found only t h i r t e e n per cent of a l l important planning decisions were 42 i n i t i a t e d within planning agencies. However, Canadian urban planning did not give up i t s r i g h t of evaluation and i n i t i a t i o n without a trade-off. While elected o f f i c i a l s p r i m a r i l y set planning p r i o r i t i e s , planners established as t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of community goals in the form of standards to be followed i n seeking solutions to s p e c i f i c problems. A compro-mise resulted i n which planners relinquished t h e i r previous domain of problem i d e n t i f i c a t i o n to p o l i t i c i a n s who responded to tensions i n the community. But once problems were i d e n t i f i e d planners possessed considerable l a t i t u d e i n 43 i n t e r p r e t i n g the public i n t e r e s t against which to judge a l t e r n a t i v e s olutions. A r e a c t i v e form of planning thus was formed. Third, planning i n a regular department s e t t i n g involved considerable administrative e f f o r t . In addition to the normal administrative duties of running a department there was the constantly expanding administration of zon-ing and subdivision regulations. Each advance i n the s o p h i s t i c a t i o n of these regulations added to administration. In 1971 Canadian urban planning agencies 44 on the average spent 68 per cent of t h e i r budgets on administration. The above three c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which emerged from the establishment of planning on a departmental basis had a profound e f f e c t on Canadian urban planning. A l l three, confidence b u i l d i n g , greater p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l , and increased administrative r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , contributed to a reduced emphasis on comprehensive planning. While comprehensive planning was maintained as a part of planning i t was no longer the paramount a c t i v i t y . However, mystery surrounds the current status of comprehensive plans i n Canada. The H e l l y e r Task Force, i n t h e i r nationwide tour of c i t i e s and inquiry into planning "uncovered hardly a single community with a long-term plan".^ On the other hand a concurrent survey of Planning Directors revealed that 60 per cent of 46 a l l Canadian cities have comprehensive plans. A li k e l y explanation is di f -ferent conceptions of what a comprehensive plan actually i s . Working under other priorities and pressures, planners have produced generalized sketches of future land use patterns as comprehensive plans. While these may be com-prehensive plans to planners they may not be so interpreted by politicians and other experts looking for positive urban guidelines. Regardless, comprehen-sive planning continues when routine lets up. Contemporary planning lives with a contradiction regarding comprehensive plans: le g l i s l a t i o n either urges or requires them while the realities of daily work leave l i t t l e time for plan preparation. There are several other effects on planning resulting from depart-mental status and the accompanying confidence building, greater p o l i t i c a l con-tr o l and increased administrative responsibilities. Under these constraints the planning methodology remained very rudimentary. For example, a representa-tive description of the comprehensive plan methodology states, information i s assembled in the form of maps, appropriately coloured, graphs and memoranda. The idea is that once the job is done and bound between covers any competent person, after reading and studying i t , can take up precisely where we l e f t off, without any waste of motion. It is like the hospital's detailed case report, on which after a look at the patient, diagnosis can at once proceed. It w i l l be realized that a competent and complete professional planning re-port amounts in effect to a f u l l diagnosis of the community consider-ed as a l i v i n g organism accompanied by the suggested cure In the shape of a plan for development of the community over a period of years. • Another effect is an insular approach to planning. In plan prepara-tion 90 per cent of Canadian urban planning agencies dp not normally go out-side the government setting to involve the p u b l i c . ^ Likewise, 72 per cent of these agencies do not normally go outside their own office for data collection 49 and only 26 per cent have a continuous research function. A further effect of this situation is the emergence of the planner's 38 s t r a t e g y of r e a c t i v e , s e l e c t i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n . With p o l i t i c i a n s p r i m a r i l y s e t -t i n g planning p r i o r i t i e s and w i t h t h e i r d e l i c a t e r e l a t i o n w i t h p o l i t i c i a n s , most planners enter controversy only when an i s s u e i s very important to them. Ha l f of the Canadian planning d i r e c t o r s r e c e n t l y surveyed followed such a . . 50 s t r a t e g y . F i n a l l y , the new departmental s t a t u s f r e q u e n t l y l e d to an emulation of the b u r e a u c r a t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n a l model which was t y p i c a l of other l o c a l gov-ernment departments. Recent C r i t i c i s m : 1970 - Present Recently there has been growing r e a c t i o n and c r i t i c i s m of t h i s s t i l l p revalent b u r e a u c r a t i c phase of Canadian urban planning. A sampling of these c r i t i c i s m s i s presented below. A p i e r c i n g charge i s that Canadian planning agencies have become more c l o s e l y l i n k e d to the development i n d u s t r y through t h e i r constant i n t e r a c t i o n over r e g u l a t i o n s . This t h e s i s claims Canadian urban planning agencies e x p e r i -enced a s i m i l a r p i t f a l l to that a s c r i b e d to American r e g u l a t o r y agencies. In the U.S. the e v o l u t i o n a r y model of r e g u l a t o r y agencies has been The groups and i n d i v i d u a l s that j o i n forces to seek general approval of a p a r t i c u l a r r e g u l a t o r y program d i s s o l v e once agreement i n p r i n -c i p l e i s secured. Thus, most r e g u l a t o r y agencies can count on only vague, amorphous support. The p o l i t i c a l o f f i c i a l s support the pro-gram i n theory but remain weakly in v o l v e d i n i t s implementation. The groups to be r e g u l a t e d , however, are i n t e n s e l y i n v o l v e d and h i g h -l y v o c a l . To guarantee i t s p o l i t i c a l s u r v i v a l , the r e g u l a t o r y agency must come to terms w i t h i t s i n t e r e s t group c l i e n t e l e , o f t e n by weak-ening the o r i g i n a l purposes of the program.-*2 Generally t h i s model a p p l i e s to urban planning agencies i n Canada at present. Once p r o f e s s i o n a l planning agencies became e s t a b l i s h e d CPAC turned to other matters such as p u b l i s h i n g a planning j o u r n a l . The e x t e r n a l contacts of the planners narrowed to those being r e g u l a t e d : developers and r e a l t o r s . Although planning i d e a l s c o n f l i c t " w i t h those of developers and r e a l t o r s , the b e h a v i o r a l r e a l i t i e s of t h e i r mutual existence turned the r e l a t i o n s h i p to one of c l i e n t . The regulated had considerable i n f l u e n c e on the r e g u l a t o r and h i s r e g u l a t i o n s . 39 This linkage has been documented by Jim Lorimer i n h i s study of urban p o l i t i c s . He has demonstrated that c i t y planning i s merely "preparing the 53 g r o u n d — l i t e r a l l y — f o r the developers." His concluding perspective on plan-ning says City planning i s not the protector of the i n t e r e s t s of the people i t has so often been portrayed to be. I t i s on the front l i n e s of the development industry, s e t t i n g up land for development and redevelop-ment i n the c i t y , and administering the d e t a i l s of the system of reg-u l a t i o n and control of land use and new development that i s needed by the industry f o r i t s own s e l f - p r o t e c t i o n and p r o f i t a b i l i t y . It does th i s job i n the best i n t e r e s t s of the industry as a whole, or of the f a c t i o n of the industry that has captured most power at c i t y h a l l . City planning i s i n fact the protector of the i n t e r e s t s of the prop-erty industry, guarding the industry—developers, property investors and f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s — f r o m the p e r i l s of free competition i n the industry on the one hand and a c i t i z e n - c o n t r o l l e d c i t y on the other, where the needs of the industry would be subordinated to the needs of the c i t y ' s residents.54 Another c r i t i c i s m , of a more general nature, comes from the Canadian study of previous reference. From a more thorough and d e t a i l e d study of Canadian planning we have the following summary: The p r a c t i c e occurs within a l o c a l government s e t t i n g where planning roles and strategies are adapted to the community. It i s a bureau-cracy oriented, administrative p r a c t i c e which contributes to d e c i s i o n making through a r a t i o n a l input (study of s p e c i f i c problems) and the selected exercise of influence on c o n t r o v e r s i a l issues. In making studies, Canadian urban planning follows an i n s u l a r approach using p r o f e s s i o n a l goals, i n t e r n a l data sources, and shunning c i t i z e n i n -volvement. The p r a c t i c e has a strong physical o r i e n t a t i o n and con-, cerns i t s e l f mostly with f a c i l i t a t i n g growth and the provision of community f a c i l i t i e s . Planning d i r e c t o r s see the function of t h e i r agencies as preparing and administering comprehensive plans, zoning and subdivision regulations, but there are indications that adminis-t r a t i o n and s p e c i a l studies occupy most of t h e i r time. Although they have been i n existence for some time, many agencies are s t i l l prac-t i c i n g t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l r o l e . For the most part the p r a c t i c e i s reactive in that i t plans according to the wishes of elected o f f i c i a l s and i n i t i a t e s proposals infrequently.^5 This model suggests a very l i m i t e d function for planning. Canadian urban planning has established i t s e l f f i r m l y in urban governments and has got i t s point of view across often, but as an e d i t o r i a l i n the p r o fessional journal says, 40 lets look at the situation in perspective. How many Canadian towns have adequate planning staffs and effective planning procedures? How many houses are being built in well laid out, fu l l y serviced suburbs (let alone New Towns) compared with the numbers daily adding to plan-less sprawl? How many of our city centres can we be proud of? How many metropolitan and regional plans have been adopted as government policy? How many of our urban and rural slums have been replaced by decent, well designed housing?-^ More widespread criticism of current urban planning in Canada is also evident. This part concludes with three brief quotes from two government re-ports and a mayor. From the Federal Task Force on Housing and Urban Development there is the following observation. Lest there be a misunderstanding, the Task Force did find planning at work in urban Canada. But i t frankly was disappointed and discouraged by i t . So much of i t was concerned with minutiae while the need for a grand urban design goes begging. So much of i t was a negative scrip-ture, written in "thous shalt not's", when the situation cried out for positive thought and i n i t i a t i v e . The Task Force found rules upon rules to establish the widths of streets, yet i t uncovered hardly a single community with a long-term plan and design for basic transpor-tation corridors. It found a multiplicity of regulation at a l l levels to set minimum requirements and hardly anyone to spell out maximum objectives. Some planners and o f f i c i a l s had an economic term of reference; hardly any seemed to have given much thought to the broader ecological or sociological issues. The urban scene seemed to abound with bureaucrats—but to be sadly lacking in dreamers.^ Mayor Sykes of Calgary made the following charge in an address to the Town Planning Institute of Canada in 1972: Are Planners Really Urban Plumbers? It's not such a s i l l y question as i t sounds. I think that town planning in practice has been confer-red for the most part to subdivision design, a two-party game between planners and developers that results in a further extension of growths on the third party, the public. I suspect that subdivision planning would be more successful as to design were i t done by one party alone — e i t h e r party—but the result, as matters stand, is far too often the same result you'd expect i f you hired two plumbers, who disagreed wildly with each other on how things should be done, to design and i n s t a l l the plumbing in your house. Most of our planning departments spend most of their time, and our money, on various aspects of sub-division planning. There's nothing wrong with that except that: 1. i t is essentially urban plumbing, and ,.g 2. there's surely much more to community planning than that? Lastly, an Ontario Economic Council report offers its view of urban planning. 41 Two things are evident. First, the senior public planners have, in effect, been doing very l i t t l e planning; they have served largely as planning administrators, carrying out chiefly housekeeping functions. Second, they have offered few initiatives and innovations. Profes-sional planners in Ontario have carried out their jobs s k i l l f u l l y , to greater or lesser degree. They have not, in any discernible sense, emerged as a truly innovative force in the area of public policy for-mulation. Nor, equally, has the profession as a profession. Its i n -stitutional apparatus (the Town Planning Institute) has similarly devoted i t s major energies to internal housekeeping matters and has offered i t s members l i t t l e beyond a basic trade union service. More dishearteningly, i t has lent almost none of i t s professional exper-tise and influence to matters of important public policy.-* 9 Conclusion Canadian urban planning has evolved from an i n i t i a l stage of inspired neo-professionalism to a well established activity of local government. Even though considerable criticism has been levelled at the current practice, this practice s t i l l remains dominant and well accepted. The hi s t o r i c a l review pre-sented in this chapter identifies the following characteristics of the current model of Canadian urban planning. These characteristics w i l l be used in sub-sequent analysis. Although seemingly obvious, professionalism is the f i r s t character-i s t i c of the current model. Before trained planners were available for each city, lay commissions or boards performed planning as. a more or less amateur activity; that i s , concerned citizens did their best as a substitute for ex-perts. With the increase in trained planners and the proliferation of plan-ning agencies, planning took on the characteristics of a professional activity. Planners now claim special knowledge with regard to zoning and subdivision regulations, comprehensive planning, coordination of development, and know-ledge of the city. Urban planning thus became focused on experts and expert-ise, and devising plans and solutions within the insularity of their agencies. For Canadian planning, professionalism has brought greater depth of knowledge to the activity, and at "the same time introduced the premise that urban prob-lems can be met with technical solutions. The second characteristic of the prevailing model is i t s reactive 42 nature. Planners had to accept a greater accountability to p o l i t i c i a n s when planning became a regular department of l o c a l government. This meant a move away from the comprehensive planning model, and a move toward the p a r t i a l mod-e l (see pages 5 and 11, Chapter One). This s h i f t has not been complete with comprehensive planning being maintained as an adjunct to p a r t i a l planning. The r e s u l t i n g model is as follows: comprehensive plan tension a l t e r n a t i v e s & consequences recommendation ->-] based on the "public i n t e r e s t " action In the actual model, comprehensive planning continues, i n reduced importance, as a sometimes frame of reference for p a r t i a l planning. The r e s u l t i s a com-promise between the U t o p i a n i d e a l of comprehensive planning, which i s a part of the planner's heritage, and the r e a l i t y of day-to-day work i n a p r a c t i c a l world. L a s t l y , the current model i s extremely bureaucratic. The e x i s t i n g bureaucratic environment, i n t o which the new agencies were placed, undoubtedly contributed to the bureaucratization of planning. In the absence of an estab-l i s h e d organizational model, i t was natural to emulate other departments. Of larger e f f e c t was the growing administrative nature of planning. As planners developed more sophisticated zoning and subdivision regulations, administrative r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s p r o l i f e r a t e d . In f a c t , these administrative duties, which stressed controls and procedures, more or l e s s took over the l o c a l planning a c t i v i t y . In t h i s r o l e urban planning more c l o s e l y represented a t y p i c a l bureaucracy than a creative policy-making organization. In summary the current model of Canadian urban planning follows pro-f e s s i o n a l i s o l a t i o n , p r i m a r i l y responds to externally determined problems, and i s organized on the bureaucratic model. Rising c r i t i c i s m of t h i s model, however, suggests that past planning efforts have not been adequate. In retrospect CMHC and CPAC may have und estimated post-war planning needs. It has taken another 20 - 25 years of "coping" with growth to bring some realization of the need for new models urban planning. 44 FOOTNOTES 1. If an history of Canadian urban planning was available parts of this chapter could have been excluded. This chapter can make only a small con-tribution to the deficiency. 2. For general history of planning see Hugo Brunt, M., The History of City Planning, Harvest House, Montreal, 1972. 3. Armstrong, A.H., "Thomas Adams and the Commission of Conservation", Plan Canada, Vol. 1, 1959, p. 15. 4. Annual Report of the Commission of Conservation, 1912, p. 148. 5- op- c i t . , 1915, p. 2. 6. Armstrong, Ibid., p. 24. 7. These two were Bri t i s h Columbia and Prince Edward Island. Quebec had promised, early action on this matter but did not follow through. 8. op. c i t . , pp. 23-28. 9. Annual Report of the Commission of Conservation, 1915, p. 270. 10. Armstrong, Ibid., pp. 25-26. 11. op. c i t . , p. 30. 12. There has been inadequate examination of these early issues of The Journal of the Town Planning Institute of Canada. For one overview see Kaser, B., and Sugerman, B., "Flappers and Philosophers: A Study of Canadian Planning", Plan Canada, Vol. 11, No. 3. 13. The Journal of the Town Planning Institute of Canada, op. c i t . , Vol. VII, No. 3, 1928. 14. Howe, Rt. Hon. CD., "Community Planning in Canada", Community Planning in Canada, Community Planning Association of Canada, 1948, p. 3. 15. Carver, H., "Planning in Canada", Habitat, Vol. I l l , No. 5, 1960, p . 10. 16. Scott, M., American City Planning Since 1890, University of Cali-fornia Press, 1969. 17. These reports were on 1) Agricultural Policy, 2) Conservation and Development of Natural Resources, 3) Publicly-Financed Construction Projects, 4) Housing and Community Planning, 5) Post-War Employment Opportunities, and 6) Post-War Problems of Women; 1944« 18. Advisory Committee on Reconstruction, Housing and Community Plan- ning. King's Printer, Ottawa, 1944. 1 9 • op- c i t . , pp. 168-176. 45 20. op. c i t . , p. 16. 21. op. c i t . , p. 17. 22. op. c i t . , p. 17. 2.3. For example see Appendix A, op. c i t . , pp. 166-167 24. op. c i t . , p*. 169. 25. Nicolls, F.W., "Community Planning: 1940-45", Community Planning Review, Vol. XIV, No. 2, 1964, p. 4. 26. Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation established financial assistance for planning in 1947. 27. Young, Major-General, H.A., "The Establishment of CPAC", Commun-ity Planning Review, Vol. XIV, No. 2, 1964, p. 7. 28. The Community Planning Association of Canada continues to operate today with financial assistance from Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation. They are in search of a new function and would be an excellent subject for a study of organizational adaptability. 29. This summary is based largely on a review by J.W. Wilson, "Words from Honorary Members", Community Planning Review, Vol. XIV, No. 2, 1964. 30. Community Planning Association of Canada, Community Planning in Canada, 1948. 31. from TPIC News, a review of the past five year's issues. 32. from questionnaire responses, Canadian survey forming part of Gerecke, J.K., "The Practice of Urban Planning in Canada", unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., 1971. 33. For an account of the apoli t i c a l heritage of the planner see Ranney, D.C, Planning and Politics in the Metropolis, Charles E. M e r r i l l , 1969, pp. 19-43. 34. Spence-Sales, H., and Bland, J., "Report upon the establishment of a planning department in the City of Vancouver", Community Planning Review, Vol. II, No. 1, 1952, p. 19. 35. Ibid. 36. Walker, R.A., The Planning Function in Urban Government, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1940, and updated and republished in 1950. 37. see Spence-Sales, H., "Planning legislation in Canada", a report to Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 1949; Bland, J., and Spence-Sales H., "A report on the City of Edmonton, 1949; Bland, J., and Spence-Sales, H., "A report on the City of Sudbury", 1950; Spence-Sales, H., and Bland, J., "A report on the City of Prince Albert", 1950; Bland, J. and Spence-Sales, H., "The urban development of greater Corner Brook", 19 51; and Spence-Sales, H., and Bland, J., "Report upon the establishment of a planning department in the City of Vancouver", 1951. For extracts from this report see "Physical Plannin 46 in Vancouver's Government", Community Planning Review, Vol, II, No. 1, 1952. 38. Spence-Sales and Bland, op. c i t . 39. Ibid. 40. The four roles used in the survey were 1) institutional (building confidence in the department), 2) educational role, 3) technical role, and 4) a p o l i t i c a l innovative role. Results showed that 46 per cent follow the technical role and 44 per cent the institutional role while the p o l i t i c a l i n -novative and educational roles were eight and two per cent respectively. Gerecke, op. c i t . , p. 37. 41. Gerecke, op. c i t . , p. 38. 42. Gerecke, op. c i t . , questionnaire responses. 43. Seventy per cent of Canadian urban planning directors normally rely on,professional goals as proxies for community goals: Gerecke, op. c i t . , p. 29. 44. Gerecke, op. c i t . , questionnaire responses. 45. Report of the Task Force on Housing and Urban Development, Govern-ment of Canada, Queens Printer, 1969, p. 13. 46. Gerecke, op. c i t . , pp. 66-67. 47. Pickett, S., "What Does a Town Planner Do?", Community Planning Review, Vol. V, No. 2, 1955, p. 5. 48. Gerecke, op. c i t . , p. 31. 49. Ibid., p. 33. 50. Ibid., p. 34. 51. Other documentation on Canadian issues in which planning has f a i l -ed to serve the community is as follows. Four Toronto aldermen have put to-gether several issues in Sewell, J.; Crombie, David; Kilbourn, William, and Jaffary, Karl, Inside City Hall, Hakkert, 1971. Some of the issues reviewed are "Hot Line on Eaton's Proposal, Eaton Centre Revealed, Fair Wind for Fair-view, St. James Town Needs a Park, St. James Town Park Saga, New St. James Town Granted Bonuses, Objections to Lionstar Proposals, On the T r i a l of Lion-star, and Gothic Buildings at High Park". Four cases for Vancouver are review-ed in Forever Deceiving You: The Politics of Vancouver Development, by the Vancouver Urban Research Group. These are "A Park for the East End, Urban Renewal—Strathcona, Shopping for a Freeway, and Project 200". Some further references are Cameron, D., "Dreams of bulldozers, dreams of grace", Saturday Night December 1972 (redevelopment in Halifax); Granatstein, J.L. Marlborough Marathon, Hakkert, 1971; Lorimer, J. and P h i l l i p s , M., Working People: Life in a downtown neighborhood, James, Lewis and Samuel, 1971; Lorimer, J., The Real World of City Politics,,James, Lewis, and Samuel, 1970; Nowlan, DavidN., The Bad Trip: the untold story of the Spadina Expressway, New Press, 1970; and Sewell, J. and Fulford, R., A Sense of Time and Place, Hakkert, 1970. Also there is Fighting Back, Hakkert, 1972, Graham Fraser. 47 52. Kapl an , H•, Urban P o l i t i c a l Systems? A Functional Analysis of . Metro Toronto, Columbia University Press, 1967, p. 112. 53. Lorimer, J., A Citizen's Guide to City P o l i t i c s , James, Lewis and Samuel, Toronto, 1972, p. 166. 54. op. c i t . , p. 174. 55. Gerecke, op. c i t . , p. 78. 56. Richardson, N.H.,. "Editorial", p. 98, Plan Canada, Vol. 6, No. 3, 1966. 57. Report on the Federal Task Force on Housing and Urban Development, Government of Canada, Queens Printer, 1969, p. 13. 58. Sykes, R., "Three Dirty Words and One Clean One: Politician, . ' Developer, Planner—and People", excerpts from a speech to the Town Planning Institute of Canada, TPIC News, September 1972, p. 4. 59. Ontario Economic Council, Subject to Approval: A Review of Muni- cipal Planning in Ontario, 1973, p. 41. 48 PART TWO URBAN PLANNING IN THE GREATER VANCOUVER REGIONAL DISTRICT: 1969 - 1973 49 Introduction Part Two presents an overview of urban planning as conducted by the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t during i t s f i r s t four years of operation: 1969 to 1973. As previously stated the overriding research objective i s to i d e n t i f y a new model of urban planning. Toward this end and with some pre-liminary evidence that GVRD planning i s experimenting with new methods, Part Two provides a case h i s t o r y for the subsequent analysis i n Part Three. There are four chapters i n Part Two, each of which approximately relates to one year of the GVRD work program. This chronological case h i s t o r y corresponds to the evolutionary approach of GVRD planning i n developing new ways of urban plan-ning. An inductive research method i s followed i n search of a new planning model. While Part Two stands alone as an h i s t o r i c a l account or case study and as the basis f o r subsequent analysis, there i s another purpose f o r the lengthy account. Empirical research on urban planning has f a i l e d to provide complete descriptions of how planning i s ac t u a l l y done. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , studies of urban planning have not achieved a f u l l e x p l i c a t i o n because of three shortcomings. 1. An overemphasis of the p o l i t i c a l constraints on planning. 2. A focusing on issues and outputs rather than process. 3. Most recently, severe c r i t i c i s m which i n e v i t a b l y abandons techni-ca l solutions and seeks p o l i t i c a l ones. These shortcomings are elaborated upon i n Appendix A including a l i t e r a t u r e , review of the most important studies of planning. The account of planning i n Part Two consciously seeks to avoid these three shortcomings, and more p o s i -t i v e l y , to present an accurate d e s c r i p t i o n of an urban planning process. In thi s way the s u b t i t l e s of planning such as planning r a t i o n a l e , assumptions and organizing p r i n c i p l e s w i l l appear and contribute to a deeper understanding of the a c t i v i t y . Selecting data from the countless events in a complex process such as planning raises many problems and challenges for the researcher. Data sel-ection has been based primarily on what the planning agency spent the most time and effort on; in other words, objectivity has been seen in terms of energy. Two guides have been used in interpreting this energy concept for the depart-ment: first the annual work program which outlines the priority items for the coming year, and second, the year-end record of man/hours of work by projects. Appendix B summarizes the man/hours of work by functions and projects for the research period. It has been extremely useful. The energy principle, however, is only a general guide and minor variations do occur. One consistent excep-tion to the energy approach is to give slightly more emphasis to innovative planning and less to routine. Also the account focuses on the planning activity as empirically per-ceived, and i t does not incorporate related theory except as used by the agen-cy. General planning and social science theory, which contribute to a further understanding of the planning process, is presented in Chapters Seven and Eight. This organization is not an attempt to separate practice from theory but to have the theory used by the department appear distinctly. To insure a high degree of accuracy in this account, each chapter was reviewed and rewritten three times. A first review was made by academic Com-mittee members familiar with planning in Greater Vancouver. Second, seven key GVRD planning department members, including the Director and a l l Seniors, exam-ined and commented on the drafts as they were rewritten. Third, and last, dis-crepancies which s t i l l remained were checked with the appropriate department employee, and then a final review of the whole case study was made by the Dir-ector and other energetic staff members. A brief introduction to the Greater Vancouver Regional District and its planning function is now appropriate. In the summer of 1967 letters pat-ent were issued by the Provincial government creating metropolitan government 51 f o r Greater Vancouver. This a c t i o n occurred under Regional D i s t r i c t l e g i s l a -t i o n , passed two years e a r l i e r . The Regional D i s t r i c t of F r a s e r - B u r r a r d , soon to be renamed the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , contained fourteen muni-c i p a l i t i e s and three unincorporated areas and covered the area of metropolitan Vancouver. GVRD boundaries are shown on the map i n Appendix J . A metropol-i t a n government of the federated v a r i e t y was created. Each l o c a l area was represented by one D i r e c t o r on the Regional Board appointed by the C o u n c i l w h i l e Vancouver and Burnaby rece i v e d 5 and 2 D i r e c t o r s r e s p e c t i v e l y . Unincor-porated areas each had one D i r e c t o r who was e l e c t e d d i r e c t l y . Voting on the Regional Board was based on p o p u l a t i o n . "*" P r i o r to 1969 areawide planning f o r Greater Vancouver was performed by The Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board which was created i n 1948. This Board c o n s i s t e d of delegates from mu n i c i p a l c o u n c i l s , membership was v o l u n t a r y , and i t had a f u l l time planning s t a f f . An extremely vigorous planning s t a f f had been assembled i n the LMRPB. Their work culminated i n the adoption of an " O f f i c i a l Regional P l a n " i n 1966. A s e r i e s of events i n 1968/69 caused LMRPB planning to f a l l i n t o p o l i t i c a l d i s f a v o r . In 1969 the p r o v i n c i a l government d i s s o l v e d the LMRPB and e s t a b l i s h e d the GVRD. Most of the planning s t a f f was to be t r a n s f e r r e d , but the d i f f i c u l t circumstances i n v o l v e d made the t r a n s f e r more of a new b i r t h than a second l i f e . The p a i n f u l t r a n s f e r of the planning 2 f u n c t i o n to the GVRD was completed i n 1969. The new Regional D i s t r i c t was not given a set of powers but must apply to the P r o v i n c i a l Government to take on s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n s agreed upon by the members. Debt management was the f i r s t f u n c t i o n acquired and i t worked 3 w e l l b u i l d i n g c r e d i b i l i t y i n the new government. In 1969 r e g i o n a l planning was added, i n 1971 p u b l i c housing, water supply and sewage d i s p o s a l , and i n 1972 a i r p o l l u t i o n c o n t r o l and r e g i o n a l parks. The planning, water, sewage and parks f u n c t i o n s had formerly been conducted by s p e c i a l purpose boards. Two committees are important f o r understanding planning i n the Greater 52 Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t . F i r s t i s the Planning Committee of the Regional Board which i s normally comprised of nine members. This i s a p o l i t i c a l commit-tee which guides the planning function although major decisions are made by the Board. Second i s the Technical Planning Committee whose members are the Planning Directors of a l l member m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and representatives from some P r o v i n c i a l Departments as w e l l as a few other l o c a l agencies. This Committee off e r s t e c h n i c a l advice to the Board and serves a l i a i s o n function. A word must be said about abbreviations. The nomenclature of the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t Department includes the frequent use of l e t t e r s and s p e c i a l names as substitutes for longer references. Because t h i s i s t h e i r custom, these short forms capture the f l a v o r of the a c t i v i t y . The most frequently used abbreviations are: GVRD — the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t HPS — the Vancouver Regional I n t e r - i n s t i t u t i o n a l P o l i c y Simulator LMRPB — the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board ORP — the o f f i c i a l Regional Plan from the LMRPB LRP — the Livabl e Region Plan "matins" — s t a f f meeting of the planning department. L a s t l y , the story of evolving planning i n GVRD i s not a simple one. It w i l l cover e f f o r t s to b u i l d the department, a search f o r a new s t y l e of - -planning, and attempts to create a new regional plan. This has evolved i n an experimental way, t r y i n g here and veering there, including multiple approaches at one time. As a very general guide to complement the narra t i v e , the follow-ing chart i s presented.' Six streams of a c t i v i t y are i d e n t i f i e d , major events over the four years are noted, and linkages provided. 53 m r-r -r— cr Cr! D O cr f V . ~i -6' 1/1 V *> A ) > • o T — -+~ TK ^ > 54 FOOTNOTES 1. The 22 Directors have a t o t a l of 56 votes or approximately one vote per 18,000 population i n Metropolitan Vancouver. Two Directors have f i v e votes and seven have one vote. Directors having 5 and 4 votes are a l l from either Vancouver or Burnaby. 2. Greater d e t a i l on the creation of the GVRD may be found i n Turner, M.E., "The Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t " , unpublished term paper i n Organizational Theory, Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y , November 1971; Doran, G., "The Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t : a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n of i t s development and organization", unpublished term paper, School of S o c i a l Work, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, May 1972; Tennant, P., and Z i r n h e l t , D., "The Emergence of Metropolitan Government i n Greater Vancouver", B.C. Studies, Autumn, 1972; and Tennant, P., and Z i r n h e l t , D., "Metropolitan government i n Vancouver: the strategy of gentle imposition", Canadian Public Administration, Spring 1973. 3. Debt management has advantages for a l l with few or no disadvantages. The reason i s simple. GVRD can borrow money more e a s i l y on the i n t e r n a t i o n a l money markets as a major metropolitan centre than the i n d i v i d u a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s can do on t h e i r own. C o l l e c t i v e borrowing reduces the d i f f i c u l t i e s of borrow-ing i n d i v i d u a l l y and can demand lower i n t e r e s t rates. 55 CHAPTER THREE ANEW CONSCIOUSNESS: GVRD PLANNING IN 1969-70 The transfer of the planning function from the LMRPB to the new reg-i o n a l d i s t r i c t , GVRD, was delegated by the GVRD Board to a three-man committee. A l l e n K e l l y , Board Member, George C a r l i s l e , Secretary-Treasurer of the Sewage D i s t r i c t and Treasurer of the Water D i s t r i c t , and Secretary-Treasurer of the GVRD, and Brahm Wiesman, Professor of Planning, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, comprised the committee. Their frame of reference c a l l e d upon them to (a) s e l -ect s t a f f members from the LMRPB for employment i n the GVRD, (b) e f f e c t a . transfer of the selected employees, (c) f i n d a new Director of Planning, and (d) make f i n a l actions on these matters with the exception of (c) which had to be r a t i f i e d by the Board."*" Eleven of the LMRPB s t a f f were guaranteed jobs i n the new GVRD Plan-2 ning Department and seven made the move. The p r i n c i p a l planners making the s h i f t were Norman Pearson, Rick Hankin, and Dennis 0'Gorman a l l graduates of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia's planning school i n the 1960's. Pearson was named Acting Director while a search for a new d i r e c t o r took place. Dur-ing t h i s interim period continuity was maintained although s t a f f h o s t i l i t y n a t u r a l l y existed over the o f f i c i a l r e j e c t i o n of the s t y l e of planning pre-v i o u s l y practiced by the LMRPB. Vic t o r Parker, Director of the old LMRPB, was not p o l i t i c a l l y accept-able for the new d i r e c t o r s job because of the recent controversies, and f u r t h -3 ermore he had resigned thereby taking himself out of the running. In t h i s s e n s i t i v e s i t u a t i o n the strongest c r i t e r i a f o r a new d i r e c t o r was a r t i c u l a t e d 56 by K e l l y . He e x p l i c i t l y wanted the new d i r e c t o r and planning function to be 4 advisory allowing the p o l i t i c i a n s to be spokesmen for planning. In other words a low p r o f i l e for regional planning was desired i n contrast to the "crusading planner" s t y l e of the o l d LMRPB: i n other words a c l o s e r working r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o l i t i c i a n and planner. Several prominent l o c a l planners sought the d i r e c t o r s h i p a c t i v e l y . In the end, however, an outsider, Harry Lash then of Montreal, was selected for the p o s i t i o n . Lash impressed the committee with h i s view of the planner's r o l e as a deputy minister which coincided with K e l l y ' s concept. Lash's extensive experience and accomplishments provided sound p r o f e s s i o n a l background for the p o s i t i o n . I t appeared that the l o c a l aspirants f o r the p o s i t i o n offered LMRPB planning i n d i f f e r e n t packages, while Lash held promise of a d i f f e r e n t s t y l e of non-crusading planning. He took over as Director of the GVRD Planning Department i n September of 1 9 6 9 . Frame of Reference The frame of reference f o r the new planning department had three aspects: carryover a c t i v i t i e s from the LMRPB, the Broome Report, and the i m p l i -ed conditions of Lash's employment. Although a new planning era was beginning, the influence of the LMRPB would continue through former s t a f f members and accomplishments. The p r i n c i p a l accomplishment of the LMRPB was the preparation and s e l l i n g of the " O f f i c i a l Regional Plan"."' The ORP established land-use guidelines f o r the region p a r t i c u l a r l y to check "sprawl" to protect farmland and open space, and to e s t a b l i s h the idea of "regional town centres". It was o f f i c i a l l y adopted by the 28 m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of the Lower Mainland Region with s l i g h t l y more than a two thirds majority vote. On the other hand, LMRPB's c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t y l e of "crusading planners" and " h a r d s e l l " , which contributed so much to both t h e i r success and t h e i r downfall, l i k e l y wouldn't be emulated. A Report of the Broome Committee, dated February 2 6 , 1 9 6 9 , e s t a b l i s h -ed the p r i o r i t i e s for GVRD planning long before Lash's a r r i v a l . ^ The Broome report was prepared by the P o l i t i c a l and Administrative Structure Committee, 57 a permanent committee of the Board dealing with corporate planning. Its pur-pose was to provide guidelines for the reorganized regional planning function. The report l i s t e d many planning projects according to p r i o r i t i e s , and i t served as the o f f i c i a l frame of reference f o r the new agency. F i r s t p r i o r i t i e s were assigned to studies on public t r a n s i t , public housing, and transportation and urban pattern. Among second p r i o r i t i e s were a review of the southwest shores study (Robert's Bank superport controversy), flood danger, and urban data gathering and information systems. Regarding the implied conditions of Lash's employment, these r e l a t e p r i m a r i l y to his approach to planning as evolved during h i s extensive profes-s i o n a l experience.'' Through talks with regional administrators, p o l i t i c i a n s , and planners i n Vancouver p r i o r to h i s employment he was able to determine that h i s planning approach was congruous with l o c a l d esires. Accordingly, h i s employment provided at le a s t an implied sanction to his approach. An o v e r r i d i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of this approach was Lash's desire to bring a new kind of planning to Vancouver. He became attracted to the job p r i n c i p a l l y because " i t was an opportunity to make planning operational. Such appeared possible because of s t a r t i n g from scratch. The old ways of the LMRPB ( i . e . the crusading land-use planner) had been formally rejected and the new g regional d i s t r i c t s opened up new horizons". Lash's approach to planning can only be understood i n terms of his evolving career. He obtained his planning education at M c G i l l under Spence-Sales i n the l a t e 1940's. While somewhat disappointed i n the educational pro-gram he found his knowledge of planning l e g i s l a t i o n and new towns to be us e f u l i n his subsequent employment as a planner with the Province of Alberta. With-i n a short time he became Director of Planning for the province and worked on rewriting the planning l e g i s l a t i o n including provisions on D i s t r i c t Planning Commissions, zoning,subdivision control and new resource towns. When lack of m i n i s t e r i a l cooperation i n Alberta convinced him to seek new challenges 58 he took the opportunity to move to Toronto where i n 1957 he became head of the research and long range planning section f or the c i t y . Here his work was 9 l a r g e l y influenced by a major urban renewal study recently completed. The study established a framework for planning by communities or d i s t r i c t s i n con-s u l t a t i o n with them, an advanced idea at t h i s time. The nature of h i s d i v i -sion's work was to conduct planning d i s t r i c t appraisals leading to zoning revisions with some notion of longer term plans. Although many factors were considered i n the appraisal studies, recommendations almost always took the form of zoning changes. While doing this work Lash became aware of the short-comings of t h i s approach. Their formulas and rules of thumb seemed to apply to middleclass areas but were inadequate answers for the concerns and problems of other areas. According to him "the formulas and rules of thumb were a step or two removed from the r e a l objectives of doing things—we didn't know what we were r e a l l y d o i n g — i t was l i k e an elaborate game"."'"^ Next, Lash took a p o s i t i o n with the City of Montreal as Superinten-dent, Comprehensive Research D i v i s i o n . In t h i s new job he promised himself to be more thorough i n questioning and rethinking planning p r i n c i p l e s . The plan-ning approach i n Montreal was quite d i f f e r e n t . Rather than d i s t r i c t plans, an o v e r a l l regional plan was sought under the banner of "Horison 2000". The plan-making process did not involve public consultation because they didn't have f u l l Regional support for this r e g i o n a l plan (a sounding board group composed of e l i t e s was once involved). The most important difference, however, was i n the handling of goals. In Toronto goals were assumed to be ph y s i c a l order and convenience as represented i n standards, but goals were to be much more e x p l i -c i t i n Montreal. Montreal's goals approach was insp i r e d by Kevin Lynch's analysis con-tained i n h i s paper "Quality i n City Design""'""'" and i s outlined by Lash i n "On 12 Goals". An umbrella goal of s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n of i t s citizens.was i d e n t i f i e d for Montreal and eleven other major goals: adequacy, a c c e s s i b i l i t y , d i v e r s i t y , 59 l e g i b i l i t y , s i n g u l a r i t y , s t i m u l a t i o n , i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , h e a l t h , s a f e t y , c o m f o r t and r e s i l i e n c e . C o n c e r n i n g t h e advantages o f h a v i n g g o a l s L a s h has s a i d , "We a r e much b e t t e r o f f w i t h g o a l s t h a n w i t h o u t them, f o r t h e n our c h o i c e s can f i n d a c o n s i s t e n t and r a t i o n a l b a s i s , whereas i n t h e absence o f g o a l s t h e c r i t e r i a used w o u l d v a r y w i d e l y and enormously, and t h e p o s s i b l e c h o i c e s become t r u l y endless".''"^ A l s o w h i l e i n M o n t r e a l L a s h s p e n t a y e a r on a r e o r g a n i z a t i o n s t u d y of t h e p l a n n i n g department. T h i s e x a m i n a t i o n was p r o v o k e d by some p e r c e i v e d f a i l -i n g s o f t h e e x i s t i n g b u r e a u c r a t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n . F o r example t h e r e were some who b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e d i v i s i o n a l arrangement had r e s u l t e d i n a whole d i v i s i o n b e i n g used as a p l a c e where you put t h e "dead wood". B u t , i t was r e j o i n e d , t h i s d i v i s i o n had t o be r e l i e d on t o do s o m e t h i n g , and more c r u c i a l l y , t h e arrangement appeared t o be a cop out t o the e f f e c t i v e use of human r e s o u r c e s . I m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f t h e r e o r g a n i z a t i o n s t u d y , recommending a c o l l e g i a l a p p roach to b r e a k down c o m p a r t m e n t a l i z a t i o n e v e n t u a l l y f a i l e d due t o d e e p l y h e l d p a t e r n -a l i s m , w i t h i n c e r t a i n e l ements o f t h e F r e n c h - C a n a d i a n c u l t u r e o f t h a t t i m e . N e v e r t h e l e s s t h i s s t u d y p r o v i d e d L a s h w i t h an a r s e n a l of i d e a s f o r a p p l i c a t i o n . „ 14 xn Vancouver. From t h e s e h i s t o r i c a l developments i n Lash's c a r e e r a p a r t i c u l a r p l a n -n i n g a p proach e v o l v e d t h e main elements of w h i c h were 1. O b j e c t i v e s — m o s t t r a d i t i o n a l p l a n n i n g g o a l s a r e j u s t " c a t c h phrases".-A new a p proach must be s t r i v e d f o r w h i c h t r a n s l a t e s g o a l s i n t o ob-j e c t i v e s w h i c h can be made o p e r a t i o n a l . 2. D y n a m i c — p l a n n i n g d e a l s w i t h t h e p r o c e s s o f becoming, i . e . what happens i n t h e c o n t i n u i n g , o n - g o i n g s t a t e r a t h e r t h a n t h e end-s t a t e . S i n c e t h e end o f p l a n n i n g i s p e o p l e , p e o p l e i n t h e h e r e and now q u a l i f y - a s w e l l as f u t u r e p e o p l e . 3. I n v o l v e m e n t 1 — M o n t r e a l ' s p l a n was p r e p a r e d i n a vacuum w i t h o u t any c o n t a c t w i t h p e o p l e i n c l u d i n g p o l i t i c i a n s . That i s t h e g o a l s 60 developed only out of i n t e r n a l s t a f f d iscussion. Planning must avoid t h i s vacuum syndrome by being more open—to pu b l i c , p o l i t i -cians and planning s t a f f . 4. S t r a t e g y — i n s t e a d of the l i m i t e d and d i r e c t e d approach of t r a d i -t i o n a l urban planning, an approach was needed which f i r s t took an overview and next i d e n t i f i e d the main l i n e s of attack. This had a m i l i t a r y o r i g i n , e.g. the "soft underbelly of Europe" which provides a main l i n e of attack a f t e r which everything else flows. Senior S t a f f One of Lash's f i r s t p r i o r i t i e s was to e s t a b l i s h a "capable" planning organization which, i n part, involved h i r i n g a d d i t i o n a l s t a f f . He envisaged a department headed by an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y team of four senior planners. This conception d i f f e r e d from the t r a d i t i o n a l h i e r a r c h i c a l arrangement of one d i r -ector and one a s s i s t a n t , and he had to overcome i n i t i a l resistance to his pro- . posal from the Board's committee on corporate planning. Lash was convinced that the department needed several people with the status of Seniors i n order for there to be high c r e d i b i l i t y i n external r e l a t i o n s . These would be experi-enced people, with a b i l i t y to handle outsiders, p a r t i c u l a r l y consultants. And several would be required to handle i n t e r n a l work but at the same time be able to l i a i s . When Lash a r r i v e d , Norman Pearson dropped the t i t l e of Acting Director but retained the p o s i t i o n of Assistant Director. Lash t r i e d to get Pearson to stay on as one of the Seniors but he could not be convinced. He had ambitions to s t r i k e out on h i s own as a consultant. I t must be noted that he had been a contender f o r the Director's job, and l i k e l y retained some d i s t a s t e over the demise of the LMRPB. Pearson l e f t the planning agency early in 1970 to go into private consulting work-. The f i r s t Senior planner to j o i n the s t a f f was Gerard Farry. Farry was a Vancouverite, a graduate of U.B.C.'s school of planning, and a planner 61 of extensive experience with the City of Vancouver. He was attracted to the planning agency to further his p r o f e s s i o n a l achievements. He had been involved i n the whole spectrum of Vancouver c i t y planning, f e l t he had been there too long, and was c r i t i c a l of t h e i r current s t y l e of planning."'""' The knowledge which Farry brought to GVRD planning can be termed as administrative, general-i s t planner including expertise on transportation. Drew Thorburn was the second Senior. His experience was i n consult-ing on r egional planning i n eastern Canada. Academically he did graduate work i n the London School of Economics focusing on regional economics; l o c a l , nation-a l and regional planning problems; and administration. He heard of the open-ing from several sources including a f r i e n d i n Vancouver. The r e a l reason why Thorburn came was that "everyone I talked to t o l d me i f you r e a l l y want to 16 f i n d out what planning i s a l l about work under Harry Lash". Thorburn inves-tigated the evolving program very thoroughly and was impressed with what he saw. He joined the s t a f f i n the f a l l of 1970. The t h i r d Senior to j o i n the s t a f f was Ted Rashleigh. He had an M.A. i n Sociology from the University of Toronto and had previously worked with Lash i n Toronto. At the time Lash came to head the department, Rashleigh was a l e c t u r e r i n U.B.C.'s Geography Department. Almost immediately a f t e r Lash's a r r i v a l . h e began work with the department as a part-time consultant. Rashleigh prepared an audio-visual presentation of the Rapid Transit Report for showing to the community (see discussion l a t e r i n t h i s p a r t ) . Besides Rashleigh's expertise i n public information and communications, he was sought a f t e r by the department for a permanent p o s i t i o n because of h i s e a r l i e r work with the LMRPB and because as a Vancouverite he brought considerable l o c a l knowledge. He was attracted to the department by Lash's approach: "Lash represented one who was not going to follow preset ideas l " ^ Upon t h e i r j o i n i n g the s t a f f a l l Seniors were p r i m a r i l y involved i n f a m i l i a r i z a t i o n a c t i v i t i e s , completion of carry-over projects from the LMRPB, 62 and program development. Departmental Organization As already noted Lash brought the idea of an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y team of Seniors as an organizational arrangement for the new department. In prac-t i c e the Director and three Seniors met p e r i o d i c a l l y to set departmental p o l i c y and strategy. A l l were of equal status including Lash, but this did not pre-clude the Director from mediating when agreement could not be reached. A p r i n -c i p l e of consensus or " s o l i d a r i t y " was followed among Seniors. A second, extremely important type of departmental meeting was c a l l e d "matins". Matins s t a r t e d out involving a l l s t a f f , but as the s t a f f increased 1 8 i t became l i m i t e d to professionals. Matins provided a key v e h i c l e for inform-ing s t a f f members of what was going on and provided a forum for the questioning of how i n d i v i d u a l matters r e l a t e to the o v e r a l l departmental program and to other projects. Together the organizational arrangements of Seniors and matins are often r e f e r r e d to as the " c o l l e g i a l approach". One further organizational mechanism of note was the large w a l l calen-dar. To keep track of a l l meetings and other departmental events, as w e l l as to further communication, a 2 by 3 foot one month calendar chart was located at a c e n t r a l place i n the o f f i c e . A l l s t a f f noted s p e c i a l meetings and events on the chart so that others could know what was going on and attend i f they . wished. This p r a c t i c e continues today. During this early period Lash developed some ideas about h i s r o l e as d i r e c t o r and the r o l e of the department which should be mentioned here. Lash defined h i s own r o l e as having three components: (a) d e f i n i t i o n and/or devel-opment of goals, (b) r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for most of the p o l i t i c a l l i a i s o n , and 19 (c) planning department strategy. Regarding the r o l e of the agency he des-cribed t h i s to Thorburn-as follows, - It (the agency) i s l a r g e l y involved with delineating the terms of reference of the studies which w i l l be undertaken by consultants. 6 3 - It appears to be an agency that acts as a management and s p e c i a l advisor to the other l i n e departments. - (There are) two major approaches: 1) the p o l i t i c i a n — i n t e r e s t p o l i -t i c i a n s i n g o a l s — 1 year to develop t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n goal d e f i n i -t i a n , 2) prove t e c h n i c a l and advisory competence with D i s t r i c t Departments and P r o v i n c i a l Government, plus i n t e r e s t l o c a l planning s t a f f s i n working out broader integrated plans.^® These early ideas contain c e r t a i n p r i n c i p l e s which should be noted and comment-ed upon. F i r s t i s the idea of planning as management i n the p o l i c y advice sense. Lash had worked i n t r a d i t i o n a l planning agencies where planning occur-red i n i s o l a t i o n from policy-making. But he began to see that planning could move into a dynamic advisory p o s i t i o n with a duty and r i g h t to i n t e r a c t with p o l i t i c i a n s . Second, the department e x p l i c i t l y understood that i t would exert p o l i t i c a l influence but i n a d i f f e r e n t way. There was no f e e l i n g of being intimidated by p o l i t i c i a n s but a desire to a c t u a l l y work with them. Third, the department was generally viewed as a small research organization. To main-t a i n t h i s i t was decided "to keep to a ' s t a f f ' r o l e and r e s i s t taking on ' l i n e ' 21 functions". To f a c i l i t a t e communications and i n t e r n a l harmony, there was a conscious e f f o r t to keep the department small. L a s t l y , i t should be noted that Lash preferred a "recursive" approach to departmental organization. By t h i s he means that none of the arrangements be regarded as sacred but should be constantly reassessed and changed when necessary. Preliminary r o l e d e f i n i t i o n was also required for the Technical Plan-ning Committee—a statutory committee comprising representatives from a l l mem-ber planning departments and charged with advising the Board on planning mat-ters and l i a i s i n g between the administration of the Regional Board and the member m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and some p r o v i n c i a l departments. The Technical Planning Committee had some precedence under the LMRPB f o r s p e c i a l tasks only. One of Lash's early challenges was to thwart a move to make him responsible to them: a move begun by the Technical Planning Board p r i o r to h i s appointment. In handling the s i t u a t i o n , Lash made the planners aware that as a consequence of 64 his past experience he understood t h e i r point of view, namely the threat of a higher planning authority. He encouraged them to accept c o n f l i c t as a non-aggressive developing process from which a l l could b e n e f i t . As a r e s u l t of these actions, Lash perceived that "the TPC became an open forum, and i t s mem-bers quickly evolved mutual confidence while r e t a i n i n g openness:—the o r i g i n a l 22 c o n f l i c t a t t i t u d e vanished". An early d e s c r i p t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the Technical Plan-ning Committee and the Planning Committee ( p o l i t i c a l committee of the Regional Board) was outlined by Lash. He said "the r e l a t i o n s h i p of t h i s Planning Com-mittee to the TPC and i t s Working Committees has not been defined, but my view i s that this Committee and the various Technical Committees should both work on problems i n p a r a l l e l and at an early date, so that the work of the techni-c a l groups can be illuminated by the views of the p o l i t i c a l group and v i c e -23 versa". Also the TPC should be able to p i l o t t e c h n i c a l proposals through the Board. To recap, early departmental organization was based upon the ideas of group and c o l l e g i a l management, an emphasis on communication, and a dialogue and i n t e r a c t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p with p o l i t i c i a n s . Regarding the r o l e of the de-partment, t h i s was seen as advisory and research management. A l l of the above arrangements were seen as f l u i d , and regular e f f o r t s would be made to examine t h e i r relevance to changing circumstances. Basic Work The remainder of 1969, and 1970, as just noted, were dominated by organization b u i l d i n g , and program development which w i l l be dealt with l a t e r i n t h i s chapter. Considerable other planning work, however, was also perform-ed. Some of the more important tasks w i l l be next reviewed. Primary e f f o r t s were expended on transportation planning. P r i o r to L a s h's a r r i v a l , a rapid t r a n s i t study had been commissioned j o i n t l y by B.C. Hydro Tr a n s i t D i v i s i o n , and the GVRD and with some involvement of the City of 65 Vancouver. With the emergence of the report of the consultants, DeLeuw, Cather 24 & Co., Report on the Greater Vancouver area rapid t r a n s i t study, i t was Lash's professional evaluation that the a f f i r m a t i v e answer on rapid t r a n s i t and the s p e c i f i c routes were recommended prematurely. We are now faced, at the end of the Rapid T r a n s i t Study, with the con-cl u s i o n that Rapid T r a n s i t i s not only f e a s i b l e and desirable, but perhaps e s s e n t i a l i n some areas. Unfortunately, that study does not t e l l us what are the a l t e r n a t i v e s to Rapid Tra n s i t , because i t dealt only with Rapid Transit.25 Under t h i s predicament, Rashleigh was hired as a part-time consultant to pre-pare an audio-visual presentation of the report and show th i s to the community. The objective was to avoid narrow discussion and too rapid a decision, and to emphasize the i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements needed for metropolitan transportation rather than a p a r t i c u l a r p h y s i c a l s o l u t i o n . In 1970 the planning agency worked extensively on examining the f e a s i b i l i t y of the Rapid Transit Report both through public consultations and study with the Transportation Committee of the Board. This was t h e i r major substantive work of the year; i t demonstrated the d e s i r a b i l i t y of a regional transportation authority and the necessity of broad-er views of transportation through a "broad-brush transportation plan". The continuation of t h i s work w i l l be reported i n subsequent chapters. A second major work area of 1970 concerned housing. The Broome Report placed housing as a planning p r i o r i t y — p a r t i c u l a r l y the adoption of a regional housing function for the equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n of public housing throughout the region. Investigations on the adoption of such a function were conducted by the planning agency. I t was decided to h i r e a Housing Director as part of the planning agency, and upon his f a m i l i a r i z a t i o n with the GVRD and i t s intend-ed r o l e , to set up a separate Housing Department. The l a t t e r follows the agen-cy's intentions to perform s t a f f rather than l i n e functions. It i s also an example of t h e i r "seed bed r o l e " . T h i r d l y , the planning agency began t h e i r involvement with HPS, the Vancouver Regional I n t e r - i n s t i t u t i o n a l P o l i c y Simulator, i n 1970. M.A. Gold-66 berg and C.S. H o l l i n g , p r i n c i p a l s i n HPS and f a c u l t y members at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, i n v i t e d the GVRD and planning agency to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the HPS project. The basic objective of • HPS was to develop a regional p o l i c y simulation model that would be u s e f u l as an operational planning device i n the Vancouver Region. I t was to be a comprehensive simulator of the Vancouver region including factors such as environmental quality not previously included i n such models. The project was organized on an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y and i n t e r -i n s t i t u t i o n a l b a s i s . P a r t i c i p a t i o n was obtained from several academic d i s c i p -l i n e s , the Vancouver C i t y Departments of Engineering, Planning, Finance, S o c i a l Planning and Community Development, and the Director of Planning of the GVRD. The main organizational instrument was a "Core Group" which had three univer-26 s i t y representatives and representatives from a l l of the above departments. It was intended that "HPS should become a t o o l f o r community dialogue", that i s , improve community p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the public decision-making process 27 a f f e c t i n g development. The project was j o i n t l y funded by the Ford Foundation, Cit y of Vancouver, GVRD, and l a t e r by the M i n i s t r y of State for Urban A f f a i r s . Several of the GVRD planning department s t a f f were involved from the beginning. Several other matters occupied considerable work time in 1971. These were review of amendments to the O f f i c i a l Regional Plan, s e t t i n g up of the l i b -rary and INTERMET. The ORP remained the l e g a l land use document f o r the region. It required amendment with changing times but there was also pressure for some changes which were viewed as not having t o t a l harmony with the intentions of the plan. These requests, from member m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , necessitated c a r e f u l examination. The department established a regional planning l i b r a r y using the extensive LMRPB c o l l e c t i o n i n h e r i t e d as a part of the departments public i n -formation program. This too took a large amount of time. L a s t l y , Thorburn brought with him an i n t e r e s t and a f f i l i a t i o n with an i n t e r n a t i o n a l metropoli-tan study association INTERMET, and through him, the department became involved in i t . 67 The Great C i t y D e b a t e — F i r s t Retreat By mid 19 70 the Senior s t a f f was f a m i l i a r with the new operation and the backlog of work carried over from the LMRPB began to subside. I t was now time for a more e x p l i c i t d e s c r i p t i o n of agency objectives. The four Seniors, Lash, Farry, Thorburn and Rashleigh, were the p a r t i c i p a n t s in the f i r s t depart-28 mental retreat held at Diamond Head near the end of August. The purposes of t h i s f i r s t r etreat were to get to know each other better, to exchange view-points, and to hammer out a d i r e c t i o n for the department. As a s t a r t i n g point Lash presented a p o s i t i o n on planning for Vancouver as a "great c i t y " , a p o s i -29 t i o n which spawned considerable debate. Following the f i r s t day of discussions at the retreat four tentative streams of a c t i v i t y f o r GVP were i d e n t i f i e d f o r further examination. These were: 1. Plan preparation—Lash's desire to create a new operational plan including the promise of HPS. He discussed h i s d e s i r e for an operational plan as a r e s u l t of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with Toronto plan-ning and some notions of a dynamic plan which emerged i n Montreal. 2. O r g a n i z a t i o n — " t h e development of the governmental and organiza-t i o n a l structures and linkages both within the region and with the P r o v i n c i a l and Federal governments. This requires the organiza-t i o n of channels of communication and f i n d i n g ways to involve both Federal and P r o v i n c i a l people in the decision-making and plan-making process . 3. Education and information stream—"mainly concerned with informing people about thei;Regional D i s t r i c t and i t s a c t i v i t i e s , but which also has an objective of changing the image of Vancouver and the usual way of thinking about Vancouver. To Vancouverites the Re-gion i s not a r e a l i t y , i t consists of a number of separate commun-i t i e s . They are not ready to think of themselves as l i v i n g i n a 68 c i t y which has a ce r t a i n world-wide importance and some unique com-bina t i o n of features which give i t opportunities which other c i t i e s 31 do not have," and 4. Economic planning s t r e a m — r a i s e d by Thorburn, i t was suggested that Vancouver may have to play a new economic r o l e as a r e s u l t of pro-v i n c i a l , n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l economic forces, and that these external forces.should be aware of the development problems Van-couver w i l l have to face as a r e s u l t of t h e i r actions. For the most part this i s a communication and coordination problem, but there are also some basic questions—e.g. should Vancouver be the only major c i t y i n B r i t i s h Columbia, to what extent should a l l the Western provinces have a say i n the functions that Vancouver takes on? Subsequent examination of these four streams l e d to varying degrees of acceptance. The f i r s t two on developing a new type of plan and organiza-t i o n a l structures were accepted. The economic planning stream was accepted with reservations. Tentatively they concluded there was a need to monitor the ef f e c t s of economic p o l i c i e s , and f o r the time being "Let's c a l l i t the fourth l e v e l , and say that i t has to do with the question of i n v e s t i g a t i n g economic 32 planning as a part of the region's r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s " . The education and information stream was accepted i n p r i n c i p l e but hotly debated i n content. Lash had suggested that t h i s stream be direc t e d toward an awakening of Vancouverites to t h e i r great c i t y . In fact Lash sug-gested the idea of a great c i t y as the overriding goal for a l l four streams, or i n other words, the whole planning a c t i v i t y . This became known as the Great City Debate and can be summarized as follows. Lash proposed that the seniors search for an i d e a l or objective which could s t i r us up, and upon which they could base a f i v e year planning program for Greater Vancouver. It should stimulate continuous enthusiasm and be s u f f i -69 c i e n t l y concrete to b u i l d a program. He suggested "Vancouver the Great C i t y " as such an o v e r a l l goal. He claimed, among other things, "Vancouver's situa^-t i o n and s e t t i n g , together with the fact that i t happens to be i n Canada which has a very high growth p o t e n t i a l , and at the moment an open immigration p o l i c y , 33 i s going to keep on turning i t into a very d i s t i n c t i v e cosmopolitan area". A l l three other seniors attacked the great c i t y idea with various views but the major opponent was Rashleigh. The following four points summar-ize the debate l i s t i n g the attack f i r s t and the defense second. 1. Rashleigh doubted i f they could s e l l such a "high f l y i n g banner" as "Vancouver—Canada's City i n the Sun" to the people. It sounds too much i M i 3 4 l i k e a slogan. Lash r e p l i e d "I'm not t a l k i n g about mounting an operation to create a prestige image which i s 45% ad-man's flim-flam, 25% Chamber of Commerce 35 boosting and 10% r e a l f a c t s " . 2. We don't need such a s i n g l e a l l i n c l u s i v e goal but can concentrate on smaller operational goals—more modest objectives. "Why do you f e e l t h i s o b l i g a t i o n to b o i l down the objectives to one, an a l l embracing one? I'd be 36 s a t i s f i e d with a few small successes that we can p u l l o f f as a department". In response to Rashleigh's modest objectives argument and i n reference to past experience with t h i s approach, Lash said, "I'm a b i t fed up with spend-37 ing my l i f e on the things that turn out not to make any di f f e r e n c e " . 3. The great c i t y idea does not " j i b e very w e l l with the we l l stated aim to make our organization a very action oriented one;" we shouldn't " s e l l 38 the people something that i s only i n our imagination". Thorburn responded that Rashleigh's statement was inconsistent with his educational program i n which he wished to inform and involve the public about d i f f e r e n t approaches and yet h i s action oriented- program implied precon-ceived actions. 4. We should be more problem oriented and deal with matters such as 70 "the constant competition between l i m i t e d farmland and urban growth" and such 39 conceptualizations as the " l i v a b l e c i t i e s i n a sea of green". In a broad response Lash sa i d , The only urgency now, of course, i s to set a program f o r next year. But I would r e s i s t s e t t i n g next year's program by running down the shopping l i s t and t i c k i n g things o f f . I would rather get to the point where we have agreed on some statements of possible objectives that are good enough to help"organize our thinking. Many planning organi-zations give themselves the r o l e of providing possible a l t e r n a t i v e s that decision-makers may want, without any sort of i d e o l o g i c a l input. The concept of " l i v a b l e c i t i e s i n a sea of green" i s not s a t i s f y i n g to me as an objective any more than such objectives as "new towns" or "green b e l t " or "balanced transportation system". They are too physi-c a l . What you have to do i s get beyond those concepts by asking why do you want t h i s physical result? What i s i t going to do for l i f e ? I appreciate Ted's concern with the p a r t i c u l a r Vancouver s i t u a t i o n , but i t i s the implication for l i f e i n Vancouver that I am looking for.40 This retreat did not come to a d e f i n i t e conclusion. Lash concluded by saying "you have got to set up objectives which are outside of your program, by which your programs are going to be measured.... Well, now that we are a l l 41 f e e l i n g rather grumpy, s h a l l we go and have a cup of tea?" Salt Spring A second s t a f f r e t r e a t was held i n October of 1970 on Salt Spring Island involving a l l professional s t a f f . The objective was to further discuss guidelines for a f i v e year planning program, and become s p e c i f i c about the 1971 program. Seminars were held on philosophic background, r o l e of the planning agency, major regional problems, and the 19 71 program objectives. The p h i l o s o p h i c a l background seminar was p r i n c i p a l l y a presentation by Lash covering his Montreal experiences i n goal s e t t i n g , the rank of Van-couver among c i t i e s , what i d e n t i f i e d Vancouver as a unique c i t y , and some speculations on the future. One can note that despite opposition the great c i t y idea persisted i n Lash's mind. Largely, Lash was t e s t i n g the idea more than being a die-hard advocate of i t . To t h i s point he had not found s u f f i -cient counter arguments or evidence to drop i t , and further convincing opposi-t i o n did not emerge. 71 In the seminar on the agency r o l e i t was accepted that they would be the research arm of the GVRD. Some important further explorations on r o l e occurred regarding r e l a t i o n s with the p u b l i c , p o l i t i c i a n s and other GVRD de-partments. Would they i n t e r a c t with the pu b l i c through advocacy, consensus b u i l d i n g , "needling", "hew and cry", or s e n s i t i z a t i o n ? Lash summarized how he saw t h e i r approach as one of fos t e r i n g images but not going out with a hard 42 s e l l . Toward p o l i t i c i a n s , the i d e a l r e l a t i o n s h i p was conceived as one which would create an atmosphere where p o l i t i c a l leadership develops. The department could a s s i s t this by bringing ideas to the p o l i t i c i a n s . L a s t l y , i t was recog-nized that the " s t a f f " or research function would n a t u r a l l y cause f r i c t i o n with the l i n e departments. To minimize t h i s f r i c t i o n , to help make GVRD a cohesive un i t , and to provide s t a f f assistance to l i n e departments, i t was decided that a "missionary r o l e " of lending s t a f f members should be followed. The t h i r d seminar on major regional problems was less productive. In the absence of we l l defined short and long term objectives for the region the discussion of random problems was regarded as somewhat aimless. Accordingly they s h i f t e d to a review of functions which GVRD might adopt to make the re-gional d i s t r i c t concept work. Some of the possible future functions discussed were transportation, p u b l i c housing, p o l l u t i o n c o n t r o l , health, welfare, p o l i c e , parks, plumbing code, garbage dis p o s a l , l i b r a r i e s , landscaping, land assembly for a g r i c u l t u r a l preservation and economic development, t r a f f i c , land banking, information centre, harbours, schools and urban development. F i n a l l y , the l a s t seminar tackled what the 1971 program should be. While there was a shopping l i s t of program items almost a l l of the discussion centered on what type of plan they would be developing. Since these discussions were lengthy and c r u c i a l to further developments of the planning program they are placed under the following separate heading. What Form of Flan A major thrust of the LMRPB j u s t p r i o r to i t s demise was the Trans-72 portation and Urban Pattern Study, c a l l e d TUPS. Since i t became central to discussion on a new type of plan, some elaboration on TUPS i s necessary. The O f f i c i a l Regional Plan, adopted i n 1966, was b a s i c a l l y a land-use plan. It did Include, however, the framework for a more dynamic and s p e c i f i c plan. Sub-sequent studies were intended on major transportation linkages i n r e l a t i o n to urban patterns "to assume optimum use of these land resources and the trans-43 portation f a c i l i t i e s that serve them". Thus the "Transportation and Urban Pattern Study", c a l l e d TUPS, was i n i t i a t e d by the LMRPB. Not only was TUPS to be a natural progression of the regional plan, but i t was also to be a "new" type of plan. Planning p r a c t i c e up u n t i l the 1960's had employed separate transportation and land use studies and plans. Accordingly a transportation plan would be made to serve an independently pro-ject e d land use pattern. S i m i l a r l y , land use plans were prepared to comple-ment an independent transportation pattern. The LMRPB saw both approaches as being wrong. Rather, the objectives and l i m i t a t i o n s i n land-use and trans-portation plans should be mutual and developed c o i n c i d e n t a l l y with f u l l acknow-• 44 ledgment of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The nature of TUPS, as stated i n a pre-liminary way i n the study proposals included the use of a simulation model to evaluate a l t e r n a t i v e land-use/transportation patterns leading to the s e l e c t i o n of the pattern that best achieves regional goals. This was to be followed by 45 more.detailed short and long term plans. Discussion of TUPS at the Salt Spring retreat generally found the approach i n v a l i d for the current s i t u a t i o n and searched for a d i f f e r e n t type of plan. The reasons for abandoning TUPS, expressed in terms of those at the meeting, were 1. We do not want a one study program for the planning agency but several studies with an undefined end p r o d u c t — t h a t i s , f l e x i b i l -i t y along the way. TUPS can be described as a s e r i e s of study steps; our approach can be described as a series of study and 73 action steps. Decisions w i l l be made along the way and d i r e c t i o n changed. 2. The problem of "bringing the ORP u p " — I t i s d i f f i c u l t to b u i l d on a plan with a narrow planning base when many a d d i t i o n a l dimensions may increase the implementation power, p a r t i c u l a r l y the new func-tions GVRD may adopt. 3. Modification studies to the ORP may make i t undesirable to follow t h i s plan. 4. HPS w i l l look at a l l options for Greater Vancouver on a longer term basis than would TUPS. 5. We avoid the magic output at the end of f i v e years of study, i n -stead we should seek an ongoing output. 6. The ORP i s pri m a r i l y a regional zoning bylaw. "We do need t h i s , but we can't make i t work by i t s e l f . We've got to have p o l i c i e s 46 that operationalize the goals along with i t " . As i s evident, t h i s evolutionary step i n Greater Vancouver planning involved two d i f f e r e n t conceptions of a plan and accordingly the discussions can be viewed i n terms of contrasting approaches about the process of plan making and the substance of the plan. TUPS involved many complementary studies over several years r e s u l t i n g i n a complete and sophisticated plan. In contrast the proposed approach would be more short-range. Studies would contribute to evolving p o l i c y development i n which an ultimate plan would be secondary to t h e on-going p r o c e s s : "The h e l l with more studies, l e t ' s b u i l d the bloody 47 l i n e " . Regarding substance, TUPS sought to b u i l d on the pattern of urban physical form of the ORP which inescapably r e l a t e d to the LMRPB concepts of transportation c o r r i d o r s , town centres, and c i t i e s i n a sea of green. The new approach would take a "fresh look". A systems o r i e n t a t i o n would be followed assuming a large number of development patterns which could be compared and evaluated on the basis of goals c r i t e r i a . In combination with the short-range 74 c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , the proposed approach would continuously examine al t e r n a t i v e s rather than s e t t l i n g on one optimum urban pattern. While debate on these d i r e c t i o n s could not be completed, there was consensus to step out with the new approach as defined so f a r . For 1971 t h i s meant two major pro j e c t s : (a) continuation of the transportation work leading to a completed report, and (b) a beginning on a new p l a n — p r o j e c t Alpha. Con-cerning the concept of plan Alpha, i t implied an abandonment of further work on updating and d e t a i l i n g the ORP, and commitment to a new type of plan. Harrison Seminar The next step i n developing the new agency's program was to hold a further seminar i n October, t h i s time involving the p o l i t i c i a n s of the Planning 48 Committee. They met at Harrison Hot Springs "to discuss long-term object-ives of the Regional D i s t r i c t program as i t a f f e c t s regional development, and 49 within t h i s context, the 1971 Program of the Planning Department". To assemble a l l the preparatory discussions on program development and to provide a v e h i c l e for seminar discussions, Lash presented a P o s i t i o n 50 Paper. Because the p o s i t i o n paper i s somewhat of a "kitchen sink" report including most of the ideas from the previous r e t r e a t s , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to summarize. B r i e f l y i t contained the following: - Vancouver's future r o l e including the great d i t y idea; - goals for Vancouver l a r g e l y s i m i l a r to the Montreal goals; - r o l e of the Regional D i s t r i c t defined as: "to insure that the urban and regional m i l i e u provided Vancouver's people i s of the best possible q u a l i t y both now and i n the future, insofar as that l i e s beyond the scope of i n d i v i d u a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s or ban be more e f f i c i e n t l y undertaken on behalf of those m u n i c i p a l i t i e s by the Regional D i s t r i c t " " ^ ; - an o u t l i n e of the r o l e of the planning department to include f i v e main functions: 1. Coordination of and l i a i s o n between governmental agencies, municipal agencies and other organizations. 2. Corporate planning for the Regional D i s t r i c t as an organi-zation as d i s t i n c t from regional planning for Greater Vancouver. 3. A c q u i s i t i o n of functions including "seed bed r o l e " and plan-ning department s t a f f development. 4. Public information, communication, and feedback. 5. Development of a new regional plan and implementing p o l i c i e s . With such a broad discussion base the seminar proceeded. I t acted as a v e h i c l e for the exchange of ideas and was educational about regional planning. More importantly, some c r u c i a l decisions emerged. The f i r s t of these was a change i n the goals emphasis from the great c i t y conception to l i v a b i l i t y . While i t was accepted that "Vancouver's image i s one of being a great place in which to l i v e " , i t s greatness was not seen as a great world c i t y but great because of l o c a l l i v a b i l i t y . As Lash l a t e r s a i d , Vancouver's umbrella goal appears to be "harmony with the environment" rather than great world c i t y . From t h i s point onward l i v a b i l i t y becomes the catch-word of GVRD planning. A second p r i n c i p l e emerging from the seminars was that planning leadership should be a p o l i t i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . "The Board members themselves must o f f e r lead-ership. The planners themselves have a l o w - p r o f i l e r o l e , and do not f e e l that 52 i t i s t h e i r job to launch (or lead) crusades". And t h i r d , the seminars v e r i -f i e d the f i v e r o l e functions of the planning department as outlined above in Lash's P o s i t i o n Paper. L a s t l y , the seminars reached a conclusion on the content of the 1971 program. This can be best understood through the. Planning Committee summary of the seminar. In connection with the broad consensus a r i s i n g from the Seminar Mr. Lash made a generalized graphic presentation, geared to the "Livable C i t y " idea, showing the "flow" or progression of the v a r i -76 ous elements, such as transportation (the present program or "public meeting" phase of which i s already nearing.completion); data gather-ing, fact f i n d i n g , ORP amendments, information systems b u i l d i n g , UPS, and t e n t a t i v e new functions, etc. A c r i t i c a l path type of diagram was also presented. An immediate, f i r s t approximation of the " l i v a b l e c i t y plan" (project Alpha) i s scheduled to commence in January 1971. The ultimate plan i s conceived as a "document" which w i l l suggest how things ought to be c o n t r o l l e d i n the Region, and how things ought to be p o s i t i v e l y planned or done, so that a " l i v a b l e c i t y " ensues not only at the end, but hopefully, one that becomes increasingly l i v a b l e as the Region progresses. ("Livable C i t y " means l i v a b l e within the region, or the Greater Vanvouver metropolitan area.) "Alpha" i s expected to be f i n i s h e d with a rough report for the Board (through the Planning Committee) i n February 1971. The proposed transportation corridors were discussed. It was noted that i n v e s t i -gations should go ahead within three months.... 53 Goals Seminar Following quickly a f t e r the Harrison retreat was a Goals seminar with the Technical Planning Committee. "This Seminar evolved from an e a r l i e r one held by the Board's Planning Committee, when the p o l i t i c a l decision was made to define the goals of the Region by way of a 'Livable Region Plan'.... Some-thing that may come out of t h i s Seminar, aside from discussion (and perhaps some d e f i n i t i o n of goals), i s an idea of how to stimulate greater conscious-ness i n the metropolitan Vancouver area of the Regional D i s t r i c t i t s e l f " . ^ Three papers were scheduled for the seminar by Genevieve MeMarchand s t a f f mem-ber, Harry Lash, d i r e c t o r , and Hans Blumenfeld, consultant contracted for this purpose. LeMarchand's paper was t i t l e d Goals in P l a n n i n g — a preview of goals for Greater Vancouver. Her excellent paper, c i r c u l a t e d beforehand, was div-ided into three parts. In the f i r s t , she traced the evolution of goals i n planning from a p o s i t i o n of being i d e n t i f i e d i n t u i t i v e l y by the planner, to being an i n t e g r a l part of an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y , dynamic, and systematic plan-ning. The former applied u n t i l the beginning of the 1950's. Af t e r that date a broader perspective on goals emerged i n theory: for example, Davidoff's 77 Choice Theory as a way of e v a l u a t i n g a l t e r n a t i v e s , and i n H i l l ' s "goals 56 achievement m a t r i x " to deal w i t h m u l t i p l e goals. Recently, she pointed out, goals are becoming even more important as we view our c i t i e s as systems, and as p o l i t i c i a n s and the p u b l i c demand to know planner's goal premises. The second part examined goals i n planning l i t e r a t u r e and w e l l known s t u d i e s . She reviewed the methods of goal determination, the nature of goals and t h e i r c u l t u r a l v a r i a n c e . She concluded that there was a f a i l u r e to r e l a t e goals and p o l i c i e s : "No systematic procedure was c l e a r l y o u t l i n e d . The goals seem to have served mainly as a general framework w i t h i n which i n t e l l i g e n t d e c i s i o n s could be made"."^ The t h i r d and l a s t part reviewed the LMRPB and GVRD reports and id e n -t i f i e d the goals " i m p l i e d or expressed" i n them. Goals are i d e n t i f i e d and sum-marized f o r each r e p o r t . LeMarchand's conclusion to the report was that we ought to de f i n e three l e v e l s of g o a l s — g e n e r a l goals "which can be a p p l i e d to the continuous q u a l i t y of the planning process", o p e r a t i o n a l goals "to help Planning deal w i t h change", and o b j e c t i v e s from which "a program of a c t i o n can be defined". Regarding p u t t i n g t h i s i n t o p r a c t i c e she s a i d : For Greater Vancouver, the concept of a " L i v a b l e C i t y " was picked up at the H a r r i s o n Hot Springs Seminar. This i s a f a i r l y general goal w i t h which i t i s hard to agree or disagree unless i t i s f u r t h e r ex-p l a i n e d . And here i s where the a n a l y s i s work of planners and s p e c i -a l i s t s w i l l help to e s t a b l i s h the framework f o r o p e r a t i o n a l goals. . The o p e r a t i o n a l goals I found i n the examples were mainly i n f l u e n c e d by the nature, q u a l i t y and stre n g t h of n a t u r a l resources ( a i r , water, land) environment ( n a t u r a l s e t t i n g , urban s t r u c t u r e s and s e r v i c e s ) people (behavior, m o t i v a t i o n s , values) socio-economic and c u l t u r a l l e v e l . I f we f o l l o w the same p a t t e r n , c o n d i t i o n s of l i v a b i l i t y i n Vancouver would be defined by r e l a t i o n s h i p s between a l l elements w i t h i n the four sets above and t h e i r subsets. The " l i v a b i l i t y " index, i f there were one, might be the same i n 19 70 as i n 1920, or by the year 2000. What would have changed are the con d i t i o n s of l i v a b i l i t y . Therefore I am not speaking of an absolute d e f i n i t i o n of a l i v a b l e c i t y . What I mean i s that a c e r t a i n balance, an e c o l o g i c a l balance, has to be maintained whatever the changes might be i n popu l a t i o n volume, i n quan t i t y of preserved n a t u r a l resources, or i n density of housing u n i t s , e t c . There i s a balance concept to define i n these days of e c o l o g i c a l c r i s i s on our p l a n e t , w h i l e a "value" r e v o l u t i o n i s ra g i n g . . . . I t i s indeed the r o l e of p o l i t i c i a n s to account f o r e x i s t i n g and 78 c o n f l i c t i n g v a l u e s , but i t a l s o belongs to them to design f o r change, by forming the opi n i o n of people about the f u t u r e , by " i n v e n t i n g pre-f e r r e d f u t u r e s " . 8 She went on to recommend that a l i v a b i l i t y index be developed and to s t r e s s that the goals of the region are complex and beyond the comprehension of any i n d i v i d u a l — f o r understanding these "what i s needed ther e f o r e i s a communica-t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l s , planners, developers, a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , various kinds of s p e c i a l i s t s , and p o l i t i c i a n s — c o m m u n i c a t i o n from which the mechanics and the dynamics of the Region, as w e l l as the motivations of people, could be 59 brought to l i g h t " . For the next seminar s e s s i o n Lash d i d not present a formal- paper as intended due to a recent i l l n e s s , but-he d i d o u t l i n e h i s thoughts v e r b a l l y . S e v e r a l major points were made, the f i r s t of which explained the greater con-cern f o r goals today i n terms of a changing ethos of the age. E l a b o r a t i n g on t h i s theme he presented a chart of changing s o c i e t a l values over time which i s reproduced below. ETHOS OF THE AGE .PLANNERS' WATCHWORD 800 Glory of God Master B u i l d e r s 1600 Pomp and Pat e r n a l i s m Grand Design itity 1850 Rugged I n d i v i d u a l i s m Beaux A r t s Quan 1900 P r o s p e r i t y and Promises (Progress) Order, economy and convenience some f o r 1950 The Welfare State Order, economy and convenience a l l f o r j Quality 1970 Reverence f o r L i f e Q u a l i t y of the C i t y and the Environment 79 Up u n t i l eight or ten years ago i t was e a s i l y defined that most plan-ning was done to produce orderly economical and convenient development i n the community. This c l e a r l y understood precept then began to cloud over with a d i f f u s i o n of broader ideals or goals....What seems to be the emerging, current ethos i s a "reverence f o r l i f e " , wherein man i s r e a l i z i n g for the f i r s t time that he i s not a supreme be i n g — b u t sim-ply that he i s j u s t another being. Planners, consequently, are now (or should be) concerned with the quality of the c i t y and the envir-onment. We are concerned with goals today because t h i s change i s j u s t beginning, and i t i s a much sharper change than that between the era . of rugged individualism and the era of prosperity and progress, or from prosperity and progress to the welfare state. The change i n v a l -ues appears to be much greater because these periods were concerned mainly with quantitative values, whereas the future indicates a con-cern with q u a l i t a t i v e values. The thing that i s perhaps bothering planners i s that the planning method, independent of where i t s i t s — t h e way you go about p l a n n i n g — i s the essence of t r y i n g to achieve something i n an orderly and econ-omical, r a t i o n a l , convenient way. During the past decade the goals of society, to some extent, coincided with the planning d i s c i p l i n e ' s method of looking at things. But now that i s suddenly no longer true ....Goals, then—general goals and operational goals--must be deter-. mined consciously. There may be a tendency to get extremely uptight about the choice because personal l i m i t a t i o n s are not realized.60 In essence Lash s a i d , and was e x p l i c i t about t h i s , that the t r a d i t i o n -a l goals hierarchy planning approach i s no longer v i a b l e : "working within a hierarchy (thinking down from the top l e v e l to the bottom) may not be product-61 i v e " . A new goals approach was necessary, i n Lash's view, and he presented 62 a goals matrix which r e l a t e s quantitative goals to q u a l i t a t i v e goals. It i s quite f e a s i b l e to look at our problem i n a d i f f e r e n t way—to use our goals i n a much easier way. Our task as Regional Planners may be viewed simply as that to manage growth and change within a set of urban and regional systems. This may be i l l u s t r a t e d i n the follow-ing matrix: 80 SYSTEMS: Housing Goods Transportation People Transportation Recreation Manufacturing R e t a i l Trade Etc. INSUFFICIENCY INEFFICIENCY SUFFICIENCY EFFICIENCY U O e cn cn cu tn H 3 3 w . rH Pi o o CJ U o 1—I H H Go § A T AT 111 W o CJ 4J u liU VI r x 1 o li TT 1 1 TT 11 "DTT ctf • CO W cy ID Planners could use t h i s goals matrix as follows. Regarding the set of urban and regional systems, minimum acceptable standards need to be estab-l i s h e d . Next possible desirable changes i n the systems should be i d e n t i f i e d . And l a s t l y , various patterns of desirable changes a l l above the minimum accept-able standards should be evaluated r e l a t i v e to the qu a l i t y goals. In t h i s way trade-offs between systems and q u a l i t y advancement can be made as w e l l as trade-offs among systems and among goals. "We are t r y i n g to progress i n the qu a l i t y goals from less to more, and i n the systems, from i n s u f f i c i e n c y / 6 3 i n e f f i c i e n c y towards s u f f i c i e n c y / e f f i c i e n c y . Following the papers of LeMarchand and Lash, the seminar divided into f i v e groups i n which they discussed the papers and some s p e c i f i c questions. The t h i r d and l a s t paper was presented by Hans Blumenfeld, the eminent planner now working i n Toronto. Blumenfeld was contracted for three days to 64 write and present a paper on Planning the Urban Form. His paper outlines the d i f f i c u l t y of p r e d i c t i o n , i m p l i c i t l y accepts growth, and turns to the form for Vancouver at the next turn of the century when the population w i l l be 2 m i l l i o n . In generally discussing urban form he i d e n t i f i e s the primary contra-81 d i c t o r y requirements of access to work and access to the r e a l countryside: 6 5 Howard's two magnets: c i t y and country. To minimize a l l t r a v e l distances to work c a l l s for "compact o v e r a l l form (of) a c i r c l e , having a minimum length of perimeter for a given amount of a r e a " . ^ And i f the c i t y grows beyond a cer t a i n s i z e there would be the d e s i r a b i l i t y of sub-centres. The second and even more important form to s a t i s f y the a t t r a c t i o n of the "country" magnet i s access to the " r e a l " countryside, to f i e l d s , farms, and f o r e s t s . This requires a maximum length of the "urban p e r i m e t e r " — e x a c t l y the opposite of the c i r c u l a r form which i s the form which urban areas tend to assume i f they are directed by the "natural" forces of the market. In f a c t , the various proposals f o r " i d e a l " c i t y forms a l l derive from the desires to lengthen the p e r i -meter. In essence, there are only three such forms: the c o n s t e l l a -t i o n , the ribbon, and the star.67 He then goes on to show that the s t a r , or " f i n g e r " plan, provides as good acc-ess to the countryside as the others and better access to a l l other parts of the urban areas. However, i t requires adjustment to the geography and givens of the area. For Vancouver "nature has cut o f f h a l f of the p o t e n t i a l f i n g e r s . Consequently the remaining fingers must be longer, thicke r , and more densely developed than they otherwise would be. This makes i t both more necessary and more f e a s i b l e to develop strong sub-centres i n these fingers and to connect 68 them to the main centre by e f f e c t i v e transportation l i n k s " . In discussion, Blumenfeld made some pertinent comments on the gap between goals and objectives. His p o s i t i o n was goals are motherhood statements and discussions about them are unproductive. Planning i s c o r r e c t i v e i n nature because man knows what he does not want, not what he does want. Therefore, we should s t a r t with problems, develop objectives, and work toward the best condi-tions possible. "The need i s to r e a l l y understand the c i t y as an ongoing and dynamic system, and to see not only immediate consequences by which something 69 i s done, but also a l l of the other e f f e c t s " . P h i l l i p s , a Vancouver Alderman and Planning Committee Member, provid-ed a summation for the seminar i n which he said the following: - a l i v a b i l i t y index should be pursued 8 2 - The d i s t i n c t i o n between the thinking of the 50's and that which has evolved over the past two years i s important (the change from the emphasis on economic development to the quality of l i f e i s obvious p o l i t i c a l l y , and i s an important d i s t i n c t i o n to make); - The old LMRPB goals r e f l e c t the values of the 50's and require up-dating. But goals themselves are not.a substitute for something more tangible i n the way of a plan (they are too broad and unenfor-ceable) . - We should examine our goals p a r t l y by considering n e g a t i v e s — t h e problems that have to be overcome—but they must be considered on the same l e v e l as the goals.70 Summary The Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t Planning Department was formed in 1969 and i t s Director, Harry Lash, was appointed l a t e r that year. From the outset there was an opportunity to create a new s t y l e of planning, and Lash wished to seize t h i s opportunity. There are three d i s t i n c t i v e features to GVRD planning i n 1969 and 1970. F i r s t , e f f o r t s were made to b u i l d the new department: the addition of senior s t a f f and the development of an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l design. From the outset organi-zation f or planning was considered as an e s s e n t i a l part of planning. Of note was the c o l l e g i a l approach used i n "matins" for exchange of data and for more or less j o i n t decision-making. Second, the new department was committed to some work which had a l -ready been s t a r t e d . Of prominence here was the Rapid Transit Study which i n -volved considerable time. Third, and most important, the department undertook extensive d e l i b e r -ations toward defining t h e i r function and defining a f i v e year planning prog-ram. Toward these objectives a ser i e s of retreats was held with broadening p a r t i c i p a t i o n : f i r s t with senior s t a f f , then a l l s t a f f , and f i n a l l y s t a f f and p o l i t i c i a n s . The ret r e a t conception was an extension of the c o l l e g i a l organi-zation p r i n c i p l e but i t included the a d d i t i o n a l idea of working i n partnership with p o l i t i c i a n s . From retre a t deliberations many c r u c i a l matters were decided. The department's roles were outlined as coordinator among governments, corpor-83 ate planning, a c q u i s i t i o n of regional functions, public involvement, and development of a new regional plan. Regarding the new plan, extensive discussions occurred; " l i v a b i l i t y " emerged as the umbrella goal of GVRD planning. Tentative steps toward the new plan included the use of public p a r t i c i p a t i o n , operational goals, and develop-ment of a l i v a b i l i t y index and an urban matrix. Overall t h i s beginning phase of planning i n the GVRD can be seen as a deliberate and open-minded search for a way of planning to meet l o c a l circum-stances and avoid past f a i l i n g s . This approach resembles a new consciousness for planning, 84 FOOTNOTES 1. Interview with Professor Wiesman, Uni v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, School of Community and Regional Planning, 1973. 2. Appendix C summarizes a l l GVRD s t a f f . 3. The unfavorable judgement on the LMRPB, which f e l l p r i m a r i l y on Vic Parker as Director, should i n no way be seen as a mark against his compet-ence or that of the agency. In fact the opposite i s l i k e l y the case; the suc-cess of the LMRPB i n e v i t a b l y led them into p o l i t i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e areas and to ultimate c r i s i s . Their aggressive s t y l e , or what may be c a l l e d the crusading planner, got them into trouble and not the professional competence which form-ed the foundation of t h e i r proposals. In retrospect, the LMRPB was as innova-t i v e i n i t s time as the GVRD i s i n i t s , but i t had an " A c h i l l e s ' heel", where-as we have yet to see i f the GVRD has one as w e l l . 4. Interview with Professor Wiesman, UBC, School of Community and Regional Planning, 1973. 5. Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, O f f i c i a l Regional Plan for the Lower Mainland Planning Area, August 29, 1966. 6. Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , Report of the Broome Commit- tee, P o l i t i c a l and Administrative Structure Committee, February 26, 1969. 7. In reading this chapter i n dr a f t form Lash f e l t there was too much emphasis on himself: " t h i s i s your l i f e , Harry Lash". Further discussion with other s t a f f members on this point v e r i f i e d the emphasis given i n this case h i s t o r y . One should not, however, int e r p r e t from this, that the s t y l e of the whole agency i s a t t r i b u t e d to Lash. His i n t e r a c t i v e and d e l i b e r a t i v e approach brought a l l s t a f f members into the departmental evolution. As w i l l be noted in the Great City Debate, the s t a f f frequently directed the department contrary to Lash's desires. Lash's extraordinary a b i l i t y to encourage moving a step beyond what seemed possible for the moment stimulated departmental progress often i n tough times, but a l l s t a f f members shared i n the evolution. 8. Interview with H. Lash, D i r e c t o r , Greater Vancouver Regional Dis-t r i c t Planning Department, 19 71. 9. Lawson, M.B.A., and Johnston, N., Urban Renewal, C i t y of Toronto Planning Board, 1956. 10. Interview with H. Lash, Director, GVRD, 1972. 11. Lynch used this paper at a short course attended by Lash. The paper was published i n Holland, L.B. (ed) Who Designs America? New York, 1966. 12. Lash, H., On Goals, C i t y of Montreal Planning Department, February 16, 1965. The substance of Lash's report i s as follows: goals are of c r i t i c a l importance i n planning. They provide the l i n k between ultimate pur-pose and planning action, or i n other words, act as c r i t e r i a to evalu-ate plans. The advantages of planning, such as savings i n time, mon-ey, worry, are not goals. These advantages would be gained no matter 85 what goals were adopted. Lash believed that goals are necessary to go beyond the mere advantages of planning and to optimize planned action i n the service of society. 13. Ib i d . , p. 19. 14. This study i s a se r i e s of i n t e r n a l documents and not one report. 15. Farry seemed to be experiencing a new consciousness over planning l i k e Lash had gone through. He questioned the planning as borrowing from other c i t i e s , urban renewal as subdivision planning writ large, and master planning as zoning writ large. Within the b e l l y of urban planning p r a c t i t i o n e r s there i s a sublimated sense of something wrong with much of what they are doing. This seldom goes beyond professional jokes on themselves. Some planners have consciously t r i e d to be more serious about these shortcomings. Several arrived at the GVRD Planning Department. 16. Interview with Drew Thorburn, GVRD, 1972. 17. Interview with Ted Rashleigh, GVRD, 1972. 18. More recently matins has broadened to include support s t a f f when the agenda i s relevant. Four regular times per week are scheduled for matins and they a c t u a l l y occur at le a s t twice a week. Agendas are prepared i n advance including material for discussion. Anyone can place a topic on an agenda by merely t e l l i n g the matins secretary. The nature of matins has changed over time and l i k e l y w i l l continue to change. In the early period matins dealt with problems of o r i e n t a t i o n and i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s . As the agency grew Seniors took over p r i o r i t y s e t t i n g , coordination, personnel and budgeting and matins began to focus on substantive issues, job proposals and job r e s u l t s . When these l a t t e r matters were on the agenda f u l l attendance of a l l professionals was encouraged. Each matins session had a chairman, but the chairmanship was on a r o t a t i n g b a s i s . These procedures are s t i l l being followed. 19. E a r l y personal notes by Drew Thorburn. 20. Ib i d . 21. Interview with Harry Lash, GVRD, 1971. 22. Ibi d . 23. Ib i d . 24. DeLeuw, Cather & Co., Report on the Greater Vancouver area trans- i t study, prepared for the Joint Transportation Committee, Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t and B.C. Hydro Power Authority, Vancouver, B.C., 1970. 25. Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, May 27, 1970. 26. Goldberg, M.A., and H o l l i n g , C.S., The Vancouver Regional Inter- i n s t i t u t i o n a l P o l i c y Simulator, Resource Science Centre, Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, May 27, 1970.-27. GVRD, Report to Core Group, August 3, 1971, p. 2. 28. St a f f retreats were e f f e c t i v e l y used at Montreal when Lash was there which led to t h e i r use i n Vancouver. 86 29. Fortunately f o r the researcher, excellent notes were made from many such d e l i b e r a t i o n s . The essence of the Diamond Head discussions i s pre-sented i n a superb document e n t i t l e d The Great City Debate: a four-handed con- versation at Diamond Head, GVRD, December 10, 1970, 28 pp. single-spaced. 30. GVRD, The Great C i t y Debate: a four-handed conversation at Diamond Head, December 10, 1970, p. 1. retreat, 31. Ibid. , p. 1. 32. Ibid., Lash, p. 7. 33. Ibid., Lash, p. 8. 34. I b i d . , Rashleigh. 35. Ibid., Lash. 36. Ibid. , Rashleigh, p. 21. 37. Ibi d . , Lash, p. 22, emphasis added. 38. Ibi d . , Rashleigh, pp. 23 and 10. 39. Ibid., Rashleigh, pp. 25 and 24. 40. Ibid. , Lash, p. 26. 41. Ibi d . , Lash, p. 28. 42. GVRD, u n t i t l e d hand-written notes on 43. The LMRPB explained TUPS as follows: The report, Chance and Challenge, published by the Regional Planning Board i n 1964, proposed that p o l i c i e s and guidelines for the develop-ment of the Lower Mainland be embodied i n an O f f i c i a l Regional Plan. This challenge was taken up by the- M u n i c i p a l i t i e s from Vancouver to : • Hope, and aft e r numerous meetings of the Board, the M u n i c i p a l i t i e s , ... t h e i r respective staffs,' and P r o v i n c i a l and Federal O f f i c i a l s , the O f f i c i a l Regional Plan for the Lower Mainland was adopted i n August, 1966 by Order-in-Council of the P r o v i n c i a l Government. This plan i s e s s e n t i a l l y a set of basic goals and p o l i c i e s to guide public and priva t e p o l i c i e s for change and development i n the Region. Within the framework of i t s basic goals and p o l i c i e s , the Regional Plan focuses on three fundamental elements: 1. designating lands In the Region for the most s u i t a b l e general type of development—urban, r u r a l , major industry, major park or reserve—each with i t s own development p o l i c i e s . 2. d e f i n i n g the major transportation linkages and modes to provide for the e f f i c i e n t movement of goods and people between and within the parts of the Region. 3. defining the urban pattern within the buildable areas of the Region to assure optimum use of these land resources and the transportation f a c i l i t i e s that serve them. Presently, the Regional Plan deals i n depth with only the f i r s t of 87 these three elements, although s p e c i f i c Schedules to the Plan have been set aside for the second and t h i r d elements. Chance and Chal-lenge also pointed up the need to follow up this f i r s t element of the Plan with studies of transportation, major commercial centres and ' housing patterns. Thus, the TRANSPORTATION AND URBAN PATTERN STUDY w i l l focus i n depth on the second and t h i r d elements above. From Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, Regional Plans Programme: Phase 2 —St u d y Outline for Transportation and Urban Pattern, January 9, 1968. The other LMRPB reports referred to are Chance and Challenge, A Concept and Plan for the Development of the Lower Mainland Region of B.C., December 1963, and the O f f i c i a l Regional Plan for the Lower Mainland Planning Area, August 29, 1966. 44. Two reasons can be suggested as to why the LMRPB planning s t a f f a r r i v e d at the i n t e r r e l a t e d transportation and land-use proposal of TUPS. F i r s t , such a new type of plan was representative of U.S. Planning tendencies i n the 1950's. New metropolitan transportation and land use planning programs had begun i n 13 U.S. c i t i e s by the ea r l y 1960's: see Boyce, D.E., Day, N.D., and McDonald, C , Metropolitan Plan Making, Monograph Series No. 4, Regional Science Research I n s t i t u t e , P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1970. Although aware of t h i s trend, the LMRPB s t a f f was not d i r e c t l y influenced by these studies. They did take cognizance of an emerging eastern Canadian study, but for the most part they worked things out for themselves. Second, there was a s t r a t e g i c reason for including transportation i n the proposed study and combining i t with land-use studies. They had p o l i t i c a l d i f f i c u l t i e s with the p r o v i n c i a l government which would hinder t h e i r request for funds to do further land use studies. I t was known, however, that the p r o v i n c i a l government looked with favor on transporta-t i o n expenditures including further study. Thus combining transportation and land-use studies also became s t r a t e g i c . Both factors l i k e l y influenced the TUPS conception. 45. Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, Regional Plans Programme: Phase 2—Study Outline for Transportation and Urban Pattern, January 9, 1968. 46. GVRD, reporters' notes on the Salt Spring seminars, October 1970. 47. Ibi d . 48. Those unfamiliar with t y p i c a l planning procedures i n municipal . government should note that t h i s procedure i s unusual. Generally there i s a sharp separation between professional planners and p o l i t i c i a n s . This d i v e r -gence by GVRD planners was i n t e n t i o n a l . As noted e a r l i e r , one of t h e i r guid-ing p r i n c i p l e s was that of creating an atmosphere for p o l i t i c a l leadership. 49. Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, Seminar at Harrison Hot Springs, October 30/31, 1970, p. 1. 50. GVRD, P o s i t i o n Paper, October 27, 1970. 51. Ibid., p. 3. 52. Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, Seminar at Harrison Hot Springs, October 30/31, 1970, p."13. 53. Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, December 2, 1970, pp. 1-2. 54. Technical PLanning Committee Minutes, GVRD, December 18, 1970, 88 introductory remarks by Art P h i l l i p s , Vancouver Alderman and Planning Committee member. 55. LeMarchand, Gehvleve, Goals i n Planning: a preview' of goals f o r Greater Vancouver, GVRD, December 11, 1970. 56. Davidoff, P., and Reiner, T.A.,-"A Choice Theory of Planning", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, May 1962, and H i l l , M., "A Goals —achievement Matrix for Evaluating A l t e r n a t i v e Plans", Journal of the Ameri- can I n s t i t u t e of Planners, January 1968. 57. LeMarchand, Genvieve, op. c i t . , p. 12. 58. I b i d . , pp. 25-26. "Inventing preferred futures" comes from Rowan, M., "A Conceptual Framework for Government Policy-Making", Canadian Public Administration, Vol. XIII, No. 3, F a l l 1970. 59. Technical Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, December 18, 1970, p. 6. 60. I b i d . , pp. 7-9 . 61. Ibid ., p. 10. 62. I b i d . , p. 11. 63. I b i d . 64. Blumenfeld, Hans, Planning the Urban Form, GVRD, December 11, 1970. 65. Howard, Ebenezer, Garden C i t i e s of Tomorrow, 1898. 66. Blumenfeld, op. c i t . , p. 5. 67. Ib i d . , p. 6. 68. Ibid ., p. 9. 69. Technical Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, December 18, 1970, p. 17. 70. Ibid ., pp. 18-19. 89 CHAPTER FOUR FIRST BOLD MOVES: GVRD PLANNING .IN 1971 . The 1971 planning program marked a s h i f t from program design to sub-stantive program studies. A d e t a i l e d program design had emerged which provid-ed a framework for determining the year's a c t i v i t i e s . 1970 was characterized by a s e r i e s of retreats or deliberations out of which a program design evolved. Those d e l i b e r a t i o n s , i t w i l l be r e c a l l e d , involved successively broadening p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Only the Senior s t a f f partook i n the Diamond Head r e t r e a t , most s t a f f were present on S a l t Spring Island, p o l i t i c i a n s (the Planning Committee) were the p r i n c i p a l s at the Harrison Hot Springs r e t r e a t , and the Goals Seminar included urban planners from a l l member mu n i c i p a l i t i e s plus some p o l i t i c i a n s . This broadening p a r t i c i p a t i o n stimulated program development by bringing d i f f e r e n t perspectives and ideas to the pro-cess. Equally important, i t involved a l l of those c e n t r a l to program imple-mentation. Thus the emerging 1971 program emerged from a complex series of i n t e r a c t i v e decisions, an evolutionary process, i n contrast to a s i n g l e d e c i -s i o n . Lash translated these deliberations into a d e t a i l e d program design which was s p e c i f i c f or 1971 and more general for the next several years. It took the v i s u a l form of -"a network diagram or chart showing the necessary l i n k s and precedence of a c t i v i t i e s " , as w e l l as d e t a i l e d job descriptions for s p e c i -f i c studies within the program; i t incorporated features of a program budget 90 and c r i t i c a l path analysis.''" Altogether 90 mini-studies were i d e n t i f i e d with the b e l i e f that a large number of them could be completed i n 1971. The inten-t i o n was to have most of these studies done by consultants. I t w i l l be re-ca l l e d that the agency function had been conceptualized as guiding and managing research within an o v e r a l l scheme rather than conducting most of the research in-house. Accordingly, an open meeting of the Technical Planning Committee was held at the Centennial Museum auditorium on January 29, 1971; consultants and academics were i n v i t e d to attend. Lash explained the 1971 program and he "ad-vised the consultants and UBC academics that the GVRD Planning Department would be happy to receive written proposals from any persons or firms who might be interested i n undertaking work based s o l e l y on the d e t a i l s included i n the 1971 program notes". Other guidelines l a i d down were (a) about $150,000 was a v a i l -able f o r consultants i n 1971, (b) omnibus proposals would not be accepted, and (c) i n the i n t e r e s t of o b j e c t i v i t y , f e a s i b i l i t y studies would exclude a fir m from being awarded engineering work. Regarding (b), t h i s was to maintain guid-ance and control by the planning agency, but i t was also r e a l i z e d that managing many mini-studies would be time consuming. The outcomes of t h i s program design and consultant i n t e r a c t i o n w i l l be reported throughout t h i s chapter. The planning a c t i v i t i e s of 1971 can be best summarized under s i x streams of a c t i v i t y i d e n t i f i e d i n the program design. These s i x streams along 3 with the p r i o r i t i e s for 1971 are as follows: 1. Information gathering and a n a l y s i s — A s p r e r e q u i s i t e for planning studies, an information system should be established to make the best use of a v a i l a b l e data; to a s s i s t a n a l y s e s . l i v a b i l i t y i n d i c a -tors should be i d e n t i f i e d ; and development of the Regional simula-t i o n model (HPS) should continue. 2. A c q u i s i t i o n of new regional f u n c t i o n s — S i n c e the framework f or Regional government i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s founded on the gradual a c q u i s i t i o n of new functions, attention should be given to p r i o r i -t i e s and readiness for such acq u i s i t i o n s (the transportation func-t i o n a c q u i s i t i o n i s given a separate stream—number 6 below). 3. Regional plan and p o l i c y making—Program development i n 1970 iden-t i f i e d the creation of a L i v a b l e Region plan as a major p r i o r i t y 4 of the agency and the "keystone of the Departmental program". It should be noted that t h i s varies from the Transportation and Urban Pattern Study (TUPS) of the Broome Report i n that i t i s not aimed at d e t a i l i n g the ORP but at developing a new type of plan. 4. The O f f i c i a l Regional Plan Stream—the ORP s t i l l remains as the l e g a l land use guide for the Region. It requires occasional amend-ment, and provisions should be added for evaluating major develop-ment proposals. 5. Broad-brush transportation p l a n — A short term transportation plan should be prepared "to enable sound judgments about transportation p r i o r i t i e s to be made during the period p r i o r to a c q u i s i t i o n of the transportation function"."' Of note i s that this i s a more com-prehensive transportation approach than outlined i n the Broome Report. 6. Transportation function a c q u i s i t i o n — I n preparation for t h i s action, i n v e s t i g a t i o n s , discussions and negotiations on the organization, and financing of such a function should be made. The function should be acquired i n 1971. These streams provide an appropriate framework for reviewing the 1971 planning a c t i v i t i e s . They w i l l be presented i n order of t h e i r prominance dur-ing the year. Broad-brush Transportation plan stream Of the above s i x streams, the broad-brush transportation stream dom-inated the work, e f f o r t of the year. It consumed 5063 man hours, which i s 43 per cent of non-administration s t a f f time, and included eight consultant re-92 ports. Recent events relevant to t h i s stream include the DeLeuw, Cather & Co. report on rapid t r a n s i t which the agency reviewed i n 1970. Also i n l a t e 19 70 two p r o v i n c i a l cabinet members suggested that public t r a n s i t be turned over from B.C. Hydro to the Regional D i s t r i c t f o r one d o l l a r with an o f f e r to absorb 50 per cent of any Increased losses from the operation as w e l l as cover-ing 37% per cent of c a p i t a l expenditures f o r expansion.^ In response to the l a t t e r , the GVRD Board appointed a Transportation Function Study Committee under the Chairmanship of A l l a n K e l l y "to study the proposals that had been made to us and to determine the needs of the D i s t r i c t , suggest how they might best be met, how they could be financed and how we would operate i f the Region accepted r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for public transportation. In t h i s study I was to have the assistance of Planning Department s t a f f and such 8 consultants as were deemed necessary". Regarding the Planning Department 9 transportation was a p r i o r i t y study area assigned by the Broome Report, but the department had been diverted from t h i s general task i n 1970 to review the Rapid Transit Study. Their analysis of t h i s study affirmed that a broader transportation strategy considering more al t e r n a t i v e s was necessary. K e l l y and s t a f f members worked on the study throughout the spring and summer with a s e l f imposed deadline of October. Lash, Farry and 0'Gorman were the s t a f f co-workers. The 19 71 program design provided a framework to begin the study. One a d d i t i o n a l c r i t e r i o n was to exclude the 3rd Crossing (major bridge) controversy from the study at the request of several Board members. Regional Board members were s p l i t regarding the proposed 200 m i l l i o n d o l l a r bridge making i t a s e n s i t i v e issue. This placed K e l l y and the s t a f f i n a d i f f i c u l t p o s i t i o n because the bridge issue was c e n t r a l to the o v e r a l l trans-portation p i c t u r e . Changes to the study design were made as necessary with K e l l y tending toward more ac t i o n now (a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c p o l i t i c a l stance), and Lash tending to support the l o g i c of o r i g i n a l study designs. When matters bothered K e l l y he would v i s i t the s t a f f for 2 or 3 hours at a time and search with them for s o l u t i o n s . Frequent and long deliberations and compromises eventually led to progress. By f a l l , K e l l y , Lash and Farry had prepared a d r a f t report which was c i r c u l a t e d to the Planning Committee, Technical Planning Committee, and the Transportation Function Study Committee. A f i n a l report was completed i n October. Under these circumstances, transportation was given p r i o r i t y i n the 1971 Program. The s p e c i f i c objectives of the Broad-brush Transportation stream were: 1. Development of program for immediate improvements to transportation. 2. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of future transportation corridors and t h e i r appro-p r i a t e designation i n the O f f i c i a l Regional Plan. 3. Achievement of a s u i t a b l e formula for financing improvements to the regional transportation system. 4. Develop an i n i t i a l f i v e year regional transportation program and pr i o r i t i e s . - ' - 2 The procedure for achieving these objectives was complex and i n e x t r i -cably involved with the 1971 program design. A s e r i e s of i n t e r r e l a t e d studies was proposed some to be done by consultants and others in-house. A precise program budget aided the process by (a) providing o v e r a l l and study cost e s t i -mates, (b) e s t a b l i s h i n g a sequence for projects, (c) providing more detailed frames of reference, and (d) e s t a b l i s h i n g a time schedule for the completion of p r o j e c t s . While the transportation stream comprises only a part of the t o t a l program, i t indicates w e l l how the program budget device worked in prac-t i c e , and w i l l be explained below. Figures 2 and 3 show the proposed transportation stream studies for 1971 and the studies a c t u a l l y undertaken. Although the proposed and actual study programs are b a s i c a l l y s i m i l a r there are some s p e c i f i c d i f f e r e n c e s . The study changed as i t advanced which was consistent with the agency's desire to think things through at every stage. Exactly what types of changes occurred? F i r s t , new needs were perceived and incorporated into the evolving study. For example the transmission l i n e and pipe l i n e aspects had become current problems (B and C), downtown t r a n s i t study (I) was necessary to complement planning by 1. compile existing transportation plans 5. grid plan for transportation corridors pil. study four rapid transit alternatives 14. CONCEPT REPORT 2. needs survey 4. deficiencies by from needs d i s t r i c t and indicies minimum standards and performance iud3.ci.es Figure 2: PROPOSED TRANSPORTATION STUDIES — 1971 VO - E -6. pri o r i t i e s from needs and indicies immediate improvements transportation plan 8. phase two immediate improvement plan 12. costs and revenues for improvements plan investigate cost-sharing formula alternatives 10. computer program to test formulas 13. annual cost-shares by munici-P o l i t y \—> function acquisi-tion J. transportation corridor concept A. compile existing transportation plans B. transmission line proposals . X C. Cascade pipeline study D. rights-of-way mapping minimum standards and performance indicies F. arterial street survey H. think piece on transportation G. needs of municipal councils immediate improvements transportation plan downtown transit concepts Figure 3: ACTUAL TRANSPORTATION STUDIES -- 1971 M. cost-sharing proposed by Transportation] Committee KELLY REPORT (concept report) market study transportation needs 0. transportation service indicies the City of Vancouver, a r t e r i a l streets were included at the request of the Regional Board (F), and the think piece (H) was needed to sharpen the study conceptually. Second, c e r t a i n short cuts were taken to allow the work to be completed i n a reasonable time. Regional transportation needs were e s t a b l i s h -ed through contact with municipal Councils (G) in advance of w e l l developed transportation indices (0). And the proposed complex procedure for a r r i v i n g at a cost-sharing formula (9, 10, 12, and 13 involving formula a l t e r n a t i v e s , developing a computer program to test the formulas, c a l c u l a t i n g a d d i t i o n a l costs, and apportioning these by mun i c i p a l i t i e s ) was a l l handled by the Plan-ning Committee (M). A comparison of the separate steps of the proposed and actual study procedures i s contained i n Appendix D along with a l i s t of the eight consultant reports and how they contributed to the study. Here we have an excellent example of how GVRD planning incorporated several small external 13 studies into a larger study design i n which they made the synthesis. Regional Transportation as a GVRD Function The content of the above transportation report, or the "Kel l y Report" as i t was i n s t a n t l y named, i s now examined. Upon completion of the report the 3rd Crossing controversy was s t i l l growing but the an t i - c r o s s i n g forces were gaining support. It may be that the K e l l y Report aided a non-decision by pro-v i d i n g an a l t e r n a t i v e , but c e r t a i n l y once the decision on the crossing was deferred the report gained c r e d i b i l i t y because i t was the only a l t e r n a t i v e a v a i l a b l e . The K e l l y report outlined a p o l i c y statement for adoption of the trans-portation function on a Regional b a s i s , and i t recommended a "Stage One" for improving Greater Vancouver's transportation system. A summary of the p o l i c y statement for adoption of the transportation function i s : 1. The Regional Transportation objective i s "to provide the people of the Region with d i v e r s i f i e d transportation service adequate to meet t h e i r diverse needs at the least cost consistent with the Livable Region concept, and w i t h i n the f i n a n c i a l resources a v a i l a b l e to the D i s t r i c t and i t s members".''*"' 2. Rapid t r a n s i t should be t r e a t e d as a s e r v i c e l i k e f i r e p r o t e c t i o n , investment i n p u b l i c t r a n s i t can reduce requirements f o r roads and highways, d o l l a r b e n e f i t s of p u b l i c t r a n s i t do not o f t e n show up i n the books of the re s p o n s i b l e p u b l i c t r a n s i t agency, t h e r e f o r e f a r e s should be considered i n the context of r e s u l t i n g t r a v e l hab-i t s , p a t t e r n s , and costs of the e n t i r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system, but fa r e s should not be considered as the s o l e source of f i n a n c i n g p u b l i c t r a n s i t . 3. Regional powers w i l l be requested to develop and operate a wide range of p u b l i c t r a n s i t s e r v i c e s , and f o r comprehensive t r a n s p o r t a -t i o n planning. 4. Sources of finance should not f u r t h e r s t r a i n the property tax; t h e r e f o r e , P r o v i n c i a l support w i l l be requested plus a "cost up to the equivalent of one m i l l on the school tax base" from each 16 m u n i c i p a l i t y i n the Region. 5. The Board should request from the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s the unanimous en-do r s a t i o n of the plan f o r an expanded bus system. While the report was mainly about how GVRD might best take on r e g i o n -a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n as a f u n c t i o n , i t secondly contained suggestions f o r immedi-ate improvements to the region's p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n system by expanding the bus system. Based on the st u d i e s done i n the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n stream, and w i t h the r e c o g n i t i o n that t h i s was only a l i m i t e d p l a n , a "Plan f o r the Expanded Bus System" was presented i n some d e t a i l . The plan c a l l e d f o r - Creation of FASTBUS and LOCAL bus systems, - In c r e a s i n g routes and coverage i n areas which have had b i g popula-t i o n increases but no corresponding increase i n bus s e r v i c e , - Lo c a t i n g t r a n s f e r p o i n t s between FASTBUS and LOCAL systems at a c t i -v i t y p o i n t s l i k e shopping centres, and i n c r e a s i n g s e r v i c e to concentra-98 t i o n of a c t i v i t y : Downtown Vancouver, Downtown New Westminster, various shopping centres, and the U n i v e r s i t i e s . - Restoring most of the service cuts made aft e r the s t r i k e in 1971, including l a t e evening s e r v i c e , - F i n a l l y , but most important, increasing the frequency of buses, r e -ducing the waiting time and making schedules more r e l i a b l e . The K e l l y Report was considered at the Board meeting of November 17, 1971. With some minor changes the Board 1. Adopted the P o l i c y Statement and Program, 2. Directed the Chairman to request municipal approval of a) the P o l i c y Statement and Plan for the Expanded Bus System, and b) a contribution equivalent to one m i l l on the school tax base. 3. Moved that the P r o v i n c i a l Government be informed of these actions and be requested to meet with the Board's representatives for d i s -cussion on the matters r a i s e d . These items were c a r r i e d with a l l C i t y of Vancouver votes against."""^ The end of the planning agencies work on the broad brush transportation stream for 19 71 has now been reached. At the outset four objectives were established and a l l four were achieved. A short term program for an immediate improvement plan was completed (without separate plans for immediate and 5 year periods), future transportation corridors were i d e n t i f i e d (but not included i n the ORP), and p r i n c i p l e s for a cost-sharing formula were recommended. A major differ e n c e between the K e l l y Report transportation study and those which preceded i t i n the Vancouver region was that i t did not attempt to o f f e r an ultimate s o l u t i o n . Instead, i t concentrated on the process of provid-ing and planning for Regional transportation and short run improvements. Even so one may ask how t h i s plan r e l a t e s to the evolving L i v a b l e Regional Plan? In response to such a question the report s a i d : Concern has been expressed that we should f i r s t be making basic d e c i -sions about how the Region i s to grow and develop, and determine the plan for the Livable Region, before we decide what transportation services are needed. I share that concern, but the cycle of planning 99 can be started at any point; i n f a c t , i t has been started, and the cycle must constantly be repeated through the years ahead. I be-l i e v e we can, and should, adopt the function now. To b u i l d the L i v -able Region we must act as well as p l a n . 1 8 Regional Plan and P o l i c y Making Stream The regional plan and p o l i c y making stream was c a l l e d the "keystone stream" i n the 19 71 program report although i t turned out to be second i n e f f o r t to transportation f o r the year. The program design however was for a Livable Region Plan to be f i n i s h e d by 1975. Three major advances toward t h i s plan were made i n 1971: Project Alpha, l i v a b i l i t y i ndicators study, and begin-ning of the Public Program. Each of these i s extremely important i n the evol-19 ving plan and w i l l be dealt with separately. Project Alpha Alpha was the name given to the f i r s t mini-study commissioned out of the 1971 program. Norman Pearson, a former s t a f f member, undertook the work i n January and February. He obtained the help of several s t a f f members and used s p e c i a l "matins" sessions to brainstorm with the professionals. Alpha meant "a ' f i r s t run' at devising an operational plan and s t r a t -20 egy for guiding Greater Vancouver's future development". It was an experi-mental task to i d e n t i f y a plan making method which could serve as a model for further plan development. Alpha used data approximation whereas future e f f o r t s would use more precise data. The 1971 program design designated eight.weeks for the completion of the project and set down.the following guidelines for the consultant. (These guidelines are t y p i c a l of the frames of reference used i n the program design, 21 and may be viewed as a representative sample from the report) Input - goals, philosophy - p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l features of the region today Output - awareness of the p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l features of the region 100 - f i r s t run of l i v a b i l i t y and i t s component q u a l i t i e s - development of a process for working through the Livable Region Plan development - reveal p o t e n t i a l or l i m i t a t i o n s of a l i v a b i l i t y matrix - awareness of the decision-making process i n r e l a t i o n to l i v a b i l i t y - awareness of lacking data needed for L i v a b l e Region Plan work - f i r s t run regional structure a l t e r n a t i v e s and focus ( i n c l u d i n g Blumenfeld comments) - f i r s t run at elements of plan including transportation - basis for interim guidelines for evaluating major development pro-posals - noting of strengths and weaknesses of each output - l i s t of key questions and issues facing the region. From t h i s study, a succinct ten page report was produced to be used to stimulate public discussion. I t s p r i n c i p a l contents were: 1. An overview of Greater Vancouver today according to natural fea^-tures, p h y s i c a l development structure, transportation linkages, and s o c i a l arid economic features. 2. A view of Greater Vancouver tomorrow focusing on growth and accept-ing a population increase from one m i l l i o n i n 1970 to two m i l l i o n i n 2000. 3. A restatement of the s i x major goals for Greater Vancouver i n order of importance—ecological q u a l i t y , v i t a l i t y , p r a c t i c a l i t y , ident-i t y , s e l f r e a l i z a t i o n and a d a p t a b i l i t y . "The impetus for these goals originated with the p o l i t i c a l group—members of the Board's Planning Committee (Harrison Hot Springs);...these were weighted as a r e s u l t of the Goals Seminar (Technical Planning Committee), 22 i n terms of the things that were mentioned the most". 4. A review of urban structure options (e.g. s a t e l l i t e , s t a r , l i n e a r ) , and a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of transportation systems according to t h e i r e s s e n t i a l c a p a b i l i t i e s . 5. An o u t l i n e of t h i r t e e n major issues such as preservation of farm-land and conservation areas, d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n versus c e n t r a l i z a -t i o n , space for recreation, density, etc. 6. A synthesis process which relates objectives to the two i n t e r -101 locking factors of transportation and development (options under 4 above i n terms of the issues under 5. The synthesis i s based on the unchallengeable p r i n c i p l e of interrelatedness. among key f a c t o r s . To examine the interrelatedness among the three major sectors of q u a l i t y of l i f e goals, linkage systems, and structure and urban patterns, an objectives matrix was created. It was c a l l e d an "objectives matrix" because i t also translated the general goals 23 'into "more s p e c i f i c and tangible objectives". (More on the mat-r i x i n a moment.) From the synthesis process using the "objectives matrix" there emerged an o v e r a l l desirable pattern: Reinforce downtown as a multi-purpose centre by focusing major new regional f a c i l i t i e s there, but reduce i t s r e l a t i v e r e t a i l commercial importance by focusing most new r e t a i l commercial development i n , say, 15 multi-purpose town centres. C a r e f u l l y r e l a t e these town centres to rapid t r a n s i t i n the inner areas and to freeways with supporting p u b l i c t r a n s i t i n the outer areas. Decentralize some new o f f i c e de-velopment and major i n s t i t u t i o n s to 1, 2 or 3 major town centres strongly connected to downtown v i a rapid t r a n s i t . Use rapid t r a n s i t and freeways to assure fast movement between a l l parts of the region, to f a c i l i t a t e d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of employment, and to maximize choice open to people. Concentrate the 15 towns, averaging about 150,000 people each, i n the upland areas. Focus most l o c a l commercial devel-opment and appropriate i n s t i t u t i o n s i n these town centres, supported by convenience goods and neighbourhood i n s t i t u t i o n s , i n neighbourhood centres, and f o s t e r v a r i e t y and innovation i n housing types. Locate i n d u s t r i a l c l u sters on transportation routes close to the towns throughout the region, and regulate emissions to avoid new and reduce e x i s t i n g p o l l u t i o n . Protect e x i s t i n g farmlands and conservation areas and acquire s i g n i f i c a n t n atural areas for recreation purposes. 2 4 Several urban shapes are possible from t h i s desirable pattern. The above matrix approach i s important i n the evolving Livable Region Plan and requires further elaboration. A "systems q u a l i t y matrix" was suggest-25 ed by Lash at the Goals Seminar. I t r e l a t e d goals to urban systems such as housing and transportation and was intended to provide measures of achievements for each c e l l . The objectives matrix goes beyond t h i s purpose to evaluate a l -ternate futures. It is- i l l u s t r a t e d on the next page was follows. F i r s t , general objectives were stated for each of the goals and placed along the x axis i n order of p r i o r i t y : x l , x2, etc. For Project Alpha 102 general objectives were taken from the goals statements made at the Harrison Hot Springs seminar and the p r i o r i t i e s were taken from the weightings done at the Goals Seminar. Second, urban systems were placed along the y axis: recreation, housing, i n s t i t u t i o n s , transportation, commercial, o f f i c e s , indus-try and serv i c e s . These represent the c r u c i a l aspects of the linkage systems and urban sectors. Third, within each c e l l of the matrix sub-objectives of the general objectives were l i s t e d i n the s p e c i f i c s e c t o r a l area of concern. It was e x p l i c i t l y recognized that a l l sub-objectives could not be achieved by any one p a r t i c u l a r action and that trade-offs were inherent i n the matrix. Fourth, a p o l i c y scenario was selected, say li m i t e d growth, and an estimate made as to whether the scenario would complement or oppose each sub-objective. An optimum scenario would contribute to the largest number of sub-objectives i n the highest part of the matrix (the preferred o b j e c t i v e s ) . An example of the matrix i s as follows. Urban Systems Ul U2 U3 U4 U5 U6 U7 01 — ' Objectives 02 V * 03 — v . 04 — — ^ etc. 05 EEi v ' V Score f o r a l t e r -native future A 13/19 12/18 5/16 88/130 The report had the following conclusion. The matrix i s l i k e a piano, and the tune that r e s u l t s w i l l depend upon the keys we play. The manner i n which we resolve the c o n f l i c t s i n the matrix i s part of the creative synthesis process. The desire of objectives that are f u l f i l l e d . We can each use the matrix as a basis for playing the "tune" on our own terms. 103 As part of Project Alpha two "tunes" or "scores" were worked out to examine the usefulness of the matrix and the inherent c o n f l i c t s : - goal oriented: t h i s score gave heavy emphasis to the e c o l o g i c a l q u a l i t y and v i t a l i t y goals, and s a t i s f i e d v i r t u a l l y a l l of the objectives i n the top h a l f of the matrix, and many i n the bottom h a l f ; - trend o r i e n t a t i o n : t h i s score gave heavy emphasis to trends maxi-mizing the single-family dwelling and automobile-oriented l i f e s t y l e , s a t i s f y i n g fewer objectives i n both the top h a l f and the bottom h a l f of the matrix. Use of the goal oriented "tune" resulted i n the desirable pattern noted above. The report ended by saying " t h i s material should now be discussed p u b l i c l y to aid i n the process of evolving the best operational plan and strategy for the 26 region". Project Alpha made a major contribution toward the development of 27 the Livable Region Plan, and subsequent discussions w i l l note i t s influence. Project Alpha report was widely d i s t r i b u t e d among p o l i t i c i a n s and planners and on a more l i m i t e d basis to the p u b l i c . Since i t was an experimental project toward the Livable Region Plan o f f i c i a l endorsation was unnecessary, and there-fore did not occur. The agency was e x p l i c i t about i t s experimental nature, The c r i t e r i a and objectives selected f o r "Project Alpha" did not, however, come out of a program of public discussion, but were s e l -ected by planners merely for the purpose of an in-house learning e x e r c i s e . 2 8 A summary of matrix discussions as they have evolved to th i s point i s now appropriate. Lash introduced a matrix approach i n the Goals Seminar, and i t was ca r r i e d one step further i n Project Alpha. The f i r s t matrix r e l a t e d broad regional (human) goals to the goals of regional sub-systems (housing, transportation, e t c . ) . It attempted to advance the regional goals while maintaining acceptable minimum standards of sub-system goals. This goals matrix brought two l e v e l s of goals into i n t e r a c t i o n . Project Alpha went further i n that i t developed a more complete goals h i e r -archy involving (a) general goals, (b) operational objectives, and (c) sub-objectives c l a s s i f i e d by sectors. Its second difference was to abandon the idea of minimum acceptable standards among sectors and merely recognize that a l l sub-objectives could not be met. General goals and objectives had primacy 104 over minimum standards. Third, Project Alpha could be used to test alternate futures while the Goals Matrix aimed at incremental advances i n regional goals. Both matrix approaches view the c i t y as a highly i n t e r r e l a t e d s o c i a l system i n which tradeoffs are required i n a process of dynamic i n t e r r e l a t e d - ness . This contrasts with comprehensive planning's view of the c i t y which simply assumes that man can change h i s c i t y by design. The matrix technique essen-t i a l l y i s a q u a l i t a t i v e simulator for urban p o l i c y . L i v a b i l i t y Indicators Study The second mini-study of th i s stream was l a b e l l e d " L i v a b i l i t y matrix" i n the 1971 program design. A des c r i p t i o n of this study c a l l e d f o r "determina-t i o n of a l i v a b i l i t y m a t r i x — i f that i s not workable, a system of t r a n s l a t i n g goals into meaningful measures for the use i n judging the development of the 29 Livab l e Region Plan". Following the completion of Project Alpha, Norm Pearson was also retained f o r this study. One of the f i r s t findings of th i s study was that a goal oriented l i v -a b i l i t y index i s a dead end. At the beginning of the project Pearson f e l t that the goals and objectives matrix from Project Alpha could be the basis for a goals oriented l i v a b i l i t y index. The r e l a t i v e weighting of each goal could be expressed i n an index based on 100, and weightings were devised as follows (note these are the s i x Alpha goals and are used for experimental purposes) :. 1. e c o l o g i c a l q u a l i t y 25 2. v i t a l i t y 25 3. p r a c t i c a l i t y 20 4. i d e n t i t y 15 5. s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n 10 6. a d a p t a b i l i t y 5 100 A perfect r a t i n g would be 100. In use an estimation of points for current performance would be made i n each goal area. These goal area ratings could then be added up to give a ra t i n g of l i v a b i l i t y out of 100 for a p a r t i -cular time. Over time, progress toward goals and objectives could be measured and periods of low advancement i d e n t i f i e d . 105 In pursuing t h i s approach i t became apparent "that i n d i v i d u a l s hold broadly d i f f e r i n g i n d i v i d u a l goals. While by some s t r e t c h of the imagination these might a l l add up to a consensus on the Alpha g o a l s , . . . i t a l s o became 30 apparent that the Alpha goals were r a t h e r c o n f i n i n g " . In a d d i t i o n , work by W i l l i a m Haythorn had a p p l i e d the "hierarchy of needs" to the 10 E k i s t i c s l e v e l s i n a matrix, and " l o g i c a l as i t may seem, the whole t h i n g l e d down a b l i n d a l l e y " . 3 1 Thus the study, abandoned the idea of producing a l i v a b i l i t y matrix and concentrated on l i v a b i l i t y i n d i c a t o r s . I t reviewed s o c i e t a l trends as moving from a q u a n t i t a t i v e to q u a l i t a t i v e d e f i n i t i o n of progress, as w e l l as recent e f f o r t s to measure the q u a l i t y of l i f e . B r i e f l y a l i v a b i l i t y i n d i c a t o r would "monitor change" and would have the f o l l o w i n g p r o p e r t i e s : - i t would t e l l us how l i v a b l e each part of Greater Vancouver i s by comparison w i t h the region as a'whole and i t s p a r t s , - i t would t e l l us whether over time the region and each of i t s parts i s g e t t i n g more l i v a b l e or l e s s , - i t would t e l l us i f other metropolitan centres were to use a s i m i -l a r index, how much more or l e s s l i v a b l e Greater Vancouver (and i t s parts) i s by comparison. 3 2 Problems of i n d i c a t o r s were o u t l i n e d such as how to measure, separate i n d i c a t o r s or aggregated, normative measures or trend, e t c . as w e l l as the f a c t there i s "no c l e a r consensus on what q u a l i t i e s are most important to our q u a l -i t y of l i f e " . In other words, which q u a l i t i e s w i l l be measured. As a step towards the b u i l d i n g of a working set of l i v a b i l i t y i n d i c a t o r s Pearson prepared a l i s t of 47 q u a l i t i e s n o t i n g p o s s i b l e i n d i c a t o r s f o r each. Major conclusions of the report were (a) a f u l l review of problems a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n d i c a t o r s should be made to determine i f they are t r u l y f e a s -i b l e f o r Greater Vancouver, (b) no p o s s i b i l i t y can be seen f o r a s i n g l e i n d i -c a t o r , (c) time and cost i n v e s t i g a t i o n s should be made f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g and maintaining i n d i c a t o r s , " a n d (d) "the i n d i c a t o r s should r a i s e i s s u e s , not s o l v e them—not a d i r e c t measure of what i t i s thought people want, but r a t h e r a I I 33 measure of whether or not people are s a t i s f i e d w i t h what they are g e t t i n g " . 106 Along with Project Alpha the report on L i v a b i l i t y Indicators were the f i r s t two explorations toward a new regional plan. The work on l i v a b i l i t y was intended to be an extension of Project Alpha and r e s u l t i n a L i v a b i l i t y Matrix. Such a matrix did not seem possible at t h i s time. Start of the Public Program The t h i r d and l a s t component of the Livable Region Plan stream for 1971 was the Public Program. From the e a r l i e s t r e t r e a t the idea of a communi-cation and feedback function with the public had been conceived of as essen-t i a l to a sound planning process. Lash and others had seen the i n e f f e c t i v e consequences of planning i n a vacuum and early s t a f f deliberations had shown 34 that goals for planning must involve the p u b l i c . While Project Alpha and the l i v a b i l i t y i ndicators study made best guesses for regional goals, as they were experimental projects, i t was now time to be more serious about the mat-te r . In the context of the evolving Livable Region Plan, a Public Program was created based on a p r i n c i p l e that "the community must play a major r o l e i n i d e n t i f y i n g the issues of l i v a b i l i t y and developing p o l i c i e s to tackle 35 them". During the i n i t i a l stages of the Public Program there was no s p e c i -f i c s t a f f assigned to i t but Rashleigh was n a t u r a l l y the p r i n c i p a l because this 36 i s the type of work he was h i r e d to do. Following Project Alpha i t was now an appropriate time to take the notion of " l i v a b i l i t y " and the goals for the attainment of the L i v a b l e Region to the p u b l i c . The 19 71 program design i d e n t i f i e d the following aspects of Alpha to be presented to the general p u b l i c : 1. The ideas of l i v a b i l i t y and i t s component q u a l i t i e s or goals. 2. The key questions and issues f a c i n g the region. 3. After showing the r e l a t i o n s h i p between l i v a b i l i t y q u a l i t i e s and goals, show some i n d i c a t i o n of regional structure and pattern a l -ternatives. 4. Some i n d i c a t i o n of the strategy by which desired goals, structure and pattern could be achieved.37 At the A p r i l 7th meeting of the Planning Committee Rashleigh submitted a report on Goals for the Livable Region which requested authorization for pre-107 38 paration of the public program. The contents of the pu b l i c discussion pro-gram were outlined as follows: The Program should aim to operate at two l e v e l s — 1. To make the general public aware of the importance of s e t t i n g regional goals and making choices. This requires i n i t i a l wide p u b l i c i t y (news releases, TV exposure, etc.) plus follow-up i n -cluding an ex h i b i t i f t h i s can be arranged at the PNE and at the Public L i b r a r y . 2. To give interested groups and persons a more complete knowledge of the subject and opportunity to respond. For both 1 and 2 we propose preparation of an audio-visual on the Quality of L i f e in a Livable Region, with a short back-up brochure. Meetings, as with the Rapid Transit program, would be designed to encour-age discussion. The brochure would probably be designed to serve as a basis f o r comments—by summarizing the issues and choices a v a i l a b l e . v The Planning Committee authorized the preparation of an audio-visual program on the Region's goals and objectives including the use of consultants, and they requested progress reports by May 5th, and a t r i a l presentation to the Board on May 26th. Rashleighs progress report of May 5th r e i t e r a t e d the purposes of 40 the public program and provided an o u t l i n e of s c r i p t themes. The t r i a l presentation to the Board scheduled for May 26th was not ready because " i t was proving to be e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y d i f f i c u l t i n determining how best to i l l u s t r a t e the audio-visual and make i t concrete, i n order f o r or-dinary people to grasp some of the notions about what the future c i t y might be 41 —what these goals r e a l l y mean...." Lash also explained that the department was re-appraising the program over a concern to hot put words i n people's mouths, and the shortage of time. These problems and delays caused the p o l i t i -cians on the Planning Committee to r a i s e some serious questions about the Pub-42 l i e Program. Their pertinent points are as follows. - Isn't the Planning Department being overly i d e a l i s t i c i n t h i s notion of informing the public through an audio-visual... and c a l l i n g a meeting and getting feedback? W i l l this r e a l l y give a feedback from a cross-section of p e o p l e ? 4 3 - When the ideas are put to people...you very often only hear from those with fixed ideas, who are organized and come out i n droves and the masses don't r e a l l y p a r t i c i p a t e because they possibly couldn't care l e s s u n t i l they a c t u a l l y see i t on the ground.44 108 - You're t a l k i n g here about ideas that are much too abstract and com-plex to t r y and put into t h i s form, and maybe this i s one of the p r o b l e m s — t a l k i n g about goals and forms of development, and a l l sorts of things which are "Double Dutch" to the p u b l i c . 4 ^ 46 - The best way i s to get the press involved. -I'm concerned that we're moving too slowly...people w i l l get fed up and impatient... they already are, with a l l bf the studies about freeways and rapid t r a n s i t and nothing ever seems to. happen.... We're perhaps spending too much time worrying about how to do an audio-visual for a few meetings that might h i t a t o t a l of 500 people ....We need to move on, d i r e c t public p a r t i c i p a t i o n or no d i r e c t p ublic p a r t i c i p a t i o n . . . . A l i t t l e f urther stage that perhaps the pub-l i c can understand; I don't think they can understand t h i s stage too w e l l — o r r e a l l y genuinely p a r t i c i p a t e i n it.47 - I t ' s negative reaction; almost a l l of them i n Vancouver were nega-t i v e reactions (Strathcona; B r i t t a n i a ; Jericho and the Four Seasons) ....The problem i s . . . t h a t you r e a l l y already know the public's re-action i n a l o t of things but when i t comes down to forms of devel-opment and so on, you can't get the public's r e a c t i o n — t h i s i s n ' t something they're q u a l i f i e d to react t o — i t ' s l i k e nuclear f i s s i o n . 4 8 - This i s a decision best made at the administrative l e v e l , then r a t i -f i e d or changed through the p o l i t i c i a n s and put f o r t h to the people and from that, whatever needs to be t i e d i n with regard to transpor-tation...we must go to the people with a plan nearly complete and get feedback at that point....You can't go throwing out b i t s and pieces halfway through—you're prolonging the item....People need leadership and guidance, b a s i c a l l y , for everything and i f you can put f o r t h a reasonable plan, obviously there w i l l be objectors and people w i l l put forward reasons why c e r t a i n things and not others should be done....We'11 have to make a decision on the evidence they present but they have to be shown something near complete. 4^ - I get the impression more and more people "don't give a damn what you're going to do, but f o r Ch r i s t ' s sake make up your minds to do something"....A backlash to p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy.50 In response to these general c r i t i c i s m s Lash said,"'""" - People must be made to understand that there are choices and p r i o r -i t i e s that have to be made and t h i s i s what'11 shoot down the plan — - i t ' s not the t r i c k of putting the plan together and asking people i f they l i k e it....You go through a l l t h i s work and discover that b a s i c a l l y people r e a l l y want highways and i f they have to give up highways for rapid t r a n s i t , then the h e l l with rapid t r a n s i t . . . . It's a good thing to know something about this beforehand.... ' - Part of the o r i g i n a l notion of t h i s presentation was i n fa c t t r y i n g to get people conscious of the fa c t that there i s a Regional Dis-t r i c t and that i t i s there to do something....If there i s n ' t any obvious demand to do something the Board may i n fa c t have trouble doing things.... Although these discussions were an a i r i n g of views, and strong ones, no conclu-109 sions were drawn f o r the Public Program. A further report on a Review of Li v a b l e Region Public Program was pre-52 sented to the Planning Committee at t h e i r meeting of July 21, 19 71. I t em-phasized the d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered i n preparing the audio-visual, the con-tinuing need for such a program: "successful public understanding of L i v a b l e Region concerns w i l l take some months and a series of public presentations to achieve...the public i n f o r m a t i o n — d i s c u s s i o n program should be seen as covering 53 the several studies and reports which w i l l be released in coming months". Following considerable discussion the Planning Committee agreed that the pro-gram should carry on as outlined with a suggestion that i t emphasize the a c t i -v i t i e s and p o t e n t i a l powers of the Regional D i s t r i c t . By the end of the year, part of the audio-visual presentation i n s l i d e -show form, plus a pamphlet had been prepared and viewed by the Planning Commit-tee. The s t a f f presented a program design which stated, The character of the AUDIO-VISUAL i s determined by the larger context of Livable Region Program. It w i l l be mostly used i n a meeting f o r -mat designed to i n i t i a t e the L i v a b l e Region Public Program, i . e . we w i l l make no more content input to t h i s public discussion before i t s t a r t s - the MEETING FORMAT w i l l change over the months. I t w i l l be design-ed i n the f i r s t phase (STARTING FEBRUARY '72) to: - Introduce people to the L i v a b l e Region propositions and to GVRD. - Get them to s e l e c t and t a l k about L i v a b i l i t y i n t h e i r terms (Audio-V i s u a l Program, small group discussions, r e c a p i t u a l a t i o n ) . ^ 4 Besides contact with the p u b l i c , the communications aspect of the Pub-l i c Program was intended to reach other planning departments i n the Region. Thus the t e c h n i c a l aspect of the consultation took place through a series of regional-municipal s t a f f meetings to increase information exchange, communica-ti o n , and allow p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the making of the regional plan."'"' From the meetings there resulted a mutual awareness of regional and municipal functions, and statements of f r u s t r a t i o n . The l a t t e r meant f r u s t r a t i o n at the regional l e v e l i n i d e n t i f y i n g regional goals and f r u s t r a t i o n at the municipal l e v e l i n understanding how regional planning could help them. For example, 110 The GVRD expressed that they had great d i f f i c u l t y evaluating develop-ment proposals because they lacked elements for judgement. The reg-ion does not know what i s going on i n each municipality and what they are aiming f o r . I t i s impossible to define regional objectives with-out knowing what municipal objectives are; for the whole region can't be kept or made l i v a b l e unless each municipality i s kept l i v a b l e or made more livable.56 As a conclusion to these consultations, two major requests were formu-la t e d . The mu n i c i p a l i t i e s asked the GVRD "to provide them with development guidelines", and GVRD asked the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s to inform them about the kind of development contemplated. More p r e c i s e l y "the region would l i k e from each municipality a statement of t h e i r objectives, and t h e i r 5-year targets and p r i o r i t i e s . A l l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s favored the idea of holding s i m i l a r meetings . . „ 57 twice a year . Other Streams Only two of the s i x streams of a c t i v i t y for 1971 have been covered by the foregoing discussions: transportation and regional plan streams. How-ever, these two represent 66 per cent of a l l man/hours work on current studies for the year. The remaining four streams were of secondary importance and w i l l be discussed together. Two of these streams dealt with the a c q u i s i t i o n of new functions by the GVRD. Stream number s i x , c a l l e d f o r a c q u i s i t i o n of the transportation function; i t was included i n the broad-brush transportation studies and was a major recommendation of the K e l l y Report. L o g i s t i c a l l y , a c q u i s i t i o n of the transportation function had to follow the K e l l y report which took i t over into 1972. Stream two referred generally to the a c q u i s i t i o n of new functions. While the f e a s i b i l i t y of adopting other functions was discussed throughout the year, no major investigations took place. A large number of man/hours accrued to the information gathering and analysis stream i n 1971." This was almost e n t i r e l y on l i b r a r y work. An exten-si v e l i b r a r y c o l l e c t i o n , which was well used i n the region, had been i n h e r i t e d from the LMRPB. I t required f u l l catologing, however, and a l i b r a r i a n and I l l l i b r a r i a n ' s a s s i s t a n t were employed to do the job. Their exclusive work on the l i b r a r y resulted i n the large number of work hours for t h i s stream. Also the time record system did not separately assign l i b r a r i a n research on a part-i c u l a r study to that study account, thus i n f l a t i n g the l i b r a r y f i g u r e . In 1971, work also started on an urban information system and a regional data base project. They were a small part of the stream, as can be seen i n Appen-dix B, and since they became major projects in 1972, further elaboration w i l l be l e f t to the next part. L a s t l y , there i s the O f f i c i a l Regional Plan (ORP) stream which i n v o l -ved changes and supporting studies to the e x i s t i n g regional plan. While con-siderable e f f o r t was involved here, i t was of a maintaining and adjusting nat-ure working c l o s e l y with the Technical Planning Committee. Related to the ORP the subject of how one evaluates major development proposals was raised; t h i s was a recurring problem. D i f f i c u l t i e s i n evaluating a major project, Barnston Island development, early i n 1971, triggered the Technical Planning Committee to recommend that "a form of interim review for major development proposals be 58 undertaken at the Regional l e v e l " . Subsequently a report was prepared by Dennis 0'Gorman, of the GVRD planning department, which set out interim guide-l i n e s . It i d e n t i f i e d three types of evaluative c r i t e r i a i n some d e t a i l : 1. Mandatory consideration of the contents of the O f f i c i a l Regional Plan, 2. Evaluative instruments of (a) project impact matrix, (b) goals achievement schedules, (c) a general objectives achievement schedules, and 3. A process diagram for major proposals. The Technical Planning Committee f o r c e f u l l y opposed such " r i g i d pro-cedures" while Thorburn assured them that the "Region does not want to act as a 'super c o p " 1 . ^ However, they " r e i t e r a t e d that the issue was reopening an 112 issue abeyanced two or three years a g o — i . e . regional vs. municipal planners, 61 and that there was a need to separate the regional and l o c a l planning issues". Summary 1971 was a year of s i g n i f i c a n t accomplishments f o r the GVRD Planning Department. A program design emerged based on the previous year's d e l i b e r a -ti o n s , and several key portions of i t were completed during the year. The most prominent accomplishment was i n transportation. Extensive transportation studies were undertaken quickly, and a report was completed. The K e l l y Report established conceptual and organizational guidelines for managing the Region's transportation system as w e l l as an immediate plan for improvements. And the report was adopted i n p r i n c i p l e by the Regional Board, s e t t i n g the stage for 1972 negotiations on implementing the recommendations. The second major accom-plishment was i n lay i n g three key stepping-stones toward a Livabl e Region Plan. Project Alpha was stimulating and promising, the l i v a b i l i t y i ndicators study led to a dead end but much was learned, and the foundation of a Public Program was established. Although greatly adjusted, the program design f o r the year served w e l l . The open meeting requesting consultant bids on portions of the program drew many responses. Where consultant desires and program design were complementary further negotiations were pursued to where consultants were incorporated suc-c e s s f u l l y into the program. The Planning Department s a t i s f a c t o r i l y maintained control of the t o t a l research e f f o r t , but managing the consultants took much more time than anticipated. In the end, however, the program design f a i l e d . It did not keep a l l the streams advancing as intended and many of the s t a f f were preoccupied with transportation i n the l a s t part of the year. Once the transportation report was completed i t was obvious that continuity had been l o s t . There were several elements of GVRD planning i n 19 71 which may con-t r i b u t e to a new form of planning. B r i e f l y , modern management t o o l s , program 113 budgeting and c r i t i c a l path a n a l y s i s , were used to organize the work. However, the program design was not r i g i d l y followed i n accord with the recursive ap-proach. In completing the year's work there was extensive use of consultants as a conscious a l t e r n a t i v e to permanent s t a f f additions. Also i n t e r a c t i o n with p o l i t i c i a n s continued with the major report on transportation being "authored" by a p o l i t i c i a n . Toward a new regional plan methodological experiments i n terms of matrix and q u a l i t a t i v e analysis were undertaken. F i n a l l y , community dialogue was incorporated into the departments ongoing program. FOOTNOTES 1. The f u l l program design i s contained i n a 42 page document t i t l e d Notes on S p e c i f i c Studies: 19 71 Program, Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t Planning Department, 2nd Draft, January 1971. It represents an attempt to apply c r i t i c a l path techniques to a study program for urban planning. While i n Montreal, Lash took u n i v e r s i t y courses i n computer science and operations research because he perceived a need for planners to have some f a m i l i a r i t y with these increasingly important s k i l l s . With Malcolm Turner, the operations research expert on s t a f f they developed t h i s d e t a i l e d program. A larger review of t h i s program design does not add to our understanding of GVRD planning be-cause i t served only as a s t a r t i n g point undergoing major r e v i s i o n i n 1972. 2. Statement by Harry Lash at the open Technical Planning Committee meeting at the Centennial Museum, Vancouver, January 29, 1971. 3. GVRD, An Outline of the 1971 Departmental Program, undated, 4 pp. 4. Ibid ., p. 3. 5. I b i d . , p. 3. 6. The s t a f f time i s calculated from Appendix B . Appendix D l i s t s the consultant reports. For an annotated bibliography of these reports see K e l l y , A., Regional Transportation as a GVRD Function, GVRD, October 1971, Appendix B. 7. K e l l y , A., Regional Transportation as a GVRD Function, GVRD, Octo-ber 1971, p. 2. For a d d i t i o n a l background l e t us review the transportation s i t u a t i o n i n Metropolitan Vancouver at the beginning of 1971. For several years small advances were made toward a freeway system but major commitments toward a freeway c i t y such as Sea t t l e had not been made. However, transporta-ti o n studies mostly favoring freeways had been accumulating—over four m i l l i o n d o l l a r s worth of studies mostly under Federal financing. As mentioned, there was the DeLeuw, Cather & Co. report on rapid t r a n s i t , and scattered c r i e s for rapid t r a n s i t could also be heard. In 1971 a freeways/rapid t r a n s i t debate emerged over the pending senior government decision on another major bridge to downtown Vancouver. The proposed 3rd Crossing of Burrard I n l e t had an e s t i -mated cost of 200 m i l l i o n , and the decision appeared to depend on the p o l i t i -c a l whims of p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments. L a s t l y there had been a re-cent i n d i c a t i o n that there may be some hope of improving public transportation. 8. Ibid., p. 2. 9. see page 56. 10. The desire among some p o l i t i c i a n s to keep the GVRD Planning Depart-ment out of the 3rd Crossing controversy reminds us of the previous p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t with "crusading planners" of the old LMRPB. P o l i t i c a l fears were j u s t i f i e d , because some of the planning s t a f f were severely opposed to the bridge and were making clandestine influences to t h i s end. To them th i s would be a wrong decision, and t h e i r means would j u s t i f y the end on moral grounds of Tightness. In retrospect, t h i s case does not look good for the crusading plan-ner. They i n v i t e defeat of t h e i r cause by angering p o l i t i c i a n s , whereas a more 115 open dialogue approach, as we s h a l l see, enhances the p o s s i b i l i t y of success. 11. K e l l y acted as a one man committee u n t i l near the end of the study. At t h i s point i t became advisable to expand the committee to f a c i l i t a t e accept-ance of the p o l i c y p o s i t i o n from a l l member mu n i c i p a l i t i e s i n the Region. The f u l l membership then included, besides K e l l y , Aid. E.G. Adams, City of Vancouver; Mayor W.H. Anderson, Richmond; Mayor M.S. Eyers, New Westminister; Aid. H.G. Ladner, Burnaby; Mayor A.E. Langley, West Vancouver; Mayor D.J. Morrison, Delta; Aid. H.D. Wilson, City of Vancouver. 12. GVRD, Progress Report on Broad Brush Transportation Plan Stream, undated (September or October, 19 71), p . . l . 13. It i s obvious from a comparison of the proposed and actual study procedures that the deta i l e d program design, or program budget, did not control the study. To accommodate study changes, the flow diagram was amended several times, but i t did not prove f l e x i b l e enough to act as a s a t i s f a c t o r y guide. Also, a major purpose of the program design was to keep the program on sched-ule through a c r i t i c a l path. In retrospect, program planner Malcolm Turner acknowledges that i t f a i l e d i n this regard. He sai d , "planners didn't l i k e being pushed along by the system and they r e s i s t e d " . 14. After the decision Lash t o l d the researcher that h i s best estimate of the outcome was a decision not to go ahead with the bridge. With t h i s f e e l -ing he foresaw the ensuing policy void which would increase the importance of t h e i r transportation study from irrelevance during the controversy to accept-able p o l i c y afterward. We have here what appears to be an example of a suc-c e s s f u l planning strategy. 15. K e l l y , op. c i t . , Part 1, p. 1. 16. I b i d . , Part 1, p. 4. 17. Regional Board Minutes, GVRD, November 17, 19 71. 18. K e l l y , op. c i t . , Part 2, p. 46. 19. O f f i c i a l department terminology refers to the plan as a "Program/ Plan". This attempts to account for the p o s s i b i l i t y that the new plan may not be a plan, or may not be only a plan. What might r e s u l t i s a program or set of p o l i c i e s rather than the t r a d i t i o n a l two dimensional land use plan. The re- , searcher finds this terminology awkward and w i l l avoid i t as much as possible. If and when an end product that i s not a plan emerges, i t w i l l be appropriately i d e n t i f i e d . 20. GVRD, Project Alpha, undated, (early 1971), p. 2. 21. GVRD, Notes on S p e c i f i c Studies: 19 71 Program, 2nd Draft, January 1971, p. 1. 22. Technical Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, February 26, 1971, p. 6. 23. Pearson, N., Project Alpha, GVRD, undated (early 1971), p. 8. 24. Ib i d . 116 25. I b i d . 26. Ibid., p. 9. 27. Two planners offered immediate c r i t i c i s m to Project Alpha. J.B. Chaster, C i t y Planner f o r New Westminister and member of the Technical Plan-ning Committee submitted a Report on Project Alpha, dated March 9, 1971. He claimed the r e a l issue of Greater Vancouver was to stop growth, and he main-tained "we are large enough". A second report was written by Rashleigh of the s t a f f : S t r u c t u r a l Concept of the Region, March 1971. He argued for a decen-t r a l i z e d urban pattern. This was a return to the "islands i n a sea of green" concept introduced i n Chance and Challenge of the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, and a return to a more t r a d i t i o n a l idea of a plan. 28. GVRD, Draft Program Directory, 1972-1973, f i r s t e d i t i o n , A p r i l 1972, p. 18. 29. GVRD, Notes on S p e c i f i c Studies: 1971 Program 2nd Draft, January 1971, p. 1. 30. Pearson, N., L i v a b i l i t y Indicators, GVRD, July 28, 1971, p. 16. 31. Ibid., p. 17. 32. I b i d . , p. 3. 33. Ibid., pp. 4 and 5. 34. see Goals Seminar discussion, p. 76. 35. GVRD, A Report on L i v a b i l i t y , November 1972, p. 4. 36 . see p.61. 37. GVRD, Notes on S p e c i f i c Studies: 1971 Program, 2nd Draft, January 1971, p. 2. 38. Rashleigh, Goals f o r the Livabl e Region, A p r i l 1, 1971. 39. Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, A p r i l 7, 1971, p. 7. 40. Rashleigh t T., Purpose of the Public Presentation on the "Livable Region", May 5, 19 71. 41. Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, June 8, 1971, p. 10. 42. Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, June 8, 1971. 43. Ibid., PP . lO--11, Aid. A. P h i l l i p s , C i t y of Vancouver. 44. lb i d . , P- l l , Mayor W.N. Vander Zalm, Surrey. 45. Ibid., P- •11, Aid. A. P h i l l i p s , City of Vancouver. 46. Ibid., P- 12, Mr. A.C. K e l l y , E l e c t o r a l Area A. 47. Ibid. , P- 12, Aid. A. P h i l l i p s , City of Vancouver. 117 48. Ibid.,' p. 14, Aid. A. P h i l l i p s , C i t y of Vancouver. 49. Ibid ., pp. 14-15, Mayor W.N. Vander Zalm Surrey. 50. Ibid ., p. 15, Aid. A. P h i l l i p s , City of Vancouver. 51. Ib i d . , pp. 16 and 17, Harry Lash, Director, Planning Department, Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t . 52. GVRD, Review of Livabl e Region Public .Program, July 16, 1971. 53. Ib i d . , p. 2. 54. Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, December 15, 19 71, pp. 2-3. 55. GVRD, Regional-Municipal S t a f f Meetings: Report on a f i r s t s e r i e s of meetings held i n August and September 1971, December 1971, p. 1. 56. Ib i d . , p. 2. 57. Ib i d . , p. 3. 58. Technical Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, June 18, 19 71. 59; 0'Gorman, D., Interim Guidelines on Major Developments, GVRD, June 11, 1971. 60. Technical Planning Committee Minutes, GVRD, June 18, 1971, p. 6. 61. Ib i d . , although the problem remains through 19 71 no further use of the report has been made. 118 CHAPTER FIVE ,FLYING APART: GVRD PLANNING IN 1972 Upon completion of the transportation report i n the f a l l of 1971, a reappraisal of the agency's program was thought necessary. I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that the transportation studies p r a c t i c a l l y preempted the t o t a l program In l a t e 1971. Completion of the K e l l y Report reduced the gallop of the department to a walk and c a l l e d f o r a stock-taking and r e d i r e c t i o n toward work on the Livable Region Plan. To regroup, a retreat was arranged for Mount Baker, November 10 to 12 of 1971, for a l l s t a f f except a few needed to man the o f f i c e . Mount Baker Retreat In preparation for the retreat a l l department members were i n v i t e d to submit items f o r the agenda. When these were assembled, four themes emer-ged: 1. i n t e r n a l operations of the department—evaluation of l a s t year, 2. external r e l a t i o n s h i p s , 3. the 1972 program, 4. the Livable Region Plan. The major complaint about i n t e r n a l operations of the department can be summarized by the word "communications". From the discussions, i t became obvious to the pa r t i c i p a n t s that the problem of 1971 was a breakdown i n com-munications caused by too much work and by Lash and Farry drawn o f f onto the Ke l l y Report. In other words, the pressures to produce, e s p e c i a l l y during the 119 summer, were too great and: i n t e r f e r e d with an otherwise w e l l thought out com-munications system. This led to a charge of inadequate communications: one doesn't know what i s going on and one i s reluctant to bother busy people to f i n d out. Also i t was questioned whether "matins" was working w e l l : "matins" should be "more structured; bring up points, ramble on; need to cut o f f but sometimes need more discussion"."'" The remedial theme which recurred i n the discussion was to r e v i t a l i z e the c o l l e g i a l approach which promoted communica-tions through "matins" and Seniors meetings. Lash and Farry did not make t h i s 2 f i r s t session which some thought was i n d i c a t i v e of the problem. Discussion on i n t e r n a l operations also included an evaluation of 1971. Project Alpha stood out as the h i g h l i g h t with most s t a f f enthusiastic about t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the project. There was, however, considerable concern about the follow up of Alpha; i t was completed and then j u s t l e f t , why? In thi s tone, and i n the absence of an answer to where i t was going (Lash and Farry not present), Turner questioned whether i t was t r u l y a good report, and Hankin referred to Alpha as "reinventing the wheel; i t was a l l done before i n 3 one form or another by the LMRPB". A second major accomplishment did not receive much discussion. In retrospect, the transportation or K e l l y Report also had to be considered a h i g h l i g h t of 1971. The external r e l a t i o n s session focused on two questions. F i r s t , what i s the agency's r o l e as perceived externally, and second, who i s the agency's c l i e n t ? The f i r s t was disposed of rather quickly. I t was r e a d i l y agreed that the GVRD had a weak public image. I t s newness was an obvious explanation for thi s low p r o f i l e , but a further thought was that the agency had no d i r e c t role i n the land development process; therefore, the agency didn't have a strong r o l e i n the community. Discussions about c l i e n t implied that the agency can be more useful by i d e n t i f y i n g who i t s c l i e n t s are and focusing on them. Sev-e r a l d i f f e r e n t concepts of who were t h e i r c l i e n t s were tossed around, but two views predominated: p o l i t i c i a n s and the pub l i c . Thorburn spoke for the former 120 claiming education of p o l i t i c i a n s as the r e a l r o l e of the agency: "we would get more bang for the buck i f we frequently met with p o l i t i c i a n s giving them an idea of planners technical' knowledge".^ With t h i s knowledge the p o l i t i c i -ans could communicate more e f f e c t i v e l y with the p u b l i c . In contrast, Rash-lei g h suggested intervention through communication with the p u b l i c . Planning agency dialogue with the public would provide p o l i t i c i a n s with a better f e e l f o r public concerns and allow t e c h n i c a l aspects of planning to be s e n s i t i v e to the "messages received"."' A l a s t comment on external r e l a t i o n s referred to the developing l i a i s o n with the Min i s t r y of State for Urban A f f a i r s i n Ottawa. While i t was agreed to develop linkages between the two agencies, there was apprehension over a l l y i n g too c l o s e l y with the Ministry because t h e i r perman-ence had yet to be established. Toward a s p e c i f i c a t i o n of the 1972 program, they were guided by the r e a l i z a t i o n that too much was attempted i n 1971 and the unfinished state of the Livable Regional Plan. Having j u s t f i n i s h e d the Transportation Plan, most of the s t a f f were uncertain about where they were going. With Lash's leadership three objectives were selected for 1972. 1. L i v a b l e Region P l a n — d o s u f f i c i e n t work on the L i v a b l e Region Plan •: to have a t o t a l framework by the end of the year. The objective i s to develop a new type of planning t o o l which emphasizes the interrelatedness of urban sub-systems. 2. Information system—to deal with the problem of l o s t and unknown data, an information system was proposed. The present system has perhaps r e l i e d too much on i n d i v i d u a l s rather than on a system. As an a l t e r n a t i v e , however, HPS appeared to be too grand for them. 3. Help the Regional D i s t r i c t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y — p r i n c i p a l l y t h i s would be done by o f f e r i n g s t a f f assistance to other departments. "The idea was to help int e g r a t i o n of the Regional D i s t r i c t which was (and s t i l l is) l a r g e l y j u s t a c o l l e c t i o n of departments with no 121 i • j i II 6 group mind (The above three suggestions f o r the 1972 program plus carry over items from the 1971 program were presented, discussed and accepted by the P l a n -ning Committee at t h e i r meeting of December 15, 1971.) The l a s t theme handled at the Mount Baker Retreat was the form of the new L i v a b l e Region P l a n . Lash l e d the d i s c u s s i o n by presenting h i s current ideas and bouncing them o f f the s t a f f . Here, one needs to r e c a l l that the t r a d -i t i o n a l end-state plan had already been rejected.'' In response to the inade-quacies of end-state plans many planners had turned to a problem s o l v i n g ap-proach. Lash explained that i n Montreal they r e j e c t e d the problem s o l v i n g approach because they came to the conclusion that i t j u s t created more problems. In other words planning would be d e a l i n g w i t h ever p r o l i f e r a t i n g problems w i t h -out any assurance of o v e r a l l improvements. Montreal planning then took a goals approach which i d e n t i f i e d broad goals or d e s i r a b l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the urban environment and then worked out what must be done to reach them. This i s s i m i -l a r to the end-state plan except they were more e x p l i c i t about goals and saw goals i n a contemporary context. Lash was now o f f such broad goals; agreeing 8 w i t h V i c k e r s , he s t a t e d that the idea of goals as motives has given us the "goals ridden man" which i s a myth, l i k e the r a t i o n a l man of c l a s s i c a l econo-mics . At t h i s point Farry mentioned Gardner, of the U.S. Department of H e a l t h , Education and Welfare, who found from h i s experience i n the 1960's that goals are u n a t t a i n a b l e : the ever receding goals, and an over concern w i t h the next m i l l i o n p opulation r a t h e r than the present m i l l i o n . Lash went on to say most people and i n s t i t u t i o n s are r e a l l y t r y i n g to maintain a set of s a t i s f a c t o r y r e l a t i o n s h i p s : i n our terms maintain a l i v a b l e r e g i o n . Planners t h e r e f o r e should be concerned about whether matters are getting b e t t e r , worse, the same, rather than concern over . standards. Lash suggested i f one put down a l l the standards that planners would l i k e to achieve and cost them, they would exhaust the resources by more than three times. F i n a l l y , he proposed a new model f o r 122 planning which emphasizes a "new concern for people", short term change, and c r i t e r i a to evaluate change such as l i v a b i l i t y indicators rather than goals or " i d e a l s " or standards. Under questioning, Lash became more e x p l i c i t about his new model of 9 planning. He drew a matrix on a board which he c a l l e d the "Dry Bones Model". It resembled the matrix presented at the Goals Seminar of l a s t year i n that i t related urban sub-systems on one axis to " l i v i n g q u a l i t y " goals on the other."""^ This approach would require a complete change i n planning thought i n that i t abandons the physical end-state as a focus. " A l l one ever deals with i s the accumulation of microscopic change".''""'' With the new model one wouldn't worry about where things were going: rather one would postpone choices u n t i l the moment that a s t r a t e g i c choice would be necessary. The question the group .. next considered was where can we intervene i n "dry bones" and have the greatest, e f f e c t i n the l i v i n g q u a l i t y . In doing t h i s c r i t e r i a such as density and spread (scatter-index) might be used. The notion of having s h i f t s of p r i o r i -t i e s from one project to another through a Gross Metro Product was discussed. The new approach under discussion was c l e a r l y moving away from the map. The nature of t h i s disucssion was, of course, exploratory, and a f t e r awhile ideas began to get t h i n . Everyone was l e f t though with the idea that a new type of plan may be emerging which involves a d i f f e r e n t understanding of the c i t y and of change i n the c i t y . The Mount Baker Retreat provided new d i r -ection for the department, and early work i n 1972 followed the program which they had developed. Lash's tour of B r i t i s h Planning In February of 1972, Lash made a tour of B r i t i s h planning, with three other Canadian planners, on the i n v i t a t i o n of the Foreign and Commonwealth O f f i c e , United Kingdom." They v i s i t e d more than a dozen major planning o f f i c e s and research i n s t i t u t e s . This learning experience undoubtedly contributed to the evolving GVRD planning process. With t h i s i n mind, the following excerpts 123 are noteworthy. 1, From an interview with S i r Robert Grieve, of the "Islands and Highlands Development Board". "This interview c r y s t a l l i z e d for me the lesson that planning, i f i t i s to be e f f e c t i v e , must be accom-panied by action from the beginning. Action i s necessary to b u i l d from c r e d i b i l i t y to t r u s t and f a i t h , and progress i s e s p e c i a l l y needed i n a disadvantaged area because the development Board cannot succeed unless the people b e l i e v e they can have a d i f f e r e n t future 12 and s t a r t to act accordingly". 2. From a review of the South Hampshire Planning Unit's extensive 13 public consultation program. In s p i t e of the early s t a r t on public information, the chief push on publ i c consultation took place on the four a l t e r n a t i v e structures and s t r a t e g i e s . This was perhaps a mistake. We i n GVRD f e e l the public would not be able to react meaningfully to a set of t y p i c a l Land Use plans because they are unable to evaluate how i t would change l i f e for them, except for s p e c i f i c land use proposals that may a f f e c t t h e i r home or neighbourhood. The following h a s t i l y j o t t e d quotes of the Planning Units' evaluation of the process they had gone through are salutory: "Snapshot of Future S i t u a t i o n " i s not f a i r to put to people because i t i s l i k e l y to never e x i s t . One should rather give a s e r i e s of 'package of p o l i c i e s ' but people can't yet think i n terms of p o l i c i e s , l e t alone planners and p o l i t i c i a n s write them down. One should not get opinions u n t i l trade-offs can be made clear to people as basis for t h e i r choice". Also the South Hampshire Planning Unit used a method of evaluating a l t e r n a t i v e s which included a " q u a l i t a t i v e objectives-achievement scoring". A l i s t of objectives was made and respondents would a l l o t 0 to 5 points f o r each objective according to how a p a r t i c u l a r a l t e r n a t i v e would achieve i t . 3. From a v i s i t to the Tavistock I n s t i t u t e of Human Relations, Lash obtained the greatest i n s i g h t s . P r i m a r i l y he explored the approach of Friend and Jessop's, Local Government and S t r a t e g i c Choice, which he was already f a m i l i a r with. 1"' He talked with Friend and his s t a f f exploring many i n t e r e s t i n g questions. B r i e f l y he l e f t convinced that many of t h e i r techniques and approaches would work 124 i n Vancouver. (Since these w i l l be introduced i n the next chapter they are not elaborated upon here.) Friend i s a proponent of "an i n t e l l i g e n c e service".""^ Public Program Returning to the evolving 1972 program, the major accomplishment dur-ing the year toward the Livable Region Plan was made through the accelerating Public Program. Following the Mount Baker Retreat, a more e x p l i c i t statement on continuing work toward the Livable Region Plan was drafted i n the report The L i v a b l e Region P l a n — H i s t o r y and Proposed Direction."""^ I t included a h i s -tory of the progress to date and the proposed d i r e c t i o n as follows. Where we've come from i n preparing the Livable Region Plan. 1. Key Planning Committee o b j e c t i v e — p r o d u c t i o n of "Livable Region Plan"—decided at Harrison Seminar. 2. Growth i s a b i g factor that w i l l condition future ' l i v a b i l i t y ' . . Committee discarded notion of l i m i t e d population growth as imprac-t i c a l - — a t seminar with Wiesmann.^8 3. Project Alpha posed several physical development choices for the region a r i s i n g from growth and gave an i n d i c a t i o n of the impact of growth on the i n f r a s t r u c t u r e of the region (roads, etc.) 4. The notion of e s t a b l i s h i n g " l i v a b i l i t y i n d i c a t o r s " as a t o o l for evaluating plans and monitoring conditions was investigated and 47 possible indicators were i d e n t i f i e d . Work on gathering s t a t -i s t i c s held up for 1972 program d e f i n i t i o n s . 5. A program of consultation with the public about l i v a b i l i t y and the preparation of an audio-visual as a stimulus was approved by the Planning Committee (to s t a r t in February). Where are we going next i n preparing the LRP? In r e f l e c t i n g on the public program we concluded that the FOCUS of our work with the L i v -able Region Plan must be, A. On people, not things (vs. development choices as i n Project Alpha). / B. On issues r e l a t e d to long term growth (or the long term consequen-ces of present issues. Not on issues r e l a t e d to l i f e s t y l e s , pre-sent zoning b a t t l e s , possible e c o l o g i c a l d i s a s t e r outside the re-gion, etc.) A horizon of +5 to +20 years seems appropriate. C. On issues that w i l l a f f e c t a s i g n i f i c a n t segment of the population i n the future. To begin public discussion on issues, the department thought they should suggest some tentative issues as a basis for discussion. Accordingly s t a f f members arri v e d at a " s t a r t e r s e t " of s i x issues. These s t a r t e r issues were: 1. A shortage of j o b s — c o n t i n u i n g high unemployment with population 125 growth. 2. Housing costs outpacing incomes—with growth land prices climb which increases the percentage of family expenditures on housing. 3. Decline i n the ease of moving about the region—growth increases t r a v e l time to and from work. 4. A i r and noise p o l l u t i o n — t h i s i s increasing, and i t i s now recog-nized that land use arrangements and controls are key va r i a b l e s . 5. Loss of f e e l i n g of openness—as a r e s u l t of growth. 6. Fear of and opposition to rapid and unanticipated changes— resentment by present residents to what they be l i e v e are capricious and unnecessary changes i n land use and density and to major t r a f f i c , u t i l i t y or public works proposals which a f f e c t t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l en-vironment are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of today's development climate. In many cases present residents b e l i e v e that t h e i r l i v a b i l i t y i s being s a c r i -f i c e d f o r some future generation or people they don't know or care about.l^ The intended use of these issues was as a s t a r t e r for public discus-sion, but also they wished to explore the p o l i c y options a r i s i n g from these issues and "examine what these p o l i c y option packages mean for the s p a t i a l arrangements i n terms of how they might best meet the c r i t e r i a for l i v a b i l -20 i t y " . F i n a l l y , i t was intended to report to the Planning Committee on these steps i n October or November of 1972. The departments program's d e f i n i t i o n and emphasis as outlined i n the above report was approved by the Planning Com-21 mittee at t h e i r meeting of February 3, 1972. In the following three months a serie s of ten experimental public 22 meetings were held with community groups. A f i l m was intended for these meetings but was not yet completed. For the f i r s t session a set of s l i d e s and a tape were used but these did not add to the dialogue and were not used again. Generally, the format was for a s t a f f member to provide introductory remarks and then open discussion and i n v i t e questions. P o l i t i c i a n s were present at 23 these early meetings. A large number of issues and concerns were raised i n the discussions. 126 It i s d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible, to summarize these. However, a few mat-ters stand out due to t h e i r unexpectedness or frequency of mention among most groups . 1. The "stop growth" a t t i t u d e encountered at a l l experimental meetings indicated we need to consider questions such as 'how much growth?', 'how do we manage i t ? ' 2. Many low-income people don't f e e l they have enough chance to be heard by such a group as GVRD Planning Committee. This suggests that i f they were given more information they could make more i n -t e l l i g e n t contributions to such issues as housing requirements for t h e i r groups. 3. Before these meetings, s t a f f had attempted to i d e n t i f y those issues which they expected would be of greatest i n t e r e s t and importance to the community. A Shortage of Jobs was one of these, and yet the discussion at the meetings r a r e l y touched on this subject....We conclude from this that persons attending our meetings automatical-l y assumed jobs to be a P r o v i n c i a l and National issue which the Regional D i s t r i c t and i t s M u n i c i p a l i t i e s could not do anything about.24 It should be noted that there was no suggestion that "these groups either i n numbers or i n i n t e r e s t s are representative of the views and concerns of the 25 metropolitan community as a whole or of any part of i t " . Also there was no attempt made to l i m i t discussions to those matters within the present or poten-t i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the GVRD. On May 29, 1972, an interim report on the Public Program was submit-ted to the Planning Committee. Its theme was that the experimental meetings produced useful discussions and the r e s u l t s were valuable. Accordingly, a con-ti n u a t i o n of the program for the next s i x months was considered important " i f the Board wishes to have a good ' f e e l ' about what the regional community re-26 gards as s i g n i f i c a n t issues". Further i t was concluded that "one-shot" meet-ings are of l i m i t e d value and should have a follow up, " p o l i t i c a l representa-tives from the Board and s t a f f have important parts to play i n the public d i s -cussion, but i t does not work f o r them to lead or d i r e c t discussion", and i t i s important for the program to reach as many groups as possible in t h i s early 27 stage. A further d e f i n i t i o n of the Public Program occurred i n a s t a f f report 127 to the Planning Committee i n June. I t outlined the next stage of the program as c o n s i s t i n g of four parts. 1. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of issues including the new issue of "stop growth" to which the Planning Committee now assigned a study p r i o r i t y . 2. Preparation of background studies on issues, p a r t i c u l a r l y growth, as well as tabloids on other issues to promote public awareness and discussion on these issues. 3. Continuation of the Public Program focusing on the issues raised 28 and using the recently prepared f i l m . 4. A major report on the Public Program to be completed by November which would suggest p o l i c y options and maybe some immediate actions. The s t a f f also reported at th i s time that a study group from the Min-i s t r y of State for Urban A f f a i r s had spent two days i n Vancouver studying the Public Program. As a r e s u l t the Ministry planned to send an expert on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n methods to Vancouver for a week to advise on further development of the Public Program. Urban A f f a i r s representative, C y r i l Rosenberg, also said i n part: It would, of course, be an impertinence, on our part to attempt to pass judgement on the ultimate appropriateness of the Li v a b l e Region app-roach to the planning process, or on i t s goals: that i s a matter we would consider to be s o l e l y within the l o c a l prerogative. We never-theless want you to know that the team was very impressed with the way i n which you and your colleagues i n the Planning Department are tr y i n g to f u l f i l l the goals you-have set yourselves. It i s for t h i s reason that the cross-Ministry team feels able to recommend i n p r i n -c i p l e the Ministry's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n aspects of the p r o j e c t . 2 ^ At the next meeting of the Planning Committee, July 5, the Livable Region Project was also discussed i n the presence of Mr. Lennarson, expert on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n on loan from Urban A f f a i r s . Mr. Lennarson observed, many people don't know why they f e e l t h e i r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n s so res-pond to things that are t o p i c a l ; e.g. p o l l u t i o n ; before some people can give responses... they have to learn about issues i n an organized way; e.g. 'day care centres, which you want, and higher taxes which you don't want, are inseparable'. Most productive is the stage where c i t i z e n s a i r t h e i r concerns i n the presence of technicians, then within l i m i t s of time and money the two groups organize a method of solution.30 . 128 Further on the public program, Mr. Leonard Minsky joined the s t a f f i n July for one year as a s t a f f Community Contact Person "to a s s i s t i n achieving 31 productive communication for Livable Region Project research". Minsky was a former professor of the English Department at Simon Fraser University and more recently a s o c i a l worker with a family service agency. Most importantly, he was not a planner, and therefore did not bring the missionary approach common among professional planners. At the Planning Committee meeting of July 20, Minsky gave his f i r s t comments on the Public Program. The need for such l i a i s o n became evident when review of material from experimental meetings revealed i n s u f f i c i e n t contact with some elements of the community. He outlined h i s plan f o r "... reaching the people instead of l o c a l min-o r i t i e s that tend to have a small but overlapping representation..." During the ensuing discussion i t was noted that responses are p r e d i c t -able from i n t e r e s t groups about what they l i k e , d i s l i k e and about some changes they would make. Mr. Minsky r e p l i e d that t h i s can be changed i f people of s p e c i f i c a l l y defined groups are given information about the kind of issues GVRD i s concerned with and how to go about consid-ering them.^ Related to t h i s Lash "noted that Urban A f f a i r s (Dr. Michelson), i n conjunction with UBC, w i l l be conducting an opinion p o l l to determine what 2,500 people con-33 s i d e r to be basic issues and the p r i o r i t i e s they would award to each". Lennarson again attended the Planning Committee on August 9, 1972, when he presented a one page report on Developing a Structure for Public P a r t i -34 c i p a t i o n i n GVRD. Verbally he outlined what was involved i n t h i s working structure. The basic p r i n c i p l e s upon which to b u i l d a structure were mentioned by him: 1. A clear statement of options for the p o l i t i c i a n s . 2. Access within an organized process over time for c i t i z e n s . 3. An opportunity to become part of the decision making process for technicians'. From t h i s w i l l r e s u l t "A c o a l i t i o n , the glue of which i s access to regional planning...it brings people together to t a l k things out. I t makes a v a i l a b l e 129 to them resources that otherwise would not be. The c o a l i t i o n happens, i t ' s not 35 b u i l t into the structure formally but i s a process over time...." A wide ranging discussion followed which raised p a r t i c u l a r concern over responsible as opposed to i r r e s p o n s i b l e (wild demonstrations) p u b l i c par-t i c i p a t i o n . Lennarson said "It's easy to be unreasonable i f you don't have 3 6 any r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n resolving a s i t u a t i o n " . Also how i s representation achieved from the estimated 4,000 voluntary associations i n Greater Vancouver? Lennarson noted that "Some groups are more representative of many more people than other groups. But t h i s i s not a representative process....It's just a way of l e t t i n g people get i n , so i f you belong to any s i z e group and you're interested i n doing some work (on regional issues) this gives you a way of do-37 ing so i n concert with an actual problem so l v i n g process". The GVRD Planning Committee endorsed the objectives and general p r i n c i p l e s of h i s report "Devel-oping a structure f or public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n GVRD", and they also endorsed making a request to Urban A f f a i r s for funds to put the ideas into an operation-• , 38 a l plan. Federal support even though promised s t i l l had not come, but the Pub-l i c Program continued now under the d i r e c t i o n of Leonard Minsky. Few profes-s i o n a l s t a f f members attended these sessions, t h e i r reason being pressure of 39 work. Minsky's communication s t y l e was to draw out responses to the f i l m and then t r y to get c i t i z e n s to i n t e r p r e t t h e i r own responses. Most responses 40 were of an emotional type, but p u b l i c values were evident in these. Issue Investigation Besides the Public Program the second major thrust of 1972 toward the L i v a b l e Region Plan was issue i n v e s t i g a t i o n s . This meant further c l a r i f i c a t i o n and understanding of issues r a i s e d by the Public Program through agency inves-t i g a t i o n s . A dilemma faced the agency here. To keep the Livable Region Plan studies on schedule, issue investigations within the department should s t a r t immediately, but the Public Program had not advanced far enough to i d e n t i f y 130 issues for i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The dilemma was met by s e l e c t i n g tentative " s t a r t e r issues" so that investigations could be started immediately and adjusted as r e s u l t s from the Public Program emerged. Six " s t a r t e r issues" were selected, as outlined previously on pages 124 and 125. Investigations were conducted on housing, jobs and p o l l u t i o n . The aim was to produce tabloids for each which described and analyzed the problem, reviewed what had been done and what could be done, presented a l t e r n a t i v e s o l u -ti o n s , and discussed the Regional D i s t r i c t s r o l e i n these problem areas. Tab-l o i d s were produced for these three issues and were d i s t r i b u t e d to the public p r i m a r i l y through the P u b l i c Program. (A more de t a i l e d i n v e s t i g a t i o n on p o l l u -t i o n , involving an extensive questionnaire, was also commenced. Since t h i s p a r t i c u l a r i n v e s t i g a t i o n continued through into.1973, i t w i l l be discussed i n the next chapter.) Regional growth, a surprise issue, evoked the prime issue i n v e s t i g a -t i o n . Growth was not one of the s i x " s t a r t e r issues", but "since the f i r s t meeting held l a s t spring the most commonly expressed f e e l i n g was that growth 41 i n the region should be stopped or severely r e s t r i c t e d " . In response to t h i s p u b l i c concern extensive investigations of the growth issue were c a r r i e d out during the summer of 1972. A University of B r i t i s h Columbia planning pro-fessor, Michael S e e l i g was h i r e d for the summer to design and coordinate this study project. "The general objective of t h i s study i s to c r i t i c a l l y examine and evaluate rates of growth of urban centres, i n order to understand the con-sequences which would r e s u l t i f p o l i c i e s were i n s t i t u t e d to a l t e r e x i s t i n g 42 rates of growth". Four s p e c i f i c tasks were i d e n t i f i e d for the study of which one would be done in-house with three summer planning students, and the other three contracted out. Because the evolving project f a i l e d to produce useful information, t h e " s t a f f suggested further tasks; the t o t a l project em-bodied seven tasks which are summarized below with the o r i g i n a l four tasks l i s t e d f i r s t . 131 Regional Growth—Definitions and Causes by M. S e e l i g , P. Baross, 43 A Duguid and R. Matheson. From "accepted l i t e r a t u r e " , t h i s re-port describes the basic concepts of population growth, economic growth, and urbanization. Experience i n the Reduction and Lim i t a t i o n of Urban and Regional 44 Growth P o l i c i e s by F. Guitheim. This report provides an over-view of growth p o l i c i e s and s p e c i f i c a l l y reviews 18 such p o l i c i e s . Its theme i s that of the d i f f i c u l t y i n c o n t r o l l i n g growth. "The a v a i l a b l e experience with urban growth l i m i t a t i o n suggests that no c i t y has yet succeeded i n t h i s d i f f i c u l t and sophisticated endeavour, and that i t i s probably beyond the power of c i t i e s or metropolitan regional governments to accomplish. If c i t i e s wish to l i m i t t h e i r growth, they would be w e l l advised to e n l i s t from the outset the support of the p r o v i n c i a l or state, and n a t i o n a l 45 governments with stronger powers and resources". Comparative Empirical Study of Growth Rates. This task was under-taken by the Min i s t r y of State for Urban A f f a i r s . Their report e s s e n t i a l l y s a i d no one has the information to make such a compar-at i v e study. Population Growth, Economic Growth, and Related Problems, by Simon 46 Miles, Executive Director, INTERMET. While examining t h i s topic Miles was also attempting to provide d i r e c t i o n f o r the project . which had not been achieved from tasks one and two. "This paper examines the r e l a t i o n s h i p between growth and other phenomena such as the natural environments, the i n d i v i d u a l s income, cost of l i v -ing, land prices and others". Eight such phenomena are selected and the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between each and regional growth are docu-mented. It concludes that, 132 the consequences of population growth may be very d i f f e r e n t than those r e s u l t i n g from economic growth. In general, while the consequences of economic growth may be viewed by many as favorable, the consequen-ces of population growth may often be viewed as undesirable. Experi-ence has taught us that i n the long run i t i s impossible to have one type of growth without the other. Thus, when we seek to a t t a i n econ-omic growth we must eventually also accept the fact that population growth w i l l follow. On the other hand, when we decide to l i m i t popu-l a t i o n growth, we must be prepared to accept the e f f e c t s on economic growth which f o l l o w . 4 7 5. The Consequences of Urban Growth: A Framework for Public Discussion and P o l i c y Formation, by Ron Matheson, planning student, University 48 of B r i t i s h Columbia. This report was prepared as a discussion paper for the growth team and other members of the agency. While i t represents the views of one summer student, i t may also be con-sidered as a minority report. Its theme i s "technocratic impera-tives .. .provide the framework for discussion of urban growth issues 49 and are strongly oriented to the status quo"; therefore, there i s a need for "informed public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the formulation of urban growth policies"."'^ Otherwise the public are i n danger of having someone else's values thrust upon them"."'"'' He c a l l s for wider public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the growth issue. 6. "Migration", t a l k by David Baxter, Doctoral Candidate, University of B r i t i s h Columbia to the GVRD Planning Committee, August 9, 52 19 72. Baxter explained how migration into an area previously occurred from economic growth or p o t e n t i a l ; that i s , to areas with more jobs and higher wages. Today, and e s p e c i a l l y for Vancouver, migration i s r e l a t e d more to l i f e s t y l e . "Whert you're looking at migration into this region and the retention of migrants i n t h i s area you f i n d that i t ' s b a s i c a l l y a function of the way t h i s region i s presented i n other areas and the fact that the image of Vancou-ver to other areas tends to be compatible with a l i f e s t y l e that 53 i s becoming more and more popular i n the whole country". 133 7. Growth Questionnaire. From the Growth reports Lash prepared a seri e s of questions and submitted them to the Planning Committee, Technical Planning Committee, and some members of HPS. About 20 questionnaires were returned and they were summarized and tabulat-ed by Peter George. With the small number a v a i l a b l e for analysis and d i v e r s i t y i n answering questions, l i t t l e further insight was gained. These growth issue studies were the subject of much discussions by s t a f f , Planning Committee, and Technical Planning Committee without much pro-gress r e s u l t i n g . The project died i n the f a l l with no p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s . In summary the growth issue i n v e s t i g a t i o n can be seen i n two l i g h t s ; one, a pro-cess whereby the planning group became acutely aware of how complex the issue i s , and, two, a major d i v e r s i o n of time and thought from the year's program. Other Work Several other major work e f f o r t s f a l l within the 1972 work program and require elaboration. I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that the 19 72 program was to con-centrate on the Livable Region Plan, information system, and helping the re-gional d i s t r i c t a d ministratively. Let us deal with the l a s t two f i r s t . One of the major objectives of the 1972 program was to e s t a b l i s h a systematic information system. At the beginning of the year, Peter George joined the s t a f f to perform t h i s task. He was formerly i n the City of Vancou-ver Planning Department, had worked with Gerard F a r r y , and had a B.A. i n Economics and a M.A. i n operations research. For the f i r s t s i x months of the year he supervised 29 data c o l l e c t o r s on Local I n i t i a t i v e s Program grants. In the l a s t s i x months he worked on the information systems design. Useful data was c o l l e c t e d on land use, transportation, and u t i l i t y s e r v i c e s , and i t was incorporated into two systems, geographical and geocoding. Next in the 1972 program was the objective of helping the GVRD admin-i s t r a t i v e l y . There were two aspects to t h i s , Rick Hankin's "mission to parks" 134 was the f i r s t . Here Hankin was on loan to the Parks Department of GVRD for 50 p e r c e n t of the time for s i x months to a s s i s t them i n t h e i r planning and strengthen the r e l a t i o n s between the departments. Primarily h i s parks work was on small studies, adding parks, changing parks boundaries, t r a i l l i n k s , and i n addition, considerable progress was made on the Boundary Bay study. The success of t h i s "mission" project was somewhat l i m i t e d by the anti-study (re-search) o r i e n t a t i o n within the Parks department. Second, Lash prepared a report on corporate planning i n the GVRD to examine and make e x i s t i n g arrangements more e x p l i c i t . A f t e r reviewing present •corporate planning administrative p r a c t i c e s , and r e l a t i n g the planning depart-ment to these, he emphasized the necessity for cooperation now that a l l region-a l functions are joined under the GVRD. " I f each GVRD department took the view that i t has only an i n t e r e s t i n 'service on demand' and could not express views beyond that, the r e s u l t would be a f a i l u r e to plan. GVRD departments therefore need to be interested i n and take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the whole plan and not simply from th e i r i n d i v i d u a l viewpoints"."" 1^ Now we must deal with several secondary matters of the Livable Region Plan studies. There were four a d d i t i o n a l matters of which the f i r s t two occu-pied considerable time. 1. HPS 2. Operational Development Plan Model 3. Report on the U.N. Declaration on the Environment, and 4. The Vancouver Urban Futures Project. As outlined i n Chapter Three, GVRD became involved i n the Inter-I n s t i t u t i o n a l P o l i c y Simulator (HPS) i n May of 1970 and had one member i n the Core Group and several other s t a f f members p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the development of sub-models: the Core Group consisted of representatives from the external gov-ernment i n s t i t u t i o n s . Administrative problems within HPS, which would take a book to explain, demanded greater inputs by the GVRD to ensure some return 135 from the HPS experiment. Thorburn accepted the p o s i t i o n of chairman of the ; core group taking over the major guidance function for the project. Through his e f f o r t s , and others in the Core Group, H P S stayed a l i v e , abandoned the never ending debate over c i t i z e n use of the model, and set to work to opera-t i o n a l i z e the models. Their aim was to have some of the sub-models operating by early 1973, a topic which w i l l receive more discussion i n the next chapter. For the moment, we should note the unexpected time demands this rescue opera-ti o n put on the department p a r t i c u l a r l y on Thorburn. Regarding the Operational Development Plan Model, early d i f f i c u l t i e s i n evaluating major projects, such as the Barnston Island proposal, l e d to a departmental desire to discover an evaluation mechanism as part of the Livable Region Plan. Their f i r s t attempt at this was rejected by the Technical Plan-ning Committee as embodying " r i g i d procedures"."'"' The next time a more q u a l i -t a t i v e approach was taken by a consultant, A.V. Gray, through the use of a simulation model. His report developed a model, a set of mathematical expres-sions adapted for running on a computer, for evaluating proposed developments of 500 to 10,000 acres with populations of 1,000 to 50,000 persons. The model i s programmed i n two versions. Version A evaluates one p a r t i c u l a r land devel-opment scheme and p r i n t s out the d e t a i l s summarizing i t with respect to assump-tions, population, dwelling u n i t s , land use by type and acres, assessments, c a p i t a l revenues, and costs, operating revenues and expenditures by s e r v i c e . . . . The second version of the model, B, automatically calculates these factors for each of 45 d i f f e r e n t schemes, and p r i n t s out a summary of the end r e s u l t for each scheme"."'^ The model can then be used f o r comparing schemes i n the following ways: 1. The schemes highest value to a developer (present worth). 2. The schemes-highest value to a municipality (operating account). 3. Volume of expenditures on development throughout the l i f e of the scheme. 136 4. Organizational problems r e l a t i v e to the scale of development. 5. Subjective comparisons such as quality of l i f e : one can r e l a t e q u a l i t y of l i f e to one scheme against the loss of present worth ($) to see i f the trade o f f i s reasonable. Guidelines f o r the l a s t two points were provided but they were not part of the simulation model. The OPD Model was not pursued further i n 1972 (or 1973 for that matter) because i t s computer language was not compatible with UBC's com-puter system. The project thus remains i n abeyance u n t i l the computer language can be converted some time i n the future. The two remaining matters require only b r i e f mention. Lash's Report on the U.N. Declaration on the Environment""^ explains how the GVRD program i s consistent with the declaration: i t was d i s t r i b u t e d only for information. L a s t l y , the Vancouver Urban Futures Project was a f e d e r a l l y sponsored research project to determine public p o l i c y expectations through sampling and question-58 naire mechanisms. The agency merely kept informed about t h i s independent project. Manning Park Retreat A number of events caused i n t e r n a l uneasy feelings i n the GVRD Plan-ning Department over the summer. Accordingly the s t a f f wanted a general re-treat to a i r and straighten out these matters. This ret r e a t was delayed due to f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , Urban A f f a i r s had to th i s time renegged on the grant.^ F i n a l l y the retreat was held at the s t a f f ' s personal expense and on t h e i r own time: Manning Park, September 28 to 30. The major complaints can be summar-• A f 1 1 5 9 lzed as follows: 1. The 1971 program involved too many projects, was too budget o r i e n -ted rather than objectives oriented, and the flow diagram did not provide ade'quate c o n t r o l . 2. The 19 72 budget was inadequate (a s i t u a t i o n caused by Urban A f f a i r s ) . 137 3. Questions about how everyone relates to the Li v a b l e Region Program. 4. "LRP does not seem to be as r a d i c a l as we intended i t to be, (but) i t could be subversive". 5. There are inconsistencies i n the Public Program between how i t was intended to serve the LRP and how i t i s operating, there i s insuf-f i c i e n t reporting of the meetings, and i s i t producing anything? 6. Staff have been working as l o n e r s — " p e o p l e too compartimentalized", "extraordinary i s o l a t i o n " . 7. "Many s t a f f have doubts and c r i t i c i s m s of the competence and prod-u c t i v i t y of some of t h e i r colleagues". 8. Matins have been s l i p p i n g — " d i s c u s s i o n s are s u p e r f i c i a l , papers are too lengthy to be decided upon at m a t i n s s o m e f e e l we t a l k too much and pretend to discuss". 9. GVRD's public image i s non-existant. A l l of the points were discussed at the seminar.^ It became obvious through discussions that some form of i n t e r n a l reorganization was necessary, perhaps into some sort of team organization. Groups were formed at the retreat to come up with suggestions of how to redeploy s t a f f . Various suggestions emerged, but consensus was not reached. It was cl e a r , however, that reorgani-zation was the ce n t r a l aspect. During the year the department had been torn by several c e n t r i f u g a l forces: the public program; the rescue of HPS; s p e c i a l projects l i k e the growth studies and the uncertainty of Urban A f f a i r s support. Now was the time to unite i n d i v i d u a l s ; some form of team reorganization or "home groups" seemed a natural d i r e c t i o n . Although the prospective redeployment by teams offered solutions for most of the complaints, i t did not cover a l l . There was relevant discussion on some of the other points. On budgeting they agreed on a philosophy of " i f we can't get money for parts of our program then we must say what can r e a l i s t i -c a l l y be done under the budget". Also, over the matter of i n t e r n a l doubts and 138 c r i t i c i s m s of competence and creative a b i l i t y , i t was noted that a new organi-z a t i o n a l form wouldn't get r i d of this kind of problem. Lash, however, suggest-ed the s t a f f follow a " p r i n c i p l e of s o l i d a r i t y " l i k e cabinet s o l i d a r i t y . Res-ponding to GVRD's non-existing public image, with an implication that i t should be a "high p r o f i l e " one, a low p r o f i l e was a more de s i r a b l e one: " l e t ' s s e l l the steak and not the s i z z l e " . The major discussion of the r e t r e a t , however, f e l l on the Public Pro-gram. It should be remembered that t h i s program had only recently become oper-a t i o n a l and was spearheaded by a new, dynamic, non-planner: Leonard Minsky. The debate centered on whether the p u b l i c program was p r i m a r i l y a service to the L i v a b l e Region Plan studies or a mover of people: p r i m a r i l y a means or an end? Minsky maintained that i t i s imaginary to think of the P u b l i c Program i n terms of "a mandarin going around the community gathering information and not being p o l i t i c a l . . . . A s soon as one goes out and talks to them with an implica-t i o n to act, then t h i s i s a p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y " . He went on to assert that "creating waves" i s an e s s e n t i a l part of the program, and "the program i s not integrated with what everyone else i s doing". In addition we must be concern-ed with evaluating our influence i n the Public Program "because we need to know whether we are speeding up or slowing down the process".^""' Lash responded.by saying " i t i s not of c e n t r a l concern to us i f the public program makes waves. If t h i s i s a spin o f f OK; but not c e n t r a l " . He acknowledged the p o l i t i c a l involvement...."First, the public program w i l l give p o l i t i c i a n s more information, but also i t w i l l give the people contacted bet-ter leverage. Last year Ted (Rashleigh) and I s a i d the Public Program could get out of control and t h i s may not be bad. It must be kept under control r e l a t i v e to (a) our f i n a n c i a l resources, and (b) the s a t i s f a c t i o n of p o l i t i c i -ans". Farry, however, was more concerned about the program getting out of c o n t r o l . He said "we should look upon t h i s as a l i m i t e d program of 40 meet-ings which has a l i m i t e d e f f e c t . Once t h i s i s over we must ask i f they have 139 been productive enough and to what extent further meetings might threaten the p o l i t i c i a n s " . Further, he argued that diminishing returns must set i n some-where. Continued discussion revealed that concern over the Publ i c Program p r i o r to the retreat had recently subsided a f t e r several s t a f f members had debated the merits of the program with Minsky. Consensus e a s i l y emerged that there i s no r i s k of getting out of cont r o l by November, nor the r i s k of not having enough information for the report on the Public Program due then. Minsky provided a conclusion to th i s discussion by saying both aspects are of equal importance. That i s the content aspect of the Public Program as an aid to GVRD p o l i t i c i a n s , and the community development aspect as a counter to GVRD p o l i t i c i a n s : "there i s a need to have the volume a c t i v i t y of the Public Program to get phone c a l l s coming i n s u f f i c i e n t quantity to l e t them ( p o l i t i -cians) know we are i n business but not too large to exceed our budgetary l i m i -tations or loss of c r e d i b i l i t y i n the community". The retreat was extremely successful. Many f e s t e r i n g s t a f f d i f f e r -62 ences were brought into the open and thus p a r t i a l l y resolved. And consensus on reorganization occurred without a d e f i n i t e idea of what type of reorganiza-t i o n . These accomplishments undoubtedly allowed work to proceed more smoothly f o r the rest of the year. Several reorganizations were t r i e d but none with great success. A reorganization i n the context of the 1973 program f i n a l l y was s e t t l e d on, but this w i l l be reviewed i n the next chapter. Coach House Retreat By the f a l l i t was timely to have another major d e l i b e r a t i v e session with the Planning Committee. Thirteen topics were suggested to the Planning Committee for the seminar of which they selected four: 1. Creation of' a T r i - l e v e l Committee for Greater Vancouver with attend-ance of the Mi n i s t r y of State for Urban A f f a i r s and P r o v i n c i a l Municipal A f f a i r s personnel. 140 2. Flood p l a i n p o l i c y . 3. What should be included i n the forthcoming November Report emerg-ing from the Public Program and contributing to the evolving L i v -able Region Plan. 63 4. Planning Department 1973 Objectives and Program. A retreat was held with the Planning Committee, eight s t a f f members of the GVRD and three guests on October 13th and 14th at the Coach House Inn, North Vancouver. Results of these sessions are as follows. The Committee discussed the formation and function of a T r i - L e v e l Com-mittee for Greater Vancouver using the now discarded 3rd crossing study as an example. It was recommended that the Regional Board ask the p r o v i n c i a l govern-ment to consider such a committee. Regarding f l o o d p l a i n p o l i c i e s , W.D. Hurst, consultant presented h i s 64 report Preliminary Considerations of Floodplain and Related Matters. The report presented e x i s t i n g f l o o d proofing requirements of the O f f i c i a l Regional Plan, confirmed these, and suggested p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n to re i n f o r c e these. Also a Regional b r i e f on th i s was recommended; there was discussion but no action. Third, an ou t l i n e of What Should be Included i n the November Report from the Public Program was presented. In point form i t b r i e f l y reviewed: The Story so far The mood of the region S p e c i f i c concerns and issues What has been ignored so far? P o l i c y p o s s i b i l i t i e s P o l i c y proposals of the Planning Committee The rest of the Program: 1973 and l a t e r . 65 The "Committee considered the ou t l i n e and agreed on approval". W i t h regard to the second l a s t item,.an extensive discussion occurred 141 at the r e t r e a t . A " t h i n k - i n " s e s s i o n on p o l i c y proposals was l e d by Humphrey Carver who was p r e s e n t l y p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n GVRD s t u d i e s . The o b j e c t i v e was to t r a n s l a t e the p u b l i c concerns r a i s e d i n the P u b l i c Program i n t o p o l i c y p r i o r i -t i e s . The s t a f f presented p o l i c y choices taken from the P u b l i c Program r e s u l t s to date. Carver lead the Planning Committee "to an organized perception of the concerns (of the p u b l i c ) and to s i t u a t e these concerns i n broad p o l i c y 66 f i e l d s " . . Planning Committee p o l i c y choices were recorded by the s t a f f and confirmed at t h e i r next meeting. These choices soon would form a major p o r t i o n of the November Report and w i l l be f u l l y o u t l i n e d s h o r t l y . The f o u r t h and l a s t item on the agenda of the Coach House r e t r e a t was to discuss the planning departments 19 73 o b j e c t i v e s . Planning Committee mem-bers became very anxious f o r the L i v a b l e Region Plan s t u d i e s to produce some-t h i n g . While s t i l l s t r o n g l y supporting the program, they i n s i s t e d that i t be ac c e l e r a t e d . They became very s p e c i f i c about t h e i r views and l a i d down pre-c i s e g u i d e l i n e s f o r 1973 which seem to be important enough to be o u t l i n e d i n some d e t a i l . 1. That the schedule f o r completion of the L i v a b l e Region Program and Plan be shortened by one year so that the d r a f t Program/Plan be ready f o r p r e s e n t a t i o n to the Board by March, 1974. 2. That the s a i d d r a f t Program/Plan be concerned c h i e f l y w i t h the P o l i c i e s and a c t i o n programs re q u i r e d to maintain l i v a b i l i t y w i t h -i n the next 10 years and that issues and p o l i c i e s which cannot be studie d and re s o l v e d w i t h i n the time permitted by the above dead- . l i n e s be discussed i n the Program/Plan as unresolved matters. 3. That the Planning Department be i n s t r u c t e d to concentrate i t s e f f o r t s i n 1973 as e x c l u s i v e l y as p o s s i b l e on the c a r r y i n g out of the L i v a b l e Region P r o j e c t i n accordance w i t h the above schedule, and that other GVRD Departments be requested to p a r t i c i p a t e and a s s i s t the c a r r y i n g out of the P r o j e c t as much as p o s s i b l e . 4. That t e s t i n g and e v a l u a t i o n of the elements of the d r a f t Program P l a n , p a r t i c u l a r l y as to the p o s s i b l e secondary and i n d i r e c t e f f e c t s of proposed p o l i c i e s , be done subsequently to the submis-s i o n of the d r a f t Program/Plan where i t i s not p o s s i b l e to carry out such t e s t s and e v a l u a t i o n beforehand. 5. That i n order to r a p i d l y achieve e f f i c i e n c y i n the handling of data and i t s a n a l y s i s , and to enable e f f i c i e n t t e s t i n g of p o l i c y options to be done as soon as p o s s i b l e , the Planning Department be i n s t r u c -142 ted to continue to give high p r i o r i t y to the development of i t s Information System and to the advancement of the HPS Project. 6. That the Board be requested not to assign any ad d i t i o n a l projects to the Planning Department during 1973. 7. That the Department make recommendations as to how to deal with i t s current project workload, such as the Boundary Bay Development Plan, so as to free i t s e l f as much as possible from such workload and concentrate on the Livable Region Project. 8. That the P r o v i n c i a l Government be asked to increase i t s grants and staff - t i m e inputs to the planning function and to the work of the TPC i n 1973, and that with p r o v i n c i a l approval a s i m i l a r request be made of the fe d e r a l government.67 The remainder of the 1972 a c t i v i t i e s include two main happenings: the November Report and tool i n g up for the 1973 program. The f i r s t w i l l be discuss-ed i n t h i s section while the l a t t e r i s placed with discussions on 1973 i n the next chapter. A Report on L i v a b i l i t y With the inputs from the Public Program and the guidance from the 6 8 Planning Committee, A Report bn L i v a b i l i t y , or the November Report as i t was c a l l e d in-house, was indeed f i n i s h e d by the s t a f f i n November. This report re-presents the f i r s t major public statement on the evolving Livable Region Plan. It i s a land-mark i n the new planning program of the GVRD. A Report on L i v a b i l i t y summarizes regional issues as i d e n t i f i e d i n the Public Program under the following headings: The Mood of the Region: stop growth, s t a r t p a r t i c i p a t i o n ; and To Maintain L i v a b i l i t y Do We B u i l d a New Regional Environment?; as w e l l as s i x s p e c i f i c concerns—Transportaticn, high land costs and taxes, the i d e a l of the s i n g l e family home, community l i f e and services, p o l l u t i c n , and nature (protect i t , make i t a c c e s s i b l e ) . Twc further issues not mentioned i n public discussicns were also Included: r e t a i n the farm-land, and urban beauty. The mcst important part of the report, however, i s the summary of p b l i c i e s proposed i n the report. These t h i r t y p o l i c i e s provide the framework for the 1973 program and the evolving L i v a b l e Region Plan and are therefore extremely impbrtant. Acccrdingly they are outlined i n f u l l as they 143 appeared i n the report along with the introductory statement to the report. 69 Preamble This report describes progress on the Livable Region Program up to November 1972. The program i s designed to t r a n s l a t e what people say are the important issues a f f e c t i n g the Greater Vancouver Region into governmental action. This progress report records what some 40 community groups have sa i d to us so f a r and what the Planning Committee of the Greater Vancouver Regional- D i s t r i c t currently proposes as measures to deal with the issues of l i v a b i l i t y . I t i s a report from the GVRD Planning Committee to i t s Board of Directors, to the municipal councils of Greater Van-couver, but e s p e c i a l l y to c i t i z e n s and community groups so that they may further contribute to t h i s program to maintain and improve the l i v a b i l i t y of our Region. G V R D PLANNING COMMITTEE PROPOSES THE POLICIES FOR THE LIVABLE REGION PROGRAM Here is a list of the policies which are proposed in various sections of this report: A. POPULATION GROWTH AND URBAN EXPANSION 6) Policies to keep development from occurring in Flood plain areas should be continued and strengthened (see separate recommendation for immediate action by G V R D in this respect). B. CONSERVATION AND RECREATION 1) Controll ing the growth rate of Greater Van-couver should be a function of all three levels of government. The senior governments should be asked to look into the question of coping with growth. 2) G V R D should.plan regionally the maximum and minimum population growth to be accommod-ated in residential developments permitted by the municipalities and program such growth for the 10-year period of the first Livable Regional Program. 3) The Planning Department should investigate a . number of methods of making effective and economical use of the land in the Region in order to husband the land resources of the Region, which are l imited. 4) The Livable Region Program/Plan should con-tain policies to provide maximum opportunities for people to live close to where they work, or to work close to where they live. 5) G V R D should discourage the location in this Region of large land-consuming industries and port facilities which have low employment densities. 1) Preserve as much as possible of the unique and wilderness areas of the Region such as foreshores and mountainsides by Official Regional Plan designation, by acquisition and other measures. Most of the foreshores, especially that most acces-sible from urban centres, should be kept for public benefit. 2) Recuperate for public use unintensively used industrial areas of foreshore. 3) Seek to preserve as much farmland in production in the Region as is possible, by the existing policies of the Official Regional Plan, and by such measures as zoning, greenbelt acquisition, tax concessions, etc. Strengthen such policies by f irm adherence to floodplain and f lood pro-tection policies listed under Topic A . 4) Continue to commit all Regional Parks funds to land acquisition. G) Maximize the development of recreation opport-unities w i t h i n the Region: a) Conserve scenic values (by scenic ease-ments, construction height levels, and other measures) so as not to permit developments which detract from those values. 144 b) Promote the development of mini-parks, especially in high density residential areas, c) Pay particular attention to the develop-ment of bicycle paths and linear parks adjacent to watercourses, dykes, ravines, etc. (The forthcoming Greenbelt Report will provide a basis for development of such proposals), d) Seek greater use of the rivers and bars, for their recreation potential, and find ways to develop public access thereto, 6. Preserve intact any unique or rare ecological areas that lie within the Region. RESIDENTIAL SETTLEMENT 1) By such methods as land banking, G V R D should take action to control the location and price of land being made available for-urban purposes. These efforts should focus on securing strategic land required for the development of public trans-portation facilities and for Regional Town Centres. 2) In the next decade residential settlement policies should emphasize the infilling and development of sprawl areas and vacant lots, but in areas where such action is inappropriate, G V R D p should promote the assembly and development of large tracts for residential communities. 3) The Program/Plan should, contain provisions to accommodate a variety of housing types and tenures throughout the Region, to reflect the diversity of life-styles of the families and housholds of the Region. 4) G V R D should create opportunities in every part of the Region for housing families and households at all income levels. D. G E N E R A L GOVERNMENT 1) ' It is desirable to combat speculation in land, and G V R D should study and develop policies for doing so. 2) The Program/Plan should not seek to provide each municipality with a "balanced" tax-base, but instead propose land-use allocations based on rational overall regional considerations. Study should be given to devising regional ways of balancing out tax-base malajustments that may result when land-use planning does not have municipal tax-base balance as an objective. 3) Encourage a public participation and discussion process prior to consideration by the Board of all major plan amendments and major projects. 4) Increase the visibility and general knowledge of G V R D arid its activities among the public. E. POLLUTION 1) Pollution-control measures must inevitably be paid for both from general government revenues and by individual polluters, but emphasis should be on policies requiring the polluter to pay when-ever this is in the public interest. 2) G V R D should continue in its present orientation of tackling all aspects of pollution — air, water, noise, waste disposal. 3) More effort should be directed to control auto-mobile usage in urban areas. 4) G V R D should initiate experimental projects to encourage the sorting, recycling, and minimizing of wastes. 5) Attention should be directed to stiffening the regulations over all forms of pollution, and their enforcement, in accordance with the apparent wishes of the public. TRANSPORTATION 1) No total urban freeway system should be built in the Region. 2) In meeting the demand for recreational travel, to areas outside of Region, the emphasis should be on providing better inter-regional services by bus and other public carriers, but the possibilities for providing additional ferry terminals and services as well as the possibilities of additional automobile routes to recreational areas should be studied along with the possibil ities of increas-ing the capacity of existing routes and services. 3) Regionally control and develop "off ice centres" or "Regional Town Centres" outside of down-town, and attempt to decentralize some down-town growth to these centres. (See also Item A4 above). 4) Discourage autos entering downtown and pro-vide better public transportation alternatives. 5) Plan a long-range, all-purpose transportation corridors network and seek the co-operation of the Provincial Government in preserving the corridors until needed. 145 In addition to these t h i r t y p o l i c i e s , the report concluded with a pro-posal for continuing the program. Work on developing ( a l l ) the 30 p o l i c y statements of the GVRD Planning Committee should proceed simultaneously during 1973. I t i s proposed to group the 30 statements into p o l i c y areas and to form P o l i c y Com-mittees to work on them. These Po l i c y Committees have as t h e i r goal to report i n the f a l l of 1973 on objectives for t h e i r p o l i c y areas, propose operational p o l i c i e s f o r moving towards the objectives, and set out the implications, f i n a n c i a l and otherwise, of t h e i r recommend-ations. Between f a l l 1973 and spring 1974, these proposals would be worked up into the f i r s t integrated Livable Region Program/Plan, with the continued assistance of the P o l i c y Committees. The P o l i c y Commit-tees would be formed of t e c h n i c a l s t a f f of GVRD, the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , senior governments, members of the u n i v e r s i t i e s and other i n s t i t u -tions of the Region, with representatives of interested c i t i z e n groups and associations.70 With the November Report, the s t a f f and Planning Committee members be-gan another round of " f l y i n g v i s i t s " to municipal councils to explain the p o l -icy statements p r i o r to the Regional Board meeting at which time there would be a consideration of the report. This was a l i k e l y key to the ease with which the Board endorsed the report at i t s meeting of November 29, 1972. More s p e c i -f i c a l l y the Board's r e s o l u t i o n contained the following: endorsation of the 30 p o l i c y statements; authorize d i s t r i b u t i o n to the p u b l i c and requesting comment; request from Committees of the Regional Board and Councils of member municipal-i t i e s t h e i r cognizance, comments, or suggested amendments; and "authorize the Planning Committee to look into the f e a s i b i l i t y of s e t t i n g up P o l i c y Committees (as suggested by the report)...with the goal of having a report on each p o l i c y area come before the Regional Board by the f a l l of 1973". Summary 1972 started o f f with three clear objectives: to develop a t o t a l frame-work for the Livable Region Plan, e s t a b l i s h an information system, and help the Regional D i s t r i c t a d ministratively. The l a s t two were accomplished but the number one p r i o r i t y of a framework for a Livable Region Plan was not. Never-theless a major advance toward the plan was made by A Report on L i v a b i l i t y which included t h i r t y p o l i c y statements derived from the Public Program and 146 Planning Committee d e l i b e r a t i o n s . Also the idea of P o l i c y Committees for next year emerged. For a good portion of the year, however, the department appeared to be f l y i n g apart. There were several contributing factors to t h i s . F i r s t , the Public Program presented a strange a c t i v i t y for planners: widespread public dialogue. As w e l l , Leonard Minsky, who conducted the program, had a d i f f e r e n t s t y l e and was a "non-planner" which added to the d i s q u i e t . In addition, the unexpected growth issue and the subsequent studies led nowhere. On top of these, Rick Hankin was drawn o f f on h i s "mission to Parks", and Drew Thorburn was likewise drawn o f f on his rescue of HPS. And l a s t l y , there were budget-ary problems created when the M i n i s t r y of State for Urban A f f a i r s f a i l e d to come through with t h e i r promised grant. These diversions f r u s t r a t e d the s t a f f and led to the Manning Park retr e a t which started "to turn the ship back on course". In the end a vigorous new approach became necessary when the Planning Committee asked that the Livable Region Plan studies be accelerated by one year. Regarding the evolution of a new planning model, two aspects stand out i n 1972: the use of retreats and the Public Program. Three major retreats were held i n 1972: Mount Baker, Coach House, and Manning Park. Each demon-, strated how the mechanism f a c i l i t a t e s decision-making and can produce new d i r -ections. As w e l l , p o l i t i c a l involvement, at the Coach House r e t r e a t , demon-strated that planners and p o l i t i c i a n s can dialogue on basic planning matters and that such dialogue adds greatly to goal and p o l i c y development. The Public Program placed goal i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as a major part of the urban planning pro-cess on an ongoing b a s i s . I t also showed that s p e c i a l communication s k i l l s , which planners generally do not possess, were needed for such public dialogue. 147 FOOTNOTES 1. Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t Planning Department, agenda notes for the Mount Baker Retreat, November, 1971. 2. Besides the pressures of work, Lash thought that he and Farry might by t h e i r presence dampen the discussion on i n t e r n a l problems thus t h e i r absenc
UBC Theses and Dissertations
Toward a new model of urban planning Gerecke, John Kent 1974
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