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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Political and religious change in a Guatemalan community McDowell, Paul Vance 1974

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POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS CHANGE IN A GUATEMALAN COMMUNITY by Paul Vance McDowell A Thesis Submitted i n the Requirements Doctor of Partial Fulfilment of for the Degree of Philosophy i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology Ve accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard The University of B r i t i s h Columbia September, 1 9 7 ^ In presenting this thesis, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Brit ish Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of /j U r Jt ^»/91? /*fW ^ C * * ¥ The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8 , Canada ^ 0 c r o M - /?7^' A b s t r a c t T h i s study concerns the p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s m o d e r n i z a t i o n o f C a n t e l , an I n d i a n f a c t o r y community _ l o c a t e d i n midwestern Guatemala. The two primary concerns o f the study were ( l ) the breakdown o f the t r a d i t i o n a l c i v i l - r o l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y , which o c c u r r e d between 19^6 and i960, and (2) the emergence o f a p o l i t i c i z e d town government, t o g e t h e r w i t h an orthodox C a t h o l i c movement and s e v e r a l P r o t e s t a n t s e c t s . Tho study i n v o l v e d a m o d i f i c a t i o n o f ¥ o l f , 8 c o n s t r u c t o f the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community and h i s e x p l a n a t i o n a c c o u n t i n g f o r the breakdown of such communities, which s t a t e s t h a t l o c a l l e a d e r s h a v i n g a c c e s s to economic and p o l i t i c a l power at the n a t i o n a l l e v e l and who p a t t e r n t h e i r b e h a v i o u r a c c o r d i n g to l o c a l and n a t i o n a l e x p e c t a t i o n s are most l i k e l y to e f f e c t l o c a l s t r u c t u r a l changes. For t h i s purpose, I conducted work i n C a n t e l from J u l y , 1 9 6 9 to J u l y , 1 9 7 0 . The f i e l d t e c h n i q u e s t h a t I employed i n c l u d e d i n t e r v i e w s conducted w i t h i n f o r m a n t s o f v a r y i n g ages, supplemented by o b s e r v a t i o n s and p e r u s a l o f o f f i c i a l documents a v a i l a b l e i n the town h a l l , the c h urch, and the N a t i o n a l A r c h i v e s o f Guatemala. L o c a l a t t i t u d e s o f d i s t r u s t toward o u t s i d e r s p r e v e n t e d the use o f censuses and l i f e .• i i histories. Nevertheless, I did obtain a consistent body of information, on which basis i t was possible to reconstruct the sequence of events that led to modernization of Cantel's political and religious organizations. Until 1946, Cantel contained a civil-religious hierarchy similar to those.of other Meso-American communities. It consisted of a graded series of offices, which discharged the secular and religious functions of the community. Service in these offices was unpaid. Service in the cofradias, or religious brotherhoods charged with the religious affairs of the community involved a financial obligation on the part of the office-holder. So did the higher-ranking c iv i l offices. The principales, or elders who had served in offices of the higher echelons, maintained veto power over the decisions made by officials of both the c iv i l and religious wings of the hierarchy. Pressures exerted by Protestant sects from the 1920's onward, the intendente system of direct rule imposed by Ubico in 1935, and the depression a l l failed to destroy the basic structure of the hierarchy. In 1946, a party sponsored by the labour union, which had been introduced into the factory the preceding year, won half the seats of the municipalidad in an election. Although tied votes prevented the passage of such community projects as improvement of the water supply system and construction of schools, ..the unionists effectively neutralized the power of the principales. In the 1948 election, the unionists won a commanding majority of seats, effectively removing the principales from power. From 1948 onward, the principales encountered progressive difficulties in recruiting personnel for the cofradias. An ordinance requiring a l l able-bodied males to serve as mayores, regardless of prior service, removed the incentive of prestige for service in the cofradias. Accion Catolica, whose leaders emphasized that Catholics could express their Christian faith without X l l • incurring substantial debt; the Protestants accomplished the same tasks. Social programmes, such as schools and a parochial Medical c l inic , reinforced this process. Consequently, the cofradias either folded, were absorbed into Accion Catolica, or survived as independent sociedades. By 1960, the cofradias as such had ceased to exist. The events that occurred in Cantel show how the social defensive role of the civil-religious hierarchy, which had been present in Cantel for at least a century, became vitiated by the growing population pressure upon the land, the opportunities opened up by the union for resident Cantelense workers, and the opportunity provided by Accion Catolica and the Protestant • sects for Cantelenses to escape the burdonsome tasks attached to every office of the hierarchy. iv T a b l e o f Contents 1. Introduction 1 2* From C o r p o r a t e t o Open Communitys An E x p l a n a t i o n 30 3* The G e o g r a p h i c a l and C u l t u r a l S e t t i n g : o f C a n t e l 126 4. The P o l i t y and Economy o f C a n t e l 195 5* I d e o l o g y and I n t e r p e r s o n a l R e l a t i o n s i n C a n t e l : Past and Pr e s e n t 304 6« Summary and C o n c l u s i o n s 321 Appendix A* The F i e l d S i t u a t i o n , 354 Appendix 6 . G l o s s a r y . 364 Appendix C. T a b l e o f M a r r i a g e s Recorded. 373 B i b l i o g r a p h y 375 L i s t o f T a b l e s T a b l e 3.1. A g r i c u l t u r a l Goods P r o d u c t i o n . 137 T a b l e 3*2* A L i s t o f Terras o f C e n t e l e n s e K i n s h i p . 177 T a b l e 4»1. P o l i t i c a l - R e l i g i o u s O r g a n i z a t i o n o f C a n t e l 214 T a b l e 4.2 B u s i n e s s e s i n C a n t e l P a y i n g S a n i t a t i o n Tax. 270 T a b l e 5*1 Endogamous M a r r i a g e s i n C a n t e l , 1935-1969 307 L i s t o f F i g u r e s F i g u r e 3 . 1 . Guatemala* 1 2 7 F i g u r e 3 . 2 . M u n i c i p i o o f C a n t e l . 1 2 9 F i g u r e 3 . 3 Pueblo o f C a n t e l . 1 3 4 F i g u r e 3 . 4 O r g a n i z a t i o n o f F a c t o r y . 1 5 0 F i g u r e 3 . 5 P l a n o f the M u n i c i p a l Market o f Cantel. 1 5 7 F i g u r e 3 . 6 K i n s h i p C h a r t . 1 7 9 v i i Acknowl edgement The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the f a c t s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n t h i s study i s mine a l o n e , n e v e r t h e -l e s s , I am i n d e b t e d to i n d i v i d u a l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t made t h i s work p o s s i b l e * Thanks are due to Canada C o u n c i l f o r i t s f i n a n c i a l support to t h i s p r o j e c t f o r two y e a r s . X am a l s o i n d e b t e d to the i n d i v i d u a l s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the I n s t i t u t e I n d i g e n t s t a N a o i o n a l o f Guatemala and the Seminario I n t e g r a o i o n S o c i a l Guatemalteca f o r t h e i r h e l p i n the p r o j e c t d u r i n g my s t a y i n Guatemala* X am a l s o g r a t e f u l to ray h o s t s and i n f o r m a n t s o f C a n t e l . who were generous b o t h w i t h t h e i r h o s p i t a l i t y and t h e i r i n f o r m a t i o n d u r i n g my s t a y t h e r e * X w i s h to thank Drs* C y r i l S. BeIshaw, my former t h e s i s a d v i s o r , and D a v i d F. A b e r l e f o r t h e i r c o n s i d e r a b l e e f f o r t and time s p e n t a d v i s i n g me on my work throughout a l l phases o f i t s p r o g r e s s * Thanks are a l s o due to Dr* RLanca M u r a t o r i o , my p r e s e n t a d v i s o r , f o r h e r encourage-ment and h e l p d u r i n g the f i n a l s t a g e s o f t h i s study* X a l s o w i s h to thank Drs* Helga Jacobson, Robin A l d i n g t o n , J e a n - L o u i s de Lannoy, and W i l l i a m E* m i X m o t t f o r t h e i r c r i t i c a l comments. Thanks a r e due to Ms* L e s l e y S c o t t f o r h e r e d i t o r i a l comments* F i n a l l y * X w i s h to thank D o l o r e s Fay® McDowell f o r h e r t y p i n g and f o r h a v i n g gone where X have gone* 1 Chapter One I n t r o d u c t i o n What c o u l d have been a h e r i t a g e o f s u s p i c i o n and fear has been c o n v e r t e d by th® Cante l e n o s ( s i c ) , through comparison with th® c u r r e n t l y b e t t e r and f r e e r c i r c u m s t a n c e s , i n t o a base l i n e from which to judge p r e s e n t advantages;„ The f i r s t r esponses o f a people to c u l t u r a l i n t r u s i o n do not n e c e s s a r i l y have the same p © G i t ± v o o r n e g a t i v e a s p e c t a f t e r a time-seasoned j-Edgsaoiafc (Nash 1967bs 19). On September 4, 1884, t r o o p s under the c © E » a n d l © f C o l . F l o r e n c i o C a l d e r o n marched i n t o the manicipjlffi © f C a n t e l , an I n d i a n county ( o r nmnicipi®\ i n w o s t s r a Guatemala, and shot every one o f i t s o f f i c i a l s ( T a l l a d a E o s Rubio 1962: 439). Of t h i s massaere, l i t t l e has been w r i t t e n . I?©1*? C a n t e l e S o s 1 t e l l s t r a n g e r s about the massacre ©r the cir c u m s t a n c e s t h a t l e d t o i t . Those who do giv© con-f l i c t i n g v e r s i o n s . Some i n f o r m a n t s blame th© a n t i -c l e r i c a l campaigns o f J u s t o B n f i n o B a r r i o s , Fs?Qsi<S©at o f Guatemala (1871-1885)» who, among o t h e r t&±img®g at 3 o r d e r e d a b i s h o p executed. The Cant e l ene munleipalid&gir ( o f f i c i a l s ) , e very man a c l e r i c a l i s t , o f f e r e d tfooasQlvQ© to be shot i n p l a c e o f the b i s h o p . B a r r i o s , not kaom to d e a l k i n d l y w i t h h i s opponents, o b l i g e d . ©there blame the owners o f a t e x t i l e company, ufe© e s t a b l i s h e d a f a c t o r y i n C a n t e l a t t h a t time. H?h® c@apsiay 2 f o r c e d the peasants o f f the proposed s i t e o f the f a c t o r y j> r e f u s i n g t o pay them adequate compensation f o r t t e i r l o s s o f the l a n d . (Some i n f o r m a n t s say that m.® &®wpan-safcion had been p a i d a t a l l . ) With the f e a r that t&v© f a c t o r y would e x p r o p r i a t e more l a n d o r perhaps avsa drivo the people out of the v i l l a g e , Qamtelenos watched th® b u i l d i n g s go up. One n i g h t a group of men to®k th® matter i n t o t h e i r own hands. They e n t e r e d th© eoastrmeti©® h s i t e and burned a b u i l d i n g t o the ground. Th.® sraeESj i n f u r i a t e d , t e l e g r a p h e d B a r r i o s t o demand p r o t e c t i o n f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n s i t e and punishment f o r the a r s o n i s t s 0 B a r r i o s s t a t i o n e d t r o o p s around the f a c t o r y and th® toOT c e n t r e . In resp o n s e , the town o f f i c i a l s l e d a p r o t e s t march to the f a c t o r y s i t e , demanding removal o f the t r o o p s and o f the f a c t o r y . The t r o o p s f i r e d upon th® crowd, k i l l i n g the o f f i c i a l s and o t h e r s . As a p<3>gt~ mortem g e s t u r e , B a r r i o s s i g n e d an o r d e r f o r t h e i r 5 e x e c u t i o n . Other v e r s i o n s abound. Some say that Cant®! and t&© n e i g h b o u r i n g m u n i c i p i o o f Saleaja were e m b r o i l e d i n a l a n d d i s p u t e . By o r d e r i n g the smanicipalidad shot aad the d i s p u t e d l a n d awarded t o S a l e a j a , B a r r i o s ended fcfao matter quickly.** The h i s t o r i a n Y a l l a d a r e s Rabi® snaggcst© t h a t the massacre was p a r t o f B a r r i o ' s p a c i f i c a t i o n campaign t o q u e l l the r e v o l t s endemic a t the time i n th.o •western Guatemalan h i g h l a n d s . Indeed, C a n t e l 9 s m u n i c i p a l i d a d were not the o n l y v i c t i m s ; p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s o f o t h e r v i l l a g e s were a l s o s l a u g h t e r e d ( V a l l a d a r e s Rubio 1962: 438-440; see a l s o Jones 1940: 51-55, 58; Mata G a v i d i a 1969s 361-363)0 Whatever, i f any, e x p l a n a t i o n s are t r u e , t h r e e p o i n t s a re c e r t a i n . F i r s t , there, was in d e e d a massaer©o B a r r i o s s i g n e d the o r d e r ; C a l d e r o n gave the command; the m u n i c i p a l i d a d were among those s h o t . Second, the massacre r e f l e c t e d the p r e s s u r e s o f d i s s o l u t i o n t h a t the n a t i o n a l , government e x e r t e d opon the l o c a l p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n o f C a n t e l and t h a t s u c c e s s i v e n a t i o n a l governments would e x e r t h e n c e f o r t h . The t h e o c r a c y s u r v i v e d the s h o o t i n g ; i t would s u r v i v e many o t h e r t e s t s . Yet i n the l o n g run the t h e o c r a c y would succumb to the p o l i t i c a l c o m p e t i t i o n generated by a l a b o u r u n i o n t h a t the n a t i o n a l govern-ment i n t r o d u c e d i n t o C a n t e l i n 1945» T h i r d , the c i t i z e n r y o f C a n t e l were never t© f o r g e t the massacre. In memory o f the v i c t i m s 9 the mmnicipali'iLad o f 1958 or d e r e d a monument e r e c t e d i n a h i l l s i d e p a r k that o v e r l o o k s the f a c t o r y and th® n a t i o n a l highway i n the v a l l e y below. The e p i t a p h r e a d s : Hatred unto the t y r a n t s who made m a r t y r s . Here l i e the remains o f a m u n i c i p a l i d a d and p a t r i o t s Shot on September 4, 1884. « — T h e M u n i c i p a l i d a d et 195® 1. Purpose o f the Study. T h i s i s a h i s t o r i c a l ethnography o f a t r a n s f o r -mation t h a t took p l a c e w i t h i n the p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s system o f C a n t e l between 1884 and the p r e s e n t . A t the time o f the massacre, the system was l i k e o t h e r c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s t h a t governed the a f f a i r s o f c o u n t l e s s o t h e r c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e peasant communities o f h i g h l a n d Mexico and Guatemala. C a n t e l ' s government u n i t e d the c i v i c f u n c t i o n s o f the community w i t h those o f the chur c h . The o f f i c e s , which the men o f C a n t e l f i l l e d on a b a s i s o f annual r o t a t i o n , were h i e r a r c h i c a l l y a r r a n g e d . A man began h i s c a r e e r i n h i s teens by s e r v i n g i n any o f s e v e r a l l o w - r a n k i n g o f f i c e s , p erform-i n g the meni a l t a s k s o f the town. Upon m a r r i a g e , he was e l i g i b l e to se r v e i n any o f s e v e r a l i n t e r m e d i a t e c i v i l and r e l i g i o u s p o s t s , a l l o f which r e q u i r e d ©xpen°~ d i t u r e o f h i s time and o f h i s f i n a n c i a l r e s o u r c e s . I f he were a wealthy man, he might serve i n s e v e r a l such p o s i t i o n s d u r i n g h i s l i f e t i m e , eaeh time spending s u b s t a n t i a l amounts o f money f o r a r e l i g i o u s f i e s t a o r a c i v i l banquet, and " r e s t i n g " f o r two or t h r e e yeas'© b e f o r e t a k i n g on anot h e r o f f i c e . Such s e r v i c e was com-p u l s o r y . I f a t o u r o f s e r v i c e l e f t him p o o r e r i n w o r l d l y goods than b e f o r e , i t a l s o l e f t him r i c h e r i n the esteem o f h i s f e l l o w s . L a t e r , he was e l i g i b l e to 5 become one o f s e v e r a l community leadlers--mayor o f th© town, councilman, o r l e a d e r o f a cofradi^a ( r e l i g i o n s b r o t h e r h o o d ) . A f t e r s e r v i n g i n any o f these h i g h e r p o s i t i o n s , he r e t i r e d as a p r i n c i p a l . one o f s e v e r a l community e l d e r s who, honored f o r a l i f e t i m e o f s e r -v i c e to the community and i t s s a i n t s , c o u l d be e n t r u s t e d w i t h the v e t o power over a l l d e c i s i o n s t h a t the town c o u n c i l o r the heads o f c o f r a d l a s made. The b u l l e t s t h a t k i l l e d the l o c a l o f f i c i a l s of C a n t e l d i d not k i l l the t h e o c r a c y o f which they were a p a r t ; the t h e o c r a c y would endure f o r o v e r s i x t y y e a r s . I t would c o - e x i s t w i t h the f a c t o r y , which employed i n c r e a s i n g numbers o f Canteleinos over the y e a r s . The p r o l e t a r i z a t i o n o f C a n t e l e n o s was not s u f f i c i e n t t o d e s t r o y the h i e r a r c h y . I t would s u r v i v e the Presfoy-t i e r i a n s , who e s t a b l i s h e d a m i s s i o n i n 1 9 1 0 and managed to draw a few c o n v e r t s away from the Church. I t would s u r v i v e the attempts o f the l o c a l P r e s b y t e r i a n commandant to g a i n c o n v e r t s by d r a f t i n g C a t h o l i c s i n t o the n a t i o n a l army, exempting the P r o t e s t a n t s . I t would s u r v i v e even the d i r e c t r u l e imposed by J o r g e U b i c o , p r e s i d e n t o f Guatemala (1931-1944), who, through h i s i n t e n d e n t e s . t r i e d to r u n l o c a l a f f a i r s t o h i s l i k i n g ( G i l l e n 1 9 5 5 * 69; Whetten 196lt 3 2 7 ) . A l l o f t h e s e e v e n t s , and o t h e r s , m o d i f i e d the s t r u c t u r e o f t h e h i e r a r c h y , but they d i d not d e s t r o y i t . 6 I n 1945 began the p r o c e s s e s t h a t proved f a t a l to the h i e r a r c h y . A l a b o u r u n i o n was formed, under the a u s p i c e s o f the then r e v o l u t i o n a r y government o f Guatemala, at the t e x t i l e f a c t o r y i n C a n t e l . The f o l l o w i n g y e a r , a p a r t y formed by the u n i o n sponsored a s l a t e o f c a n d i d a t e s f o r the town c o u n c i l and won h a l f the s e a t a . The community*s e l d e r s began to l o s e c o n t r o l oyer the m n n i c i p a l i d a d . I n 1948, the u n i o n p a r t y won a m a j o r i t y , e n d i n g f o r e v e r the l i n k s between the m u n i c i p a l i d a d and the cofraddtas. Soon a f t e r , t h e c o f r a d i a s themselves were i n danger. A p r i e s t , who came to C a n t e l o n l y to f i n d the c o f r a d f a s r e f u s i n g him obedience, o r g a n i z e d a C a t h o l i c a c t i o n group composed o f f a c t o r y workers and p r o g r e s s i v e s m a l l -h o l d i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s . The o r g a n i z a t i o n , A c c i o n  C a t o l i c a , launched a campaign to win the f a i t h f u l to the orthodox i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the f a i t h . T h i s l e d to s e v e r a l y e a r s o f p r o t r a c t e d s t r u g g l e between the f o l k C a t h o l i c s ( o f the cofraddfas) and the c a t e c h i s t s . Sometimes i t broke out i n open v i o l e n c e . F o r example, t h r e e times the c a t e c h i s t s burned •pagan* images o f San Simon, who, s i t t i n g i n the s a l o n o f one e o f r a d l a . p u r p o r t e d l y g r a n t e d r e q u e s t s i n r e t u r n f o r a g u a r d i e n t e (sugar-cane l i q u o r s i m i l a r to rum), and c i g a r e t t e s . S lowly, the e o f r a d l a s l o s t t h e i r f o l l o w i n g ; no l o n g e r were young men w i l l i n g to assume the f i n a n c i a l burden 7 o f o f f i c e . Some f o l d e d , o t h e r s j o i n e d the church as s o c i e d a d e s . and two l i n g e r e d on as independent s o c i e t i e s , a n n u a l l y s p o n s o r i n g a p r o c e s s i o n to honour a dead p a s t . I n the meantime, the P r o t e s t a n t s s w e l l e d t h e i r ranks w i t h former C a t h o l i c s who had become d i s i l l u s i o n e d by the f i g h t i n g w i t h i n t h e i r c h u r c h . I n 1 9 7 0 , the m u n i c i p a l i d a d was an e n t i r e l y p o l i t i c a l body; no l o n g e r d i d i t c o n s t i t u t e p a r t o f a t h e o c r a c y . A few o f f i c i a l s were now p a i d f o r t h e i r s e r v i c e s ! the a l c a l d e (mayor) and the s^ndico (keeper o f l a n d r e c o r d s ) . Others remained u n p a i d : the c o n c e J a l e s (councilman) and the mayores ( p o l i c e m e n - s t r e e t c l e a n e r s ) . The h i g h e r o f f i c e s were e l e c t i v e — i n 1 9 7 0 t h r e e p a r t i e s v i e d f o r them. The p o s t s o f mayorss remained a p p o i n t i v e p o s i t i o n s , but now men o f a l l ages, not j u s t teenage boys, were e l i -g i b l e f o r c o n s c r i p t i o n to these o f f i c e s . Meantime, sep-a r a t e o r g a n i z a t i o n s r a n the r e l i g i o u s a f f a i r s o f C a n t e l * The p r i e s t and A c c i o n C a t o l i c a remained i n charge o f C a t h o l i c a f f a i r s w h i l e innumerable s e c t s governed those of the P r o t e s t a n t s . C a n t e l i s not the o n l y Guatemalan m u n i c i p i o whose p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s s t r u c t u r e has undergone r a d i c a l change* San Pedro Sacatepequez (Smith 1 9 7 0 : P e r s o n a l Communication), Momostenango (Carmack 1 9 7 0 ) , and o t h e r s have undergone changes t h a t a r e no l e s s r a d i c a l * N e v e r t h e l e s s , no o t h e r I n d i a n v i l l a g e i n Guatemala has had 8> a f a c t o r y i n i t s m i d s t . The h i e r a r c h i e s o f few o t h e r v i l l a g e s have s u r v i v e d f o r an extended p e r i o d o f y e a r s the d i s r u p t i v e i n f l u e n c e s g e n e r a t e d by i n d u s t r i a l i z a -t i o n . C a n t e l ' s h i e r a r c h y d i d . Yet even the h i e r a r c h y o f C a n t e l v e n t by the b o a r d . F o r a study o f t r a n s f o r -mation i n l o c a l p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s s t r u c t u r e s . C a n t e l i s a r e a s o n a b l e c h o i c e . I do t h r e e t h i n g s i n t h i s s t u d y . F i r s t , I d e s c r i b e i n d e t a i l the past and p r e s e n t s t r u c t u r e s o f C a n t e l ' s p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s system t o g e t h e r w i t h the p r o c e s s e s o f t r a n s f o r m a t i o n t h a t l e d from one to the o t h e r . Second, I examine the ways i n whioh the changing p o l i t i c o -r e l i g i o u s system o f C a n t e l a r t i c u l a t e d w i t h those o t h e r a s p e c t s o f Ca n t e l e n e c u l t u r e t h a t d e f i n e the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e c ommunity—sources o f l i v e l i h o o d and income, r u l e s o f endogamy, I d e o l o g i e s o f p o v e r t y and envy, and so on. T h i r d , I d e v e l o p an e x p l a n a t i o n a c c o u n t i n g f o r the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n terms o f the changing i n t e r r e l a t i o n s between C a n t e l and the o u t s i d e w o r l d . The f i r s t two t a s k s a r e s t r a i g h t - f o r w a r d and need no f u r t h e r d i s -c u s s i o n . The t h i r d i s l e s s o bvious and r e q u i r e s p r e l i m i n a r y d i s c u s s i o n o f the h i s t o r i c a l and t h e o r e t i c a l assumptions which u n d e r l i e i t . I I . C i v i l - R e l i g i o u s H i e r a r c h y ; A T h e o r e t i c a l Overview. To b e g i n w i t h , one must un d e r s t a n d the h i s t o r i c a l 9 conditions under which c i v i l - r e l i g i o u e hierarchies were formed* To explain the existence cf an in s t i t u t i o n without taking into account the h i s t o r i c a l forces that shaped and maintained i t i s questionable at best, nonsensical at worst* In Meso-Araerlea, Givil*=religioug hierarchies were derived partly from indigenous societies and partly fi?effl Spanish colonial policies, loth Aatee and Mayan ei v i i i z a t i e n s eont&lnod ioeai theoeraeies roughly similar to the OfteS that have existed Until how (e&j?i8fised 19 6% i vegt 196%)t But the hierarchies were also products of Spanish eontrol policy & in aoeordaaee with the Law of Surges and with latef decrees $ the Spanish colonial administration Relocated Indian populations .eia_ffia.s.S,e. free scattered hamlet§ to Villages of highefr population. The a din Inlst ration did tMs for two reasons: to f a c i l i t a t e the c©aversion of Indians to GatViolicism and to exploit effectively their labour power (simpsoii IpMi 3 2 = 3 H ) s The Inhabitants df each community were granted a limited area of arable land for their use. Tney were also assigned an annual levy Of labour and tribute for the benefit of the Spaniards. Each cefflfnunity was also provided with a local- governing; Body, which the Indians themselves rati within the b6unda of colonial and canon laws This governing Body assigned to individuals aildtfflenti of 1© communal l a n d and assignments o f the o b l i g a t i o n s t h a t had been l e v i e d upon the community ( V o l f 1959: £14—215)» A t the same time, the f r i a r s o r g a n i z e d among t h e i r new c o n v e r t s c o f r a d i a s ( r e l i g i o u s b r o t h e r h o o d s ) p a t t e r n e d a f t e r those o f the v i l l a g e s o f S p a i n ( P o s t e r 1953)* *Ra©s© i n s t i t u t i o n s formed the t w i n r o o t s o f the c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s t h a t were t o emerge w i t h i n 10O y e a r s a f t e r the conquest (La Farge, 1946). One must a l s o u n d e r s t a n d t h e c o n d i t i o n s under which the h i e r a r c h i e s endured, the needs th e y met f o r the l a r g e r s o c i e t y ( i . e . o f the Spanish Grown, and e f the hacendados. owners o f l a r g e l a n d e d e s t a t e s ) , and the needs they met f o r l o c a l communities and t h e i r members. S e v e r a l t h e o r i s t s have o f f e r e d e x p l a n a t i o n s o f the con-d i t i o n s m a i n t a i n i n g o r e l i m i n a t i n g the c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y . I w i l l o u t l i n e these p o s i t i o n s i n t h i s c h a p t e r , r e s e r v i n g f o r the next the f u l l development o f an a l t e r n a t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n o f my own. I n t h e f i n a l c h a p t e r o f t h i s study I w i l l e v a l u a t e c r i t i c a l l y each o f those p o s i t i o n s , comparing them w i t h my own. I w i l l a l s o compare the s t r e n g t h o f t h e e x p l a n a t i o n s ( i n c l u d i n g my own) i n the l i g h t o f C a n t e l e n s e d a t a and summarize the r e s u l t s i n the same c h a p t e r . Most e x p l a n a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g the e x i s t e n c e o f h i e r a r c h i e s account f o r them i n terms o f o u t s i d e p r e s -s u r e s , p r e s s u r e s t h a t o r i g i n a t e from the S p a n i s h Crown, 11 from the hacienda (large landed estates), or from the nation-state. The primary exponents of this type of explanation are Knnkel (1959, 1965)t Nash (1958, 1964, 1966, 1967a, 1967b), and Wolf (1959, 1965, 1966, 1967a, 1967b). Kunkel proposes an explanation i n terms of the relations of production between small community and nation-state. C i v i l religious hierarchies exist i n communities whose local economies are autonomous from the national. In other words, the salient features of a c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s hierarchy—a hierarchy of p o l i t i c a l and religious offices fused i n one body i n which a l l vi l l a g e r s , unpaid for their services, are expected to serve i n their l i f e t i m e — w i l l be present in villages that exhibit the following economic elementst 1) Absence of a sp e c i f i c a l l y grown cash crop, regularly exported. 2). N e g l i g i b i l i t y of vage labour and cash relations within the community. 3) A v a i l a b i l i t y of sufficient land to satisfy the daily needs of a l l v i l l a g e r s . k)Absence of significant external vage labour. 5) Absence of regular importation of staple foodstuffs. In villages that exhibit the reverse of these features, the hierarchy w i l l be absent; p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s o f f i c e s w i l l be s e p a r a t e , s e r v i c e i n any o f f i c e w i l l be v o l u n t a r y , and p o l i t i c a l o f f i c i a l s w i l l be p a i d (1965: 443-444). He does not e s t a b l i s h s p e c i f i c l i n k a g e s between the economic "Independent v a r i a b l e s 1 ' and the p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s elements t h a t c o n s t i t u t e f i v e o f h i s f i f t e e n "dependent v a r i a b l e s " • B a t h e r , they a r e dichotomous " i n d i c a t o r s " o f each community, ene s e t i n d i c a t i n g t r a d i t i o n - b o u n d s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , the o t h e r i n d i c a t i n g m o d e r n i z a t i o n , i . e . . c o n s i s t e n c y w i t h s o e i o -c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s o f the Mexican n a t i o n (1959; 19&5). Nash l i n k s the e x i s t e n c e o f the h i e r a r c h y t e p o l i t i c a l p r e s s u r e s t h a t a l l o w f o r a degree o f " i n s u l a -t i o n * o f the community's I n d i a n s from the n a t i o n a l government. He p r e f a c e s h i s a n a l y s i s w i t h a d i s c u s s i o n o f the n a t u r e o f the h i e r a r c h y and i t s w e a l t h — l e v e l i n g mechanism, d e f i n i n g l e v e l i n g i n a l i t e r a l sense: The l e v e l i n g mechanisms o p e r a t e to d r a i n the accumulated r e s o u r c e s o f the community f o r s e n -economic ends, and to keep the v a r i o u s house-h o l d s , o v e r g e n e r a t i o n s , f a i r l y e q u a l i n w e a l t h . . . . They m i l i t a t e a g a i n s t the r i s e o f s o c i a l c l a s s e s based on w e a l t h and economic power d i s t i n c t i o n s (1967a: 98-99). A l t h o u g h some f a m i l i e s may be w e a l t h i e r than o t h e r s i n one g e n e r a t i o n , o t h e r f a m i l i e s w i l l r i s e to take t h e i r p l a c e i n the g e n e r a t i o n t h a t f o l l o w s . Four i n t e r -r e l a t e d " a s p e c t s " , two o f which a r e connected w i t h the h i e r a r c h y , keep the c y c l e g o i n g : 13 l ) Low l e v e l of technology and l i m i t e d land, so that absolute wealth and accumulation are small i n v i r t u e of poor resources i n r e l a t i o n to population and a technology which i s labor l a -tensive. (2) Fracture of estates by b i l a t e r a l i n h e r i t a n c e . Whatever i s i n f a c t accumulated i n c a p i t a l goods i s scrambled among sons and daughters i n nearly equal shares. . . . (3)! Forced expenditure of time and resources i n communal o f f i c e . . . . (4) Forced expenditure by the wealthy i n r i t u a l (1967a1 99} • Xn one treatment, Nash stresses the importance of the hierarchy i n •"insulating* the community's Indians from the influences emanating from the Church and the state. The o f f i c i a l s act as go-betweens, they mediate between the v i l l a g e r s and the government or church, assigning e x t e r n a l l y enforced o b l i g a t i o n s to the Indians, and attempting to induce the government to r e -duce or delay t h e i r demands (1958: 70-72). Elsewhere, he accounts f o r the existence of the hierarchy i n terms of the Indians' "struggle to keep hold on t h e i r ethnic i d e n t i t y * , while t h e i r c u l t u r e c l i n g s to ** a precarious economic niche" (1964: 303). Unfortunately, nowhere i n h i s scattered treatments does he a es count f o r the existence or e l i m i n a t i o n of the wealth-leveling aspect of the hierarchy* He a t t r i b u t e s the downfall of c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s to the attempts of the n a t i o n a l government to e s t a b l i s h d i r e c t l i n e s of communication and authority between i t s e l f and the l o c a l i t i e s subordinate to i t . To t h i s end, they encourage the formation of i n t e r e s t 1% g r o u p s - - l a b o u r u n i o n s , peasant movements, p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , f e m i n i s t a l l i a n c e s , and the l i k e — t o draw support w i t h i n the community f o r the government and i t s p o l i c i e s * T h i s d e s t r o y s the h i e r a r c h y ' s r o l e as m e d i a t o r between I n d i a n and government, and f o s t e r s c o m p e t i t i o n between i t and the movements f o r the l o y a l t i e s o f the community's I n d i a n s * Thus d e v e l o p the c o n d i t i o n s f o r i t s e l i m i n a t i o n (&958: 71—73)* Tax and KLnshaw concur i n t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n f o r the change i n P a n a j a c h e l . The c o f r a d i a s (brotherhoods):, though s t i l l f u n c t i o n i n g , have l o s t p e r s o n n e l to the P r o t e s t a n t s , to C a t h o l i c A c t i o n , and to the v o l u n t e e r army i n Guatemala C i t y . Membership i n the army o r i n C a t h o l i c A c t i o n l e g a l l y exempts a man from s e r v i c e i n the c o f r a d ^ a (1970: 181-182). Wolf advances a t h e o r y o f " h o s t i l e s y m b i o s i s " to a c c o u n t f o r the c o n d i t i o n s s u s t a i n i n g the c i v i l -r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s . Such h i e r a r c h i e s , a l o n g w i t h g c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities , o f which they form an i n t e g r a l p a r t , a r e the p r o d u c t s o f 1 1 the d u a l i z a t i o n o f s o c i e t y i n t o a dominant e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l s e c t o r and a dominated s e c t o r o f n a t i v e p e a s a n t s " (1967a: 237)* The peasant s e c t o r p r o v i d e s l a b o u r and t r i b u t e to the dominant s e c t o r (hacendados i n L a t i n A merica), f o r which i t r e c e i v e s l i t t l e i n r e t u r n . Rather, i t must produce i t s own f o o d on the communal p l o t s a l l o t e d 1 5 by the Crown o r s t a t e . I n e f f e c t , the hacendado h a s a c c e s s t o a v i r t u a l l y f r e e l a b o u r f o r c e w i t h o u t the n e c e s s i t y o f s u p p o r t i n g i t a l l y e a r around ( l ° 6 7 a : 238). I n Mexico, t h i s s t a t e o f a f f a i r s l a s t e d a t l e a s t u n t i l the Mexican R e v o l u t i o n ( 1 9 6 5 : 241}. P r e s s e d by the s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , Wolf c o n t i n u e s * the i n h a b i t a n t s o f the community can i l l a f f o r d t o have w i t h i n i t members who accumulate a l a r g e share o f the community's w e a l t h and l a n d r e s o u r c e s i n t h e i r own hands and t h e r e b y d e p r i v e the many* Hence, t o f o r c e w ealthy members to spend s u b s t a n t i a l amounts o f money i n c e r e m o n i a l f e s t i v i t i e s makes sense* Wealth t h a t goes i n t o r i t u a l cannot go i n t o l a n d o r c a p i t a l . T h i s a c t s t o "guarantee ( t h e ) members some b a s i c l i v e l i -hood w i t h i n the c o n f i n e s o f the community" ( , 1 9 6 7 0 1 5 ® 9 ) • Wolf d e f i n e s w e a l t h l e v e l i n g i n a b r o a d e r sense than does Nash* "The e x i s t e n c e o f l e v e l i n g mechanisms", he w r i t e s , does not mean t h a t c l a s s d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n the c o r p o r a t e community do not e x i s t . But i t does mean t h a t the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e must f i n d e x p r e s s i o n w i t h i n the b o u n d a r i e s s e t by the community* The c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e a c t s t o impede the m o b i l -i z a t i o n o f c a p i t a l and w e a l t h w i t h i n the community i n terms o f the o u t s i d e w o r l d which employs w e a l t h c a p i t a l i s t i c a l l y . I t thus b l u n t s the impact o f the main openi n g wedge c a l c u l a t e d t o s e t up new t e n s i o n s w i t h i n the community and thus t o h a s t e n i t s d i s i n t e g r a t i o n ( 1 9 6 7 c . 5<*9). I n Wolf's terras, l e v e l i n g i m p l i e s n e i t h e r a l o c a l c l a s s l e s s 1 6 s o c i e t y n o r one i n which f a m i l i e s take t u r n s b e i n g upper c r u s t * N e v e r t h e l e s s , c o n t i n u e s Wolf, the f u n c t i o n i n g o f the h i e r a r c h y must be u n d e r s t o o d i n i t s h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t * I n 1 8 5 7 , the Mexican government pass e d a law r e q u i r i n g a l l l a n d s t o be r e g i s t e r e d by p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s , i n e f f e c t o u t l a w i n g communal h o l d i n g s . I n r e g i o n s where the c e n t r a l government had c o n t r o l , the law was e n f o r c e d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , hacencfeu&os e f f e c t i v e l y m a i n t a i n e d hegemonies ove r r e g i o n s t h a t i n c l u d e d not o n l y t h e d r own l a n d h o l d i n g s but a l s o the c o r p o r a t e communities l o c a t e d a t t h e i r f r i n g e s . Owing to the communities' v a l u e as l a b o u r r e s e r v o i r s , the h a c i e n d a s were h a r d l y w i l l i n g t o s u r r e n d e r t h e i r con-t r o l o v e r them o r see them d i s i n t e g r a t e * Hence the hacendados a c t e d as b u f f e r s a g a i n s t o u t s i d e i n t e r f e r e n c e i n the i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s o f the communities (Wolf 1 9 6 5 $ 9 1 - 9 2 ) . The Mexican R e v o l u t i o n undermined the power o f the hacendado to m a i n t a i n h i s r e g i o n a l hegemony. *By d e s t r o y i n g £the hacendado'sj power, the r e v o l u t i o n reopen-ed channels o f r e l a t i o n s h i p from the communities t o the n a t i o n a l l e v e l , and p e r m i t t e d new c i r c u l a t i o n o f i n d i -v i d u a l s and groups through the v a r i o u s l e v e l s " (Wolf 19o5: 92)* N a t i o n a l laws became e n f o r c e a b l e i n even the more d i s t a n t communities; o u t s i d e r s c o u l d p e n e t r a t e the community—or a t l e a s t t r y t o — a t w i l l . E x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s thus b u i l t up to d i s t r i b u t e communal l a n d h o l d i n g s to i n d i v i d u a l s , and the p r e s s u r e s f o r econo-mic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n began. By v i r t u e o f laws r e -q u i r i n g r e g i s t r a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l l a n d t i t l e s , l o c a l i n d i v i d u a l s c o u l d hope to e n r i c h themselves by u s i n g l a n d f o r commercial f a r m i n g ( e s p e c i a l l y i f they ob-t a i n e d a plow and l e v e l l a n d s s u i t a b l e f o r p l o w i n g ) , o r by m a n i p u l a t i n g the pover r e l a t i o n s between t h e i r community and the n a t i o n to h i s advantage. I t s mem-b e r s h i p became d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n teems o f w e a l t h ; the c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e o f the community weakened o r broke down e n t i r e l y . P o p u l a t i o n p r e s s u r e s h a s t e n e d the p r o c e s s (Wolf 1965t 92-93; 1967as 241-242). U n f o r t u n a t e l y f o r h i s a n a l y s i s , Wolf never d e s c r i b e s o r r e c o n s t r u c t s the s t r u c t u r e o f c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e com-m u n i t i e s p r i o r t o the f o r c e d b r e a k i n g up o f communal l a n d s i n t o p r i v a t e e s t a t e s . The r e a d e r i s l e f t w i t h o u t an i d e a as to whether I n d i a n communities were i n f a c t homogeneous o r d i f f e r e n t i a t e d i n terms o f w e a l t h . I n r e c e n t y e a r s , a growing number o f H e s o - A m e r i c a n i s t s have q u e s t i o n e d the v a l i d i t y o f e x p l a n a t i o n s t h a t i n -c o r p o r a t e the i d e a o f w e a l t h - l e v e l i n g . Foremost o f them i s Frank C a n c i a n , who proposes a f u n c t i o n a l i s t a l t e r n a t i v e t o the range o f e x p l a n a t i o n s a l r e a d y p r e -s e n t e d . 1 8 Although, he accepts Wolf's thesis that the expenses attached to c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s offices effectively remove surplus wealth from c a p i t a l i s t i c uses, he rejects altogether Nash's idea of leveling. Citing his own data, he finds that Zinacantecos (inhabitants of a municipio i n southeastern Mexico are not only differen-tiated i n terms of wealth, but also that the sons of men holding expensive offices also hold expensive offices; differences i n wealth persist throughout generations ( 1 9 6 5 : 1 1 4 - 1 1 5 ) . Citing data from other communities (Panajachel, Cheran, and Santiago Chimaltenango), he finds that substantial differences i n landholdings belie o the leveling thesis. Other evidence he cites? are the distinctions between ricos and pobres made by the natives themselves and the wide range of costs of offices within communities ( 1 9 6 7 : 292). Cancian then proposes a functionalist explanation. The religious office system i n Zinacantan. continues to exist because of the contributions i t makes to community integration. The fiestas that the office-holders sponsor bring people from diverse hamlets of the municipio to one spot, thus reinforcing the social relations among Zinacantecos. The ri t u a l s reaffirm the individual's commitment to his religious b e l i e f s . The system re-inforces the social distance between Indian and ladino (non-Indian); indeed, the financial obligations discourage 19 I n d i a n e x c u r s i o n s i n t o the community and l i f e - w a y s o f the L a d i n o . The system ranks i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l i e s on a s i n g l e s c a l e o f p r e s t i g e a c c o r d i n g t o the number o f times t h e i r male heads have s e r v e d i n o f f i c e , and the expense o f each o f f i c e i n which they have s e r v e d . The o f f i c e - h o l d e r has an advantage i f he has a l a r g e num-b e r o f kinsmen whom he may ask f o r a l o a n ; hence the system r e i n f o r c e s the t r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s o f k i n s h i p . F i n a l l y , the e x p e n d i t u r e s demanded by the system r e d u c e envy o f the r i c h by the poor ( and thus d e c r e a s e s the • l i k e l i h o o d o f w i t c h c r a f t ) , and s t i p u l a t e s the r u l e s by which a man may enhance h i s p r e s t i g e w i t h o u t a d i s r u p t i v e d i s p l a y o f h i s w e a l t h (1965: 134-137). The system i s r e i n f o r c e d by the commitment o f time and money t h a t the men make i n s e r v i n g t {The system o f r e l i g i o u s o f f i c e s } i n b o t h i t s s o c i a l and economic a s p e c t s r e i n f o r c e s £the community'sj v a l u e s by r e w a r d i n g most the p e o p l e who meet them b e s t . S i n c e the system e x t r a c t s s e r v i c e and consequent commitment t o the norma-t i v e system from v i r t u a l l y a l l a d u l t males o f the community, i t i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y e f f e c t i v e c r e a t o r o f community i n t e g r a t i o n (1965s 139}• As he h i m s e l f concedes, Ganeiian i g n o r e s t h e , ' h i s t o r -i c a l c o n d i t i o n s t h a t reduced the system i n Z i n a c a n t a n from a d u a l h i e r a r c h y t h a t a l s o r e g u l a t e d the s e c u l a r a f f a i r s o f Z i n a c a n t a n to i t s p r e s e n t o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h e x c l u s i v e l y r e l i g i o u s f u n c t i o n s . He a l s o i g n o r e s the impact o f the economic, s o c i a l , a n d p o l i t i c a l f o r c e s o f the wider s o c i e t y t h a t impinge upon Z i n a c a n t a n . iv) In d i s c u s s i n g the conditions that eliminate the c i v i l ~ r e l i g i o u s hierarchy, Cancian speculates about h i s Zinacantan data and o f f e r s general explanations f o r the breakdown of hi e r a r c h i e s i n other communities© He pr e d i c t s that the Ziaaeanteco hierarchy w i l l dissolv© because of the increase i n the. population of ©ligibi® males r e l a t i v e to the number of a v a i l a b l e office©* The structure cannot generate enough neir posts to accommodate the increase (1965* l6lff„).*® ¥©gt suggests, that the hierarchy w i l l not disappear but ratftaoir w i l l probably be s t a f f e d by the wealthiest f a m i l i e s i n Zinacantan, a s i t u a t i o n analogous to Ghichicastenang® as represented by Bunzel (1952-)* Or, f a i l i n g that . the o f f i c e s w i l l probably expand i n number (1969: 271-2-72:)a For other communities, Cancian &e explanation i s not u n l i k e those advanced by Nash and ¥olf e Ss^testaatsg, orthodox C a t h o l i c s , and other movements hav© pr@^"id©d competition f o r the l o y a l t i e s of community .members. Moreover, improved transportation f a c i l i t i e s hav© eias&TMed younger men to migrate from the r u r a l communities to c i t i e s and commercial farms i n search ©f wag® w r k (I9^7x 294-296). I base my own set of explanations to accoumt f o r the changes i n the p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s structure of Cantel p a r t l y on Wolf's conception of closed corpormt® and open peasant communities and p a r t l y on K s m k o l ° s aa 0 e x p l a n a t i o n o f economic autonomy v e r s u s dependence* I t seems r e a s o n a b l e to suppose t h a t a community can m a i n t a i n a semi-autonomous governing: s t r u c t u r e o n l y i f i t i s r e l a t i v e l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t . * * Yet t h i s r e q u i r e s q u a l i f i c a t i o n s communities t h a t c o u l d s u s t a i n themselves are n o n e t h e l e s s f o r c e d by e x t e r n a l c i r c u m s t a n c e to change t h e i r s t r u c t u r e * Wolf's c o n c e p t i o n o f the c l o s e d c o r -p o r a t e and the open peasant community t a k e s t h i s i n t o a c c o u n t , f o r b a s i c a l l y he a s s e r t s t h a t the s t r u c t u r e o f any community d e v e l o p s from i t s i n t e r a c t i o n s w i t h the w i d e r s o c i e t y , be i t hacendado, n a t i o n - s t a t e , o r w o r l d economy. B a s i c a l l y , I a s s e r t the f o l l o w i n g * U n t i l the middle o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , most l a n d i n c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities was h e l d i n common* P a r c e l s o f l a n d were a s s i g n e d to i n d i v i d u a l s a c c o r d i n g to need. A l t h o u g h r i g h t s to use l a n d c o u l d pass down from parent t e c h i l d , the l a n d c o u l d not be s o l d . Unused l a n d r e v e r t e d t o t h e community (McBride 1923: 115-115; Sax 1952: 60-&2; Wagley 1957s 59-76). By c o n t r o l l i n g l a n d , t h e community c o u l d c o n t r o l d i r e c t l y the w e a l t h a c c u m u l a t i o n s of t h e i r members* T h i s p o i n t Wolf o v e r l o o k s and Caneian i g n o r e s * I f any man became too wealthy, the community had the power to d e p r i v e him o f h i s s u r p l u s l a n d . H i s s u r p l u s l i q u i d c a p i t a l c o u l d then be d r a i n e d o f f i n r i t u a l ex-p e n d i t u r e i n the manner a l r e a d y d e s c r i b e d (jjp. 4-= 55 s e c also Ca. 2). The reform laws, passed i n 1857 i n Mexic® ©.sad i n th® 18808s i n Guatemala, required the r e g i s t r a t i o n s . © f i n d i v i d u a l l a n d t i t l e s (W&gley 1957s 68? Wh©tt®ia 19^8)o Obviously t h i s generated pressures T»P©BL eotsununities to break up t h e i r conwcaaal h o l d i n g s ; land ©peculators c o u l d s n a t c h l a n d frou under the f e e t o f t h e i r o ccupants, r e c a l c i t r a n t I n d i a n s c o u l d claim theis* a s s i g n e d p l o t s as t h e i r own, and n a t i o n a l law (and n a t i o n a l armies) would back the claims o f b o t h o iGac©c the p r o c e s s e s o f w e a l t h d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n based ®a3.3.aj3K3 ownership began o r a c c e l e r a t e d . Only c o n s c r i p t e d l&feour and f o r c e d e x p e n d i t u r e w i t h i n the h i e r a r c h y c o u l d r e t a r d t h i s p r o c e s s , and then o n l y i n an i n d i r e c t manner. K o r Here i n t e r e s t groups t h a t c o n t r o l l e d b o t h n a t i o n a l governments e n t i r e l y d i s i n t e r e s t e d , f o r plantations fch&t 1 2 d i s p l a c e d h a c i e n d a s f a v o u r e d the d©velopss®:at ® f a l&md«= less p r o l e t a r i a n f o r c e (Wolf and Miiatss 1957s s-©© also Ch. 2 f o r t h e i r r e a s o n s ) . So d i d fcha ©sa®rgf@a©o « p f fee-t o r i e s . F o r the sake o f s e c u r i t y D eoranranity m©EaTb©rs ©Imsig to the c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y and the corporate structure o f which i t was a part. Wat imevitafely p they were to l o s e t h e i r g r a s p . M o d i f y i n g l*mk©l 0 0 e x p l a n a t i o n , 1 a s s e r t t h a t b o t h i n s t i t u t i o n s dissolved, when on® o r b o t h o f two c o n d i t i o n s ©ccurredo W±^otg 23 t h e r e develops one o r more groups whose i n t e r e s t s a r e o r i e n t e d toward n a t i o n a l movements, p r e s s u r e groups, and a s s o c i a t i o n s , such as p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , peasant l e a g u e s , l a b o u r u n i o n s , and r e l i g i o u s movements. X suggest t h a t such groups g a i n power a t the expense o f t r a d i t i o n a l e l d e r s and the c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y they r e p r e s e n t when they a r e a b l e to reward t h e i r s u p p o r t e r s m a t e r i a l l y , i . e . , w i t h i n c r e a s e s o f wages. r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d , s o c i a l s e r v i c e s ( e . g . , m e d i c a l c l i n i c s , a g r i c u l t u r a l e x t e n s i o n programmes, and the l i k e ) , 1 3 o r even employment. Second, t h e r e emerges s u f f i c i e n t o u t l e t s o f investment t h a t a r e a l t e r n a t i v e s t o r i t u a l e x p e n d i t u r e s t o indu c e a l a r g e p o r t i o n o f persons w i t h a s u r p l u s o f w e a l t h t o i n v e s t i n these o u t l e t s . T h i s d e n i e s the c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y much o f the funds i t needs to o p e r a t e . Moreover, the c r e a t i o n o f a n e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l c l a s s o f t e n (though not always) means employment f o r a number o f l o c a l p e r sons; f o r f e a r o f l o s i n g t h e i r j o b s , they a r e l i k e l y to s i d e w i t h t h e i r employer i f he and the p r i n c i p a l e s d i s a g r e e on whether he w i l l o r w i l l not se r v e i n the cofraddfas. X ptarsm® these i s s u e s f u r t h e r i n Chapter 2 and a s s e s s the v a l i d -i t y o f these a s s e r t i o n s as r e g a r d s C a n t e l i n Chapter 6. I I I . P l a n o f the T h e s i s . The t h e s i s , then proceeds as f o l l o w s . I n Chapter 2', I dev e l o p i n d e t a i l the e x p l a n a t i o n which i s to b e 2% a s s e s s e d i n terms o f the C a n t e l d a t a . As background, I i n c l u d e the i d e a l - t y p i c a l f e a t u r e s o f the c i v i l -r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y , o f the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e corasum-i t y o f v h i c h i t i s a p a r t , and o f the open cojamunity o f ^ h i c h i t i s n o t . 1 a l s o d i s c u s s the f e a t u r e s o f an i n t e r m e d i a t e community t y p e . F i n a l l y , I i n c l u d e f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n o f e x p l a n a t i o n s , a l r e a d y o u t l i n e d , a c c o u n t i n g f o r the e x i s t e n c e and demise o f the c i v i l -r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y . The next f o u r c h a p t e r s d e a l w i t h C a n t e l i t s e l f . C hapter 3 i s a background ethnography o f C a n t e l . Chapter h d e a l s w i t h the economic and p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e o f C a n t e l , p a s t and p r e s e n t . 1 examine the economic changes o f C a n t e l , and a s s e s s i t s impact upon the p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s s t r u c t u r e o f the community. Chapter 5 d e a l s w i t h the c o n t r a s t i v e s o c i o c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s o f c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e and open communities ( t o g e t h e r w i t h those o f an i n t e r m e d i a t e type) which are d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d by the p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s system and i t s changes. The i n f o r m a t i o n o f the p r e s e n t work i s based upon a study t h a t I conducted i n C a n t e l between J u l y , 1°6° and J u l y , 1970. My p r i m a r y s o u r c e s a r e i n t e r v i e w s t h a t X conducted w i t h s i x r e g u l a r i n f o r m a n t s and w i t h o t h e r i n f o r m a n t s , w i t h whom X met i n s e s s i o n s numbering from two to s e v e r a l . X a l s o r e l i e d upon m u n i c i p a l 25 and c h u r c h r e c o r d s f o r h i s t o r i c a l d a t a , a l o n g w i t h s e v -e r a l o l d e r i n f o r m a n t s . 1 had hoped to g a t h e r i n d i v i d u a l l i f e h i s t o r i e s and census d a t a , but C a n t e l e n e a w e r e r e l u c t a n t to t a l k about themselves. The u n s t a b l e p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n c u r r e n t a t the time i n Guatemala, combined w i t h the f a c t t h a t the j a i l i n g o f u n i o n and p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s d u r i n g the c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n o f 1954 s t i l l remained f r e s h i n l o c a l memories, may account f o r t h e i r r e t i c e n c e . A f u l l e r account o f the f i e l d s i t u a t i o n appears i n Appendix A. I n Chapter 6, I summarize the r e s u l t s , a s s e s s the e x p l a n a t i o n s o f my own and o f o t h e r t h e o r i s t s i n terms o f them, and propose a method by which the - v a l i d i t y o f the e x p l a n a t i o n might be t e s t e d through comparison w i t h o t h e r v i l l a g e s . Appendix A reviews the f i e l d w o r k on which t h i s study i s based, the f i e l d t e c h n i q u e s used, and the c o n d i t i o n s under which I worked. Appendix B i s a g l o s s a r y o f S p a n i s h and Quiche terras. Throughout t h i s study runs a thenso. F o r a l l th® v i r t u e s which a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s p r e a c h about c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s m — t h e m e r i t s o f e v a l u a t i n g each c u l t u r e i n i t s own t e r m s — f e w q u e s t i o n the v i r t u e s o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n 0 M o d e r n i z a t i o n , f o r a l l i t s drawbacks, i s on the whole a good t h i n g . Nash i s no e x c e p t i o n ; he p r a i s e s t h e f a c t o r y f o r the "sure penny 1' which i t p r o v i d e s the worker and f o r the ease w i t h which the f a c t o r y has i n d u c e d 2 change i n Cantel without undermining i t s traditional s t r u c t u r e (l96?as 29ff)<> Yet Cantel has suffered. Unemployment hj&a b®=» come commonplace; a sign on th® faetery gat® says $Ihat their© are no jobs. In 2954» 9@Q woapkotfl-^ in tw© shift®? i n 1970, 720 worked i n three shift©. Jen a g r i c u l t u r a l c r i s i s i s imminent. Chemical f e r t i l i z e r s postp®m© the day that the land w i l l no longer support the igamt©! population. Every inch of Cantel land, excepting the uncultivable rocky forest lands and th© factory^ owned rive r valleys, i s planted i n com and wheat. Most Gantelenos do not have sufficient land for th©ir needs. The demise of Cantel's c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s hierarchy, along with other aspects of i t s closed corporate s t rime tar© 0 might be hailed by agents of change0 The hierarchy inhibited investment of land andl c a p i t a l 0 Etat clearT\ j the data show that Cantelenses are no b e t t e r ©3?f f o r i t (See Ch. 0 At least the corporate s t r u c t u r e a f a buffer which mediated between jEantQlefuos and tSao outside world. This buffer has disappoaredj f®rr Cantelenos have benefited from i t s d i s a p p e a m a ® @ 0 In brief, i t i s high time for students of s o c i a l change to remove their blinders of l i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l ideology and see the wider social confluences @5? t k o i r policies* 27 F o o t n o t e s to Chapter 1 j i 0 R e s i d e n t s o f C a n t e l . The term C a n t e l e n s e , u sed i n t e r c h a n g e a b l y w i t h C a n t e l e n o s i s a l s o used. Where a Spanish o r Quiche word i s i n t r o d u c e d f o r the f i r s t time I w i l l put the E n g l i s h g l o s s i n p a r e n t h e s e . Appendix B c o n t a i n s a g l o s s a r y o f a l l S p a n i s h andi Quiche terms used h e r e . 2 « D u r i n g h i s p r e s i d e n c y , B a r r i o s attempted to curb t h e power o f the Church, a mainstay of h i s c o n s e r v a t i v e r i v a l s who had dominated the p o l i t i c a l scene i n the y e a r s b e f o r e h i s a s c e n s i o n to the p r e s i d e n c y . Among the decrees he has s i g n e d were s u p p r e s s i o n o f t i t h e s , e x p u l s i o n o f the J e s u i t o r d e r s from Guatemala, con-f i s c a t i o n o f Church p r o p e r t y , the c l o s i n g down o f mo n a s t e r i e s and convents, p r o h i b i t i o n o f p r i e s t s w e a r i n g c l e r i c a l garb i n p u b l i c , and so on (Jones 1 9 4 © : 5 2 - 5 3 ) . 33. M u n i c i p a l i d a d r e f e r s t o the mayor and c o u n c i l c o l -l e c t i v e l y . Xt a l s o r e f e r s to the p u b l i c b u i l d i n g which houses t h e i r o f f i c e s and meeting chambers. % o Nash says t h a t the o f f i c i a l s and o t h e r l e a d e r s naerely t h r e a t e n e d to b u r n the f a c t o r y ; X have found not a s i n g l e i n f o r m a n t (out o f a dozen e r so) who concurs w i t h t h a t v e r s i o n . 5 . V a l l a d a r e s Rubio c l a i m s t h a t B a r r i o s o f t e n e d s i g n e d o r d e r s f o r h i s v i c t i m s * e x e c u t i o n s a f t e r the f a c t ( 1 9 6 2 : 4 3 8 ) . 6, Other i n f o r m a n t s way t h e d i s p u t e o c c u r r e d l a t e r . 7« The o r i g i n a l r e a d s : Oido ( s i c ) a l o s t i r a n o s que h i s o ( s i c ) t a a t i r e a ; A q u i descansan l o s r e s t o s de una m u n i c i p a l i d a d y p a t r i o t a s F u s i l a d o 4 Septiombre 1 8 8 4 ~ M i p d . de 1 9 5 8 « The t r a n s l a t i o n i s my own. 8 . A c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community i s one whose s t r u c t u r e s ( l ) a f f e c t the c o n t r o l o f w e a l t h d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among i t s members, and ( 2 ) form b a r r i e r s p r e v e n t i n g o u t s i d e r s from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the economic and s o c i a l l i f e o f the community. The c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y , t h e 2® c e n t r a l c o r e o f c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities, s e r v e s the f i r s t f u n c t i o n by r e q u i r i n g : i t s members t o h o l d o f f i c e and f i n a n c i a l l y m a i n t a i n i t s f u n c t i o n s — o r so i t dooa0 i f E r i c Wolf i s to be b e l i e v e d . Such communally-held i d e o l o g i e s as i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d envy (whereby t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n s o f one man draws the envy o f others), a l s o h o l d the p r o c e s s e s o f w e a l t h d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n enosk. The b a r r i e r s which e x c l u d e o u t s i d e r s i n c l u d e r u l e s o f v i l l a g e endogamy, whereby a p e r s o n i s d i s c o u r a g e d from m a r r y i n g anyone not b o r n i n the v i l l a g e ; p r o s c r i p t i o n o r r e s t r i c t i o n o f l a n d s a l e s to o u t s i d e r s ; and a c t i v e d i s -couragement o f n o n - n a t i v e s from r e s i d i n g i n the v i l l a g e , , These f e a t u r e s c o n t r a s t w i t h those o f open communities which c o n t a i n n e i t h e r d e v i c e s which r e s t r i c t the p e r s o n a l a c c u m u l a t i o n o f w e a l t h nor mechanisms which b a r o u t s i d e r s from the v i l l a g e * A more extended d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e s e types i s p r o v i d e d on p p . 3 3 - • (The f o r e g o i n g i s a b s t r a c t e d , from Wolf 1 9 6 7 . ) 9 . Two o f the v i l l a g e s t h a t he c i t e s p r o v i d e q u e s t i o n a b l e support to h i s t h e s i s . The c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y i n Cheran has l o n g s i n c e gone by the b o a r d , and even the remnant brotherhoods do not r e q u i r e l a r g e e x p e n d i t u r e s by t h e i r members ( s e a l s 1 9 4 6 ) . I n S a n t i a g o Chimaltenango, a man i s not r e q u i r e d to assume o f f i c e even when asked* Wagley i n d i c a t e s no p u b l i c p r e s s u r e f o r a man t o t ake on a cargo* Indeed, some men r e f u s e to s e r v e because o f the s e x u a l r e s t r i c t i o n s t h a t are i n c l u d e d among t h e o b l i g a t i o n s o f o f f i c e . Some take on a l t e r n a t i v e s e r v i c e -one man s e r v e s as C a p t a i n o f the D a n c e — b u t net a l l assume such s e r v i c e (Wagley 1 9 5 7 : 2 4 0 - 2 - 5 2 ) . Only i n P a n a j a c h e l i s s e r v i c e o b l i g a t o r y (.Tax 1 9 5 3 ) • 1 0 * F o r Z i n a c a n t a n , C a n c i a n g i v e s t h r e e r e a s o n s t h a t i t s j r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y i s unable to generate new h i g h -l e v e l p o s i t i o n s : ( l ) few h a mlets, i f a m y , can a f f o r d new c h a p e l s i n which to house the new s a i n t s ; ( 2 ) t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e p r o b a b l y cannot tolerat© many more new a d d i t i o n s ; and ( 3 ) c r e a t i o n o f t h e s e p o s i t i o n s would mean the c r e a t i o n o f many more low-l e v e l p o s i t i o n s ( 1 9 6 5 s l 6 5 n . ) « 1 1 . There a r e a number o f counter-examples to t h i s a s s e r -t i o n , some o f which Kunkel r e c o g n i z e s * I w i l l d i s c u s s t h i s matter f u r t h e r i n t h e f i n a l c h a p t e r . 1 2 . F o r the d i s t i n c t i o n between p l a n t a t i o n and h a c i e n d a and the importance o f the d i s t i n c t i o n , see Chapter 2 . 29 13e T h i s i s not to say t h a t c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s cannot c o - e x i s t w i t h e n t e r p r i s e s t h a t employ members o f communities where such h i e r a r c h i e s are p r e s e n t * The f a c t o r y i n C a n t e l i s an obvious example* T h i s i s t o say, however, t h a t c o n f l i c t s w i l l a r i s e i f l o c a l e n t r e p r e n e u r s r e f u s e to d e p l e t e t h e i r c a p i t a l h o l d i n g s by r e f u s i n g the d u t i e s o f an o f f i c e t h a t r e q u i r e e x p e n d i t u r e and time to m a i n t a i n i t s r i t u a l f u n c t i o n s * T h i s i m p l i e s t h a t the persons whom si&ch e n t r e p r e n e u r s employ w i l l be f a c e d w i t h d i v i d e d l o y a l t i e s — t o t h e i r employers and to the l e a d e r s o f the h i e r a r c h y — i f c o n f l i c t s a r i s e * The owners o f the C a n t e l f a c t o r y had no such o b l i g a t i o n s to t h e community; hence, working f o r the f a c t o r y i m p l i e d no d i v i d e d l o y a l t i e s iff t h i s s o r t * 14. The f i r s t f i g u r e i s taken from Sash 1 9 6 7 a : 1 9 ; t h e second from the p r e s i d e n t o f the l a b o u r u n i o n * The 1 9 6 4 census c l a i m s t h a t 7 0 3 were employed i n the f a c t o r y i n t h a t y e a r * The t h i r d s h i f t was not i n -t r o d u c e d u n t i l 1 9 6 7 * 30 Chapter Two From C o r p o r a t e t o Open Community: An E x p l a n a t i o n I n t h i s c h a p t e r , I w i l l do two t h i n g s . F i r s t . I w i l l d e v e l o p a t y p o l o g y o f peasant communities: t h e c o r p o r a t e , the s e m i - c o r p o r a t e , and the open. Second, I w i l l propose an e x p l a n a t o r y framework, s e r v i n g to account f o r the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n C a n t e l . F o r re a s o n s d i s c u s s e d below, I r e g a r d C a n t e l b e f o r e 1945 a s a s e m i -c o r p o r a t e community, and not a c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community i n t h e s t r i c t sense o f the term. The e x p l a n a t i o n w i l l t h e r e f o r e c o n c e r n the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f C a n t e l from a sem i - c o r p o r a t e community t o an open community. X. A Typology o f Communities. Ax. The Uses o f " C o r p o r a t e * . The concepts o f "•corpora-t i o n 1 * and "corporate"' as u s e d i n L a t i n American e t h n o l o g y has somehow escaped c r i t i c a l a t t e n t i o n . I n h i s t r e a t -ments; o f community t y p e s , Wolf devotes s c a r c e l y a few paragraphs to the meaning o f those terms (l9©5: 885 1967a: 230-236j 1967b: 507) , The f u l l meaning o f " c o r p o r a t e " c an be i n f e r r e d from h i s subsequent d i s -c u s s i o n o f community t y p e s , but i m p l i c i t d e f i n i t i o n s a r e r i s k y a t b e s t • I n f o r m u l a t i n g the concept o f " c o r p o r a t e " , Wolf r e l i e s h e a v i l y upon the work o f F o r t e s (1953;: 25-2 c i t e d i n Wolf 1967b: 5®7)» B a s i c a l l y , a community 31 l a "corporate"' I f i t c o n t a i n s t h e f o l l o w i n g c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s : 1 ) I t i s "a hounded s o c i a l system w i t h c l e a r -c u t l i m i t s , i n r e l a t i o n to b o t h o u t s i d e r s and i n s i d e r s " ' . 2) I t "has s t r u c t u r a l i d e n t i t y o v e r time". 3} As, a whole, i t " ' c a r r i e s on a s e r i e s o f a c t i v i t i e s and upholds c e r t a i n ' c o l l e c t i v e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s ' " . 4J I t " d e f i n e s the r i g h t s and d u t i e s o f i t s members, ( p r e s c r i b i n g ) l a r g e segments of t h e i r behaviow*'. 5) I t s members "'maintain a body o f r i g h t s t e p o s s e s s i o n s , such as l a n d * * Wolf i s w i l l i n g to i n c l u d e communities w i t h p r i v a t e l a n d tenure under the r u b r i c "^corporate" ( 1 9 6 7 a : 231-2f 1967b: 507). There a r e i n d e e d p a r a l l e l s between Wolf»s con-c e p t i o n o f " c o r p o r a t e " and t h e l e g a l c o n c e p t i o n as f o r m u l a t e d by M a l t l a n d (196I: 54: c i t e d i n Cochrane 1971: 1145)* Both d e f i n i t i o n s r e c o g n i z e the r i g h t s o f p e r p e t u a l s u c c e s s i o n . Both r e c o g n i z e the e x i s t e n c e o f the c o r p o r a t i o n as a s e p a r a t e , f i c t i o n a l "person 1* o r e n t i t y * Both r e c o g n i z e the power o f the e n t i t y to h o l d l a n d . Both r e c o g n i z e the power o f the e n t i t y t o make r e g u l a t i o n s * 32 Y e t , a n a l o g i e s o f d i s s i m i l a r e n t i t i e s break down a t some p o i n t * Wolf's f o r m u l a t i o n o f " c o r p o r a t e " c o n t a i n s a fundamental d i f f i c u l t y : h i s i n s i s t e n c e o f lumping communities whose a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d s a r e h e l d i n p r i v a t e hands w i t h those whose l a n d s a r e h e l d i n common* One may g r a n t t h a t the community, even where i t s members own l a n d p r i v a t e l y , s t i l l e x e r t s c o n t r o l o v e r the f r e e d i s p o s a l o f l a n d . I n some sense, t h i s resembles a c o r p o r a t i o n — t h e r e i s an e s t a t e con-t r o l l e d by the community. But i t i s n o t owned by t h e community. Moreover, l a n d i s c o n t r o l l e d o n l y i n -d i r e c t l y : i n e q u i t i e s i n l a n d ownership cannot be checked, as one community s t u d y a f t e r a n o t h e r has demonstrated (see below Ch. 6). Community p r e s s u r e s o f t e n do not p r e v e n t the s a l e o f l a n d t o o u t s i d e r s ; the i n c u r s i o n o f l a d i n o s i n t o I n d i a n communities i n r e c e n t y e a r s a t t e s t t o t h a t (see below Ch. 2).1 Thus, Wolf c l a s s i f i e s under one r u b r i c communities t h a t s h o u l d be c a t e g o r i z e d i n t o two t y p e s . To t h i s matter I now t u r n . B» Peasant Communities: A T ypology. F o r t h i s study I o f f e r a t h r e e - f o l d t y p o l o g y o f peasant communities, two o f which w i l l employ the term " c o r p o r a t e " . I j u s t i f y r e t e n t i o n o f "'corporate" because: l ) The term has l o n g been used i n a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , not otftly i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h peasant communities but a l s o w i t h 3 3 u n i l i n e a l d e s c e n t groups o f o t h e r p r e - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i o t i e s ; and 2) t h e r e a r e s t r u c t u r a l p a r a l l e l s between c o r p o r a t e communities ( o f b o t h v a r i e t i e s ) and c o r p o r a t i o n s (see above p.32ff.). X f o l l o w Wolf's use o f the term "peasant". A peasant community i s one i n which a l l o r most members ( l ) a r e a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s (2) who produce c r o p s m a i n l y f o r t h e i r own s u b s i s t e n c e ( i . e . . f o r t h e i r c a l o r i c , replacement, and c e r e m o n i a l f u n d s ) , and i n c i d e n t a l l y f o r the market and (3) who a r e " s u b j e c t to a s y m m e t r i c a l power r e l a t i o n s which (make) a permanent charge on ( t h e i r ) production"', a f u n d o f r e n t , f o r which the peasant i s o b l i g e d t o p r o v i d e (1966: l - l l ) . By t h i s d e f i n i t i o n , C a n t e l w a s — a n d s t i l l i s — a peasant community. The term ""community" r e f e r s to any g i v e n m u n i c i p i o as a whole and not s i m p l y to i t s c e n t r a l v i l l a g e . 1. C l o s e d C o r p o r a t e and Semi-Corporate Communities. Host I n d i a n peasant communities ©f Meso-America t h a t e x h i b i t t r a d i t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ( h i e r a r c h i c a l t h e o c r a c i e s , community c o n t r o l o f laad„ r u l e s o f v i l l a g e endogamy, and so on) show s i m i l a r i t i e s to the i n d i c e s o f c o r p o r a t e b o d i e s l i s t e d on p . 31• Yet the c o r p o r a t e t i e s o f some communities a r e t i g h t e r than those o f o t h e r s . Some communities c o n t r o l t h e i r l a n d through o u t r i g h t ownership; o t h e r s merely Impose 34 r e s t r i c t i o n s upon t h e i r s a l e and t h e i r u s e . I n some, t h e r e a r e marked d i s t i n c t i o n s between r i c h and poor; i n o t h e r s , such d i s t i n c t i o n s a r e m i n i m a l . As I w i l l demonstrate on the pages t h a t f o l l o w , t h i s j u s t i f i e s making a d i s t i n c t i o n b e t v e e n c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e and s e m i — c o r p o r a t e communities. a . C l o s e d C o r p o r a t e Communities. The c r i t i c a l f e a t u r e o f the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community i s a system o f l a n d t e nure vhereby the members own i n common the a g r i -c u l t u r a l l a n d f a l l i n g w i t h i n the community's b o u n d a r i e s . Land i s a s s i g n e d t o i n d i v i d u a l households by the a l c a l d e o r o t h e r h i g h n a t i v e o f f i c i a l i n the p o l i t i c a l v i n g o f the h i e r a r c h y . Thus, a l t h o u g h l a n d i s c o l l e c t i v e l y owned, i t i s used by the i n d i v i d u a l h o u s e h o l d e r . A s s i g n -ment o f l a n d i s based on need; unused l a n d r e v e r t s t o the community a t l a r g e . U s e — r i g h t s t o a p l o t o f l a n d may pass from f a t h e r t o son, but the r i g h t s o f d i s p o s a l remain v i t h the community. The community i s c o r p o r a t e , then, i n the sense o f h a v i n g i n common a body o f p o s s e s s i o n s , namely l a n d (McKride 1 9 2 3 J 114-115; l a x 19-524- 6 0 - 6 2 ; Wisdom 1 9 6 1 : 324-32-5; Wolf 1959: 214). Other c o r p o r a t e mechanisms o f the community s e r v e to r e i n f o r c e i t s c o l l e c t i v e c o n t r o l over i t s l a n d r e -s o u r c e s . The c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y , vhose e s s e n t i a l f e a t u r e s have been d i s c u s s e d i n the f i r s t c h a p t e r , i s the most obvious and p e r v a s i v e o f thes e 35 mechanisms* The o f f i c e s o f the h i e r a r c h y e x e r c i s e a c l a i m over the i n d i v i d u a l s p e r s o n a l w e a l t h and energy, r e d i r e c t i n g them t o a c t i v i t i e s b e n e f i c i a l t o the community's r e l a t i o n s h i p t o i t s s a i n t s * A t the same time these o b l i g a t i o n s p r e v e n t the emergence o f a s u r p l u s a v a i l a b l e f o r e n t e r p r i s e s t h a t might o t h e r — wise be m o b i l i z e d w i t h i n the community " i n terms o f the o u t s i d e w o r l d which employs w e a l t h c a p i t a l i s t i c a l l y * and a c t as an "opening wedge c a l c u l a t e d t o s e t up new t e n s i o n s w i t h i n the community and thus* « • h a s t e n i t s d i s i n t e g r a t i o n * (Wolf 1967cj 509). The c l a i m t h a t t h e h i e r a r c h y e x e r c i s e s over i n d i v i d u a l w e a l t h and e n e r g i e s , then, a c t s to ensure p e r p e t u i t y o f e x i s t e n c e o f b o t h community c o n t r o l o v e r l a n d and community i t s e l f beyond the l i f e spans o f i t s c o n s t i t u e n t members* The h i e r a r c h y performs o t h e r t a s k s o f a c o r p o r a t e body as w e l l * A l l members, r i c h o r poor, a r e r e q u i r e d to serve i n some o f f i c e , whether o r not the p a r t i c u l a r o f f i c e r e q u i r e s e x p e n d i t u r e o f permonal w e a l t h * A l l male members a r e r e q u i r e d t o take p a r t i n communal p r o j e c t s , whether they r e p a i r a r o a d o r b r i d g e o r p a t c h up the e d i f i c e o f a chu r c h o r town h a l l . The s e n i o r o f f i c i a l s o f the h i e r a r c h y d i r e c t these p r o j e c t s and make sure t h a t a l l men a r e p r e s e n t * The h i e r a r c h y , then, i s the l o c u s o f a l l c o l l e c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s , and i t s e r v e s to d e f i n e the d u t i e s — o f f i c e - h o l d i n g and 36 communal l a b o u r — a n d tbe r i g h t s - — t h e use o f l a n d — o f i t s members. F i n a l l y , the h i e r a r c h y p l a y s an important r o l e i n d e f i n i n g the e t h n i c b o u n d a r i e s o f a community (Wolf 1 9 6 7 c : 5 0 7 ; B a r t h 1 9 6 9 : 1 5 - 1 6 ; S i v e r t a 1 9 6 9 a : 1 1 4 - 1 1 6 ) . Only/ members may ser v e i n the o f f i c e s , work on community p r o j e c t s , and make use o f l a n d under community c o n t r o l . From the s t a n d p o i n t o f the i n d i v i d u a l , the e x p e n d i t u r e o f h i s r e s o u r c e s and energy f o r the community good r e -i n f o r c e s h i s commitment to the community, i t s w e l f a r e , i t s v a l u e s . H i s r i g h t s t o community l a n d , an i n d i r e c t reward f o r h i s s e r v i c e s , f u r t h e r r e i n f o r c e s h i e commit— ment. Moreover, most o f h i s d e a l i n g s w i t h T t h e out©id© w o r l d a r e channeled through the h i e r a r c h y . C o l o n i a l o r n a t i o n a l governments impose l e v i e s o f t r i b u t e o r c o r v e e l a b o u r upon the community as a whole; th® s e n i o r o f f i c i a l s o f the h i e r a r c h y d i s t r i b u t e the burdens t e i n d i v i d u a l members (Wolf 1 9 5 9 : 2 1 4 ) . A t t h e same time , o f f i c i a l s o f the h i e r a r c h y n e g o t i a t e on b e h a l f o f t h e community w i t h s u p e r i o r o f f i c i a l s on such m a t t e r s a s t a x a t i o n o r l e v i e s o f corvee l a b o u r (Nash, 1 9 5 8 ) . In terms o f the o u t s i d e w o r l d , the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e com-munity i s a c o l l e c t i v e body analogous t o the s t a t u s o f l e g a l p e r s o n o f modern c o r p o r a t i o n s . T h i s does not mean t h a t f a c t i o n a l i s m w i t h i n c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities does not e x i s t , o r t h a t the 37 community i s e n t i r e l y f r e e from p o l i t i c a l b o s s e s , o r c a c i q u e s . There have been i n s t a n c e s o f p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e s even among communities o r g a n i z e d a l o n g the s t r i c t e s t o f t r a d i t i o n a l l i n e s ; oaclquismo ( p o l i t i c a l bossism) and f a c t i o n a l i s m a r e r e c a l l e d i n Tepesetian i n the p a s t c e n t u r y , and Wolf c i t e s o t h e r cases (Wolf 1 9 6 7 b : 3 0 1 - 3 1 5 ; L e v i s 1 9 5 1 : 9 4 - 9 7 ) . I n C h i c h i c a s t e n a n g o , d i s t i n c t i o n s were made between ruft c r and commoner i n the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y (Bunzel 1 9 5 2 : 1 9 1 ) . N e v e r t h e -l e s s , p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e s and c l a s s d i v i s i o n s a re c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n the bo u n d a r i e s o f the community* R a r e l y does a member seek support o f some o u t s i d e f a c t i o n t o b o l s t e r h i s own p o s i t i o n * R e l u c t a n c e i s based on u n c e r t a i n t y t h a t the power-holding o u t s i d e r w i l l decides i n h i s f a v o u r even i f b r i b e d , on the h i g h c o s t o f b r i b e r y , on f e a r o f h u m i l i a t i o n by an o u t s i d e f i g u r e (Wolf 1967b: 3 ® 4 , 305-6)* Moreover, s y m b i o t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s between community and ha c i e n d a e f f e c t i v e l y b l o c k c h a n n e l s be-tween community and w i d e r s o c i e t y (Wolf 1 9 5 9 : 2 3 0 ; 1 9 6 5 : 8 8 - 9 0 ) * Any o f f i c e - h o l d e r , t h e n , who t r i e s t o usurp h i s o f f i c e f o r h i s p e r s o n a l ends must contend w i t h the r e s t o f the community without the a i d o f some h i g h e r o f f i c i a l ; h i s attempts a t u s u r p a t i o n may w e l l e a r n him a k n i f e between h i s r i b s o r a b u l l e t - h o l e through h i s s k u l l (Nash 1 9 6 8 ; S i v e r t s 1 9 6 9 b ) * I n the p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s o f c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e 38 communities, the i n d i v i d u a l i s e f f e c t i v e l y s u b o r d i n a t e to the group. P o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s f a c t i o n s b a sed o u t s i d e the community are r a r e o r n o n - e x i s t e n t * B e s i d e s the h i e r a r c h y , o t h e r mechanisms s e r v e to r e i n f o r c e the community's c o l l e c t i v e c o n t r o l o v e r i t s l a n d r e s o u r c e s and i t s members* The r u l e o f v i l l a g e endogamy s e r v e s to prevent any a m b i g u i t i e s c o n c e r n i n g r i g h t s o v e r l a n d use o r d i s p o s a l t h a t might a r i s e were an o u t s i d e r to marry a member and r e s i d e i n the community c Land, c o n t r o l l e d by the community, may be used by members but not s o l d . F i l i a l l y , the s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f the i n d i -v i d u a l t o the group has i t s i d e o l o g i c a l r e i n f o r c e m e n t s . A l l members a r e o b l i g e d t o work h a r d and consume l i t t l e , unspoken o b l i g a t i o n s o f shared p o v e r t y (Wolf 1967c: 510-511). Woe t o him who amasses w e a l t h f o r purposes o t h e r than those b e n e f i t t i n g the community, f o r he v i l l be accused o f w i t c h c r a f t , o r h i m s e l f r e c e i v e the c u r s e s o f w i t c h c r a f t — o r a b u l l e t wound—from an envious neighbour. Moreover, goods o f f o r e i g n manufacture t h a t do not f i t i n the consumption p a t t e r n s o f the community a r e shunned (Wolf 1959: 218-219; 1967at 233-235; 1967c: 510-511} see a l s o F e s t e r 1965, 1967a: 300-316). to>. Semi-Corporate Communities. The d e f i n i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the s e m i - c o r p o r a t e community (as opposed to the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community) i s p r i v a t e " 1 39 ownership o f c u l t i v a b l e l a n d w i t h c o n s t r a i n t s p r e -v e n t i n g i t s f r e e d i s p o s a l a s a commodity. Few a r e a s o f l a n d remain i n the hands o f the community and they a r e e i t h e r woodlots, s t r e t c h e s u n s u i t a b l e f o r c u l t i -v a t i o n o r p l o t s o f i n f e r i o r q u a l i t y . The b e t t e r l a n d i s i n p r i v a t e hands. The d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d i s un-e q u a l . Some members have f a r more than they need; o t h e r s have l e a s . The d i r e c t c o n t r o l s upon the a l l o -c a t i o n o f l a n d a r e gone. No l o n g e r i s the a l l o c a t i o n o f l a n d a matter f o r the a l c a l d e o r sdfntiico. t o g e t h e r w i t h the town c o u n c i l , t o d e c i d e . Hence the i n e q u a l i t y ; the d i c t a t e s o f sup p l y and d e m a n d — e f f e c t i v e demand backed by pesos and c e n t a v o s — d e t e r m i n e the a l l o c a t i o n o f l a n d . Land has become a commodity; but l o c a l c o n s t r a i n t s p r e v e n t i t from b e i n g a complete commodity. The s e l l i n g o f l a n d , though frowned upon, i s t o l e r a t e d i f the buyer i s a neighbour, a member o f the same town o r r u r a l d i s t r i c t , o r a t l e a s t a member o f the same m u n i c i p i o . Yet condemnation i s heaped upon him who s e l l s t o an o u t s i d e r , a man who i s not o f I n d i a n b i r t h w i t h i n the community. S a n c t i o n s s u p p o r t i n g t h i s p r o s c r i p t i o n v a r y : i n some communities, b o t h buyer and s e l l e r r e -c e i v e b u l l e t s through t h e i r s k u l l s ; i n o t h e r s , members 2 simply r e f u s e t o t a l k t o e i t h e r buyer o r s e l l e r • These s a n c t i o n s do not always prevent i n v a s i o n s by ho o u t s i d e r s . Indeed, many a c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community was opened by s p e c u l a t o r s who l a y c l a i m to l a n d (see below pp.?7«^*)« I n d i a n members may s e l l l a n d t e o u t s i d e r s , then l e a v e the community to escape th® consequences. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the s a n c t i o n s serv® to slow down p e n e t r a t i o n by o u t s i d e r s . I n s e m i - c o r p o r a t e communities, the c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y remains w i t h i t s e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s * A l l members s t i l l must s e r v e ; o n l y members may s e r v e . W e a l t h i e r members s t i l l must sponsor r e l i g i o u s e v e n t s , d e p l e t i n g t h e i r l i q u i d w e a l t h a c c u m u l a t i o n s i n the p r o c e s s . S e n i o r p o l i t i c a l o f f i c i a l s must have p r i o r e x p e r i e n c e i n lower p o s i t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g the expensive r e l i g i o u s p o s t s ; t h e r e f o r e , they must be o l d e r men. P r e s t i g e i s gauged a c c o r d i n g t o p a s t s e r v i c e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the system has undergone g r e a t e r o r l e s s e r m o d i f i c a t i o n . There have been s t r u c t u r a l changes imposed upon the community by the n a t i o n a l government. I n Mexico, an e l e c t i v e body o f l o c a l o f f i c i a l s aug-mented o r r e p l a c e d the p o l i t i c a l wing o f the h i e r a r c h y . I n Guatemala the indendente. a Ladino and non-member by d e f i n i t i o n , was imposed upon l o c a l i t i e s . T h i s p o s t was l a t e r r e p l a c e d by a body o f e l e c t i v e o f f i c e s . P o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s and r e l i g i o u s s e c t s have b o t h e n t e r e d i n t o the community, a t t r a c t i n g a g r e a t e r o r l e s s e r l o c a l f o l l o w i n g . The t r a d i t i o n a l l e a d e r s , the e l d e r s , r e t a i n t h e i r c o n t r o l over the community. N e v e r t h e l e s s , they must accommodate to the p r e s s u r e s t h a t the new p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s f a c t i o n s e x e r t . The n a t u r e o f the f a c t i o n s and the k i n d o f p r e s s u r e s they gener-a t e v a r y from one community t o another and from one p o i n t i n h i s t o r y to a n o t h e r . Where e l e c t i o n s a r e p e r m i t t e d o r a l l o w e d , the e l d e r s must contend w i t h p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s v y i n g w i t h one a n o t h e r f o r e l e c t o r a l p o s t s . They may contend w i t h the s i t u a t i o n by s u p p o r t i n g one p a r t y who sponsors c a n d i d a t e s t h a t meet w i t h the t r a d i t i o n a l r e q u i r e -ments o f o f f i c e , as i n C a n t e l and i n C h i n a u t l a (McDowell 1969-1970; Nash 1967b: 130-132; R e i n a 1966: 93-95)* They may "compartmentalize" the e l e c t o r a l o f f i c e s , t o l e r a t i n g t h e i r p resence w h i l e r e t a i n i n g the p o l i t i c a l -r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y . I n t h a t event, younger men who meet the l i t e r a c y r e q u i r e m e n t s o f o f f i c e a r e a l l o w e d to h o l d o f f i c e s o f the imposed c o u n c i l , w h i l e men q u a l i f i e d by age and e x p e r i e n c e assume the o f f i c e s w i t h i n b o t h wings o f the t r a d i t i o n a l h i e r a r c h y (Guiteras-Holmes 1961; S i v e r t s 1969b; N u t i n i 1968). I n the meantime P r o t e s t a n t s e c t s have made t h e i r i n r o a d s ; they have perhaps even c o n v e r t e d a few p e r s o n s . Orthodox C a t h o l i c s have a l s o i n v a d e d some communities. E l d e r s and t h e i r adherents may contend w i t h e i t h e r s i t u a t i o n by r e d e f i n i n g the c o n v e r t s as non-members o f 42 the community, and by t r e a t i n g : them as such. A few P r o t e s t a n t s , C a t h o l i c s , o r men u n q u a l i f i e d by p r e v i o u s e x p e r i e n c e may a t t a i n h i g h e l e c t o r a l o r a p p o i n t i v e p o s t s . T h i s has o c c u r r e d e i t h e r through d e f a u l t — m o s t I n d i a n s do not v o t e i f they can p o s s i b l y a v o i d i t — o r through a c t i o n by the a u t h o r i t i e s o f department o r n a t i o n * I n the meantime, i d e o l o g i e s o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d envy and o f the c u l t o f p o v e r t y remain i n f u l l f o r c e . Persons who amass w e a l t h f o r i n d i v i d u a l d i s p l a y remain censured; so do those who buy goods t h a t do not f i t i n w i t h the t r a d i t i o n a l consumption p a t t e r n s o f the community* N e v e r t h e l e s s , they a r e s t r u c t u r a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . Those who have managed to amass p r o p e r t y b e g i n t o l i v e b e t t e r than those w i t h l i t t l e , however much they attempt to c o n c e a l t h e i r w e a l t h . I n Santiago Chimaltenango, Juan Diego l i v e s i n a b i g g e r house, e a t s b e t t e r f o o d , and chases more women than do h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s — d e s p i t e the v i r t u e s a t t r i b u t e d to p o v e r t y and g e n e r o s i t y and condemnation o f h i g h l i v i n g i n t h a t community (Wagley 1957: 92-94). Semi-corporate communities, then, a l s o show s i g n s o f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t a r e analogous to modern c o r p o r a -t i o n s . They e x e r t c o n t r o l o v e r the d i s p o s a l o f commun-i t y l a n d r e s o u r c e s , a l t h o u g h i t no l o n g e r i s owned c o l l e c t i v e l y . Men must s t i l l s e r v e i n c a r g o s : f r e -q u e n t l y they must a l s o take p a r t i n community p r o j e c t s . Thus the community e x e r c i s e s a c l a i m o v e r the r e s o u r c e s and energy o f i t s c o n s t i t u e n t members* The h i e r a r c h y r e t a i n s a monopoly o f p o l i t i c a l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l power ove r the community's a f f a i r s , even though p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s f a c t i o n s have made t h e i r appearance* Con-s e q u e n t l y , o f f i c i a l s o f the h i e r a r c h y can s t i l l c l a i m to r e p r e s e n t i t s members i n t h e i r d e a l i n g s w i t h the o u t s i d e w o r l d * The i n d i v i d u a l remains s u b o r d i n a t e to the community. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e o f t h i s type o f community show c r a c k s * Only woodlots and u s e l e s s o r n e a r l y u s e l e s s l a n d remain under community c o n t r o l : the r e s t o f the l a n d b e l o n g s to i n d i v i d u a l s who have r e g i s t e r e d t i t l e o v e r i t . F a c t i o n s have emerged to compete f o r p o l i t i c a l power w i t h the h i e r a r c h y * A l -though the e l d e r s are i n no immediate danger o f l o s i n g e i t h e r t h e i r p o l i t i c a l or e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a u t h o r i t y , they must n o n e t h e l e s s accomodate the p r e s s u r e s o f the emergent f a c t i o n s o r o f the e n c r o a c h i n g n a t i o n a l govern-ment* F i n a l l y , the i d e o l o g i c a l c u l t o f p o v e r t y shows s i g n s o f wearing t h i n * Amassing o f l a n d and l i q u i d w e a l t h f o r d i s p l a y i s s t i l l condemned—but some l i v e b e t t e r than o t h e r s * Moreover, many j o i n the P r o t e s t a n t s o r Orthodox C a t h o l i c s to escape the demands t h a t the community makes upon t h e i r w e a l t h ( C f • F o r example Nash i960 and Chapter k below)• 44 The s e m i - c o r p o r a t e community may s u r v i v e f o r s e v e r a l g e n e r a t i o n s . Yet i f n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d men f i n d some way o f g a i n i n g support o f a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n o f the p o p u l a t i o n , the c r a c k s i n the c o r p o r a t e community v i l l b reak open. T h i s s e t s the stage f o r open com-m u n i t i e s . I w i l l d i s c u s s the c o n t r a s t i v e c o n d i t i o n s f o r the e x i s t e n c e o f s e m i - c o r p o r a t e and open communities l a t e r i n the c h a p t e r . c. Open Communities. Open communities l a c k the e s s e n t i a l s t r u c t u r e s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f c o r p o r a t e communities o f b o t h v a r i e t i e s . F i r s t , the community no l o n g e r owns o r c o n t r o l s i t s a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d . Second, the community no l o n g e r e x e r c i s e s a c l a i m o v e r the w e a l t h a c c u m u l a t i o n s o f i n d i v i d u a l s , nor need a man devote an e n t i r e y e a r o f u n p a i d s e r v i c e t o the community. T h i r d , p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s f u n c t i o n s are c a r r i e d out by i n d i v i d u a l s , o f t e n supported by non-indigenous f a c t i o n s , who a r e more m o t i v a t e d by p e r s o n a l g a i n than by d e s i r e o r compulsion to s e r v e the community. The community i s s u b o r d i n a t e to the i n d i v i d u a l . F o u r t h , b o u n d a r i e s between i n s i d e r s and o u t s i d e r s become f u z z y o r d i s s o l v e a l t o g e t h e r . F i n a l l y , the i d e o l o g i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a c u l t o f p o v e r t y break down. Neighbours may s t i l l envy a man's a c c u m u l a t i o n s of. w e a l t h , but they a r e more l i k e l y to emulate him than accuse him o f w i t c h c r a f t . %5. A i l o r most o f the l a n d w i t h i n the open community i s ewned p r i v a t e l y ; o n l y woodlots and i n f e r i o r a g r i c u l -t u r a l l a n d remain i n the p u b l i c domain* Moreover, c o n t r o l s over the f r e e d i s p o s a l o f l a n d as a commodity are weak o r absent e n t i r e l y . A man may s e l l h i s l a n d to anybody, i n s i d e r o r o u t s i d e r . A n e i g h b o u r might o b j e c t to a man's s e l l i n g h i s l a n d t o an o u t s i d e r ; i n more i s o l a t e d p a r t s o f the m u n i c i p i o . v i o l e n c e may be employed to prevent such a t r a n s a c t i o n from t a k i n g p l a c e (See Note 1 o f t h i s c h a p t e r . ) . N e v e r t h e l e s s , those who do not own l a n d have no i n t e r e s t i n the l a n d o f those who do. T h i s i s so p a r t l y because the com-munity e x e r c i s e s no c l a i m upon the w e a l t h o f the l a n d e d , and p a r t l y because the l a n d l e s s a r e engaged i n work o r e n t e r p r i s e s u n a f f e c t e d by the d e c i s i o n s o f landowners r e -g a r d i n g d i s p o s a l o f t h e i r p r o p e r t y . I n the meantime, the c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y has d i s a p p e a r e d ; the community no l o n g e r e x e r c i s e s c l a i m s upon the w e a l t h o f i t s members. No l o n g e r does a man have to sponsor a r e l i g i o u s o r s e c u l a r f i e s t a a s a consequence o f h o l d i n g o f f i c e . Men s t i l l must h o l d i n f e r i o r p o s t s — t h o s e t h a t i n v o l v e the m e n i a l f u n c t i o n s o f p o l i c i n g , s t r e e t - c l e a n i n g , and message-r u n n i n g — w i t h o u t pay. Y e t t h e y do not i n v o l v e f i n a n c i a l expense. Moreover, they are u s u a l l y s e r v e d i n r o t a -t i o n , so t h a t a man s e r v e s f o r one week out o f two o r 4 6 t h r e e . F i n a l l y , communal l a b o u r i s a t h i n g o f the p a s t . Community p r o j e c t s s t i l l a r e c a r r i e d o u t, but a man i s no l o n g e r f i n e d o r put i n j a i l f o r f a i l u r e to p a r t i c i p a t e . I n the p l a c e o f the c i v i l wing o f the h i e r a r c h y r i s e s a p o l i t i c i z e d m u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l . The h i g h e r p o s t s i n c l u d e the e x e c u t i v e ( e . g . a l c a l d e . s f n d i c o . and c o u n c i l m a n ) , f i l l e d by e l e c t i o n , and the adm i n i -s t r a t i v e ( e . g . s e c r e t a r y , t r e a s u r e r , and p e t t y o f f i c i a l s ) , f i l l e d by appointment. A l t h o u g h p r i o r e x p e r i e n c e i s an a s s e t f o r these p o s t s , i t i s hot r e q u i r e d ; f r e -q u e n t l y u n e x p e r i e n c e d young men f i l l t h e s e p o s t s . I n any c a s e , p r e v i o u s r e l i g i o u s s e r v i c e no l o n g e r i s a p r e r e q u i s i t e . The a d m i n i s t r a t o r s a r e always p a i d ; the s e n i o r e x e c u t i v e o f f i c e s u s u a l l y a r e . Consequently m o t i v a t i o n o f p e r s o n a l g a i n may indu c e a man to r u n f o r o f f i c e , and o f t e n does. There a r e no f i n a n c i a l o b l i -g a t i o n s a t t a c h e d t o the o f f i c e t h a t might a f f e c t a man's d e c i s i o n to r u n , n o r a r e t h e r e s a n c t i o n s c o m p e l l i n g him to seek o f f i c e . The o f f i c e s are p o t e n t i a l l y p e r s o n a l -i s t i c and not c o m m u n a l i s t i c . The f i l l i n g o f e l e c t o r a l p o s t s a r e accompanied by c o m p e t i t i o n among p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s whose n a t i o n a l head-q u a r t e r s may be i n the n a t i o n ' s c a p i t a l . Of c o u r s e , the i s s u e s are almost always l o c a l . N e v e r t h e l e s s , f i n a n c i a l b a c k i n g and r i g h t s to use the p a r t y name come frotffl power-holders who l i v e outside the community0 Moreover, men running for o f f i c e may see i t as a step-pings ton© f o r higher posts—deputy i n the n a t i o n a l l e g i s l a t i v e assembly, minor o f f i c i a l i n the n a t i o n a l cabinet, e t c . Government i s one based upon s h i f t i n g a l l i a n c e s — a l l i a n c e s of factions within the eoasBrauaityQ alliances between local f a c t i o n and higher powes^ holders* Moreover, administrative posts may b® f i l l e d , by supporters of the winning party* Whereas i n the corporate community the individual and faction i& subordinate to the community, the open community i s subordinate to the individual and faction (For a cas® study of these processes i n an Indian community se® Friedrich 1965^. A Catholic organization whose dual function i t i s to administer church a f f a i r s and to propagate this orthodox version of the f a i t h has replaced the religiota© wing of the hierarchy. Posts i n th© organization are unpaid (excepting the p r i e s t and sacristan)«, KF.©verth©<=» l e s s , they are f i l l e d on a voluntary basis and inv©lv® n© expenditure of parsonal res©urc®s Q I t s functsL®©® are supported by voluntary donations and by funds sup>~ p l i e d by national or international C a t h o l i c organizati@ms 0 Surviving cofradias may try to compete with th© ©rgani= sation; usually they are i n the process of ©xtinetiono This does not mean that orthodox Gatholies k&v® & 48 monopoly ov e r the community's following;; P r o t e s t a n t m i s s i o n s and churches o f t e n e n j o y a h e a l t h y f l o c k o f t h e i r own. I n the e a r l y phases o f p r o s e l y t i z a t i o n , P r o t e s t a n t s b i c k e r w i t h the C a t h o l i c s and w i t h each o t h e r . P r o l i f e r a t i o n o f P r o t e s t a n t s o f t e n means p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f P r o t e s t a n t s e c t s . L a t e r , a l l i a n c e s b e g i n t o emerge f o r some purposes among d i f f e r e n t s e c t s o r even among some P r o t e s t a n t s e c t s and the C a t h o l i c o r g a n i z a t i o n . Purposes v a r y : p o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e s , movement f o r a s c h o o l , support f o r an o p e n - a i r r e v i v a l . Other c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e s d i s a p p e a r . D i s t i n c t i o n between i n s i d e r and o u t s i d e r cease t o be i m p o r t a n t . M a r r i a g e s may be e f f e c t e d between member and o u t s i d e r . O u t s i d e r s move i n t o the community as permanent r e s i d e n t s . S e n i o r governmental and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l p o s t s may w e l l be assumed by o u t s i d e r s . I n the meantime, i d e o l o g i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s upon the a c c u m u l a t i o n o f w e a l t h weaken e r d i s s o l v e . E f f o r t s to c o n c e a l w e a l t h d i f f e r e n c e s d i m i n i s h . Some now wear f i n e r c l o t h e s than o t h e r s . Some improve the f a c a d e s o f t h e i r houses. Manufactured goods t h a t do not f i t t r a d i t i o n a l consumption p a t t e r n s appear on the market. Land i s accumulated not f o r the sake o f i n c r e a s i n g one's c a p a c i t y f o r generous s p o n s o r s h i p o f r e l i g i o u s f i e s t a s • but t o p l a n t a p r o f i t a b l e c a s h c r o p . To summarize, c o r p o r a t e mechanisms c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t r a d i t i o n a l l y - o r g a n i z e d communities a r e weak o r •4 5 © s a t i r e l y l a c k i n g i n open c o m m u n i t i ® s 0 There i© mo e s ta te . D i s t i n c t i o n s between i n s i d e r and © m t s i d o r s,r® l a c k i n g © Thore are c o l l e c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s 9 hmt p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s n e i t h e r compulsory aor e f f e c t i v e l y e n f o r c e d o In both p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o n s spfesj?®s 9 the community i s s u b o r d i n a t e to th® i n d i v i d u a l and the f a c t i o n a l a l l i a n c e of individual©. 3 . Summary and S y n t h e s i s . The f o r e g o i n g d i s c u s s i o n p o r t r a y s the thre© com-munity typ©s as i d e a l t y p e s , o r as Brown p r e f e r s t© c a l l them, "extreme t y p e s * (19©V}: 1 7 9 - 1 8 © ) . The c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community r e p r e s e n t s one p o l a r extreme, the open community the o t h e r , and the s e m i — c o r p o r a t e community an i n t e r m e d i a t e type t h a t combines the s a l i e n t f e a t u r e s o f those p o l a r t y p e s . There a r e p o f c o u r s e , communities t h a t do not e x h i b i t a l l t®a.tvm'@s of one typ© or a n o t h e r © Thus on® Gantolernes ±mt©naMafe t e l l s me t h a t when l a n d was owned i n common i n ©a n t e l p there were nevertheless l arge holdftraga owned by a fou C a n t e l e n s e s . E m p i r i c a l b a r r i e r s prevent th® e x i s t e m c © of communities @ ® r e s p o n d i n g tc i d o a l typ©sg t?©r® tUa© b a r r i e r s a b s e n t „ communities would c o r r e s p o n d to i d o a l typesp given the respec t ive condi t ions formulated T&D©1<JW© The aim o f the present typology i s to draw b a s e l i n e ® wi th which to compare C a n t e l 9 s past and present p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s structure< , Once t h i s i s d©a®j, i t i s 50 p o s s i b l e to compare the i d e a l s t r u c t u r e s w i t h the a c t u a l and compare the p o s t u l a t e d c o n d i t i o n s t h a t h y p o t h e t i c a l l y generate the i d e a l s t r u c t u r e s w i t h those t h a t a c t u a l l y g e n e r a t e d the r e a l s t r u c t u r e * Brown i m p l i e s t h i s p r o c e s s when he w r i t e s t {Extreme types} are used t o c l a s s i f y i n the hope t h a t an e x p l a n a t i o n o f b e h a v i o u r o f a c t u a l cases w i l l be suggested by the comparison o f the i d e a l and a c t u a l c a s e s . The e x p l a n a t i o n can o n l y be suggested because the p r o p e r t i e s o f the extreme t y p e , as the example o f the f o l k s o c i e t y r e v e a l s , a r e not r e l a t e d by the hypotheses o f a d e d u c t i v e system. . • . £The suggested a s s e r t i o n } would r e q u i r e much r e f i n e m e n t , o f c o u r s e , but i t might be t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o a h y p o t h e s i s which, i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h o t h e r s s i m i l a r l y r e f i n e d , c o u l d be a p p l i e d i n the e x p l a n -a t i o n o f a c t u a l s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s . Yet u n l e s s these hypotheses formed p a r t o f a d e d u c t i v e system they would be o f secondary importance i n the use o f extreme t y p e s . F o r they would be i s o l a t e d hypotheses, and t h e r e would s t i l l r e -main the major work o f r e l a t i n g the hypotheses to each o t h e r so t h a t the presence o f some e x p l a i n e d the presence o f o t h e r s (1963: 184)* Now t h a t the i d e a l — o r e x t r e m e — t y p e s o f communities have been f o r m u l a t e d , I w i l l t u r n to the f o r m u l a t i o n o f the c o n d i t i o n s t h a t generate each t y p e . I I . Community Types: An E x p l a n a t i o n . The p a s t and p r e s e n t s t r u c t u r e o f n e i t h e r C a n t e l n o r o f o t h e r communities appeared out o f t h i n a i r ; they were, and c o n t i n u e to be, p r o d u c t s o f h i s t o r i c a l p r o -c e s s e s , o f webs o f group r e l a t i o n s t h a t extend s p a t i a l l y t o the n a t i o n a l l e v e l and even the i n t e r n a t i o n a l , t h a t extend t e m p o r a l l y back t o the Conquest and even w e l l before the Conquest« This means that, to begin withj, structures of part-societies and part-eultures develop not only as a result of their particular ecotype© but also as products of their relations with wider societies© I w i l l develop this set of assumptions i n detail„ Further-more, there were sets of h i s t o r i c a l circumstances that contributed to the formation and continued existence o f closed corporate communities, semi-corporate communities, and open communities* These suppositions w i l l guide the discussion which follows. A* Assumptions of the Study* The structure of a community i s i n part the product of i t s ecotype, "a system of energy transfers from the |°natural3 environ-ment to man" (Wolf 1966s 1 9 )• There are two types of energy transfers: n a set of food transfers and a set of devices used to harness inorganic sources of energy to the productive process" (Wolf 19661 1 9 ) ° U n t i l recemtiyj, Meso-american peasants depended mainly upon human and animal labour 9 for effecting t h e s ® energy transfers 0 i _ o © o on a paleotecnic ecotype* Many peasants s t i l l do 0 Therefore 9 there existed a low ceiling that limited their productive capacity© In recent years„ how<aver9 peasants have adopted devices employing combustible f u e l s and requiring the s k i l l s supplied by technical training and scienceo The c e i l i n g that limits their productivity has been l i f t e d to a high level© Yet they have had to 5 2 pay tho p r i c e o f s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and a h i g h degree o f dependence upon the market to o b t a i n o t h e r goods (Wolf 1 9 6 6 : 1 9 - 3 7 ) . The d i f f e r e n t e c otypes i m p l y v a r i a t i o n s i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f p r o d u c t i o n . Men depending on p a l e o -t e c n i c modes o f p r o d u c t i o n depended upon t h e i r own e f f o r t s f o r o b t a i n i n g the n e c e s s i t i e s o f l i f e * They were not c o m p l e t e l y i s o l a t e d . There were n e c e s s i t i e s t h a t had to be bought. There were times i n which each c u l t i v a t o r had t o h i r e l a b o u r o r make arrangements f o r exchanging l a b o u r w i t h h i s n e i g h b o u r s . But t h e i r dependence upon the o u t s i d e w o r l d does not compare w i t h c u l t i v a t o r s dependent upon n e o t e c h n i c e c o t y p e s . By employing machinery, improved breeds o f p l a n t s and an i m a l s , and f e r t i l i z e r , the c u l t i v a t o r depends upon people who possess many s k i l l s t h a t he does n o t . More-over, he must pay f o r a l l those t h i n g s somehow: he must t h e r e f o r e produce f o r the market. At one and the same time he must combine f a c t o r s o f p r o d u c t i o n a t the lowest p o s s i b l e c o s t and s e l l a t the h i g h e s t p o s s i b l e p r i c e i n a p r o d u c t s market. Moreover, he has com p e t i t o r s s e l l i n g the same p r o d u c t s on the same market. T h e r e f o r e , he must r e i n v e s t p a r t o f h i s p r o f i t to permit expansion o f h i s o p e r a t i o n o r go ba n k r u p t . Nor does bankruptcy f r e e the man from the market, f o r he must s t i l l e at and s t a y warm. He must work f o r wageSo Again, the availabilty of wrk depends mpon k a labour market. With similar considerations, Kaplan formulates a so-called Law of Cultural Dominances o . . that cultural system which more effectively exploits the energy resources of a given environ-ment w i l l tend to spread i n that environment at the expense of less effective systems. . . . Put another way, the law states that a cultural system w i l l tend to be found precisely i n those environ-ments i n which i t yields a higher energy return per unit than any alternative system available (I960: 7 5 - 7 6 ) . Thus, what integrates one culture destroys another. The subsistence farmer who reinforces his bonds with kinsmen or neighbours assures himself of extra hands during harvest or help i n case of crop f a i l u r e . The commercial farmer or labourer who reinforces his bonds incurs obligations that his profits or wages w i l l not cover. Y@t mo part-culture or part«s©ci®ty stands aloa® 8 sufficient unto i t s e l f . Communities, be they of peasants P farmers, or proletarians, are but °local tenaini ©£ a we-Hk of group relationships which extend through intermediate levels from the level of the commuiaity to that ©:£ tela® nation" (Wolf 1965: 86). Wider societies affect l o c a l -i t i e s i n at least two ways. F i r s t , th©y represent a source of income for l o c a l persons, either through jobs ©r through markets for what local persons produce» Second, they Hexercise power to transfer a part of. . «> surpluses from the p r o d u c i n g community to people o t h e r than the producers" (Wolf 1965s 8 7 ) 0 This means t h a t th© widor s o c i e t y "must a l s o w i e l d power to l i m i t th© autonomy o f i t s c o n s t i t u e n t communities and to i n t e r f e r e i n t h e i r a f f a i r s " (Wolf 1965s 87). One may add„ as Fraak does, t h a t the powers t h a t e f f e c t the t r a n s f e r o f surplus from p r o d u c e r to non-producer extend beyond the under- developed n a t i o n - s t a t e and i n v o l v e s the m e t r o p o l i t a n n a t i o n s o f N o r t h America, Western Europe, and J a p a n 0 As Frank puts i t , . . . i t i s t h i s e x p l o i t a t i v e r e l a t i o n which i n c h a i n - l i k e f a s h i o n extends the c a p i t a l i s t l i n k between the c a p i t a l i s t w o r l d and n a t i o n a l metro-p o l i s e s to the r e g i o n a l c e n t e r s ( p a r t o f whose s u r p l u s they a p p r o p r i a t e ) , and from these t© l o c a l c e n t e r s , and so on to l a r g e landowners o r merchants who e x p r o p r i a t e s u r p l u s from s m a l l peasants o r t e n a n t s , and sometimes even from these l a t t e r to l a n d l e s s laborer©y e x p l o i t e d by them i n t u r n * At each s t e p a l o n g the way, the r e l a t i v e l y few c a p i t a l i s t s above e x e r c i s e monopoly power over the many below, e x p r o p r i a t i n g some o r a l l o f t h e i r economic surplus and, t© th© extent that they are not ®spr®priat©d i n tuna by th© s t i l l fewer above them, a p p r o p r i a t i n g i t f o r t h e i r own use (Frank 1967 s 7-8)» One must d i s c e r n , however, not only o u t s i d e f a c t o r s which a f f e c t the i n t e r n a l c u l t u r e of th© part— culture but also the "manner i n which the part-=©mlture i s o r g a n i z e d i n t o the l a r g e r socio~©mltural wh©!®1* (Uolf 1967c % 504-505)• Hence the r a t i o n a l e of the t h r o e - f o l d t y p o l o g y o f communities p r e s e n t e d e a r l i e r s ®ach typa r e p r e s e n t s — o r r e p r e s e n t e d - - s p e c i f i c a d a p t a t i o n s to th© d e m a n d s , , o p p o r t u n i t i e s , and l i m i t a t i o n s emanating from the w i d e r s o c i e t y . The S p a n i a r d s , as w ® w i l l s ® e 9 imposed o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e and sot o f demaE&ds that d i f f e r e d from the Guatemalan government and power s t r u c t u r e n o w imposes upon it® e@iaBtuad.tieso T h i s i m p l i e s a h i s t o r i c a l d i m e n s i o n . There a r e now no c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities; yet jsaey abounded i n the l a s t c e n t u r y and the two hundred y e a r s t h a t p r e ceded i t . S emi-corporate communities began to d i s p l a c e c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities i n the l a s t c e n t u r y and now e x i s t i n abundance. Even they are now b e i n g d i s p l a c e d by open communities. I t i s my t a s k , t h e r e f o r e , to account f o r the changes i n community s t r u c t u r e i n terras of t h e i r a d a p t a t i o n to the changes o f the w i d e r s o c i a l f i e l d . F i n a l l y , t h e r e i s an element o f c u l t u r a l i n e r t i a . "A c u l t u r e a t r e s t tends to remain a t r e s t " , as Harding's P r i n c i p l e o f S t a b i l i z a t i o n puts i t (1960s 5*0 • One® the s t r u c t u r e o f a community has been e s t a b l i s h e d , i t c changes o n l y w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e r e s i s t e n c e from i t s members« Thus, a p o l i t i c a l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y w i l l demand from i t s community members commitments i n time and r e s o u r c e s l o n g a f t e r they a r e unable to f u l f i l l thevHo F o r t h i s r e a s o n i t i s i m p o s s i b l e to i g n o r e the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community as a type even though t h e r e a r e few r e c o r d s a v a i l a b l e o f C a n t e l p r i o r to i t s becoming a s e m i - c o r p o r a t e community 0 The e s s e n t i a l s t r u c t u r e o f closed c o r p o r a t e communities was c a s t among most I n d i a n v i l l a g e s by the s e v e n t e e n t h century e Only i s a th® mid<=> t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y has any community thrown oft the l a s t v e s t i g e s o f a c o r p o r a t e structure« Thus the b a s i c assumption o f t h i s a n a l y s i s i s h i s t o r i c a l : community s t r u c t u r e s of one type o r a n o t h e r a r e p r o d u c t s o f the e c o l o g i c a l and s o c i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s i n which t h e y a r e found. E x p l o i t a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r a l r e s o u r c e s b i n d the peasant to the s o i l c The e x i s t e n c e o f one ecotype o r a n o t h e r b i n d s the peasant to h i s neighbours o r to the market* The o b l i g a t i o n s and o p p o r t u n i t i e s t h a t emanate from the w i d e r s o c i e t y de-termine the s t r u c t u r e o f the p a r t - c u l t u r e . Once a g i v e n s t r u c t u r e has s e t , i t changes w i t h new c i r c u m s t a n c e s o n l y w i t h d i f f i c u l t y , but i t does change e v e n t u a l l y * B. H i s t o r i c a l Background: C l o s e d C o r p o r a t e Ceannaaities* L Th® Pre-Conquest K a , Some of th© stnm@tiuiral f e a t u r e s o f c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities were p r e s e n t within the pre-Conquest kingdoms of Meso-Asaericsu Th® t h e o c r a t i c form o f government was nothing new f o r the native Guatemalans,, The Quiche kingdom 9 f o r esanaple, was d i v i d e d i n t o ranked p a t r i l i n e a g e s , "the p r i e s t s of which were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ®f a geo-graphic u n i t o f the kingdom™ (libel 19^9? l44)<» Moreover, the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e consisted ©f n a s e r i e s o f graded r e l i g i o - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e posts. . .within each lineage" i n which a p o t e n t i a l l e a d e r "had to work h i s •way up the p o l i t i c a l l a d d e r and, as he moved higher, was s u b j e c t to c o m p e t i t i o n from persons o f o t h e r l i n e a g e s " ( E b e l 19&9'- 144) • A l t h o u g h h e r e d i t y was p r o b a b l y the major c r i t e r i o n f o r r e c r u i t m e n t and p r o -motion, "the system tended to p l a c e i n the h i g h e s t p o s i t i o n s the most e x p e r i e n c e d , competent, and r e -l i g i o u s l y a c c e p t a b l e persons" ( 1 9 6 9 s 1 4 4 ) . C a r r a s c o ( l 9 6 l ) d e s c r i b e s a s i m i l a r system o f r e c r u i t m e n t and promotion f o r the A z t e c Calpulli» t e r r i t o r i a l u n i t s t h a t were p r o b a b l y endogamous n o x r a n i l i n e a l descent groups. (See a l s o G i b s o n 1 9 6 4 ; S o u s t e l l e 1 9 7 ® $ V a i l l a n t 1 9 4 l ) » Thus, the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s o f a t l e a s t one Guatemalan empire, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e i r c r i t e r i a f o r r e c r u i t m e n t and advancement, shows s t r o n g s i m i l a r i t i e s to those o f p o s t Conquest c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s o The e s s e n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e i s that k i n s h i p u n i t s no l o n g e r c o n t r o l l e d the governmental s t r u c t u r e of post-Conquest communities and that such ©©mmuiaiti©® l a c k e d a s u p r a - l o c a l n o b i l i t y . Both the Maya-Quiche and Aztac owned land coEataumally, a l t h o u g h r i g h t s to i t s use were e x e r c i s e d by i n d i v i d u a l s and not by c a l p u l l i o r t h e i r Mayan ©quivalent as a whole. Only the n o b i l i t y owned l a n d p r i v a t e l y , a p r i v i l e g e t h e y r e t a i n e d even a f t e r the Conquest ( S o l o r z a n o 1 9 6 3 s 24; S o u s t e l l e 1 9 7 0 s 7 9-80; f o r the l o w l a n d Maya se© a l s o 58 M o r l e y 1956: 155). Thus, the p r o v i s i o n s t h a t the Spaniards l a t e r made f o r communal p r o p e r t y l i k e w i s e had t h e i r a n t e c e d e n t s . R i t u a l e x p e n d i t u r e s a l s o had t h e i r f o r e r u n n e r s * Among the A z t e c , the c a l p u l l a c * the head man o f the c a l p u l l i who was e l e c t e d f o r l i f e , had to meet heavy expenses, f o r a c c o r d i n g to S o u s t e l l e , The f r e q u e n t d i s t r i c t c o u n c i l s met i n h i s house, and he was expected to o f f e r the e l d e r s f o o d and d r i n k : even today, i n a Mexican v i l l a g e , i f an I n d i a n who has an o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n does not do the t h i n g handsomely, he l o s e s f a c e ; i t was the same then (1970: 4o). The S p a n i s h f r i a r T o r i b i o de Benavente, w r i t e s t h a t some I n d i a n s , i n the days b e f o r e the Conquest, l a b o r e d two o r t h r e e y e a r s and a c q u i r e d as much as p o s s i b l e f o r the purpose o f h o n o r i n g the demon ( d e i t y ) w i t h a f e a s t . On such a f e a s t they not o n l y spent a l l t h a t they p o s s e s s e d but even went i n t o debt, so t h a t they would have t o do s e r v i c e a y e a r and sometimes two y e a r s i n o r d e r t o get out o f debt (1951* quoted i n Wolf 1959: 2l6). Thus the main s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities—-communal l a n d , t h e o c r a t i c h i e r a r c h i e s , r i t u a l e x p e n d i t u r e — w e r e a l l p r e s e n t b e f o r e the coming o f the S p a n i a r d . 2* The Conquest: The Uses o f the I n d i a n . Never-t h e l e s s , the e s s e n t i a l f e a t u r e s o f the c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e s w i t h i n Meso-American I n d i a n communities were r e o r g a n i z e d to f i t the needs o f the S p a n i a r d * A c c o r d i n g to Wolf, t h r e e i n t e r e s t s brought Spaniards to the new w o r l d : 5 9 "Some came to the New World to find gold; others to f i n d order; s t i l l others to save s o u l s " (1959s 159)• Xn one way or another, the demands of a l l three interests required the control and exploitation of Indians. The colonists required Indian labour for their mines, for the extraction o f their indigo, for their haciendas. The administrators, and the crown that they served, required the control of Indian labour to control the colonists. The Church required Indian souls, together with Indian assistance i n the construc-tion, maintenance, and administration of churches (see Wolf 1 9 5 9 : 1 5 6 - 1 7 3 for further discussion). The need to control Indian labour spurred the formation of an administrative structure i n Spanish America. At f i r s t , in the years following the conquest of the West Indies, the Crown was w i l l i n g to accommodate the needs o f the f i r s t s e t t l e r s i n the New World, f or they had performed a service i n bringing the pagan Indians under the sway of Spain and Christendom. The Crown thus awarded i t s soldiers trusteeships, or encomiendas. over the indigenous communities of the West Indies© The trustees (encomenderos) were to oversee the Christianiza-t i o n of their charges and provide for their welfare. In r e t u r n , they had the right to exact commodity tribute and labour services from the Indians under their control. Needless to say, most encomenderos accepted the privileges 6o but not the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s ( Gibson 1 9 6 6 : 4 9 - 5 © » Jones 1 9 4 0 s 113 - 1 1 7 ) . Yet by the time Cortes;' f o r c e s were f i g h t i n g the A z t e c s , the Crown was a c t i n g to a b o l i s h the encomienda. F o r , as V o l f p o i n t s out, Xf I n d i a n l a b o r made the wheels t u r n i n tfefe&s Mew Spain, then whoever was l o r d and master o f I n d i a n s would a l s o be l o r d and master o f the l a n d . . With u n l i m i t e d a c c e s s to I n d i a n energy, the c o l o n i s t s would soon have no need o f S p a i n n o r k i n g ; hence the Crown had to l i m i t t h i s a c c e s s , s u p e r v i s e i t , c u r t a i l i t ( 1 9 5 9 : 1 9 0 ) . C h a r l e s I ' s f i r s t attempt to a b o l i s h the encomienda by decree l a c k e d t e e t h , f o r C o r t e s g r a n t e d encomiendas to h i m s e l f and to h i s s u b o r d i n a t e s as h i s f o r c e s s u b j u g a t e d one I n d i a n empire a f t e r a n o t h e r . Only a f t e r some f o r t y y e a r s d i d the k i n g manage to r e p l a c e the encomienda w i t h another system o f l a b o u r r e c r u i t m e n t , the r e p a r t i m i e n t o (Gibson 1 9 6 6 : 4 8 - 6 l ; Jones 1 9 4 0 : 113-l4o). Under repartimiento i» the S p a n i s h a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t B r a n c h e r , o r minor n e e d i n g l a b o u r a p p l i e d to the c o r r e g i d o r o r o t h e r l o c a l o f f i c i a l r e s p o n s i b l e to the Crown. Upon a p p r o v a l o f h i s a p p l i c a t i o n , he r e c e i v e d a s p e c i f i e d number o f I n d i a n s f o r a d e s i g n a t e d p e r i o d and f o r s p e c i f i c t a s k s . Under a quota system, each I n d i a n v i l l a g e was to p r o v i d e a p r o p o r t i o n o f i t s male i n h a b i -t a n t s f o r work under the r e p a r t i m i e n t o ( G i b s o n 1 9 6 6 s 1^3 -144; Jones 1 9 4 0 : 1 3 9 ; Wolf 1 9 5 9 : 1 9 0 , 2 l 4 ) . 6l A t the time o f the conquests, I n d i a n s l i v e d i n hamlets s c a t t e r e d throughout the c o u n t r y s i d e ; t h i s was c l e a r l y i n i m i c a l to the i n t e r e s t s o f b o t h c o l o n i s t and a d m i n i s t r a t o r , f o r i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y t o I n d i a n s meant i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y t o l a b o u r . Moreover, they o c c u p i e d l a n d t h a t c o l o n i s t s wanted. Nor were the f r i a r s e n t i r e l y d i s i n t e r e s t e d , f o r l o n g d i s t a n c e s between c h u r c h and o u t l y i n g hamlet hampered e f f o r t s o f c o n v e r s i o n . Thus the I n d i a n s were f o r c e d to r e l o c a t e to more con-c e n t r a t e d s e t t l e m e n t s . Under the p r o v i s i o n s o f the Lav o f Burgos, I n d i a n s were to be r e s e t t l e d near t h e i r encomenderos; each new community was t o have a c h u r c h (Simpson 1°66: 32). . R e l o c a t i o n o f most communities, however, was postponed u n t i l the m i d - s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y . At t h a t time the Mendicants d i r e c t e d the r e m o d e l i n g o f town l a y o u t s to conform t o the S p a n i s h g r i d p a t t e r n ( w i t h c e n t r a l p l a z a . town h a l l , and church) and o r d e r e d the f o r c e d r e l o c a t i o n o f I n d i a n s s t i l l l i v i n g i n hamlets to the towns (Gibson 1955: 585). I n Guatemala, Dom-i n i c a n f r a i r s d i r e c t e d the o p e r a t i o n . As many as twenty hamlets might be c o n s o l i d a t e d i n t o one v i l l a g e . Each c o n s o l i d a t e d v i l l a g e was a l l o t t e d an ej^de j(communal l a n d h o l d i n g ) o f a square l e a g u e . U s u a l l y the a r e a o f l a n d a s s i g n e d to a c o n s o l i d a t e d v i l l a g e was s m a l l e r than t h a t i n the o r i g i n a l hamlets (Jones 1940: l69; M i l l a 1937b: 118-121). 62 The new communities were governed through indirect rulec. A corregidor or other regional o f f i c e r , always a Spaniard, controlled a region (corregimiento); rarely was he i n charge of a single village only. The cabildo. or town council, ran the a f f a i r s of the v i l l a g e . The alcalde served as mayor and as judge i n minor criminal and c i v i l cases (major cases were referred to the corregidor). The regidores. along with the alcalde, legislated l o c a l ordinances. These o f f i c i a l s were also responsible for allocating land parcels to individuals and for levying tribute and labour assignments upon individuals. Part of the tribute went to the ca.ja de  comunidad (community chest) to finance communal projects and the costs of administration. Serving as guardians of common lands, the town's cattle and sheep, the j a i l , and other community property were the mayordomos. Attending the church and cabildo as policemen, messenger boys, and street-cleaners were the alguaciles (Gibson 1 9 5 5 : 588; 1 9 6 4 ; 1 7 9 - 1 8 6 ; 1 9 6 6 : 148-149). In Guate-mala, colonial law provided for an alcalde. a sindico. and four regidores to govern each Indian community (Milla 1 9 3 7 : 124). Thomas Gage, who served as a priest i n Chiapas and Guatemala between 1 6 2 5 and l 6 3 7 « has described the local governments as follows: Prom the Spaniards(the Indians) have borrowed their c i v i l government, and i n a l l towns they have one or two alcaldes, with more or less regidores (who are 6 3 as aldermen o r j u r a t s amongst u s ) , and some a l g u a c i l e s more o r l e s s , who a r e as c o n s t a b l e s , to execute the o r d e r s o f the a l c a l d e (who i s a mayor) w i t h h i s b r e t h r e n . I n towns o f t h r e e o r f o u r hundred f a m i l i e s o r upwards, t h e r e are commonly two alcaldes« s i x regidores„ two a l g u a c i l e s mayores, and s i x under, o r p e t t y , a l g u a c i l e s , Some towns a r e p r i v i l e g e d w i t h an I n d i a n governor, who i s above the a l c a l d e s and a l l the r e s t o f the o f f i c e r s . These a r e changed e v e r y y e a r by new e l e c t i o n , and a r e chosen by the I n d i a n s themselves, who take t h e i r t u r n s by the t r i b e s o r k i n d r e d s , whereby they a r e d i v i d e d iG&ge 1958s 227), Hence, the governmental s t r u c t u r e s t h a t were l a t e r t o become the c i v i l wings o f p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s were p r e s e n t i n Guatemalan communities by 1 6 3 7 • That I n d i a n s took " t h e i r t u r n s by the t r i b e s o r kindreds'* s t r o n g l y suggest t h a t the g o v e r n i n g body was a r o t a t i n g system. O r i g i n a l l y , former I n d i a n n o b l e s ( c a c i q u e s ) were g i v e n the r e i n s o f l o c a l government. They were a l l o w e d p r i v i l e g e s d e n i e d o t h e r I n d i a n s (maceguales, o r commoners) — t o r i d e a h o r s e , b e a r arms, wear Spanish c l o t h i n g and to own l a n d . A l t h o u g h these p r i v i l e g e s were p a r t l y consequences o f S p a n i s h r e s p e c t f o r s t a t u s , they a l s o were meant to "induce (the c a c i q u e s ) t o f u n c t i o n as c o o p e r a t i v e puppet bosses i n t h e i r communities" ( G i b s o n 1964: 155: 1966: 149-150), N e v e r t h e l e s s , i n d i g e n o u s d i s t i n c t i o n between n o b l e and commoner was l a t e r to d i s s o l v e . I n the meantime, the f r i a r s were g o i n g about 6 4 r e o r g a n i z i n g : t h e i r I n d i a n c h a r g e s . P a r a l l e l i n g the town government was an i n d i g e n o u s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c -t u r e o f the c h u r c h . Each p r i e s t had a r e t i n u e o f I n d i a n a l t a r - b o y s , g a r d e n e r s , messenger-boys, and a f i s c a l r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the c a r e o f the c h u r c h i n the p r i e s t ' s absence. I n the e a r l y s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y , c o f r a d f a s were i n t r o d u c e d , p r i m a r i l y t o a l l o w more I n d i a n s to p a r t i c i p a t e i n chu r c h a f f a i r s t h an p r e v i o u s l y , but a l s o to keep a check on t h e i r * * p a g a n i s t i c " a c t i v i t i e s . The f e s t i v i t i e s f o r which the c o f r a d i a s were r e s p o n s i b l e f u r t h e r e d t h e s e ends, f o r , as F o s t e r w r i t e s , I n d i a n l o v e o f pageantry was s a t i s f i e d through the i m p r e s s i v e observances o f the day o f the p a t r o n s a i n t o f each v i l l a g e and the p r o c e s s i o n s o f Holy Week and Corpus C h r i s t i . The c l e r g y ' s power t o g i v e o r deny p e r m i s s i o n to p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e s e f e s t i v i t i e s gave them a p o w e r f u l i n s t r u m e n t o f s o c i a l and economic c o n t r o l which, a t b e s t , promoted s o b r i e t y and m o r a l i t y i n the community, and a t worst made p o s s i b l e e x p l o i t a t i o n o f th® I n d i a n s i n the form o f e x t r a l e g a l p e r s o n a l s e r v i c e s ( 1 9 5 3 ? 1 8 ) 0 The c o f r a d x a s a l s o were r e s p o n s i b l e f o r r a i s i n g funds to support c h u r c h a c t i v i t i e s , f e s t i v e and o t h e r w i s e . I n Guatemala, the I n d i a n s were o r g a n i z e d w i t h i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e body o f the chu r c h i t s e l f . The f i s c a l was, a c c o r d i n g to Gage, "the p r i e s t ' s c l e r k and o f f i c e r " . He knew how t o r e a d and w r i t e and was "commonly the master o f music". H i s was the duty t o te a c h the youths o f the community the " p r a y e r s , s a c r a -ments, commandments, and o t h e r p o i n t s o f c a t e c h i s m 6 5 a l l o w e d by the Church o f Rome". Other I n d i a n s s t a f f e d the c h u r c h as cooks, b u t l e r s ( c h a h a l ) t g a r d e n e r s , s a c r i s t a n s , s e r v a n t s , and s t a b l e -hands ( 1 9 5 8 : 2 3 0 - 2 3 2 ) . Gage a l s o does mention the presence o f d a n c e - l e a d e r s and f i e s t a s . He adds t h a t "the owner o f a s a i n t maketh a g r e a t f e a s t i n the town" and c o n t i n u e s by s t a t i n g t h a t t h i s "owner"" p r e s e n t e t h unto the p r i e s t sometimes two o r t h r e e , sometimes f o u r o r f i v e , crowns f o r h i s Mass and sermon, b e s i d e s a t u r k e y and t h r e e or f o u r f o w l s , w i t h as much cacao as w i l l serve to make him c h o c o l a t e f o r a l l the whole oct a v e o r e i g h t days f o l l o w i n g * So t h a t i n some churc h e s , where t h e r e a r e a t l e a s t f o r t y o f these s a i n t s * s t a t u e s and images, t h e y b r i n g unto the p r i e s t a t l e a s t f o r t y pounds a y e a r ( 1 9 5 8 : 2 3 5 ) . A l t h o u g h he does not mention the presence o f the cofradjfas t h a t were to become widespread i n Guatemalan v i l l a g e s , he does mention the elements p r e s e n t i n a r e l i g i o u s cargo system: i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the c a r e o f t h e s a i n t , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e f e s t i v i t i e s c e l e b r a t i n g i t s name and i t s expenses. T h i s p e r i o d , which f o r Guatemala La Farge a p p l i e s the term " C o l o n i a l I n d i a n " , was one d u r i n g which the b a s i c s t r u c t u r e o f the c i v i l - r e l i g i o n h i e r a r c h y took shape ( 1 9 ^ 0 : 2 8 8 - 2 9 0 ) . By t h i s time, the I n d i a n s were r e l o c a t e d i n t o c o n c e n t r a t e d s e t t l e m e n t s w i t h communal l a n d , t h e i r m u n i c i p a l i d a d had e s t a b l i s h e d , t h e i r churches c o n s t r u c t e d , t h e i r r e l i g i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n s o r g a n i z e d . T h i s was a l s o the p e r i o d i n which, i n 66 Guatemala a t l e a s t , the S p a n i a r d s e x e r c i s e d maximal c o n t r o l . B e g i n n i n g i n the l a t e s e v e n t e e n t h o r early-e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , the Spaniards began to l o s e t h e i r g r i p upon the I n d i a n communities i n f a v o u r o f the c o l o n i s t s . At t h i s p o i n t , d e f e n s i v e s t r u c t u r e s o f c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities began to emerge. 3. C o n s o l i d a t i o n o f the C l o s e d C o r p o r a t e Community. B e g i n n i n g i n v a r i o u s p e r i o d s between the l a t e s e v e n t e e n t h and the e a r l y e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , S p a n i s h c o n t r o l over her c o l o n i e s began to l o o s e n . I n some r e g i o n s , n o t a b l y i n the V a l l e y o f Mexico, t h i s f o l l o w e d from what Borah has c a l l e d "the Century o f D e p r e s s i o n " , ( l ° 5 £ ) « I n o t h e r r e g i o n s , S p a n i a r d s found the c o l o n i e s l e s s v a l u a b l e f o r e x p l o i t a t i o n ; t h i s was the case i n Guatemala. I n e i t h e r c ase, r e g i o n a l i s t i c economies dominated by the h a c i e n d a emerged. I w i l l f i r s t d i s c u s s the t h e o r e t i c a l frame-work c o n c e r n i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the h a c i e n d a and c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities as d i s c u s s e d by Wolf and M i n t z i n a seminal a r t i c l e on l a n d e d e s t a t e s (1957)© I w i l l then b r i e f l y r e view the events t h a t surrounded t h e i r emergence i n Mexico and Guatemala. A c c o r d i n g to Wolf and M i n t z , h a c i e n d a s tend to o c c u r where markets a r e " l i i m i t e d to a l o c a l i t y o r a r e g i o n " • They may s p e c i a l i z e i n a p a r t i c u l a r major cash c r o p , but they r a r e l y exclude o t h e r crops needed f o r f o o d f o r 6 7 themselves, t h e i r l a b o u r e r s and people w i t h i n nearby-l o c a l i t i e s . By committing: l a n d to b o t h t y p e s o f c r o p s , the h a c i e n d a m a i n t a i n s a second l i n e o f defence on which i t can f a l l back i f i t s market grows u n s t a b l e . L e s s committed to the demands o f a n a t i o n a l o r s u p r a - n a t i o n a l market, i t has few t i e s which b i n d i t to u n i t s beyond the r e g i o n o r l o c a l i t y . (Thus} i t r e t a i n s a g r e a t e r c a p a c i t y than the p l a n t a t i o n f o r s e l f - r e g e n e r a t i o n a f t e r a slump (1957: 3 8 8 - 3 8 9 ) . Hence, the h a c i e n d a i s capable o f expanding p r o d u c t i o n o f a c a s h c r o p when i t s p r i c e s a r e h i g h , and r e t r e n c h i n g when and i f the bottom drops out o f the market ( 1 9 5 7 : 3 8 8 - 3 8 9 ) . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e r e i s a drawback: because markets a r e r e s t r i c t e d , h a c i e n d a s must o p e r a t e " w i t h i n a s i t -u a t i o n o f s c a r c i t y " . The i n s t i t u t i o n s from which c a p i t a l can be borrowed by the hacendado f o r h i s o p e r a t i o n s are not o n l y u s u a l l y c o n f i n e d to a r e g i o n but a l s o p r e f e r t o l e n d s m a l l amounts w i t h an eye a t ob-t a i n i n g low, secure r e t u r n s . Thus the hacendado r e l i e s on a low l e v e l o f t e c h n o l o g y and a h i g h i n p u t o f l a b o u r . F o r t h i s r e a s o n , he must r e l y on inducements o t h e r than wages to b r i n g workers to h i s farm. He accomplishes t h i s m a i n l y by expanding h i s l a n d h o l d i n g s . Wolf and M i n t s w r i t e s £fhe hacienda) needs t h i s l a n d l e s s f o r purposes o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n than to d e p r i v e i t s l a b o u r e r s o f economic a l t e r n a t i v e s t o p a r t i c i -p a t i o n i n h a c i e n d a o p e r a t i o n s . I t pre-empts 68 the a g r i c u l t u r a l r e s o u r c e s to prevent any i n d e -pendent a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s from b e i n g c a r r i e d out by i t s p o t e n t i a l l a b o u r s u p p l y ; and i t attempts to b a r i s ( s i c ) own l a b o u r f o r c e from s e e k i n g economic independence o u t s i d e the l i m i t s o f the h a c i e n d a by c u l t i -v a t i n g l a n d not owned o r c o n t r o l l e d by the h a c i e n d a ( 1 9 5 7 : 3 8 9 ) A f t e r s e c u r i n g the workers, the hacendado a l l o t s them " s u b s i s t e n c e p l o t s and o t h e r p e r q u i s i t e s t h a t take the p l a c e o f money ( 1 9 5 7 : 3 9 0 ) . Debt a l s o b i n d s the worker to the e s t a t e . Rewards ( s p o n s o r s h i p o f bap-t i s m s and m a r r i a g e , p e r i o d i c f i e s t a s . and the l i k e ) — and punishments (the whipping p o s t ) - - t a k e the p l a c e o f h i r i n g and f i r i n g as s a n c t i o n s ( 1 9 5 7 : 3 8 6 - 3 8 7 , 3 8 9 - 3 9 5 ) . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e r e i s a l i m i t to the s i z e t o which the h a c i e n d a can expand. T h i s l i m i t i s r e a c h e d when the h a c i e n d a "has r e a c h e d i t s g o a l o f s e t t i n g narrow l i m i t s t o the economic a l t e r n a t i v e s open t o i t s r e s i d e n t l a b o u r i n g p o p u l a t i o n and t o the p o t e n t i a l l a b o u r s u p p l y i n the community s u r r o u n d i n g i t " 6 (Wolf and Mintz. 1 9 5 7 : 3 8 9 ) . The c l o s e p e r s o n a l i z e d t i e s between owner and w o r k e r — t h e o n l y mechanisms o f c o n t r o l t h a t the owner has i n view o f the l a c k o f c a p i t a l — c a n "no l o n g e r cope w i t h the s u r p l u s o f p o p u l a t i o n n o m i n a l l y under i t s c o n t r o l (Wolf 1 9 6 5 : 9 6 ) . At t h i s p o i n t , the h a c i e n d a ceases to grow. P a r a d o x i c a l l y , the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities r e m a i n i n g a t the f r i n g e s a r e advantageous to the hacendado. f o r such communities c o n s t i t u t e " a c o n v e n i e n t 69 r e s e r v o i r o f l a b o r e r s where men. ( m a i n t a i n ) t h e i r l a b o r -power u n t i l needed, a t no a d d i t i o n a l c o s t to the e n t r e -preneur" (Wolf 1959: 230). The l a b o u r e r s have t h e i r own l a n d to c u l t i v a t e ; the hacendado need not p r o v i d e them w i t h f o o d and s h e l t e r f o r the e n t i r e y e a r . At t h e same time, work on the h a c i e n d a p r o v i d e s the worker w i t h income w i t h which t o purchase goods t h a t he can-not produce h i m s e l f and w i t h which to meet h i s c e r e m o n i a l o b l i g a t i o n s . Moreover, the h a c i e n d a a c t s as a b u f f e r between community and o u t s i d e i n t r u d e r s . Thus, t h e r e e x i s t s a s y m b i o t i c r e l a t i o n between c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community and h a c i e n d a (Wolf 1959: 230; 19©5: 91 I Wolf and M i n t z 1957: 389). Yet t h i s s y m b i o t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p i s h o s t i l e ^ t h i s , the members o f the community never f o r g e t . A t any moment, the hacendado might seek to expand h i s o p e r a -t i o n . Even i f he does not, the community f a c e s o t h e r p r e s s u r e s . L a n d l e s s m e s t i z o s might t r y to c l a i m p a r c e l s o f I n d i a n l a n d as t h e i r own; even i n d i v i d u a l s who l i v e w i t h i n the community might attempt the same t h i n g . E i t h e r would weaken the community; i n d i v i d u a l economic i n t e r e s t s and those o f the community do not o f t e n c o r r e s p o n d . , Furthermore, communities might expand t h e i r h o l d i n g s a t the expense o f o t h e r com-m u n i t i e s . 70 Imi t h i s l i g h t , the defence and c o n t r o l mechanisms o f c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities make sense* By p r e -venting: o u t s i d e r s from entering' the c o m m u n i t y — v i a p r o s c r i p t i o n s upon e x t r a - v i l l a g e exogamy and pawning o r s e l l i n g o f l a n d to o u t s i d e r s — t h e community p r e v e n t s the f o r m a t i o n o f f a c t i o n s whose i n t e r e s t s may l a y w i t h the h a c i e n d a o r w i t h n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d groups* More i m p o r t a n t l y , the l a n d r e s o u r c e s do not f a l l i n t o the hands o f these f a c t i o n s . I n the meantime, the communal ownership o f r e s o u r c e s f o r c e the commitment o f i n d i v i d u a l s to the community, i f o n l y because the m a t e r i a l w e l l - b e i n g o f the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i e d i n w i t h whether the community can hang on to i t s l a n d * The p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y r e i n f o r c e s t h i s commit-ment; not o n l y a r e i t s a c t i v i t i e s f i n a n c e d by communally— owned! r e s o u r c e s , but a l s o because a l l , n ot o n l y a p r i -v i l e g e d few are i n v o l v e d i n i t a t some time o r a n o t h e r . I n the f a c e o f o u t s i d e r s , who c o n s t i t u t e a t h r e a t b o t h to i n d i v i d u a l and community a l i k e , the c o r p o r a t e s t r u c -t u r e thus s e r v e s to s o l i d i f y i t s members (Wolf 1965s 91f 1967a: 240-241). There i s e v i d e n c e to c o r r o b o r a t e Wolf and Mintas>s a s s e r t i o n t h a t the h a c i e n d a and the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community were s y m b i o t i c p r o d u c t s o f the s o - c a l l e d "Century o f D e p r e s s i o n " (1575-1675)• A l t h o u g h some haciendas emerged e a r l i e r than 1575 to supply the heeds 71 o f mining' camps, c i t i e s , cacao p l a n t a t i o n s , and so on* N e v e r t h e l e s s , the b u l k o f the f o o d consumed by the c o l o n i s t s came from the I n d i a n s v i a t r i b u t e and en- comienda (Borah 1 9 5 1 : 3 2 - 3 3 ; C h e v a l i e r 1 9 6 3 : 3 1 0 - 3 1 1 ) . Under these c i r c u m s t a n c e s , epidemics t h a t the Spaniards had i n t r o d u c e d i n t o the New World l e d to a dramatic r e d u c t i o n o f the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n . The e s t i m a t e d p o p u l a t i o n o f C e n t r a l Mexico plunged from 1 1 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 i n 1 5 1 9 to 1 , 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 i n 1 6 5 0 (Cook and Simpson 1 9 ^ 8 ; c i t e d i n Borah 1 9 5 1 : 3 ) . I n a l l o f Meso-America, s i x - s e v e n t h o f the e n t i r e i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n p er-i s h e d w i t h i n t h a t time p e r i o d (Wolf 1 9 5 9 : 1 9 6 ) . I n Guatemala, o n e - t h i r d o f the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n was wiped out i n the f i r s t c e n t u r y f o l l o w i n g the Conquest ( D e s s a i n t 1 9 6 2 : 3 2 7 ) . T h i s meant a shortage b o t h i n l a b o u r and f o o d f o r the c o l o n i s t s * The m i n i n g i n d u s t r y , which had been expanding enough to e s t a b l i s h s e v e r a l m i n i n g communities i n n o r t h e r n Mexico, came to a v i r t u a l s t a n d s t i l l by 1 5 8 0 . S u r f a c e and s h a l l o w d e p o s i t s were exhausted by t h a t d a t e ; a d d i t i o n a l l a b o u r was needed to r e a c h deeper d e p o s i t s , and t h a t l a b o u r was u n a v a i l a b l e * I n Guatemala, the a l l u v i a l d e p o s i t s o f g o l d had been exhausted by 1 6 0 0 , and what o t h e r mines were b e i n g e x p l o i t e d d e c l i n e d p r o g r e s s i v e l y i n t h e i r y i e l d s (Jones 19^0: 19). Solorzano c i t e s the l a c k o f a v a i l a b l e l a b o u r as one r e a s o n f o r the d e c l i n e 7 2 i n mining- a c t i v i t y ( 1 9 6 3 s 1 5 6 ) . Other i n d u s t r i e s d e c l i n e d f o r l a c k o f l a b o u r . The s i l k - r a i s i n g - i n -d u s t r y , a mainstay o f the economy o f New S p a i n , f e l l o f f . So d i d the cacao i n d u s t r y , an important export c r o p i n b o t h Mexico and Guatemala. Whereas cacao had been c i t e d as the " o n l y v a l u a b l e c r o p i n e x t r a c o l o n i a l trade 1* f o r Guatemala i n 1 5 7 3 , the p r o d u c t i o n o f cacao had f a l l e n o f f to a p o i n t where "by t h e end o f the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d l o c a l p r o d u c t i o n was o n l y s u f f i c i e n t to s upply l o c a l needs and o f t e n h a r d l y t h a t * (Jones 1 9 4 0 s 1 9 7 , 1 9 8 ) . Moreover, the g o l d and s i l v e r t h a t swamped Spai n l e d to rampant i n f l a t i o n i n 1 6 0 0 , r a i s i n g the p r i c e s f o r S p a n i s h goods at the same time t h a t the p u r c h a s i n g powers o f the c o l o n i e s plunged. No l o n g e r c o u l d the c o l o n i e s depend upon the mother c o u n t r y f o r i t s n e c e s s i t i e s , nor r e l y upon he r to buy the wools, dyes, and h i d e s t h a t New S p a i n c o u l d s t i l l s u p p l y (Borah 1 9 5 1 ; C h e v a l i e r 1 9 6 3 : 5 0 - 8 3 ; Wolf 1 9 5 9 : 2 S l ) . The i n d i g o and c o c h i n e a l i n d u s t r i e s t h a t emerged i n Guatemala a t the b e g i n n i n g o f the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y were plagued by c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h Mexico and o t h e r C e n t r a l American areas t h a t a l s o produced these dyes, by p i r a t e r a i d s a l o n g the A t l a n t i c c o a s t , and by f l u c t u a t i n g p r i c e s on the Spanish market (Jones 1 9 4 0 s 2 0 0 - 2 0 1 ) . T h e r e f o r e , n e i t h e r Guatemala nor Mexico c o u l d depend upon a steady income from abroad a f t e r 1 5 8 5 * 73 The d e c l i n e i n I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n a l s o meant a f o o d shortage t h a t r e a c h e d c r i s i s p r o p o r t i o n s . The s i t u a t i o n was s e r i o u s enough f o r M a r i n E n r i q u e z , the V i c e r o y o f Mexico, to o r d e r the e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a p u b l i c g r a n a r y i n 1 5 7 6 and f o r o t h e r c i t i e s to f o l l o w s u i t . A p u b l i c g r a n a r y was e s t a b l i s h e d i n Guatemala C i t y i n 1585© Hoarding o r purchase o f foods was p r o h i b i t e d , p r i c e s were f i x e d , and t r a d e i n f o o d s t u f f s was r e s t r i c t e d t o p u b l i c squares, l e g a l l y d e s i g n a t e d market p l a c e s , and the s t a t e s t o r e h o u s e (Borah 1 9 5 1 * 2 2 - 2 5 ; S o l o r z a n o 1963-s 181-182). The f a c t t h a t n e i t h e r New S p a i n nor Guatemala c o u l d r e l y upon the mother c o u n t r y f o r i t s manufactured goods threw the c o l o n i s t s back upon t h e i r own r e s o u r c e s . T h i s , combined w i t h the shortage o f l a b o u r and the d e p o p u l a t i o n o f the I n d i a n , proved a u s p i c i o u s f o r the h a c i e n d a . S i n c e S p a i n had f o r b i d d e n o r s e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d i n t e r c o l o n i a l and i n t e r r e g i o n a l t r a d e , i n s t i t u t i o n s a l l o w i n g f o r a n a t i o n a l , i n t e g r a t e d economy were l a c k i n g . Moreover, mountainous b a r r i e r s s e p a r a t e d (and s t i l l s e p a r a t e ) one r e g i o n from a n o t h e r , w h i l e the d i v e r s i t y o f e c o l o g i c a l zones w i t h i n each r e g i o n a l l o w e d f o r some measure o f s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . The poor t r a n s p o r t a t i o n systems d i d l i t t l e to overcome these n a t u r a l b a r r i e r s . R e g i o n a l economies i n b o t h Mexico and Guatemala were i n e v i t a b l e (Wolf 1 9 5 5 a : 181-182, 1 9 3 - 1 9 5 ; C h e v a l i e r 1 9 6 3 : 3 0 8 - 3 1 4 e t passim)• 7h The hacienda thus became the dominant in s t i t u t i o n i n each region* Food shortages combined with the de-cimation of the Indian population f a c i l i t a t e d their expansion. With the Indians decimated, the hacienda v i r t u a l l y cornered the market for agricultural produce. By 1 6 0 0 , the main supplier of food for the major c i t i e s were the haciendas; the haciendas of the Valley of Tlala and of the Tlajomulco region fed Guadalajara, and those of the Valley of Atlixco fed Mexico City i n bad crop years (Borah 1 9 5 1 : 3 3 - 3 4 ) * Nevertheless, the depopulation, combined with Spanish labour regulations, l e f t the haciendas with the prospect of a labour shortage* According to Borah, the forced labour mechanisms allowed by law ( i . e . the reparti- miento) f a i l e d to provide su f f i c i e n t l y for the. needs of the hacienda. The declining Indian population, aggra-vated the shortage ( 1 9 5 1 : 3 5 - 3 6 ) * The hacendados of New Spain therefore sought to circumvent the lavs* Primary among them was the debt contract, whereby the landowner advanced sums of money to the Indian, who was then obliged to work i t off on the hacienda. Frequently, the Indian incurred a greater debt while working, and thus bound himself to the hacienda for l i f e . Where this happened, sons usually inherited their father's debts. Even for those Indians i n less dire circumstances, the hacienda, with a comparative degree of economic 75 s e c u r i t y and with the novelty of Spanish consumer goods a v a i l a b l e i n i t s tlendas de raya. provided a more a t t r a c t i v e a l t e r n a t i v e to the encysting com-munities. Indeed, e n t i r e communities might be ab-sorbed i n t o an hacienda (Borah 1 9 5 1 s 4 2 - 4 3 ; Chevalier 1963$ 2 0 7 - 2 2 0 } Gibson 1 9 5 5 s 5 9 2 - 5 9 8 ) . There was a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n i n Guatemala. One reason that the Indian population had been r e l o c a t e d into concentrated settlements had been to make a v a i l -able a large labour supply to the c o l o n i s t s (Jones 1 9 4 0 s 1 6 9 ) . The Indian depopulation had i n t e n s i f i e d t h i s s i t u a t i o n . According to Jones, Many holdings formerly possessed by Indians had become unoccupied by the decline of the native population and by the pressure put upon i t to e s t a b l i s h i t s e l f i n pueblos. Spaniards had set up claims to the best of such terrenes  baldios £yacant landgj by occupancy. A s s e r t i o n of r o y a l sovereignty over such t e r r i t o r i e s might not displace them but i t d i d destroy any ve s t i g e of Indian t i t l e , and the decrease of t h e i r holdings made the Indians more dependent upon the Spaniard who could o f f e r them work (Jones 1 9 4 0 s 1 3 7 ) E f f o r t s were therefore made to relocate--and k e e p — the Indian population around the c a p i t a l c i t y and i n regions where large towns or haciendas were l o c a t e d . Often force was used; threats had been made to give each Indian l i v i n g i n Ciudad V i e j a (the f i r s t c a p i t a l of Guatemala) 1 0 0 lashes i f empty houses b u i l t f o r the Indians were not occupied (Jones: 1 4 6 ) . 76 A l t h o u g h S p a n i s h c o n t r o l o f tho p e r i p h e r a l r e g i o n s o f h e r c o l o n i e s , i n c l u d i n g Guatemala, began to weaken a f t e r 1 7 2 0 ( C o l b y and van den Berghe 1969: 62-66; Wolf 1955a: 1 9 1 - 1 9 5 ) 6 the r e p a r t i m i e n t o system remained i n f o r c e among v i l l a g e s l o c a t e d near urban c e n t r e s and l a r g e l a n d e d e s t a t e s . I n Quezaltenango, where "Don I g n a c i o U r b i n a " whose h o l d i n g s i n c l u d e d most o f the l a n d i n the n o r t h e r n p a r t o f C a n t e l ) r a n h i s wheat and c o r n o p e r a t i o n s , r e p a r t i m i e n t o remained i n f o r c e f o r a l l communities but Z u n i l . T h i s o c c u r r e d sometime be-tween 1750 and 1 8 0 0 ( S o l o r z a n o 1963: 194-195)* Some V i l l a g e s escaped r e p a r t i m i e n t o a l t o g e t h e r , but they were l o c a t e d f a r from the c i t i e s and the h a c i e n d a s ; the v i l l a g e s o f Huehuetenango and n o r t h e r n E l Quiche are examples ( C o l b y and van den Berghe 1969: 64-71} La Farge 1940: 2 8 6 - 2 8 7 ) . Even these v i l l a g e s would become i n t e g r a t e d i n t o the economy w i t h the coming o f B a r r i o s (see b e l ow). The economic r e g i o n a l i s m , t o g e t h e r w i t h the mechanisms o f f o r c e d l a b o u r (which by t h i s time i n c l u d e d debt bondage), p e r s i s t e d i n t o the p e r i o d o f independence. A l t h o u g h a F e d e r a t i o n o f C e n t r a l America was formed i n 1 8 2 4 , i t d i s s o l v e d i n the i n t e r v e n i n g y e a r s between t h a t date and I 8 3 9 , the y e a r t h a t Guatemala withdrew from the f e d e r a t i o n ( j o n e s 1 9 4 0 : 76, 91). R e g i o n a l i n s u r r e c t i o n was common, as e x e m p l i f i e d by an attempt i n Los A l t o s (western Guatemala, which i n c l u d e d 77 Quezaltenango) to withdraw from the f e d e r a t i o n t o form a s i x t h C e n t r a l American r e p u b l i c (Jones 1 9 4 0 : 4 5 ) * Consequently, the I n d i a n communities remained at the mercy o f the hacendados i n each r e g i o n — a n d sometimes o f each o t h e r . B a t t l e s among communities f o r l a n d were endemic d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d ( S o l o r z a n o I963: 279-280). The mandamiento. a m o d i f i c a t i o n o f the r e p a r t i m i e n t o system o f l a b o u r r e c r u i t m e n t , p e r -s i s t e d i n t o the B a r r i o s regime. So d i d debt bondage (Jones 1940: 151-152.). G i v e n these c i r c u m s t a n c e s , two a l t e r n a t i v e s were open to I n d i a n communities: m a i n t a i n t h e i r autonomy v i a s o c i a l defense mechanisms o r e l s e become appendages o f h a c i e n d a s . Unable to r e s i s t the h a c i e n d a s , many communities j o i n e d them. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the haciendas o f n e i t h e r Mexico n o r Guatemala were a b l e to absorb them a l l ; hence I n d i a n communities s u r v i v e d a t the f r i n g e s . Thus, the S i e r r a and Lake T a r r a s c a n v i l l a g e s o f west c e n t r a l Mexico, and such N a h u a t l v i l l a g e s as T e p o z t l a n i n c e n t r a l Mexico s u r v i v e d a t t h e i r f r i n g e s (Lewis 1951: xxv; West 1948: 17; Wolf 1965 s 9 © ) . I n Chiapas and Guatemala, the haciendas o f the P a c i f i c c o a s t and piedmont l e f t i n t a c t the v i l l a g e s o f the h i g h l a n d s (Whetten 1948; 1961 f 8-l6, 32-43, 92-102, 124-143; M o n t e f o r t e T o l e d o 1959s l 4 l - l 4 2 ) . There 78 were other communities, particularly i n the more remote regions of Chiapas and Guatemala, that remained entirely autonomous from hacienda influence for long periods* They were vi s i t e d by few Catholic priests, the Spanish army was unable or unwilling to provide protection for non-Indians venturing into those regions, and elements of indigenous beliefs and social organization underwent a resurgence there (Colby and van den Berghe 1969: 64-69; LaParge 1940: 285-288). There i s some evidence that, true to Wolf's pre-dictions, the mechanisms of defence and internal social control characteristic of closed corporate communities emerged during the period of hacienda expansion* F i r s t of a l l , the n o b i l i t y disappeared, either migrating or becoming absorbed into the community as equals* This process occurred at di f f e r i n g rates: Carrasco reports that caciques i n some communitities retained their land and their rights to govern into the nineteenth century (1952: 13; 196l: 493). Some even survived into the twentieth century, as i n Tepoztlan (Lewis 1951: 50-51» 91-97)* Most communities, however, had dispensed with the privileges of caciques by the eighteenth century (Gibson 1964: 163-164), This tendency toward the leveling of class distinctions was the product of pressures generated from levies of 79 t r i b u t e ^ and c o r v e e l a b o u r , combined w i t h d e p o p u l a t i o n w i t h i n the v i l l a g e s themselves. These o b l i g a t i o n s , i t w i l l be r e c a l l e d , were imposed upon the community c o l -l e c t i v e l y r a t h e r than upon i n d i v i d u a l s . Everyone i n the community was i n the same b o a t . Moreover, the d e p o p u l a t i o n o f communities r e s u l t a n t from d i s e a s e and e m i g r a t i o n l e f t the remnant p o p u l a t i o n w i t h even h e a v i e r o b l i g a t i o n s , f o r the quotas o f t r i b u t e and l a b o u r o f t e n were not a d j u s t e d a c c o r d i n g to the f l u c t u a -t i o n s o f l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n (Gibson 1964: 210, 219; Wolf 1967a: 240). F i n a l l y , i n the l a t e s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y , the Spaniards enacted a law t h a t t r e a t e d the community t r i b u t e debts as the p e r s o n a l debts o f the a l c a l d e s ( o r gotaernadores) and member o f the c a b i l d o s . Of t h i s , Gibson w r i t e s I n d i a n o f f i c i a l s unable to pay were j a i l e d as d r i m i n a l s . T h e i r houses, l a n d s , and o t h e r p r o p e r t i e s were s e i z e d and s o l d , and the p r o -ceeds were taken as f u l l o r p a r t i a l payment o f t r i b u t e d e b t s . The debts were h e l d t o be i n h e r i t a b l e by the descendants and e x e c u t o r s o f deceased gobemadores (1964: 218). Thus, b e i n g a c a c i q u e e l i g i b l e f o r h i g h o f f i c e c e a s e d to be a p r i v i l e g e a t t e n d e d by f i n a n c i a l g a i n . I n the meantime, the r i g h t s o f c a c i q u e s t o p r i v a t e p r o p e r t i e s ceased, and the communal p r i n c i p l e o f l a n d ownership s t r e n g t h e n e d . C a r r a s c o s t a t e s t h a t t h e r e were s e v e r a l Hinds o f communal p r o p e r t y : 80 th© fundo r e a l , the s i t e on which the town was b u i l t ; o j i d o . l a n d f o r the common use o f a l l the v i l l a g e r s ( mainly woods and p a s t u r e l a n d s ) ; t i e r r a s de r e p a r t i m i e n t o , l a n d owned by th© community but a l l o t t e d f o r the p e r s o n a l use o f the v i l l a g e r s ; and f i n a l l y p r o p i o s . l a n d s which were communally worked, o r more f r e q u e n t l y r e n t e d out (1952: 13). Of the n e c e s s i t y o f l a n d and the dangers t h a t o u t s i d e r s might encroach upon t h e i r t e r r i t o r y , the I n d i a n s were w e l l aware. Gib s o n c i t e s an I n d i a n l a n d t i t l e t h a t c o n t a i n s the f o l l o w i n g e x h o r t a t i o n : T h i s l a n d i s what our g r a n d f a t h e r s and f a t h e r s l e f t . . . . My sons, you must guard i t as the town o f God. . . . Never abandon what i s God's. . • . A l l must not be l o s t when we d i e . • . . S p a n i a r d s come to s e i z e what we have j u s t l y won. . . . Ve urge our sons to know, guard and keep the water, monte, s t r e e t s , and houses o f the town. . . . Sons o f the town, guard the l a n d s . . . . Here are i t s l i m i t s and i t s b o u n d a r i e s . . . . Do not f o r g e t . . . • Guard t h i s paper (1964: 271, c i t i n g manuscript no. 1312, f o l i o no. 22r, o f the B i b l i o t e c a N a c i o n a l . M e x i c o ) * I n d i a n communities made use o f S p a n i s h law to defend--and even e x t e n d — t h e i r h o l d i n g s . Some I n d i a n communities "denounced''' n e i g h b o u r i n g b a l d i o s (sometimes l e f t by e x t i n c t communities), p a i d the f e e s o f c o m p o s i c i o n . and thus c r e a t e d b u f f e r s between themselves and t h e i r S p a n i s h n e i g h b o u r s . Others defended t h e i r h o l d i n g s by c l a i m -i n g " a n c i e n t p o s s e s s i o n " to t h e i r l a n d , by i n v o k i n g c e d u l a s ( r o y a l o r d e r s ) f o r b i d d i n g S p a n i a r d s to l i v e i n I n d i a n towns, o r by p r o d u c i n g t i t u l o s ( t i t l e s ) , genuine o r c o u n t e r f e i t , showing o r i g i n a l s e t t l e m e n t by p r e -conquest founders (Gibson 1964: 271, 286-288). Sometimes 81 S p a n i s h f r i a r s , l i t e r a t e i n the laws c o n c e r n i n g l a n d and a b l e to w i t h s t a n d the p r e s s u r e s o f n e i g h b o u r i n g S p a n i s h landowners, were a b l e to come to the a i d o f t h e i r I n d i a n c h a r g e s . I n d i a n l a n d was not to be s o l d w i t h o u t the s p e c i a l r eview o f the v i c e r o y ; r e s i d e n t p r i e s t s and f r i a r s saw to i t t h a t l a n d was not s o l d u n l e s s the I n d i a n o r community concerned were f u l l y aware o f the c o n d i t i o n s o f the s a l e * L i k e w i s e , they saw to i t t h a t s e t t l e r s d i d not e s t a b l i s h t h e i r farms c l o s e r to I n d i a n communities than the l e g a l l i m i t o f 1,100 v a r a s ( l a t e r reduced t o 600). Thus C h e v a l i e r m a i n t a i n s t h a t "defense measures seem t o have been e f f e c t i v e whenever m i s s i o n a r i e s were i n d i r e c t c o n t r o l " (1963: 206; G i b s o n 1964: 286-287). T h i s i s not to say t h a t the system o f communal l a n d t e n u r e , w i t h i t s a t t e n d a n t laws o f the Crown, saved communities from a b s o r p t i o n i n t o the ha c i e n d a ; c l e a r l y t hey d i d n o t . The e x p u l s i o n o f the J e s u i t s i n 1767 and o f o t h e r Mendicants a f t e r t h a t date reduced the e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f these mechanisms, f o r many communities were l e f t w i t hout r e s i d e n t p r i e s t s t o defend them ( C h e v a l i e r 1963s 205-206; Gibson 1964: 112). T h i s made i t e a s i e r f o r S p a n i a r d s to a c q u i r e l a n d by i l l e g a l means, as we have seen. Toward the end o f the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , communities were o f t e n o b l i g e d t o s e l l l a n d under t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n to make up t h e i r a r r e a r s o f 82 t r i b u t e ( G i b s o n 1 9 6 4 : 214, 218). C ongregaciones. o r f o r c e d r e l o c a t i o n , u s u a l l y r e s u l t e d i n l o s s o f l a n d (Gibson 1 9 6 4 : 2 8 3 - 2 8 5 ) . The " l o n g term advantage", w r i t e s Gibson, was "on the s i d e o f the hacendados* ( 1 9 6 4 : 2 9 2 ) . Communities t h a t s u r v i v e d i n the l o n g r u n d i d so f o r one o r a combination o f the f o l l o w i n g r e a s o n s , ( l ) The l a n d o f some communities were u n d e s i r a b l e from the s t a n d p o i n t o f the h a c i e n d a . F o r example, the mountainous c h a r a c t e r , c o l d c l i m a t e , and f o r e s t made the t e r r i t o r y o c c u p i e d by the T a r a s c a n s o f Michoaean u n d e s i r a b l e f o r the r a i s i n g o f c a t t l e o r c a s h crops i n l a r g e e s t a t e s ( C a r r a s c o 1 9 5 2 : 1 6 ) . These g e o g r a p h i c a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s were d u p l i c a t e d elsewhere i n Meso-America. Xn Guatemala, l a n d i n the h i g h l a n d s a r e — a n d w e r e — u n d e s i r a b l e from the s t a n d p o i n t o f the l a r g e l a n d e d e s t a t e . Whetten c i t e s the f o l l o w i n g d i s a d v a n t a g e s o f these l a n d s : the c o l d temperature, which o f t e n f r e e z e s c o r n s t a l k s ; ear r o t o f c o m grown i n the r e g i o n , r e s u l t a n t from e x c e s s i v e r a i n f a l l ; the a b i l i t y o f the h i g h l a n d farmer to grow: o n l y one c r o p o f c o r n , as com-pared to the s e v e r a l c r o p s t h a t the l o w l a n d e r can grow; and the steepness o f some m i l p a , which c o n t r i b u t e s to s o i l e r o s i o n ( 1 9 6 I : 9 - 1 0 , 1 3 9 . l 4 l ) . ( 2 . ) The h a c i e n d a s r e a c h e d t h e i r l i m i t i n the number o f p e r s o n n e l t h a t they c o u l d absorb w i t h o u t a d d i n g c o n s i d e r a b l e c a p i t a l t o t h e i r 83 o p e r a t i o n s , as ve have seen above. ( 3 ) Some comM m u n i t i e s were i s o l a t e d from the r e g i o n s o f h a c i e n d a s - -examples i n c l u d e the v i l l a g e s o f e a s t e r n Chiapas and o f the mountainous r e g i o n s o f Huehuetenango i n (Guate-mala (Colby and van den Berghe 1969: 6 4 - 6 9 ; La Farge 1 9 4 0 : 2 8 7 - 2 8 9 ; Wolf 1 9 6 5 : 9 0 - 9 1 ) . Xf the l a n d o f the community became the communally-h e l d r e s o u r c e t h a t s u s t a i n e d the community members' e x i s t e n c e , i f i t became t h e r e f o r e a patrimony to de-f e n d a g a i n s t the encroachment o f a l l o u t s i d e r s , the c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y became the s o c i a l mechanism o f t h a t d e f e n s e . The h i e r a r c h y d i d so p a r t l y by r e s e r v i n g the powers o f l a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n to the a l c a l d e and the c a b i l d o . Thus, as o f the 1 8 8 0 * s , the a l c a l d e o f S a n t i a g o Chimaltenango was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a s s i g n i n g l a n d t o i n d i v i d u a l s a c c o r d i n g to need and f o r t a k i n g unused l a n d back i n the name o f the community (Wagley 1 9 5 7 : 5 9 - 7 6 ) . I n some C h o r t i v i l l a g e s where a g r i c u l -t u r a l l a n d o f i n f e r i o r q u a l i t y was s t i l l owned communally, the a l c a l d e had the same r e s p o n s i b i l i t y (Wisdom 1 9 6 1 : 024-325)* T h i s p a t t e r n r e p e a t s I t s e l f among some o f the v i l l a g e s o f Lake A t i t l a n (-Tax 1 9 5 2 : 6 0 - 6 2 ) . The f a c t t h a t the l o c a l governments depended upon the p r o -duce o r r e n t a l o f some l a n d f o r p a r t o f t h e i r revenues str e n g t h e n e d the bonds between l a n d and government. Thus the governments o f Tarasoan communities s e t a s i d e 84 l a n d ( l a b e l e d p r o p i o s ) f o r the purpose o f d e f r a y i n g t h e i r expenses; these l a n d s were worked by communal l a b o u r d r a f t s o r , more f r e q u e n t l y , r e n t e d out ( C a r -r a s c o 1952; 13)* I n C h i c h i c a s t e n a n g o , some o f the l a n d was s t i l l owned by c o f r a d i a s (l952).T This. patft&PB pu*':- '--has a l s o been r e p o r t e d f o r the post-conquest A z t e c (Gibson 1964: 2 1 3-214). Monies from p r o p i o l a n d s and from p a r t o f the t r i b u t e c o l l e c t e d were kept i n the c a j a de comunidad, a box w i t h t h r e e l o c k s ; the a l c a l d e k ept one key w h i l e tvo p r i n c i p a l e s kept the o t h e r two (Gibson 1964: 213)'. Thus, the l o c a l governments o f I n d i a n communities m a i n t a i n e d d i r e c t c o n t r o l over t h e i r r e s o u r c e s . I f the town governments c o n s t i t u t e d p o l i t i c o - l e g a l r e i n f o r c e m e n t s over the towns' h o l d o v e r t h e i r l a n d s , the c o f r a d / a s c o n s t i t u t e d the i d e o l o g i c a l . To b e g i n w i t h , the a c t i v i t i e s o f the c o f r a d i a s , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h a t p a r t o f the c h u r c h a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e f o r which the I n d i a n s were r e s p o n s i b l e , were f i n a n c e d from the c a j a de comunidad. t o g e t h e r w i t h the f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f the town at l a r g e . Community members were o f t e n o b l i g e d t o pay a t i t h e t o the c h u r c h . P a r t o f the funds from t h a t source went to the c o f r a d i a s . R e l i g i o u s o f f i c i a l s were a l s o r e q u i r e d to make heavy f i n a n c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s to r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s , but t h e i r p u rses d i d not become the p r i n c i p a l s o u r ces o f 85 r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v i t i e s u n t i l the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y o r l a t e r . Some c o f r a d i a s m a i n t a i n e d t h e i r own p r o p e r t i e s - - l a n d , shops o r c a n t i n a s — t o f i n a n c e t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . Thus, the r e l i g i o u s s e c t o r i t s e l f o f the town's govern-mental s t r u c t u r e had p a r t i a l c o n t r o l o f community r e s o u r c e s ( C a r r a s c o 1 9 5 2 : 1 3 ; Gibson 1 9 6 4 : 1 2 8 - 1 3 1 ; see a l s o Bunzel 1 9 5 2 : 8 3 - 8 6 f o r a contemporary example) • The i n t e g r a t i o n o f the c o f r a d i a s and chu r c h a d m i n i -s t r a t i o n w i t h the c a b i l d o s t r e n g t h e n e d the bond between i d e o l o g y and p o l i t y . As y e t , t h e r e i s no i n f o r m a t i o n as to when t h i s i n t e g r a t i o n took p l a c e ; undoubtedly t h i s v a r i e d from community t o community. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the a v a i l a b l e evidence i n d i c a t e t h a t the s e c u l a r and r e l i g i o u s b o d i e s were f u s e d t o g e t h e r by the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , i f not b e f o r e . C a r r a s c o r e p o r t s t h a t "the custom o f making a r e l i g i o u s o f f i c e p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r a c i v i l one o r f o r a t t a i n i n g the s t a t u s o f e l d e r " was b e i n g p r a c t i c e d among the Ta r a s c a n s by the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y ( 1 9 5 2 : 2 9 ) , There i s evide n c e t h a t between 1821 and 1 9 0 0 t h e r e were a l s o c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s i n Guate-mala. I n San Juan O s t u n c a l c o , l o c a t e d n e ar Quezal-tenango, f o u r p r i n c i p a l e s had f i n a l say ove r the r e l i g i o u s and s e c u l a r a f f a i r s o f the I n d i a n s e c t o r . A l l had s e r v e d i n the lower o f f i c e s o f the h i e r a r c h y . The h i e r a r c h y was composed o f 8 6 two a l c a l d e s (mayors), f o u r r e g i d o r e s (town councilman, and an e s o r i b a n o ( c l e r k ) a l l chosen by the p r i n c i p a l e s . • .and an i n -digenous power s t r u c t u r e composed o f the p r i n c i p a l e s , the chimanes (shamans), and t h e i r l i e u t e n a n t s . Both h i e r a r c h i e s were . . . under the c o n t r o l o f the i n d i g e n o u s p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p ( E b e l 1 9 6 9 : 1 4 4 - 1 4 5 ) . I n a d d i t i o n , a u x i l i a r e s . and mayores performed t h e i r d u t i e s as patrolmen and t a x c o l l e c t o r s . There was a l s o , a t t h a t time, a system o f c o f r a d i a s a l -though, by the c l o s e o f the c e n t u r y , s e r v i c e i n them was not a s t r i c t p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r o b t a i n i n g h i g h e r o f f i c e . The e x p l a n a t i o n was t h a t "the e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n was ' C a t h o l i c 1 (and) t h e r e was no need f o r a r e l i g i o u s t e s t f o r o f f i c e - h o l d i n g . Whether t h e r e was such a " r e l i g i o u s t e s t " b e f o r e the time o f B a r r i o s i s unknown ( E b e l 1969: 144-145, 1 4 8-149). The m u n i c i p a l ! d a d and c o f r a d e s were chosen a t a meeting t h a t i n c l u d e d the p r i n c i p a l e s . the incumbent members o f the m u n i c i p a l i d a d . and former town c o u n c i l -men ( i n c l u d i n g the p a s t a l c a l d e s ) . Those e l e c t e d had no c h o i c e but t o s e r v e . The system was r o o t e d i n , as E b e l puts i t , " s u s p i c i o n and d e f e n s i v e n e s s " ( 1 9 6 9 : 149). I n h i s words, the m u n i c i p a l i d a d i n d i g e n a used i t s o f f i c e r s t o watch the Lad&nos l e s t they encroach on communal f o r e s t l a n d s o r r e q u i r e t h e i r people to work on f i n c a s o r on roads beyond the l e g a l l i m i t . . . . fThey]) s e t t l e d as many d i s -putes as p o s s i b l e to prevent t h e i r g o i n g i n t o the hands o f L a d i n o o f f i c i a l s ( 1 9 6 9 : 1 4 9 ) . 8? There was a s i m i l a r s t r u c t u r e i n Concepcion C h i q u i r i -chapa, headed by p r i n c i p a l e s and chimanes (shamans). There, few men c o u l d become p r i n c i p a l w i t h o u t f i r s t h a v i n g s e r v e d as v a r o n i n the cofradjfa i n charge o f the image SeHor Sepultado, o r as f i r s t a l c a l d e i n the m u n i c i p a l i d a d (1969: 1 7 6 - 1 7 7 ) . The m u n i c i p a l i d a d a l s o had a p r o t e c t i v e f u n c t i o n , a l t h o u g h non-members were "al t h o u g h not n e c e s s a r i l y . . . h o s t i l e , were n e v e r t h e l e s s seen as a l i e n . . . . " E b e l c i t e s the r e f u s a l o f the community to accede to a proposed boundary change w i t h San Mateo, a n e i g h b o u r i n g m u n i c i p i o . as an example o f the s t r u c t u r e ' s r o l e o f d e f e n s e . Such a boundary change meant a l o s s o f communal l a n d s to Concepcion ( 1 9 6 9 : 1 7 6 ) . T h i s system was p r e s e n t a t the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y , but i t p e r s i s t e d i n t o 1 9 3 5» when the i n t e n d e n t e system was i n t r o d u c e d ( 1 9 6 9 : 1 7 5 , 1 7 9 ) . E b e l b r i e f l y d e s c r i b e s a s i m i l a r h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e f o r San M a r t i n Sacatepequez; r e c r u i t m e n t o f o f f i c i a l s , the r o l e o f the p r i n c i p a l e s , and i t s d e f e n s i v e r o l e were s i m i l a r to those o f the o t h e r two communities. The t a s k s o f the p r i n c i p a l e s i n c l u d e d a l l o t m e n t o f communal l a n d s and the r e c r u i t m e n t o f o b l i g a t o r y l a b o u r . H i s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n was based on i n t e r v i e w s w i t h i n f o r m a n t s whose memories go back to the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y ( 1 9 6 9 : 1 8 7 - 1 8 9 ) , Other a s p e c t s o f the emergent c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e s i n I n d i a n communities i n the p e r i o d between the conquest 88 and the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y can o n l y be i n f e r r e d ; t h e r e i s as y e t l i t t l e documentation as to when they developed* Thus, i n f o r m a t i o n on v i l l a g e endogamy d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d i s l a c k i n g * S p a n i a r d s were i n d e e d p r o h i b i t e d by law from r e s i d i n g i n I n d i a n towns, but when I n d i a n s made t h a t t h e i r own r u l e i s u n c e r t a i n * The s a l e of I n d i a n l a n d to o u t s i d e r s was a l s o a S p a n i s h p r o h i b i t i o n * That these were I n d i a n p r o h i b i t i o n s one can i n f e r from ethno-g r a p h i c d a t a o f the 1 9 2 0 ' s and 1 9 3 0 ' s and from more r e c e n t d a t a on c o n s e r v a t i v e v i l l a g e s . N e v e r t h e l e s s * more c o n c r e t e i n f o r m a t i o n on those m a t t e r s a w a i t s f u r t h e r e t h n o h i s t o r i c a l r e s e a r c h . 5. C o n d i t i o n s S u r r o u n d i n g C l o s e d C o r p o r a t e Communities. G i v e n the f o r e g o i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s * what were the c o n d i t i o n s g i v i n g r i s e t o , and s u s t a i n i n g , c l o s e d c o r -p o r a t e communities? Two p r o b a b l e answers may be d i s -posed of a t once* One* t h a t c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s o f the post-conquest p e r i o d were s u r v i v a l s o f those e x i s t i n g b e f o r e the conquest r e q u i r e s the assumption o f a three-hundred-year " c u l t u r e l a g * " Even i f one a c c e p t s t h i s c oncept, one must y e t e x p l a i n how c u l t u r e l a g s a r e s u s t a i n e d , how they c o n t i n u e t o l a g * A nother, t h a t Spaniards passed a law p r o v i d i n g f o r semi-autonomous communities* each w i t h i t s own p l o t o f l a n d and i t s own government, does not account f o r the c o n t i n u e d & 9 e x i s t e n c e o f communities long- a f t e r a d m i n i s t r a t o r s o f the crown l o s t t h e i r h o l d over the s e t t l e r s * T h i s e x p l a n a t i o n i s u s e f u l , a t b e s t , o n l y f o r e x p l a i n i n g how c o r p o r a t e communities i n Meso-America got t h e i r s t a r t . B e s i d e s i t cannot be g e n e r a l i z e d to account f o r c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities elsewhere i n the w o r l d * I t e x p l a i n s o n l y a p a r t i c u l a r s e t o f events* A more p l a u s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n i s t h a t c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities emerged i n r e g i o n s where l a n d was s c a r c e — i . e . where t h e r e was h a r d l y more l a n d than t h a t n e c e s s a r y to s u s t a i n the r e s i d e n t s o f a g i v e n community--and o f poor q u a l i t y . Indeed, one r e a s o n t h a t the Crown was a b l e to c o n t r o l " i t s * I n d i a n s was t h a t they were l o c a t e d i n d e n s e l y p o p u l a t e d r e g i o n s . The Spaniards were never a b l e to c o m p l e t e l y subjugate the I n d i a n s o f n o r t h e r n Mexico, the Yucatan, S p a n i s h Amazonia, o r Southern C h i l e ; whenever they l o s t a b a t t l e to the S p a n i a r d s , they had o n l y to d i s a p p e a r i n the bush to escape c a p t u r e and to set u p t h e i r encampments elsewhere. F o r the I n d i a n s o f Meso-America and o f the Andes, t h e r e was no bush tb d i s a p p e a r i n t o . Hence the Spaniards were a b l e to c o n t r o l those I n d i a n s m a i n l y by c o n t r o l l i n g t h e i r l a n d ( f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n see Steward and F a r o n 1959). I n the meantime, a c c e s s to the l a n d by a l l was n e c e s s a r y i f e v e r y I n d i a n was to s u r v i v e ; hence t h e i r communal l a n d tenure system and 9© and t h e i r requirement t h a t the wealthy pay the expenses o f r e l i g i o u s c e r e m o n i a l s . F i n a l l y , the s c a r c i t y o f t h i s l a n d p r o v i d e d a r a l l y i n g p o i n t a g a i n s t o u t s i d e r s , whose presence would l e a v e even l e s s l a n d to go around* N e v e r t h e l e s s , not a l l communities whose l a n d i s s c a r c e are c l o s e d and c o r p o r a t e ; examples are f a c t o r y towns and l a b o u r camps o f r u r a l a r e a s . Among p r e s e n t -day open communities o f h i g h l a n d Mesa-America, l a n d i s , i f a n y t h i n g , more s c a r c e than t h a t o f the c l o s e d c o r -p o r a t e communities o f the p a s t (See Chapter h f o r d a t a on C a n t e l . ) . S c a r c i t y o f l a n d may be a n e c e s s a r y c o n d i t i o n f o r the e x i s t e n c e o f c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e com-m u n i t i e s , but such s c a r c i t y i s not a s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n * Wolf has suggested another e x p l a n a t i o n , t h i s one a c c o u n t i n g f o r the l e v e l i n g t e n d e n c i e s i n c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities: t h a t they were the p r o d u c t s o f l a b o u r and t r i b u t e o b l i g a t i o n s t h a t were imposed upon the community a t l a r g e and o n l y s e c o n d a r i l y upon the i n d i v i d u a l . I n -deed, the l o s s o f I n d i a n s through d i s e a s e and o u t - m i g r a t i o n l e f t the f i x e d t r i b u t e - p a y m e n t s and corvee charges i n the hands o f the remnant p o p u l a t i o n . I t i s r e a s o n a b l e to suppose t h a t these economic p r e s s u r e s a c c e l e r a t e d t e n d e n c i e s toward g r e a t e r e g a l i t a r i a n -ism and l e v e l i n g . . . . I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t the d i s appearance o f s t a t u s d i s t i n c t i o n s between n o b l e s and commoners and the r i s e o f r e l i g i o u s s o d a l i t i e s as d i s p e n s e r o f w e a l t h i n r e l i g i o u s c e r e m o n i a l were i n p a r t consequences o f t h i s l e v e l i n g tendency (1967a: 240). Yet t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n i s v a l i d o n l y f o r the p e r i o d d u r i n g 9 1 which these o b l i g a t i o n s were imposed upon the community a t l a r g e . As Wolf h i m s e l f admits, they were imposed upon i n d i v i d u a l s a t the b e g i n n i n g o f the e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , y e t communities o f t h i s type p e r s i s t e d u n t i l the n i n e t e e n t h ( 1 9 6 7 a : 24o). Another e x p l a n a t i o n has to do w i t h the absence o f n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d I n d i a n groups w i t h i n c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities. We have seen t h a t the b e h a v i o u r o f i n d i v i d u a l s was p r e s c r i b e d w i t h i n narrow l i m i t s , and t h a t t r a n s a c t i o n s between members and o u t s i d e r s were c l o s e l y c o n t r o l l e d , b o t h by the community l e a d e r s them-s e l v e s and by S p a n i s h law. D e a l i n g s w i t h S p a n i a r d s were c o n f i n e d to work arrangements, e i t h e r t hrough debt c o n t r a c t (peonage), through r e p a r t i m i e n t o . o r through f o r c e d l a b o u r on p u b l i c works p r o j e c t s . We have a l s o seen t h a t b o t h S p a n i s h s e t t l e r s and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s had but one i n t e r e s t i n the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n — t h e i r l a b o u r . From the s t a n d p o i n t o f the Spaniards I n d i a n s c o n s t i t u t e d l a b o u r r e s e r v o i r s and l i t t l e e l s e . Only s e c o n d a r i l y were they a r t i s a n s and t r a d e r s , and then m a i n l y i n goods consumed by o t h e r I n d i a n s . Other f i e l d s o f a c t i v i t y were c l o s e d to the common I n d i a n , the macegual. Farming and r a n c h i n g was monopolized by the a g r a r i a n s e t t l e r ; the t a s k s o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , by men o f I b e r i a n background; a r t i s a n r y and t r a d i n g , by Spaniards o r c r i o l l o s who belonged to a c r a f t o r m e r c a n t i l e g u i l d . The I n d i a n 92 had but one s t a t u s i n Spanish s o c i e t y : l a b o u r e r com-b i n e d w i t h s u b s i s t e n c e farmer* T h i s meant t h a t the I n d i a n had but two c h o i c e s : s t a y i n the community and accept h i s l o t . o r l e a v e , e i t h e r to work on the hac i e n d a as a peon o r to eke out a l i v i n g i n the c i t i e s o r the mines as a m a r g i n a l worker. I f he was to s t a y i n the community, he had no c h o i c e but to be y e t anot h e r s u b s i s t e n c e farmer and l a b o u r e r . He c o u l d not be an e n t r e p r e n e u r , f o r to him to make one w i n d f a l l a f t e r another would d e s t r o y the community. He had no l a n d o f h i s own—the l a n d he worked was the community's. He c o u l d market no produce i n the c i t i e s : they were d i s t a n t , marketing a c t i v i t y was r e s e r v e d to a p r i v i l e g e d g u i l d , and no banker would extend him c r e d i t . T h i s does not mean t h a t t h e r e were no l o c a l a r t i s a n s o r t r a d e r s ; but the a r t i s a n s s e r v i c e d the needs o n l y o f the I n d i a n community and o f t e n worked t h e i r own p l o t s . The t r a d e r s c o n f i n e d t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s t o r e g i o n a l I n d i a n markets (Kaplan 1965s 80-84). To summarize, no s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t groups o r i e n t e d toward the l a r g e r s o c i e t y e x i s t e d w i t h i n the communities o f m a c e g u a l e s — o r c o u l d e x i s t , I w i l l suggest l a t e r t h a t the e x i s t e n c e o f such groups are i n s t r u m e n t a l i n d e s t r o y i n g the c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e o f I n d i a n communities. Yet a c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community i s d e f i n e d not o n l y i n terms o f homogeneous membership w i t h a patrimony, 93 but a l s o i n terms o f the mechanisms to defend t h a t patrimony. F o r the community i s under c o n s t a n t t h r e a t o f encroachment upon i t s p r o p e r t y by o u t s i d e r s : l a r g e landowners s e e k i n g to expand t h e i r h o l d i n g s , l a n d l e s s p r o l e t a r i a n s s e e k i n g ways o f o b t a i n i n g l a n d , even o t h e r I n d i a n communities s e e k i n g to e n l a r g e t h e i r l a n d r e -s o u r c e s . F o r t h i s r e a s o n , s a l e o f l a n d i s p r o s c r i b e d , e s p e c i a l l y to o u t s i d e r s . F o r t h i s r e a s o n , endogamic r u l e s a r e e n f o r c e d to prevent c o n f u s i o n r e g a r d i n g i n -h e r i t a n c e r i g h t s i n v o l v i n g o u t s i d e r s . F o r t h i s r e a s o n , communities seek to minimize c o n t a c t between members and o u t s i d e r s by c h a n n e l i n g them through the o f f i c e s o f the a l c a l d e . the r e g i d o r e s , and the p r i n c i p a l e s . To summarize, then, I suggest the f o l l o w i n g : c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities are found where ( l ) l a n d i s s c a r c e ; (2) a patrimony ( u s u a l l y l a n d ) i s owned j o i n t l y by the members o f the community; (3) t h e r e i s a danger whereby o u t s i d e r s c o u l d usurp t h i s patrimony; and (4) where no i n d i g e n o u s n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d groups a r e p r e s e n t o r l i k e l y to a r i s e , C H i s t o r i c a l Background: Semi-Corporate Communities. I n the second h a l f o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , new p r e s s u r e s came upon the c o r p o r a t e I n d i a n communities o f Meso-America i n the form o f l a n d r e f o r m laws, p a s s e d i n Mexico i n 1857 and decreed i n Guatemala i n 1877• Under the p r o v i s i o n s o f these laws, l a n d was to be 9k r e g i s t e r e d to p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s , w h i l e m u n i c i p a l -i t i e s and churches were f o r b i d d e n to own l a n d o t h e r than t h a t which t h e i r b u i l d i n g o c c u p i e d (LaFarge 1940; 283; McBride 1 9 2 3 : 131; Wagley 1 9 5 7 : 66-68; Whetten 1948). T h i s was n o t h i n g l e s s than a f r o n t a l a t t a c k upon the patrimony which had been the r a i s o n d ' e t r e o f the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community f o r some two to t h r e e c e n t u r i e s . Nor were the laws promulgated i n i s o l a t i o n ; i n each o f the two c o u n t r i e s the government had sought to c r e a t e a yeomanry, m i d d l e - c l a s s f a r m e r s , who they hoped would form the backbone o f a d e v e l o p i n g economy (Wolf 1959: 2 4 5 - 2 4 6 ; 1 9 6 5 : 9 1 - 9 2 ) . Thus, i t was hoped, each o f the two n a t i o n s would e n t e r the w o r l d market as s t r o n g c o m p e t i t o r s . T h i s i s not to say t h a t I n d i a n communities d i d not i n c l u d e p r i v a t e landowners. Between 1824 and 1839» s o m e c h u r c h l a n d s had been e x p r o p r i a t e d from convents t h a t had f o l d e d and s o l d to p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s . S o l o rzano c i t e s one case i n which the l a n d s o f the Convent Santo Domingo de Coban ( l o c a t e d i n A l t a Verapaz i n Guatemala) were s o l d t o p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s . One p a r c e l o f one c a b a l l e r i a and o n e - f o u r t h was s o l d f o r $86.00. N e v e r t h e l e s s , most l a n d was communal and the c o n s e r v a t i v e government, which assumed power i n 1839» sought to m a i n t a i n I n d i a n l a n d s as such (1963: 2 7 9 - 2 8 3 ) . 95 The I n d i a n yeomanry t h a t the governments o f b o t h c o u n t r i e s had ( o s t e n s i b l y , a t l e a s t ) hoped f o r , never emerged; y e t the "reform"' laws s e r v e d a purpose oon-sonant w i t h the economic o b j e c t i v e s o f the governments-— they c r e a t e d a l a r g e " f r e e " l a b o u r f o r c e , a r u r a l p e a s a n t r y s t r i p p e d o f i t s l a n d s . Among the o b j e c t i v e s o f B a r r i o s and h i s p r e s i d e n t i a l s u c c e s s o r s i n Guatemala were, a c c o r d i n g t o S o l o r z a n o : The c o n s t r u c t i o n o f an economy based on the u t i l i z a t i o n o f n a t u r a l , human, and t e c h n i c a l r e s o u r c e s o f a c h i e v i n g p r o d u c t i o n on a grand s c a l e , o f f a c i l i t a t i n g commerce, and o f ob-t a i n i n g s u r p l u s e s f o r e x p o r t a t i o n and the ac c u m u l a t i o n o f w e a l t h ( 1 9 6 3 : 34l. T r a n s l a t e d by E b e l 1 9 6 9 : 1 5 2 ) . Mexico and Guatemala were to t r y to a c c o m p l i s h t h e s e aims i n two ways: through development o f an export c r o p and through a t t r a c t i o n o f f o r e i g n c a p i t a l . I n Mexico, Juarez., S e b a s t i a n , L e r d o , and D i a z , the a r c h i -t e c t s o f the l i b e r a l " r e v o l u t i o n " i n t h a t c o u n t r y "'sought to de v e l o p the c o u n t r y ' s m i n e r a l r e s o u r c e s f o r export and to a t t r a c t f o r e i g n c a p i t a l f o r t h e i r s m e l t i n g , petroleum, and t e x t i l e i n d u s t r i e s and f o r t h e i r r a i l w a y s " ( C o c k c r o f t 1 9 7 2 ? 4 9 - 5 3 ; Wolf 1 9 5 9 * 247) • In Guatemala, B a r r i o s and h i s s u c c e s s o r s encouraged the growth of c o f f e e p r o d u c t i o n i n the P a c i f i c piedmont and i n the c e n t r a l p l a t e a u r e g i o n o f the Verapaces. B a r r i o s e s t a b l i s h e d c o f f e e n u r s e r i e s i n e v e r y department, d i s t r i b u t e d c o f f e e s e e d l i n g s to every farmer unable to 9 6 pay f o r them, made l a n d g r a n t s o f one manzana to each farmer w i s h i n g to grow c o f f e e , and f r e e d the c o f f e e i n d u s t r y from marketing and export t a x e s (Jones 1940: 204; Solorzano 1963s 346-349). Another major e x p o r t c r o p , bananas, was f i n a n c e d by the i n v e s t o r s o f the U n i t e d F r u i t Company, which began i t s o p e r a t i o n s i n Guatemala i n 1906 ( M o n t e f o r t e Toledo 1959: 508). U n t i l r e c e n t l y , bananas and c o f f e e made up some 90 per cent o f a l l o f Guatemala's e x p o r t ; c o f f e e s t i l l c o n s t i t u t e s 35 P©r cent o f a l l o f Guatemala's e x p o r t s i n 1967 Guzman and H e r b e r t 1970s 197; Jones 1940: 213). A l l o f these e x p o r t s r e q u i r e c o n s i d e r a b l e i n v e s t -ments o f c a p i t a l . C o f f e e , as Jones p o i n t s out, r e -q u i r e s a heavy i n i t i a l investment and a d e l a y o f y e a r s b e f o r e the t r e e s come i n t o b e a r i n g . I n the p r e s e n t c e n t u r y , heavy machinery i s n e c e s s a r y to prepare the c o f f e e bean f o r e x p o r t — s h e l l i n g , p o l i s h i n g , and sometimes r o a s t i n g (1940: 206). Bananas l i k e w i s e r e q u i r e e x t e n s i v e investment, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n view o f the major r i s k s i n v o l v e d i n growing and h a r v e s t i n g the c r o p : d i s e a s e s such as s i g a t o k a and Panama d i s e a s e o f t e n may r e n d e r l a r g e s t r e t c h e s o f s o i l u s e l e s s f o r f u r t h e r banana p r o d u c t i o n , and windstorms o f t e n blow down heavy bunches o f bananas. M e c h a n i z a t i o n i n the form o f over-head i r r i g a t i o n , pumping u n i t s f o r f u n g i c i d e s and f e r t i -l i z e r s , and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s add to the c a p i t a l 97 c o s t s o f th© p l a n t a t i o n s (whetten 196l: 131-132). O b v i o u s l y , to j u s t i f y the investment i n these e n t e r -p r i s e s , there must be a h i g h r e t u r n . A c c o r d i n g to Wolf and M i n t z , a number o f conse-quences f o l l o w from the l a r g e volume o f c a p i t a l t h a t the p l a n t a t i o n needs. The amount of investment r e -q u i r e d i m p l i e s t h a t the e n t e r p r i s e w i l l f a i l i f the market i s unsteady and r e s t r i c t e d to a r e g i o n ; the steady and voluminous market f o r i t s products are to be found mainly i n developed c o u n t r i e s . T h e r e f o r e , the market must be i n t e r n a t i o n a l i n scope. U n l i k e haciendas, p l a n t a t i o n s m a i n t a i n no "second l i n e o f defence" i n the form o f s u b s i s t e n c e crops should the market f o r i t s crop c o l l a p s e ; t h e r e f o r e the r i s k o f marketing i s h i g h , and the l e v e l o f p r o d u c t i v i t y must be c l o s e l y geared to the f l u c t u a t i o n s o f the market. This means that the f a c t o r s o f p r o d u c t i o n , i n c l u d i n g l a b o u r , must be combined so as t o y i e l d the h i g h e s t p o s s i b l e p r o d u c t i v i t y at the lowest p o s s i b l e c o s t . The more p l e n t i f u l the supply of u n s k i l l e d l a b o u r , the lower i t s c o s t . Where l a b o u r i s p l e n t i f u l and cheap and where l a r g e amounts o f c a p i t a l are a v a i l a b l e , i t i s cheaper to pay wages to the worker than to m a i n t a i n such c a p i t a l - s a v i n g mechanisms as the e x t e n s i o n o f p e r q u i s i t e s , the g r a n t i n g o f p e r s o n a l c r e d i t , or the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f personal r e l a -t i o n s h i p s between employer and employee. Such 98 p e r q u i s i t e s r u n c o u n t e r to the demands o f r a t i o n a l management o f e x t e n s i v e l a n d a r e a s f o r i n t e n s i v e p r o d u c t i o n by d e c r e a s i n g ' " e f f i c i e n c y " and a d d i n g t o the c o s t s o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n (Wolf and M i n t z 1 9 5 7 : 4 0 1 ) . T h e r e f o r e , whereas the hacendado depends upon p e r s o n -a l i s t i c d e v i c e s to b i n d the peon t o the h a c i e n d a , the p l a n t a t i o n owner r e l i e s on wages f o r the same purpose (Wolf and M i n t z 1 9 5 7 : 3 9 6-401). S o l o r z a n o i s thus c o r r e c t i n s a y i n g t h a t the d e v e l o p -mental p r o c e s s e s o f the Guatemalan economy (he might have added the Mexican economy as w e l l ) would be r e -t a r d e d so l o n g as i t s a g r a r i a n s e c t o r produced goods p r i m a r i l y f o r l o c a l o r r e g i o n a l consumption ( 1 9 6 3 : 3 4 l ) . Without f o r c e , e i t h e r o f the stomach o r o f the p o i n t o f the gun, the I n d i a n whose work i n the m i l p a ( c o r n f i e l d ) s a t i s f i e d most o f h i s needs would be u n w i l l i n g t o work on the p l a n t a t i o n o r seek o t h e r work b e n e f i c i a l t o the n a t i o n a l economy. U n s k i l l e d l a b o u r would thus be i n s h o r t s u p p l y . Indeed, LaFarge l i n k s the Guatemalan l a n d r e f o r m laws to B a r r i o s ' d e s i r e to f o r c e the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n to work on the c o f f e e p l a n t a t i o n s t h a t were then d e v e l o p i n g d u r i n g h i s p r e s i d e n c y ( 1 9 4 0 s 2 8 3 ) . Whether o r not the l i b e r a l s had i n t e n d e d f o r the r e f o r m law to f o r c e a l a r g e - s c a l e p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n o f the I n d i a n p e a s a n t r y , p r o l e t a r i z a t i o n was i n d e e d i t s consequence. The I n d i a n s o f many communities, whether out o f i g n o r a n c e o r o f d e f i a n c e , never r e g i s t e r e d t h e i r 99 l a n d t i t l e s . T h i s l e f t them open to u n s c r u p u l o u s m e s t i z o s o r l a d i n o s to r e g i s t e r i n t h e i r own name l a n d o c c u p i e d by I n d i a n s * then throw the o r i g i n a l occupants out. There a r e today many v i l l a g e s i n which the l a d i n o o r m e s t i z o s e c t o r owns more l a n d per c a p i t a than does the I n d i a n , I n o t h e r v i l l a g e s l a d i n o s own b e t t e r l a n d even though the I n d i a n s may own more l a n d p e r c a p i t a than do the l a d i n o s . I n P a n a j a c h e l , the t o t a l a r e a o f l a n d owned by 4 7 r e s i d e n t l a d i n o s amounted on the average to 8-$- times t h a t owned by 12-5 I n d i a n s (Tax 196k: 1 5 8 ) , Other v i l l a g e s show s i m i l a r p a t t e r n s o f l a n d ownership: C h i n a u t l a ( R e i n a 1 9 6 6 : 4 7 - 4 8 ; 6 1 - 6 2 ) , Santa E u l a l i a (LaParge 1 9 ^ 7)» San L u i s J i l o t e p e q u e ( G i l l e n 1 9 5 1 : 1 9 ; Tumin 1 9 5 2 ) , Santa L u c i a U t a t l a n (Suslow 1 9 4 9 : 4 5 - 4 8 ) , and t h r e e I x i l v i l l a g e s i n the n o r t h e r n mountainous r e g i o n s o f E l Quiche, Guatemala (Colby and van den Ferghe 1 9 6 9 : 1 0 7 - 1 0 9 ) • The e v i d e n c e from these v i l l a g e s i n d i c a t e s o r suggests t h a t l a d i n o s became numerous and important to the v i l l a g e economies a f t e r l i b e r a l s encouraged the p l a n t i n g o f c o f f e e and promulgated the l a n d reforms i n Guatemala. Thus the l a d i n o s i n I x i l c o u n t r y f i r s t a r r i v e d i n t h a t r e g i o n i n the 1 8 9 0 * s as c o f f e e c u l t i v a t o r s , a c q u i r i n g l a n d by purchase o r by d i s p l a c e m e n t o f I n d i a n s through f o r e c l o s i n g on debt o r through f r a u d u l e n t c o n t r a c t s . A l t h o u g h most l a n d i s s t i l l owned by I n d i a n s , the more d e s i r a b l e l a n d s ism o f lower e l e v a t i o n s a r e owned by l a d i n o s ( C o l b y and van den Bergbe 1969: 7 2 - 7 3 ) * Wagley r e p o r t s s i m i l a r o c c u r r e n c e s elsewhere ( 1 9 5 7 : 6 5 - 6 9 ) * Moreover, such l a d i n o v i l l a g e s as San C a r l o s S i j a , S i b i l i a , E l Q u e t z a l , and B h r i l l a s , a l l l o c a t e d i n the mldwestern h i g h l a n d s where the I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n i s d e n s e s t , were e s t a b l i s h e d o n l y d u r i n g the p r e s i d e n c y o f B a r r i o s o r a f t e r (LaFarge 1 9 ^ 0 : 2 8 3 j S o l o r z a n o 1 9 6 3 : 3 ^ 6 ) . I n Mexico, the e.lido programme had broken l a d i n o - m e s t i z o s e m i - m o n o p o l i s t i c c o n t r o l o v e r the l a n d s o f communities by the time ethno-graphers came to study them (see f o r example Lewis 1 9 5 1 s 113-128; Rash 1 9 7 0 s 7 2 - 7 9 ; Vogt 196? t 1 9 , 2 6 - 2 9 ) . Even i n I n d i a n communities where the m e s t i z o o r l a d i n o had not p e n e t r a t e d , some o f the I n d i a n s themselves r e g i s t e r e d p a r c e l s o f l a n d i n t h e i r own name* The i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t was a d i v i s i o n , t h i s time w i t h i n the community i t s e l f , between the haves and the have-nots* Suslow d e s c r i b e s the p r o c e s s as f o l l o w s : Those w i t h more l a n d than the l a b o r to c u l t i v a t e i t , h i r e .jornaleros fciay l a b o u r e r s j and then use the s u r p l u s to buy more l a n d * The I n d i a n s w i thout s u f f i c i e n t l a n d must work as h i r e d l a b o r e r s to supplement t h e i r income* Thus the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f l a n d ownership grows s i d e by s i d e w i t h an i n c r e a s i n g p r o p o r t i o n o f l a n d l e s s men a v a i l a b l e and s e e k i n g to work f o r wages ( 1 9 4 9 : 4 5 ) . Moreover, l a n d h o l d i n g s become f r a c t u r e d — a n d s m a l l e r -t hrough b i l a t e r a l i n h e r i t a n c e , so t h a t e v e n t u a l l y "some 10X f a m i l i e s a r e f a c e d w i t h the problem o f e i t h e r d i v i d i n g * a p l o t o f l a n d t h a t i s so s m a l l t h a t none o f the f a m i l i e s w i l l be a b l e to eke out an e x i s t e n c e from t h e i r r e -s p e c t i v e p a r t " o r l e a v i n g the p a r c e l i n t a c t to one son. f o r c i n g the o t h e r s to seek o t h e r ways to make a l i v i n g (Suslow 1 9 ^ 9 : 4 5 ) . I n S antiago Chimaltenango, l a n d i s p r i v a t e l y owned and u n e q u a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d . Of 2 5 3 landowners i n c l u d e d i n Wagley 1s census, o n l y 6 3 , o r 2 1 per c e n t , own more than 1 2 0 c u e r d a s . the amount r e g a r d e d l o c a l l y as s u f f i c i e n t t o s u s t a i n a man and h i s f a m i l y w i t h o u t h i s h a v i n g to seek supplemental s o u r c e s of income ( 1 9 5 7 : 8 5 - 8 7 ) . The remainder have no c h o i c e but to r e n t l a n d , work as j o r n a l e r o s f o r the community's w e a l t h i e r men, o r — a s i n the case o f most male v i l l a g e r s — w o r k on the c o f f e e p l a n t a t i o n s o f the P a c i f i c piedmont d u r i n g the season o f h a r v e s t ( 1 9 5 7 : 8 7 - 8 0 ) . Yet Wagley's o l d e r i n f o r m a n t s i n s i s t t h a t such a d i s p a r i t y o f l a n d ownership had not always e x i s t e d , f o r l a n d was once h e l d communally. Under t h i s arrangement, a man c o u l d o b t a i n c u l t i v a t i o n r i g h t s by p a y i n g a s m a l l r e n t a l f e e f o r the p r i v i l e g e and o b t a i n i n g p e r m i s s i o n from the a l c a l d e . As o f 1 9 3 7 . t h e r e were s t i l l 8j§0 cuerdas ( l cuerda e q u a l s . 1 t o . 5 a c r e , depending upon l o c a t i o n ) o f i n f e r i o r l a n d t h a t was b e i n g used under the same arrangements. S i n c e the l a n d had f a l l e n i n t o p r i v a t e hands, however, d i s p a r i t i e s e x i s t e d and were i n c r e a s i n g . 102 One i n f o r m a n t i n s i s t e d t h a t "'many o f the young men • • . s o l d t h e i r l a n d and became workers". Indeed, work on the c o f f e e f i n c a s had not become a n e c e s s i t y u n t i l r e c e n t l y (he does not s p e c i f y when). Wagley's study i s thus the c l e a r e s t example o f the p r o l e t a r i a n -i z a t i o n o f an I n d i a n p e a s a n t r y as one consequence o f the l a n d reforms ( 1 9 5 7 : 6 7 - 6 8 , 8 5 - 8 9 ) . S k e t c h i e r examples a r e r e p o r t e d f o r Santa E u l a l i a (LaFarge 1 9 4 7 ) , the C h o r t i o f e a s t e r n Guatemala (Wisdom I 9 6 I : 3 2 4 - 3 2 6 ) , the v i l l a g e s o f Lake A t i t l a n ( l a x 1 9 6 4 : 1 5 0 - 1 5 3 ) , and T e p o z t l a n (Lewis 1 9 5 1 : 1 2 5-128). Of c o u r s e , d i f f e r e n t communities have r e a c t e d i n 1 d i f f e r e n t ways to the r e f o r m l a ws. I n some v i l l a g e s o f Mexico, McBfide r e p o r t s , l a n d t i t l e s were v e s t e d i n a t r u s t e d e l d e r , and l a n d c o n t i n u e d to be p a r c e l e d out on a b a s i s o f u s u f r u c t as b e f o r e ( 1 9 2 3 : 9 1 ) . I n o t h e r s , communal l a n d tenure p e r s i s t e d w e l l i n t o t h i s c e n t u r y ; a c c o r d i n g to Tax, the m i l p a and f o r e s t l a n d s o f v i l l a g e s a t Lake A t i t l a n , Guatemala, s t i l l were owned i n common ( 1 9 5 2 : 6 0 ) . So were those o f s e v e r a l C h o r t i v i l l a g e s (Wisdom 1 9 6 1 : 3 2 4 - 3 2 6 ) . E b e l r e p o r t s the e x i s t e n c e o f communal l a n d h o l d i n g s i n Concepcion C h i q u i r i c h a p a and San M a r t i n as l a t e as the e a r l y 1 9 4 0's ( 1 9 6 9 s 1 7 9 , 188). G e n e r a l l y , however, the b e s t a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d passed i n t o p r i v a t e hands; e v e n t u a l l y the o n l y l a n d r e m a i n i n g communal were mountains, woods, and i n f e r i o r a g r i c u l t u r a l 103 l a n d (Wolf 1 9 6 5 : 92; see a l s o Lewis 1951: 129-157 f o r a v i v i d example o f t h i s p a t t e r n i n T T e p o z t l a n ) * The e f f e c t s t h a t the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f l a n d t e n u r e had upon the p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s o f h i g h l a n d I n d i a n v i l l a g e s a r e p o o r l y documented* Contemporary s t u d i e s o f v i l l a g e s b e g i n i n the middle 1920»s, and r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e i r past events depend upon the s e l e c t i v e memories o f o l d e r i n f o r m a n t s ; thus the e a r l i e s t date t h a t e t h n o g r a p h i e s c o v e r i s oa. 1890 ( G i b s o n 1955: 602-603). T r a v e l s k e t c h e s a r e e i t h e r n o n e x i s t e n t o r s u p e r f i c i a l . T h e r e f o r e , a d e t a i l e d r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the I n d i a n v i l l a g e s o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a w a i t s e x t e n s i v e e t h n o h i s t o r i c a l r e s e a r c h i n l o c a l and n a t i o n a l a r c h i v e s o f Mexico and Guatemala* There a r e , n e v e r t h e l e s s , fragments t h a t may be p l a c e d t o g e t h e r , p r o v i d i n g a g e n e r a l p i c t u r e o f the s t r u c t u r a l consequences o f the changeover i n l a n d t e n u r e * C a r r a s c o suggests one consequence: I n e a r l y times the t r i b u t e s u r p l u s and the p u b l i c l a n d s o r c a t t l e o f the towns and o f r e l i g i o u s b r o t h e r h o o d s p r o v i d e d a s u b s t a n t i a l amount o f the w e a l t h consumed by the c e r e m o n i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . The l o s s of. these p u b l i c h o l d i n g s i n c r e a s e d the importance o f the i n d i v i d u a l sponsor-s h i p o f p u b l i c f u n c t i o n s . T h i s i s how the term mayordomo, o r i g i n a l l y steward o r manager o f a communal h o l d i n g , has become the g e n e r a l term f o r the i n d i v i d u a l who sponsors w i t h h i s own w e a l t h a r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l ( I 9 6 l : 493). T h i s does not mean t h a t p r i o r to the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y the i n d i v i d u a l d i d not assume f i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y 1 Q 4 f o r the o f f i c e that he assumed. As we have seen, i n d i v i d u a l assumption of such r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was common pr a c t i c e i n pre-Columbian times and i n the period follow-ing* the conquest. I t does mean that the most important soured of financing- of f e s t i v e ceremonials became the i n d i v i d u a l , not the caja de comunidad. the t i t h e s , or the property set aside f o r use of the c o f r a d i a s . A number of ethnographic r e f e r e n t s , however fragmen-tary, accord with Carrasco's a s s e r t i o n . In a l l communities where the p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s hierarchy remains i n t a c t and where land i s p r i v a t e l y owned, the i n d i v i d u a l o f f i c e -holder i s the primary source of revenue f o r the community's f i e s t a s . In Chinautla (fieina 1966: 1 2 2 - 1 2 9 ) , Chenalho (Guiteras-Holmes 1 9 6 1 ) , Chichicastenango (Bunzel 1 9 5 2 : 8 3 - 8 8 ) , Chimaltenango (¥agley 1 9 5 7 s 2 5 2 - 2 5 8 ) , Cantel (Nash 1 9 6 7 b : 1 2 6 - 1 2 9 ) , San Luis Jilotepeque, ( G i l l e n 1 9 5 1 s 8 2 - 9 1 ) , Panajachel (Tax 1 9 6 4 ; 44-46, 5 3 2 - 5 3 3 ) , Contla (Nutini 1 9 6 8 ) , and Zinacantan (Caneian 1 9 6 5 s 8 0 - 1 0 7 ) , the bulk of the revenue f o r f i e s t a s come from i n d i v i d u a l o f f i c e holders; only a small part of the revenue came from a g r i c u l t u r a l produce sol d on the market, from l i q u o r sales, or from what enterprises owned by cofradias could produce• There i s l e s s e v i -dence to assess the reverse proposition: that where most a g r i c u l t u r a l land i s owned communally, public functions are financed by communal resources and 1 0 5 g e n e r a l t a x a t i o n , I have a l r e a d y shown t h a t , a c c o r d i n g to Gibson, the post-Conquest A z t e c f i n a n c e d t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s from a c a j a de comunidad ( t o which p a r t o f the t r i b u t e was a l l o c a t e d ) , from the t i t h e l e v i e d upon each community member, and from produce grown on c o f r a d i a l a n d and s o l d (see Gibson 196k: 123f.). U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e r e are no unambiguous contemporary examples. When and how the s h i f t i n f i n a n c i n g p u b l i c c e r e -monies took p l a c e a w a i t s c o n s i d e r a b l e e t h n o h i s t o r i c a l r e s e a r c h o f v i l l a g e s i n the e i g h t e e n t h and n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s . C a r r a s c o ' s e x p l a n a t i o n does two t h i n g s . F i r s t , i t accounts f o r the e x i s t e n c e f o r t h r e e c e n t u r i e s o f c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities without one h a v i n g t o accept the l e v e l i n g h y p o t h e s i s t h a t was f o r m e r l y advocated by many a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s . That such a h y p o t h e s i s i s b e s t scrapped i s a t t e s t e d t o by e x i s t i n g d a t a . To b e g i n w i t h , t h e r e a r e s u b s t a n t i a l d i f f e r e n c e s i n w e a l t h — e s p e c i a l l y i n l a n d ownership—among c o r p o r a t e I n d i a n communities f o r which d a t a a re a v a i l a b l e . Some 12 p e r c e n t o f the 253 landowners i n San t i a g o Chimaltenango own 36$ o f the t o t a l l a n d (Wagley 1957: 85-86), 16 f a m i l i e s o f 116 own 50 per cent o f the l a n d i n P a n a j a c h e l ; 6 f a m i l i e s own 25 per cent o f the l a n d . Moreover, Cancian's d a t a on Z i n a c a n t a n suggest p e r s i s t e n c e o f w e a l t h d i f f e r e n c e s o v e r g e n e r a t i o n s i the f a t h e r s o f 26 o f 4-5 men r e p r e s e n t e d 106 i n Cancian's sample who had assumed expensive f i r s t c a rgos a l s o assumed expensive f i r s t c a r g o s . w h i l e the f a t h e r s o f 3 5 o f 5 8 men assuming low-cost cargos a l s o assumed lo w - c o s t cargos ( 1 9 6 5 : 1 1 5 ) * G i v e n these d a t a , and g i v e n communal tenure o f a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d i n the p e r i o d b e f o r e the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , i t i s l e s s t e n a b l e to a s s e r t t h a t c o r p o r a t e communities remained i n t a c t f o r t h r e e c e n t u r i e s because o f the w e a l t h -l e v e l i n g p r o c e s s g e n e r a t e d by r i t u a l e x p e n d i t u r e than i t i s t o account f o r the p e r s i s t e n c e o f t h e s e commun-i t i e s i n terms o f communal ownership o f t h e i r a g r i -c u l t u r a l l a n d . Second, C a r r a s c o ' s a s s e r t i o n suggests something o f a compromise between the i n d i v i d u a l i s t s and c o l -l e c t i v i s t s w i t h i n a g i v e n community. B e f o r e the l a n d r e f o r m laws took e f f e c t , t h e r e was no q u e s t i o n o f com-promise: i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s were s u b o r d i n a t e to the community's i n a l l m a t t e r s , i n c l u d i n g l a n d . Of Concepcion C h i q u i r i c h a p a , one i s o l a t e d community i n Guatemala whose l a n d , i n 1 9 3 5 * was s t i l l h e l d i n common, E b e l p o i n t s out t h a t the good o f a l l h e l d precedence o v e r the good o f a few: . • • i n a l l o t m e n t o f l a n d , e v e r y e f f o r t was made t o p r o t e c t the i n t e r e s t s o f the poor and those who depended on communal p a s t u r e s f o r t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d . T h i s i s not to say t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s d i d not seek to a g g r a n d i z e themselves a t the expense o f the com-munity, but such a c t i o n s were not c o n s i d e r e d t o r e p r e s e n t i t s h i g h e s t v a l u e s ( 1 9 6 9 : 1 7 6 J U 107 Nor d i d the attempt o f one p r i n c i p a l t o take t i t l e t o a p a r c e l o f l a n d and s e l l i t f o r c e the community t e com-promise i t s " h i g h e s t v a l u e s " , f o r the town c o u n c i l c o u l d s t i l l v e t o t h a t a t t e m p t — a n d d i d ( l 9 o 9 : 1 7 9 ) . Yet i n communities i n which l a n d i s owned p r i v a t e l y , the c o l l e c t i v i s t s l a c k d i r e c t means o f c o n t r o l l i n g the i n d i -v i d u a l i s t s . The c o u r t s and the N a t i o n a l p o l i c e t h a t back them have the power t o u p h o l d the i n d i v i d u a l ' s t i t l e t o h i s l a n d . The i n d i v i d u a l i s t s thus become a c l e a r and p r e s e n t danger to the community's c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e . They may buy out t h e i r n e ighbour's l a n d , thus crowding out the p o o r e r members. They may use t h e i r l a n d i n ways i n i m i c a l to the community's i n t e r e s t s a t l a r g e . They may capture h i g h p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e s , t h e n use them to e n r i c h themselves f u r t h e r . They may s e l l t h e i r l a n d to o u t s i d e r s , l e a v i n g the r e s t o f the community a t the mercy o f those over whom i t has no c o n t r o l . From t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , the s h i f t i n g o f f i n a n c i a l s p o n s o r s h i p o f p u b l i c f u n c t i o n s from the community a t l a r g e to the wealthy i n d i v i d u a l assumes an asp e c t o f compro-mise and o f d e f e n s e . The i n d i v i d u a l i s f r e e t o use h i s l a n d as he sees f i t — b u t he must pay h i s dues by h o l d i n g o f f i c e e v e r y t h r e e t o f i v e y e a r s and by s p o n s o r i n g i t s f e s t i v i t i e s . The money he spends on these f e s t i v i t i e s i s u n a v a i l a b l e f o r r e i n v e s t m e n t . B e s i d e s , p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e s a r e d e t r i m e n t a l to p e r s o n a l g a i n s , and t h e r e i n 108 l i e s the compromise. Other mechanisms f o r t i f y the d e f e n s i v e v a i l o f the h i e r a r c h y . P r o h i b i t i o n o f l a n d s a l e to o u t s i d e r s prevent o r i n h i b i t the e n t rance o f people vhose p r i m a r y i n t e r e s t s do not l i e w i t h the w e l f a r e o f the community. Rules o f v i l l a g e endogamy prevent the f o r m a t i o n o f s e n t i m e n t a l t i e s w i t h such people and minimize the danger t h a t l a n d w i l l be l o s t to sons o r daughters who i n h e r i t t i t l e s to l a n d i n the community and who, a t the same time, might d e c i d e to move elsewhere o r a l l y themselves w i t h the i n t e r e s t s o f t h e i r n o n - n a t i v e p a r e n t s . G i v e n these c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , we may now p o s t u l a t e the c o n d i t i o n s r e q u i s i t e to the e x i s t e n c e o f s e m i - c o r p o r a t e communities. The f i r s t i s t h a t the community a t l a r g e l o s e s d i r e c t c o n t r o l over i t s l a n d r e s o u r c e s , e s p e c i a l l y i t s b e s t a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d . I n Mexico and Guatemala, t h i s vas the r e s u l t o f l a n d laws t h a t r e q u i r e d the r e -g i s t r a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l l a n d t i t l e and t h a t d i d not r e c o g n i z e the l e g a l i t y o f communal l a n d t i t l e s . The laws were e n f o r c e d i n d i r e c t l y as l a n d s p e c u l a t o r s and i n d i v i d u a l I n d i a n s themselves r e g i s t e r e d t h e i r t i t l e to p a r c e l s o f l a n d . The p r o c e s s o c c u r r e d a t d i f f e r e n t r a t e s i n d i f f e r e n t communities.. T h i s c r e a t e s a s i t u a t i o n i n which the members o f a community at l a r g e f a c e two a l t e r n a t i v e * : c o n t r o l t h e i r patrimony by i n d i r e c t means o r g i v e up t h e i r patrimony 109 a l t o g e t h e r . Where they choose the f i r s t course o f a c t i o n , they c o n t i n u e w i t h the mechanisms o f c o n t r o l over the haves o f the community. The sources o f r e -venue f o r the f i e s t a s , f o r the c a r e o f the s a i n t s , f o r mass, f o r maintenance o f the church become the wealthy i n d i v i d u a l s . P r o p i o s . communal r e s o u r c e s s e t a s i d e f o r community needs, cease to e x i s t ; i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r i -b u t i o n s c o n t i n u e as a s o u r c e , but i t i s l e s s i m p o r t a n t than b e f o r e . The c u l t o f p o v e r t y p e r s i s t s : the show of p o v e r t y draws p r a i s e ; the show o f w e a l t h draws con-demnation and w i t c h c r a f t ( o r a c c u s a t i o n s t h e r e o f ) . I n the meantime mechanisms a r e developed o r s t r e n g t h e n e d t o r e t a i n the l a n d i n the hands o f community members. T h i s l e a d s to a f u r t h e r q u e s t i o n : what p r e v e n t s t h e c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e o f s e m i - c o r p o r a t e communities from d i s s o l v i n g c o m p l e t e l y ? One p o s s i b l e answer l i e s i n the p r e s s u r e s t h a t the l o c a l poor generate upon the l o c a l r i c h . Envy i s one p r e s s u r e t h a t i s w i d e l y r e -p o r t e d ; the norm o f g e n e r o s i t y i s a n o t h e r ( f o r examples see Bunzel 1952: 91 on C h i c h i c a s t e n a n g o ; F o s t e r 1967: 122-166 on T z i n t z u n t z a n ; Nash 1970: 95 et passim on Amatenango; Wagley 1957: 92-94 on S a n t i a g o Chimaltenango). Thus he who d i s p l a y s h i s w e a l t h f a i l s to p r o v i d e a i d t o those i n need, o r d e f a u l t s on h i s r i t u a l o b l i g a t i o n s to h i s communities may w e l l be o s t r a c i z e d , o r even s h o t . S o c i a l p r e s s u r e may thus r e i n f o r c e the c o r p o r a t e 110 s t r u c t u r e . Yet t h i s begs the q u e s t i o n , f o r why i s the c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e r e i n f o r c e d i n the f i r s t p l a c e ? I suggest t h a t the ansver l i e s i n whether o r not t h e r e e x i s t s w i t h i n the community groups whose l i v e l i h o o d and power l i e s w i t h extra-community i n t e r e s t s * F u r t h e r p u r s u i t o f t h i s matter r e q u i r e s an e x a m i n a t i o n o f open communities, to which I now t u r n * D* H i s t o r i c a l Background. Open Communities* The v e r y f a c t t h a t some k i n d o f compromise must e x i s t between two p o t e n t i a l f a c t i o n s o f the s e m i - c o r p o r a t e community makes i t i n c a p a b l e o f p r e v e n t i n g change i n the l o n g run* The p r e s s u r e s making f o r i t s d i s s o l u t i o n are b o t h i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l ; they have o p e r a t e d s i n c e the time o f the reforms i n b o t h c o u n t r i e s * Thus, the s e m i - c o r p o r a t e community must be r e g a r d e d as something o f a t r a n s i t i o n a l form between the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community and the open* There are i n t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s f o r i t s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n * F i r s t , the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f l o c a l l a n d i n t o the hands o f a few may be f o r e s t a l l e d ; y e t no case study has shown t h a t such semi-monopolies o f l a n d have been broken up c o m p l e t e l y o r r e v e r s e d * The f o r t u n e s o f f a m i l i e s may change; some men d r i n k t h e i r h o l d i n g s away, w h i l e o t h e r s buy l a n d , l e a v i n g e s t a t e s o f r e s p e c t a b l e s i z e t o t h e i r sons and daughters* N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h i s o c c u r s i n every s o c i e t y , i n c l u d i n g our own* C o n c e n t r a t i o n o f l a n d i n the hands o f the few means t h a t o t h e r s must r e n t l a n d from I l l from those who have i t , must work f o r them, o r must l e a v e the community to seek a source o f l i v e l i h o o d elsewhere. Second, the i n c r e a s e i n p o p u l a t i o n t h a t has taken p l a c e means t h a t t h e r e w i l l be l e s s l a n d per c a p i t a to go around (Wolf 1967a: 241-242). These i n t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s a l o n e do not mean t h a t the s e m i - c o r p o r a t e community w i l l a u t o m a t i c a l l y t r a n s f o r m i n t o an open community. I f t h e r e i s new l a n d a v a i l a b l e , daughter V i l l a g e s may form to accommodate the i n t e r n a l s u r p l u s p o p u l a t i o n o f the o r i g i n a l v i l l a g e ; thus i n Guatemala San F r a n c i s c o l a union was formed by the s u r p l u s p o p u l a t i o n o f San F r a n c i s c o e l A l t o i n 1910 ( S p o s l t o 1970: p e r s o n a l communication). Nor w i l l t h i s t r a n s f o r -mation n e c e s s a r i l y take p l a c e even where the m a j o r i t y o f members ar e l a n d l e s s , so l o n g as t h e r e a r e o t h e r s o u r c e s o f l i v e l i h o o d a v a i l a b l e . I n C h i n a u t l a , near Guatemala G i t y , 125 f a m i l i e s out o f 165 own l e s s l a n d than n e c e s s a r y to s u s t a i n themselves; they supplement t h e i r income through c u l t i v a t i o n o f r e n t e d l a n d , making o f c h a r c o a l and p o t -t e r y , and wage work i n the c i t y (Reina 1966: 32* 4l-72 ),-.•> Yet the c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y c o n t i n u e s to f u n c t i o n , the cofradjuas r e t a i n the e f f e c t i v e power «kf the I n d i a n community, and b a r r i e r s to o u t - v i l l a g e marriage remain as s t r o n g as e v e r (Reina 1966: 97-109» 195f 217-218). To summarize: i n e q u a l i t y o f l a n d ownership and h i g h p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y a l o n e a r e i n s u f f i c i e n t t o account f o r 112 the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f c o r p o r a t e communities* T h i s r a i s e s the q u e s t i o n whether e x t e r n a l c o n d i t i o n s have h i s t o r i c a l l y l e d to the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f c o r p o r a t e communities. Wolf suggests t h i s to be the case i n Mexico; i n c r e a s i n g evidence suggests t h i s t o be the case i n Guatemala* Wolf suggests t h a t the Mexican r e v o l u t i o n l e d . among o t h e r t h i n g s , the breakdown o f the r e g i o n a l l s t i c economy and p o l i t y t h a t the h a c i e n d a had developed* By f o r c i n g the hacendado to submit to the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y o f the n a t i o n - s t a t e The B e v o l u t i o n reopened channels o f r e l a t i o n s h i p from the communities t o the n a t i o n a l l e v e l , and p e r m i t t e d new c i r c u l a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s and groups through the v a r i o u s l e v e l s (Wolf 1965* 92). The end o f debt bondage and o f f o r c e d s e r v i c e , f o r example, a l l o w e d ( o r f o r c e d ) l a r g e numbers o f people to l e a v e t h e i r communities to seek o p p o r t u n i t i e s elsewhere o r to t i e t h e i r f o r t u n e s to such n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s as p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , l a b o u r u n i o n s , o r e j i d o l a n d commisSioos, (1965* 92-93)» There has thus a r i s e n i n I n d i a n com-m u n i t i e s groups o f what Wolf c a l l s "economic and p o l i t i c a l ' b r okers' o f nation-community r e l a t i o n s , * * o r p o t e n t i a l l y n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d members o f the com-munity, the men w i t h enough l a n d o r c a p i t a l t o r a i s e c a s h c r o p s and o p e r a t e s t o r e s , the men whose p o s i t i o n and p e r s o n a l i t y a l l o w them t o a c c e p t the new p a t t e r n s o f n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d b e h a v i o r (1965: 9-4)* These men have had to l e a r n the b e h a v i o u r p a t t e r n s 1X3 a p p r o p r i a t e t o t h e i r d e a l i n g s w i t h n a t i o n a l l e a d e r s o r t h e i r agents, y e t r e t a i n those p a t t e r n s o f b e h a v i o u r a p p r o p r i a t e to t h e i r communities. They have a l s o had to l e a r n " t o ope r a t e i n an arena o f c o n t i n u o u s l y changing f r i e n d s h i p s and a l l i a n c e s , which form and d i s s o l v e w i t h the appearance o r di s a p p e a r a n c e o f new economic o r p o l i t i c a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s " a t t e n d a n t w i t h e v e r y change i n government o r governmental p o l i c y . The more s u c c e s s f u l o f these men have assumed the o v e r t l e a d e r s h i p r o l e s o f t h e i r c o m m u n i t i e s ( 1 9 6 5 : 93-94). Yet because o f the p e r s o n a l s u c c e s s e s o f t h e s e n a t i o n -o r i e n t e d men, the t e n d e n c i e s toward i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n t i a -t i o n o f l o c a l i n t e r e s t groups have i n t e n s i f i e d * Most o f the members o f these communities e i t h e r l a c k a c c e s s to these new o p p o r t u n i t i e s o r the a b i l i t y to take advantage o f them when they a r e a v a i l a b l e . Thus, L a c k i n g adequate r e s o u r c e s i n l a n d , water, t e c h n i c a l knowledge, and c o n t a c t s i n the market, the m a j o r i t y a l s o l a c k the i n s t r u -ments which can t r a n s f o r m use v a l u e s i n t o marketable commodities. At the same time, t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to speak S p a n i s h and t h e i r f a i l u r e t o u n d e r s t a n d the cues f o r the new p a t t e r n s o f n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d b e h a v i o r i s o l a t e them from the channels o f communication between n a t i o n and community* Under these c i r c u m s t a n c e s , they must c l i n g to the t r a d i t i o n a l " r e j e c t i o n p a t t e r n " o f t h e i r a n c e s t o r s , because t h e i r narrow economic base s e t s l i m i t s t o the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f new c u l t u r a l a l t e r n a t i v e s ( 1 9 6 5 : 9 4 ) . G i v e n the c o n t r a s t between community-oriented and n a t i o n -o r i e n t e d groups, and g i v e n f u r t h e r the c o n f l i c t s between 1X4 n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d groups o f d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t s , the v i l l a g e i s " r i v e n by c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and c o n f l i c t s , c o n f l i c t s not o n l y between c l a s s groups but a l s o be-tween i n d i v i d u a l s , f a m i l i e s , o r e n t i r e neighborhoods" (1965: 94-95). That a s h i f t i n g system o f a l l i a n c e s between u n s t a b l e groups w i t h d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t s w i l l r e p l a c e the c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e o f a v i l l a g e i s i n -e v i t a b l e . Land, c a p i t a l , and p o l i t i c a l " p u l l " i s c o n c e n t r a t e d i n the hands o f the n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d ; the p r i n c i p a l e s and t h e i r a l l i e s have n o t h i n g l e f t but t h e i r s antos and costumbre t o command the l o y a l t i e s o f the f a i t h f u l . Yet s p i r i t does not s u s t a i n the body, and the have-nots w i l l sooner o r l a t e r j o i n the n a t i o n -o r i e n t e d haves. The a b o r t i v e r e v o l u t i o n o f Guatemala (1944-1954) was something o f a p a r a l l e l to the Mexican. As i n Mexico, the Guatemalan government i n s t i t u t e d some b a s i c r e f o r m s : r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d , l e g a l i z a t i o n o f l a b o u r move-ments and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , encouragement o f peasant l e a g u e s , e x t e n s i o n o f s u f f r a g e to a l l males and a l l l i t e r a t e f e m a l e s , and the l i k e . As i n Mexico, the r e v o l u t i o n c r e a t e d i n l o c a l communities groups whose i n t e r e s t s were a t t a c h e d to these programmes. I n C a n t e l , a l a b o u r u n i o n was formed. I n C a n t e l and i n o t h e r v i l l a g e s , peasant leagues were e s t a b l i s h e d . A l t h o u g h some o f those reforms were r e v e r s e d i n the 115 1954 c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n o f C a s t i l l o Armas, o t h e r , such as l a b o u r and p o l i t i c a l movements, were a l l o w e d to c o n t i n u e . ( F u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n o f these movements, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e i r impact upon C a n t e l * s p o l i t i c o -r e l i g i o u s s t r u c t u r e , may be found i n Chapter 4,) The Guatemalan r e v o l u t i o n had an impact upon l o c a l v i l l a g e s t h a t was s i m i l a r t o t h a t which the Mexican r e v o l u t i o n had upon v i l l a g e s o f Mexico. I n C a n t e l . as we w i l l see. a l a b o u r - a g r a r i a n c o a l i t i o n u n s e a t e d the c o n s e r v a t i v e s from the m u n i c i p a l i d a d and l a t e r from the c h u r c h . The a g r a r i a n r e f o r m i s t s almost performed a s i m i l a r f e a t i n C h i n a u t l a (Reina 1966: 91-93) and i n San L u i s J i l o t e p e q u e ( G i l l e n 1951: 71-73; g i l l e n and Si1verts 1956). Yet i n o t h e r communities, the c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e underwent a breakdown o n l y as an i n d i r e c t consequence o f the r e v o l u t i o n . I n San Pedro S a c a t e -pequez ( o f San Marcos; t h e r e i s a n o t h e r v i l l a g e o f t h a t name near Guatemala C i t y ) , an a l l i a n c e o f I n d i a n e n t r e p r e n e u r s ( t r u c k e r s , s t o r e k e e p e r s , warehousemen, and c r a f t s m e n making t o u r i s t i t e m s ) s u c c e s s f u l l y r e -s i s t e d attempts o f the town's p r i n c i p a l e s to r e c r u i t them i n t o the c o f r a d i a s t the c o f r a d i a s disbanded s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r and were r e p l a c e d by v o l u n t a r y hftgmandades (brotherhoods) o f the C a t h o l i c c h u r c h (Smith 1970: p e r s o n a l communication). The c i r c u m s t a n c e s under which open communities 116 e x i s t a r e s i m i l a r i n some r e s p e c t s to those under which s e m i - c o r p o r a t e communities o c c u r . I n b o t h types o f communities, members are under p r e s s u r e t o r e g i s t e r t h e i r p r i v a t e l a n d t i t l e s . That some out-s i d e r might usurp an u n r e g i s t e r e d •owner"' o f a g i v e n p i e c e o f p r o p e r t y remains a c o n s t a n t t h r e a t . Com-m u n i t i e s o f b o t h types are a l s o under p r e s s u r e , o f b o t h i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l o r i g i n , t o p r o v i d e a l a b o u r f o r c e . Prom w i t h i n , the u n f a v o u r a b l e man-land r a t i o t h a t p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e s b r i n g means t h a t some o f the community's sons and daughters must l e a v e i n s e a r c h f o r work elsewhere. From w i t h o u t , e n t r e p r e n e u r s and t h e i r a l l i e s i n government seek ways o f c r e a t i n g an ever l a r g e r f r e e l a b o u r f o r c e , and to i n t e g r a t e , i n v a r i o u s ways, the community i n t o the n a t i o n a l economy and p o l i t y . I n b o t h o f these r e s p e c t s , they d i f f e r from the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e r e are Important d i f f e r e n c e s between the c i r c u m s t a n c e s s u r r o u n d i n g the s e m i - c o r p o r a t e community and those s u r r o u n d i n g the open community. The f i r s t has to do w i t h the a b i l i t y o f n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d i n d i v i d u a l s , the "economic and p o l i t i c a l ' b r o k e r s ' o f nation-community r e l a t i o n s " ' as V o l f c a l l s them,to m o b i l i z e l o c a l support f o r t h e i r programmes. As we have seen, the movements o r o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n which those ' b r o k e r s ' a r e i n v o l v e d v a r y : l a b o u r u n i o n s , peasant l e a g u e s , p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , even r e l i g i o u s m i s s i o n s . I suggest t h a t the a b i l i t y o f these 'brokers' to a t t r a c t a f o l l o w i n g h i n g e s on a number o f c o n d i t i o n s . One i s t h a t h i s p o t e n t i a l f o l l o w e r s have a p e r c e i v e d need f o r h i s programme, a need t h a t the community ' 8 t r a d i t i o n a l l e a d e r s are i n c a p a b l e o f meeting. The most obvious need, and the most common i n p r e s e n t - d a y communities, i s a source o f l i v e l i h o o d * As we have seen, the l a n d r e f o r m laws i n the two coun-t r i e s l e d to l o c a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f w e a l t h based on l a n d ownership. V i t h each p a s s i n g g e n e r a t i o n , l a n d p l o t s became d i v i d e d up among the owners' h e i r s , o n l y to be f u r t h e r d i v i d e d among t h e i r h e i r s o f the next g e n e r a t i o n ; i n d i v i d u a l p l o t s thus beoame s m a l l e r and s m a l l e r . P o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e l e d to f u r t h e r p r e s s u r e upon the community's l a n d r e s o u r c e s . Sooner o r l a t e r , most community members w i l l e i t h e r l a c k s u f f i c i e n t l a n d to meet t h e i r needs o r be l a n d l e s s a l t o g e t h e r . A t t h i s p o i n t , the c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e ceases i n i t s a b i l i t y t o p r o v i d e the s e c u r i t y f o r i t s community's members t h a t i t was capable o f when l a n d was owned i n common. T h i s does not mean t h a t the c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e — the h i e r a r c h y w i t h i t s a t t e n d a n t i d e o l o g i c a l t r a p p i n g s -w i l l c o l l a p s e a u t o m a t i c a l l y . We have seen t h a t p o l i t i c o -r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h i e s c o n t i n u e to e x i s t , t h e i r p r i n c i p a l e s f i r m l y i n power, even i n communities where l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n s o f the male p o p u l a t i o n must work o u t s i d e 118 the community--Chinautla i s a c l a s s i c a l example* Tet t h i s does mean t h a t such a community i s v u l n e r -a b l e to those p o l i t i c o - e c o n o m i c ' b r o k e r s ' vho can p r o v i d e a v i s i b l e a l t e r n a t i v e to the p r e s e n t p u r s u i t s o f the l a n d l e s s and n e a r - l a n d l e s s * An a g r a r i s t a who s u c c e s s f u l l y denounces a l a r g e h o l d i n g o f l a n d i s v e r y l i k e l y t o draw support from those who r e c e i v e a share i n the l a n d r e d i s t r i b u t i o n t h a t f o l l o w s . A l a b o u r l e a d e r who s u c c e s s f u l l y n e g o t i a t e s a s a l a r y i n c r e a s e o r b e t t e r working c o n d i t i o n s f o r the workers o f a farm o r f a c t o r y i s a l s o v e r y l i k e l y t o draw support from most o f those workers* T h i s means, then, t h a t t h e r e i s - a f e l t need f o r the programme. Land reforms a r e l i k e l y to be s uper-f l u o u s to persons who have p l e n t y o f l a n d ; so a r e l a b o u r r e f o r m s , f o r those persons a r e u n l i k e l y to have a r e a l need to work on a farm o r i n a f a c t o r y . T h i s a l s o means t h a t the 'broker' must a l s o have a c c e s s to the power h o l d e r s o f the n a t i o n - p o l i t i c i a n s , govern-mental agents, l a r g e - s c a l e e n t r e p r e n e u r s . A l a b o u r l e a d e r whose s t r i k e s a r e broken up by the n a t i o n a l army i s u n l i k e l y to command a f o l l o w i n g e v e r a g a i n i n suc-c e e d i n g a c t i v i t i e s . An a g r a r i s t a whose d e n u n c i a t i o n i s r e v e r s e d by a h i g h - l e v e l b u r e a u c r a t w i l l be s i m i l a r l y u n s u c c e s s f u l i n f u t u r e v e n t u r e s . T h e r e f o r e , the ' b r o k e r 1 must be capable o f m a n i p u l a t i n g not o n l y l o c a l 119 c o a l i t i o n s , but n a t i o n a l a l l i a n c e s as w e l l . The r o l e o f the '"broker', however, need not be c o n f i n e d to the movement l e a d e r , government agent, o r p r e s i d e n t o f the l o c a l c h a p t e r o f a n a t i o n a l organ-i z a t i o n ; a l o c a l e n t r e p r e n e u r i s no l e s s capable o f f u l f i l l i n g t h a t r o l e . He may b e g i n by growing a cash crop o r opening a l o c a l s t o r e . As the l o c a l o r e x t r a - l o c a l demand f o r h i s wares i n c r e a s e s , he may expand h i s o p e r a t i o n s , employing one o r two men and, l a t e r , more. He may complement the r o l e o f the 'broker' by s u p p l y i n g h i s needs and those o f h i s f o l l o w e r s . I n any event, he c o n t r i b u t e s to the weakening o f the t r a d i t i o n a l power s t r u c t u r e i n two ways: r e d i r e c t i n g h i s w e a l t h and p r o f i t s i n t o h i s e n t e r p r i s e o r h i s p e r s o n a l consumption r a t h e r than to the c o f r a d i a s . and by s u p p o r t i n g f i n a n c i a l l y the f a c t i o n s ( l e d e i t h e r by h i m s e l f o r by n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d "brokers'*) t h a t oppose the community's t r a d i t i o n a l l e a d e r s . The presence o f such p o l i t i c a l o r economic e n t r e -p r e n e u r s , then, c r e a t e s f u r t h e r p r e s s u r e s upon the c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e o f the community. The p r e s s u r e s are t w o - f o l d : c o m p e t i t i o n f o r the support o f community members and c o m p e t i t i o n f o r revenue. Sometimes, i t i s t r u e , the i n t e r e s t s o f n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d groups and t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s complement each o t h e r o r c o i n c i d e . The most c l a s s i c a l o f r e c e n t examples i s the tendency 1 2 0 f o r Mexican e.jido programmes to a c t u a l l y r e i n f o r c e t h e c o r p o r a t e s t r u c t u r e o f I n d i a n communities (see Chapter 6 f o r a d i s c u s s i o n on t h i s m a t t e r ) . G e n e r a l l y , how-eve r , c o n f l i c t i s u n a v o i d a b l e . Those who wish t o main-t a i n a semblance o f community autonomy v i s - a - v i s the n a t i o n , who observe and obey costumbre and the law o f the s a i n t s , and who r e s p e c t , honour, and obey the e l d e r s and t h e i r c o u n s e l can s c a r c e l y c o e x i s t w i t h those who w i s h t o "modernize" the community, who honour the T r i n i t y i n s p i r i t but not w i t h w o r l d l y goods, and who take c o u n s e l from the young but t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y w e l l -t r a i n e d . As c o n f l i c t between the two ( o r more) f a c t i o n s i n t e n s i f i e s , the "new men" f i n d t h e i r s t r e n g t h not o n l y i n t h e i r f o l l o w i n g but a l s o i n those who s t a y out o f the c o n f l i c t a l t o g e t h e r , f o r they a r e p o t e n t i a l support l o s t t o the t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s . As the m a t e r i a l advantages of s u p p o r t i n g the u n i o n i s t s o r a g r a r i s t a s become more and more apparent, more i n d i v i d u a l s s w e l l t h e i r r a n k s . In p a r t i c u l a r , the young, who f a i l to see the advantage o f f a r m i n g a s m a l l p l o t w h i l e watching t h e i r e a r n i n g s d i s a p p e a r i n f i e s t a s , e i t h e r g i v e t h e i r e n t h u s i a s t i c support t o the "new men" o r a t l e a s t j o i n the r a n k s o f the u n i o n as p a s s i v e members. The m u n i c i p a l i d a d and c h u r c h become i d e o l o g i c a l b a t t l e g r o u n d s . Orthodox C a t h o l i c s soon f i n d t h e i r ranks s w e l l i n g as people f i n d t hey can serve God wi t h o u t d e n y i n g Mammon; those t h a t 1 2 1 do not j o i n the C a t h o l i c s j o i n the P r o t e s t a n t s . Among them are the community's e n t r e p r e n e u r s . Soon the p r i n c i p a l e s f i n d t h e i r young few i n number, t h e i r funds d i m i n i s h i n g , and t h e i r c a n d i d a t e s f o r o f f i c e l o s i n g . As the l i e u t e n a n t s o f the "new men1* c o n t r o l a m a j o r i t y i n the m u n i c i p a l i d a d , they a c t to c u r t a i l even f u r t h e r the a c t i v i t i e s o f the "?ft1 1]HWb g.i 81as . The c i v i l - r e l i g i o u s h i e r a r c h y c o l l a p s e s ; i t s i d e o l o g i c a l t r a p p i n g s f a d e . To summarize, then, s e m i - c o r p o r a t e and open com-m u n i t i e s are l i k e l y to o c c u r where l a n d ownership i s p r i v a t e o r , a t l e a s t where the l o c a l g o v e r n i n g body l a c k s d i r e c t c o n t r o l o v e r i t s a l l o c a t i o n and u s e . These types c o n t r a s t w i t h the c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e community, whose g o v e r n i n g body does e x e r c i s e such d i r e c t c o n t r o l over i t s l a n d . Semi-corporate communities a r e l i k e l y to be found where n a t i o n - o r i e n t e d groups are e i t h e r absent o r a r e unable to generate an a l t e r n a t i v e source o f l i v e l i h o o d f o r i t s s u p p o r t e r s . Open communities are l i k e l y to emerge where such groups a r e a b l e to meet t h i s need. I I I . E p i l o g u e . The f o r e g o i n g s c e n a r i o does not mean t h a t t h i s ( o r any) s e t sequence o f events c h a r a c t e r i z e s the t r a n s i t i o n from s e m i - c o r p o r a t e to open community. We have seen t h a t the law o f uneven development a p p l i e s to a l l com-m u n i t i e s , r e g a r d l e s s o f s t r u c t u r a l t y p e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , 122 i t does suggest the p r o c e s s e s i n v o l v e d i n the change* Whether o r not t h e y are e v i d e n t i n C a n t e l i s a q u e s t i o n t o be examined i n the next t h r e e c h a p t e r s . Whether or not those p r o c e s s e s are r e f l e c t e d i n o t h e r communities i s a q u e s t i o n to be answered o n l y i n f u t u r e r e s e a r c h , the o u t l i n e s o f which are suggested i n the f i n a l c h a p t e r o f t h i s study. How c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities become semi-c o r p o r a t e ones cannot be answered by t h i s study f o r C a n t e l . f o r d a t a were e i t h e r n o n e x i s t e n t o r i n a c c e s s i b l e * N e v e r t h e l e s s , the f o r e g o i n g h i s t o r i c a l e x a m i n a t i o n was n e c e s s a r y to c o n t r a s t the c o n d i t i o n s s u r r o u n d i n g com-m u n i t i e s r e p r e s e n t e d by contemporary e t h n o g r a p h i e s ( s e m i - c o r p o r a t e and open communities) w i t h those r e -c o n s t r u c t e d on the b a s i s o f h i s t o r i c a l d a t a ( c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities). F o r a l t h o u g h t h i s study i s an ethnograph o f C a n t e l , the p o l i t i c a l , economic, and s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s t h a t l e d to i t s opening to the o u t s i d e t f o r l d have t h e i r p a r a l l e l s elsewhere i n Guatemala, i n Mexico and elsewhere i n the w o r l d . I n the meantime, the c i r c u m s t a n c e s that determine the e x i s t e n c e o f c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities are absent i n C a n t e l and i n o t h e r open communities. To be s c i e n t i f i c i n e x p l a n a t i o n i s to be p a r s i m o n i o u s . Yet to be parsimonious i n ex-p l a n a t i o n i s o f t e n a q u e s t i o n a b l e v i r t u e , f o r the r i s k 123 of omission of an important v a r i a b l e or process i s an ever-present danger i n the s o c i a l sciences* 1 2 4 F o o t n o t e s to Chapter 2 1 # I n t h i s c o n t e x t , " p r i v a t e ownership o f l a n d " i n c l u d e s the owner's e x c l u s i v e r i g h t to the growing o f c r o p s on h i s l a n d and the r i g h t o f h i s sons and daughters to i n h e r i t h i s l a n d . The concept a l s o i n c l u d e s the r i g h t to s e l l o r pawn h i s l a n d t o another n a t i v e o f the same community; whether or not he may s e l l to o u t s i d e r s depends upon the community. G e n e r a l l y , h i s r i g h t s do not a l l o w him to prevent h i s neighbours from g r a z i n g t h e i r c a t t l e on h i s l a n d when i t i s l y i n g f a l l o w o r when i t i s the time o f y e a r t h a t h i s crops are not growing. 2 . Even i n C a n t e l , an American m i s s i o n a r y who bought l a n d i n one o f the more " a c c u l t u r a t e d " cantones o f the m u n i c i p i o was t h r e a t e n e d w i t h h i s l i f e by a group i n Xecam, a l e s s a c c u l t u r a t e d r e g i o n . See Chapter 4 f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n . 3. One d i f f i c u l t y o f the use o f t h i s term i s t h a t Wolf uses "open community" to r e f e r t o communities l o c a t e d i n l o w l a n d r e g i o n s o f Mexico, V e n e z u e l a , the Andean c o u n t r i e s , and p a r t s o f the West I n d i e s . They were never c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities. P r o d u c i n g cash c r o p s , the peasants o f such communities r e l i e d upon i n f u s i o n s o f c a p i t a l from o u t s i d e e n t r e p r e n e u r s . Consequently, a l l i a n c e s w i t h o u t s i d e r s c o n s t i t u t e d an e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f such communities from the time o f t h e i r f o u n d i n g . A d i s t i n c t i o n s h o u l d t h e r e f o r e be made. Perhaps " h i g h l a n d open community" may be a p p r o p r i a t e f o r communities t h a t once were c l o s e d c o r p o r a t e communities, g i v e n t h e i r l o c a t i o n , but the term i s somewhat cumbersome. F o r t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , I w i l l r e t a i n the term "open community" to r e f e r to communities t h a t were c l o s e d a t one time} where Wolf's use o f the term i s i n v o l v e d , X w i l l p o i n t t h i s out i n d i s c u s s i o n . 4. T h i s does not mean t h a t t e c h n o l o g i c a l improvement i s the g o l d e n r o a d to modernity, o r t h a t communities exposed to the s p e c i a l i z e d s o c i e t y t h a t has been a consequence Of h i g h - l e v e l t e c h n o l o g y w i l l a u t o m a t i c a l l y d i s p e n s e w i t h t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l l e a d e r s h i p . Examples t h a t i l l u s t r a t e the c o n t r a r y abound. The H u t t e r -i t e s have made l i b e r a l use o f mechanized f a r m i n g e q u i p -ment, and they must d e a l w i t h the o u t s i d e w o r l d 125 almost d a i l y , whether to buy a new t r a c t o f l a n d f o r a new s e t t l e m e n t , to n e g o t i a t e a l a w s u i t , o r to market t h e i r wheat and l i v e s t o c k . Yet they have r e t a i n e d t h e i r form o f l e a d e r s h i p and r i g i d h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e , t h e i r b e l i e f s and a t t i t u d e s r e g a r d i n g them-s e l v e s and o u t s i d e r s , and t h e i r a b i l i t y to reproduce new g e n e r a t i o n s o f H u t t e r i t e s without l o s i n g many to the o u t s i d e w o r l d ( H o s t e t t e r and H u n t i n g t o n 1967). The pueblo I n d i a n s o f Santo Domingo and o f o t h e r pueblos o f the American Southwest have a l s o r e t a i n e d t h e i r h i e r a r c h i c a l t h e o c r a c i e s , and even c o n t r o l over t h e i r l a n d s , d e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t many o f t h e i r young men have jobs o u t s i d e t h e i r pueblos ( D p z i e r 1970: 9-10 e t p a s s i m ) . I t h e r e -f o r e suggest t h a t w h i l e involvement i n a c a p i t a l i z e d , t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y advanced s o c i e t y may p r o v i d e the n e c e s s a r y c o n d i t i o n s f o r the breakdown o f c o r p o r a t e community s t r u c t u r e s , they do not p r o v i d e the s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n s . X pursue t h i s matter f u r t h e r l a t e r on i n t h i s c h a p t e r . Thus, Wagley's i n f o r m a n t s a d v i s e him t h a t the "worst t h i n g " a Chimalteco ( n a t i v e o f S antiago Chimaltenango) " c o u l d do i s s e l l h i s l a n d " and t h a t o n l y two had been known to s e l l t h e i r l a n d to l a d i n o s i n the t e n y e a r s p r e c e d i n g Wagley*3 s v i s i t (1957s 73) • I n C h i c h i cas t enango, the I n d i a n s r e g a r d t h e i r l a n d as b e l o n g i n g to t h e i r a n c e s t o r s ; they merely " r e n t " t h e i r l a n d from them, and thus s e l l i n g o r pawning o f l a n d i s r a r e and accomplished w i t h d i f f i c u l t y (Bunzel 1952: 17-19),. I n T e p o z t l a n , s a l e o f l a n d to non-Tepoztecans was unknown b e f o r e 1942 (Lewis 1951s 124-125)• Data from o t h e r communities r e f l e c t s i m i l a r a t t i t u d e s toward s a l e o f l a n d , e s p e c i a l l y to o u t s i d e r s ( s e e , f o r example, G u i t e r r a s - H o l m e s 1951 on San Pedro Chenalho, N u t i n i i960 on C o n t l a , Vogt 1969: 37 on Z i n a c a n t a n , LaFarge 1940 on Santa E u l a l i a , and Tax 1964: 175 on P a n a j a c h e l ) . T h i s i s not t o say t h a t S panish c o n t r o l over the p o l i t i c a l and economic c e n t r e s o f the New World was weakening; The reforms o f P h i l l i p V and C h a r l e s I I I d i d reduce the c l a n d e s t i n e t r a d e and p o l i t i c a l patronage t h a t had f l o u r i s h e d under t h e i r p r e d e c e s s o r s , and thus s t r e n g t h e n e d the hand o f the Crown (G i b s o n 1966: 168-170; H a r i n g 1947). Yet the u p r i s i n g s o f the T z e l t a l i n 1722 and o f o t h e r I n d i a n s i n the same c e n t u r y , the s h o rtage o f c o r r e g i d o r e s and p r i e s t s i n n o r t h e r n Guatemala and Chiapas, the i n c r e a s e d l o c a l i n f l u e n c e o f i n d i g e n o u s l e a d e r s as compared to r e g i o n a l c o l o n i a l a u t h o r i t i e s , and the emergent r e g i o n a l economies dominated by the hacendados i n Mexico (some o f whom r e t a i n e d p r i v a t e armies) a l l p o i n t c t o a d e c l i n e o f c o n t r o l by S p a n i s h a u t h o r i t i e s over the p e r i p h e r a l r e g i o n s , a t l e a s t o f New S p a i n and Guatemala (Colby and van den Berghe 1969: 62-68; LaFarge 19401 Wolf 1955a: 193-195). 126 Chapter Three The G e o g r a p h i c a l and C u l t u r a l S e t t i n g o f C a n t e l C a n t e l i s one o f s e v e r a l I n d i a n m u n i c i p i o s l o c a -t e d i n the h i g h l a n d s o f mid-western Guatemala. As i n o t h e r such m u n i c i p i o s . the I n d i a n language (Quiche) i s s t i l l spoken* the women s t i l l wear the t r a d i t i o n a l I n d i a n d r e s s , b e l i e f s such as the e v i l eye and the n a g u a l ^ p e r s i s t , and the name o f the p a t r o n s a i n t c o n t i n u e s to be honoured. Yet changes are a l t o g e t h e r e v i d e n t . C a n t e l i s as much a community o f p r o l e -t a r i a n s as i t i s o f p e a s a n t s , the r e s u l t o f the t e x t i l e f a c t o r y l o c a t e d i n i t s midst and o f more f a c t o r i e s i n nearby Quezaltenango• Spanish i s known to many and i s the f i r s t ( o r o n l y ) language o f some c h i l d r e n o f I n d i a n p a r e n t s . A growing number a r e embracing P r o t e s t a n t i s m o r the o f f i c i a l v e r s i o n o f C a t h o l i c i s m * A l t h o u g h most s t i l l f e a r the sun's e c l i p s e (March 7, 1970), some are aware o f the s c i e n t i f i c e x p l a n a t i o n a c c o u n t i n g f o r i t . C a n t e l i s i n t r a n s i t i o n . I . The G e o g r a p h i c a l S e t t i n g o f C a n t e l . A* L o c a t i o n and P h y s i c a l Environment. C a n t e l i s l o c a t e d i n the Department o f Quezaltenango, about 18© m i l e s west o f Guatemala C i t y (see f i g . 3 .1). I t i s seven m i l e s s o u t h e a s t o f Quezaltenango, the second c i t y i n Guatemala i n terms o f b o t h s i z e and i n d u s t r i a l im-portance . A paved highway t h a t l i n k s Quezaltenango Figure 3 .1 Guatemala 127 1 2 8 t o tho c o f f e e - p r o d u c i n g r e g i o n o f t h e w e s t e r n P a c i f i c piedmont and the p o r t o f Champlrioo passes through Pasac, C a n t e l • s f a c t o r y s e t t l e m e n t * The mttniejplo embraces some 28 square k i l o m e t r e s (6,938 a c r e s ) * and c o n s i s t s o f the v i l l a g e o f C a n t e l and e i g h t canto'neet Pasao Primer© ( i n which the f a c t o r y i s l o c a t e d ) * Pasao Segundo, C h u i s u c , L a E s t a n o i a * P a c h a j , C h i r i j q u i a c , U r b i n a , and Xeoam (see f i g * 3*2)* The m u n i c i p i o o f C a n t e l i s mountainous, and l e v e l l a n d i s at a premium* T o p o g r a p h i c a l l y , C a n t e l oan be d e s c r i b e d as a r i v e r v a l l e y w i t h a n e a r - r e g u l a r and s h a r p l y - r i s i n g r i d g e on the western s i d e o f the Saraala R i v e r , and a more i r r e g u l a r and l a r g e r r i d g e on the e a s t e r n s i d e * The v i l l a g e o f C a n t e l i s p e r c h e d on an i n c l i n e on the w e s tern s i d e , some 800 f e e t above the r i v e r * Most o f the s u r r o u n d i n g l a n d i s m i l p a ( c o r n f i e l d ) but the a r e a n ear the c r e s t o f the r i d g e * and near the gorge toward the south s i d e o f the m u n i c i p i o i s wooded. The f a c t o r y town o f Pasao Primero ( h e r e a f t e r r e f e r r e d t o s i m p l y as Pasao) i s l o c a t e d d i r e c t l y below the v i l l a g e on the e a s t bank o f the Saraala River$ i t i s a c c e s s i b l e from the v i l l a g e o n l y by way o f t h r e e s t e e p * narrow f o o t p a t h s * N o r t h o f t h a t s e t t l e m e n t i s a narrow v a l l e y w h ich c o n t a i n s the highway and a few s c a t t e r e d s e t t l e -ments w i t h t h e i r m i l p a . A c l i f f o f about 500 f e e t r i s e s a b r u p t l y t o the e a s t o f the v a l l e y * There extends 129 Figure 3.2 Municipio of Cantel 130 from the c l i f f a l a r g e p l a t e a u , i n t e r r u p t e d by b a r r a n c a s (deep, narrow r a v i n e s ) and h i l l s . T h i s p l a t e a u comprises C h u i s u c , La E s t a n c i a , P a c h a j , C h i r i j q u i a c , and U r b i n a . The mountains and the edges o f the r a v i n e s remain wooded; the r e s t o f the l a n d i s p l a n t e d w i t h e i t h e r c o r n o r wheat* Toward the e a s t o f the p l a t e a u r i s e s a r i d g e , whose c r e s t o f n e a r l y 1 1 , 0 0 0 f e e t i n e l e v a t i o n s e p a r a t e s C a n t e l from f o u r n e i g h b o u r i n g m u n i c i p i o s to the n o r t h e a s t and e a s t * South o f Pasac, the v a l l e y widens i n t o the c o r n and a p p l e r e g i o n o f Pasac Segundo. About -J m i l e e a s t o f the r i v e r r i s e s a n o t h e r c l i f f e n d i n g i n a p l a t e a u h i g h e r than t h a t o f the f i v e n o r t h e r n cantones* T h i s p l a t e a u a l s o t e r m i n a t e s i n a r i d g e * To the south, the s m a l l v a l l e y ends i n a deep gorge as the r i v e r wends i t s way to Z u n i l , C a n t e l ' s s o u t h e r n neighbour, and u l t i m a t e l y to the P a c i f i c . The wooded a r e a s a r e c o n f i n e d to the r i d g e s , mountains, and gorges o f C a n t e l . Those a r e a s a r e owned by the m u n i c i p i o o f C a n t e l , and a r e r e s e r v e d f o r f i r e -wood and lumber. Woodcutters must o b t a i n a p e r m i t from the town h a l l . The p r e d o m i n a t i n g t r e e s p e c i e s a r e p i n e , f i r , oak, a l d e r , and c y p r e s s . With an e l e v a t i o n a v e r a g i n g 8 , 0 0 0 f e e t , C a n t e l has the c l i m a t e o f a t r o p i c a l h i g h l a n d r e g i o n . The e l e v a t i o n i s too h i g h f o r even such s u b t r o p i c a l f r u i t s as oranges, 13JL lemons, and melons. A p p l e s grow and a r e becoming* an important cash c r o p . C o m and beans grow, but i n an average temperature t h a t i s too c o l d f o r more than one crop per y e a r . On the p l a t e a u o f Xecam, l o c a t e d a t an e l e v a t i o n o f a p p r o x i m a t e l y 8,700 f e e t , i t i s c o o l enough to grow p o t a t o e s . There are two seasons i n C a n t e l : r a i n y and d r y . The r a i n s b e g i n s p o r a d i c a l l y i n March and r e g u l a r l y i n A p r i l . From then u n t i l November, the sky i s c l e a r i n the morning and becomes c l o u d y around noon, w i t h r a i n b e g i n n i n g i n the e a r l y a f t e r n o o n ; i t c l e a r s a t n i g h t to b e g i n the c y c l e anew. The canl'cula, a b r i e f p e r i o d i n which no r a i n f a l l s , i n J u l y , and the temporal, a p e r i o d o f c o n t i n u o u s storm t h a t l a s t s a week i n August, i n t e r r u p t t h i s p a t t e r n . The r a i n s cease i n e a r l y November. From then u n t i l March o r A p r i l , the h i l l s i d e s become parched, dust s e t t l e s everywhere, and tempera-t u r e s o f t e n drop c l o s e to f r e e z i n g a t n i g h t . The remainder o f C a n t e l * s l a n d i s under c u l t i v a t i o n , C a n t e l e n o s r e c o g n i z e f o u r broad c a t e g o r i e s o f l a n d : t i e r r a c a l i e n t e , t i e r r a a r e n o s a B t i e r r a f r f a , and t i e r r a b l a n c a i n d e s c e n d i n g o r d e r o f q u a l i t y . T i e r r a  c a l i e n t e ("hot s o i l * * ) i s by f a r the b e s t l a n d . I t v a r i e s from dark brown to medium brown i n c o l o r , i s c l o s e l y packed, and has a h i g h c l a y c o n t e n t . Such l a n d i s capable o f p r o d u c i n g kOO pounds o f unhusked 132 c o r n p e r c u e r d a t T i e r r a c a l l e n t a " * i s a l s o d e s i r a b l e f o r i t s use i n making adobe b r i c k s f o r c o n s t r u c t i o n * Land o f t h i s c l a s s i s most d e s i r a b l e where i t i s l e v e l ( i n the v a l l e y o f Pasac Segundo and i n the p l a t e a u s o f C h u i s u c , L a E s t a n c i a , P a c h a j , and u r b i n a ) , but l a n d o f such s o i l l o c a t e d on the h i l l s i d e s , d e s p i t e the danger o f e r o s i o n , i s a l s o h i g h l y p r i z e d * L e s s v a l u e d by Gantelenos i s t i e r r a a r enosa ("sandy s o i l " " ) . The s o i l o f such l a n d i s l o o s e r and more powdery than t h a t o f t i e r r a c a l i e n t e and l e s s c a p a b l e o f h o l d i n g m o i s t u r e * I t s p r o d u c t i v i t y averages around 200 pounds o f unhusked c o m per cuerda, and p r i c e s f o r such l a n d ranges between 50 and 75 q u e t z a l e s * T i e r r a  f r f a i s l o c a t e d i n the r e g i o n s o f h i g h e r e l e v a t i o n , m o s t l y around the hamlet o f X e ' u l , l o c a t e d i n the s t e e p , e a s t e r n s l o p e s o f Xecam* I t s y i e l d o f c o m amounts to 150 pounds o f unhusked c o m per cuerda; i t s g o i n g p r i c e s range between ko and 50 q u e t z a l e s per c u e r d a. S i n c e c o m takes a l o n g e r growing season t h e r e than elsewhere i n the m u n i c i p i o * t i e r r a f r f a i s used more o f t e n f o r growing p o t a t o e s o r g r a z i n g sheep than f o r growing c o r n . F i n a l l y , t i e r r a b l a n c a , which has a h i g h l i m e c o n t e n t , i s n e a r l y w o r t h l e s s f o r c u l t i -v a t i o n . I t s v a l u e l i e s i n i t s l i m e ( c a l ) , which i s used f o r s o f t e n i n g c o m and f o r c o n s t r u c t i o n . 1 3 3 The s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s i n C a n t e l v a r y . Both the v i l l a g e and the f a c t o r y s e t t l e m e n t are t i g h t l y n u c l e a t e d ; t h e r e aire few houses s i t u a t e d o u t s i d e the v i l l a g e i t s e l f . There a r e , however, farms s c a t t e r e d throughout Pasac Segundo. I n the r u r a l cantones. houses are l o c a t e d f a i r l y e v e n l y throughout the c o u n t r y s i d e , a l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e s m a l l n u c l e a t e d s e t t l e m e n t s i n C h u i s u c , La E s t a n c i a , PachaJ, and Xecam. The v i l l a g e o f C a n t e l i s s e t out i n the t r a d i t i o n a l S p a n i s h p a t t e r n . The s t r e e t s a r e l a i d out i n a g r i d p a t t e r n t o g e t h e r w i t h a c e n t r a l p l a z a , the c h u r c h f a c i n g west and £he town h a l l , o p p o s i t e , f a c i n g e a s t ( s e e f i g . 3 . 3 ) • The v i l l a g e i t s e l f l i e s on a s t e e p i n -c l i n e ; s t r e e t s t h a t r u n e a s t and west s l o p e a t a 1 5 ° a n g l e . A l l main s t r e e t s a r e paved w i t h c o b b l e s t o n e to p r event e r o s i o n d u r i n g the r a i n y season; the main p l a z a , however, i s l e f t bare save a s i n g l e f l a g p o l e i n f r o n t o f the town h a l l . A pharmacy, a b u t c h e r ' s shop (which doubles as the s a l a o f one o f the town's two s u r v i v i n g c o f r a d f a s ) and a g e n e r a l s t o r e f a c e the p l a z a from the south; p r i v a t e houses and a government-run m e d i c a l c l i n i c f a c e the p l a z a from the n o r t h . A d d i t i o n a l shops and p r i v a t e houses a r e i n t e r s p e r s e d throughout the o t h e r s t r e e t s o f the v i l l a g e . Motor v e h i c l e s e n t e r the v i l l a g e from a d i r t r o a d t h a t l e a d s northward from the v i l l a g e t o j o i n the n a t i o n a l highway a p p r o x i m a t e l y 13k Figure 3.3 Pueblo of Cantel S i t e s P - plaza g| - p u b l i c school M - h e a l t h c l i n i c - p a r o c h i a l school I R J - municipal I * 3 b u i l d i n g "f" - C a t h o l i c Church £1 - school to teach B i&ei§aiSn8chiias«gge w - Mercado municipal 1 3 5 one m i l e away. The o t h e r s e t t l e m e n t s a re l a i d out i n a more o r l e s s unplanned f a s h i o n . I n Pasac, the f a c t o r y l i e s between the n a t i o n a l highway and the r i v e r ; o p p o s i t e the f a c t o r y , from the n o r t h , a c r o s s a wide d i r t s t r e e t , a r e the f a c t o r y workers' q u a r t e r s and shops. The r e -mainder o f the s e t t l e m e n t i s l o c a t e d on the f a r s i d e o f the highway, houses b e i n g s c a t t e r e d on e i t h e r s i d e o f a p a t h l e a d i n g t o Xecam. The hamlets o f Xecam, Chuisue, E s t a n c i a , and Pachaj a l l c o n s i s t o f houses and shops f a c i n g , i n a row. on e i t h e r s i d e o f a pat h ; t h e r e i s a b u i l d i n g i n E s t a n c i a from which a f f a i r s o f the r u r a l cantones are conducted. Otherwise the houses, shops and most s c h o o l s o f the r u r a l cantones l i e s c a t t e r e d throughout the c o u n t r y s i d e . B. P o p u l a t i o n and Demography o f C a n t e l . A c c o r d i n g to the o f f i c i a l census o f 1 9 6 4 , C a n t e l has a p o p u l a t i o n o f 1 0 , 9 8 9 ? t h i s means t h a t t h e r e was a p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y o f 3 9 2 * 5 persons p e r square k i l o m e t r e o r about 1 0 1 6 * 8 persons p e r square m i l e • There has been a s t e a d y i n c r e a s e i n p o p u l a t i o n a t l e a s t s i n c e 1 9 2 1 ; the r a t e o f i n c r e a s e has r i s e n s i n c e 1 9 5 0 . The p o p u l a t i o n r o s e from 6 , 6 5 7 i n 1 9 2 1 t o 8 , 2 7 7 i n 1 9 5 0 , an i n c r e a s e o f 2 4 . 3 $ and an an n u a l growth r a t e o f O . 8 3 5 & . Between 1 9 5 0 and 1 9 6 4 , t h e r e was a p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e o f 3 2 * 8 $ , r a i s i n g the annual r a t e o f growth t o 2 . 136 I f the o f f i c i a l census f o r 1964 i s to be a c c e p t e d (see note 4), C a n t e l f a c e s a p o p u l a t i o n c r i s i s c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c o f moth h i g h l a n d v i l l a g e s i n Guatemala, Mexico, and Andean America. F i r s t o f a l l , the annual growth r a t e i n C a n t e l s i n c e 1950 o f 2.3$ may be compared to 1.5$ i n a l l o f r u r a l L a t i n America (Pearse 1970: 13). Second, t h i s means t h a t t h e r e i s .63 o f an acre o f l a n d per p e r s o n , o r 6.8 c u e r d a s . S i n c e by l o c a l e s t i -mates, a f a m i l y o f f i v e r e q u i r e s anywhere between 20 and 50 cuerdas o f c u l t i v a b l e l a n d and s i n c e not a l l l a n d i s c u l t i v a b l e , the a v e r a g e - s i z e d p l o t o f l a n d per person s c a r c e l y meets h i s needs. L o c a l i n e q u a l i t y o f ownership i n t e n s i f i e s the p o p u l a t i o n - l a n d problem (see Chapter 4 f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n ) • I I . The M a t e r i a l Bases o f Canteleno E x i s t e n c e . The bases o f C a n t e l e n s e e x i s t e n c e i s s t i l l a g r i -c u l t u r e ; c o r n and beans c o n s t i t u t e the s t a p l e o f the C a n t e l e n s e d i e t , and much o f b o t h c r o p s i s grown l o c a l l y N e v e r t h e l e s s , no fewer t h a n 700 C a n t e l e n s e men and women work i n the f a c t o r y , and an e s t i m a t e d 200 to 300 more f i n d work i n the f a c t o r i e s o f Quezaltenango or elsewhere w h i l e m a i n t a i n i n g t h e i r r e s i d e n c e s i n C a n t e l . T h i s f a c t ha<* p a r t l y - - b u t o n l y p a r t l y - - b e e n r e s p o n s i b l e f o r C a n t e l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n i t s p o l i t i c o - r e l i g i o u s s t r u c t u r e (see Chapter 4 ) . 1 3 7 A. A g r i c u l t u r e . The p r i m a r y a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o -d u c t s o f C a n t e l a r e c o r n and wheat. Beans ( i n c l u d i n g the l i m a bean) make a n o t a b l e t h i r d c r o p , and a p p l e s are i n c r e a s i n g i n importance. The f o l l o w i n g t a b l e r e c o r d s the amounts o f each c r o p produced, a c c o r d i n g to the 1 9 6 7 r e c o r d s (the most r e c e n t a v a i l a b l e ) o f the m u n i c i p a l i d a d o f C a n t e l . T a b l e 3 . 1 A g r i c u l t u r a l Goods P r o d u c t i o n C a n t e l i n 19^7 ( b v crop) C r o P Amount ( i n hundredweights) Corn 3 0 0 Wheat 2 0 0 Beans 1 5 0 Habas ( d r i e d l i m a beans) 5 0 A p p l e s 1 0 0 B e s i d e s t h o s e , s m a l l amounts o f squash a r e a l s o p l a n t e d * A few farmers a l s o p l a n t peaches, but e x c e s s -i v e r a i n f a l l d u r i n g the b e a r i n g season causes f u n g i to form near the stem o f the f r u i t r e s u l t i n g i n r o t and c a u s i n g peaches to f a l l from the branches b e f o r e t h e y mature o r r i p e n . Plums a r e a l s o p r e s e n t but u n i m p o r t a n t . 1 . A g r i c u l t u r a l Technology. A l t h o u g h A c c i ^ n C a t o l i c a has p r o v i d e d C a n t e l w i t h an agronomist, C a n t e l a g r i c u l t u r e i s no p i c t u r e o f m o d e r n i t y . Men s t i l l p r e pare 1 3 8 the s o i l w i t h azaddnes. l a r g e hoes whose heavy s t e e l b l a d e s are s i x to e i g h t i n c h e s wide and almost as l o n g * Corn i s s t i l l p l a n t e d i n clumps i n s t e a d o f rows, beans and squash a r e s t i l l p l a n t e d w i t h the c o r n . Mechanized plows and harrows a r e known but unused; horse-drawn plows are used o n l y on l a r g e , l e v e l s t r e t c h e s o f l a n d . Weeding i s done by hand (a few use h e r b i c i d e s but h i g h c o s t p r e v e n t s i t s wide-spread u s e ) . A l l c r o p s , even wheat, are h a r v e s t e d by hand. Only those w i t h l a r g e w h e a t f i e l d s make use o f mechanized h a r v e s t e r s - t h r e s h e r s , and those a r e r e n t e d . The rugged t e r r a i n o f C a n t e l , t o g e t h e r w i t h the s m a l l s i z e s o f most i n d i v i d u a l l y - o w n e d p l o t s , have p r e -v e n t e d the m e c h a n i z a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r e i n C a n t e l . Ac-c o r d i n g t o the 1 9 6 4 census, 8 7 2 o f 1 , 6 7 2 l a n d owners i n C a n t e l owned l e s s than one manzana ( l , 7 2 5 a c r e s ) of l a n d ; a n o t h e r 410 owned between 1 and 2 manzanas ( 1 . 7 2 5 and 3 * 4 5 a c r e s ) . The c o s t o f b u y i n g and o p e r a t i n g such machinery i s beyond the means o f most Can t e l e n o s ; the c r o p y i e l d s would s c a r c e l y j u s t i f y the c o s t s o f b u y i n g , o p e r a t i n g , and m a i n t a i n i n g t r a c t o r s and t h e i r attachments. C o - o p e r a t i v e s have been formed w i t h the b u y i n g and s h a r i n g o f machinery as one o f t h e i r o b j e c t i v e s , but they have f a i l e d (see Chapter 5 ) . More-over, much o f the a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d i s l o c a t e d on h i l l s i d e s too s t e e p f o r t r a c t o r s to be used; b a r r a n c a s , 139 steep and narrow t r a i l s , and other b a r r i e r s prevent motor v e h i c l e s from reaching- many l e v e l areas o What technological innovations i n a g r i c u l t u r e that have been introduced i n t o Cantel, then, have been of a non-mechanical sort* Foremost among them have been chemical f e r t i l i z e r s , needed e s p e c i a l l y to re-p l e n i s h the nitrogen and phosphorus that was being r a p i d l y depleted (volcanic ash has l e f t large amounts of potassium i n the s o i l s of Cantel); animal manure was i n s u f f i c i e n t f o r that purpose. Two dealers i n the main v i l l a g e — o n e f o r Esso of the United States, and the other f o r Elefant of West Germany—provide a l l the f e r t i l i z e r f o r some 1550 customers^* Other innovations include r o t a t i o n of crops (com with wheat), experi-mentation with improved v a r i e t i e s of com, and the p r a c t i c e of p l a n t i n g corn i n rows instead of clumps, of planting beans and corn separately, and the l i k e * 2* The A g r i c u l t u r a l Cycle of Cantel* The climate of Cantel i s so cool that only a s i n g l e crop of corn can be grown, as compared to the several crops that can be grown i n Guatemala's coas t a l areas (Whetten 1961: 139). The a g r i c u l t u r a l cycle of Cantel i s adjusted accordingly. The y e a r l y cycle begins immediately a f t e r harvest, as landowners and t h e i r workers s t a r t turning the s o i l with t h e i r l a r g e , heavy s t e e l hoes (az a d 6 n e s ) . I f the 1.40 s o i l has l a i n f a l l o w , the worker must c l e a r the b r u s h , t u r n the s m a l l e r growth o f weeds under, and harrow the s o i l , a l l w i t h machete (a l a r g e k n i f e used f o r chopping and s l a s h i n g ) and azadon. To c l e a r and t u r n one cuerda o f s o i l r e q u i r e s f o u r days. I f the ground was p l a n t e d the p r e v i o u s y e a r , the e a r t h i s s i m p l y t u r n e d over* Depending upon how t h o r o u g h l y the job i s to be done, the time r e q u i r e d to t u r n one cuerda o f s o i l v a r i e s between one and two days* Workers a r e p a i d by the cuerda: Q2.00 to Q3.00 per cuerda f o r c l e a r i n g , t u r n i n g , and harrowing, Q*50 to Q1.00 p e r cuerda f o r t u r n i n g the growth and t u r n i n g the s o i l . O b v i o u s l y , t h i s i s a time-consuming t a s k . Work on the l a r g e r p i e c e s o f l a n d b e g i n s almost immediately a f t e r the h a r v e s t i n November; work on o t h e r s does not b e g i n u n t i l l a t e December o r e a r l y January. Those i n d i v i d u a l s who a r e working f o r a p a r t i c u l a r p a t r o n on a semi-permanentt b a s i s a r e a s s u r e d o f f u l l - t i m e employment; those who do c a s u a l l a b o u r a r e a s s u r e d o n l y o f s p o r a d i c work, as the need a r i s e s * The p l a n t i n g o f c o r n b e g i n s i n F e b r u a r y i n the c o l d e r r e g i o n s o f the m u n i c i p i o ( t i e r r a f r f a ) and i n March, i n moderate a r e a s . I n warmer a r e a s a l o n g the banks o f the Samala R i v e r c o r n i s p l a n t e d i n A p r i l . Beans ( i n -c l u d i n g l i m a beans) a r e p l a n t e d w i t h the c o r n . Ayotes (a round, h a r d - s h e l l e d k i n d o f squash) a r e p l a n t e d on Candlemas ( d i a de l a c a n d a l a r i a ) , the second day o f l 4 X F e b r u a r y . According* to l o c a l b e l i e f , a y o t e s w i l l t u r n y e l l o w and sweet i f the sky i s y e l l o w on t h a t dsy $ i . e . has a t h i n c l o u d cover f i l t e r i n g the sun so as to g i v e a y e l l o w e f f e c t to the s k y ) . C h i l a c a y o t e s (a l o n g squash) are p l a n t e d two weeks a f t e r the c o r n . Most C a n t e l e n s e peasants p l a n t t h e i r c o r n i n the t r a d i t i o n a l f a s h i o n . S p a c i n g t h e i r p l a n t i n g about kO i n c h e s a p a r t , they bury some f o u r to s i x c o r n seeds and p l a n t another t h r e e o r f o u r bean ( o r l i m a bean) seeds nearby. As the c o r n grows, bean v i n e s w i l l wrap around the s t a l k s . Squash a r e p l a n t e d every 25 to 5© feet: a p a r t i n the same f i e l d as the c o r n and beans. A l l c o r n and beans o f any one f i e l d must be p l a n t e d i n one day; the c o r n and beans o f a l l a man's f i e l d s must be p l a n t e d w i t h i n a s h o r t p e r i o d o f time, p r e f e r a b l y on the same day. F a i l u r e to do so means t h a t c o r n p l a n t e d l a t e might be damaged by f r o s t and c o r n p l a n t e d e a r l y might d r y b e f o r e the d r y seasons a r r i v e , and thus r e t , T h e r e f o r e l a b o u r e r s are h i r e d i n gang*. A group of l a b o u r e r s may o r g a n i z e themselves, and work f o r one p a t r o n a f t e r a nother d u r i n g sowing season. A group o f pa-faronea may, as an a l t e r n a t i v e , p o o l t h e i r permanent l a b o u r e r s (mozos) and a g r e e to have the group p l a n t the f i e l d s o f one p a t r o n one day, and move to p l a n t a n o t h e r ' s the n e x t . Sowing i s p a i d by the day r a t h e r than by the cuerda; d a i l y wages average around Q.50. The demand 142 f o r v o r k e r s r e a c h e s one o f I t s peaks d u r i n g sowing season (the o t h e r i s d u r i n g h a r v e s t ) , and work i s a v a i l a b l e to a l l who want i t . D u r i n g the months o f A p r i l through October, the demand f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r s l a c k s o f f c o n s i d e r a b l y . C o r n f i e l d s a r e weeded twice} the f i r s t weeding t a k e s p l a c e i n l a t e May o r e a r l y June, and the second t a k e s p l a c e i n September o r e a r l y October. H i l l i n g o f c o r n i s done a t the same time* T h i s i n v o l v e s b u i l d i n g mounds o f e a r t h a t the base o f the s t a l k s t o p r e v e n t b&owdovns by h i g h winds* Other than those p e r i o d s , demand f o r l a b o u r i s low. Those w i t h permanent arrangements w i t h patr6nes get the j o b s . Others must seek odd jobs wherever they can f i n d them: p a i n t i n g houses f o r the f i e s t a t i t u l a r (August 15). working as handy-man i n the houses o f r i c h e r p e a s a n t s , c u t t i n g f i r e w o o d , making adobe b r i c k s . Those who use c h e m i c a l f e r t i l i z e r a p p l y i t to t h e i r rows as soon as the c o r n shoots appear on the s u r f a c e . The h a r v e s t b e g i n s i n November. A g a i n gangs o f l a b o u r e r s are r e c r u i t e d i n one o f the two ways mentioned above (p. l 4 l ) . The d o u b l i n g o f s t a l k s to d r y b e f o r e h a r v e s t r e p o r t e d f o r v i l l a g e s i n Chiapas (see Vogt 1969 » 50), i s not p r a c t i c e d i n C a n t e l . The h a r v e s t i n g p r o -ceeds as f o l l o w s : c o r n i s removed from the s t a l k s , which a r e l e f t t o s t a n d as support f o r the beans. The c o r n Ik3 e a r s , unhusked, a r e p i l e d , l a t e r to be put i n t o n e t s and c a r r i e d , by h o r s e o r human c a r r i e r , t o the y a r d o f the landowner's house. There the man and h i s sons husk the c o r n , s e l e c t i n g the b e s t - l o o k i n g c o r n f o r seed. Then th e y s p r e a d out a l l the ears on the y a r d i n a s i n g l e l a y e r , l e a v i n g them u n t i l the c o m i s d r i e d . L a t e r they a r e s t o r e d u n s h e l l e d i n a l a r g e wooden c o n t a i n e r , a p p r o x i m a t e l y f i v e f e e t t a l l and s i x to seven f e e t I n l e n g t h and w i d t h . When the women use the c o m , they w i l l rub the d r y e a r s t o g e t h e r , b r e a k i n g o f f the k e r n e l s from the e a r s . The women h a r v e s t the beans a f t e r the men have f i n -i s h e d h a r v e s t i n g the c o r n ; they u s u a l l y wait u n t i l the bean v i n e s have d r i e d and the pods are easy t o p i c k . They s h e l l the beans a t home. Wheat i s p l a n t e d i n June. Some peasants p l a n t t h e i r g r a i n s i n rows; o t h e r b r o a d c a s t t h e i r g r a i n s . Weeding takes p l a c e i n August; the s m a l l e r farmers weed by hand, w h i l e some o f the l a r g e r use h e r b i c i d e s . H a r v e s t i n g takes p l a c e i n O c t o b e r . A l t h o u g h the s m a l l e r farmers h a r v e s t t h e i r wheat by machete. the l a r g e r farmers now h i r e machines to cut and t h r e s h the wheat. Those who s t i l l h a r v e s t t h e i r wheat by hand t h r e s h i t by p i l i n g the cut wheat some two f e e t h i g h i n a c i r c l e . They then l e a d a team o f h o r s e s c o n t i n u o u s l y around upon the p i l e u n t i l the g r a i n s have broken from xkk. the s t a l k s and s e t t l e d to the bottom. T h i s completed, they winnow the wheat by p o u r i n g the g r a i n i n t o a sh a l l o w b a s k e t , suspended under a t r i p o d , t h a t c o n t a i n s s m a l l h o l e s a t the bottom. As the heavy g r a i n s l i p s through the h o l e s to a c l o t h on the ground below, the breeze blows the c h a f f away. 3. A g r i c u l t u r a l Work Arrangements. Exchange l a b o u r arrangements a r e sometimes made i n Cantel;. a man and h i s b r o t h e r s may g i v e each o t h e r a hand. Two compadres may h e l p each o t h e r , but t h i s , my i n f o r m a n t s t e l l me, i s r a r e . N e v e r t h e l e s s wage l a b o u r i s the r u l e i n C a n t e l . Many work c a s u a l l y . T e t , l a b o u r i s not si m p l y viewed as a commodity t h a t can be bought o r s o l d on the market. Rather than c h o o s i n g the a p p a r e n t l y most e f f i c i e n t worker out o f a p o o l o f men l o o k i n g f o r work, the p a t r o n p r e f e r s to employ the same man ( o r crew o r men) y e a r a f t e r y e a r . One infor m a n t summed up the re a s o n t h u s : * i f a p a t r o n o r dueno (.those terms a r e used i n t e r c h a n g e a b l y f o r "employer*) h i r e d the f i r s t mozo (day l a b o u r e r ) t h a t came a l o n g f o r each day o f work, the mozo would perhaps do a poor j o b , take h i s pay, and go. But i f he h i r e s the same mozo eve r y day, ever y y e a r , he w i l l be o b l i g e d to do good work.* T h i s i s employment i n s u r a n c e f o r the mozo as w e l l , f o r he w i l l be the f i r s t to be h i r e d when t h e r e i s work to do and the l a s t to be l a i d o f f when the demand f o r work s l a c k e n s . li*5 Casual labourers—-those with no p a r t i c u l a r dueno— nevertheless f i n d work during- the sowing- and harvest seasons* When a man needs a worker, he makes enquiries to h i s r e l a t i v e s f i r s t , then to h i s r i t u a l (baptismal) co—parents, godparents, or godsons (compadres. padrinos. ahi.jados). P a i l u r e to f i n d workers from those enquiries does not prevent him from looking further; frequently a man w i l l have many non-relatives working f o r him* Unlike other v i l l a g e s of highland Guatemala, Cantel's men do not migrate en masse to the coffee plantations to work. Those that do, often engage i n s k i l l e d or semi-s k i l l e d labour because, f o r p o l i t i c a l reasons, they are unable to work i n the f a c t o r y (see Chapter 4) . Most u n s k i l l e d labourers are able to f i n d enough work wit h i n the municipio to sustain them throughout the year* Be-cause of the intense heat and high incidence of malaria prevalent on the coffee p l a n t a t i o n of the P a c i f i c pied-mont, men avoid working there i f p o s s i b l e , B. Factory Work. Although most Canteleno men work as c u l t i v a t o r s , e i t h e r on t h e i r own land or on that which others own, some 703 men and women work i n the Fabrica de  T e x t i l e s Cantel* Unlike l o c a l a g r i c u l t u r a l work, there are no seasonal f l u c t u a t i o n s i n labour demand; neverthe-l e s s , the i n t r o d u c t i o n of new machinery since I960 has cut the work force from a high of between 900 and 1,000 146 i n 1959 to the p r e s e n t l e v e l . T h i s cutback o f the l a b o u r f o r c e , t o g e t h e r w i t h the u n i o n and the l e g i s l a t i o n a l l o w i n g and r e s t r i c t i n g i t s a c t i v i t i e s , has had f a r - r e a c h i n g consequences upon the p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s s t r u c t u r e o f C a n t e l . I w i l l b r i e f l y d i s c u s s the broad o r g a n i z a t i o n f e a t u r e s o f the f a c t o r y , r e s e r v i n g f o r the next c h a p t e r the organ-* i z a t i o n o f the u n i o n , the c o n f l i c t s between l a b o u r management, and the e f f e c t s o f b o t h upon the s t r u c t u r a l core o f C a n t e l . The f a c t o r y produces t h r e a d , b r o a d c l o t h , b e d s h e e t s , and t o w e l s . A l t h o u g h t h i s f a c t o r y i s l e s s d i v e r s i f i e d i n i t s p r o d u c t i o n l i n e s than most i n N o r t h America, i t i s more d i v e r s i f i e d than o t h e r t e x t i l e f a c t o r i e s i n Guatemala o r elsewhere i n C e n t r a l America, A c c o r d i n g to one o f the d i r e c t o r s o f ICAITT ( I n s t i t u t o C e n t r e -Americano de I n v e s t i g a c i o n y T e c n o l o g i a I n d u s t r i a l ) , a r e s e a r c h i n s t i t u t e on C e n t r a l American i n d u s t r i a l de-velopment based i n Guatemala C i t y , most o f the t e x t i l e p l a n t 8 i n C e n t r a l America s p e c i a l i z e i n the p r o d u c t i o n o f t h r e a d o r o f b r o a d c l o t h , but not b o t h . At one time, the F a b r i c a C a n t e l was the l a r g e s t t e x t i l e c oncern i n C e n t r a l America. A c c o r d i n g to Nash, i t produced n e a r l y seventy per cent o f a l l c o t t o n goods purchased i n Guatemala (1967c: 21). I n r e c e n t y e a r s , however, the company has undergone i n c r e a s e d c o m p e t i t i o n l A 7 f o r the market i n c o t t o n p r o d u c t s . P a r t o f the c o m p e t i t i o n has come from n e w l y - e s t a b l i s h e d m i l l s i n Quezaltenango, and Guatemala C i t y . Other p r e s -sures have been generated by the C e n t r a l American Common Market (CACM). The l o w e r i n g o r e l i m i n a t i o n o f t a r i f f s f o r goods produced w i t h i n the f i v e c o u n t r i e s (Panama i s excluded) has opened the Guatemalan market to c o t t o n goods produced elsewhere. A c c o r d i n g t o t h e same d i r e c t o r o f ICA1T1. a Japanese company has opened a m i l l i n E l S a l v a d o r whose t h r e a d he r e g a r d s as f i n e r than t h a t made i n the C a n t e l f a c t o r y . Meantime, a Colombian company has opened a c l o t h - p r o d u c i n g f i r m i n N i c a r a g u a ; i t s p r o d u c t s have p r o v i d e d s t i f f c o m p e t i t i o n f o r C a n t e l ' s b r o a d c l o t h . As a r e s u l t , the company has been f o r c e d to modernize i t s o p e r a t i o n s and to c u t l a b o u r c o s t s . Thus the l a b o u r f o r c e a t the f a c t o r y has dwindled. 1. Recruitment i n t o the F a c t o r y . The f a c t o r y r e q u i r e s i t s workers to be 18 y e a r s o f age and to have a ce'dula de v e c i n i d a d , a r e g i s t r y o f c i t i z e n s h i p r e q u i r e d o f everyone a t 18, to prove i t . A l t h o u g h the a b i l i t y to r e a d and w r i t e i s not s t r i c t l y r e q u i r e d , p r e f e r e n c e i s g i v e n to those who have i t over those who do n o t . As one might expect, p r e f e r e n c e i s g i v e n to the sons (and sometimes daughters) o f f a c t o r y workers over those not employed by the f a c t o r y . One a p p l i e s f o r work e i t h e r Ik8 through the o f f i c e o f the a d m i n i s t r a d o r or through the l a b o u r u n i o n (the S i n d i c a t o de T r a b a j a d o r e s de l a F a b r i c a  C a n t e l , h e r e a f t e r r e f e r r e d to as the STFC). Those h i r e d go through a two-month p e r i o d o f p r o -b a t i o n , d u r i n g which time the s a l a r y i s h a l f t h a t o f n o n - p r o b a t i o n a r y workers--ft.80 p e r day as compared t o the minimum wage o f $ 1 . 6 5 s e t by n a t i o n a l law f o r t e x t i l e workers. D u r i n g t h i s time, the i n d i v i d u a l i s a s s i g n e d to d i f f e r e n t t a s k s to determine which, i f any, he i s b e s t s u i t e d f o r . Once t h i s i s determined, he goes on to l e a r n i t under the d i r e c t i o n o f a s k i l l e d o p e r a t o r . Sons whose f a t h e r s work i n the f a c t o r y a r e a s s i g n e d t o work a l o n g s i d e them. At the end o f the p e r i o d , the a d m i n i s t r a d o r meets w i t h the s e c r e t a r y - g e n e r a l o f the l a b o u r u n i o n to a s s e s s the s k i l l s o f the newcomer(s). The f i n a l d e c i s i o n on r e t a i n i n g o r d i s m i s s i n g the new-comer r e s t s w i t h the a d m i n i s t r a d o r . 2. F a c t o r y O r g a n i z a t i o n . The f a c t o r y i s owned by two b r o t h e r s (the I b a r g u e n s ) , whose o f f i c e s are i n Guatemala C i t y . They a r e m a i n l y concerned w i t h the m a r k e t i n g o f t h e i r p r o d u c t s , a l t h o u g h they make p e r i o d i c t r i p s to i n s p e c t the f a c t o r y and the factory-owned farms t h a t grow some o f the c o t t o n used by the f a c t o r y . The a d m i n i s t r a d o r has the g e n e r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the day-to-day o p e r a t i o n s o f the p l a n t i t s e l f . I t i s he who h i r e s and f i r e s . Below him a r e the s p i n - m a s t e r , l 4 9 the weaving master, and the dye-master, t e c h n i c i a n s who oversee the o p e r a t i o n s of t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e de-partments. R e s p o n s i b l e to them are the t e c h n i c a l e n g i n e e r s o f each department (repairmen r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the maintenance o f the machinery), the c a p o r a l e s . foremen who are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the performance o f t h e i r workers, and the p r o d u c t i o n l i n e workers them-s e l v e s e An o f f i c e s t a f f t akes charge o f the admini-s t r a t i v e d e t a i l s o f the f a c t o r y ; r e c o r d - k e e p i n g , pay-ment o f wages, and so f o r t h . F i n a l l y , a c u s t o d i a l s t a f f m a i n t a i n s the b u i l d i n g s and grounds ( f o r an o r g a n i z a t i o n a l c h a r t , see f i g . 3»4) . The e m p l e a d o s — the a d m i n i s t r a d o r , the m a c h i n i s t s , the bookkeeper, and the s e c r e t a r i e s — a r e a l l l a d i n o s . The o t h e r s , i n -c l u d i n g the c a p o r a l e s , are mostly I n d i a n s , t h r e e - f o u r t h s o f which come from the v i l l a g e o r m u n i c i p i o o f C a n t e l . I n the l i n e o f p r o d u c t i o n , there are t h r e e major departments w i t h i n the f a c t o r y ; s p i n n i n g (Departamento  de H i l a t u r a ) , weaving (Departamento de TejeduriTa). and d y e i n g (Departamento de T i n t o r e r i a ) • I n the s p i n n i n g department, the p r o c e s s o f r e f i n i n g raw c o t t i n b e g i n s w i t h the f u l l i n g m i l l s (batanes) i n which the c o t t o n i s open-ed, c l e a n e d , and shrunk under m o i s t u r e , h e a t , and p r e s -s u r e . T h i s completed, the c o t t o n goes to the c a r d i n g machines ( c a r d a s ) f o r d i s e n t a n g l i n g and combing o f the f i b r e s , a f t e r which the f i b r e s w i l l be drawn out ( v i a 150 Figure 3.4 31 Q il 2 <« v «> CQ r •c 1 * c 8 « -5 <P c i- — o CO 1 3 3 i 3 * I *• * f s i f * Jus — * -2> J 3 3$ 151 mecheras o r f l y i n g frames) and spun (through the c o n t i n u a s de h i l a r , o r s p i n n i n g f r a m e s ) . The t h r e a d i s t h e n vound up i n t o c o n i c a l s p o o l s . Some o f the t h r e a d i s s h i p p e d to the c l o t h m a k i n g f i r m s o f Quezaltenango o r Guatemala C i t y o r to the company's r e t a i l o u t l e t s i n the same c i t i e s . Most o f the p r o d u c t i o n - l i n e workers, some 300 i n number, work i n the s p i n n i n g department; they a r e p a i d by the hour and e a r n the d a i l y minimum wage o f el.65 . The t h r e a d s t h a t a r e to be woven i n t o c l o t h a t the f a c t o r y i t s e l f a r e then t r a n s f e r r e d to the weaving department; i f the d e s i g n i s to be woven i n t o the c l o t h , t h r e a d s f o r the c l o t h whose d e s i g n i s to be woven i n are sent to the d y e i n g department. Some o f the threads are drawn through warping machines ( u r i d o r a s ) then t r a n s f e r r e d to the looms ( t e l a r e s ) as the warp o f the c l o t h . There a r e a few o l d looms l e f t , made i n Oldham, England, around 1910; most, however, a r e newer and more e f f i c i e n t looms made i n Germany. Whereas o n l y f o u r o l d machines can be o p e r a t e d by one person, twenty new machines can be o p e r a t e d by a s i n g l e p e r s o n . O b v i o u s l y t h i s has meant a r e d u c t i o n o f loom o p e r a t o r s , and the cutbacks i n l a b o u r e r s has been g r e a t e s t i n the weaving department• The company began r e p l a c i n g the o l d machines i n I960. A t one time, t h e r e were as many as 350 workers i n the weaving department; now they 152 number some 180. The operators of both the warping machines and the looms are paid by piece. Beginners tend to make around $ 1 . 2 5 to $1.50 per day, the more exper-ienced earn $2.00, and the most s k i l l e d can earn up to $3.00. Looms are s p e c i a l i z e d according to product: broadcloth, towels, bedsheets, tablecloths and napkins. The dyeing department employs some 120 workers. A l l threads and c l o t h go through the mercerizing pro-cess, one i n which the thread or f a b r i c i s treated with a caustic a l k a l i s o l u t i o n to strengthen i t and to make i t receptive to dyes. The cotton i s then e i t h e r dyed or hand-printed. This completed, the thread or c l o t h goes through a f i n i s h i n g process, then i s shipped on to one of the r e t a i l shops owned by the company. There are three s h i f t s of eight hours each on Mondays through Fridays, and three s h i f t s of four hours on Saturdays. The day s h i f t s are divided i n t o four-hour segments: the f i r s t s h i f t l a s t s from 6tOO to 10tOO i n the morning, then 2:00 to 6:00 i n the afternoon; the second s h i f t l a s t s from 10:00 AM to 2:00 PM, then 6:00 to 10:00 i n the evening. The four-hour i n t e r v a l allows the worker to tend to h i s crops or do other chores around h i s house during the day, and thus has been favoured among fact o r y workers. The t h i r d s h i f t , introduced i n 1968 as a measure to 1 5 3 i n c r e a s e p r o d u c t i o n , l a s t s from 10:00 PM to 6:00 AM. Workers on the n i g h t s h i f t are g i v e n a bonus. The S i n d i c a t o de T r a b a j a d o r e s de l a F a b r i c a  C a n t e l (STFC), r e p r e s e n t s the p r o d u c t i o n - l i n e workers, t h e i r c a p o r a l e s , the c u s t o d i a n s and g a r d e n e r s . Tech-n i c i a n s , mechanics, c a r p e n t e r s , o f f i c e workers, and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s o f a l l l e v e l s a r e not r e p r e s e n t e d . S i n c e they are g i v e n h i g h e r pay than the p r o d u c t i o n -l i n e workers and are f i l l e d e x c l u s i v e l y by l a d i n o s . t h e r e has been no need f o r an o r g a n i z a t i o n r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . The u n i o n was formed i n 1945 under the a u s p i c e s o f the A r e v a l o a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and f o r a time was a p o w e r f u l o r g a n i z a t i o n . Through the u n i o n , workers won pay i n c r e a s e s (and e v e n t u a l l y a minimum wage)), improved m e d i c a l s e r v i c e s , a s i x - g r a d e s c h o o l f o r c h i l d r e n o f workers, the f o u r - h o u r i n t e r v a l i n w o r k - s h i f t s , and the d e c r e a s e i n work-hours from t e n to e i g h t . I n J u l y , 195^, the u n i o n went i n t o e c l i p s e as a r e s u l t o f the c o u n t e r - r e v o l u t i o n o f C a s t i l l o Armas. A l t h o u g h i t was r e - e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1955* the u n i o n has n e ver r e g a i n e d i t s former s t r e n g t h . F a c t o r y workers a r e not r e q u i r e d to j o i n the u n i o n , a l t h o u g h the minimum wage i s p a i d o n l y to u n i o n members. The u n i o n may S t r i k e o n l y when the l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s board o f Guatemala d e c l a r e s i t l e g a l . The company has been known to r e a c h an agreement w i t h the u n i o n , o n l y to renege on i t s 154 promises l a t e r * F i n a l l y , the u n i o n has been unable to prevent the company from h i r i n g workers on a p r o -b a t i o n a r y b a s i s , then d i s m i s s i n g them a t the end o f the two-month p e r i o d . I pursue these matters i n d e t a i l i n the next c h a p t e r . C. Other O c c u p a t i o n s . The f a c t t h a t most Cantelenos are e i t h e r f a c t o r y workers o r c u l t i v a t o r s does not p r e -c l u d e the e x i s t e n c e o f o t h e r p u r s u i t s . Some occupa-t i o n s a r e e x c l u s i v e l y those o f the poor: c u t t i n g f i r e w o o d o r p l a n k s , adobe b r i c k m a k i n g , b r i c k l a y i n g , p a i n t i n g , b a r b e r i n g . None o f those o c c u p a t i o n s a r e l u c r a t i v e ; a l l w i t h the e x c e p t i o n o f b a r b e r i n g and f i r e - w o o d c u t t i n g ar e pursued d u r i n g the s l a c k months o f the r a i n y season. There a re a l s o a number o f shops t h a t s e r v i c e the needs o f C a n t e l e n o s . By f a r the l a r g e s t number o f them are the pulperjfas t g e n e r a l s t o r e s o f v a r i o u s s i z e s t h a t s e l l c a r b o n a t e d d r i n k s , c i g a r e t t e s , canned goods, a s p i r i n , and o t h e r manufactured i t e m s . Some s e l l b e e r and wine; but those goods are absent i n P r o t e s t a n t -owned s t o r e s . The c a n t i n a s double as g e n e r a l s t o r e and l i q u o r s t o r e ; they a re l i c e n s e d to s e l l h a r d l i q u o r as w e l l as beer and wine. Other shops are more s p e c i a l i z e d : b u t c h e r s (which s p e c i a l i z e i n e i t h e r b e e f or pork but not b o t h ) , b a k e r i e s (which o f t e n f u n c t i o n as g e n e r a l s t o r e s ) , and pharmacies (one o f which doubles as a g e n e r a l s t o r e ) . 155 Other shops o f f e r s e r v i c e s r a t h e r than goods. By-f a r the g r e a t e s t number are the molinos de n i x t a m a l . g a s o l i n e - r u n c o r n m i l l s which g r i n d the c o r n used d a i l y i n I n d i a n h o u s e h o l d s . Barbershops a r e a l s o common. There are a l s o c a r p e n t e r shops, t a i l o r shops, a r a d i o shop, and even a p r i v a t e "gymnasium". One o f the t a i l o r s i n C a n t e l i s an agent f o r a f e r t i -l i z e r c o n c e r n . F i n a l l y , a number o f buses r u n between C a n t e l and Quezaltenango, c a r r y i n g passengers and cargo f o r f i f t e e n c e n t s . By f a r the most f r e q u e n t and r e g u l a r bus s e r v i c e i s between Pasac and Quezaltenango; f o u r l o c a l l i n e s a r e i n s e r v i c e . Two autobuses r u n between the v i l l a g e I t s e l f and Quesaltenango, each l e a v i n g and r e t u r n i n g once i n the morning and once i n the a f t e r n o o n . There a r e a l s o autobuses c o n n e c t i n g the cantdnes o f Pachaj and La E s t a n c i a to the c i t y ; each l i n e runs once a day. D. The Market o f C a n t e l . The b u l k o f goods t h a t change hands i n C a n t e l f l o w through an open a i r market t h a t i s h e l d e v e r y Sunday i n a p a r t i a l l y - s h e l t e r e d p l a z a , c o n s t r u c t e d i n 1958 f o r t h a t purpose. The main p l a z a was once the market p l a c e ; a few vendors s t i l l s e l l t h e i r wares t h e r e . As i n most r e g i o n a l markets found i n h i g h l a n d I n d i a n v i l l a g e s o f Meso-America, vendors o f the same wares c l u s t e r a t the same s p o t . Corn and bean vendors l i n e the s t r e e t 156 o u t s i d e th© market p l a c e (see map, f i g . 3*5). Veg-e t a b l e s e l l e r s and i t i n e r a n t b u t c h e r s occupy the v e s t b u i l d i n g . Vendors o f hand-woven c l o t h s and d r e s s e s l i n e the w a l l s o f the same b u i l d i n g . E v e r y v i l l a g e whose wares are o f f e r e d f o r s a l e i n C a n t e l have a p a r t i a l - m o n o p o l y over the p r o d u c t i o n o f these wares. Lumber, ocote ( p i t c h p i n e f o r l i g h t i n g f i r e s ) , and g r i n d i n g stones come from Nahuala and Santa C a t a r i n a Ixtahuacan. P o t t e r y comes from San C r i s t o b a l T o t o n i -capan and T o t o n i c a p a n . Hand-woven c l o t h f o r womens* s k i r t s come from San C r i s t o b a l T o t o n i c a p a n . So do embroidered h u i p i l e s (womens* b l o u s e s ) . H u l p i l e s w i t h woven d e s i g n s come from T o t o n i c a p a n and Quezaltenango. Wooden f u r n i t u r e comes from T o t o n i c a p a n . B l a n k e t s come from Momostenango and San F r a n c i s c o e l A l t o . L e a t h e r goods, b a s k e t s , and f o p e come from E l Quiche and Coban. V e g e t a b l e s come from Z u n i l and Almolonga. Panela (brown cakes o f crude sugar) come from the P a c i f i c c o a s t a l r e g i o n s , as do t r o p i c a l f r u i t s , c h i l e s . yuca (manioc), and raw c o t t o n . C a n t e l i t s e l f s p e c i a l -i z e s i n c o r n , beans and wheat. Tlie r e g i o n a l market o f C a n t e l has i t s l i m i t s ; goods made i n the r e g i o n s s u r -r o u n d i n g the San Marcos-San Pedro Sacatepequez a r e a to the west, the Lake A t i t l a n a r e a to the e a s t , and the Huehuetenango a r e a to the n o r t h seldom come to C a n t e l . Even the p o t a t o s e l l e r s from Todos Santos (a v i l l a g e 157 Figure 3»5 Plan of the Municipal Market of Cantel t T A A 158 i n Huehuetenango) who appear i n Quezaltenango seldom come to C a n t e l * B e s i d e s the major market i n C a n t e l , t h e r e a r e s m a l l e r markets h e l d i n Pasac on Saturdays and Mondays* A few f o r e i g n t r a d e r s come to hawk t h e i r wares, but most w i l l be i n the major market o f T o t o n i c a p a n on Saturday o r the one i n Z u n i l on Monday, The s e l e c t i o n o f goods i s c o n s e q u e n t l y l o c a l , and most s e l l e r s a r e from C a n t e l i t s e l f . O f t e n i t has been a s s e r t e d t h a t the r e g i o n a l market i s one common f e a t u r e o f c o r p o r a t e communities ( o f e i t h e r t y p e ) . G i v e n the low amounts o f c a p i t a l a v a i l -a b l e t o every p e r s o n o f such a community, the market p r o v i d e s an o u t l e t f o r persons w i t h something to s e l l , but who l a c k the c a p i t a l to p r o v i d e f o r the overhead n e c e s s a r y to s t a r t a s t o r e ( r e n t , i n v e n t o r y , e t c . ) . Moreover, the s e m i m o n o p o l i s t i c s p e c i a l i z a t i o n o f each community i n one o r two crops o r c r a f t s a s s u r e s i t s producers o f something o f a market f o r what they produce. T h i s minimizes the r i s k s which the low-income producers can i l l a f f o r d , y e t a l l o w s them a c c e s s to buyers whose p u r c h a s i n g power i s low and extremedy i r r e g u l a r (Kaplan 1965: 84-86? Nash 1967a: 94-99; Wolf 1967b: 509-510). My i n f o r m a t i o n on the C a n t e l market suggests some r e v i s i o n to these a s s e r t i o n s . As the next c h a p t e r w i l l 159 show, t h e r e has i n d e e d been a growth i n the number o f l o c a l b u s i n e s s e s as a r e s u l t o f the i n c r e a s e d wages t h a t u n i o n i z a t i o n has brought. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the Monday market i n Pasac i s r e c e n t ; the Saturday market began a f t e r u n i o n i z a t i o n . The r e g i o n a l market i n C a n t e l has b e n e f i t t e d from the wage i n c r e a s e s o f the 19^0•s and 1950 1s. d e s p i t e the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f c a p i t a l f o r permanent b u s i n e s s e s t h a t those i n c r e a s e s have generated. E. M a t e r i a l C u l t u r e . At a s u p e r f i c i a l l e v e l . C a n t e l shows few s i g n s o f l a r g e - s c a l e m o d e r n i z a t i o n . I n d i a n men wear western c l o t h i n g , but almost a l l I n d i a n women, even young g i r l s who cannot speak Quiche, wear the " t r a d i t i o n a l " h u i p i l ( b l o u s e ) and l o n g , wrap-around s k i r t h e l d t o g e t h e r by a t i g h t woven b e l t . Houses, even new ones, remain t r a d i t i o n a l windowless adobe c u b i c l e s whose doors open onto a b a r e - e a r t h p a t i o . Adobe w a l l s c o n t i n u e to sep a r a t e house-holds from each o t h e r and from the s t r e e t . The t a s t e l e s s t a m a l i t o and t o r t i l l a . made o f c o r n mash soaked i n water con-t a i n i n g l i m e , remain the s t a p l e o f every household. Yet changes are making t h e i r appearance. A few I n d i a n g i r l s a re wearing western d r e s s . The w a l l s o f some households have become e l a b o r a t e l y d e c o r a t e d . Some houses i n the pueblo and Pasac have water p i p e d to t h e i r houses, f o r which the owners pay a f e e . Some l6o have e l e c t r i c l i g h t s . The c o r n e r s o f a l l the main s t r e e t s o f the pueblo and Pasac a r e l i g h t e d . Non-t r a d i t i o n a l foods supplement the Canteleno d i e t * 1. Food. The b a s i c s t a p l e o f a l l I n d i a n households, and even o f most l a d i n o households, i s maize. I t i s consumed i n t h r e e forms: t a m a l i t o s , a c y l i n d r i c a l cake which i s pr e p a r e d by wrapping i t i n c o r n l e a v e s and steaming i t i n a pot; t o r t i l l a s . a f l a t t e n e d cake cooked on a heated comal, o r l a r g e c i r c u l a r ceramic g r i d d l e ; and atoJLe, a c o r n g r u e l . A l l a r e made from n i x t a m a l , a d o u g h - l i k e substance made by s o a k i n g d r i e d c o r n o v e r n i g h t i n water mixed w i t h c a l ( l i m e ) to s o f t e n i t . The c o r n i s then cooked and ground, e i t h e r by a mano and metate, o r by machine. Many women now take t h e i r c o r n to a nearby m i l l f o r g r i n d i n g ; o n l y those who cannot a f f o r d the c o s t o f one centavo g r i n d t h e i r c o r n by hand* C h i l e , p r e p a r e d i n a tomato-based sauce, s e r v e s as a condiment f o r t a m a l i t o s and t o r t i l l a s . Indeed, those s t a p l e s , t o g e t h e r w i t h c o f f e e , c o n s t i t u t e the morning and noon meal f o r most f a m i l i e s . Some add beans to t h e i r d i e t , and many supplement t h e i r d i e t on Sundays and f i e s t a s w i t h s p i n a c h , tomatoes, w i l d greens, g u i s g u i l (a c a c t u s f r u i t ) , b e e t s , and meat ( e i t h e r pork o r beef; few f a m i l i e s o r none eat mutton). On f e s t i v e o c c a s i o n s ( f i e s t a t i t u l a r , o r f e s t i v i t y 1 6 1 of the municipio 1s patron s a i n t , weddings, birthdays, and f u n e r a l s ) , paches become the main meal. These are cakes of r i c e or potatoes garnished i n the centre with meat and a red condiment c a l l e d achiote. Chicken and turkey i s reserved f o r those occasions. On Semana  Santa (Easter Week), bread made with wheat f l o u r and corn meal (elote) that has not been soaked with lime i s served and exchanged with neighbours. On the nine days before Christmas, nine host f a m i l i e s serve sweet-breads and sweetened r i c e a t oles to the pilgrims r e -t r a c i n g the search of C h r i s t ' s family f o r lodging (posadas). 2. Shelter. The t y p i c a l town dwelling consists of a walled yard with the house i t s e l f l i n i n g one or two of i t s edges. The house consists of windowless rooms containing one entrance that leads to the yard. Newer houses may have a window or two f a c i n g the yard, or l e s s often, the s t r e e t . Pew houses have doorways leading from one room d i r e c t l y i n t o another. Most houses have a bedroom, a sal a ( l i v i n g room and guest room which sometimes functions also as a workshop), and a kitchen. The kitchen u s u a l l y lacks a chimney, and the room i s often black from years of accumulated smoke. The t r a d i t i o n a l kitchen consists of three stones forming a hearth, with the f i r e i n the centre and the cooking pots on the stones when the women of the house are cooking. In recent years, h i b a c h i - l i k e 162 c o o k i n g s t o v e s have been i n t r o d u c e d . E v e r y k i t c h e n has a f l a t g r i n d i n g - s t o n e (metate) and a c y l i n d r i c a l stone r o l l e r (mano). I n the s a l a a r e c h a i r s and a t a b l e ; hanging on the w a l l s a r e c a l e n d a r s , r e l i g i o u s p i c t u r e s , f a m i l y photographs, and perhaps a c r u c i f i x * The e n t i r e f a m i l y u s u a l l y shares the same bedroom; where t h e r e a re l a r g e f a m i l i e s , two rooms a t most serve as bedrooms. W e a l t h i e r f a m i l i e s a l s o have e l e c t r i c l i g h t s i n t h e i r s a l a s and bedrooms. The y a r d i s u s u a l l y e i t h e r bare o r has a few c o r n s t a l k s growing. I n e v i t a b l y f a m i l i e s keep dogs, c h i c k e n s and p i g s , a l l o f which are a l l o w e d to wander f r e e l y i n t o and out the rooms o f the house and i n t o the s t r e e t s . Some houses a l s o c o n t a i n s t a l l s f o r horses o r c a t t l e . Almost a l l houses have a l a r g e wooden box c o v e r e d w i t h straw f o r c o r n s t o r a g e . The more o t r a d i t i o n a l houses have a temescal (sweat bath) i n one c o r n e r o f the y a r d . W e a l t h i e r f a m i l i e s o f t e n have water f a u c e t s and a cement washbasin. The w a l l s o f almost a l l houses are o f adobe, whitewashed and unadorned; o n l y a few have w a l l s made of s t i c k s and mud. Roofs a r e o f r e d , s