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Creative learning approaches for an urban design process Zacharias, John 1974

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CREATIVE LEARNING APPROACHES FOR AN URBAN DESIGN PROCESS  John Zacharias B.A.r University of Saskatchewan, 1972  A THESIS  S U W i I T T E D  IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF  THE REOJJIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of Community and Regional planning  We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required  standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1974  In  presenting  this  an a d v a n c e d  degree  the  shall  I  Library  f u r t h e r agree  for  scholarly  by h i s of  this  written  thesis at  the U n i v e r s i t y  make  that  it  purposes  for  may  financial  is  ZdpbU  tfl4  of  Columbia,  British  by  for  gain  Columbia  shall  the  that  not  requirements I  agree  r e f e r e n c e and copying  t h e Head o f  understood  of  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, Canada  of  for extensive  be g r a n t e d  It  fulfilment  available  permission.  Department  Date  freely  permission  representatives. thesis  in p a r t i a l  of  this  be a l l o w e d  or  that  study. thesis  my D e p a r t m e n t  copying  for  or  publication  without  my  ii ABSTRACT  Our age i s characterized by the fundamental contradiction between the increasing functional complexity of the, environment and the apparent, structural simplicity of the design process, and the designed environment. This dichotomy has made man a stranger to his own world, isolating experience from action, and restricting his behaviour i n the environment.  The conscious  design process of today, characterized by systems, hierarchical organization, external control, and formalized rules and strategies, i s no longer adequate i n an era of rapid change. Self-conscious urban design as a process of giving form and meaning to the environment, has i t s e l f become meaningless. "Creativity" i s identified as the primary link between experience and meaningful behaviour i n designing the environment. It i s characterized by responsiveness to environment and to change, openness to experience, and the open-ended synthesis of information.  While creativity has been considered as the  phenomenon of individual internal synthesis, i t can be externalized as an urban design process following this general pattern;  First, creativity can be operaticnalized for design  purposes i n every individual.  Second, the environmental  conditions for creativity, called "attitudes" can be designed into the environment for increased "arousal" i n individuals. These include conflict, ambiguity, complexity, novelty, and expectation. These attributes transform the environment from  iii an aesthetic f i e l d to an a c t i v i t y f i e l d , through the experience".  "kinaesthetic  T h i r d , areas f o r i n d i v i d u a l creative action  must be present i n the environment, which i s then characterized by functional f l e x i b i l i t y , continuity of change, and design contingencies.  The conscious design approaches, v i z .  Formalist,  H e u r i s t i c , and Operating Unit are shown to be inadequate according to the above c r i t e r i a .  Ad hoc approaches are  examined as the design approach a l t e r n a t i v e , and methods f o r obtaining feedback are l i s t e d that enable the ad hoc model to become responsive and c r e a t i v e , rather than merely p a l l i a t i v e . F i n a l l y , the distinguishing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the l e a r n i n g approach to urban design are l i s t e d , with some implications f o r i t s planning future.  The  salient  features  of the approach are shown to p a r a l l e l i d e n t i f i e d creative processes i n government, architecture, i n d u s t r i a l management, biology, design and technological production.  Supervisor  iv  TABLE OP CONTENTS  page 2  INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4  CREATIVITY ROLES IN URBAN DESIGN Creativity Experienoe Environment - a problem of Design Experience, environment, c r e a t i v i t y  8 8 11 13 16  CHAPTER 2 2.1 2.2 2.3  EXTERNALIZING CREATIVITY Creative functions i n Environmental Design The Functional Significance of Environment Inferences f o r a Creative Urban Design process  23 23 29 38  CHAPTER 3 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5  CREATIVE ENVIRONMENTAL ATTITUDES Conflict Ambiguity Complexity Novelty Expectations  42 45 51 56 58 60  CHAPTER 4 4.1 4.2 4.3  PLANNING FOR CREATIVE DESIGN Determinants of a Creative Plan Selfconscious Design Approaches Contingency planning  66 67 69 72  Feedback Mechanisms  81  THE CONFLUENT FUTURE  90  4.4 CHAPTER 5 BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX A.1 A. 2 A.3 A.4 A.5 A.6 A.7  97 105 Creative decision-making i n municipal government Self-regulating recreating communities Creative potential i n portable architecture Creative b i o l o g i c a l growth Job environment, enrichment Creative potential of design Information Resources  105 108 109 111 114 116 119°  1  A government cannot have too much of the kind of a c t i v i t y which does n o t impede, but aids and stimulates, i n d i v i d u a l exertion and development....  The worth of a State, i n the long run, i s  the worth of the i n d i v i d u a l s composing i t ; and a State which postpones the i n t e r e s t s of t h e i r mental expansion and elevation, to a l i t t l e more of administrative s k i l l , or of that semblance of i t which practice gives, i n the d e t a i l s of business; a State which dwarfs i t s men, i n order that they may be more d o c i l e instruments i n i t s hands even f o r b e n e f i c i a l purposes, w i l l f i n d that with small men no great thing can r e a l l y be accomplished; and that the perfection of machinery to which i t has s a c r i f i c e d everything, w i l l i n the end a v a i l i t nothing, f o r want of the v i t a l power which, i n order that the machine might work more smoothly, i t has preferred to banish.  John Stuart M i l l , On Liberty  2  IOTBODUGTION  The urban environment i s e n t i r e l y man-made. Every element within the man-made environment i s a r e s u l t of some f e l t need, purpose, or creative process. Our a b i l i t y to continue to recreate t h i s environment i n our own image i s contingent upon our a b i l i t y to understand the physical world, and f i n d outlets f o r c r e a t i v i t y .  Urban design i s the process  whereby i n d i v i d u a l s i n t e r a c t with the environment on a meaningful l e v e l , create through the communication of ideas, and learn from the experience of the recreated environment. A number of changes i n the man-environment r e l a t i o n s h i p have made a new approach to urban design c r u c i a l .  C i t i e s today  are characterized by a seemingly random process of growth, and the discordant use of a plethora of materials and construction methods.  An increasing r a t e of change coupled with a r i s i n g scale  of design action have created a d i s p a r i t y between how the environment operates and how i t i s perceived - functional complexity and v i s u a l s i m p l i c i t y .  These conditions of i n s t a b i l i t y  have undermined the meaningful form of the c i i y , and the individual's experience of that form..  The lack of meaning  i n our c i t i e s i s r e a l l y an a l i e n a t i o n of experience. The i n d i v i d u a l influences an increasingly smaller area of the world  3 he experiences, so that h i s behaviour i s e f f e c t i v e l y severed from h i s experience.  Design without meaningful  experience  i s not design. T r a d i t i o n a l urban design was concerned with the h i s t o r i c a l continuity of the c i t y .  I t conceived of the p r e - i n d u s t r i a l  c i t y as a closed system i n which i n d i v i d u a l s shared a common experience of the environment, disposed of a l i m i t e d array of materials and methods of construction, and so acted i n concert to produoe t h e i r c i t y . were harmoniously l i n k e d .  Man,  experience, and environment  As technology transformed the  c i t y and the complexity of problems and solutions increased, the design function f e l l i n t o the hands of s p e c i a l i s t s .  It  i s apparent that h i s t o r i c a l continuity i s no longer a s a l i e n t feature of c i t y design.  The vast repertoire of buildings,;  spaces, and methods of design i n the modern c i t y has a short history. The r a t i o n a l - s c i e n t i f i c approach to design i s i n part an e f f o r t to return to a human-centred urban design. I t searches f o r universal values and needs that can be s a t i s f i e d through a systematized approach to design.  I t i s history-less.  Rational problem-solving attempts to achieve a better " f i t " between need and design, by proceeding according to established r u l e s or with some certainty of success.  The s p e c i a l i s t s of  the r a t i o n a l - s c i e n t i f i c approach attempt to define the physical  4 needs of behaviour i n i s o l a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s experience. Bostoevsky  i n Notes from the Underground imagined a world i n  which the "psychologists" had catalogued a l l of man's responses, and were thus able to predict every conceivable action of man under given conditions. He supposed such a world i n order to dismiss the e f f o r t as Impossible and undesirable.  Urban  design of t h i s nature i s problem- and need-oriented, and i t s r e s u l t s are at worst p a l l i a t i o n , and at best, often l a c k i n g i n meaning. Both of these design approaches, though diametrically opposed p h i l o s o p h i c a l l y , do have one thing i n common:  they  are concerned with the hardware of c i t y design, the physical r e s u l t s rather than how the r e s u l t s come i n t o being.  Both  approaches assume a specialized design corps, and a h i e r a r c h i c a l l y organized design process with formal, externalized r u l e s . Urban design has f a i l e d to give meaning to the process of c i t y - b u i l d i n g , and has f a i l e d to involve i n d i v i d u a l s .  The  increasing complexity of problems, the emergence of the 'meta problem' (Chevalier,  1967)»  the confusing profusion of methods  and materials available to a small group of s p e c i a l i s t designers, have rendered our design e f f o r t s a r b i t r a r y and l a r g e l y meaningless. This thesis sees the innate human a b i l i t y to act purposefully on the environment as a means of escaping our  5 design quandary. re-order.  C r e a t i v i t y i s the a b i l i t y to adapt and to  I t i s the interface between man and h i s experience  of the environment.  Through c r e a t i v i t y man i s able to give  meaning and form to h i s experience and to h i s physical world. Meaning and form are the achievement of urban design.  The  urban design process must become concerned with the stimulation of i n d i v i d u a l c r e a t i v i t y , the i n t e r a c t i o n of ideas, and the outlets f o r i n d i v i d u a l design action. The creative environment i s both the source of ideas and the stage f o r creative action.  The psychological makeup  of the environment can be controlled so as to induce the state of "arousal" precedent to the creative process.  Our  knowledge of t h i s area i s l a r g e l y confined to the f i e l d of aesthetics, since i t i s the v i s u a l sense that dominates our perception.  Other sources include the psychology of perception  and the emergent f i e l d of psychobiology.  The purpose of  e f f o r t s to introduce aspects of complexity, novelty, ambiguity, conflict  and expectation into the environment i s not to r e f i n e  the i n d i v i d u a l ' s aesthetic sense, but to i n i t i a t e design interaction. An increased rate of change i n the environment i s made acceptable by s c a l i n g the change to the i n d i v i d u a l .  The  learning approach to design assumes that plans never present a t o t a l i t y or f i n a l product but i n i t i a t e a series of small-scale responses.  The ad hoc, or improvisational approach to design  6 assumes a constant f l u x i n environmental conditions - the conditions of rapid change.  The  e x i s t i n g and emergent conditions  of rapid change necessitate an atomisation hoc action i s incremental,  of design.  Ad  but not piecemeal, since i t - i s a  response to ever-changing needs and purposes.  The  learning  approach to design necessarily involves a l l i n d i v i d u a l s i n society, since i t depends on a generally accepted, constantly evolving pattern of needs, ideas, and physical forms. Plans are necessarily open-ended since the c r e a t i v e process of synthesis i n i n d i v i d u a l s i s also open-ended. Elaboration of the environment through the design of the personal environment i s an i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t .  Design as an  anonymous response to simple defined needs, does not meet the i n d i v i d u a l ' s basic need f o r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with h i s environment, and f o r a complexity of meaning.  Planning f o r c r e a t i v i t y  incorporates f l e x i b i l i t y of function, continuity i n time, and environmental contingencies.  A s e l e c t i v e view of present  planning methods attempts to define the operation of these principles. In order to succeed, the learning approach to urban design must make information available i n a meaningful form to the designers.  The creative process, seen as an urban  design process, must organize a l l information as the i n i t i a l stage i n creative synthesis and creation i t s e l f .  This w i l l  7 ensure that the o v e r a l l environmental product at any stage i n i t s recreation has the coherence f a m i l i a r to evolving systems. Other programmes w i l l orient i n d i v i d u a l s to a participatory r o l e i n the design of t h e i r environments.  This  w i l l mean experimental design, where i n d i v i d u a l s p a r t i c i p a t e i n impermanent environments, and a l t e r them according to the perceived r e s u l t s .  Educational programmes w i l l orient the  i n d i v i d u a l to a changing environment and a s s i s t i n the a r t i c u l a t i o n of experience, and i n the process of making concepts reality. In a symbolic sense the learning approach to design i s a return to p r e - i n d u s t r i a l days when c i t y - b u i l d i n g was an important r i t u a l i s t i c experience: of almost every c i t i z e n . The cathedral-building of the Mediaeval French towns demonstrated a true community and environmental awareness i n a way the p o l i t i c a l system could not.  A f a i t h i n the creative p o t e n t i a l  of man may y e t be the key to a humanistic environment.  a CHAPTER 1:  1,1  CREATIVITY ROLES IN URBAN DESIGN  Creativity The t h i r d e d i t i o n of the Shorter Oxford E n g l i s h Dictionary  does not acknowledge the existence of the word ' c r e a t i v i t y . 1  C r e a t i v i t y has nevertheless been defined, simply and concisely, as 'the a b i l i t y to bring something new i n t o existence 1965).  1  (Barron,  The value of the creative process i s i n i n f u s i n g l i f e  with the new, the novel and the unexpected that enriches what might otherwise be a monotonous existence. change.  C r e a t i v i t y means  "The creative process i s the process of change, of  development, of evolution i n the organization of subjective l i f e " ( G h i s e l i n , 1952). The notions of development and evolution suggest that creative action i s incremental  and purposeful,  and i s neither an accident nor a giftedness of c e r t a i n individuals.  A creative product i s the r e s u l t of human  purposes, rather than either the random processes of nature or t r i a l - a n d - e r r o r processes of human a c t i v i t y . Studies i n c r e a t i v i t y have dealt with three major areas - the i n d i v i d u a l , h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and the processes through which he a r r i v e s at the creative product; the relationship of c r e a t i v i t y to the transactions between the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s environment; and the environment, i t s  9 f a c i l i t a t i n g or i n h i b i t i n g effect on c r e a t i v i t y . Most of the l i t e r a t u r e dealing with the i n d i v i d u a l and i n t e r n a l processes of c r e a t i v i t y emphasizes the giftedness of certain i n d i v i d u a l s , the unusual combination of learning, personality  and circumstance that i n s p i r e s great works of  l i t e r a t u r e , music, v i s u a l a r t s , f i l m and philosophy (Thurstone, 1950; G h i s e l i n , 1952;  Hewell et a l , 1958; Dewey, 1934; Galton,  1870). Heredity i s a factor that has been disputed as a possible influence  on the creative functioning  of exceptional  i n d i v i d u a l s , but heredity has never been s u f f i c i e n t l y separated from environment.  A c e r t a i n type of primrose produces red;  flowers when grown at low temperatures, but white ones at higher temperatures.  I t s flower colour i s c e r t a i n l y an  hereditary t r a i t , but what i s inherited i s not a p a r t i c u l a r colour but a p a r t i c u l a r norm of r e a c t i v i t y to temperature by the pigmentation process i n i t s flowers. As an analogy to the human situation we might suppose that while the conditions precedent to c r e a t i v i t y might be i n h e r i t e d , the presence of c r e a t i v i t y i n an i n d i v i d u a l i s a r e s u l t of environmental factors. Intelligence i s another factor that has been linked with the c r e a t i v i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l .  But i t has been shown that  i n t e l l i g e n t people are not always creative, and more important, that creative people are not. always overly i n t e l l i g e n t 1962).  (Getzels,  In dealing with the concepts of i n t e l l i g e n c e and  ia c r e a t i v i t y , we are not studying separate ' f a c u l t i e s ' of the mind, nor dealing with d i s t i n c t f a c t o r s , but simply with modes of thinking (Wallach and Kogan, 1965* 1965a; Shonksmith, 1970; G u i l f o r d , 1 9 5 0 ) . The second area of c r e a t i v i t y study examines the i n t e r a c t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l and environment.  The r e l a t i o n s h i p s  between c r e a t i v i t y and perception, thinking, and imagery are examined (Arnheim, 1954; Jung, 1928, 1964, K r e i t l e r and K r e i t l e r , 1972; Lowenfeld,  1959).  The t h i r d and l a s t f i e l d i s the one of c h i e f concern i n t h i s study of the design prooess i n the urban  environment.  C r e a t i v i t y as discussed by writers oonoerned with the physical and s o c i a l environments, i s concerned with the apperceptions and a b i l i t i e s inherent i n every i n d i v i d u a l .  This kind of  c r e a t i v i t y i s c a l l e d " s e l f - a c t u a l i z i n g c r e a t i v i t y " by Abraham Maslow ( 1 9 6 2 ) , "the creative a t t i t u d e " by E r i c h Fromm ( 1 9 4 1 ) , and "openness to experience" by C a r l Rogers (1959)•  These  authors argue that i n s p i r a t i o n and idea synthesis need not necessarily culminate i n a physical product, since the creative drive i t s e l f i s an i n s u f f i c i e n t task master f o r the hard work involved i n an a r t i s t i c product.  Inspirations and  insights are a "dime a dozen", and there are many more people with good ideas than there are creators.  Creativity i s  released from the bond to productivity that characterized  11 e a r l i e r analyses, and i t i s no longer seen as an accident of unpredictable circumstances, the past-time of an i n t e l l e c t u a l l y gifted e l i t e .  I t belongs to people i n general.  The work of these s o c i a l psychologists i n the f i e l d of human development has d i r e c t consequences f o r the formal design process i n the urban environment.  I t i s proposed that  planning through i t s ordering e f f e c t on the environment strongly influences our creative a b i l i t y and the area i n which i n d i v i d u a l s can 'act out' t h e i r c r e a t i v i t y .  C r e a t i v i t y on  both conceptual planes and p r a c t i c a l planes, i s e s s e n t i a l i f we are to achieve satisfactory l i v i n g and working  environments.  The task of those concerned with the process of urban design i s to activate the i n c i p i e n t c r e a t i v i t y i n i n d i v i d u a l s , and d i r e c t i t toward the physical environment and toward an expressed result.  1.2  Experience  Experience i s i n v i s i b l e to the other. But experience i s not subjective rather than 'objective', n o t 'inner' rather than 'outer', not process rather than praxis, not input, rather than output-, not psychic rather than somatic, not some doubtful data dredged up from introspection rather than extrospection. Least of a l l i s experience 'intrapsychic process'. (Laing, 1967, P. 17) Thus some of our current notions of experience are c r i t i c i z e d .  12 Perhaps we can best define experience  by examining i t s changing  r o l e i n current society. Experience belongs to the i n d i v i d u a l .  How an i n d i v i d u a l  experiences h i s world largely determines h i s a b i l i t y to comprehend i t and act upon i t .  I t i s c r u c i a l that  of the environment be made meaningful. by integrating experience environment-building  experience  T h i s can be accomplished  and action, a c t i v e l y encouraging  by i n d i v i d u a l s (Sivadon, 1970; Laing, 1967).  Psychological distance to the perceivable world i s diminishing (Moles, 19&7)• As the i n d i v i d u a l reaches further into abstraction, i n t o depth, the implications of any action become greater.  A l l action takes on increased meaning as the  perception of the event deepens and widens.  Thus the world  takes on increased meaning generally, and expanded awareness demands a broader f i e l d of a c t i o n . a b s t r a c t i ^n legibility implications  depth d i s p o s i t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l The r e l a t i o n s h i p between psychological distance, meaning and awareness i s exactly analogous to the idea that the creative attitude extends the experience, and i s an out-going  13 process, while the consumer attitude i s inward-directed, /is  creator attitude  consumer attitude  It. i s proposed here that society i s tending away from a consuming ethic toward a producing e t h i c .  Meaningful  experience i s derived from the increasing out-going a c t i v i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s .  The r e s u l t of producing, creative a c t i v i t y  i s increasing amounts of change i n the physical environment i n i t i a t e d by i n d i v i d u a l s .  1.3  Environment - A problem of Design  Present wisdom i n the f i e l d of environmental planning concerns i t s e l f with the overt quality of the human experience. In an urban context, planning and architecture are concerned with b u i l t environments that change i n small and d i s c r e t e jumps.  We plan i n stages, or we project our ideas f o r the  future design of the environment toward a s p e c i f i c time and place; perhaps 1984, 1994, or 2001.  We do not understand the  future as a changing state but rather as conditions s t a t i c  14 i n a given moment of time.  The architect-designed environment  creates conditions that are then subject to random a c t i o n . The contemporary urban landscape has the appearance of a modular puzzle, where blocks are removed and eventually r e f i l l e d , seemingly a t random.  PAST  PRESENT  perceivable time span  The  scale of change increases as our technology and  organization permit us greater scope f o r a c t i o n .  Conceptualize  the urban environment as a block g r i d i n which 1/4 or the potential action s i t e s are under change at some time i n the past.  I f the scale of change quadrupled i n the present,  and the rate of change remained constant, then the q u a l i t y of change i s remarkably d i f f e r e n t .  Change i s not as perceivable  i n the present since the discrete jumps of change occur over a longer period.  In the f i r s t case, change can be perceived  as such, because i t i n e v i t a b l y occurs within a forseeable time span, while i n the second case, change appears as disruption since the end-product i s outside the perceivable time span.  15 The f i r s t scheme i s r e l a t i v e l y more complex than the second i n terms of v i s u a l and a c t i v i t y patterns.  I t has  been shown that people prefer intermediate l e v e l s of complexity (Piske and Maddi, 1961),. The environment i s tending toward extreme v i s u a l simplicity and functional complexity.  The o f f i c e b u i l d i n g of  today contains a complex function but exhibits only gross s i m p l i c i t y i n i t s exterior form. r e l a t i o n to the design without.  The a c t i v i t y within bears no Appearance does not r e l a t e to  function. As the p o s s i b i l i t y of action diminishes, so does creativity i t s e l f .  The scale and rate of change i n design,  then, vary inversely as c r e a t i v i t y .  The clues to successful  design p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n tne urban environment would appear to l i e i n the process of change i t s e l f .  Reducing the scale  of design and transforming the conscious designing process to a subconscious designing process, w i l l be discussed i n Chapter  Three. The major undesirable e f f e c t s of change occur i n the  period of upheaval and change-over.  Normal l e v e l s of a c t i v i t y  can be accomodated i n the environment when the change i s incremental and response-induced.  16 1.4  Experience, environment, c r e a t i v i t y  Man's motivations to act were once thought to be based i n reason. Attempting to understand behaviour was to probe within the r a t i o n a l mind, however self-seeking and indulgent i t might appear.  Man was the centre of the universe.  Disasters  on a world scale wrought by man himself, wrenched us from t h i s i d e a l , and instigated numerous researches i n t o motivation and behaviour.  Both Wilhelra Wundt (1832-1920) and William James  (1842-1910) noted flaws i n the simple, anthropocentric view of man i n the p r e - i n d u s t r i a l age.  Freud's The Interpretation  of Dreams (1900) was a c r i p p l i n g blow to the fond b e l i e f i n the will-power and reason of man. The new views are, among other things, a c l e a r attempt to break down the barriers between experience and environment, between man and nature. Man had seen himself as master over animals and nature, and suddenly man was himself an animal, a part of nature.  Several d i f f e r e n t approaches i n psychology  were launched to attempt a re-Bynthesis of man i n environment. Owing philosophically to Newton and Darwin, Behaviourism declared man to be f l e x i b l e , malleable and a passive victim of h i s environment which determined h i s behaviour. The human being was bereft of purpose; thinking and emotion became random and superfluous a c t i v i t i e s of the human animal.  11 Early studies of human behaviour r e l i e d heavily on first-hand documentation of experience, the product of introspection, rather than experience i t s e l f .  A concomitant  e f f o r t was made to explain the creative impulses o f an i n d i v i d u a l i n terms of the physical s e t t i n g .  Later the simple premise  permeating most thinking on motivation might be summarized by regarding man as a s o l i t a r y u n i t i n a universal scheme of things.  This placed l i m i t s both on the body, whose actions  we know to be l i m i t e d and on experience, the functional l i m i t s of which we do not know. Attempting to define how experience influences behaviour has led many psychologists and designers d e f i n i t i o n of environment.  to a functional  This has been u s e f u l i n a r r i v i n g  at manipulable u n i t s of the environment. Man's senses have been viewed as a u s e f u l i n t e r f a c e with the environment.  H i s every e f f o r t was supposedly directed  toward survival i n a b a s i c a l l y i n i m i c a l universe.  Clothing  supplemented the f i r s t i n t e r f a c e , r e l e a s i n g man from some of the discomfort and d i f f i c u l t y of d i r e c t contact with the elements.  A shelter was the second major i n t e r f a c e with the  environment, r e p e l l i n g the major destructive forces i n the environment, while creating an " i d e a l " physical and psychological climate of i t s own.  In t h i s way man was released from the  necessity of coping with the outside world, foraging f o r  18 sustenance, competing with other animal l i f e f o r food and warmth.  He gained the luxury of l e i s u r e and with i t introspection,  as h i s understanding and attention could afford to be directed inward.  T h i s model o f the environment s a t i s f i e d man's  basic needs but had no place f o r c r e a t i v i t y . The pseudo-science of planning f o r needs attempts to provide such an i d e a l environment.  The a r t i f i c i a l i t y of  constructing a dualism of external forces and i n t e r n a l needs i s apparent i n much of the planning and a r c h i t e c t u r a l l i t e r a t u r e . Proshansky (1970) succumbs to t h i s paradox i n h i s attempt, to define "the environment".  He categorizes the external environment  by atmosphere, l i g h t , sound and biology.  Factors such as  i n s u l a t i o n , a i r temperature, winds, humidity, p r e c i p i t a t i o n , dust, odours, gases, e t c . , constitute atmospheric conditions impinging on the "internal environment" of the i n d i v i d u a l . The external forces are assumed to be antagonistic to human needs and c r e a t i v i t y , and an acceptable external environment i s created by reducing t h e i r impact.  Bat one could argue that  actions to m o l l i f y the b i o l o g i c a l world dehumanize the environment and reduce t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s v a r i e t y o f experience and h i s p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r action. A too-articulated physical setting f o r the human being overemphasizes the security need and underemphasizes the c r e a t i v i t y need.  Planning i n general has shown a p a r t i a l i t y  19 for primary physical u n i t s .  In examining a r t i f i c i a l e n t i t i e s  such as the family, the home, and the neighbourhood, we are led  to considerations of t h e i r defining factors and to impinging  b i o l o g i c a l forces. The search f o r a physical d e f i n i t i o n to human experience w i l l undoubtedly f a i l i f we expect to i s o l a t e manipulable u n i t s i n the physical environment.  Experience i s not delimited by the  physical bounds of neighbourhood, family, s o c i a l contacts, or the walls of a room.  I n f a c t , man's a b i l i t y to experience a  wide range and quantity of phenomena confirms h i s basic need for varied experience. Environments that are a product of a consideration of l i m i t e d experiences of the i n d i v i d u a l may exclude environments that are r i c h e r and more f u l f i l l i n g than what could be predicted. Man has a basic need f o r varied experience (Fiske and Maddi, 1 9 6 1 ) .  Tests on animals that were deprived of a  stimulating environment i n which they could a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e showed that they remained physically under-developed (Gregory, 1966).  But man's experience i s not necessarily a function of a  l i m i t e d environment.  Accounts of prisoners deprived of a  r i c h environment tend to confirm these basic p r i n c i p l e s of atrophied mental and s o c i a l development, though man i s capable of providing h i s own r i c h , i n t e r n a l world, no matter what the sensory deprivation (Prankl, 1 9 ° 3 ) •  20 The designed environment must begin to account f o r the basic human need f o r varied experience.  A wide range of  experience also provides one of the conditions f o r c r e a t i v i t y . C r e a t i v i t y as the a b i l i t y to react to a given set of environmental conditions, can only occur i n a stimulating environment. A v a r i a t i o n i n experience, or stimulation, occurs when the external environment changes or when the i n d i v i d u a l acts.  The f i r s t i s a factor that may be controlled by the  design and planning professions.  I t occurs whenever change  occurs, and whenever there i s v a r i e t y . unpredictable  The second i s l a r g e l y  but necessary f o r the i n d i v i d u a l to r e l a t e  the environment to h i s experience of i t . C r e a t i v i t y i s a r e s u l t of a c e r t a i n l e v e l of "arousal" induced by new experience.  Three aspects of experience have  arousing e f f e c t s on an individuals and v a r i a t i o n .  i n t e n s i t y , meaningfulness,  The i n t e n s i t y of an experience i s often a  quality of the environment that can be controlled externally. Meaning i s a t t r i b u t e d , no designed, and i s c h i e f l y the subjective response of the i n d i v i d u a l to the given environment. Meaning i s i n part an action of the i n d i v i d u a l within h i s environment.  V a r i a t i o n of experience i s also a factor that  may be manipulated f o r appropriate  l e v e l s of stimulation.  For any task, there i s a l e v e l of stimulation which i s necessary f o r optimal performance (Fiske and Maddi, 1961).  21 We say that an i n d i v i d u a l i s i n harmony with h i s environment when i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g but not p a i n f u l l y intense.  The  harmony may be struck by the i d e a l external environment., but more l i k e l y by the i n d i v i d u a l "screening" h i s perception of the environment, since we know that the need f o r stimulation varies with the a c t i v i t y cycle and with the i n d i v i d u a l . For the purposes of stimulating c r e a t i v i t y i n the environment, there i s a preferred minimum l e v e l of environmental stimulation. The smallest manipulable u n i t of the physical environment i s r e a l l y best defined by experience and c r e a t i v i t y . I t i s that area which the i n d i v i d u a l can himself influence, whether i n whole or i n part.  That portion of the environment  which i s a s i g n i f i c a n t experience f o r the i n d i v i d u a l i s also the area over which h i s c r e a t i v i t y may operate. I t i s also the area which i s best designed by an active p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l s who experience i t . Environment, experience and c r e a t i v i t y are c l o s e l y linked.  The environment i s humanized through creative action  within i t .  Meaningful change can only occur when experience  i s r i c h and varied.  Varied experience i s largely an a t t r i b u t e  of the environment that can be manipulated at w i l l , and partly a property of the i n d i v i d u a l response mechanism.  The i n d i v i d u a l  f e e l s the greatest a f f i n i t y f o r h i s environment when h i s  22  ability to act i s limited only by his experience, his creativity, and his respect for others.  His actions are most meaningful  when his creativity i s refined and stimulated by rich and varied experience.  23 CHAPTER 2  2.1  :  EXTERNALIZING CREATIVITY  Creative functions i n Environmental Design  C r e a t i v i t y acts as the v i t a l l i n k between experience of the environment and meaningful a c t i v i t y within the  environment.  By i n s t i l l i n g creative attitudes i n i n d i v i d u a l s , the process of environmental design can be made meaningful as a major community a c t i v i t y .  The degree of creative functioning can be  indexed by perception, by idea synthesis and by production. "The creative process i s the process of change i t s e l f , of development, of evolution, i n the organization of subjective l i f e " (Ghiselin, 1952).  I t requires an active search f o r  alternatives, and f o r the act of change.  I t proceeds from a  d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the established order and reaches f u l f i l l m e n t i n the attainment of a new order.  The new  order  cannot be permanent but serves as a stimulus f o r further change. New  orders may be externalized i n the physical  environment,  i n culture, i n s o c i e t a l attitudes, or they may remain internalized i n the i n d i v i d u a l .  Regardless of t h e i r dimensions, the new  orders can be seen as a kind of product, and as a c a t a l y s t for creative a c t i v i t y . Creative production by a process of purely conscious c a l c u l a t i o n seems never to occur (Ghiselin, 1952).  I t has to  24 draw on the unconscious where the new order i s developing. The acceptance of change i s easier in the unconscious, for i t i s not inhibited by w i l l and attention, though to surrender to the unconscious calls for purity of motive.  The self-conscious  design process in our society i s inhibited by i t s formal, systematic structure, and largely f a i l s to draw on unconscious information. Creative results can be nurtured by more insightful thinking rather than purely systematic thinking, where the objective, problem and method are clearly defined. The systematic process i s deliberative, methodical, even slow, the problem well within the range of a b i l i t i e s of the thinker, who i s aware of logical relations between things. and error are minimized.  Trial  "The f i r s t stages of labour are like  the last - constructive, developing, but also c r i t i c a l , reserved, cautious" (Hutchinson, 1949). Insight and imagination are the result of free association.  There w i l l be unpredicted results, feelings of  exhilaration, adequacy, f i n a l i t y . i s in the process.  The sense of accomplishment  Systems are entirely product-oriented,  and rely on the predictability of the final result (Boguslaw, 1965). Many scientific discoveries have been described as the result of a chance insight, that proved later, through a systematic method, to be demonstrably true (Cannon, 1940).  25 E i n s t e i n proposed h i s theory of r e l a t i v i t y i n the near absence of v e r i f i a b l e evidence. of Serendip'  (Armeno,  In the f a i r y t a l e 'The Three Princes  1557* i n Remer, 1965) » "the characters  t r a v e l over the world, making discoveries quite by accident of things they were not i n quest o f . Rence we have the word 'serendipity' to describe i n t u i t i v e findings or i n s i g h t s . This process of 'discovery' describes an i n t e r n a l event, but i t s implications i n the external environment are important counterbalances  to the trend toward  systems-building, and systems-living.  systems-thinking,  Plans are customarily  evolved i n t h i s way, where the variables are kept to a few, and nearly everything i s known hefore the process of planning even begins.  Systems thinking advocates solutions while  creative thinking advocates  problem?-solving.  The nature of the creative design process i s i n the information transmitted (aesthetic, quantitative, semantic), as well as i n the process of transmission.  Nevertheless,  however v a l i d may be the notion of the creative 'jump*, the 'discovery', the primary process material must be made a v a i l a b l e i n some comprehensible fashion.  When a human being i s exposed  to a new environment, information i s transmitted, as i n a l l perceptual processes.  But there are two important  peculiarities.  F i r s t , since the environment i s produced by other human beings, and may r e f l e c t unfamiliar processes, there i s information  26 transmitted from person to person through the environment. Secondly, while we might expect that a l l stimuli w i l l alter the individual's internal state, giving rise to new behaviour, this i s not always so.  Stimulus patterns may modify the  thoughts, emotions and images of the individual, without giving rise to any action.  In other words, in many situations,  an\environment w i l l only stimulate an aesthetic response. Aesthetic information i s ""patterns that cause an alteration ii^the human internal state" (Moles, 1958). If we traced the information back through the environment to processes going on within the creator(s), we would find that these were themselves influenced by real events i n the external environment.  By definition, these events must be new  or remarkable in some way, i n order to catalyze conditions, or be perceived by anyone.  This suggests a distinction in the  types of information that influence the creator.  Berlyne  (197"0  states that there i s semantic information - social conditions, cultural and subcultural values - and expressive information, the latter being peculiar to the creator. By inference, a proposed information oentre would provide information of a social, economic, constructional nature, in addition to information relating to the creations, ideas, concepts and images of individuals. Creative functioning in society in general, i s an  27 emerging trend and points the way to a new environmental design process. Tests of learning ability have shown that the individual i s capable of assimilating and processing environmental information at a much greater rate than previously imagined (Freeman, 1968). O.K. Moore has used a modified electric typewriter to show that preschool children can learn to read, write, type, and take dictation without having to undergo the traditional rote learning experiences. A much more ambitious environment has been created by Karlins and Shroder (1967) for the Inductive Teaching Program, a computerized technique which requires the subject to become an active manipulator of the informational environment and to u t i l i z e the information in that environment to come to conclusions and make decisions which are not pre-judged for him by external sources (p. 67) An individual does not cease to grow when he reaches maturity, but the forces which guide this development come largely under his control.  Secondly, developmental processes  at work demonstrate the possibility of creative development of society in general (Gowan, 1972). 1)  Accomplishment held tenuously only in conditions of peak experience or great mental health w i l l in later development persevere and be present under conditions of more stress  2) Functions which emerge spasmodically or periodically at earlier stages may be performed more regularly at higher stages  28 3)  Performance reached f i r s t by a few  superior  i n d i v i d u a l s i n a culture w i l l l a t e r be reached by more, and eventually, by the representative members of the oulture 4)  What f i r s t appears as a phenomenon gradually becomes a norm  Obviously,  there are basic needs that must be  satisfied  before the i n d i v i d u a l can proceed to the creative state. The need f o r food, l i q u i d , shelter, sex, sleep, and oxygen are e a s i l y s a t i s f i e d , and even the needs f o r safety, belongingness, love and esteem are within the i n d i v i d u a l ' s grasp.  The  need f o r beauty i s u n i v e r s a l , and moreover i s r e l a t e d to the individual's self-image  (Maslow, 1962).  People learn to grow and create, by experiencing environment and changing i t .  their  Even the flatworm learns from  the structure of i t s environment.  Job enrichment i n industry  provides us with numerous researches i n t o creative processes i n the environment.  In the most extensive  study of actual  worker behaviour i n a large-scale industry, p s y c h i a t r i s t E l l i o t t Jacques found that workers responded strongly to environmental changes (Brucker,  1973).  Examples i n industry  and business show that r a i s i n g the creative challenge work improves job s a t i s f a c t i o n and p r o d u c t i v i t y .  of  The  i n d i v i d u a l i n becoming an active manipulator of h i s  own  29 environment strengthens the manager-worker r e l a t i o n s h i p since he w i l l be more receptive to the knowledge he needs to carry out h i s task (Goble, 1 9 7 0 ) . Planning has been preoccupied with the f u l f i l l m e n t of basic needs and l i t t l e more.  T h i s i s i n keeping with the  early Behaviourist theory that, the i n d i v i d u a l seeks an equilibrium, seeks to reduce tension, and that most behaviour can be defined i n tension-reducing  terms.  This i s tantamount  to saying that human beings do not grow psychologically, and therefore do not  create.  Creative functioning i n i n d i v i d u a l s i s l a r g e l y informal and unstructured  though the primary processing material i n the  environment can and should be structured to a i d creative  design.  Creative functioning i n the whole of society becomes increasingly important as the phenomenon of creation becomes the norm.  2.2  The Functional Significance of Environment  A meaningful environment i s one that responds to purposeful human action.  I t i s not necessarily an environment  that f u l f i l l s human needs, or bears the signs of a c u l t u r a l archetype.  Meaning only obtains through human intervention,  through change i t s e l f .  30 As adults we are quick to forget the richness of childhood experience ; we hardly know of the existence of the inner world of dreams; as f o r our physical experiences,  we  r e t a i n j u s t s u f f i c i e n t propriocentive sensations to coordinate our movements and to ensure minimal requirements f o r s u r v i v a l . Most important f o r c r e a t i v i t y , our capacity to think i s l i m i t e d to s e l f - i n t e r e s t and common sense, so that our a b i l i t y to perceive i s also eroded. Modern psychology has made i t c l e a r through a number of approaches that the f a i l u r e to r e a l i z e one's p o t e n t i a l can be traced to a c o n s t r i c t e d , authority-ridden, mechanistic (Laing,  1967;  Maslow,  1962;  Fromm,  1941).  world  The e f f o r t s i n c h i l d  education c i t e d i n Chapter One do not s t r i k e at some of the basic untenable structures of our society.  The emphasis on  c h i l d education does not acknowledge the fact that i n d i v i d u a l s can remain creative throughout t h e i r adult years. Many of the i l l s of the urban environment can be traced to developmental problems of the i n d i v i d u a l . I t may that the present physical s e t t i n g may  be true  i n part constrain the f u l l  development of the i n d i v i d u a l , and t h i s thesis assumes that the environment may  be manipulated so as to provide  greater  opportunities f o r responsiveness i n i n d i v i d u a l s . Changing the functional significance of the environment, rather than the Children i n creative play often create t h e i r own environments or adapt an e x i s t i n g environment to the purpose. Their c r e a t i v i t y i s almost always i n the form of improvisations of environments and actions.  31 v i s u a l appearance, i s the true aim of urban design. By functional significance i s meant the meaning of the environment i n terms of i t s purposes, the a c t i v i t i e s i t promotes, and the attitudes i t fosters i n i n d i v i d u a l s .  Rather than  reforming the environmental aesthetic, we can manipulate  functional  meaning by varying the rate of change, promoting different, activities,  and the design p a r t i c i p a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s .  L i m i t i n g the rate of change while designing a e s t h e t i c a l l y pleasing surroundings i s one way of providing an i n d i v i d u a l f e e l i n g of security.  Allowing the rate of change to vary  with the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a b i l i t y  to act upon h i s environment,  i s another. This theory does not accept that the environmental  ills  w i l l be solved by administrative action, though administrative changes may be involved. There i s a need f o r a c r e a t i v e design process, p e c u l i a r l y adapted i n every one of i t s members.  to the c i l y and i n t e r n a l i z e d  T h i s i s not e s s e n t i a l l y a  concern with b i o l o g i c a l process over which the i n d i v i d u a l has l i t t l e c o n t r o l , but with cognition, a process over which the i n d i v i d u a l has almost unlimited c o n t r o l . For the manifold purposes of planning, the 'person' we are speaking of can be understood i n terms of experience, as a centre  of orientation f o r the objective universe,  personal  experience transforms a given f i e l d i n t o a f i e l d of intention  32 and action:  only through action can our experience he  transformed, and the environment take on new functional meaning. C r e a t i v i t y , i n the environmental context, becomes a p r a c t i c a l tool f o r planning l i f e and setting.  It is a  humanist approach to the problem of psychological response to physical situations, and encompasses modern trends i n psychoanalysis, and i n understanding behaviour. To t h i s point we have emphasized the dynamic, changeable q u a l i t i e s of a responsive a t t i t u d e to environment. i n d i v i d u a l was  The  seen as a kind of receptor of images and ideas,  a processor of information. I t i s not simply a matter of perception, or response to need, that motivates the i n d i v i d u a l , but a complexity of cognitive function, ways of learning and perceiving, coupled with personality. Security i s an important element i n psychological needs, and w i l l no doubt continue as such i n the future.  The  dynamism of a perpetual r e a c t i v i t y to i n t e r n a l and external conditions, i s i t s e l f the assurance of security.  The very  nature of a reactive process, provides the secure knowledge that every environmental change w i l l have a human motivation.  The  i n d i v i d u a l has the option of adapting to the new condition created by himself or others, or generating an a l t e r n a t i v e condition.  The options can be made available by planning  environments with functional f l e x i b i l i t y , with opportunities  33 f o r experimentation, with making v i s i b l e the process of change i t s e l f . A second important means of providing security i s the symbolic element, what i s meant by the functional s i g n i f i c a n c e of the environment.  C r e a t i v i t y implies a search f o r meaning  i n everyday experience, and attempts to make t h i s meaning e x p l i c i t or v i s i b l e .  Symbols serve us as points of s t a b i l i t y ,  of mental r e s t from change and upheaval (Koestler, 19&4)• Arnheim (1954) states that a l l a r t serves i n a symbolic  way,  by symbolizing general needs or experiences, through the peculiar power of the a r t i s t . The Webster Dictionary d e f i n i t i o n includes the following senses of the term •symbol': something that stands f o r or suggests something else by reason of r e l a t i o n s h i p , association, convention or accidental but not i n t e n t i o n a l resemblanoe; especially a v i s i b l e sign of something that i s i n v i s i b l e ; an object or act that represents a complex through unconscious association rather than through objective resemblance or conscious s u b s t i t u t i o n . The l a s t appears to be most congruent with creative processes, and i n p a r t i c u l a r , design generation.  The creation of  s i g n i f i c a n t symbols i n urban l i f e i s e s s e n t i a l , both to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of basic aesthetic and security needs, as well as to the act of creation.  "Symbols are the instrumentalities  whereby men codify experience, or create a map of experience" (Hertzler, 1965).  of the t e r r i t o r y  Intentional physical symbols  34 must f i r s t be r e a l i z e d and then undergo a period of reaction before they may become s i g n i f i c a n t . Physical structures do not have meaning without human intervention a f t e r c r e a t i o n . Much more can no doubt be said about the i n d i v i d u a l ' s experience of physical space and how t h i s may r e s u l t i n the creation of s i g n i f i c a n t symbols, the key elements of personal stability.  I t i s perhaps more useful to a theory of creative  planning to note how i n d i v i d u a l s use s i g n i f i c a n t symbols i n t h e i r own creative production. aspects of perception  A knowledge of the s i g n i f i c a n t  that influence c r e a t i v i t y , w i l l a i d  designers i n choosing aspects of the environment f o r study. Holt-Hansen (1971) has carried out a series of experiments concerned with form creation.  For example, he asks a group of  subjects to place three unpainted wooden bars on a black  surface,  so that the figure formed appeared to the i n d i v i d u a l "to possess the maximum degree of beauty".  An analysis of the  patterns and statements by the subjects suggest three working methods by the p a r t i c i p a n t s : a)  24 of 48 subjects created t h e i r forms under the influence of "dynamic forces and movement"  b)  11 of 48 subjects created t h e i r forms under the influence of " i d e a l s , ideas, and fantasies"  c)  13 of 48 subjects created t h e i r forms under a combination of experiences.  35 A s i g n i f i c a n t portion of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s creation could thus be interpreted as the r e s u l t of the operation of symbols, representing environmental experiences.  C a r l Jung (1964)  corroborates t h i s use of symbols i n idea formation.  Furthermore,  i t would seem that the c h i e f content of dreams and subconscious thinking i s i n the form of symbols; that i s , everyday objects and experiences are transformed  and animated so that they  influence a l l our other ideas and actions. Symbolizing may mean the s p a t i a l reduction of situations i n an analogical form i n order to manipulate them, (sivadon, 1970)• Drawing a blueprint, w r i t i n g a programme, means reducing to manageable dimensions the complexities of a whole development of actions so that they can be inspected with a single look. Spatial usage and analogical reduction constitute frequent defenses of the personality against anxiety, and they are also found i n the f a i l u r e of these defenses (Sivadon, 1970). The use of symbols might then j u s t i f i a b l y be used as a method i n anxiety reduction f o r c r e a t i v i t y . People have always tended to "forget themselves" by changing t h e i r s p a t i a l environment, and also by i n v e s t i n g t h e i r anxiety i n creative a c t i v i t y .  I t i s a question of transforming  one's r e l a t i o n with objects and people by manipulating or transforming the objects i n such a way as to express the subject's problem i n an analogical form communicable to others.  36 This i s the process at work i n amateur photography, i n published sketchbooks of cityscapes, i n postcards, travelogues, a l l of which are representations of the environment i n reduced terms. The object becomes a symbolic mediator.  For the creator,  i t represents anxiety i t s e l f from which he has been freed; f o r the others, i t evokes on a symbolic plane, an analogous, though attenuated  feeling.  Thus the symbol behaves l i k e an absorbent  screen that retains the anxiety and l e t s f i l t e r through the meaning or information. The important psychological e f f e c t of these processes i s to e s t a b l i s h a capacity f o r autonomy with the i n d i v i d u a l . Psychological distance from the environment established through creative work i s associated with c r e a t i v i t y .  I t i s not true,  however, that psychological distance i t s e l f , has any p a r t i c u l a r bearing on the security need. establishment  What i s important here i s the  of a f e e l i n g of autonomy, of comprehension, and  security with respect to the environment, i n c l u d i n g the cityscape. But d i r e c t manipulation of the environment should be downplayed i n favour of analogical reduction.  not  The danger  i s that we s h a l l be reduced to passive observance of the l i f e around us, perhaps through the viewfinder of a camera. I t i s only through the communication of s i g n i f i c a n t symbols that society can continue to e x i s t and recreate  itself.  37 The appeals to public symbols must be launched on an unprecedented scale as the size and diversity of the audience and the environmental scale, increases (Duncan, 1968).  The media are  instrumental in conferring meaning on the environment through symbol-making.  The fundamental principles of social and spatial  order are learned via movies, radio, television and the popular press.  This i s the great power of the mediaj  the accelerated  generation of issues and ideas which quickly translate through symbolic form i n the individual, hopefully to personal action. Meaning i s not derived through the passive observance of phenomena, or the passage of information, but through identification with community l i f e .  Creative potential i s inherent in this  primary process material—the significant  symbols.  The accelerated and indiscriminate generation of such symbols i s not typical of a traditional symbolism.  Wenceslas  Square in Prague had achieved over centuries, a venerated and patriotic symbolism.  The coverage of events associated  with the Square in the 1967 invasion and purge, transformed i t into an even stronger symbol in a matter of days.  But.  the mass media also generate the bastardizations of traditional symbols, kitsch, glossing over the true meanings of things with a thin icing of sentiment or humour (Dorfles, 1963). The education and sophistication of a seleotive and creative society w i l l counteract the tendency toward cheap imitation, and popular  38  taste will undoubtedly take on new meaning.  Greater selection  of, and access to, information through the media w i l l create a better exercise of choice and symbol usage. The environment must become meaningful as the primary resource material for design.  A selective process of education,  information collation, and symbol-making by planners and the mass media w i l l make the functioning of the environment significant and available for design purposes.  2.3  Inferences for a Creative Urban Design Process  Our contemporary culture i s burdened with a conscious design process.  Master craftsmen control the form-making  activities, which are characterized by the wilfulness, inventiveness and individuality of the designers.  Feedback  to design i s indirect and delayed, i f i t occurs at a l l .  The  consciously designed environment i s almost never reviewed by i t s designers.  Social and administrative channels which would  allow us to learn from environmental errors, are non-existant, making design into individualized, random, action. Present-day design problems steadily increase in quantity, complexity and scale, while materials, technology, social structure, and the culture i t s e l f change faster than  39 ever before.  While the functional complexity of the world  increases, the design process i s characterized by increasing simplicity.  A small group of designers become responsible for  an increasing proportion of the environment.  The form-maker,  faced with such, tasks as designing complete environments for millions of persons, i s overwhelmed by the flood of specialized information delineating his design problems.  It i s becoming  exceedingly d i f f i c u l t to achieve a good f i t between need and environment with present-day design methods, at the present-day scale of design action. An apparent solution to the conscious designer's dilemma i s to achieve formal communication channels between designer and user, between designer and environment.  Formal communication  links such as administrative channels, questionnaires, surveys, interviews, published information sheets, public meetings, television broadcasts, etc., provide the greatest range of information that a designer can assimilate and use.  A greater  depth and breadth of information i s constantly disseminated in society through informal communication channels.  The media  of communication are roughly the same in both cases - popular literature, the press, television, radio.  The informationiin  the unselfconscious design process i s informal since i t influences responses to environment while i t seldom influences design of the environment.  Three important d i s t i n c t i o n s make the unselfconscious information network a v i a b l e alternative i n the present: 1)  Because the l i n k s are informal and constantly changing, the unselfconscious information network i s e s s e n t i a l l y analogous to the creative process i n the individual.  2)  Because the information i s u n i v e r s a l l y a v a i l a b l e , the potential exists f o r every i n d i v i d u a l to become a designer, an active manipulator of h i s environment.  3)  Because there i s no time l a g between information input, and synthesis, as there i s i n the conscious design process, design i s an immediate response to environment.  The i n d i v i d u a l creative process provides us with the rudiments of a successful design process f o r the environment. In order to foster a creative design process, we must foster creative a t t i t u d e s , provide problem-solving situations i n the environment, and make design information meaningful. The Toniversal a c c e s s i b i l i t y to environmental information makes every i n d i v i d u a l a potential designer.  This means a  return to the unselfconscious design process that existed before the r i s e of the professional form-makers.  The p o s s i b i l i t y  exists then to re-integrate man and environment, experience and behaviour, a r t and l i f e .  The environment and the i n d i v i d u a l  are guided by meaningful information gained from a process of interaction.  41 The t h i r d d i s t i n c t i o n between the selfconscious and unselfconscious design processes, has important implications f o r the nature and scale of design.  The conscious design process  r e l i e d on the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of i t s actions, and the r e s u l t i n g environments were often r a t i o n a l projections i n t o the future. Design became a highly specialized a c t i v i t y , and i n attempting to deal with broad environmental f a c t o r s , urban design became a l o g i c a l extension of building design. grew enormously.  The scale of a c t i v i t y  Because of the instantaneous nature of the  information structuring i n the unselfconscious design process, the a b i l i t y exists f o r each person i n d i v i d u a l l y to proceed on an incremental, ad hoc basis with a reasonable assurance that the r e s u l t i n g design w i l l f i t h i s own requirements.  Technology  i s preparing the way f o r a small scale, ad hoc design process.  42 CHAPTER 3: CREATIVE ENVIRONMENTAL ATTITUDES  The selfconscious design process attempts to create an i d e a l product through systematized, formal methods. The unselfconscious design process seeks to make every action i n the environment meaningful, through a creative information and design process.  The selfconscious places emphasis on the r e s u l t ,  i t s purpose, i t s aesthetics, i t s success i n f u l f i l l i n g needs.  explicit  The unselfconscious places emphasis on the experience, i t s  stimulating or moderating q u a l i t i e s , i t s a b i l i t y to e l i c i t further creative a c t i v i t y , or s a t i s f a c t i o n .  The unconscious  design process accepts that s a t i s f a c t i o n i s not necessarily a f u l f i l l m e n t of basic needs, but that i t involves a complexity of experience.  The i n d i v i d u a l i s seldom preoccupied with the  pursuit of basic needs; but rather the mind seeks to escape from the c e r t a i n t i e s of the d i f f u s e l i g h t that remains during stimulus deprivation. I t i s bored by the c e r t a i n t i e s of any humdrum job or routine entertainment. I t seeks out the single moving spot on the landscape or the t i n y squeak i n the engine. I t plays the slot machine to exhaustion, hoping f o r the rare and unpredictable payoff when three lemons turn up. fhat i t seeks i n the v a r i a b l e l i g h t signals, and what i t processes and responds to on a l l l e v e l s , i s information - the changing, the novel, the surprising, and the uncertain (Held, 1961). Every design action i s s i g n i f i c a n t as an arousal-increasing device or as an arousal-moderating device.  Arousal i s a  psychological condition that acts as a contingency f o r creative  43 human a c t i v i t y .  The  sections of t h i s chapter describe  the  various aspects of the environment that lead the i n d i v i d u a l to "arousal" and possibly to design decisions. the perceived  In  considering  environment as a set of preferred stimuli  (rather  than the Behaviourist view of environments as determinants of a c t i v i t y ) , i t i s possible to r e f l e c t the s o c i a l and m i l i e u i n physical design.  cultural  By attempting to e l i c i t responses from  the person i n the environment, we are a c t u a l l y seeking to transform the environment i n t o the major object of our creative activity.  Creative action, too often relegated  to the a r t i s t ' s  studio or the upper echelons of the business world, then becomes a u n i v e r s a l , d a i l y occurrence. The capacity of c i t i e s to generate creative response has varied with the time and c u l t u r e .  According to the c r i t e r i a on  the following pages, we oan suggest that the a r o u s a l - r a i s i n g capacities of a r t and architecture are markedly greater i n Islam than i n China and Ancient Greece.  In the West, the  Gothic, Baroque, and Romantic periods showed a tendency toward creative arousal while the Romanesque and C l a s s i c a l periods were low i n t h i s capacity. and  The nineteen-forties',  'fifties,  ' s i x t i e s showed a growing tendency toward arousal-moderating  influences.  The c l a s s i c a l design t r a d i t i o n of recent decades  i s breaking down, however, as more complex, dynamic design t r a d i t i o n s return:  regional architecture, A r t Deco, Moderne.  44 The environment conceptualized i n t h i s chapter does not consist of simple orders, consistent patterns, h i e r a r c h i c a l l y organized  spaces, or c l e a r l y defined areas.  e s s e n t i a l l y a r b i t r a r y , consciously conceived externally imposed order.  These describe an design, and  an  Rather, the environment must i n v i t e  the i n t e r n a l ordering of design on the smallest scale, namely, design by the i n d i v i d u a l .  Design, regardless of the  must proceed from environmental contingencies.  source,  In t h i s chapter,  the environment i s characterized by attitudes or a t t r i b u t e s : c o n f l i c t , ambiguity, complexity, novelty, and  expectation.  These attitudes engender conditions of uncertainty or arousal, that are associated with creative production by i n d i v i d u a l s . This thesis accepts the modern environmental condition to be characterized by a growing state of f l u x . a way  of l i f e .  Change i s almost  Meaningful environments can be created by  incorporating the arousal-increasing conditions precedent to creative a c t i v i t y .  I f an increasing rate of change i s to be  made acceptable, we must generate problem-solving the environment.  conditions i n  This means enhancing the creative conditions  of the environment, and providing opportunities or outlets f o r i n d i v i d u a l design a c t i o n . The following i s a l i s t of c r e a t i v e , environmental attitudes which are l i k e to conduce toward creative solutions:  45 3.1  Conflict  C o n f l i c t i s said to occur whenever processes are i n i t i a t e d i n the brain that drive the i n d i v i d u a l toward d i f f e r e n t and mutually exclusive forms of behaviour (Berlyne, 1971). new  Any  or surprising stimulus i s bound to cause c o n f l i c t since i t  i s d i f f e r e n t from the response that was held i n readiness f o r an event that did not m a t e r i a l i z e . inherent i n information-processing environmental sphere, we may  These are the d i f f i c u l t i e s of any kind.  In the  include the preceding notions of  novelty and v i o l a t e d expectations, as c o n f l i c t s a r i s i n g from some consecutive  order of events.  Lukaszewski (1970) corroborates t h i s i n s t a t i n g that c o n f l i c t i s simply an incompatibility of information.  Ee  suggests that a l l a c t i v i t y i s motivated by the incompatibility between two systems of information describing the same state of things.  Not only i s c o n f l i c t necessary to c r e a t i v i t y , but  i t i s necessary to action of any kind. C o n f l i c t i s an e s s e n t i a l a t t r i b u t e of c r e a t i v i t y , and i s not only a psychological condition precedent to creative action, but i s a condition of the product i t s e l f . Every a r t i s t i c product conceals within i t s e l f an i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t between content and form, and i t i t through form that the a r t i s t achieves that e f f e c t that the content eliminates, or as i t were, extinguishes (vygotski, 1965).  46 The most important response mechanism to c o n f l i c t stimuli i s the adaptability of man.  Whether the disturbance  is in  the i n d i v i d u a l ' s society, i n the physical environment, or i n h i s own psychological growth, h i s a b i l i t y to adapt w i l l determine h i s health and s u r v i v a l . Claude Bernard f i r s t recognized  that health depends upon the a b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l  to maintain h i s i n t e r n a l condition i n an; approximately  constant  state, despite the endless and often extreme v a r i a t i o n s i n the external environment.  "The  f i x i t y of the m i l i e u i n t e r i e u r i s  the essential condition of free l i f e " (Bernard, 1937). Many would argue that a discussion of c o n f l i c t adaptation i s academic i n a world i n which man  and  can almost  orchestrate a t w i l l the nature and i n t e n s i t y of the s t i m u l i he receives from the external world.  I t i s true that man  with h i s  technological extensions can not only form h i s entire immediate environment, but he can also control h i s responses to i t through the use of drugs and conditioning.  Most of our technology has  been directed toward the elimination of stresses and  difficulties,  to the extent that t h i s i s almost the operational d e f i n i t i o n of technology.  The avoidance of stresses may  i t s e l f constitute  a kind of threat to health, because the body and the mind are geared f o r responding to challenges.  Human h i s t o r y shows that  the same kind of knowledge that permits man  to a l t e r h i s  environment f o r the purposes of minimizing e f f o r t , achieving comfort, and avoiding exposure to stress also gives him  the  47 power to change h i s environment and ways of l i f e i n a manner that often e n t a i l s unpredictable  dangers (Bubos, 19^5)-  Adaptation of one's surroundings, as opposed to adaptability as a human t r a i t , i s l i a b l e to cause grave d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the changed environment of tomorrow.  Adaptability i s e s s e n t i a l i n  conditions of rapid change. Adaptability i n the i n d i v i d u a l i s also essential to creative response.  In part, our a b i l i t y to adapt can be  improved with the selective design of s t r e s s f u l conditions. At the same time, the stresses and c o n f l i c t s themselves can be a source of c r e a t i v i t y . The tragic figure of Van Gogh c e r t a i n l y demonstrates that creative genius can prosper because o f , or i n spite of, enormous psychological burdens.  In the most  repressive and s t u l t i f y i n g of s o c i e t i e s , great works of a r t continue to be imagined and produced.  We can state with some  v a l i d i t y that a s t r e s s f u l , c o n f l i c t i n g environment i s more conducive to c r e a t i v i t y than a stress-free one, i f we take responses such as c u r i o s i t y , desire f o r change, and a c t i v i t y to be c r e a t i v e .  Experiments have been conducted to  test the e f f e c t s of stress under conditions of understimulation,  increased  uncertainty, and novelty  overstimulation,  (Prankenhaeuser, 1972).  In situations i n which the i n d i v i d u a l subject acted as a passive r e c i p i e n t o f s t r e s s f u l influences beyond h i s c o n t r o l , the emotional responses increased with stress.  When the subject  48 actively tried to cope with the stressors, his success alone influenced his emotional response; and this was invariably achieved at an intermediate level of stress. While a certain level of stress may be desirable, there are obviously facets of conflict, which are preferable to others. Situations which make demands on people establish a quality of stress, that may or may not be desirable, depending on whether or not they are soluble (Halprin, 1968).  Soluble  problems, as positive conflict, can be created through the provision of alternatives, by "demanding" the exercise of choice.  Conflicting relationships, as new experiences, are  positive i f they are of a general, and idea-generating nature. The kinds of conflicts one chooses to discuss may be instrumental i n deciding whether desirable responses result. We are only too familiar with the ecological conflicts seemingly out of control in large c i t i e s - traffic congestion, excessive noise, destruction of the old i n an era of impersonal change, etc.  None of these serious problems seem to respond  to human intervention or emotion, and thus resist the natural human tendancy to challenge conflict and learn from i t .  A  useful type of conflict i s associated with dynamic, flexible environments where individuals have the opportunity to react to conditions and to change them as they become apparent. The conflicts of interest, and the conflicts in use have a  49 b e n e f i c i a l quality i f i n d i v i d u a l s may be a c t i v e l y involved i n t h e i r solution. Symbolic c o n f l i c t s already occur i n c i t i e s where a p l u r a l i s t , outlook i s the s a l i e n t feature of the design process. A great v a r i e t y i n the size of buildings, i n t h e i r age, and i n t h e i r arrangement create an impression of c o n f l i c t and dynamism.  A b u i l d i n g cannot always be i n aesthetic and functional  harmony with i t s environment i f the discordant and c o n f l i c t i v e nature of change i s to be apparent and comprehensible. An apparent c o n f l i c t might be the introduction of housing i n t o the urban core. that come immediately to minds  One can r e c i t e the d i f f i c u l t i e s the problem o f noise, of safety  f o r possessions and c h i l d r e n , the market bias toward business, the lack of support services, etc.  The a b i l i t y of the planner  to set the conditions f o r the success of such a plan i s the c r u c i a l test of h i s usefulness i n a creative context. The a b i l i t i e s of i n d i v i d u a l s are enlisted i n the adaptation of the l i v i n g environment to a working environment, and i n making the inner c i t y a home. T h i s introduces the i n d i v i d u a l as a designer i n an environment that i s presently the home ground of professionals. Such c o n f l i c t s must occur as a matter of course i n the c i t y , as problems that have many and varied solutions.  The  problems that beset a creative design process must never be so great as to preclude the inception or encouragement of  50 any such project. The existence of ecological and f i n a n c i a l problems i s perhaps the best i n d i c a t i o n that the environment has become too specialized, and no longer contributes i n a c r e a t i v e capacity. A great deal has been said about the natural c o n f l i c t of cars and pedestrians, with the r e s u l t that the separation of these a c t i v i t i e s i s often offered as a solution.  The  discomforts of noise, of noxious odours, of excessive speed and crowding have been c i t e d as negative aspects o f the v e h i c l e pedestrian combination.  Yet some of these same c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  describe a busy market where people gather v o l u n t a r i l y and enjoy the experience of crowding and n o i s e .  The q u a l i t y of  the experience, the psychophysical aspect, i s desirable but the ecological c o n f l i c t i s not.  The s t r e e t s of London were  not more quiet and pastoral i n the years preceding the advent of the automobile than a f t e r .  There i s no easy solution to  the r e a l dangers that may be present i n the ecological c o n f l i c t of cars meeting people.  But the noise and confusion of a  busy commercial street may be a source of excitement and c r e a t i v i t y to even the casual observer.  In any c r i s i s the  i n d i v i d u a l knows he i s s t i l l a l i v e by the quickened pulse of h i s heart; so i t i s perhaps with the c i t y , where movement of any kind i s v i s i b l e proof of the l i f e - b l o o d of i t s existence.  51 3.2  Ambiguity  The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of an experience of the physical environment has been discussed under the general t i t l e of expectations.  Beyond these projections i n t o a future state  that are the r e s u l t of experience, we can i d e n t i f y the important r o l e i n c r e a t i v i t y played by multiple meaning, or ambiguity. Several types of multiple meaning have been i d e n t i f i e d (Kris and Kaplan, 1948):  1) disjunctive ambiguity:  there are  several a l t e r n a t i v e and mutually exclusive meanings; 2) additive ambiguity:  the meanings, while mutually exclusive, overlap to  some extent, e.g. they vary i n breadth; 3) conjunctive ambiguity:  "the several meanings axe j o i n t l y e f f e c t i v e i n  interpretation"; and 4)  integrative ambiguity:  the manifold  meanings evoke and support one another, so that they i n t e r a c t to produce a complex and s h i f t i n g pattern. Centura (1966) has proposed that ambiguity i s e s s e n t i a l to architecture, and i s the r e s u l t of o s c i l l a t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s between contributions of elements to "form and structure, texture and material".  In a complex a r c h i t e c t u r a l structure,  there may be a conscious attempt to confuse experience, promote "richness of meaning over c l a r i t y of meaning". examples i l l u s t r a t e disjunctive ambiguity.  Some of Tfenturi's  He discusses  buildings i n which i t i s not c l e a r whether the plan i s square  52 or not, whether pavilions are near or f a r , b i g or small, whether we are looking at two buildings joined or a single b u i l d i n g with a s p l i t .  A r c h i t e c t u r a l examples of conjunctive  ambiguity seem to be more numerous.  There i s sometimes a  duality i n the r e l a t i o n of a part to i t s surroundings.  A  b u i l d i n g or scene can he viewed with e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t s from d i f f e r e n t angles; an e f f e c t p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n Mediaeval c i t i e s where the plan constantly v a r i e s .  Irregular  l o t s contribute to perceived ambiguity by f o r c i n g an i r r e g u l a r i t y of b u i l d i n g plan and hence of the perceived p r o f i l e and density. M u l t i p l i c i t y of function i s an important both h i s t o r i c a l l y and i n our time.  ambiguity  The Ponte Vecchio i n  Florence serves both as a bridge and as a street l i n e d with shops.  A gallery may  function both as a room and as a c o r r i d o r .  Before the advent of the nuclear family people l i v e d i n houses i n which rooms had no designated function.  Even i n large  manorhouses, one adapted the room at hand to the purposes i n mind (Aries, 1962).  Today, the s t r i c t designation of use i n  buildings i s breaking down with a world-wide housing shortage. Dwelling u n i t s are smaller, with fewer room d i v i s i o n s , and families soon learn to adapt one room to several functions. F l e x i b i l i t y and ambiguity of function i s especially evident i n modern o f f i c e buildings, where open plans i n v i t e some creative input.  Renato Severino  (1970) presents a picture  53 of a world i n which i n d u s t r i a l i z e d b u i l d i n g systems w i l l standardize the components of a b u i l d i n g structure. The components may be arranged i n innumerable ways, each serving many functions and i n t h i s way frustrate i n t e r p r e t a t i v e understanding.  Buildings and spaces would thus be completely  ambiguous i n meaning and use. Camillo S i t t e (1965) recognized long ago the fundamental f a i l u r e of the new I n d u s t r i a l Age squares i n Europe and North America.  Based on an orthogonal g r i d or c i r c u l a r plan,  public squares came to be r i g i d l y defined i n space, the l e f t overs of e f f i c i e n t development.  T r a d i t i o n a l squares, varied  i n shape, size and extent, were much more successful on human and aesthetic grounds.  T h i s may be partly due to the undefined,  ambiguous quality of the space, i . e . What shape i s i t ? low f a r i s i t to the other side? i s the beginning?  Where i s the end of i t ? Where  What i s the purpose?  The Boston Common has been i d e n t i f i e d as a c l a s s i c case of environmental ambiguity (lynch, 196O; Stea, 1969). The Common i s f i v e - s i d e d , with each side appearing to meet at r i g h t angles with the two sides that j o i n i t .  Although the  angles vary, i t i s d i f f i c u l t f o r the traveler to avoid the assumption of a square, because of the Common's width and abundance of trees, l i m i t i n g v i s i b i l i t y across i t .  Lynch found  that many Bostonians had d i f f i c u l t y r e l a t i n g the surrounding  54 streets to the Common, although the Common i t s e l f was often the core of t h e i r mental map of the c i t y . A large, planted open space bordering the most intensive d i s t r i c t i n Boston, a place f u l l of associations, accessible to a l l , the Common i s quite unmistakable. I t i s so located as to expose one edge of three important d i s t r i c t s : Beacon H i l l , Back Bay, and the downtown shopping d i s t r i c t , and i s therefore a nucleus from which anyone can expand his knowledge of the environment (p. 2 1 ) . The ambiguity of the space does n o t detract and probably contributes to the Common's psychological importance to Boston. Besides these symbolic meanings that one discovers i n buildings and spaces, one i s also struck by the sense of authority or t e r r i t o r i a l i t y conveyed by a place.  Territoriality  as a conservative and i n h i b i t i n g force i n man may repress creativity.  I t s purpose i s not. to break down symbolic b a r r i e r s ,  but to define and l i m i t space.  T e r r i t o r i a l i t y can best be  controlled by designers i n public spaces. The r i s e of the b u i l d i n g landscape t r a d i t i o n i n nineteenth century America: was i n t h i s sense an unfortunate development i n the urban context.  Architects became concerned  with the picturesque settings f o r t h e i r buildings and attempted to l i n k setting and b u i l d i n g psychologically and p h y s i c a l l y . The landscape was planned and transformed i n minute d e t a i l to complement the new structure i n i t s midst.  T h i s gave the  55 landscape the permanence - one might say intransigence - and aloofness of the b u i l d i n g i t s e l f .  T h i s imposed a r b i t r a r y  r e s t r i c t i o n s on the use and subsequent transformation of the space by i t s users, and expanded symbolic authority from the building to the environs. A l t e r n a t i v e l y i n t h i s century, the b u i l d i n g was to complement, or fade i n t o the landscape.  designed  In the c i t y t h i s  meant that a new b u i l d i n g had to f i t the design pattern of the street, so that i t would not obtrude, or appear as a new idea.  In the suburban and r u r a l contexts, buildings disappeared  into the rocks and beneath the earth, as i f to deny the r e a l difference i n urban and natural environment-building.  In  subduing or concealing i t s presence, the b u i l d i n g conferred on the surrounding landscape c e r t a i n values and symbolic authority.  The landscape thus became permanent.  Meanwhile the  wymbolic value of the building both i n the urban and suburban contexts l o s t i t s meaning.  There was no incentive, other  than passive observance, to be i n public places and contribute one's own creative input. Ambiguity environment.  of use and authority can be planned i n t o the  T h i s may  be accomplished by avoiding the  ' t o t a l design' of open spaces, by allowing open spaces to penetrate private property, or private development to penetrate public space.  Authority should not always be c l e a r .  In the  56 Mediaeval town, there were many and varied types of ownerships and leases.  In our time, new types of leases should be  i n s t i t u t e d to permit multiple authority over physical space, the weakening of the 'property l i n e ' syndrome. semi-public  Public and  space i s the most v i t a l area where i n d i v i d u a l s may  confer status and symbolic  authority by designing i t f o r  some purpose.  3.5  Complexity  The movement from a view of l i f e as e s s e n t i a l l y orderly and simple to a view of l i f e as complex and i r o n i c i s what every i n d i v i d u a l passes through i n becoming mature (August Heckscher) Complexity and contradiction have been acknowledged i n almost every f i e l d i n c l u d i n g the sciences, but s i g n i f i c a n t l y excluding planning and architecture.  For example, the  o r i g i n of the universe has never been resolved by s c i e n t i f i c theoreticians, and most acceptable theories incorporate complexities and contradictory ideas. I t i s only within the l a s t decades that we have begun to recognize the complexity experience.  and r e l a t i v e nature of  The imposed orders of architecture and planning  are the abstractions of the d r a f t i n g table and power p o l i t i c s .  57 There i s much evidence to suggest that the abstruse and abstract concepts that are employed i n forming the physical environment have l i t t l e or no r e l a t i o n to experience (Venturi, 1971)• Meaning i s f i l t e r e d out by the " p u r i f i c a t i o n " of forms, the denuding of buildings, f o r the sake o f personal expression or behavioural functionalism (Venturi, 1966). A complex structure i s one which contains a large number of independently selected elements (Berlyne, 1971). The architect may accomplish t h i s kind of complexity through ornamentation, embellishment, or the play of many forms that connect but are not contained.  The a r t i s t w i l l introduce  v a r i a t i o n s on a theme, or add elements to a basic pattern. Such a r t i s t i c products are the r e s u l t of a high l e v e l of creative involvement with ideas.  A similar feeling i s  induced i n the observer confronting the work of a r t f o r the f i r s t time.  Through the use of chequerboard patterns, B. M.  H i c k i (1972) showed that subjects became most aroused at a high but intermediate l e v e l of chequerboard  complexity.  They also preferred that l e v e l of complexity to others, as being the most a e s t h e t i c a l l y pleasing.  58 3.4  Novelty  When new objects are i n themselves i n d i f f e r e n t , the e f f o r t s that are necessary f o r conceiving them, exalt and enliven the frame of the mind, make i t receive a strong impression from them and thus render them i n some measure agreeable. Gerard, An Essay on Taste Anything that strikes the i n d i v i d u a l as unusual q u a l i f i e s as a novelty, but i t i s only r e l a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from everything else he has experienced.  There i s no such  thing as experiencing something that has no r e l a t i o n to any previous experience.  I t i s possible to come across a shade of  colour or an odour f o r the f i r s t time, but i t must be possible to locate i t among others that are well-known; that i s , i t i s perceived as a combination of f a m i l i a r colours or odours. The case may be made that permitting novelty i n the physical environment i s capricious and indefensible over time.  The f e e l i n g of having encountered  not be transitory.  something new need  In nonaesthetic surroundings, something  with a s t r i k i n g difference can provide l a s t i n g s a t i s f a c t i o n to the i n d i v i d u a l , j u s t as an o i l painting serves as a l o n g - l a s t i n g diversion f o r the o f f i c e worker i n dreary surroundings.  Novel experiences can be l a s t i n g f o r i n d i v i d u a l s  may renew them again and again. Novel elements i n the environment may be uneconomic,  59 but t h e i r psychological important may very well outweigh monetary considerations. A street that takes an unexpected turn or suddenly becomes narrow causes some problems f o r simple e f f i c i e n t development of properties and f o r the movement of t r a f f i c .  However, the novelty of such an occurence may  be  s u f f i c i e n t stimulus alone f o r the unique development of a shopping or housing area. By-laws that are universally applicable w i l l r u l e out. novel events, unless planners can seize a unique opportunity, or permit a novel infringement of the law.  A b u i l d i n g that i s  not set back from the street i n an area where setback are uniformly observed, i s a kind of novelty.  requirements  I t ceases to be  novel when there i s no general r u l e to break. Novel v a r i a t i o n s i n the environment may be the l e f t - o v e r s of a time of no regulation, or the survivors of a systematic check by zoning o f f i c e r s .  In these cases, the work of the  planner w i l l be involved i n the preservation of these physical oddities.  In the heavily regulated present, the planner himself  must i n s t i t u t e idiosyncracies i n t o h i s physical plan. For instance, an e f f o r t has been made to make the inner o i l y somehow s i m i l a r to suburbia or v i c e versa.  This  has been attempted through the introduction of pastoral elements such as treed pedestrian malls, and suburban s t y l e centres.  shopping  One of the advantages of the workplace separated  60 from the home, i s i t s difference i n q u a l i t y .  Different activities  require marked changes i n ambient c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the setting. The designer must consider a sudden change i n scale, i n colour, i n street pattern as a means o f introducing novelty. A black tower i n an area of light-coloured buildings, or a curving street i n a r e c t i l i n e a r plan have a s i m i l a r e f f e c t : they require psychological adaptation by the observer. The  strategy or purpose f o r these actions i s not  e x p l i c i t , as i n other planning decisions, but i m p l i c i t .  That  i s , an expressed need i s not s a t i s f i e d , but p o t e n t i a l c r e a t i v i t y i s nurtured.  The psychological e f f e c t of arousal, leading to  some creative response, i s all-important.  3.5  Expec t a t i ons  With a low and rhythmical movement i t l e d him here, there, everywhere, towards a state of happiness noble, u n i n t e l l i g i b l e , y e t c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e d . And then suddenly, having reached a c e r t a i n point from which he was prepared to follow i t , a f t e r pausing f o r a moment, abruptly i t changed i t s d i r e c t i o n , and i n a fresh movement, more rapid, multiform, melancholy, incessant, sweet, i t bore him o f f with i t towards a v i s t a o f joys unknown (Proust, A l a Recherche du Temps Perdu.) As an important part of the human need f o r security, we constantly anticipate the experience of the next moment,  61 what i s l i k e l y to come next.  Our behaviour depends not only on  the form the stimulus takes, but also on the form that i t was expected to take.  I f i n fact our expectations are confirmed,  perception w i l l be f a c i l i t a t e d . This i s c l o s e l y related to the idea that making the c i t y observable or comprehensible  v i s u a l l y , makes f o r f u l f i l l e d  expectations (Wurman, 1971)• This i s accomplished  through  r a i s i n g expectations of a c e r t a i n a c t i v i t y or b u i l d i n g form i n an unseen part of the c i t y , and t h e n i f u l f i l l i n g those expectations. A t o u r i s t guidebook has much the same e f f e c t .  A preconception  of the area i s implanted i n the i n d i v i d u a l , which i s then confirmed i n r e a l i t y .  A s l i g h t discrepancy between the expectation  and the r e a l i t y may a l t e r the person's perception s l i g h t l y , or he may be disappointed or confused. Posters and other references d e p i c t i n g an h i s t o r i c area of the c i t y and how to reach i t have the e f f e c t of r a i s i n g expectations, but also, define the h i s t o r i c area, package i t f o r inconspicuous consumption.  In t h i s sense, the expectation  i s r e a l l y a new consciousness about an area. For the purposes of creative response, i t i s usually desirable to v i o l a t e expectations to some extent. accomplished  T h i s can be  by introducing the element of surprise into a plan.  By t h i s we do not mean novelty, f o r the psychological e f f e c t of novelty i s usually d i f f e r e n t from that of surprise (Home, 1765).  62 This often occurs without formal planning, through the juxtaposition of elements that would not normally he placed together.  Because the unusual element v i o l a t e s the expectations  of the i n d i v i d u a l , he i s forced to look at i t i n a f r e s h way, unclouded by preconooptions  - "reculer pour roieux regarder".  Surprising incidents can create much of the appeal of s t o r i e s and plays.  Painting and sculpture often incorporate  incongruities i n order to v i o l a t e expectations, and pique the i n t e r e s t of the spectator. In the physical environment, movement has much to do with expectations.  I n the contemporary e t h i c , planners t r y  to accomodate changes i n a c t i v i t y or atmosphere by making them gradual.  The "slow-fast gradient" of t r a f f i c movement f o r  example (Alexander,  1968) describes the situation i n which  the speed of movement i s gradually altered as i s the ambient, level.  In r e a l i t y , harsh contrasts are the r u l e rather than  the exception and seem to be a desirable condition i n most established c i t i e s . effect.  Sidewalk cafes on busy streets have t h i s  A steel-and-glass b u i l d i n g amid o l d stone and brick  warehouses i s an inspired v i o l a t i o n of expectations.  The  conversion o f warehouses to fashionable shops and residences, of defunct f a c t o r i e s to restaurants, of homes to workshops and workshops to homes, a l l have a similar psychological e f f e c t ; v i z . taking a c t i v i t i e s and places out of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l  63 contexts. The notion of b u i l d i n g up expectations and then noticeably departing from them i s the p r i n c i p l e behind creative response through the manipulation of v a r i e t y (Hapoport and Hawkes,  1970). An expected r e s u l t a t the end of a street  may be v i o l a t e d when the t r a v e l l e r a r r i v e s there; f o r instance, a facade would suggest a right-hand turn but upon reaching the end of the s t r e e t , the d r i v e r discovers he must go around the building.  t expectations f u l f i l l e d  7* expectations v i o l a t e d  The i n t e n t of the planner need n o t always be made e x p l i c i t , or a l l the consequences anticipated. The opportunities should be abundant throughout the c i t y f o r creation within the l i m i t s imposed by the planner.  L i m i t s , i f only i n the form of zoning  standards, are necessary to any successful creation, and to cooperation by large numbers o f people.  64  These environmental attitudes are offered as the essential conditions f o r c r e a t i v i t y .  Design that attempts to  induce these values, deals d i r e c t l y with the problems of change, i n s t a b i l i t y and i n s e c u r i t y , by i n v i t i n g purposeful, i n d i v i d u a l involvement i n the process of change. In t h i s chapter we have not attempted to put l i m i t s on these attitudes, but i t i s recognized that they have optimum operating l e v e l s .  As s t i m u l i , these attitudes evoke  the so-called "orientation reaction", or i f they are extremely intense or novel, the "defensive reaction" (Sokolov,  1958;  Berlyne, i960) . Moderating devices maintain complexity, c o n f l i c t , ambiguity, etc., at low l e v e l s . These sorts of actions lower the arousing p o t e n t i a l of the  environment: The designer can 'miniaturize' through h i s t o r i c  preservation, local-area, or neighbourhood  planning, beautLfica-  t i o n , the 'streets are f o r people' mentality. He can subdue the i n t e n s i t i e s of experience by spreading out a c t i v i t i e s , separating functional areas of the c i t y , homogenizing, and simplifying.  His structures can be simple, evident i n such  urban designs as the orthogonal-modular, concentric and Baroque c i t y plans, and the "access-tree p r i n c i p l e " (Okamoto,  1969)  65 of movement. He can set up c l e a r expectations that are f u l f i l l e d i n some other part of the design, by making d i r e c t i o n and destination l e g i b l e , by making signage monumental (Yenturi, 1972), by "making the c i t y observable" (Wurman, 1971). He can conform to r u l e s r e s t r i c t i n g the kinds of elements and combinations  so that the i n d i v i d u a l observer can recognize  redundancies, both d i s t r i b u t i o n a l and c o r r e l a t i o n a l .  For t h i s  strategy, there i s zoning, and the aesthetics of Las Vegas, Times Square and Park Avenue. Unity demands that c o n f l i c t be resolved and reintegrated by dominance, the p r i n c i p l e of synthesis. This integration i s effected subordinating competing v i s u a l a t t r a c t i o n to an idea or plan or orderly arrangement (Graves, 1951*  p.112)  The designer can also attempt to slow the rate of change, and introduce low v a r i a b i l i t y i n place and time. A l l of these a c t i v i t i e s have the e f f e c t of c r e a t i n g an apparent, external order, and describe the selfconscious design process.  To an extent, these are the ongoing designs of  the present-day, anathema to c r e a t i v i t y .  This thesis  presumes a necessary s h i f t from t h i s moderating stance to the creative attitude stance i n urban design.  66 CHAPTER 4:  PLANNING FOR CREATIVE DESIGN  The f i r s t two chapters stressed the necessity of i n d i v i d u a l involvement i n creative processes i n order to permit, the i n d i v i d u a l to i n t e r a c t with h i s environment. i s meant psychological changes, new  By 'process*'  or unanticipated experiences,  that may result, i n design changes i n the physical environment. An essential requirement f o r these design processes i s a c e r t a i n psychological condition i n c l u d i n g aspects of c o n f l i c t , expectation, ambiguity, novelty, and complexity (Chapter 3), based on the hypothesis that these conditions are most conducive to c r e a t i v i t y . These psychological states can be induced by introducing analogous situations to the environmental context.  While  we  know l i t t l e about the way i n which an i n d i v i d u a l may r e a c t or behave to a given set of s t i m u l i , aesthetic theory t e l l s us much about how the stimuli are perceived.  We know that c e r t a i n  environmental conditions are l i k e problem sets - d i f f i c u l t i e s i n movement, obstacles to perception, the creation of stress and through t h e i r solutions lead! the i n d i v i d u a l to new The behavioural or creative end-products  experience.  of t h i s experience are  most, d i f f i c u l t to define or p r e d i c t , and are not i n t e g r a l to creative f u l f i l m e n t .  A confrontation with new  experience  may  r e s u l t i n a number of somewhat unpredictable responses i n c l u d i n g outright r e j e c t i o n , a change i n a t t i t u d e , a change i n behaviour,  67 or some creative action.  The r e s u l t s are spontaneous and  personal, and demonstrate the reconstitution of behaviour and experience through the process of creation.  This i s how the  physical environment i s made meaningful.  4.1  Determinants of a Creative Flan  A c o r o l l a r y to t h i s theory of creative psychological states, i s planning action that best f i t s the requirements of the i n d i v i d u a l i n h i s environment. Successful creative planning must include the following c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s f o r design purposes: and  f l e x i b i l i t y , continuity,  contingencies. Flexibility:  Any plan or design must f a c i l i t a t e i t s  adaptation to the needs of the users.  These needs are a  sphere of influence that only the users themselves can properly define and f u l f i l l .  Successful f l e x i b i l i t y i n a design may  exhibit the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of smbiguity, since multiple or f l e x i b l e usage means that purpose w i l l not be c l e a r .  Flexibility  does not mean an a n t i c i p a t i o n of a l l the uses of a thing, but simply leaving the design open-ended.  Changes i n pattern or  motif make i t c l e a r to the user community that idiosyncracies can be accomodated.  Changes i n the d i r e c t i o n of movement i n a  68 c i t y make i t c l e a r that there are many ways to orient one's a c t i v i t i e s and b u i l d i n f r a s t r u c t u r e .  Variety connotes the  presenoe of f l e x i b i l i t y i n planning, though i t i s not i n i t s e l f the  l i m i t of f l e x i b i l i t y . Continuity:  A l l changes must p h y s i c a l l y demonstrate  that they constitute an uninterrupted sequence of events. This i s a necessary condition f o r the types of c r e a t i v i t y that i m p l i c i t l y assume that something new proceeds from something e x i s t i n g , and that new ideas proceed from the presence of the h i s t o r i c gamut.  Besides continuity i n time there i s continuity  i n place, where the t r a d i t i o n a l forms of an area can be strengthened and act as a source of i n s p i r a t i o n to others (Hodighiero, 1965). Continuity i n a r c h i t e c t u r a l t r a d i t i o n as opposed to i m i t a t i o n , can be a creative response to the e x i s t i n g environment.  Continuity i s seen here as an ordering influence  on the mind, but assumes that change i s i n t e g r a l to continuity. Contingencies; forseeing them.  I d e a l l y we would avoid problems by  Short of t h i s we often apply a r u l e or  p r i n c i p l e and use a l o g i c a l , systematic method to a r r i v e at a solution to a problem. problem i t s e l f .  But t h i s i s not a creative use of the  A problem i s never defined i n i s o l a t i o n of  solutions, since no problem can exist e n t i r e l y of i t s e l f . A painter of the hard-edge school takes h i s easel not to a pastoral s e t t i n g f o r i n s p i r a t i o n but r e l i e s c h i e f l y on  69 subconscious sources, just as a w i l d l i f e painter seeks h i s own sources outside the studio.  Most people solve everyday d i f f i c u l t i e s  using materials and methods at hand, so that the r e s u l t s have a kind of ad hoc appearance.  In small-scale change, the resources  of the community are often overlooked  i n the search f o r ideas.  E x i s t i n g patterns and information might, i f presented  i na  meaningful fashion provide the necessary contingencies to the design solutions.  A consideration of contingencies aids i n  the meaningful complexity  o f an environment:  the designer  exercises h i s choioe and considers some portion of an endless l i s t of considerations.  4.2  Selfoonscious Design Approaches  The conscious design process deals with established or emergent conditions.  The concerns are with s o l v i n g the  c r i s e s of today, ameliorating e x i s t i n g conditions, or a n t i c i p a t i n g and avoiding, the c r i s e s of tomorrow.  Beyond  the democratic methods, authoritarian planning creates fragments of Utopias, usually taking the form of a r c h i t e c t u r a l design on a c i t y scale.  Examples are Chandigarh, Cumbernauld, and B r a s i l i a .  Among the dominant planning approaches we can d i s t i n g u i s h three;  the Formalist Approach, the H e u r i s t i c Approach, and the  70 Operating Unit Approach (Boguslaw, 1965)• The Formalist Approach i s characterized hy the i m p l i c i t or e x p l i c i t use of models.  In other terms, e x p l i c i t may mean  r e p l i c a models, where f i e l d conditions are set up i n the laboratory s e t t i n g (Chapanis,  1961).  Simulation  techniques  including computer simulation models are examples of systems that describe present conditions and attempt to predict emergent conditions.  I m p l i c i t use includes symbolic models, ideas,  concepts, and abstract, symbols to represent the r e a l thing. They use l i n e s and arrows to symbolize information flow and diagrammatic blocks to symbol!ze major elements of a system. <  Mathematical models are a subclass of these symbolic models. The Archigram a r c h i t e c t u r a l group uses models derived from science f i c t i o n to i n d u s t r i a l machinery.  Paolo S o l e r i has  adopted the machine as h i s c i t y model (Jencks, 1971) • Halprin (1969) has fashioned a curious amalgam of e x p l i c i t and i m p l i c i t modelling to simulate creative processes i n the environment. The H e u r i s t i c Approach i s one that uses p r i n c i p l e s to provide guides f o r a c t i o n .  I t i s not bound by  about the situations the system w i l l encounter.  preconceptions I t s principles  ostensibly provide action guides even i n the face of  completely  unanticipated situations and i n situations f o r which no  formal  model or analytic solution i s a v a i l a b l e . In t h i s sense, at l e a s t *  71 h e u r i s t i c methods proceed from available information. Occasionally, these exalted p r i n c i p l e s take on a g l o b a l i l y and vagueness reminiscent of Proudhon (1969)• T h i s new notion of h e u r i s t i c has been useful to describe the operational p r i n c i p l e s f o r computer programming (Boguslaw, 19&5) . So i t i s not surprising that a mathematician l i k e Christopher Alexander would f i n d t h i s approach apt, f o r the design of the urban environment, through the use of "patterns". The Operating Unit Approach begins with people or environments c a r e f u l l y selected to possess c e r t a i n performance characteristics.  I t belongs to the Behaviourist and Technologist  schools,, and i s therefore strongly deterministic. u n i t s of Walden Two  (Skinnder, 1948)  The human  f i t t e d the requirements  of the s o c i a l and physical system created i n that f i c t i o n a l utopia.  In that case, the humans were e x p l i c i t l y conditioned  to respond to a diminished spectrumi of s t i m u l i .  In the more  subtle s o c i a l engineering of today, planners attempt to quantify or model the "expected" actions of the i n d i v i d u a l and thus provide f o r h i s "basic needs".  Such attempts i n e v i t a b l y f a l l short of  the task, and with the r e s u l t i n g environmental r i g i d i t y , the i n d i v i d u a l ' s responses are l i m i t e d .  72 4.3  Contingency planning  Environmental c r e a t i v i t y of the kind described to t h i s point has as i t s single goal, the creation of a dynamic urban design.  This i s a design process that i s l e a s t concerned with  ends, and c h i e f l y concerned with process.  The products of our  present culture, as w i l l be pointed out shortly, are mostly i r r e l e v a n t to the c r e a t i v i t y and dynamism of our c i v i l i s a t i o n . The successful communication of ideas and symbols, i s the measure of a successful urban design process, and not the environmental end-product.  Nicholas Schoffer  (1969) has  described the future c i t y as one concerned with the ideas i n a r t , rather than the products of the a r t i s t i c process.  In an  age when information can be i n s t a n t l y conveyed, product generation becomes incidental to the process.  The history of Western A r t  and architecture has been one of a fascination with the object; the apparent success of the object determined with the idea somewhere i n the shadow.  the a r t i s t i c success,  In the c i t y we have been  preoccupied with the b u i l d i n g of a piece, organic or mechanistic. Buildings axe regarded as s t a t i c pieces of a r t , and always as physical objects.  Aesthetic controls are concerned with the object,  and the public i s s i m i l a r l y educated and motivated. In planning, many competing philosophies seldom f i n d t h e i r f u l l expression i n any physical environment.  Often as i s  73 the case with the Formalist, Operating Unit and Heuristic systems, the approach i s relevant only to certain situations or problems. The plan or proposal i s usually most successful i f the proponents choose among these competing philosophies and formulate solutions as they become apparent.  That i s to say, needs and goals are not  defined i n i t i a l l y so as to arrive ultimately at their solutions, but become apparent i n the process (Granger, 1969), and the physical changes that result from this process of synthesis are happy by-products. It would seem desirable from the point of view of creativity development to maximize the opportunities for action in the environment. We already know that the level of stimulation i s raised i n a complex environment; that i s , an environment that i s built up over time to a high degree of physical visual complexity. Possibilities for action also increase as the environment becomes more complex. The tabula rasa by i t s nature of being a void w i l l not evoke ideas or possibilities, and the designers w i l l inevitably seek contingencies with which to deal creatively. Much urban redevelopment i s conceived with a belief i n a limited set of contingencies and static environmental conditions. For example, i n the False Greek area of Vancouver, the City i n i t i a l l y defined the study area to include nothing but the City-owned lands, and consistently expanded the study area to privately-owned, highly-developed contiguous areas, at the  74 insistence of various design teams. would not he  I t was f e l t that good design  achieved i n i s o l a t i o n , but would have to be a  response or stimulus to the e x i s t i n g development.  The  process  according to the i n c l i n d a t i o n s of the designers was r e a l l y ad hoc.  At the same time, the C i t y was c a r r y i n g out a policy of  c r e a t i n g a tabula rasa of the False Creek lands, removing the l a s t vestiges of private c o n t r o l , and the symbols of past land use or design.  Abandoned buildings were consistently razed, and the  land bull-dozed to await the designers of the v i s i o n . Reduction to simple terms and concepts, which has been previously i d e n t i f i e d as part of the conscious design process, also took place here.  Successive reports became thinner and  thinner, as complex decisions were reduoed to the simplest questions (Vancouver planning Department, 1971a, 1971b, 1971°,  1972, 1973). The symbolic authority structure of spaces i s b e n e f i c i a l to any casual observer or user i f applied or maintained i n moderation.  The perceived authority of space has nothing whatever  to do with relevant design authority. Any  space whether public  or private property, i s p o t e n t i a l l y subject to any designer within the community.  T h i s gives the designer r o l e s the  autonomy they require f o r c r e a t i v e expression, and permits the implementation  of multiple design i n an ad hoc fashion, or  succeeding a l t e r a t i o n s over time.  75 The  s a l i e n t point about good design i s that i t always  proceeds from contingencies.  At any stage i n a development,  one takes account of the then-existing conditions and plans appropriate s t r a t e g i e s . Present-day techniques of b u i l d i n g conservation are often of necessity of an ad hoc nature.  Besides the psychological  benefits of conserving environments, such as the sense o f h i s t o r i c a l continuity, of v a r i e t y i n the landscape and i n land usage, there are economic benefits to be reaped as w e l l . scale change and upheaval i s expensive and r i s k y .  Large-  The regeneration  of older buildings f o r new uses can be economically  sound, and  the opportunity i s available to "tack on" new structures to the old.  Transferring the t r a d i t i o n a l F-S-B to adjacent  properties  i s one well-known method of r e t a i n i n g one structure, while encouraging the development of adjacent properties.  The loss of  the Singer Building i n New York was a blatant r e s u l t of the i n a b i l i t y of the planners to seize e x i s t i n g opportunities, to conceive of ad.hoc solutions (Okamoto, 19&9)•  A significant  and useful b u i l d i n g was raced to make room f o r the U.S. Steel building, while i n s i g n i f i c a n t structures on the same property were torn down f o r a windy plaza. of a r i g i d zoning formula.  A t f a u l t was the h e u r i s t i c  In t h i s way contingency planning  could permit the introduction of new design values as they become apparent.  1  76 " I n f i l l " development has been championed by many as an appropriate strategy f o r the inner c i t y , where development receive no guidance from the e x i s t i n g l e g a l mechanisms.  pressures "Infill"  strategies could be guided by selection process based on community values. Cataclysmic  change i n the Pairview Slopes area of Vancouver  was a t y p i c a l example of the i n f l e x i b i l i t y of controls and the lack of a creative,process i n the b u i l d i n g of that environment ( E l l i g o t t and Zacharias, 1973)•  Rampant land speculation and  the destruction of e x i s t i n g buildings belied the actual abundance of open space f o r b u i l d i n g .  At. work was a randomized process of  selection, where any s i t e was equally subject to redevelopment. The assumption i s i m p l i c i t i n zoning, i t s e l f , which seen as an urban design mechanism, treats creation as random structuring of uncatalogued, unpredictable  elements.  This i s about as v a l i d a  view as Darwin's theory of the process of natural selection as the means to evolution i n organisms. A d i s t i n c t advantage of the grid street system of North American c i t i e s i s that i t fosters contingencies.  New  structures  can be "plugged i n " , and open space can be b u i l t upon, without disrupting the e x i s t i n g physical form.  E x i s t i n g environments can  serve as stimuli f o r successive changes; the plan i s open-ended. There i s a lamentable trend i n large c i t i e s toward the breakdown of the orthogonal-modular grid through large-scale development.  77 While large-scale development must be accepted and welcomed i n t h i s day and age, we should seek, ways of increasing d i v e r s i t y i n design choices and d i f f e r e n t i a l rates of change.  An increase i n  the number of elements i n the design i s necessary.  Besides,  immediate and continuous changes by the r e a l users would permit creative involvement of ••non-designers", and reconcile new projects with t h e i r old surroundings. New  towns provide perhaps the greatest p o s s i b i l i t i e s  f o r p l u r a l i s t design since everything must be b u i l t from scratch. Unfortunately, town-designing up to now has been done by a simple expansion of a r c h i t e c t u r a l methods, r e s u l t i n g i n a s t a t i c master plan and a s t a t i c c i t y (Llewelyn-Davies et a l ,  1970).  The New Town described here, Milton-Keynes, makes use of the e x i s t i n g towns and natural landscape within i t s boundaries f o r use as contingencies:  by preserving them!, and blending them  i n t o the new c i t y f a b r i c . The fixed elements have been arranged so as to allow the greatest possible scope f o r freedom and change.  Since l i t t l e has  been pre-ordained, the thinking and planning process w i l l have to be continued throughout and cityf's period of b u i l d i n g .  Housing  i s being b u i l t through a v a r i e t y of means, so as to increase v a r i e t y and choice, while permitting several design l e v e l s to p a r t i c i p a t e . Growth d i r e c t i o n s are provided i n every house, so that rooms may be added, joined or divided according to need and resources.  78 Urban design must pay conspicuous attention to the "unselfconscious t r a d i t i o n " ( S i l v e r , 1970) i n architecture. I t i s defined i n terms of that area which the a r c h i t e c t does not design - 98 per cent of the world; or, i f defined i n terms of that area which i s uninfluenced by the a r c h i t e c t , the figure i s reduced to about 80 per cent (Doxiadis, 1963).  This does  not mean that the environment i s accidental, f o r a l l of i t . i s and always has been consciously directed.  Urban design must  recognize "vernacular" design by making available an increased number of design opportunities, and by making a l l plans open-ended. The remarkable r i s e of experimental architecture around the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d world has strong implications f o r the b u i l t environment (Gook, 1970). Many of the prototypes when b u i l t w i l l explode our ideas of space, our conceptions of l i v i n g and working spaces and i n fact our images of the c i t y .  In order  to accomodate these kinds of changes, we w i l l have to accept ambiguity, complexity and c o n f l i c t as basic a t t r i b u t e s of the environment. With t h i s increasing pluralism i n design, the r o l e of the planner w i l l increasingly be one of an integrator.  His role i n  urban design can be enhanced by h i s involvement i n the creation of problem-solving conditions. Technology  can be made meaningful through i t s casual use  and manipulation i n the environment.  Yona Friedman's'spatial  79 constructs" exemplify ad hoc designs using modern technology, within the context of an established urban environment  (Dahinden,  1972). Joseph Weber's designs f o r a "high density c i t y s t r i p development" emphasize the dynamic quality of the c i t y with i t s increasing rate of change.  High-powered technology and  i n d u s t r i a l i z e d b u i l d i n g are adopted f r e e l y i n t o the plan, while attempting to promulgate an atmosphere of growth, change and human involvement.  Components can be displaced or replaced with  a minimumi of disruption (Dahinden, 1972). An Archigram project f o r a 'Control and Choice" dwelling also approached  t h i s problem of technology and humanness (Cook  et a l , 1967). The project was c a l l e d "Control and Choice" following a magazine a r t i c l e which discussed the i n e v i t a b l e paradox between the anarchic and free nature of a responsive mechanism f o r the support of i n d i v i d u a l people, and the l o g i c of optimization, standardization and economics which imply a control over what can be supplied f o r human needs. However, technology does provide i t s own kind of flexibility. While many theorists continue to propose refinements f o r long-range planning, technology has provided the i n d i v i d u a l with f l e x i b l e l i v i n g systems that deny any r e l a t i o n to the past or future.  Mobile home parks are f l e x i b l e i n time and place, and  80 t h e i r components can be dispersed, c o l l e c t e d , reorganized or moved across the province i n a matter of days.  "Instant C i t y " has a  number of implications f o r the i n d i v i d u a l and h i s basic needs  1969). The standardized minimal design of the module  (Greene,  i t s e l f provides continuity i n an environment that may change from day to day.  The creative experience of the i n d i v i d u a l i s i n h i s  immediate environment, much l i k e the American touring from the stable conditions of the automobile i n t e r i o r .  Greene's proposal  for an ad hoc nation-wide c i t y that i s never fixed i n space, nor inextricably l i n k e d to other u n i t s , implies that the environment w i l l always be changing, o f f e r i n g c o n f l i c t s and challenges, unforseen  events and d i f f i c u l t i e s .  The i n d i v i d u a l acts d i r e c t l y to  change h i s immediate environment, simply by moving.  This extreme  mobility i s a good argument, f o r creating exaggerated d i v e r s i t y i n the urban landscape, as people begin to exercise the increasing choices that are_becoming a v a i l a b l e . While the module may s a t i s f y c e r t a i n human needs very w e l l , i t s use by many people r a i s e s some s o c i a l problems.  An increasing  use of standardized b u i l d i n g materials means that f l e x i b i l i t y of choice w i l l be raised on the micro scale, but the sameness of these structures on the macro scale w i l l be an overpowering drawback.  Therefore, we w i l l have to introduce the anomalous  situations that characterized our c i t i e s when design and aesthetic choice could be exercised on the macro s c a l e .  Conflict  81 and contradiction w i l l n o t j u s t happen, they w i l l have to he designed.  4.4  Feedback Mechanisms  Feedin and feedback, analogous to the concept of stimulus and response, are i n t e g r a l to the ad hoc approach. Feedback makes i t possible to develop new rules that recognize e a r l i e r successes, to improve already e x i s t i n g but l e s s successful things, and to v e r i f y a well-tested model f o r the future. The feedback mechanism i s perhaps the most important ingredient to the planner's urban design recipes, since i t provides the major source of contingencies.  Planners are very  anxious to know what i t i s people want i n t h e i r environments. Yet i t i s immediately obvious that t h i s sort of  question  requires 1) p r i o r knowledge on the part of the respondent regarding the present environment and 2) p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r a future environment.  I t has been shown that planners may present  alternatives themselves and have people choose between them, as trade-offs, with good response. But from a creative point of view, t h i s approach i s l a c k i n g i n three essential ways.  F i r s t , i t assumes that there  i s a f i n i t e l i m i t to the achievement of one's wishes; that " y °  u  82 can't have your cake and eat i t too".  Secondly, i t assumes  e x i s t i n g conditions i n the minds of the respondents while asking f o r change i n the responses.  T h i r d l y , such an approach does not.  separate motivation from creative response. In t h i s question of response, we generally do not recognize the various l e v e l s of motivation i n an i n d i v i d u a l but. rather we assume a key word to act as a s u f f i c i e n t stimulus to a response.  I t i s not. very important  from the user i s , but why  to know what the response  i t i s he responded i n that way:  "what" i s the p o l i t i c a l question and "why"  the  i s the motivational,  planning question. In t h i s respect modern marketing research t e l l s us that opinion p o l l s , question-answer surveys, and memory r e c a l l , are methods whichevade the motivational response (Farrow, 1 9 6 9 ) . The r e s u l t s of surveys though they may  be s t a t i s t i c a l l y sound,  are limited by the experience of the respondent, the mind frame of the question, and the passive r o l e the respondent i s placed i n . In a word such methods do not seek c r e a t i v e answers to questions. The argument i s offered with the proviso that consumer behaviour i s precisely the same i n motivational terms as environmental  responsiveness.  The l e v e l of complexity i n the  l a t t e r i s obviously higher, which supports the conclusion more strongly that passive motivational techniques such as are unsuitable f o r obtaining feedback.  surveys  83 The c h i e f contention here i s that monitoring can to some degree be done through d i r e c t observation by the researcher of the effects of design.  This requires experimentation.  Experimentation w i l l at the same time widen the f i e l d of v i s i o n of the respondent and researcher.  A successful experiment  can have tremendous influence on groups and i n d i v i d u a l s . This i s the essential d i s t i n c t i o n between feedback mechanisms i n operation today, and the type suggested  by S i l v e r  (1972) and L i l i e n t h a l (1953). The introduction o f new desires or values into the feedback mechanism automatically changes the process from a piecemeal operation or master plan i n t o an evolving plan based on t r a d i t i o n a l and emerging r u l e s . The responsive environment i s e s s e n t i a l l y the recreation of a natural communication system we l o s t sometime during the I n d u s t r i a l Revolution.  The present environment tends toward  both v i s u a l s i m p l i c i t y and extreme functional complexity.  This  double and opposite movement erodes our comprehension of objects. Since t h i s physical manifestation i s r e a l l y a breakdown i n communications, we must seek alternative processes to stimulate creative  response. Individuals i n the designer r o l e should have access to  a broad range of materials, methods and ideas.  Rather than  develop an information exchange that attempts to define single, pervasive goals f o r development, the process should c a p i t a l i z e  84 on e x i s t i n g p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r a p l u r a l i s t , approach to design. Today's second machine age of cybernetic production o f f e r s the opportunity f o r a more responsive, i n d i v i d u a l i z e d , d i f f e r e n t i a t e d environment. The Signs/Lights/Boston design group were given the task of d e f i n i n g the information problem i n that, c i t y , and making suggestions toward a better v i s u a l environment (1969)•  The  information centre they created included a random access information r e t r i e v a l system that selected and printed a take away card when any of the 120 question buttons on the face of the machine was pressed.  Information on a c t i v i t i e s i n the v i c i n i t y came from  questionnaire responses and were displayed i n the respondent's own words. map.  Each a c t i v i t y was keyed to a g r i d l o c a t i o n on a  Slide-and-sound  presentations offered various impressions  and experiences of the c i t y , as seen by private i n d i v i d u a l s and groups.  A feedback mechanism allowed people's v e r b a l  reactions to the centre to be recorded, and the recommended changes effected i n the centre i t s e l f .  The information centre  incorporated the idea that design i s choice.  Fragmented and  incomplete information was c o l l e c t e d i n a meaningful way  in a  single l o c a t i o n . An information centre can be made u s e f u l to the urban design process, by making relevant information a v a i l a b l e to the homeowner, tenant, non-professional designer, and  85 professional designer, a l l involved i n Iheir own sphere of design. Five types of information should he included: 1)  current development projects and design proposals for the c i t y  2)  h i s t o r i c a l development, of the c i t y , character of l o c a l areas, the regional architecture  3)  resource catalogue (computer searches f i l e f o r materials and eliminates unsuitable items of information according to cost input, size input, design input, etc.)  4)  methods catalogue, g i v i n g the u n i n i t i a t e d fundamental information on construction and design techniques  5)  administrative procedure f o r design approval, by-laws, b u i l d i n g codes, e t c .  Items 3) and 4) can be provided through a f i l i n g system s i m i l a r to the IBM system now being i n s t a l l e d i n many modem l i b r a r i e s . Information i s c a l l e d up and displayed on a monitor simply by punching the relevant, "questions" on a typewriter keyboard. This kind of service i n the downtown would bring important design information within the reach of everyone. At the same time, a design exchange has the e f f e c t of gathering together the ideas of the community within a s i n g l e , conceptual frame.  One changes environment-building from a  stochastic, l i n e a r process to a conmiunally organized process.  36 I n d i v i d u a l i t y and c r e a t i v i t y are not s a c r i f i c e d f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n but can benefit from i n t e r a c t i o n .  Improving design sense i n  t h i s way also enhances the i n d i v i d u a l ' s a b i l i t y to make educated choices i n other areas of consumer or producer behaviour. The purely design-oriented function of information  information  complements the consumer  provided by r e t a i l outlets and c u l t u r a l  centres. An important by-product of the centre i s that i t confuses public and private domains of action.  A l l design action can be  redefined as strategies f o r change based on a p l u r a l i s t view of the environment, the community and philosophies  of renewal.  Design i s ultimately the r e s u l t of i n t e r n a l processes i n the i n d i v i d u a l , and thus defies the a r t i f i c i a l public-private dichotomy. concept.  In t h i s l i g h t "user design" i s often a retrograde  A l l i n d i v i d u a l , internalized creative processes can  benefit from group i n t e r a c t i o n , from community i n t e r a c t i o n , and from some externalization of the design process.  In the  same way, "users" can learn from "professionals", as i n the worker-manager r e l a t i o n s h i p . The creative function of the planner i s i n the design of the framework f o r other designers, and the coordination o f plans, and the input of municipal energy and resources, when i t i s deemed necessary. Experiments i n urban design are another source of  87 feedback into the process.  There have been many examples of  "minimal malls" created through i n d i v i d u a l or group i n i t i a t i v e , though always without the f u l l deployment of potential design c a p a b i l i t y i n the community.  The " p i l o t m a l l " concept (Downtown  Idea Exchange, 1968) describes a method by which l o c a l r e t a i l outlets can c o l l e c t i v e l y improve the public space i n f r o n t of t h e i r shops, and a l t e r i t according to the feedback received. Communities of every s i z e , and i n i t i a t i v e from d i f f e r i n g l e v e l s of concern have sponsored these spontaneous, ad hoc changes i n the physical environment.  In a small r e t a i l  area o f f the Boston Common, a r e a l t o r spurred the l o c a l proprietors into the creation of an experimental pedestrian mall. Boston c i v i c planners made the necessary provisions. The i n d i v i d u a l outlets on the street staged various promotions and events with commercial and non-commercial overtones. Changes have since been made to enhance and extend the o r i g i n a l mall.  S i m i l a r l y , the c i t y of Port Worth staged i t s own  experimental mall c a l l e d "Downtown Futurama".  T h i s mall tested  some future proposals f o r the downtown while providing an immediate opportunity f o r l o c a l and i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e i n design. I t i s important to r e a l i z e that education i s part of the design process.  Adult education of the urban environment,  can be carried out through the mass media.  Wurman (1971) gives  88 a compendium of contemporary examples of walking tours, a r c h i t e c t u r a l tours, community maps, and "urban observatories" that encourage public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n becoming aware of urban design.  Graphic, f i l m , and computer techniques are a l s o  enlisted to make information comprehensible on more than a s u p e r f i c i a l basis; that i s , information when conveyed i n a c l e a r v i s u a l form can create v i s u a l understanding, and thus be made applicable to design. Complicated  Abstract information becomes concrete.  becomes simple.  Board games such as On the Buses (1973)  serve to educate the participant on the workings of a mode of transport. Tours can be taken one step further, not only providing the i n d i v i d u a l with the means to understanding, but p l a c i n g a design t o o l within h i s reach.  A tour may be prepared describing  the subject, or what i t i s we want to l e a r n , and leave the actual design of the tour to the i n d i v i d u a l .  Ideas are raised  i n the abstract and the " t o u r i s t " must concretise them, make the tour and record i t i n some way.  Design i s then part of  action. In summary, we can r e - i t e r a t e that statement made i n Chapter 1; that an i n d i v i d u a l ' s experience of the environment cannot be separated from h i s actions i n the environment. i s no l i n e a r , or c i r c u l a r -process a t work here.  There  Education  proceeds simultaneously with action and v i c e versa.  The response  89 mechanisms - education programmes through the electronic media and field experience, information collation and retrieval systems, the ideas exchange centre, experiments i n environmental design - interconnect but do not have an order of priority or hierarchy.  90  CHAPTER 5: THE CONFLUENT FUTURE  The c r e a t i v e themes of the I n d u s t r i a l and Post-Industrial Ages have been the dichotomies of polar opposites - science and a r t , a r t and l i f e , i n d i v i d u a l and society, c r e a t i v i t y and conformity, man and nature.  In the a c c e l e r a t i n g change of the  present age, a v a s t l y increased body of knowledge lends c r e d i b i l i t y to a p l u r a l i s t view of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r o l e i n h i s environment.  Discrete subject areas are d i s s o l v i n g i n t o a  metamorphic "soup", the cocoon state of uncertainty preceding the emergence of a new order.  Metamorphosis i s a c r e a t i v e  process. Rather than attempt to resurrect the design t r a d i t i o n s of the past, or invent new orders prematurely, we would do better to seek a greater personal awareness of our environment, the constitution of our experience, and what we can do to make our presence i n the environment meaningful. accelerating change, and the determinants  With  of purposeful change  exploding beyond any one person's comprehension, we cannot hope to arrest movement with stable orders.  Urban design as an  orderly physical framework f o r growth l i m i t s the c r e a t i v e potential of the design process, while predicting the design future.  The physical environment does not act independently  except as i n d i v i d u a l s design i t .  Urban design must, be a  91 product of the creativity of individuals within a community creative process.  Less than this level of involvement i n design  w i l l render the environment less meaningful, and the process of design more like random structuring. In general i n society, hierarchical structure, closed systems, and conscious direction are being replaced by ad hoc structure, open systems and unconscious direction. The urban design structure should provide the means for direct involvement with the environment. Design direction i s nurtured through the development of a creative psychological state and the provision of information resources. The learning approach to design i n summary i s characterized by: - defined beginnings and undefined ends - the creative drive of individuals as the motivating force - internal ordering - an orientation i n time to the present - an orientation i n place to the proximate - a pluralist view of participants - respect for the individual's need for creative outlet - respect for creative results, over structured outcomes  92  - the participation of every individual within his range of a b i l i t i e s - fixed rules and adaptable strategies - universal access to information - learning through doing Design action for the nurturing of creative potential i s characterized by: - incremental, ad hoc action - open-ended, flexible designs - complex orders - an i n i t i a l impermanency - an incremental permanency - richness of meaning i n content - richness of contextual meaning - the signature of the individual - a plan that proceeds and evolves with action - the gleanings of past experience - the perceptual problem-solving situation - the metaphor and archetype - an affinity with environment, natural and man-made - the interrelatedness of the parts - the integrity of the small part - the part never being the whole - the whole never occurring at once  93 - the mosaic quality o f the product a t any stage i n i t s building These characterize the emerging creative urban design process that gives meaning to the individual-experience-environment relationship. Many aspects of the process already exist i n varying forms i n our world:  there are creative processes operating  i n government, s e l f - r e g u l a t i n g systems, i n architecture, i n b i o l o g i c a l growth, i n i n d u s t r i a l management, i n technological production, and i n the dissemination of information ( c f . Appendix). The need f o r a v i a b l e design process f o r the urban environment becomes increasingly evident i n our time.  The need  f o r beauty i s a l l but u n i v e r s a l , and Lawrence may very well be r i g h t i n saying that "the human soul needs actual beauty even more than bread". But more than the i l l u s i v e concept of an a e s t h e t i c a l l y pleasing environment, we need to f e e l a oneness with the physical environment.  The basic components of our l i f e - b i r t h ,  growth, change, decay, and death are a l l present i n the innate design of the natural environment.  Even c r e a t i v e , purposeful  change appears to be present i n nature as i t i s i n our own world. Yet our designing process has lacked these essential elements, even as we attempted to ensure beauty, harmony, and meaningful activity.  Perhaps the f a u l t has been n o t with the r e s u l t s but  94 with the nature of the process. Urban designing i s more an art than a science.  In order  to make c r e a t i v i t y an i n t e g r a l component of the urban design process, design must be integrated with the a c t i v i t y of c i t y planning.  Instead of attempting to s p e c i a l i z e the design a c t i v i t y  of planners, we should attempt to educate a design sense, or environmental awareness i n a l l planners.  This w i l l result  partly from broad education, v a r i e d experience, c r e a t i v e a t t i t u d e s . The need f o r a generalized design practice i s based i n the b e l i e f that s p e c i a l i s t planners w i l l u l t i m a t e l y f i n d t h e i r advisory function usurped by s p e c i a l i s t s from other f i e l d .  In order to  act as designers, planners must be involved i n the designing a c t i v i t y of the c i t y . To this end they must begin to understand  and question  the origins f o r the most mundane, taken-for-granted aspects of the urban environment.  Our c u l t u r e i s constantly being renewed  i n the physical environment.  Students of urban design should  attempt some understanding of the service s t a t i o n , the drugstore, the suburban home, the r e s i d e n t i a l block, the home-to-work t r i p , the shopping r i t u a l , etc.  These elements c o n s t i t u t e the  physical environment as i t exists and provide the contingencies for future change.  The designer w i l l have to invent a new  language to be able to communicate the new understanding of the city.  He w i l l have to r e l y on direot experience f o r inferences.  95 I t i s also the designer's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to disseminate urban design information. The r o l e of education i s increasingly important i n our society.  One-third of the population i s enrolled i n school.  The education system sadly lacks i n programmes that orient the student to the urban environment.  Tours and f i e l d t r i p s that  use a discovery approach are essential to widening the horizons of the p a r t i c i p a n t . In Chapter 4 an exchange centre was proposed.  T h i s i s an  i n i t i a l step i n recognizing the existence of purposeful design a c t i v i t y occurring everywhere i n the c i t y .  The process lacks  the meaning that a coordinated e f f o r t f o r information and idea exchange would generate.  The existence of such a centre would  i t s e l f generate news through the electronic media, newspapers, and journals, i n t h i s way  expanding i t s immediate impact.  In general, we need to take a more casual, l e s s pragmatic approach to the design of our c i t i e s .  Every  new  development has t r a d i t i o n a l l y fenced out the public while the almost clandestine b u i l d i n g goes on within.  Ways should be found  to bring the public within the fence, i n c l u d i n g tours of the s i t e , simulated tours of models, short courses i n construction technique, public events i n the incomplete structure. C u l t u r a l events were held on 'the Expo '67 s i t e i n Montreal  prior  to i t s opening, r a i s i n g expectations of the completed f a i r and  96 enabling the casual v i s i t o r to observe the continuity of the construction process.  Every new development should have the  means of obtaining and disseminating feedback.  In t h i s way  major new construction w i l l once again take on r i t u a l meaning f o r the c i i y . Experimental environments should become an on-going a c t i v i t y of a r t g a l l e r i e s or museums.  Beyond an a r t form,  s e l f - c o n t r o l l e d environments provide new information to the i n d i v i d u a l about h i s space perceptions and h i s personal needs. Wrapping buildings demonstrates the meaning of an experimental environment.  Planners should be a c t i v e l y engaged  i n making temporary changes i n the streetscape, i n l i g h t i n g , use of colour, and landscape hardware.  At the same time,  i n d i v i d u a l s should be encouraged to involve themselves i n the public space, by designing on a temporary basis.  This i s  e s s e n t i a l l y the a t t r a c t i o n of mediaeval market squares, which, though bounded by major public buildings, accomodated day-to-day, human scale changes. In general planning must become involved i n the t r a n s i t o r y urban landscape, since i t i s through the casual or t r a n s i t o r y that meaning i s given to the permanent.  97 BIBLIOGRAPHY  Alexander, Christopher "A City Is Not A Tree", Architectural Forum, v. 122, no. 4, April 1965, p. 58-62; v. 122, no. 5, May 1965, p. 58-61. Alexander, Christopher A Pattern Language Which Generates Multi-serv ice Centers, Berkeley; Center for Environmental Structure, 1968. Anderson, H., ed. Creativity and i t s Cultivation, New York; Harper and How, 1959. Ari£s, Philippe  Centuries of Childhood, New York;  Knopf, 1962.  Arnheim, R. Art and Visual Perception; A Psychology of the Creative Eye, Berkeley; University of California Press, 1954. Banfield, Edward P o l i t i c a l Influence, Glencoe, I l l i n o i s ; press, 1961.  Free  Banham, Reyner "The Great Gismo", Industrial Design, September 1965, P. 52-59. 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Groch, Judith  The Right to Create, Boston:  L i t t l e , Brown and Co.,  1969. G u i l f o r d , J . p.  ' C r e a t i v i t y " , American Psychologist, v . 5, 1950,  p. 444-454. Halprin, Lawrence  New York New York, San Francisco:  Chapman,  1968. Halprin, Lawrence RSVP Cycles, New York: H e r t z l e r , J . 0.  G. Brazillejr, 1969.  Sociology of Languages, New York:  Random louse,  1965. Hingston, Richard The Meaning of Animal Colour and Adornment, London: Arnold, 1933. Holt-Hansen, K r i s t i a n "An Experimental Approach t o the Psychology of Form Creation", Perceptual and Motor S k i l l s , October,  1971, v. 35 (2),.p. 615-630. Home, H.  Elements of C r i t i c i s m , London;  M i l l a r , 1765.  Hutchinson, E. D. How to Think C r e a t i v e l y , New York; Cokesbury, 1949.  Abingdon-  Jacobs, Jane The Death and L i f e of Great American C i t i e s , New York: Vintage, 1961. Jencks, Charles and N. S i l v e r Doubleday, 1972. Jencks, Charles  Adhocism, Garden C i t y , N.Y.:  Architecture 2000, New York;  Praeger, 1971.  Jung, C a r l Contributions to A n a l y t i c a l Psychology, New York: Haroourt, Brace, 1939*  101 Jung, C a r l  Man and Hi a Symbols, Garden C i t y , N.Y.;  Doubleday,  1964. Koestler, Arthur The Act of Creation, New York:  Macmillan, 1964.  Koestler, Arthur The Ghost In The Machine, London: 1967.  Hutchinson,  K r e i t l e r , H. and S. K r e i t l e r Psychology of the A r t s , Durham, N.C.j Duke University Press, 1972. K r i s , E. and A. Kaplan "Aesthetic Ambiguity", Philosophy and phenomenonological Research, 1948, v. 3» p. 4 1 5 - 4 3 5 . Laing, R. D. The P o l i t i c s of Experience, Middlesex: 1967. L i l i e n t h a l , David  TVA, New York:  Penguin,  Harper, 1953.  Lindblom, Charles "Policy Analysis", American Economic Review, June 1958. Llewelyn-Davies et a l Milton Keynes, Milton Keynes Development Corporation, 1970. Lowenfeld, V i c t o r The Nature of Creative A c t i v i t y , New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1939. jiukaszewski, Wieslaw "Niezgodnosc informacji i aktywnosc", Przeglad Psychologiczny, 1970, no. 2 0 . (The incompatibility of information and a c t i v i t y ) Lynch, Kevin The Image of the C i t y , Cambridge, Mass.: University Press and M.I.T. Press, 1960.  Harvard  McCarthy, J . "Information", S c i e n t i f i c American, v. 215, no. 3 , September 1966, p. 6 5 - 9 5 . MaoGregor, Douglas The Human Side of Enterprise, New McGraw-Hill, i 9 6 0 . McLuhan, Marshall New York: Maslow, Abraham 1954.  Understanding Media; McGraw-Hill, 1965.  York:  The Extensions of Man,  Motivation and Personality, New York:  Harper,  102 Maslow, Abraham Toward a Psychology of Being, Hew Yorkj Nostrand, 1962.  Van  Mayo, E l t o n The Human problems of an I n d u s t r i a l C i v i l i z a t i o n , New York; V i k i n g , 196O. Moles, Abraham  Sociodynamique  Moles, Abraham Paris;  Theorie de 1'Information et Perception Esthetique, Plammarion, 1958.  Mundy, J . and P. Hiesenburg Nostrand, 1958.  de l a Culture, P a r i s :  Mouton,  The Medieval Town, Princeton;  1967.  Van  Negroponte, Nicholas The Architecture Machine, Cambridge, Mass.: TheM.I.T. Press, 1970. Newell, A. et a l "The Processes of Creative Thinking", Santa Monica, C a l i f . ; Rand Corporation, 1958. N i c k i , R. M. "Arousal Increment and Degree of Complexity as Incentive", B r i t i s h Journal of Psychology, May, 1972. Okamoto, Rai  Urban Design Manhattan, New York:  Viking,  1969.  "On The Buses", Vancouver Environmental Education Programme, Osborn, A.  Applied Imagination,! New York:  Scribner's,  1973.  1953.  Proposed P o l i c i e s f o r the Redevelopment of False Creek, C i t y of Vancouver, 1971a. Proshansky, H., ed. Environmental Psychology, New York; Rinehart and Winston, 1970. proudhon, Pierre Books, Pye, David  Selected Writings, Garden C i t y , N.Y.j  Anchor  I 9 0 9 T  The Nature of Design, New York;  19641  Holt,  Van Nostrand Reinhold,  Rapoport, Amos and R. Hawkes "The Perception of Urban Complexity", AIP Journal, v. 36, no. 2. Remer, T. G. Serendipity and the Three Princes, Norman: of Oklahoma Press, 1965.  University  103 Rodighiero, Laurence Toitures Rustiques et Modernes, P a r i s : Massin, 1965. Rogers, C a r l "Toward a Theory of C r e a t i v i t y " , i n C r e a t i v i t y and i t s C u l t i v a t i o n , H. H. Anderson (ed.), New York: Harper, 1959. Sartre, Jean-paul  The Psychology of Imagination, London:  Methuen,  1940. Schoffer, Nicholas Selden, Arthur Severino, Renato  La V i l l e Cybernetique, P a r i s :  Tchou,  1969.  "The Welfare C r i s i s " , Encounter, December, Equipotential Space, New York:  Praeger,  1967. 1970.  Shonksmith, G. I n t e l l i g e n c e , C r e a t i v i t y and Cognitive Style, London: Batsford, 1970. S i l v e r , Nathan  " E l a s t i c s v i l l e " , New  Statesman, v. 76, March  1970, p. 276-277. S i t t e , Camillo C i t y Planning According to A r t i s t i c P r i n c i p l e s , New York: Random House, 1965. Sivadon, P. "Space as Experienced: Therapeutic Implications", i n Environmental Psychology, proshansky, H. (ed.), New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970. Skinner, Bi. F.  Walden Two, New York:  Macmillan,  1948.  Sokolov, E. N. V o s p r i i a t e 1 uslovny r e f l e k s , Moscow: University of Moscow Press, 1958. (Perception and the Conditional Reflex) Stea, D.  "Environmental Perception and Cognition: Toward a Model f o r Mental Maps", Student Publication of the School of Design, v. 18, Raleigh, N.C.: North C a r o l i n a State University, 1969, p. 63-76.  Storr, Anthony  The Dynamics of Creation, New York:  Atheneum,  1972. Taylor, C a l v i n C r e a t i v i t y : McGraw-Hill, 19&4.  1  Progress and P o t e n t i a l , New  York:  104 Taylor, D. and C. Block Should Group or I n d i v i d u a l Work Come F i r s t on Problems Requiring Creative Thinking When Equal Time i s Devoted to Each?, New Haven; Department of I n d u s t r i a l Administration, Yale U n i v e r s i t y , 1957. Thorpe, William Learning and I n s t i n c t i n Animals, London; Methuen, 1964. Thurstone, Louis Primary Mental A b i l i t i e s , Chicago; of Chicago Press, 1957.  University  Torrance, Paul Guiding Creative Talent, Englewood C l i f f s , Prentice-Hall, 1962.  N.J.:  Tsypkin, I . Foundations of the Theory of Learning Systems, New York; Academic Press, 1973. Venturi, Robert Complexity and Contradiction i n Architecture, New York; Museum of Modern A r t , 1966. V e n t u r i , Robert Press,  Learning from Las Vegas, Cambridge: 1972.  M.I.T..  Von Fange, E. G. Professional C r e a t i v i t y , Englewood C l i f f s , Prentice-Hall, 1959. Yygotski, L. S. P s i k h o l o g i i a isskustva, Moscow: (Psychology of Art)  N.J.: 1965.  Isskustvo,  Wallach, M. A. and N. Kogan "A New Look at, the C r e a t i v i t y Intelligence D i s t i n c t i o n " , J . Person., v. 33, 1965,  p. 348-69.  Wallach, M. A. and N. Kogan Modes of Thinking i n Young C h i l d r e n , New York: Holt Rinehart, 1965. Whiting, C. S. Woods, Shadrach  Creative Thinking, New York; What U Can Do, Houston;  Reinhold,  1958.  Rice U n i v e r s i t y ,  1970.  Wurman, Saul Making the C i t y Observable, Minneapolis, Minn.; Walker Art Center and M.I.T. Press, 1971. Wurman, Saul Yellow Pages of Learning, Cambridge, Mass.; Press, 1972.  M.I.T.  105 APPENDIX  A.1  Creative decision-making i n municipal government  Edward Banfield (19&1) gives a detailed account of the patterns of influence and control that have actually led to decisions i n a major c i t y .  He shows that although the l i n e s  of administrative and executive control have a formal h i e r a r c h i c a l structure, these formal chains of influence and authority are e n t i r e l y overshadowed by the ad hoc l i n e s of c o n t r o l which a r i s e n a t u r a l l y as each new  c i t y problem presents  hoc l i n e s depend on who  itself.  These ad  i s interested i n the matter, who  what at stake, who has what favours to trade with whom.  has This  second structure, which i s informal, working within the framework of the f i r s t , i s r e a l l y what controls public a c t i o n .  I t varies  from week to week, even from hour to hour, as one problem replaces another.  Nobody's sphere of influence i s e n t i r e l y the control  of any one superior; each person i s under d i f f e r e n t influences as the problems change.  Although the organization chart i n the  mayor's o f f i c e i s a hierarchy with l i m i t e d r e l a t i o n s between the parts, the actual control and exercise of authority i s a l a t t i c e with many r e l a t i o n s between the persons concerned. The formal structure f o r the design of our c i t i e s consists  106 of a l i m i t e d number of o f f i c i a l l i n k s between developer, a r c h i t e c t and planner, but i n r e a l i t y , the l i n e s of design influence are complex and informal.  The r e a l decisions are not made i n the  hoard room but over lunch; the great i n s p i r a t i o n does not necessarily happen i n the o f f i c e but almost anywhere e l s e . The e x p l i c i t hierarchy i n the mayor's o f f i c e finds i t s equivalents i n the apparent structure of the c i t y .  No c i t y  element has only one r e l a t i o n to some other part, but each has a number of informal connections.  Alexander  (1966) describes  the formal, conscious design process as a "tree", and  the  unselfconscious process as a "semi-lattice". When we think i n terms of trees we are trading the humanity and richness of the l i v i n g c i t y f o r a conceptual simplicity which benefits only designers, planners, administrators and developers .... In any organized object, extreme compartmentalization and the d i s s o c i a t i o n of i n t e r n a l elements are the f i r s t signs of coming destruction, (p. 55) T r a d i t i o n a l thinking about the design of c i t i e s has mistaken the ostensible structure as the picture of how works.  the structure  Plans suggest a hierarchy of stronger and  stronger  closed s o c i a l groups, ranging from the whole c i t y down to the family, each formed by associational t i e s of d i f f e r e n t strength. In r e a l i t y , there are no closed groups of people.  Every  i n d i v i d u a l has at l e a s t p o t e n t i a l access to any public  information  or action, though the avenues are informal. The difference between a conscious, v i s i b l e d e c i s i o n -  ia<7 making process and one that i s unconscious and i m p l i c i t may manifest i t s e l f as the difference between a central decision and  s o c i a l choice.  representative  The central decision i s made by a  who has f i l t e r e d the best i n t e r e s t s of groups  involved or affected. "problem".  H i s decision i s a "solution" to a  A s o c i a l choice i s made i n an ad hoc fashion, through  the independent actions of a number of i n d i v i d u a l s , who thus achieve a r e s u l t .  Problem and solution may never be defined!.  The competition of forces which do not aim at a common goal produces outcomes which may be more workable than any that could be contrived by a central decision-maker consciously f o r solutions i n the common i n t e r e s t .  searching  Charles E. Lindblom (1958)  has observed that while i t i s customary to think of the analysis of a policy problem as going on i n the mind of one man or of a small group of men, i t can also be seen as a s o c i a l process. "Fragmentation" of analysis - i . e . analysis that goes on among many indSiviituals or groups, each of whom approaches the problem from h i s d i s t i n c t i v e and l i m i t e d point o f view - may be an aid to the correct weighting of values i n a choice.  The r u l e s are  defined by s o c i e t a l norms, whereas the strategies vary with the i n d i v i d u a l . No matter how competent and well-intentioned, a decision-maker can never make an important decision on grounds that are not i n some degree a r b i t r a r y .  For t h i s reason  108 centralized decision-making often lacks meaning to those i n d i v i d u a l s ultimately affected.  In the s o c i a l choice process, maximum  freedom of action i s given to the greatest number of people, so that action proceeds immediately from creative thought.  A.2  Self-regulating recreating communities  Sustained growth, t r a d i t i o n a l l y believed to be necessary to the operation  of a healthy economy, i s out of favour,  people i n many communities are advocating i n d u s t r i a l and. population growth c o n t r o l s , so that optimum sizes can be reached or maintained.  In most cases, then, optimum size i s synonymous  with a steady state. What the anti-growth movement does indicate i n a more p o s i t i v e v e i n , i s the desire f o r s e l f - c o n t r o l . This can  be  interpreted f o r the community as a whole and as a modus Vivendi f o r one's i n d i v i d u a l l i f e .  In f a c t , the no-growth sentiment  corresponds remarkably to the idea of a s e l f - r e g u l a t i n g system, where i n t e r n a l i z e d r u l e s of action control change and i n t e r a c t i o n with other systems (George, 1965;  Tsypkin, 1973).  A self-  regulating system as applied to the s o c i a l situation i s a kind of democratization where the power of the b a l l o t box i s replaced by the power of i n t e r n a l i z e d values, and externalized r u l e s .  109 Inherent i n the idea of a s e l f - r e g u l a t i n g system i s a change i n the scale of action.  Since e x p l i c i t external controls  are replaced by i n t e r n a l controls, the implied changes must be at a smaller scale.  The c i t y regains i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e as a  s o c i a l entity when common l i n e s of action and control must be evolved within the whole community.  Bach i n d i v i d u a l becomes  responsible i n an ecological sense f o r the environment of h i s experience. Some s o c i a l organizations are already beginning to incorporate notions of s e l f - r e g u l a t i o n . I t has been noted that, welfare  systems are much better run from below, where decisions  are relevant, than from above, where they tend to be c o s t l y and unresponsive (Seldon, 1967).  A.3  Creative p o t e n t i a l i n portable architecture  The a r c h i t e c t u a l t r a d i t i o n of North America, apart from the ©onscious borrowings from Europe, i s one of lightweight, serviceable structures that meet the average person's need f o r flexibility.  Wood has been favoured as a quick and inexpensive  construction material, permitting change more easily than i n d u s t r i a l b u i l d i n g materials. on i t s t e r r a i n .  The house has always sat. l i g h t l y  110 Today equivalents vary from P u l l e r " s Dymaxion houses to self-contained, self-propelled campers. simply an e f f i c i e n t box on wheels.  The mobile home i s  While i t i s not generally  "mobile", owners add to the basic structure as they require more space.  The potential of lightweight, minimal housing has escaped  most s o c i a l t h e o r i s t s and designers who are more intent on ministering to the every psycho-social need of consumers. F l e x i b i l i t y and the a b i l i t y to react c r e a t i v e l y are provided i n a personal environment  that leaves parts of the design programme  to be completed ad hoc. Jean-Paul Jungman's Dyodon i s a r e a l i s t i c housing alternative to the tent.  These pneumatic r e s i d e n t i a l c e l l s are cheap, and can  be deflated and moved at w i l l .  Additional rooms can be added  (Dahinden, 1972). The nature of the modern house i s not i n the s l i g h t v a r i a t i o n s i n structure or form, but i n the gadgetry that i t contains (Banham, 1965).  Giedion (1948) long ago described the  growth of technology i n terms of the production of household gadgets, which have since come to characterize much of our architecture.  The house i s r e a l l y nothing but a s h e l l containing  the gadgets that serve us i n d a i l y l i f e - they constitute the environment that we can presently manipulate. Cook ( i n Jencks, 1972)  suggests a catalogue of "add-types"  for the suburban environment-builder.  In t h i s scheme, the t y p i c a l  111 developer-built suburb presents a uniform modularity  of design  and function that acts as the minimal structure f o r i n d i v i d u a l input.  Such items as the bay box, deluxe bay, cage, semicircular  bay, lean-to, etc., can be accomodated i n the module plan, u n t i l the character of the environment has s i g n i f i c a n t l y changed. This sort of add-type catalogue would have a remarkable e f f e c t i n disseminating ideas f o r change. As consumerism expands to the l i v i n g environment, individuals have the p o t e n t i a l of c o n t r o l l i n g the q u a l i t y of t h e i r immediate environments.  What i s lacking, perhaps, i s an  educated process of choice.  A.4  Creative b i o l o g i c a l growth  Neotony i s a b i o l o g i c a l term meaning the gradual retardation of bodily development beyond the age of sexual maturation.  In  a kind of perpetual youth, a species can adapt to unforseen circumstances, since i t i s never more than a ' c h i l d ' (Koestler, 1967).  By adapting incrementally, as circumstances demand i t ,  the species does not close i t s options to further or close the route to r e v e r s a l .  adaptation,  A species never purposefully  makes a r a d i c a l departure from i t s past action, since such action would be random and meaningless.  Such an event would be a needless  112 e f f o r t and might possibly s p e l l e x t i n c t i o n . In i t s perpetual adaptation, the species remains forever young, i n a constant state of rejuvenation.  I t never s p e c i a l i z e s the becomes fixed  i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l or closed system, since s p e c i a l i z a t i o n i s an aging process. Hingston  (1933) describes the exploits of a wasp i n c r i s i s .  He made a hole i n a c e l l of the wasp's nest i n a f i e n d i s h way, so that i t could not be repaired from the outside.  The wasp  wrestled with the task f o r two hours, u n t i l night came and she had to give up.  Next morning, she flew s t r a i g h t to the damaged  c e l l , and set about r e p a i r i n g i t from within; something she had never done before.  C o n f l i c t i n the wasp's work d i d not prevent  i t from adapting and learning from t h i s unusual  circumstance.  One could speculate that the wasp could be 'taught' t o adapt to a range of d i f f i c u l t conditions and improve i t s a b i l i t y to survive and grow i n i t s range of a b i l i t i e s .  Most such l e a r n i n g tasks  are performed by humans. Neotony i s a correct i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Maslow's theory of s e l f - a c t u a l i z a t i o n .  Individuals maintain a perpetual youth  and capacity to react and create, by performing tasks and being placed i n unfamiliar or problem-solving  situations.  Car manufacturers operate on the p r i n c i p l e that  obsolescence  w i l l occur i n even the best c a r design, i f evolution does not take place.  The p r i n c i p l e i s that the automobile i s a  113 relatively fixed order of functions, but these functions manifest themselves i n individual component systems. They make use of already existing, standard components - chassis, brakes, etc. then proceed by relatively small improvements or modifications of some of these - for instance, by re-designing the body-line or improving the cooling system, or introducing bucket seats. The car manufacturer operates by fixed rules but i s guided by adaptable strategies. A l l creative-problem  solving in fact, i s characterized  by fixed rules and adaptable strategies. Thorpe (1956) describes the nest-builaBing procedure of a certain bird species as including several different actionpatterns, and four different building materials.  Bach action  and material conform to the rules for a particular stage i n the building. The bird begins with some conception of what the completed nest should look l i k e , and some conception of how each additional piece of moss or lichen w i l l contribute to the ideal pattern.  But actual construction requires ad hoc adaptation.  Fixed rules and adaptable strategies characterize a l l successful organisms in changing environments. Attempting to solve difficult, environmental problems without a strategy w i l l f a i l , as w i l l a single strategy carried to completion.  The  correct action often does not become apparent until a start i s made, learning i s commenced, and therefore continuity i s  114 established.  The successful solution r e l i e s on the perception of  contingencies as they occur or as they become apparent.  A.5  Job environment enrichment  Experiments i n job enrichment f o r workers i n industry have demonstrated the importance of challenge i n the work and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n management. Major work i n t h i s f i e l d has been done by Mayo (1960) , Gellerman (1963), Maslow (1954), and MacGregor (i960) . A t y p i c a l strategy f o r job enrichment i n industry i s described by Robert N. Ford (1969): 1.  2. 3.  4.  Give the employee a good module of work - p u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s back down to t h i s job l e v e l i f they have been assigned higher up only f o r safety's sake - gather together the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s that are now handled by people whose work precedes or follows, i n c l u d i n g v e r i f y i n g and checking - push c e r t a i n routine matters down to lower-rated jobs - automate the routine matter completely i f possible -rearrange the parts and divide the t o t a l volume of work, so that an employee has a f e e l i n g of "my customers", "my r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " . Once.an employee has earned the r i g h t , l e t him r e a l l y run h i s job. Develop ways f o r g i v i n g employees d i r e c t , i n d i v i d u a l feedback on t h e i r own performance (not group indexes). Invent ways of l e t t i n g the job expand so that an employee can grow psychologically.  115 Much of the theory has now  become accepted practice  i n industry since i t has succeeded i n improving job s a t i s f a c t i o n and productivity (Goble, 1970).  Behind the pragmatism of job  enrichment, there i s a fundamental change occurring i n our ideas of the purpose of work and l e i s u r e . Management recognizes that a l l serious work or endeavour best organizes i t s e l f i n t o semi-autonomous u n i t s , and the r u l e s of the group are best evolved from first-hand experience.  It  i s no longer enough f o r workers to control only the routine of the work, and many corporations now have workers organizing t h e i r own physical work environment.  At- Non-linear Systems, the time  clocks were thrown aray and salesmen's expenses were not i n d e t a i l (Goble, 1970).  accounted  Semi-autonomous work groups at.  Non-linear and at Volvo, i n Sweden have demonstrated that work can be meaningful i f there i s a sense of purpose, and a v i s i b l e product of one's e f f o r t s . Our c i t i e s w i l l only become meaningful to the people who  l i v e i n the^ when the product i s a r e s u l t of r e a l design  involvement by an increased number of semi-autonomous design groups andi i n d i v i d u a l s .  Greater quality and quantity of design  production i n the environment through a sense of autonomy among the user-designers, i s a d i s t i n c t p o s s i b i l i t y f o r the urban design process, i f job enrichment i n industry can be considered an indicator.  116 A.6  Creative p o t e n t i a l of design.  While the range of consumer products grows, the nature of production and design change a l s o .  Our notions of design  and function have not r e a l l y kept pace with technological changes. Modern devices are becoming increasingly complex, and the purpose i s e n t i r e l y f o r ease and economy. A kitchen stove i s a combination of d i s t i n c t systems that c a l l s to mind not i t s working order, i t s functional complexity, but i t s external shape. I t has an archetype. But. there i s no essential p r i n c i p l e of arrangement f o r the systems i n t e r se i n an aggregation l i k e a stove (Pye, 1964) I t i s functional but i t s function has l i t t l e to do with i t s design.  The revolution i n mathematical c a l c u l a t o r s i s an  example of t h i s trend toward complexity and design freedom. The f i r s t c a l c u l a t o r s were clumsy and u t i l i t a r i a n ; the box that contained the mechanism had to conform to the r e s t r i c t i o n s of the bulky parts. The modern c a l c u l a t o r could conceivably be designed i n the form of a thimble, a hairbrush or a pipe. Although our gadgets have become more complex, miniaturization and other changes have made design a separate consideration. In f a c t , how the c a l c u l a t o r f i t s i n the hand of the user and i t s v i s u a l appeal to the user, are the most important design considerations of the d i g i t a l computer.  117 In a l l design whether industrial or environmental, function i s never the ultimate criterion.  A l l seemingly u t i l i t a r i a n  objects have ultimately been designed with direct reference to something other than function.  Functionalist thinking says that,  the design of a device must be at i t s "minimum condition", but to say that every system or design should be at i t s minimum condition imposes certain limitations on i t s form (Pye, 1964); and also on i t s success with the users. To say that an environment shall be i n i t s minimum condition i s as arbitrary as saying i t shall be green.  I f the  system i s i n any adequate condition then i t produces i t s intended result whether i t i s green or not. not more economical either.  The minimum condition i s  In houses, the workmanship, research  and calculation needed to achieve the minimum condition w i l l cost far more than the material saved.  The best design w i l l  never be an expression of optimum functioning, not merely because experience of something i s d i f f i c u l t to predict, but because design i t s e l f i s not. functional arrangement. If science and technology provide us with the minimum condition, then the designer's role i s a dimension apart. I f urban designers are to learn from science, urban designers must not be scientists.  The patent arbitrariness of design i s the  best reason for placing i t s control i n the hands of many and varied individuals.  118  It  i s the bogus of the "minimum c o n d i t i o n " that has turned  a l l our urban design i n t o an e f f o r t to remove discomfort and 'make things easier'.  A l l design i n industry i s intended f o r  consumer products, so that we cannot afford to take into account i n d u s t r i a l design's more positive but less predictable aspects. Urban design does not need to be as predictable. Therefore, we can afford to be experimental both i n urban design as a professional a c t i v i t y , and urban design as a public a c t i v i t y . Only the producer-consumer as an i n d i v i d u a l can f u l f i l l a l l the needs of design adequately.  P a l l i a t i o n w i l l neither make  us happy nor f u l f i l l our needs.  C r e a t i v i t y and self-expression  must be the means to s e l f - f u l f i l l m e n t . Jencks (1972) describes the component nature of i n d u s t r i a l design as an opportunity f o r design by private i n d i v i d u a l s of t h e i r environment.  Almost anything one can  design abstractly, can be b u i l t from parts, i f adequate sources of  information are available.  The freedom i s a l l i n the design  of the object and almost no work i s involved i n producing the component parts.  I f the information on resources and  b u i l d i n g methods were r e a d i l y a v a i l a b l e i n a useable form, such environment-designing  could proceed on an urban scale.  119 A. 7  Information Resources  In the history of technological production, one of the major purposes of advertising has been to expand the market, and increase public knowledge of p a r t i c u l a r products.  A l l of  the electronic media have been enlisted i n t h i s kind of information d i ssemination. The idea of the catalogue i s instrumental i n gathering together ideas i n a comprehensible  form, f o r comparison.  Catalogue-shopping i s one good way to make the process of selection meaningful, by incorporating choice and comparison.  Besides  the single product consumerism of Eaton's or Simpson-Sears catalogues, there are others that provide an organized l i s t of products i n t h e i r minimal forms.  Many of the items i n the  Whole Eart Catalogue or the Big Rock Candy Mountain Catalogue cannot be used except i n conjunction with some other item. The catalogue explains the use of the object, the c o s t , and the source, but t r i e s to place maximum s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and power of choice i n the hands of the consumer.  Warshavsky's  catalogues automobile parts f o r the custom car b u i l d e r . Other sources of information such as Wurman's Yellow pages o f Learning, and Making the C i t y Observable, are also intended to organize p a r t i c u l a r resources so as to make them useful.  They do not confer the a b i l i t y to choose, but help  120 the consumer ask the "relevant questions" i n order to get the product he needs. Negroponte (1970) describes the possible use of machines by the a r c h i t e c t as a designer of the environment.  By employing  modern information systems, relevant information can be screened out of a v a s t quantity a v a i l a b l e .  At the same time, the a r c h i t e c t  can devote himself more f u l l y to the relevant questions, the issue of design.  However, while improving the information system  f o r architects w i l l no doubt be h e l p f u l , such systems can also be of benefit to other designers whether professional or private citizen. Our bias toward l o c a l i z e d information implies two d i r e c t i o n s for the proposed relationship between designer and machine. The f i r s t i s a "do-it-yourselfism", where, as i n the McLuhan (1965) automation c i r c u i t , consumer becomes producer and dweller becomes designer.  The second i s the professional designer's  use of machines. computer consoles i n s t a l l e d i n every home ... everybody w i l l have access to the Library of Congress ... the system w i l l shut, the windows when i t r a i n s (McCarthy, 1966) Already catalogue-ordering can be carried out through touch-tone telephones.  ten-button  Each urbanite could ultimately involve  himself with the design of h i s own physical environment by ( i n effect) conversing with h i s own needs.  In t h i s i n t e r a c t i o n ,  everybody would communicate with the architect, i m p l i c i t l y v i a the machine.  121 The enormous quantity of environmental information can only be made meaningful and u s e f u l i f an i n d i v i d u a l has the time and energy to devote to i t s study or, relevant information u s e f u l to him can be selected.  This i s the most important use of  electronic data c o l l e c t i o n and r e t r i e v a l systems;  that the design  t o o l can be given the i n d i v i d u a l through appropriate  education  techniques.  Simply having information at one's disposal i s not  sufficient.  Some form of idea exchange, such as the one outlined  i n Chapter 4, w i l l aid i n the refinement o f choice, and the improvement of design. The ultimate e f f e c t of t h i s revolution i s to change information exchange from a disaggregated  system where i n d i v i d u a l s  choose only from available sources to a unitary system where every i n d i v i d u a l has access to the same body of knowledge.  From an urban  design point of view, a l l development may eventually become meaningful within the context of i t s material and design  sources.  An o f f i c e b u i l d i n g w i l l r e l a t e to a single family home.  Since  every structure and space has a common source, they w i l l appear unselfconsciously as modules i n the urban landscape.  This w i l l  promote a city-sense, a sense of place since the c i t y i s the product of a design i n t e r a c t i o n within the confines of that environment.  The construction and design hierarchies are broken  down by universal access to the design f i e l d of knowledge.  

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