Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Cannibalism and infertility among the Lillooet, Thompson and Shuswap : the shaman as a sexual mediator Calkowski, Marcia Stephanie 1974

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1974_A8 C34.pdf [ 7.41MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0093153.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0093153-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0093153-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0093153-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0093153-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0093153-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0093153-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0093153-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0093153.ris

Full Text

CANNIBALISM AND INFERTILITY AMONG THE LILLOOET, THOMPSON, AND SHUSWAP: THE SHAMAN AS A SEXUAL MEDIATOR by MARCIA STEPHANIE CALKOWSKI B.A., Rice U n i v e r s i t y , 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department • of Anthropology and S o c i o l o g y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June, 1974 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my Department: o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f A n t h r o p o l o g y a n d S o c i o l o g y The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r 8 , C a n a d a Date J u n e 26, 1974 i i ABSTRACT This t h e s i s attempts t o demonstrate t h a t the symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e of food g a t h e r i n g among the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap generates two major paradoxes, c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y , which a r i s e from a sexual imbalance r e v e a l e d by c e r t a i n myths r e l a t e d t o food g a t h e r i n g , and t h a t the shaman i s a p o t e n t i a l mediator of these paradoxes. I n i t i a l l y , I suggest t h a t an a n a l y s i s of the symbol system of a c u l t u r e a f f o r d s an e x c e l l e n t access t o n a t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e i f the an a l y s t i s able t o avo i d the i n f l u e n c e s of h i s ethnocentrism w i t h respect t o h i s methodology and s e l e c t i o n of data. Thus, a n a l y t i c a l methods must possess u n i v e r s a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y , and the data ( n a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s of thought) might be s e l e c t e d from n a t i v e s o l u t i o n s t o problems o c c u r r i n g t o a l l humans--e.g., c u l t u r a l s o l u t i o n s and conceptions of those s o l u t i o n s t o food g a t h e r i n g . The second chapter c o n s i d e r s some d e f i n i t i o n s of sym-b o l s proposed by Geertz, Langer, and others and suggests a "working d e f i n i t i o n " of a symbol as a l o c u s of l o g i c a l opera-t i o n s . I t i s then p o s s i b l e t o apply s t r u c t u r a l methods of a n a l y s i s (metaphor, b i n a r y o p p o s i t i o n , t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , et a l ) t o a symbol system as s t r u c t u r a l i s m professes t o co n s i d e r the u n i v e r s a l s t r u c t u r e of c o g n i t i o n . I n the t h i r d chapter, I provide some ethnographic notes concerning the m a n i f e s t a t i o n of one u n d e r l y i n g P l a t e a u c u l t u r a l p r i n c i p l e , e q u a l i t y , t o the general s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap w i t h respect t o p o l i -t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , food g a t h e r i n g , and the sexual d i v i s i o n of l a b o r . Although men and women are considered t o be gener-a l l y e q u a l , a s t r i c t d i s t i n c t i o n i s maintained between sexual r o l e s . Hence, I suggest t h a t t h i s balance p l u s necessary d i s t i n c t i o n might be termed a "sexual balance." A l s o , the chapter b r i e f l y c o n s i d e r s the unusual c a p a c i t i e s of shamans and suggests t h a t , as shamans are not subject t o r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed upon the normative group, they may be abl e t o mani-pulate the r i g i d sexual d i s t i n c t i o n i f the sexual balance i s upset. The f o u r t h and f i f t h chapters d i s c u s s the symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e of food g a t h e r i n g . I n the f o u r t h chapter, I suggest t h a t women maintain a metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n -s h i p w i t h the ro o t s they gather. As t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i s s t r i c t l y m e t a p h o r i c a l , however, s e r i o u s problems accrue when the r e l a t i o n s h i p becomes l i t e r a l and when men gather r o o t s . Another myth s u c c i n c t l y s t a t e s the u l t i m a t e r e s u l t s of a v i o l a t i o n of a woman's metaphorical r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h food. This v i o l a t i o n generates an excessive c u l t u r a l union or marriage between two men ( n e c e s s a r i l y i n f e r t i l e ) and an ex-ce s s i v e n a t u r a l union (between woman and t r e e ) whose i s s u e , blood transformed i n t o b l a c k b e r r i e s , poses the problem of can n i b a l i s m t o the people. i i i The f i f t h chapter suggests t h a t women who hunt a l s o pose a t h r e a t t o the c o g n i t i v e system as men appear t o have a metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h deer and other game animals. Two myths suggest a former i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and deer. Menstrual blood appears t o f u n c t i o n as a d i f f e r e n t i a t o r of women from deer. The chapter focuses on the l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the hunting ventures of a ca n n i b a l woman. This woman not only opposes the r o l e of women by hunting, but a l s o possesses a s n a k e - l i k e vagina which o f f e r s death as opposed t o l i f e (as i n c h i l d b i r t h ) . The s i x t h chapter examines shamans (w i t h respect t o myths and r i t u a l a c t i o n s ) as mediators of the two paradoxes, c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y . F i r s t , I d i s c u s s two myths r e l a t i n g the d r i l l i n g and sucking p r a c t i c e s of mosquitoes t o those of thunder. These p r a c t i c e s echo shamanlc c u r a t i v e techniques. A l s o , the symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e of the e a r t h people's s p i r a l ascent t o the sky world p a r a l l e l s the s i g -n i f i c a n c e of the s p i r a l i n other c o n t e x t s . F i n a l l y , some r i t u a l s and myths concerning shamanic performance c o n s i d e r c e r t a i n problems ( i n c l u d i n g improper s e x u a l d i s t i n c t i o n , e x c e s s i v e s i b l i n g i n t i m a c y , and l a c k of p o t e n t i a l spouses) which generate i n f e r t i l i t y . The c o n c l u d i n g chapter reviews the s t r a t e g y f o r a n a l y s i s and the l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of the symbolism of food g a t h e r i n g as w e l l as the p o t e n t i a l of the shaman t o mediate paradoxes emerging from the l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . i v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF FIGURES . v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i i Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION 1 2. METHODOLOGY 11 ON THE SYMBOL 11 ANALYTICAL TOOLS 19 CONCLUSION 29 3. SOME ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES ON THE LILLOOET, THOMPSON, AND SHUSWAP 32 4 . THE CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF GATHERING OR MEN WHO GO ROOTING 41 GATHERING 42 MEN WHO GATHER ROOTS 52 CONCLUSION 60 5. THE CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF WOMEN AS HUNTERS 62 MENSTRUAL BLOOD 63 Menarche 63 Subsequent Menstrual Periods 68 WOMEN AND HUNTING 69 Women and Deer 69 Men and Hunting . 74 V Chapter Page Grizzly Bears and Hunters 76 HUNTING MYTHOLOGY 78 CONCLUSION 87 6. THE SHAMAN AS A SEXUAL MEDIATOR 89 CANNIBALISM 90 The "Mosquito and Thunder11 Myths 90 The Spiral 106 INABUNDANCE I l l INFERTILITY 114 CONCLUSION 121 7. CONCLUSION 124 BIBLIOGRAPHY 132 ETHNOGRAPHY AND MYTH 132 STRUCTURALISM 133 SYMBOLISM 135 v i LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 1. A Map of the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap Areas 34 F i g u r e 2. Cannibal Dance 109 Figure 3. Stone Dish . 1 1 5 v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I should l i k e t o express my g r a t i t u d e t o E l l i Maran-da and Robin Rid i n g t o n , whose imaginative analyses of myths and mention of shamans and c a n n i b a l l a d i e s i n s p i r e d the major contentions of t h i s t h e s i s . Wilson Duff pointed me t o the paradox, encouraged me t o grapple w i t h i t , and, thus, pro-vided a c r i t i c a l focus f o r the t h e s i s . I am e s p e c i a l l y g r a t e f u l t o Robin Ridington and Wilson Duff f o r t h e i r c o n s i s -t e n t c r i t i c i s m and encouragement d u r i n g the w r i t i n g of t h i s t h e s i s . Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION One of the c r u c i a l , a l b e i t f r u s t r a t i n g , f i e l d s f o r anthropological inquiry concerns the construed world of the culture member, h i s Weltanshauung, or how the culture mem-ber orders h i s world. Considerable d i f f i c u l t i e s must be surmounted by any non-indigenous investigator i n h i s endea-vors to address t h i s inquiry. Questions posed by anthropo-l o g i s t s are often f i l t e r e d through the sieve of t h e i r own ethnocentrism; f o r example, serious flaws i n ethnographic investigations have occurred when the ethnographer's t a c i t acceptance of an exegesis bars h i s further q u e s t i o n i n g — i . e . , the ethnographer knows that "women are a malevolent influence," or that the native i s subject to serious delu-sions concerning the r e a l world and, therefore, cannot possibly employ proper l o g i c to generate h i s exegesis. Furthermore, native exegetical statements cannot always be accepted as substantive explanations f o r some p a r t i c u l a r phenomenon. The native may assume that h i s perspectives are shared to a great extent by the ethnographer and f a i l to q u a l i f y h i s exegesis s u f f i c i e n t l y . Hence, although the anthropologist i s denied intimate access to the perspective of the native, h i s purpose i s t o discover and analyze the 1 2 va r i o u s expressions of t h a t p e r s p e c t i v e . These expressions, I would submit, are inherent i n the symbolism of the c u l t u r e . Symbols are s t r a t e g i e s f o r communication and, thus, a f f o r d unmatched access t o n a t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e . I n t h i s t h e s i s , I propose t o i l l u s t r a t e t h i s hypothesis by showing t h a t the symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e of food g a t h e r i n g , among the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap, generates two major para-doxes which a r i s e from a l o s s of balance between sexual realms. ° These paradoxes may be mediated by shamans, who, i n e f f e c t , a ct as sexual mediators t o r e s t o r e t h i s balance. Two problems are inherent i n t h i s p r o p o s a l , however. F i r s t , i f the symbol system i s t o be considered a communica-t i o n of n a t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e , methods u t i l i z e d f o r i t s analy-s i s must coordinate two d i s t i n c t conceptual systems (those of the n a t i v e and the an a l y s t ) i n terms of some l o g i c possessing u n i v e r s a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y . Although the world of the n a t i v e cannot be expected t o conform t o t h a t of the ethnographer or a n a l y s t , I s h a l l assume a f t e r L e v i - S t r a u s s and P i a g e t 1 t h a t the p h y s i o l o g i c a l mechanisms f o r perception ASee Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s , S t r u c t u r a l Anthropology. t r a n s . C l a i r e Jacobson and Brooke Grundfest Schoepf (Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Doubleday Press, Anchor Books, 1 9 6 7 ) ; idem., The Savage Mind, t r a n s . George Weidenfeld and N i c o l s o n L t d . (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Pr e s s , Phoenix Books, 1 9 6 6 ) ; Jean P i a g e t , Genetic Epistemology, t r a n s . Eleanor Duckworth, Woodbridge Lectures D e l i v e r e d at Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , No. 8 (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 0 ) j and idem., S t r u c t u r a l i s m , t r a n s , and ed. Chaninah Maschler (New York: Basic Books, 1 9 7 0 ) . 3 and t h e s t r u c t u r e o f c o g n i t i o n a r e i n v a r i a n t i n humans. A c c e p t i n g and a p p l y i n g a u n i v e r s a l l o g i c o f c o g n i t i o n t o symbols s h o u l d s e r v e t o a v o i d t h e above-mentioned p i t f a l l o f e t h n o c e n t r i s m . Thus, I hope t o show t h a t i t i s p o s s i b l e t o d i s c u s s and d e f i n e symbols i n terms of t h e l o g i c o r l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s t h e y e x e m p l i f y . Second, a s y m b o l i c a n a l y s i s must be based upon n a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s o f t h o u g h t . Hence, t h e q u e s t i o n t u r n s t o w h i c h b o d i e s o f d a t a might be a c c e p t a b l e f o r t h e c o n s t r u c -t i o n o f t h e s e c a t e g o r i e s and t h e i r subsequent a n a l y s i s . N a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s o f t h o u g h t c o u l d , p e r h a p s , be d e t e c t e d as r e s p o n s e s t o problems; t h a t i s t o s a y , problems and t h e i r r e s o l u t i o n s s e r v e t o d e f i n e c a t e g o r i e s by i n d i c a t i n g one o r more o f t h e f o l l o w i n g : ( l ) how t h e problem may be r e s o l v e d j ( 2 ) who may r e s o l v e i t j ( 3 ) when i t may be r e -s o l v e d ; and ( 4 ) why i t may be r e s o l v e d . E t h n o c e n t r i s m , however, may c o l o u r t h e i n v e s t i g a t o r ' s i n i t i a l s e l e c t i o n o f a problem i n t h e c u l t u r e u n l e s s t h a t problem i s one w h i c h n e c e s s a r i l y o c c u r s t o a l l humans. Hence, I suggest t h a t one r e a s o n a b l e body of d a t a f o r s y m b o l i c a n a l y s i s c o n c e r n s t h e u n i v e r s a l problem o f f o o d g a t h e r i n g and t h e c u l t u r a l s o l u -t i o n s and c o n c e p t i o n s o f t h o s e s o l u t i o n s t o t h e problem. T h i s t o p i c i n c l u d e s : w h i c h e l e m e n t s i n t h e environment a r e c o n s i d e r e d f o o d , how t h e f o o d i s p r o c u r e d , who p r o c u r e s t h e f o o d , and who consumes i t . N a t i v e e x e g e s i s f o r t h e r e g u l a -t i o n o f t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s must a l s o be i n c l u d e d among t h e s e d a t a . 4 Symbolism may be manifested i n many ways, i n c l u d i n g avoidance p a t t e r n s and c u l t u r a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s . These mani-f e s t a t i o n s , subjected t o a s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s , should r e -v e a l much of the l o g i c a t p l a y concerning the conceptions of food, procurer and procured, and e a t i n g . However, the data may be c o n s i d e r a b l y augmented w i t h the a d d i t i o n of myth. Although s e r i o u s i n v e s t i g a t i o n s have been performed on the 2 3 l o g i c of symbols and the l o g i c of myth, c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of myths as supplements t o e s t a b l i s h e d symbolic bases have not ^See Sherry Ortner, "On Key Symbols," American An- t h r o p o l o g i s t . 75 (October, 1973), 1338-1346; V i c t o r Turner, The Forest of Symbols ( I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , C o r n e l l Paperbacks, 1967); and idem., The R i t u a l Process:  S t r u c t u r e and A n t i - S t r u c t u r e (Chicago: A l d i n e , 1 9 6 9 ) . °See Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s , "The S t r u c t u r a l Study of Myth," i n S t r u c t u r a l Anthropology, pp. 2 0 2 - 2 2 8 ; idem., "Four Winnebago Myths: A S t r u c t u r a l Sketch," i n Myth and Cosmos, ed. John M i d d l e t o n , American Museum Sourcebooks i n Anthropo-logy (Garden C i t y , N.Y.: The N a t u r a l H i s t o r y P r e s s , 1967); idem., "The St o r y of Asdiwal," t r a n s . N i c h o l a s Mann, i n The  S t r u c t u r a l Study of Myth and Totemism, ed. Edmund Leach, A.S.A. Monographs, No. 5 (London: T a v i s t o c k , 1967); idem., The Raw and the Cooked, t r a n s . John and Doreen Weightman (New York: Harper and Row, I 9 6 9 ) ; idem., From Honey t o Ashes, t r a n s . John and Doreen Weightman (New York: Harper and Row, 1 9 7 3 )J E l l i Kongas Maranda, "The C a t t l e of the Forest and the Harvest of Water: The Cosmology of F i n n i s h Magic," i n Essays on the Verbal and V i s u a l A r t s , ed. June Helm, Proceedings of the 1966 Annual S p r i n g Meeting of the American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P r e s s , 1967); E l l i Kongas Maranda and P i e r r e Maranda, S t r u c t u r a l Models i n F o l k l o r e and Transformational Essays, 2 n d . edn. ( P a r i s : Mouton, 1971); idem, ( e d s . ) , S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s of Or a l T r a d i t i o n ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : U n i-v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania P r e s s , 1971); and P i e r r e Maranda (e d . ) , Mythology. Penguin Modern So c i o l o g y Readings (Har-mondsworth, England: Penguin Books, 1972). 5 been u n d e r t a k e n . Myths ( a s w e l l a s a r t ) a f f o r d a r e m a r k a b l e a c c e s s t o t h e l o g i c i n h e r e n t i n a c u l t u r e by s u b t l y i n s i s t i n g t h a t paradoxes o r l o g i c a l l y u n t e n a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s do e x i s t . T h i s i s a c o n t e n t i o n w h i c h Gardner r e j e c t s i n h i s c r i t i c i s m o f L e v i - S t r a u s s : L e v i - S t r a u s s ' c o n t e n t i o n t h a t myths s e r v e t h e p u r -pose o f c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g and a t t e m p t i n g t o s o l v e p a r a -doxes f o r t h e community i s an i n t r i g u i n g one, b u t one most d i f f i c u l t t o d e m o n s t r a t e .4 He f a i l s t o o b s e r v e t h a t t h e paradoxes c o n f r o n t i n g t h e community and engendered i n t h e myths a r e r e a d i l y a s c e r t a i n -a b l e i f t h e a n a l y s t has made some i n i t i a l assessment o f t h e l o g i c o f t h e s i t u a t i o n d e p i c t e d i n t h e myth i n t erms o f i t s e v e r y d a y (non-mythic) c o n t e x t . O b v i o u s l y , p a r t i c u l a r p a r a -doxes a r e c r e a t i o n s o f i n d i v i d u a l c u l t u r e s and w i l l n o t s i m p l y nudge t h e n a i v e o b s e r v e r and r e v e a l t o him t h e i r i m p l i c i t , a s s o r t e d l o g i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . But f o r t h e p r e p a r e d a n a l y s t , t h e paradox can o f t e n s e r v e t o complete o r a t l e a s t c o n s i d e r a b l y a s s i s t i n s o l v i n g t h e s y m b o l i c p u z z l e . P aradoxes a r e l o g i c a l l y u n t e n a b l e i n t h e sense t h e y a s s i g n two c o n t r a d i c t o r y meanings t o one phenomenon. C a n n i b a l i s m p r e s e n t s a paradox i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h e a t i n g . The c a n n i b a l e i t h e r chooses t o e a t p e o p l e o r cannot d i s -t i n g u i s h between p e o p l e and p r o p e r f o o d . One e a t s i n o r d e r ^Howard Gardner, "The S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s o f P r o t o -c o l s and Myths," S e m i o t i c a , 5 , No. 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 3 8 . 6 t o s u s t a i n one's l i f e , and one's food i s e s s e n t i a l l y a dead animal or a dead p l a n t . A s t r i c t c o g n i t i v e d i s t i n c t i o n must be maintained, then, between food (what one k i l l s t o eat) and s e l f (what one d e s i r e t o keep a l i v e ) . The c a n n i b a l v i o l a t e s the c o g n i t i v e d i s t i n c t i o n be-tween proper and improper food. In I n t e r i o r S a l i s h thought, the c a t e g o r i e s of food and non-food are c o n s t r u c t e d as f o l l o w s : Food (proper) Non-Food Roots, Grass, r o c k s , e t c . B e r r i e s , and Cedar Bark Abhorred c r e a t u r e s such as f r o g s , snakes, and i n s e c t s . Deer and People Other Game Animals L o g i c a l l y , one might say t h a t w i t h respect t o humans, a l i m e n t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s e x i s t between people and proper food or between an element of the non-food category and proper food. Thus, the a l i m e n t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s between the two major c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of food and non-food. But the c a n n i b a l s e l e c t s people f o r food i n s t e a d of a more appropriate element from the category of proper 7 f o o d . Thus, t h e c a n n i b a l r e j e c t s i n t e r - c a t e g o r y a l i m e n t a -t i o n i n f a v o r o f i n f r a - c a t e g o r y a l i m e n t a t i o n . He d i s s o l v e s one major d i s t i n c t i o n (between humans and p r o p e r f o o d ) . As t h e l o g i c o f t h e myths w i l l be shown t o i n d i c a t e , i f one s uch major d i s t i n c t i o n i s v i o l a t e d , t h e e n t i r e c o g -n i t i v e system i s t h r e a t e n e d . I f one major f l a w p e r s i s t s i n t h e c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e , o t h e r s a r e p o s s i b l e . I n e f f e c t , one major c o g n i t i v e d i s t i n c t i o n i n a l i m e n t a t i o n i s t h r e a t -e n e d — t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between e a t e r and e a t e n . I f t h i s c o g n i t i v e b a r r i e r i s removed, t h e c a n n i b a l c o u l d consume t h e u l t i m a t e non-food, h i s own body, o r e a t h i m s e l f i n o r d e r t o n o u r i s h h i m s e l f . T h i s h a p l e s s arrangement i s t h e u l t i -mate l o g i c a l e x t e n s i o n o f c a n n i b a l i s m . Thus, two c o n t r a -d i c t o r y meanings may come t o be a p p l i e d t o a s i n g l e phenom-enon. C u l t u r a l paradoxes a r e e s s e n t i a l l y t h e most p i t h y s t a t e m e n t s a v a i l a b l e r e g a r d i n g t h e l o g i c o f a symbol system as t h e y c o n c e r n t h e m s e l v e s w i t h "what has n o t been c o n s i -d e r e d . " I n o t h e r words, by i n d i c a t i n g t h e p o i n t s a t w h i c h t h e c o g n i t i v e system can be d e s t r o y e d o r r e n d e r e d u n t e n a b l e , t h e paradox i l l u m i n a t e s t h e c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e system i t s e l f . T u r n e r l a b e l s as " a n t i - s t r u c t u r e " t h o s e elements w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e t h e a n t i t h e s i s o f t h e system, o r w h i c h e x i s t i n t e r s t i t i a l l y w i t h i n t h e framework o f c u l t u r e . " * V i c t o r T u r n e r , The R i t u a l P r o c e s s , pp. 1 3 1 - 1 6 5 8 The paradox p o i n t s t o the a n t i - s t r u c t u r e of a c o g n i t i v e system and, thus, operates as a nexus l i n k i n g t h a t which i s s t r u c t u r e d and c o g n i t i v e l y tenable t o t h a t which i s absurd or not c o g n i t i v e l y c o n t r o l l a b l e . A s u b t l e l o g i c emerges. The paradox appears t o suggest the d e s t r u c t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r c o g n i t i v e system by r e v e a l i n g the e x i s t e n c e of the c o g n i t i v e l y untenable. Cog n i t i o n i s based upon the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of elements i n a continuum, t h e i r c a t e g o r i z a t i o n , and t h e i r i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s . Something becomes untenable when i t v i o l a t e s b a s i c d i s t i n c -t i o n s , c a t e g o r i e s , or r e l a t i o n s , and, thus, does not mesh with order. I n exposing the c o g n i t i v e l y untenable, the paradox f o r c e s a choice between two p o s s i b i l i t i e s : ( l ) the r e l i a b i l i t y of the l o g i c must be c a l l e d i n t o question (the c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e does not always "work"); or (2) the untenable elements must be accounted f o r i n terms of t h e i r meaning i n the c o g n i t i v e system. I f the r e l i a b i l i t y of the l o g i c i s threatened, the e n t i r e c o g n i t i v e system i s t h r e a t -ened.^ The l o g i c a l system can no longer s u f f i c e t o main-t a i n order and, t h e r e f o r e , s t r u c t u r e . Thus, the o n l y acceptable choice i s t o mesh the absurd w i t h the c o g n i t i v e l y t e n a b l e . In other words, the c o g n i t i v e system maintains i t s i n t e g r i t y as the untenable P i e r r e Maranda l a b e l s t h i s q u e s t i o n i n g the " i n -c r e a s i n g entropy" of the system. See P i e r r e Maranda, " S t r u c t u r a l i s m i n C u l t u r a l Anthropology," Annual Review of  Anthropology. 1 (1972), 339. 9 elements a r e r e n d e r e d m e a n i n g f u l t h r o u g h t h e i r d i s c o v e r e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e system. M e d i a t i o n i s t h e d e v i c e w h i c h d e f e n d s t h e c o g n i t i v e system f r o m t h e p o s s i b l y m a l e v o l e n t i n f l u e n c e of t h e paradox and, as m e d i a t i o n i n -v o l v e s w o r k i n g t h r o u g h t h e system ( a s does L e v i - S t r a u s s ' s b r i c o l e u r ) t o d i s c o v e r a s o l u t i o n , i t r e v e a l s a w e a l t h o f s y m b o l i c i n f o r m a t i o n . T u r n e r , i n a more r e c e n t c o n s i d e r a -t i o n o f a n t i - s t r u c t u r e , r e f e r s t o i t as a complement of 7 t h e s t r u c t u r e and, t h u s , p a r t and p a r c e l o f t h e s t r u c t u r e . An i n t e r d e p e n d e n c y e x i s t s between t h e two. S i m i l a r l y , t h e paradox may be c o n s t r u e d as an armature f o r t h e c o g n i t i v e system, not a weapon d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t i t . Myths, i n a d d i t i o n t o i n s i n u a t i n g t h e e x i s t e n c e o f p a r a d o x e s , a l s o o f t e n p r o v i d e s o l u t i o n s t o t h e s e paradoxes t h r o u g h a m e d i a t i o n , w h i c h r e v e a l s n o t o n l y t h e l i n k be-tween t h e t e n a b l e and u n t e n a b l e but a l s o t h e p a r t i c u l a r l o g i c e f f e c t i n g t h e c o n n e c t i o n . I n t h i s t h e s i s , I s h a l l a t tempt t o demonstrate t h a t I n t e r i o r S a l i s h shamanism i s , among o t h e r t h i n g s , a m y t h i c s o l u t i o n t o t h e paradoxes a r i s i n g f r o m t h e s y m b o l i c s i g n i f i c a n c e o f f o o d g a t h e r i n g . The above d i s c u s s i o n has s u g g e s t e d an approach t o t h e a n a l y s i s . I n i t i a l l y , t h e c o n c e p t i o n o f symbol w i l l be d i s c u s s e d and t h e m e t h o d o l o g i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e d i s c o v e r y o r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f symbols w i l l be ' V i c t o r T u r n e r , Dramas, F i e l d s , and Metaphors ( I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1974)> PP- 272-273. explored. Some ethnographic notes on the L i l l o o e t , Thomp-son, and Shuswap w i l l then be presented as a b a s i s f o r f u r t h e r i n q u i r i e s concerning food gathering. A f t e r the symbolic s t r u c t u r e of food g a t h e r i n g i s e s t a b l i s h e d , I s h a l l consider the paradoxes emerging from some of the myths r e l a t e d t o food g a t h e r i n g and t h e i r analyses. F i n a l l y , the shaman w i l l be examined as a mediator of these paradoxes. C h a p t e r 2 METHODOLOGY The p r i m a r y o b j e c t i v e o f my a n a l y s i s i s t o d i s c o v e r t h e l o g i c o f c e r t a i n c u l t u r a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s and p r o s c r i p -t i o n s among t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap, and t h e messages i n h e r e n t i n t h e l o g i c . I s h a l l a t t e m p t t o i l l u s -t r a t e t h a t a g e n e r a l o r i e n t a t i o n t owards n a t u r e and c u l t u r e i s m a n i f e s t e d i n c e r t a i n p e r v a s i v e symbols o c c u r r i n g i n t h e s y m b o l i c a c t i o n s and myths o f t h e t h r e e g r o u p s . As I c o n -t e n t t h a t t h e t h r u s t o f a s y m b o l i c a n a l y s i s s h o u l d be t o d i s c e r n a p a t t e r n o f t h o u g h t o r l o g i c , I hope t o demonstrate t h a t s y m b o l i c s i g n i f i c a n c e may be d e t e r m i n e d by s u b m i t t i n g t h e d a t a t o a s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s . B e f o r e d e s c r i b i n g t h e r u d i m e n t s o f a s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s , I s h a l l d i s c u s s some o f t h e more r e c e n t e f f o r t s on t h e p a r t o f s t u d e n t s o f symbolism t o d e f i n e t h e symbol and d e l i m i t t h e a n a l y s i s o f symbolism. I t i s e s s e n t i a l t o a r r i v e a t some " w o r k i n g d e f i n i t i o n " o f t h e symbol and t h e n t o c o n s i d e r t h e b e n e f i t s o f s t r u c t u r a l t o o l s f o r t h e a n a l y s i s of t h e symbol. ON THE SYMBOL D e f i n i t i o n s p r o posed by Langer and G e e r t z have s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e meaning o f a symbol i s i m p l i c i t i n t h e 11 12 i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s the symbol serves t o summarize: Symbols are not proxy f o r t h e i r o b j e c t s , but are v e h i c l e s f o r the conception of o b j e c t s . . . and i t i s the conceptions, not the t h i n g s t h a t symbols d i r e c t l y "mean."1 The power of metaphor d e r i v e s p r e c i s e l y from t h a t i n t e r p l a y between the discordant meanings i t symbolic-a l l y coerces i n t o a u n i t a r y conceptual framework and from the degree t o which t h a t c o e r c i o n i s s u c c e s s f u l i n overcoming the physic r e s i s t a n c e such semantic t e n s i o n i n e v i t a b l y generates i n anyone i n a p o s i t i o n t o perceive i t . Both Langer and Geertz eschew the r e l e g a t i o n of a symbol t o the s e m i o t i c context of symbol as s i g n , a t o o l f o r mapping one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p s or the correspondence between a r e f e r r a n t and i t s designator. However, the notions of "conception" and "conceptual framework" are r a t h e r imprecise and not s a t i s f a c t o r y t o the task at hand. Sherry Ortner attempts t o c a t e g o r i z e symbols and, i n so doing, at l e a s t t o determine the d e f i n i t i o n of "frame-work" i f not p r e c i s e l y of "concept." Ortner addresses the question of general symbolic o r i e n t a t i o n and has s p e c i f i e d the term "key symbols" (admittedly a f t e r Turner's "dominant Susanne K. Langer, Philosophy i n a New Key, 2 n d . edn. (New York: The New American L i b r a r y , Mentor Books, 1 9 5 1 ) , p. 6 1 . 2 C l i f f o r d Geertz, "Ideology as a C u l t u r a l System," i n Ideology and Discontent, ed. David Apter (New York: The Free P r e s s , 1 9 6 4 ) , p. 5 9 . "Sherry Ortner, "On Key Symbols," American Anthro-p o l o g i s t . 75 (October, 1 9 7 3 ) , 1338 . 13 symbols" and Schneider's "core symbols").^ Grtner's objec-t i v e i s t o de f i n e key symbols by i n i t i a l l y c o n s i d e r i n g how key symbols might be discovered i n a c u l t u r e and then by e s t a b l i s h i n g two major c a t e g o r i e s of key symbols. Her c r i t e r i a f o r a s s i g n i n g a symbol major c u l t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e are u s e f u l and must be employed whether the an a l y s t i s i n the f i e l d or working from a b s t r a c t e d data: (1) The n a t i v e s t e l l us t h a t X i s c u l t u r a l l y impor-ta n t . (2) The n a t i v e s seem p o s i t i v e l y or n e g a t i v e l y aroused about X, r a t h e r than i n d i f f e r e n t . (3) X comes up i n many d i f f e r e n t contexts. These contexts may be b e h a v i o r a l or systemic: X comes up i n many d i f f e r e n t symbolic domains (myth, r i t u a l , a r t , formal r h e t o r i c , e t c . ) . ( 4 ) There i s gre a t e r c u l t u r a l e l a b o r a t i o n surround-i n g X, e.g. e l a b o r a t i o n of vocabulary, or e l a b o r a t i o n of d e t a i l s of X's nature, compared w i t h s i m i l a r pheno-mena i n the c u l t u r e . ( 5 ) There are gre a t e r c u l t u r a l r e s t r i c t i o n s surround-i n g X, e i t h e r i n sheer number of r u l e s , or s e v e r i t y of sanctions regarding i t s misuse.5 One notes, however, t h a t the c r i t e r i a depend upon p u b l i c m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the symbol. I n most i n s t a n c e s , i t may be assumed t h a t the symbol w i l l be manifested p u b l i c l y , but i n c o n s i d e r i n g symbolic domains such as myth and a r t , the ana l y s t i s of t e n i s o l a t e d from any p u b l i c c o n f i r m a t i o n or assurance t h a t , indeed, he i s c o r r e c t i n assuming t h a t " f l i e s s e t t l i n g on a car c a s s " may have profound s i g n i f i c a n c e See V i c t o r Turner, The Forest of Symbols ( I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967)j and David Schneider, American K i n s h i p (Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1968). 5 S h e r r y Ortner, "On Key Symbols," 1339. f o r some c u l t u r a l group. Ortner i s not p r o v i d i n g a d i r e c -t i v e f o r the study of non-exegetical m a t e r i a l or c e r t a i n p r a c t i c e s which do not c a r r y concomitant n a t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n . Ortner proceeds t o c l a s s i f y key symbols along a continuum where "summarizing" symbols comprise one pole w h i l e " e l a b o r a t i n g " symbols comprise the other. Summarizing symbols are composed of " c l u s t e r e d , condensed, r e l a t i v e l y u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d meanings as the American f l a g . " * * E l a b o r a -t i n g symbols are expressed i n one of two modes: the f i r s t 7 i s Steven Pepper*s root metaphor where the "symbol provides a set of c a t e g o r i e s f o r c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g other aspects of experience"; the second i s the key s c e n a r i o which formulates "appropriate goals and suggests e f f e c t i v e a c t i o n f o r achiev-i n g them: which formulates, i n other words, key c u l t u r a l g s t r a t e g i e s . " These two modes seem designed t o correspond Q w i t h Geertz's "model of" and "model f o r " dichotomy.' Another correspondence c o u l d be w i t h L e v i - S t r a u s s ' s n o t i o n s of the synchronic and the d i a c h r o n i c . Ortner r e t u r n s t o the i n i t i a l question i n her paper 6 I b i d . , 1342. 7 Steven Pepper, World Hypotheses: A Study i n E v i -dence (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P ress, 1942). 8 Sherry Ortner, "On Key Symbols," 1340-1341. 9 C l i f f o r d Geertz, " R e l i g i o n as a C u l t u r a l System," i n A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Approaches t o the Study of R e l i g i o n , ed. Michael Banton, A.S.A. Monographs, No. 3 (London: Tavistock. 1966), p. 8. 15 — i . e . , t h a t o f t h e j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r i s o l a t i n g some p a r t i -c u l a r symbol as h a v i n g a c r i t i c a l s t a t u s . She a s s e r t s t h a t k e y n e s s i s m a n i f e s t e d p u b l i c l y , a l t h o u g h she now i n c l u d e s u n c o n s c i o u s m a n i f e s t a t i o n as a p o s s i b i l i t y . How t h e n i s she t o d i s c o v e r t h i s t y p e o f m a n i f e s t a t i o n a t a l l ? O r t n e r s h i f t s t h e f o c u s o f h e r argument: But t h e f a c t o f p u b l i c c u l t u r a l c o n c e r n o r f o c u s o f i n t e r e s t i s n o t why a symbol i s k e y : i t i s o n l y a s i g n a l t h a t t h e symbol i s p l a y i n g some k e y r o l e i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r elements o f t h e c u l t u r a l s y s t e m o f t h o u g h t . The i s s u e o f k e y n e s s , i n s h o r t , has t o do w i t h t h e i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e system o f c u l t u r -a l meaning, as t h a t system f u n c t i o n s f o r a c t o r s l e a d i n g t h e i r l i v e s i n t h e c u l t u r e . 1 ° She summarizes t h e "key r o l e i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e o t h e r e l e -ments" by d e n o t i n g s u m m a r i z i n g symbols as c o n s t i t u t i n g l o g i c a l o r a f f e c t i v e meanings p r i o r t o t h e o t h e r meanings o f t h e system. C u l t u r a l i d e a s may be u n d e r s t o o d i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e meanings o f t h e summarizing symbol. B u t , i f t h e k e y r o l e o f t h e summarizing symbols r e s t s upon t h e s t a t u s o f i t s p a r t i c u l a r s u b s t a n t i v e meanings, O r t n e r does n o t e f f e c t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e k e y n e s s o f su m m a r i z i n g symbols from e l a b o r a t i n g symbols. The e l a b o r a t i n g symbol, f o r m u l a -t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s , " p a r a l l e l s , i s o m o r p h i s m s , c o m p l e m e n t a r i -t i e s , and so f o r t h , " 1 1 cannot be so d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e sum-m a r i z i n g symbol. I t may be n o t e d , however, t h a t O r t n e r f s b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n o f t y p e s of r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s summarily d i s m i s s e d . S h e r r y O r t n e r , "On Key Symbols," 1 3 4 3 . I b i d . 16 Ortner touches upon the crux of the concept of sym-b o l when she Implies t h a t the symbol i s a s i g n a l of i n t e r -r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Her f u r t h e r e l a b o r a t i o n of t h i s s i g n a l l i n g , however, i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y . Status i s a r e l a t i o n a l c o n s t r u c t and makes sense only i n terms of c e r t a i n o p p o s i t i o n s . Thus, the s u b s t a n t i v e meanings of the summarizing symbols must be co n s t r u c t e d from j u s t those r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n evidence i n the e l a b o r a t i n g symbols. Ortner appears t o approach the s t r u c t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of these r e l a t i o n s h i p s r a t h e r c u r -s o r i l y and, i n a manner of speaking, approaches s t r u c t u r a l -ism through the back door. One primary but s i g n i f i c a n t statement on symbolism i s o f f e r e d by Fernandez: A symbol can be otherwise define d as something which i s l i n k e d w i t h something e l s e which i t i s not but about which l i n k a g e we can be c l e a r . A device we understand as a contrivance of communication; any-t h i n g ingenuously designed by new combinations of i n f o r m a t i o n which denotes the s i t u a t i o n , ambitions, the f r u s t r a t i o n s , or the d e s i r e s of the persons a-dapting i t . 2 Symbols may best be viewed as e f f e c t i n g a s t r a t e g y f o r communication. Symbols are cues t o the types of coding i n v o l v e d i n the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s of d i s p a r a t e elements i n a d d i t i o n t o i d e n t i f y i n g the d i s p a r a t e elements them-s e l v e s . For as Burke r e l a t e s : I f we s t a r t by t r y i n g t o analyze the terms i n a James Fernandez, "Unbelievably Subtle Words: Representation and I n t e g r a t i o n i n the Sermons of an A f r i c a n Reformative C u l t , " H i s t o r y of R e l i g i o n s . 6 ( 1 9 6 6 ) , 4 6 . 17 work of a r t , such as a poem, drama, or s t o r y , we a u t o m a t i c a l l y begin w i t h problems of sheer i n t e r n a l i t y amont these terms—-and i f one were t o s t a r t a n a l y z i n g such a s t r u c t u r e of terms, one's f i r s t j ob would ob-v i o u s l y be t o spot the i n t e r n a l t e r m i n i s t i c r e l a t i o n -s h i p s as such, whatever one might f i n a l l y take t o be the a l l u s i v e element (we mean the terms' p o s s i b l e d i -r e c t or i n d i r e c t reference t o a universe of discourse beyond t h e i r i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s t o one another).13 Burke's i n d i r e c t reference might a p p r o p r i a t e l y be termed the "message" whereas the i n t e r n a l t e r m i n i s t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s are the "code." The n o t i o n of the symbol as a communicative device i s , t h u s , more apparent. Fernandez, i n h i s d e f i n i t i o n of the symbol, sum-m a r i l y dismisses the l i n k a g e of a symbol as something about which "we can be c l e a r . " This r a i s e s the question of how the a n a l y s t assures himself t h a t such a l i n k a g e e x i s t s . However, Fernandez does approach t h i s question i n h i s sum-mary of Metraux: Rather s e r i o u s methodological problems are r a i s e d when we speak about the a s s o i c a t i o n s of w o r d s — t h e images evoked by t h e m — f o r , thought we question our i n -formants about them, a good dea l t h a t i s resonant remains i m p l i c i t . And we may too e a s i l y f a l l back upon the s o v e r e i g n i t y of empathy and i n t u i t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i f we are working on the resonance between images and, attempting t o b u i l d a c u l t u r a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n . 1 4 1 , 3Kenneth Burke, "What Are the Signs of What? A Theory of ' E n t i t l e m e n t 1 , " A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l L i n g u i s t i c s , 4, No, 6 (1962), 12. *^James Fernandez, " R e v i t a l i z e d Words from 'The P a r r o t ' s Egg' and "The B u l l t h a t Crashes i n the K r a a l ' : A f r i c a n C u l t Sermons," i n Essays on the Verbal and V i s u a l  A r t s , ed. June Helm, Proceedings of the 1966 Annual Spr i n g Meeting of the American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r i s t y of Washington Pr e s s , 1967), p. 48, c i t i n g Rhoda Metraux, "Resonance i n Imagery," i n The Study of C u l t u r e at 18 I s o l a t i n g models of perception i s imperative t o ac h i e v i n g an understanding of a people's c o g n i t i o n . However, as S c h e f f l e r remarks, methods f o r the i s o l a t i o n and i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n of these models must "minimize the danger of f o r e -shortening the process and u n c r i t i c a l l y imposing a l i e n models. "*** Metraux's and S c h e f f l e r ' s cautions r a i s e the i n s u f f e r a b l e paradox of the c u l t u r e l e s s ethnographer. 1^ The c u l t u r e l e s s ethnographer endeavors t o i n t e r p r e t what Kaplan terms " s y s t e m - s p e c i f i c " meaning (the meaning or 1 7 s i g n i f i c a n c e t o the a c t o r ) without r e s o r t i n g t o a p r i o r i c a t e g o r i e s . A p p e l l a t t r i b u t e s such a p o s i t i o n t o the cog-n i t i v e s t r u c t u r a l i s t s , i n c l u d i n g Frake, C o n k l i n , and Goodenough. Although a l e g i t i m a t e c r i t i c i s m i s r a i s e d by the c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r a l i s t s against an a p r i o r i s m founded on an English-language p a t t e r n of thought and subscribed t o , i n A p p e l l f s o p i n i o n , by the comparative ethnographers, Goodenough's d i s t i n c t i o n between s y s t e m - s p e c i f i c models and a Distance, eds. M. Mead and R. Metraux (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1 9 5 3 ) , pp. 3 5 4 - 3 5 5 . 1 ^ H a r o l d W. S c h e f f l e r , " S t r u c t u r a l i s m i n Anthropo-log y , " i n S t r u c t u r a l i s m , ed. Jacques Ehrmann (Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Doubleday Pre s s , Anchor Books, 1 9 7 0 ) , p. 5 7 . ^G.N. A p p e l l , "The D i s t i n c t i o n Between Ethnography and Ethnology and Other Issues i n C o g n i t i v e S t r u c t u r a l i s m , " Bi.ldragen t o t de T a a l - , Land- en Volkenkunde, No. 1 2 9 ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 5 . 1 ^ I b i d . , 3 5 , c i t i n g Abraham Kaplan, The Conduct of  I n q u i r y : Methodology f o r B e h a v i o r a l Science (San F r a n c i s c o : Chandler, 1 9 6 4 ) . 19 e t h n o l o g i c a l methods r e s u l t s e v e n t u a l l y i n "the paradox of extreme r e l a t i v i s m : how can any system be des c r i b e d without 18 reference t o any other system?" A p p e l l chides the "new" ethnographers f o r eschewing theory-meaning (the d e s c r i p t i o n s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of behavior i n terms of i t s meaning or s i g n i f i c a n c e t o the observer) i n q u i r y but a l s o a s s o c i a t e s the co m p a r a t i v i s t w i t h a f a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h data d e r i v e d from s y s t e m - s p e c i f i c 19 as opposed t o the theory-meaning l e v e l . 7 The an a l y s t of symbols must avoid imbuing n a t i v e c o n s t r u c t s (or create n a t i v e c o n s t r u c t s ) from h i s own c u l t u r a l l y i n f l u e n c e d a f f e c t i v i t y . He must address the f o r m u l a t i o n of a b s t r a c t a n a l y t i c a l systems. A scheme of u n i v e r s a l l y a p p l i c a b l e a n a l y t i c t o o l s must be cons t r u c t e d from the b a s i c processes of human thought. I n s h o r t , by determining what s o r t of t e r m i n i s t i c i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s ( t o c i t e Burke) are p o s s i b l e , the ana-l y s t can determine the ex i s t e n c e of a symbol, i t s code and message. ANALYTICAL TOOLS The question of what might c o n s t i t u t e acceptable a p r i o r i s m i s , t o v a r i o u s e x t e n t s , answered by Leach, Burke, 18 G.N. A p p e l l , "The D i s t i n c t i o n Between Ethnography and Ethnology," 5. 1 9 I b i d . , 44. 20 L e v i - S t r a u s s , and Pi a g e t . I n a r t i c u l a t i n g h i s theory of taboo, Leach p o s t u l a t e s t h a t the p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l en-vironment of a young c h i l d i s not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d — i t i s a continuum. A c h i l d l e a r n s t o impose a " d i s c r i m i n a t i n g g r i d which serves t o d i s t i n g u i s h the world as being composed of a l a r g e number of separate t h i n g s , each l a b e l e d w i t h a 20 name." Thus, the paramount problem i s t o determine and 21 maintain ( c o n c e p t u a l l y ) boundaries between t h i n g s . One example presented by Leach i s the continuum of women i n c l u d i n g a.man's s i s t e r s (whom he cannot marry) and p o t e n t i a l a f f i n e s . The d i s t i n c t i o n of the two c a t e g o r i e s of women i s considered c r i t i c a l by every s o c i e t y (hence, t h e i n c e s t taboo). Leach a s s e r t s t h a t the taboo imposed upon the s i s t e r i n r e l a t i o n t o her brother e f f e c t s the semantic op e r a t i o n of emphasizing the d i s t i n c t i o n between women as s i s t e r s and women as p o t e n t i a l a f f i n e s and, thus , masking any c o n t i n u i t y between the two groups. Leach's t h e s i s , then, i s t h a t humans d i s c r i m i n a t e t h i n g s along a continuum and create taboos t o support t h e i r d i s c r i m i n a -t i o n s . Burke concurs w i t h Leach's p o s t u l a t i o n of a con-tinuum but i s f a s c i n a t e d w i t h the very exi s t e n c e of the Edmund Leach, " A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Aspects of Lan-guage: Animal Categories and Verbal Abuse," i n Mythology, ed. P i e r r e Maranda, Penguin Modern Sociology Readings (Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1972), p. 47. ^ 1 I b i d . , p. 50. 21 n e g a t i v e — a property of c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r i n g more b a s i c than taboo r e c o g n i t i o n . Burke d i s t i n g u i s h e s man as the i n v e n t o r of the negative: ...there are no negatives i n nature, where every-t h i n g simply i s what i t i s and as i t i s . To look f o r negatives i n nature would be as absurd as though you were t o go out hunting f o r the square root of minus-one. The negative i s a f u n c t i o n p e c u l i a r t o symbolic systems... The q u i c k e s t way t o demonstrate the sheer s y m b o l i c i t y of the negative i s t o look at any o b j e c t , say, a t a b l e , and t o remind y o u r s e l f t h a t , though i t i s e x a c t l y what i t i s , you co u l d go f o r the r e s t of your l i f e s aying a l l the t h i n g s t h a t " i t i s n o t . " " Thus, the very d e l i m i t i n g of c a t e g o r i e s , any d i v i s i o n of the u n i v e r s a l continuum, r e s u l t s i n an awareness of the negative or those elements not i n c l u d e d i n a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s . Leach h i n t s t h a t the o r i g i n of taboos may have been the n e c e s s i t y t o maintain or create a marked d i s t i n c t i o n between two s i m i l a r groups ( a f f i n e s and s i s t e r s ) . Burke and Leach have e s s e n t i a l l y touched upon the o r i g i n of b i n a r y o p p o s i t i o n s as a fundamental p r i n c i p l e of l o g i c . Since many choose t o r e s t r i c t s t r u c t u r a l i s m t o the d i s c e r n i n g of b i n a r y o p p o s i t i o n s , i t i s appropriate at t h i s p o i n t t o d i s c u s s s t r u c t u r a l i s m . The point of departure f o r Lev i - S t r a u s s i s the d i s c o v e r y of a c o g n i t i v e arrangement, an arrangement of the r e l a t i o n s between terms r a t h e r than the terms themselves. He avoids the problem of c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s m by p o s t u l a t i n g t h a t modes of s t r u c t u r i n g or 2 Kenneth Burke, Language as Symbolic A c t i o n : Es- says on L i f e . L i t e r a t u r e , and Method (Berkeley and Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1966), p. 9. l o g i c a l arrangements a r e f i n i t e and u n i v e r s a l . A c e r t a i n s u p p o r t f o r t h i s p o s t u l a t i o n may be d i s c o v e r e d i n t h e work o f t h e S w i s s p s y c h o l o g i s t J e a n P i a g e t . P i a g e t m a i n t a i n s t h a t t h e p r i m a r y s t r u c t u r e s o f mathematics as d e f i n e d by t h e B o u r b a k i group c o r r e s p o n d s w i t h t h e l o g i c a l o p e r a t i o n s p erformed by p r e - l i n g u i s t i c c h i l d r e n . These o p e r a t i o n s 23 i n c l u d e r e v e r s i b i l i t y , o r d e r i n g , and s e t i n c l u s i o n . Leach and Burke b o t h remark upon t h e human c a p a c i -t y f o r d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , t h e d i v i s i o n o f t h e continuum i n t o i d e n t i f i a b l e o r s i g n i f i a b l e u n i t s . However, a n o t h e r p r i n -c i p l e o f l o g i c , s e t i n c l u s i o n , i s g l o s s e d o ver by Lea c h as he proceeds from a d i s c u s s i o n of t h e continuum t o a p a r t i -c u l a r s e t ; o r , as i t seems, d i s c u s s e s t h e continuum w i t h i n a s e t — e . g . , t h e c l a s s o f women i s a continuum b u t has been, d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r om t h e c l a s s o f men. There i s , t h u s , a human t e n d e n c y t o c l a s s i f y o r t o i n c l u d e e lements i n some p a r t i c u l a r s e t o f elements a c c o r d i n g t o some s h a r e d c h a r a c -t e r i s t i c s ) — i . e . , a human t e n d e n c y t o c a t e g o r i z e . One might s a y t h a t "meaning" i s a c q u i r e d when some-t h i n g t h a t has been p e r c e i v e d can be c o n s t r u e d i n some r e -l a t i o n s h i p w i t h e x i s t i n g c a t e g o r i e s . O b j e c t s cannot be i d e n t i f i e d u n l e s s t h e y can be d i s c r i m i n a t e d f r o m o t h e r o b j e c t s ; however, o b j e c t s a l s o c a nnot be i d e n t i f i e d u n l e s s t h e y can be r e l a t e d t o o t h e r o b j e c t s i n some manner. J J e a n P i a g e t , G e n e t i c E p i s t e m o l o g y , t r a n s . E l e a -n o r Duckworth, Woodbridge L e c t u r e s D e l i v e r e d a t Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , No. 8 (New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P ress,1970) 23 Turner describes the former i n h i s reference t o Ndembu co l o u r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The Ndembu c l a s s i f y y e l l o w 2 A and orange as red. Hence, although they are v i s u a l l y capable of p e r c e i v i n g the same range of l i g h t waves as a l l other humans, they do not choose t o "see" yellow or orange. Castaneda, i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h Don Juan, experiences d i f f i c u l t y i n comprehending the o l d s o r c e r e r because he 2 5 does not share the same conceptual c a t e g o r i e s . I f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s o l a t e d from "what i s perceived" c o r r e -spond or share an i d e n t i t y w i t h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of elements subsumed under a p a r t i c u l a r category, "what i s perceived" may be i n c l u d e d i n t h a t c a t e g o r y — e . g . , a d o l p h i n might be c l a s s i f i e d as a f i s h , not as a mammal. But i n c l u d i n g a perception i n an e x i s t i n g category i s o n l y one method of determining the meaning of the per c e p t i o n . A metaphorical r e l a t i o n s h i p i s a second p o s s i b i l i t y . Metaphor i s a sensed s i m i l a r i t y between two t h i n g s — " o b j e c t s -t o - o b j e c t s , r e l a t i o n s - t o - r e l a t i o n s , l e v e l s - t o - l e v e l s , do-mains-to-domains, p e o p l e - t o - b i r d s , people-to-people, etc." 2** Metaphor does not profess t o crea t e an exact i d e n t i t y be-2 4 V i c t o r Turner, The For e s t of Symbols, p. 6 0 . 2 5 C a r l o s Castaneda, A Separate R e a l i t y (New York: Simon and Shuster, 1971) • 2 6James A. Boon, From Symbolism t o S t r u c t u r a l i s m : L e v i - S t r a u s s i n a L i t e r a r y " T r a d i t i o n (New York: Harper and Row, Harper Torchbooks, 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 7 4 . 24 tween d i s t i n c t elements, i t creates a r e l a t i o n s h i p based upon a sensed s i m i l a r i t y . Metaphors have the c a p a c i t y t o l i n k d i s p a r a t e planes of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Metonymy, the t h i r d r e l a t i o n s h i p , " i s a means of connecting t h i n g s by the n o t i o n of t h e i r j u x t a p o s i t i o n , 27 whether temporal or s p a t i a l . " Boon c o n t r a s t s metaphor and metonymy as "metaphor=sensed i d e n t i t y ; metonym=con-28 c e i v e d d i f f e r e n c e plus necessary i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p . " I t i s necessary t o d e f i n e these i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s . L e v i -Strauss a s s e r t s t h a t the l o g i c i n the a s s o c i a t i o n of sexual and n u t r i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s may be reached by "semantic impov-erishment: the lowest common denominator of the union of the sexes and the union of e a t e r and eaten i s t h a t they both e f f e c t a c onjunction by c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y " — i . e . , the 20 eater cannot be def i n e d without reference t o the eaten. The c o n j u n c t i o n i s the a s s o c i a t i o n of the sexual w i t h the n u t r i t i o n a l ; the complementarity, t h a t of the e a t e r t o the eaten or one sexual partner t o the other. Binary opposi-t i o n i s i m p l i c i t i n the concept of complementarity. C o n t i g u i t y c o n s t i t u t e s another necessary i n t e r - r e -2 7 I b i d . 2 8 I b i d . , p. 7 6 . 2^Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage Mind, t r a n s . George Weidenfeld and N i c o l s o n L t d . (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Pr e s s , Phoenix Books, 1 9 6 6 ) , p. 1 0 6 . l a t i o n s h i p . Boon compares the a s s o c i a t i o n of k n i f e w i t h f o r k (a metonymical r e l a t i o n s h i p based on c o n t i g u i t y ) w i t h the a s s o c i a t i o n of k n i f e w i t h sword (a metaphorical r e l a -t i o n s h i p ) . A s p a t i a l j u x t a p o s i t i o n i n c l u d e s complements, b i n a r y o p p o s i t i o n s , and c o n t i g u i t i e s . The temporal dimen-s i o n of the metonym i s contingency. Cause may be s u b s t i -t u t e d f o r e f f e c t . A p r e d i c t a b l e response t o a s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n stands i n a metonymical r e l a t i o n t o t h a t s i t u a -t i o n . S t r u c t u r a l i s m i s concerned w i t h the arrangement of i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s among elements. Meaning, i n e f f e c t , con-s i s t s of the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s among these elements. The i n i t i a l l o g i c a l p r i n c i p l e t o consider i s c l a s s i n c l u s i o n ; i t renders the universe i n t e l l i g i b l e by i n t r o d u c i n g a system of o r d e r i n g . This o r d e r i n g , however, i s based upon conceived i d e n t i t y , metaphorical, and metonymical r e l a t i o n s . Although metaphorical r e l a t i o n s h i p s are c o n s t r u c t e d from a sensed s i m i l a r i t y , the metaphor i s a l s o concerned w i t h a conceived d i f f e r e n c e . Metaphor p o s t u l a t e s t h a t one element can never be c l a s s i f i e d i n e x a c t l y the same manner as another. Metonymy a l s o assumes a d i f f e r e n c e between two elements but eschews s i m i l a r i t y i n f a v o r of complementarity, o p p o s i t i o n , c o n t i g u i t y , and contingency. The concepts of metaphor and metonymy have been J James Boon, From Symbolism t o S t r u c t u r a l i s m , p. 7 4 . 26 elaborated as they represent the l o g i c of correspondence, a l o g i c which must be a p p l i e d t o data such as myth or other forms of symbolic a c t i o n i n order t o decipher the code and subsequent message of the data. I t i s d i f f i c u l t at times t o reduce L e v i - S t r a u s s 1 s elaborate t h e s i s t o i n t e l l i g i b l e d i m e n s i o n s — i . e . , t o d i s c e r n the exact nature of "code" and "message." L e v i - S t r a u s s d e l i g h t s i n the d i v e r s e : Now, on the t h e o r e t i c a l as w e l l as the p r a c t i c a l plane, the ex i s t e n c e of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g f e a t u r e s i s of much greater importance than t h e i r content. Once i n evidence, they form a system which can be employed as a g r i d i s used t o decipher a t e x t , whose o r i g i n a l u n i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y g i v e s i t the appearance of an u n i n -t e r r u p t e d f l o w . The g r i d makes i t p o s s i b l e t o i n t r o -duc d i v i s i o n s and c o n t r a s t s , i n other words the formal c o n d i t i o n s necessary f o r a s i g n i f i c a n t message t o be conveyed.31 From the formal c o n d i t i o n s , then, one can d e t e r -mine the message. The d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g f e a t u r e s e s t a b l i s h the metaphorical and metonymical r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The d i v i -s i o n s and c o n t r a s t s apparent i n these r e l a t i o n s h i p s would, thus, c o n s t i t u t e the code. Boon maintains t h a t the syn-c h r o n i c dimension of the s t r u c t u r e may be determined from the s e t of l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s among the myth's opposi-32 t i o n s . The o p p o s i t i o n s i n the myth are e s s e n t i a l l y what 33 L e v i - S t r a u s s r e f e r s t o as c o n s t i t u t i v e u n i t s . 31 C. L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage Mind, p. 75-J . Boon, From Symbolism t o S t r u c t u r a l i s m , p. 67. 'c. L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage Mind, p. 131. 32 33 27 C o n s t i t u t i v e u n i t s are e s s e n t i a l l y paradigmatic s e t s . An example of such s e t s i n a myth might be the d i f f e r e n t or equi v a l e n t responses by a c t o r s ro s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s — e . g . , the hero r i d e s h i s horse t o the c a s t l e ; the v i l l a i n r i d e s h i s camel t o the market. Often these r e l a t i o n s h i p s between c o n s t i t u t i v e u n i t s serve t o i l l u s -t r a t e l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . A paradigm might be e s t a -b l i s h e d , f o r example, between some i n i t i a l event i n the myth and what would be normally expected i n t h a t event. In answer t o Gardner's a s s e r t i o n t h a t "Levi-Strauss* contention t h a t myths serve the purpose of c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g and attempting t o sove paradoxes f o r the community i s an i n t r i g u i n g one, but one most d i f f i c u l t t o demonstrate," * one might argue t h a t the paradoxes are t o be found i n the l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o c c u r r i n g among the c o n s t i t u t i v e u n i t s . These c o n t r a d i c t i o n s should be r e a d i l y apparent t o the an a l y s t possessing some knowledge of "what might be expected." The code i s e s t a b l i s h e d from the i n t e r - r e l a -t i o n s h i p s of these c o n s t i t u t i v e u n i t s — t h e manner i n which the l o g i c a l paradox i s depi c t e d ; the message i n d i c a t e s whether or not the l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n can be r e s o l v e d and what i m p l i c a t i o n s may be drawn from the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . Boon de f i n e s the d i a c h r o n i c dimension as "the set •^Howard Gardner, "The S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s of P r o t o c o l s and Myth," Semiotica, 5, No. 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 38. 28 of r e l a t i o n s h i p s — t r a n s p o s i t i o n , i n v e r s i o n , and so f o r t h — among...(the) synchronic s t r u c t u r e s ( i . e . among t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s , t h e i r c o n t r a s t s ) . " In other words, from a d i a c h r o n i c p e r s p e c t i v e , one can d i s c o v e r the attempts made t o r e s o l v e l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . Such attempts appear t o be c o n f i n e d t o two operations, t r a n s f o r m a t i o n (a p r e f e r a b l e term t o " t r a n s p o s i t i o n " ) and i n v e r s i o n . An o p p o s i t i o n on one l e v e l can be transformed i n t o an o p p o s i t i o n on another l e v e l . L e v i - S t r a u s s remarks t h a t the key t o myth a n a l y s i s c o n s i s t s of t r y i n g t o "discover the scheme of discontinuous o p p o s i t i o n s governing i t s (the myth's) o r g a n i z a t i o n behind 161 the m y t h i c a l 'discourse'." The o p p o s i t i o n s are not a c t u a l l y discontinuous; i n s t e a d , they are transformations of one another. L e v i - S t r a u s s i n s i s t s t h a t a message may be coded i n d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i c a l o p p o s i t i o n s without a l t e r i n g i t s content; hence, i f a mediation ( r e s o l u t i o n ) cannot be c o n s t r u c t e d between the sky and the e a r t h , perhaps one can 37 be c o n s t r u c t e d between an eagle and a deer. The t r a n s f o r -mation can be e f f e c t e d through metaphorical or metonymical a s s o c i a t i o n s : the eagle i s a sky-creature; the deer, an e a r t h - c r e a t u r e . I n v e r s i o n , the other d i a c h r o n i c o p e r a t i o n , explores Boon, From Symbolism t o S t r u c t u r a l i s m , p. 6 7 . ^C. L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage Mind, p. 1 3 6 . 3 7 I b i d . , p. 149 . 29 the p o s s i b i l i t y of resolving a contradiction by reversing c e r t a i n relationships i n the contradiction. For example, a l o g i c a l contradiction might e x i s t on the synchronic l e v e l between a woman who i s hunting (not a normal occupation f o r In t e r i o r S a l i s h women) and a man who i s hunting the woman. The contradiction arises from the necessity to maintain a complementary re l a t i o n s h i p between the hunter and the hunted—i.e., the woman cannot maintain the status of a hunter i f she i s concurrently being hunted. I f the woman i s able to invert the s i t u a t i o n — - i . e . , the man becomes the hunted while the woman remains the hunter, she e f f e c t s an inversion. This inversion does not resolve the contradic-t i o n as no mediation has occurred (the woman i s s t i l l a contradiction, being a hunter) but the rel a t i o n s h i p between the man and the woman has been reversed. Transformation and inversion serve to a l t e r the terms of a contradiction. Transformation s h i f t s a contradiction to a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ; inversion reverses relationships within a l e v e l of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . CONCLUSION An outline has been presented of the basic t o o l s u t i l i z e d i n a s t r u c t u r a l analysis. These t o o l s include modes of analogy and comparison and the operations r e l a t i n g these analogies and comparisons on d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s . What remains, then, i s to return to the concept of symbol i n terms of s t r u c t u r a l considerations. A symbol may well be 30 determined through the a p p l i c a t i o n of Ortner's c r i t e r i a t o the data; however, a symbol may a l s o be discerned from t e x t s as a l o c u s of l o g i c a l o perations. A symbol i s some-what l i k e a prism. Although the l i g h t r e f r a c t e d from the prism i s revealed i n a b r i l l i a n t d i s p l a y of the c o l o u r s of the v i s i b l e spectrum, the i n c i d e n t l i g h t i s p e r c e i v a b l e o n l y as n a t u r a l or white l i g h t . Though the wave lengths of the co l o u r s are, of course, subsumed under the white l i g h t (white l i g h t i s composed of a l l l i g h t wave l e n g t h s ) , the c o l o u r s are not det e c t a b l e u n t i l the l i g h t has been subjected t o the prism. Each c o l o u r i s r e f r a c t e d from the prism at a s i n g u l a r angle; thus, the p a r t i c u l a r r e l a -t i o n s h i p s e x i s t e n t between each co l o u r and the prism, among the c o l o u r s themselves, and between the n a t u r a l l i g h t and the c o l o u r s are demonstrated. I n a s i m i l a r manner, the symbol o c c u r r i n g i n one p a r t i c u l a r context may i l l u m i -nate the r e l a t i o n s h i p s e x i s t i n g between t h a t context and other contexts. For example, a woman who hunts generates a s e r i e s of l o g i c a l o p p o s i t i o n s (these a s s o c i a t i o n s are borrowed from I n t e r i o r S a l i s h d a t a ) : i f women are l i k e deer, they cannot hunt as they are m e t a p h o r i c a l l y the hunted; i f women hunt, they hunt themselves; i f women hunt, they c o u l d be hunting people, e t c . A woman who hunts a l s o p r e c i p i t a t e s a s e r i e s of metaphorical and metonymical a s s o c i a t i o n s a r i s i n g from these o p p o s i t i o n s : i f women who hunt are l i k e c a n n i b a l s ( i n the sense t h a t they hunt and eat t h e i r metaphorical 31 s e l v e s or other people), t h e i r vaginas might a l s o operate i n an i n v e r s e f a s h i o n — i . e . , as w i e l d e r s of death (vagina  dentata) r a t h e r than i s s u e r s of l i f e . A symbol, then, a c t i n g as a l o c u s f o r l o g i c a l o perations, may p r e c i p i t a t e c e r t a i n l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and generate metaphorical and metonymical a s s o c i a t i o n s . I f , i n a p p l y i n g s t r u c t u r a l t o o l s t o analyze the data, a s i g n i f i c a n t convergence can be d i s c e r n e d f o r these l o g i c a l o p e rations, t h i s convergence may be designated as a symbol. Chapter 3 SOME ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES ON THE LILLOOET, THOMPSON, AND SHUSWAP This chapter i s intended to provide some ethno-graphic notes relevant to this thesis on three Plateau Culture groups: the Lillooet, Thompson, and Shuswap of Br i -tish Columbia. These three groups belong to the Interior Salish linguistic division which i s bounded on the west by Coast Salish, the north by Athabaskan speakers, the east by Kutenai, and the south by Sahaptin speakers. As noted by Ray, the underlying principle of the Plateau Culture ap-pears to be equality. 1 Thus, the ethnographic notes in this chapter w i l l cover, i n general, some of the manifesta-tions of that equality with respect to social structure and the general organization of food gathering including the distribution of food resources, inheritance patterns, and the sexual division of labor among the Lillooet, Thompson, and Shuswap. Also, some of the talents serving to dis-tinguish one member, the shaman, from the other people of 1Verne F. Ray, Cultural Relations in the Plateau of  Northwestern America, Publications of the Frederick Webb Hodge Anniversary Publication Fund, Vol. I l l (Los Angeles: The Southwest Museum, 1 9 3 9 ) , p. 2 9 . 32 33 these groups w i l l be mentioned The L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap, together w i t h the Okanagan, c o n s t i t u t e the northern of Canadian I n t e r i o r S a l i s h P l a t e a u groups. This northern P l a t e a u i s bounded by the Coast Ranges on the west, the Rocky Mountains on the east, the Canadian border on the south, and, roughly, by the great bend of the Fraser R i v e r on the north. Although the r e g i o n i s r e f e r r e d t o as a "plateau" (non-mountainous area at an average e l e v a t i o n of 3 , 5 0 0 ' ) . the topography i n -cludes f l a t p l a i n s , r o l l i n g h i l l s , and c o a s t a l mountains. The L i l l o o e t country l i e s e n t i r e l y w i t h i n g the c o a s t a l mountains and, thus, the i n h a b i t a n t s were f o r c e d t o e r e c t t h e i r more permanent d w e l l i n g s i n the r i v e r v a l l e y s . A watershed between Mosquito and Anderson R i v e r s d i v i d e s the country i n t o a northern, d r i e r area i n h a b i t e d by the Sla'lemux or Upper L i l l o o e t and a southern area of g r e a t e r p r e c i p i t a t t i o n i n h a b i t e d by the L i ' l u e t or Lower L i l l o o e t . The Thompson country, l e s s mountainous than the L i l l o o e t , i s s i m i l a r l y d i v i d e d i n t o two regions by the j u n c t i o n of the Thompson and Fraser R i v e r s . The Uta'mqt or Lower Thompson i n h a b i t e d the southern, more rugged r e g i o n j the Nku'kuma or Upper Thompson, the d r i e r , h i l l and p l a t e a u coutnry t o the north and east of L y t t o n . Shuswap t e r r i t o r y i s l a r g e l y p l a t e a u . The Columbia Riv e r and Shuswap Lake regions are h e a v i l y f o r e s t e d , but the Bonaparte and Kamioops region s , bordering the northern L i l l o o e t and Thompson, are s e m i - a r i d and support only bunch 34 F i g u r e 1 . A Map o f t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap A r e a s U.S. 1 . Lower L i l l o o e t 4 . Upper Thompson 2. Upper L i l l o o e t 5. Western Shuswap 3 . Lower Thompson 6 . E a s t e r n Shuswap 35 grass (see map). The L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap l i v e d i n bands which were e s s e n t i a l l y u n i t s of expanded autonomous l o c a l groups. I n other words, a "small number, w i t h i n a r e l a -t i v e l y s m a l l range" j o i n e d together i n a "mutually advanta-2 geous union." L o c a l c o n t r o l was e f f e c t e d by a head-man, 3 not a c h i e f , except among the L i l l o o e t and Western Shuswap. U n l i k e the Thompson and eastern Shuswap, the L i l l o o e t had a c l a n system and the h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f of a major c l a n i n the v i l l a g e was the r u l i n g c h i e f . 4 The Thompson and eastern and southern Shuswap e l e c t e d c h i e f s f o r war, hunting, and d a n c i n g . J The sons of the c h i e f s sometimes were favored t o assume t h e i r f a t h e r s 1 r o l e s . ^ But a c e r t a i n rank was a l s o bestowed by the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap on persons a c q u i r i n g merit through wisdom, wealth, o r a t o r y , or l i b e r a l -i t y . These persons were r e f e r r e d t o as " c h i e f . " Ray con-s i d e r s the western L i l l o o e t and western Shuswap h e r e d i t a r y 2 I b i d . , p. 15. 3 I b i d . 4James A. T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " V o l . I I , P a r t V of P u b l i c a t i o n s of the Jesup North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . IV, P a r t V I I (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1 9 0 6 ) , p. 257. 5 J . T e i t , "The Thompson Indians," V o l . I , P a r t IV of P u b l i c a t i o n s of the Jesup North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o -r y , V o l . I I (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1 9 0 0 ) , p. 289. 6 I b i d . , p. 242. 7 'Ray, C u l t u r a l R e l a t i o n s , p. 27. 3 6 n o b i l i t y t o be a r e c e n t i n t r o d u c t i o n t o P l a t e a u c u l t u r e : I t ( h e r e d i t a r y n o b i l i t y ) was i n a l l a r e a s s u p e r -f i c i a l . Deep-seated P l a t e a u s t a n d a r d s have been main-t a i n e d i n one way o r a n o t h e r . The " n o b i l i t y " may i n -c l u d e t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n ; . a p a r a l l e l " a r i s t o -c r a c y o f m e r i t " may p e r m i t a l l men t o be i n e f f e c t u p p e r c l a s s m e n ; . a l l may h o l d s l a v e s ; s l a v e s a r e few; women m a i n t a i n t h e i r e q u a l i t y ; " s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s " a r e s a i d t o e x i s t b u t a r e h a r d t o find.° The t e r r i t o r y o c c u p i e d by each I n t e r i o r S a l i s h group was c o n s i d e r e d f o r t h e most p a r t t o be t h e common c o u n t r y o f t h e group. A l t h o u g h a p a r t i c u l a r band may have f r e -quented a c e r t a i n h u n t i n g a r e a , o t h e r bands o f t h e same ma-j o r group were g e n e r a l l y n o t f o r b i d d e n a c c e s s . B e r r y and r o o t - d i g g i n g grounds were a l s o c o n s i d e r e d common p r o p e r t y . The Thompson a p p o i n t e d an o l d woman t o watch t h e b e r r y p a t c h e s and p r e v e n t any premature p i c k i n g . I n t h i s manner, a common announcement o f t h e i r r i p e n i n g e n s u r e d an e q u i t a b l e 9 d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t h e b e r r i e s . B o t h h u n t i n g and g a t h e r i n g were c o n s i d e r e d t o be e x t r e m e l y i m p o r t a n t . Band m i g r a t i o n s t o o k i n t o account t h e a v a i l a b i l i t y o f each r e s o u r c e . F o r example, t h e L y t t o n band o f t h e Thompson would c r o s s t h e mountains and descend t o t h e Upper N i c o l a V a l l e y i n A p r i l t o hunt d l k and f i s h t r o u t . Then, t h e y would r e t u r n home when t h e s e r v i c e b e r -r i e s r i p e n e d around L y t t o n and t r a v e l t o t h e r o o t - d i g g i n g grounds a t B o t a n i V a l l e y . I n t h e f a l l , t h e y would s p l i t I b i d . , p. 2 9 . T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 2 9 5 . 3 7 into small hunting groups and f i n a l l y aggregated in under-ground houses for the winter.* 0 Inheritable property was distributed along s t r i c t sexual lines. Males inherited a l l fishing, trapping, and hunting utensils, dogs, and canoes. A widow with children inherited her husband's lodge as well as the kettles, baskets, cooking utensils, and blankets inherited by g i r l s . A woman who l e f t her husband was entitled to take with her a l l her property and the roots and berries she gathered. The practice of levirate ensured the equitable distribution of resources to widows.11 The structure of inheritance was determined by the sexual division of labor. Men were the sole manufacturers of stone, bone, and wooden tools including: pipes, knives, skin-scrapers, chisels, wedges, stone dishes, arrows, arrow flakers, bows, and canoes. Women made baskets, mats, clothes, and shelters. Men were the hunters. They constructed a variety of traps, deer-fences, dead-falls, and snares to capture deer, bear, wolves, martens, minks, fishers, elk, beavers, and other animals. Bow and arrow hunting was employed when game was tracked. 1 2 Gathering roots and berries was distinctly the work 1 0 I b i d . , p. 2 9 3 . U I b i d . , p. 2 9 2 . 1 2 I b i d . , p. 2 9 5 . 38 of women. Common roots and b e r r i e s i n c l u d e d : hog-fennel r o o t , sunflower r o o t , C l a y t o n i a , A l l i u m , b l a k c b e r r i e s , b l u e b e r r i e s , s e r v i c e b e r r i e s , c u r r a n t s , b e a r b e r r i e s , straw-b e r r i e s , and salmon b e r r i e s . The r o o t - d i g g e r , from two t o two-and-one-half f e e t i n l e n g t h , was made of s e r v i c e b e r r y wood and bent s l i g h t l y at the t i p (which was burnt t o i n -crease r i g i d i t y ) . A handle of wood or horn was f i t t e d t o the other end of the digger. When the t i p became d u l l , the s t i c k was reversed,. A woman would c a r r y a s m a l l basket on 1 3 her back and t o s s roots i n t o i t . Cooking was a l s o the us u a l t a s k of women. B o i l i n g , pounding, and r o a s t i n g were the common c u l i n a r y techniques. Salmon, deer's blood, and v a r i o u s b e r r i e s were b o i l e d i n baskets i n t o which red-hot stones had been thrown. D r i e d meat and b e r r i e s were pounded together and mixed w i t h hot grease. Fresh meat and f i s h were roasted. Roots were somewhat more d i f f i c u l t t o cook. A c i r c u l a r hole was dug i n the ground about two-and-one-half f e e t i n depth and f i l l e d w i t h f o u r or f i v e f l a t stones. A f i r e of dry f i r wood was b u i l t on top of these stones. Then successive l a y e r s of damp e a r t h , f i r branches, and pine needles we»e l a i d over t h i s f i r e . The r o o t s were placed on top and covered w i t h more l a y e r s of the above-mentioned m a t e r i a l s . F i n a l l y , a f i r e was b u i l t on top and the roo t s l e f t i n t h i s oven from twelve t o f o r t y - e i g h t h o u r s . 1 4 1 3 I b i d . , p. 2 3 1 . 1 4 I b i d . , p. 2 3 6 . 39 Concurring with the general p r i n c i p l e of equality i n I n t e r i o r S a l i s h culture, shamans could be male or female. But shamans were not ordinary people. Ray maintains: No matter how strong a man's power may be, no matter how many guardian s p i r i t s he may possess, he i s u t t e r l y incapable of performing as a shaman unless ( l ) he has received a d e f i n i t e shamanistic s p i r i t , or (2) he has been s p e c i f i c a l l y commissioned by the s p i r i t at the time of the v i s i o n quest* or (3) he has received shamanistic power by heredity. ^  Shamanistic power could be malevolent or b e n e f i c i a l . I f not treated with proper respect, a shaman could cause i l l n e s s or bad luck i n hunting. However, shamans were also doctors. They alone could discern the cause of and e f f e c t the cure fo r i l l n e s s e s . I l l n e s s due to loss of the soul proved an exacting test of any shaman's power. The shaman had con-tact with the s p i r i t world and could track a person's soul as long as the person was s t i l l a l i v e . The shaman's task, then, was to chase the errant soul and return i t to i t s owner. This feat was rather s i g n i f i c a n t as the shaman's body d i d not t r a v e l with him. Shamans had other useful and remarkable cap a c i t i e s . They could locate game animals by detecting the movements of the animals' souls and cure i n f e r t i l i t y i n women. When i l l , shamans could cut open t h e i r bodies and wash t h e i r i n t e s t i n e s and, thus, cure themselves.*^ Ray, C u l t u r a l Relations, p. 93. T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " pp. 287-289. 40 I n c o n c l u s i o n , t h e u n d e r l y i n g p r i n c i p l e o f P l a t e a u c u l t u r e w a s e q u a l i t y . T h i s e q u a l i t y e x t e n d e d t o t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e s e x e s ( a c c o r d i n g t o R a y ) . I s h a l l r e f e r t o t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p a s a " s e x u a l b a l a n c e . " I f t h i s p r i n c i p l e i s a s p e r v a s i v e a s t h e d a t a s u g g e s t s , o n e m a y s u s p e c t t h a t a n i m b a l a n c e w o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d a s e r i o u s p r o b l e m b y t h e L i l l o o e t , T h o m p s o n , a n d S h u s w a p . T h e s h a m a n i s a p a r a d o x i c a l f i g u r e a n d d o e s n o t a p p e a r t o b e r e s t r i c t e d t o n o r m a l o c c u p a t i o n s o r s t r u c t u r e . T h u s , i f t h e s h a m a n c a n m o v e b e t w e e n t h e e a r t h a n d t h e s p i r i t w o r l d , i l l n e s s a n d h e a l t h , a n d o t h e r r e a l m s , h e m i g h t p r o v e a n e f f e c t i v e m e d i a t o r t o p r o b l e m s o c c u r r i n g i n t h e r i g i d l y d e t e r m i n e d , s e x u a l l y b a l a n c e d w o r l d o f n o r m a l I n t e r i o r S a l i s h m e n a n d w o m e n . Chapter 4 THE CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF GATHERING OR MEN WHO GO ROOTING This chapter w i l l examine the c u l t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of food g a t h e r i n g and the consequences of a sexual r o l e r e -v e r s a l i n the performance of t h i s t a s k . A d e s c r i p t i o n of t a s k s performed by each sex i n the preceding chapter i n d i -cated t h a t the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap subscribed t o a sexual d i v i s i o n of l a b o r . This sexual d i v i s i o n of l a b o r r e f l e c t s the ecology or the human r e c o g n i t i o n of resource p o t e n t i a l s and r e a l i z a t i o n of resource p o t e n t i a l s of the three groups. Ecology, however, does not i n c l u d e a l l of L e v i - S t r a u s s 1 s "science of the c o n c r e t e " 1 o r , i n Burke's phrasing: A l l non-verbal "nature" i s i n t h i s sense not j u s t i t s e l f from man, the word-using animal; r a t h e r , f o r man, nature i s emblematic of the s p i r i t imposed upon i t by man's l i n g u i s t i c g e n i u s . 2 I t i s p o s s i b l e t o d i s c o v e r , upon examining the e c o l o g i c a l adaptation of a p a r t i c u l a r people, t h a t c e r t a i n p e r f e c t l y 1Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage Mind, t r a n s . George Weidenfeld and N i c o l s o n L t d . (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Pr e s s , Phoenix Books, 1966). 2Kenneth Burke, "What Are the Signs of What? A Theory of 'Entitlement'," A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l L i n g u i s t i c s , 4, No. 6 (1962), 7. 41 42 nourishing food sources (such as frogs or insects) are ab-horred. It i s not possible to discover the logic behind this abhorrence, however, unless cultural prescriptions and proscriptions are explored. Women appear to have a specific cultural relation-ship with the food they gather; and, as the cultural rela-tionship i s synonymous with a cognitive structuring, any violation of this relationship should precipitate logical manipulations of the violation. Thus, i t may be expected that certain reversals w i l l occur when men gather roots. GATHERING Women were the exclusive gatherers of roots and berries. The data suggests that a certain cultural rela-tionship existed between women and the roots they gathered; for example, Thompson and Shuswap women avoided eating in the morning prior to venturing forth to gather roots or rob the nests or stores of squirrels. The Thompson claimed that failure to observe this proscription would result in a failure in the gathering endeavor. Thus, the woman ne-cessarily had an empty stomach or was empty before she could 3 "James Alexander Teit, "The Thompson Indians of British Columbia," Vol. I, Part IV of Publications of the  Jesup North Pacific Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. II (Leiden: E. J. B r i l l , 1 9 0 0 ) , p. 349; and Franz Boas, "Second General Report on the Indians of British Columbia," Report of the  Sixtieth Meeting of the British Association for the Advance-of Science-1»90 (London: John Murray. 1HQ1). n. 637. 43 o b t a i n r o o t s and nuts. Women maintained a d i f f e r e n t s t a t e of emptiness i n order t o c o l l e c t and cook the sunflower root s u c c e s s f u l l y . Supposedly, cooking the sunflower root was an e x c e p t i o n a l l y d i f f i c u l t t a s k . Women painted t h e i r faces when seeking the root and avoided sexual i n t e r c o u r s e w h i l e g a t h e r i n g and cooking i t . Men were not even permitted t o approach the oven i n which these r o o t s were cooked. 4 H i l l - T o u t extends t h i s p r o h i b i t i o n t o the cooking of roots i n general among the Thompson.** Therefore, one might say t h a t , among the Thompson and Shuswap, women maintained a sexual or v a g i n a l emptiness while g a t h e r i n g and preparing the sunflower r o o t . An analogy e x i s t s between the alimentary and sexual empti-ness : Women should have an empty stomach t o o b t a i n food. Women should have an empty vagina t o o b t a i n and cook the sunflower r o o t . Since women eschewed e a t i n g i n order t o ob t a i n food, i t appears from the second example t h a t women might be thought t o have some type of sexual r e l a t i o n w i t h the sunflower r o o t . A s c r i b i n g a sexual q u a l i t y t o the r e l a t i o n s h i p be-4 I b i d . ^Charles H i l l - T o u t , "Notes on the N'tlaka'pamuq of B r i t i s h Columbia, a Branch of the Great S a l i s h Stock of North America," Report of the S i x t y - n i n t h Meeting of the  B r i t i s h A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the Advancement of Science-1899 (London: John Murray, 1900), p. 513. 44 tween woman and root i s strengthened somewhat by the sun-flower root's stature as a f e r t i l i t y symbol. Young people who ate the f i r s t vegetable products of the season propi-tiated the sunflower root which was thought to be great in mystery. Teit observe that, as a rule, young people were not permitted to partake of the vegetable products u n t i l more than half of the crop had ripened.^ This dietary restriction imposed upon young people may be understood as analogous to similar restrictions prescribed in the f i r s t salmon ceremony. Although the Lower Lillooet were sole observers of this particular ceremony, the symbolic significance appears to be reiterated in the other groups with regard to vege-table resources (ceremonies honoring the f i r s t f r u i t s of the season). The Lower Lillooet believed that improper treatment of the f i r s t salmon caught each season would result i n a poor seasonal run. The f i r s t salmon caught was permitted to die on land and was cooked with some cer-emony into a mush subsequently divided into two bowls. Males drank from one; females, from the other. However, no menstruating woman, unmarried woman, orphan, widow, or or widower participated in the consumption. Any violation °James Teit, "The Thompson," p. 349. 7C. Hill-Tout, "Notes on the N*tlaka'pamuq," p. 504; and James Teit, "The Shuswap," Vol. II, Part VII of Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural His-tory, Vol. IV, Part VII (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1909), p. 601. 45 of this proscription resulted in a poor harvest of salmon 8 for the season. Those forbidden to partake of the salmon mush were associated with i n f e r t i l i t y . The widow, widower, and un-married women were without spouses. Hence, in a general sense, they were not engaging in sexual activity and sub-sequent f e r t i l i t y . While the menstruating woman empha-sized her lack of pregnancy or temporary i n f e r t i l i t y by her condition, the orphans signified deceased parents, another form of i n f e r t i l i t y . Unmarried (virginal) men were probably exempt from this category as they were not associated with child-bearing and had not been engaging in sexual activity or thwarted sexual activity (as the widow-er) . Human i n f e r t i l i t y , then, was metaphorically re-lated to a dearth of salmon. Contact between a person in an i n f e r t i l e state and the f i r s t salmon stood in a synech-dochic relation to the entire crop of salmon. The vegeta-ble crop, of considerable importance to the Lillooet and Thompson, was probably influenced in a similar manner. The young people were usually permitted to partake of the berries after more than half of the crop had ripened—i.e., when the f e r t i l i t y of the crop was assured. The unmarried °James Teit, "The Lillooet," Vol. II, Part V of Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural His-tory, Vol. IV, Part VI (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1906), p. 280. 46 status of the young people intimated that their f e r t i l i t y was not yet proven; hence, they propitiated the sunflower root when endangering the vegetable crop (by consuming the f i r s t berries of the season). The sexual relationship between women and roots, t however, was metaphorical or cultural, not natural or l i t e r a l . Women were not supposed to copulate with roots. Several myths dictate the necessity for enforcing the dis-tinction between "cultural" and "natural" sexual relations o in Lillooet and Thompson mythology—e.g., "Tsu'ntia,"' the "Story of Kokwe'la; or Kokwe'la's Sku'zas," 1 0 and "Koakoe'-l a , or Husband Root Myth." 1 1 The Thompson version pre-sented here illustrates the structural implications of a failure to distinguish the cultural from the natural. Child-of-Hog-Fennel (Kokwe'laha»it) There once lived a maiden in some place in the up-per country (to the east or north of the Uta'mqt) who went out to dig hog-fennel roots (Peucedanum macrocar-pum Nutt.). While digging, she took a fancy to a very large thick root, co-habited with i t , and as a result became pregnant. Feeling ashamed of her condition, she l e f t the people and erected a lodge some distance away, in which she lived. In due course she gave birth to a son, who, when he became old enough to use bow and ar-yIdem., "Traditions of the Lillooet Indians of British Columbia," Journal of American Folklore, 25, No. 48 (October-December, 1912), 350-352. 10Idem., Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, Vol. VI ( 1 8 9 8 ) , p. 4 5 . 11C. Hill-Tout, "Notes on the N*tlaka1pamuq," pp. 564~566. 47 rows, asked h i s mother who h i s f a t h e r was. He s a i d , "I never see my f a t h e r and he never comes home." She t o l d him t h a t h i s f a t h e r f e l l i n the rocks many years ago and was k i l l e d . Then he s a i d , " I w i l l have revenge on the rock s f o r k i l l i n g my f a t h e r . " So he went t o t h e p r e c i p i c e and asked i t why i t slew h i s f a t h e r ; but the p r e c i p i c e answered, "Your mother has t o l d you a l i e . I never saw your f a t h e r . " He r e t u r n e d home and t o l d h i s mother what the c l i f f had s a i d : so she t o l d him t h a t h i s f a t h e r f e l l from a t r e e many years ago and • was k i l l e d . He s a i d , "I w i l l have revenge on the t r e e s . " So he took h i s bow and arrows and went t o i n -t e r r o g a t e the t r e e ; but the l a t t e r answered, "I know n o t h i n g of your f a t h e r . Your mother must have t o l d you a l i e . " R e turning, he t o l d h i s mother what the t r e e had s a i d . Then she t o l d him t h a t h i s f a t h e r had been drowned i n the r i v e r . He s a i d , "Then I w i l l have revenge on the water." Taking h i s bow and arrows, he went t o k i l l t he water f o r murdering h i s f a t h e r ; but the water s a i d t o him, "Those whom I k i l l I know, but your f a t h e r I never saw. Your mother has t o l d you a l i e . " R e t u r n i n g home, he t o l d h i s mother what the wa-t e r had s a i d , and was v e r y angry a t her f o r t e l l i n g him l i e s , but she was ashamed t o t e l l him the t r u t h . He l e f t h i s mother and t r a v e l l e d over the country. Wherever he went, the hog-fennel p l a n t s shook t h e i r l e a v e s w i t h gladness; and when he t r o d near them, they embraced h i s l e g s . As he was jumping over a stream, B u l l h e a d C a t f i s h ( t s e n a ' t z ) saw him, and c r i e d out, "Nkokwe'lahaitI" He t u r n e d back t h r e e times t o look f o r t he person who had c a l l e d him names. On s e a r c h i n g t h e f o u r t h time, he found him, and was go i n g t o k i l l him, but, changing h i s mind, he transformed him i n t o t h e b u l l - h e a d c a t f i s h and threw him i n t o t h e water, s a y i n g , "You s h a l l be the c a t f i s h , and s h a l l never ag a i n c a l l people names." Now he thought he knew who h i s f a t h e r was, and, r e t u r n i n g t o h i s mother, he asked her i f the hog-fen-n e l r o o t was h i s f a t h e r . She acknowledged h a v i n g had i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h the hog-fennel r o o t , and t o l d him t h a t i t was h i s f a t h e r . Then he k i l l e d her (some add t h a t he transformed her i n t o a s t o n e ) , and s a i d , "Henceforth women s h a l l not have i n t e r c o u r s e , or be made pregnant by r o o t s . " Now, Child-of-Hog-Fennel t r a v e l l e d over the coun-t r y a g a i n , and d i d many wonderful t h i n g s . He t r a v e l -l e d as f a r down as the upper borders of the Uta'mqt country, whence he t u r n e d back. At l a s t he came t o a l a r g e r i v e r , where v e r y many people l i v e d . He sta y e d w i t h t h e s e people f o u r n i g h t s , and each morning on awaking found h i s b e l l y wet. He t o l d t he people, who assembled a l l t h e women, and asked which of them had s l e p t w i t h the s t r a n g e r . They a l l denied h a v i n g had 48 any i n t e r c o u r s e with him. I t was n o t i c e d t h a t F r o g was absent. P r e s e n t l y she came i n , and t h e y asked her the same q u e s t i o n . She answered, "Yes, I v i s i t e d him, and I wish t o marry him." The people s a i d , "No, we cannot a l -low you t o become the wife of so g r e a t a man. He must have a b e t t e r and a p r e t t i e r w i f e than you." Then a l l t h e people c r o s s e d the r i v e r , d e s e r t i n g Frog. They gave the f i n e s t young woman of a l l the people t o be the w i f e of C h i l d - o f - H o g - F e n n e l . Next n i g h t , when C h i l d - o f - H o g -Fennel was s l e e p i n g with h i s b r i d e , F r o g gathered h e r -s e l f up and, jumping a c r o s s the r i v e r a t one bound, a-l i g h t e d on C h i l d - o f - H o g - F e n n e l 1 s f a c e . F r o g stuck t h e r e and the people t r i e d i n v a i n t o get her o f f , although t h e y p u l l e d and scraped v e r y hard. Thus C h i l d - o f - H o g -Fennel, who had been a v e r y handsome man, became d i s f i g -ured f o r l i f e . Some time a f t e r t h i s the people wished t o make a moon, f o r h i t h e r t o t h e r e had been no moon, and t h e y thought t h e y would have a l i g h t at n i g h t somewhat s i m i -l a r t o t h e sun. They asked Coyote t o be the moon, and he consented. The f i r s t n i g h t , he arose i n the evening; and as he passed overhead, each time t h a t he saw a mar-r i e d couple having s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e , he c r i e d out, "Ha! You are i n the a c t of having s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e ! " ("Ua'xeplip k a t i x ! " ) The people were d i s p l e a s e d at h i s thus t a k i n g n o t i c e of t h e i r a c t i o n s , and asked C h i l d - o f -Hog-Fennel t o take h i s p l a c e . He assented t o t h e i r p r o -p o s a l and became the moon. He conducted h i m s e l f proper-l y and d i d h i s work w e l l ; t h e r e f o r e the people agreed t h a t he s h o u l d always be the moon; and thus he c o n t i n u e s t o be at the present day. The f r o g may s t i l l be seen as dark s p o t s on h i s f a c e . The Child-of-Hog-Fennel myth i s p a r t i c u l a r l y con-cerned with the maintenance of a p p r o p r i a t e d i s t a n c e s . A maiden v i o l a t e s the d i s t i n c t i o n between a p o t e n t i a l f o o d and a p o t e n t i a l spouse and t h e r e b y v i o l a t e s a m e t a p h o r i c a l r e l a -t i o n s i n c e e a t i n g or g a t h e r i n g f o o d i s s i m i l a r t o h a v i n g s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h the food. The m e t a p h o r i c a l r e l a t i o n James T e i t , "Mythology of the Thompson I n d i a n s , " V o l . V I I I , P a r t I I of P u b l i c a t i o n s of the Jesup North P a c i -f i c E x p e d i t i o n , ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of t h e American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . XII ( L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1 9 1 2 ) , pp. 2 2 4 - 2 2 6 . 49 d i s t i n g u i s h e s the plane of a l i m e n t a l consumption from t h a t of sexual consumption by the very n e c e s s i t y of r e l a t i n g the planes m e t a p h o r i c a l l y . The woman v i o l a t e s the metaphorical d i s t a n c e by consummating what should remain onl y metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h the r o o t . Her s t a t u s as p o t e n t i a l mother of a root c h i l d i s s o c i a l l y untenable and r e q u i r e s her t o remove h e r s e l f from the community. Woman Woman (too c l o s e a (too d i s t a n t a r e l a t i o n s h i p ) r e l a t i o n s h i p ) Root Community D i s c o v e r i n g h i s p a t e r n i t y , Child-of-Hog-Fennel f i n d s h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h i s s o c i a l l y untenable woman t o be unbearable and e i t h e r k i l l s her or transforms her i n t o stone. Child-of-Hog-Fennel f u n c t i o n s as a transformer i n the m y t h — i . e . , he seeks t o cr e a t e o r d e r l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The d i r e c t i o n of movement reverses. Child-of-Hog-Fennel d i s c o v e r s a community l i v i n g by a r i v e r and j o i n s i t ( h i s d e c i s i o n has p o s i t i v e connotations as some i n t i m a t e contact w i t h a community i s d e s i r a b l e f o r any i n d i v i d u a l ) . The hero attempts t o mediate the untenable p o s i t i o n former-l y occupied by h i s mother. He attempts t o cr e a t e order and reverses her a c t i o n s by moving t o a community. Frog, how-ever, completes the f o l l o w i n g paradigm by d e s i r i n g sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h the root c h i l d : 50 Mother d e s i r e s r o o t . Frog d e s i r e s root c h i l d . Mother moves from the community. The root c h i l d moves i n t o a community. A l s o , w h i l e the root i s a d e s i r a b l e food, f r o g s are considered d i s g u s t i n g and never eaten by the Thompson r e l a t i o n s w i t h a d e s i r a b l e food, an undesirable food seeks sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h her son. The community deserts the f r o g woman and.opposes the e a r l i e r d e s e r t i o n of the com-munity by the mother of the root c h i l d . a f f i x e s h e r s e l f t o the hero's f a c e ; thus, she transforms him from a handsome man t o an u g l y one. The transformer i s transformed. Child-of-Hog-Fennel, no longer so s o c i a l l y acceptable as he was for m e r l y , r e c e i v e s the r o l e of the moon. Once again, the hero i s i s o l a t e d from the community: and L i l l o o e t . 13 Thus, wh i l e the mother d e s i r e s sexual Frog woman, however, leaps across the r i v e r and Frog Community (too c l o s e a r e l a t i o n s h i p ) (too d i s t a n t a r e l a t i onshi p) Child-of-Hog-Fennel Child-of-Hog-Fennel as the Moon Idem., "The Thompson Indians," p. 348 51 The i n i t i a l r e f u s a l t o respect the metaphorical d i s t a n c e between root and woman p r e c i p i t a t e s the o p p o s i t i o n s throughout the myth. The woman indulges i n too c l o s e a r e l a t i o n s h i p with the root (the metaphorical d i s t a n c e i s e l i m i n a t e d ) . This r e l a t i o n s h i p i s transformed i n t o a sepa-r a t i o n of the woman from the community. Thus, the r e s u l t i n g paradox i s coded i n terms of d i s t a n c e : the woman i s at once too c l o s e t o the root and too d i s t a n t from the community. D i s c o v e r i n g the nature of h i s p a t e r n i t y , the root c h i l d s l a y s h i s mother and prevents any p o s s i b l e mediation of the di s t a n c e between the woman and the community. The events surrounding t h e son are i n an i n v e r s e r e l a t i o n t o those surrounding the mother: the son moves t o a community, not from one; he i s the object of f r o g ' s de-s i r e s , not the one who d e s i r e s ; f r o g i s s e x u a l l y and n u t r i -t i o n a l l y u n d esirable t o the hero wh i l e the root i s c o n s i -dered the opposite i n both respects t o the mother; and f r o g a f f i x e s h e r s e l f t o the head of the hero, not t o h i s g e n i -t a l s (the v i o l a t i o n of d i s t a n c e i s e f f e c t e d through too in t i m a t e contact w i t h the head). This extreme r e d u c t i o n of dist a n c e i s complemented by extreme a m p l i f i c a t i o n of d i s -tance; but the dis t a n c e i s not mediated i n e i t h e r case. The message r e l a y e d by the.myth concerns the d i s a s t r o u s consequences generated by a v i o l a t i o n of a metaphorical r e l a t i o n s h i p , o r , a metaphorical d i s t a n c e . The r a m i f i c a t i o n s of such a v i o l a t i o n i n c l u d e the i n a b i l i t y t o maintain appropriate s e x u a l and s o c i a l d i s t a n c e s . 52 Couching food gathering operations in terms of sexual relat-ionships enables the native to know which tasks are appro-priate to each sex. The myth illustrates the impossibility of enjoying normal sexual and social relationships for the violator of a distinction between nature and culture or the l i t e r a l and metaphoric. MEN WHO GATHER ROOTS Serious consequences result when men violate the cognitive order and gather roots: The Wechx#in Cave One of the people l i v i n g at Anderson Lake said, "We should go up the mountain and get some roots." A l l the women agreed, so they started up the mountain. The young men heard that the g i r l s had gone, so they decided to go also. They caught up to the g i r l s and were having fun helping them dig vegetables. When evening came, they made a shelter and settled for the night. A l l the g i r l s , but one, had a boyfriend. The lone g i r l remained outside of the cave. This was the cave that the Wechx#in lived i n . In the morning, when the others didn't come out of the cave, the g i r l decided to look around. She looked in the cave and .found that they were a l l dead. The g i r l went home and told the parents that their children were dead. They a l l went up the mountain and saw the swollen bodies. Gathering a pile of sticks, they put them in the cave and burnt the bodies. This place i s now called "smoked rock." The people were digging Shk1ampch, Indian potatoes. This root i s about six to eight inches long, and i t looks l i k e a white carrot.*4 An i n i t i a l violation of the cultural order—i.e., men gathering roots, precipitates the resulting events i n the From a corpus of Lillooet myths collected by Randy Bouchard in the summer of 1970 for the B.C. Indian Language Project. 53 myth. The young people decide t o r e t i r e f o r the n i g h t i n the cave of the wechx#in. This animal i s a s m a l l , black l i z a r d dreaded by the Thompson, L i l l o o e t , and Shuswap. I f i t d i s -covers human t r a c k s , the l i z a r d w i l l f o l l o w and, at n i g h t , crawl i n t o the person through the anus and devour the i n t e s -15 t i n e s . The human i s , thus, c a n n i b a l i z e d by the l i z a r d . The l i z a r d reverses the process of normal a l i m e n t a t i o n by e n t e r i n g the body through the anus; thus, the root gatherers, i n t e n d i n g t o seek and o b t a i n food, become food themselves. A l s o , the method u t i l i z e d f o r d i s p o s i n g the bodies r a t h e r c l o s e l y resembles the procedure f o r cooking r o o t s . The bodies, l i k e r o o t s , are placed i n a cave (hole) and cooked from a f i r e b u i l t a t the entrance (top) of the cave. Some concern i s demonstrated at the end of the myth by the n a r r a -t o r f o r d e s c r i b i n g the p a r t i c u l a r root sought by the gather-e r s — a n analogy between the white c a r r o t and a penis cannot be disregarded. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and the food they gather has been described as a " c u l t u r a l " or metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p . Thus, men, i n approaching the oven i n which the sunflower root i s cooked or by engaging i n root g a t h e r i n g , v i o l a t e the d i s t i n c t i o n between the n a t u r a l and c u l t u r a l orders. In the myth, men, the o b j e c t s of sexual as opposed t o a l i m e n t a l consumption, confuse the r e l a t i o n s h i p 1-5James T e i t , "The Thompson Indians," p. 348; idem., "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 290; and idem., "The Shuswap," p. 619. 54 between women and r o o t s (women should be empty while seeking fo o d ) . I n the next chapter, I w i l l show t h a t men, i n a sense, engage i n metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h the game they hunt. Thus, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o analyze the d i s r u p -t i o n of the n a t u r a l and c u l t u r a l orders o c c u r r i n g i n the myth from the f o l l o w i n g diagram: Women e n f f a ^ e J " ^ i t e r a ^ . Men sexual r e l a t x o n s w i t h engage i n metaphorical engage i n metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h Roots Deer I f men engage i n metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h r o o t s ( t h e i r metaphorical s e l v e s ) , they c o n t r a d i c t c o g n i t i v e order, What would under normal circumstances be a complementary r e l a t i o n s h i p ( t h a t of gathered t o gatherer) becomes an oppo-s i t i o n (men cannot gather t h e i r metaphorical s e l v e s ) . The r e s o l u t i o n of t h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n i s attempted through the f o l l o w i n g i n v e r s i o n : Gatherers (men) Gatherers (par-ents) (Since men are — _ cooked l i k e r o o t s , they be-come l i k e r o ots) Gathered ( r o o t s ) Gathered (men  cooked) 55 No mediation i s possible, however, as the parents cannot eat the former gatherers; the men have been eaten before they have been cooked. As the myth i s coded in terms of the rela-tionships between gatherer and gathered, the message suggests that men who gather roots or their metaphorical sexual selves precipitate cannibalism. The violation of an alimental order i s concomitant with the violation of a sexual order. This message i s elaborated in the following myth:1** Made-Her-Sit-Down-On-A-Seat A man lived with his wife in an underground house which formed one of a group of such houses. His rela-tives lived with him in the same house, while most of his wife's relatives lived in one of the adjoining houses. His wife went gathering slo'lats (the inside bark of cedar) every day, and always came back loaded with the very best kind. She went oftener than was ne-cessary, and generally stayed away a l l day. She dressed herself i n her best clothes, and took much care with her t o i l e t before departing. These actions aroused the sus-picions of her husband, who made up his mind to watch her. He followed her into the forest next day un t i l she stopped in front of a t a l l , shapely cedar-tree. Then he hid himself and watched. The cedar changed i t s e l f into a man, t a l l and good-lucking, and approached the woman, who received him affectionately and embraced him. They had sexual intercourse with each other, and lay to-gether a l l day. Towards evening the man gave her a large bundle of the finest cedar bark, which she put on her back to carry home, and when she departed, he changed himself back into the t a l l cedar tree. Having obtained f u l l evidence of his wife's guilt, the husband hurried home, and next morning told her that he would accompany her to gather cedar bark. He took her to the same tree which had changed i t s e l f into a man the day before, saying to her, "This i s a fine tree, and has nice bark. Let us climb to the top of i t and start stripping the bark from there." When they reached the top, he cut i t into a sharp point, and, making the woman l 6 C f . Teit, "Traditions of the Lillooet," p. 3 3 9 -56 strip herself naked, he placed her on the top with the sharp point inserted in her privates. After tying her securely, he stripped the bark off a l l around for a considerable distance down, and then, descending, went home. She cried to her youngest brother for help (his name was Xoxolame'ya), but he did not hear her at f i r s t . At last he heard her cries and found where she wasj but, seeing that he was unable to render her any assistance, he ran home and told the people, who at once hurried to the scene. She was dying then from the effects of the hot sun, loss of blood, and the great pain. She said to the people, "I am dying. You cannot rescue me. The sun i s hot, and you may be thirstyj but do not eat the berries which you see growing underneath (or at the foot of) this tree, because they are drops of my blood." The berries were black berries. The people began to climb the tree to try to rescue her; but none of them could pass the barked part, be-cause i t was so slippery. At last they got Snail to attempt i t ; but although he was able to climb over the barked part, he took so long to reach the top, that the woman had expired before he got there. He released her and took the body down, and the people buried i t . Now, i t happened that the woman had another brother who was exactly like herself in height, build, complex-ion, voice, and features. He dressed himself up in her clothes, and a few days afterwards he repaired to the husband's house. He said to his brother-in-law, "I'm your wife. I was not really dead, although the people thought I was." The brother-in-law, as well as the other people in the house, believed the story, so the supposed wife went to bed with her husband; but when the latter wished to become too familiar, the former pushed him away, saying, "You must desist for a few days. That was a terrible injury you did to me. You surely don't expect me to be healed yet." One night, after his brother-in-law and a l l the peo-ple were asleep, he pulled out his knife, which he had concealed on his person, and k i l l e d his brother-in-law by cutting his throat. Then he suddenly l e f t the house. Next morning, before i t was quite light, a boy in the house said to his grandmother (the husband's mother), "I w i l l go to my elder brother's bed and l i e down with him for a while" (the boy had been in the habit of doing this some mornings); but the old woman, hearing a subdued sort of noise, said, "Do not bother your elder brother this morning. Don't you hear him? He i s making a nephew for you." The sound she heard was that of the blood gurgling and dripping from the dead man's wound. As the sound continued, the mother thought to herself, "He remains 57 l o n g having connection w i t h h i s w i f e t h i s morning!" Then she s a i d , "Getup, c h i l d , and wash y o u r s e l f . I t i s morning.*' But s t i l l the sound continued. When i t was r e a l l y l i g h t , the people discovered him l y i n g dead w i t h h i s t h r o a t cut.*7 l 8 The myth of the woman impaled on a t r e e i s another i l l u s t r a t i o n of the consequences of a f a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h between l i t e r a l and metaphorical orders. The i n i t i a l event i s the husband's d i s c o v e r y of h i s wife's a d u l t e r y w i t h a cedar tree-man. U n l i k e the Child-of-Hog-Fennel myth, though, the woman does not have sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h a p l a n t , but w i t h a p l a n t transformed i n t o a man. Since the woman i s very s u c c e s s f u l i n her cedar-bark g a t h e r i n g , she appears t o have a proper metaphorical r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the cedar t r e e — i . e . , the tra n s f o r m a t i o n of the cedar t r e e i n t o a man i n d i -cates t h a t the sexual r e l a t i o n s are of a man-woman as opposed t o woman-vegetable ch a r a c t e r . The woman obtains food from vegetable t r e e s , not from the bark of the tree-man. The husband notes the i n f i d e l i t y of h i s wife and e x t r a c t s vengeance by impal i n g her on the t r e e . The imagery i s unmistakeable: the woman i s s t r i p p e d and the sharpened t r e e - t o p i n s e r t e d i n her vagina; t h u s , the woman now has l i t e r a l sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h the t r e e . A v i o l a t i o n of cog-n i t i v e order i s e f f e c t e d as one must not have i n t e r c o u r s e 'James T e i t , "The Mythology of the Thompson," pp. 285-287. 18 In one Shuswap myth, Coyote admonishes the f u t u r e mothers of h i s c h i l d r e n t o s t i c k any females born on the po i n t s of t r e e branches. See T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 630. 58 w i t h one's food. Attempts t o rescue the woman are unsu c c e s s f u l as she d i e s before S n a i l , the only one capable of n e g o t i a t i n g the barked t r e e , reaches her. To avenge h i s s i s t e r , one brother determines t o impersonate her. He completes h i s p h y s i c a l resemblance t o her by d r e s s i n g i n her c l o t h i n g and then assumes her r o l e ; thus, the brother becomes a c u l t u r a l , (although not a n a t u r a l ) woman. The bro t h e r , however, con-t r a d i c t s not only the n a t u r a l order but a l s o the c u l t u r a l order by i n v e r t i n g the l e v i r a t e : C u l t u r a l Order When a man d i e s , h i s w i f e marries h i s b r o t h e r . Inverted Order When a woman d i e s , her husband marries h i s b r o t h e r -i n - l a w . This i n v e r s i o n of the l e v i r a t e may be subsumed under the im-p l i c a t i o n s of an e x c e s s i v e l y c u l t u r a l union w h i l e the woman impaled on the t r e e represents an e x c e s s i v e l y n a t u r a l union. In other words, the events of the myth are l o g i c a l r e s u l t s of the i n i t i a l v i o l a t i o n of metaphorical d i s t a n c e between women and food (the cedar b a r k ) . The v i o l a t i o n upsets the balance between nature and c u l t u r e and generates two p a r a l l e l extremes: an excessive c u l t u r a l union and an excessive n a t u r a l union. Each union may be deemed "excessive" o r un-b a l a n c e d — i . e . , c u l t u r e i s not mediated w i t h nature and v i c e v e r s a . 59 The f o l l o w i n g paradigm c l a r i f i e s the i m p l i c a t i o n s of the excessive unions: Excessive C u l t u r a l Excessive N a t u r a l Union Union union of husband union of woman to brother t o t r e e husband's t h r o a t woman's vagina i s s l i t i s s l i t b lood g u r g l i n g blood g u r g l i n g thought t o be thought t o be the husband and b l a c k b e r r i e s w i f e c o p u l a t i n g (food) (sex) Death, of course, i s a s i g n i f i c a n t outcome of both of these excessive unions, but a more i l l u m i n a t i n g message may be uncovered: when th e o l d woman i s questioned by the sma l l boy reg a r d i n g h i s uncle's a c t i v i t i e s , the woman r e -p l i e s t h a t the man i s making a nephew f o r the boy; the woman impaled on the t r e e implores the people not t o eat the b l a c k b e r r i e s because they are her blood. F i r s t l y , the noise of blood g u r g l i n g i s not the noise from sexual i n t e r c o u r s e i n d i c a t i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of new l i f e ( f e r t i l i t y ) , i t i s a s i g n a l of death. Two men co u l d be married i n a c u l t u r a l sense but no c h i l d r e n would i s s u e from such a union. There-f o r e , the blood g u r g l i n g s i g n i f i e s death and i n f e r t i l i t y . Secondly, though the i s s u e from the woman's exces-s i v e union w i t h the t r e e appears t o be b l a c k b e r r i e s , the woman maintains t h a t the b e r r i e s are her blood and not t o be 6 0 mistaken f o r food. E a t i n g the b l a c k b e r r i e s would be equiva-l e n t t o cannibalism. A paradox emerges: the people must eat food i n order t o s u r v i v e , but they can no longer t r u s t t h e i r former c o g n i t i o n of food. The union of the woman w i t h the cedar t r e e produces, i n a sense, a c o g n i t i v e l y untenable o f f s p r i n g — i . e . , b l a c k b e r r i e s appear t o be food i n a l l respects save t h e i r correspondence w i t h the woman's blood. The myth provides a r a t h e r elegant demonstration of the manipulation of l o g i c . The excessive n a t u r a l union r e s u l t s i n a c u l t u r a l paradox—how may the people recognize food? Thus, an excess of nature generates a c u l t u r a l para-dox, cannibalism. An excessive c u l t u r a l union generates a n a t u r a l dilemma, i n f e r t i l i t y . Both products exemplify im-proper mediations of nature and c u l t u r e and stem from the o r i g i n a l v i o l a t i o n of metaphorical order. The i n i t i a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n arose from a f a i l u r e t o separate nature and c u l t u r e ; the f i n a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n pre-sents a f a i l u r e t o balance o r b r i n g together nature and c u l t u r e . Excessive c u l t u r e i s complemented w i t h i n f e r t i l i t y ; e xcessive nature, w i t h cannibalism. Thus, cannibalism and i n f e r t i l i t y appear t o be metonymically r e l a t e d or are two f a c e t s of a c o g n i t i v e d i s j u n c t i o n . CONCLUSION This chapter suggests t h a t a n a t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and roo t s i s t h a t of food gatherer t o food; however, a complementary c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s — i . e . , 61 a metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and r o o t s . The a s s o c i a t i o n between food g a t h e r i n g and sexual a c t i v i t y i s metaphorical but i p s o f a c t o the two a c t i v i t i e s must be kept d i s t i n c t . Implementing a sexual metaphor f a c i l i t a t e s the or d e r i n g of task assignment. I f ro o t s are l i k e penises, i t i s more f i t t i n g f o r women t o c o l l e c t them than f o r men. A l s o , the procedures i n v o l v e d i n the task of root g a t h e r i n g ( d i g g i n g r o o t s from the ground and t o s s i n g them i n t o round baskets) evoke s i m i l a r i t y between women and c o n t a i n e r s , f u r -t h e r evidence t h a t the task may be construed as having a sexual c h a r a c t e r . The a n a l y s i s of myths corroborates the exp e c t a t i o n t h a t v i o l a t i o n s of the metaphorical order should r e s u l t i n r e l a t e d l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . The woman i n d u l g i n g i n sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h the root v i o l a t e s the metaphorical d i s t a n c e , and, l i k e her son, i s doomed t o an i n a b i l i t y t o mediate the i n s u f f i c i e n t sexual d i s t a n c e and the excessive s o c i a l d i s t a n c e . Men who gather r o o t s c o n t r a d i c t the sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and roots and, thus, i n -v e r t the order between e a t e r and eaten. F i n a l l y , c annibalism and i n f e r t i l i t y are seen t o be two complementary products of an excessive c u l t u r a l union and an excessive n a t u r a l union or l o g i c a l consequences of a v i o l a t i o n of the c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e o r d e r i n g nature and c u l t u r e . Chapter 5 THE CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF WOMEN AS HUNTERS I f men p r e c i p i t a t e s e r i o u s repercussions when they invade the r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and r o o t s , i t i s probable t h a t women r e v e r s i n g t h e i r food g a t h e r i n g r o l e by assuming the t r a i t s of hunters w i l l a l s o generate problems. This chapter w i l l examine the l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of women as hunters w i t h respect t o the symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e of p r o s c r i p t i o n s concerning menstrual blood and menstruating women, the r e l a t i o n s h i p s of women t o game animals and hunting, and the p e c u l i a r c o r r e l a t e s of cannibalism. The l o g i c w i l l be constructed from the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between women and t h e i r s i g n i f i e r s — e . g . , i f a woman may be meta-p h o r i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a game animal, how does t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n r e l a t e t o her negative e f f e c t s on hunting endea-vors? The f i r s t part of the chapter w i l l d i s c u s s the s i g -n i f i c a n c e of menstrual blood both t o the pubescent g i r l and the woman; the second part w i l l d i s c u s s the r e l a t i o n s h i p of women t o hunting i n c l u d i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p between men and game, the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the negative i n f l u e n c e of women on hunting, and the p e c u l i a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of g r i z z l y bear hunting. F i n a l l y , some hunting myths w i l l be analyzed w i t h 62 63 with respect to their illustrations of violations of these relationships. MENSTRUAL BLOOD Menstrual blood, often the bane of hunting and gathering societies, has been surrounded with intriguing but seemingly i l l o g i c a l taboos which hint at serious punitive consequences for violators. Therefore, the prohibitions concerning menstruation may be taken as a focus for symbolic analysis. The importance of menstrual blood to the Lillooet, Thompson, and Shuswap i s readily demonstrated by the rituals observed by pubescent g i r l s and the numerous avoidance patterns followed by menstruating women. Menarche The Lillooet, Thompson, and Shuswap observed similar practices regarding the puberty of g i r l s and their subse-quent menstrual confinements. The menarche signalled the transformation of g i r l into a woman capable of bearing c h i l -dren; the import of this transformation was communicated by the isolation of the g i r l from the community. A pubescent g i r l was considered to be great i n mystery.1 *James Alexander Teit, "The Thompson Indians of British Columbia," Vol. I, Part IV of Publications of the  Jesup North Pacific Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. II (Leiden: E. J. B r i l l , 1 9 0 0 ) , p. 327 ; Teit, "The Lillooet," Vol. II, Part V of Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural Histo-ry, Vol. IV, Part VI (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1 9 0 6 ) , p. 276 ; and 64 Conical puberty lodges constructed of f i r branches served as temporary dwellings for the pubescent g i r l s . The Lillooet and Thompson dug circular holes in the puberty lodges where the g i r l s would squat during the day (the 2 practice was continued u n t i l the menstrual flow ceased). Separating the puberty lodge from the other houses was be-lieved by the Thompson "to prevent the smoke of the lodges from blowing down to the g i r l , as i t was believed to make her unlucky or sick."° In many Lillooet villages, the f i r s t menstrual period was termed tlo'gamug (referring to the hole in the ground beneath the menstrual lodge) and the second, tlojkaucim, "putting the knees together." A l l subsequent menstrual periods were termed either alitska or "going out-4 side" and zomet or "abstaining from fresh meat." The period prescribed for isolation varied with the community: the Lillooetextended the puberty r i t u a l from one to four years; the Thompson,^ to four months (although Teit, "The Shuswap," Vol. II, Part VII of Publications of  the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV, Part VII (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1 9 0 9 ) , p. 5 8 7 . o Teit, "The Thompson," p. 312 ; and Charles H i l l -Tout, "Report on the Ethnology of the Stlatlumh of British Columbia." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 35 ( 1 9 0 5 ) , T W . 3 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 312 . 4C. Hill-Tout, "Report on the Ethnology," 137 . 5 T e i t , "The Lillooet," p. 2 6 5 . 6 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 317 . i t was claimed that the r i t u a l once lasted over a year)j and 7 the Shuswap, to one year. Girls desiring more power or shamanistic powers trained for a longer period of time and indulged in sweat baths. 8 Fasting was prescribed for the f i r s t four days of the menarche. During the succeeding four days, the g i r l was per-mitted to eat part of the meals brought to her by her attending relatives (only females attended the g i r l ) . 9 Among the Thompson, part of these meals was buried. Lillooet g i r l s spat out the f i r s t four mouthfuls of each of the meals. 1 0 Partial consumption of these meals was thought to ensure sufficient food and drink for the remainder of the g i r l ' s lxf e. Illness or witchcraft resulted from violations of food taboos. Any roots, vegetables, or dried salmon and trout were permissable food for the pubescent g i r l . Forbid-den items included fresh salmon or trout, deer and other game animals (fresh or dried), birds dead less than one day, 12 and berries ripening the f i r s t month of the season. Any 7 T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 587. 8 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 317. 9 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 314J Teit, "The Lillooet," p. 265; and Teit, "The Shuswap," p. 587. 1 0 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 314; and Teit, "The Lillooet," p. 264. 1 1 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 314. 1 2 I b i d . , p. 317; Teit, "The Lillooet," p. 265; and 66 young woman was thought t o become i n f e r t i l e i f she consumed 13 bear meat. I s o l a t i o n and a b s t e n t i o n from f r e s h meat were two su b s t a n t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of both the menarche and subse-quent menstrual p e r i o d s . Although the pubescent g i r l was r e s t r i c t e d from consuming any meat, the semantic emphasis was on a b s t e n t i o n from f r e s h meat or meat t h a t bleeds. H i l l -Tout provides L i l l o o e t exegesis f o r the r e s t r i c t i o n : F i r s t , the g i r l , i t was thought, would be harmed by the f r e s h meat i n her p e c u l i a r c o n d i t i o n ; and second, the game animals would take offence i f she partook of t h e i r meat i n these circumstances. Should a pubescent g i r l eat f r e s h meat, i t was b e l i e v e d her f a t h e r ' s luck as a hunter would be s p o i l e d t h e r e a f t e r . The animals would not permit him t o k i l l them; f o r i t was h e l d t h a t no animal c o u l d be k i l l e d a gainst i t s own wish or w i l l . Indeed the Indian looked upon a l l h i s food, animal and vegetable, as g i f t s v o l u n t a r i l y bestowed upon him by the " s p i r i t " of the animal or vegetable, and regarded him-s e l f as a b s o l u t e l y dependent upon t h e i r good w i l l f o r h i s d a i l y sustenance. * Despite c a r e f u l observation of d i e t a r y r e s t r i c t i o n s by the pubescent g i r l , her f a t h e r s t i l l s u f f e r e d i n h i s hunting endeavors f o r a temporary p e r i o d . A Thompson man r e f r a i n e d from hunting or t r a p p i n g f o r the f i r s t month of h i s daughter's s e c l u s i o n and d i d not p a r t i c i p a t e i n the nor-mal d i s t r i b u t i o n of game.1"* T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 587 . 1 3 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 1 7 ; T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 269 j and T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 592 . 1 4 C . H i l l - T o u t , "Report on the Ethnology," 136 . 1 5 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 317 . A f t e r f i n i s h i n g her t r a i n i n g , the g i r l burned the dress worn and hung her other c l o t h e s up i n trees. 1 * * She a l t e r e d her h a i r s t y l e from one knot behind each ear t o the s t y l e of women—two b r a i d s or two b r a i d s f o l d e d up on each 17 s i d e . Among the L i l l o o e t and Shuswap, a shaman p u r i f i e d the g i r l before she was permitted t o r e t u r n t o her v i l l a g e . H i l l - T o u t e x p l a i n s t h a t "her bad medicine had t o be taken from her. This was done by the shaman marking i n red p a i n t the symbol os h i s snam or ' f a m i l i a r s p i r i t ' upon her 18 blanket and f a c e . " A shaman l e d a Shuswap g i r l back t o her v i l l a g e at the c o n c l u s i o n of her puberty r i t u a l . * 9 Employing a shaman f o r the purpose of p u r i f i c a t i o n imputes no s m a l l s i g n i f i c a n c e t o the p o s s i b l e negative i n f l u e n c e s of the pubescent g i r l . Menarche s i g n a l l e d a g i r l ' s t r a n s i t i o n from c h i l d -hood t o womanhood. Her f u t u r e success as w i f e and c h i l d -bearer was supposedly determined i n her performance of puberty r i t u a l s . Three s a l i e n t f e a t u r e s of the menarche provide a b a s i s f o r symbolic c o n s i d e r a t i o n : ( l ) i s o l a t i o n from the community was r e q u i s i t e f o r the p r o t e c t i o n of the l 6 I b i d . 1 7 I b i d . , p. 3 1 2 ; and T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 2 5 . 18 C. H i l l - T o u t , "Report on the Ethnology," 136 . 1 0 'Franz Boas, "Second General Report on the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Report of the S i x t i e t h Meeting of the  B r i t i s h A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the Advancement of Science. 1890 (London: John Murray, 1 8 9 1 ) , p. 6 4 2 . g i r l and her community; (2) female pubescence had a negative e f f e c t on the f a t h e r ' s hunting success; and (3) some seman-t i c a s s o c i a t i o n e x i s t e d between the blood from f r e s h meat and the menstrual flow. Subsequent Menstrual Periods I s o l a t i o n from the community d u r i n g menstruation continued throughout the woman's l i f e ; f o r example, cooking and e a t i n g u t e n s i l s used d u r i n g the menstrual p e r i o d were expected t o be the personal property of the menstruating woman and c l o t h e s worn d u r i n g the confinement were hung i n t r e e s t o be used the f o l l o w i n g month or washed. Women were 20 expected t o bathe before r e t u r n i n g t o the community. D i e t a r y r e s t r i c t i o n s observed by the menstruating woman corresponded t o those of the pubescent g i r l . E a t i n g venison or other l a r g e game animals was thought t o d i s -21 please the animals and inc r e a s e the f l o w of blood. Again, blood from meat was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h menstrual blood. Menstruating women d i d not cook f o r others. A man e a t i n g food prepared by such women was s u s c e p t i b l e t o i l l -22 ness and l i t t l e success i n hunting. A L i l l o o e t man immediately vomited and purged himself by d r i n k i n g medicine 2 0 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 326. 2 1 I b i d . , p. 327; T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 269; and T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 592. 22 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 326; and Boas, "Second General Report," p. 642. upon discovering he had eaten food prepared by a menstruat-23 ing woman. Also, a man suffered not only from eating food prepared by a menstruating woman, but also from eating in her company. Sexual intercourse was prohibited during a woman's menstruation and the clothes mended by a woman at such times could not be worn by men. * The logic of these prohibitions emerges only upon consideration of the rela-tionship of women to hunting. WOMEN AND HUNTING Women and Deer Menstruating women exerted a powerful effect on men and their hunting success. As described above, men avoided any intimate contact with menstruating women. A partial exegesis for this proscription maintains that bears could detect a man's contact with a menstruating woman and would 2 5 attack him. Women could also render hunting or martial weapons ineffective by simply crossing in front of them. The owner was forced to negate the effect by washing the weapons with medicine or striking the woman on the princi-pal parts of her body with the weapon.2** 2 3 T e i t , "The Lillooet," p. 269. 2 4 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 326. 2^Ibid.j and Boas, "Second General Report," p. 642. 2 6 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 327. 70 Furthermore, a woman had t o observe p a r t i c u l a r p r o s c r i p t i o n s w i t h r e g a r d t o the game c a r c a s s . She was not supposed t o touch a c a r c a s s nor pass i n f r o n t of the head of a l a r g e game animal as i t might "throw s i c k n e s s on t h e woman h e r s e l f , or c a s t a s p e l l on the weapons of the hunter who had 27 k i l l e d t he animal." The L i l l o o e t extended t h i s p r o h i b i t i o n 28 t o i n c l u d e not p a s s i n g by the f e e t of the c a r c a s s . Even when a woman was not menstruating, she was f o r b i d d e n t o eat the head of a l a r g e game animal. The Thompson cl a i m e d t h a t i f she v i o l a t e d t h i s r e s t r i c t i o n , her mouth would become t w i s t e d . Other p a r t s of t h e animal—-the h e a r t , k i d n e y s , i n -s i d e s , f e e t , e t c . — w e r e known as "mysterious" and f o r b i d d e n 29 t o women. There were c e r t a i n p a r t s of t h e animal c o n s i d e r e d t o be g r e a t e r i n mystery than the head, f e e t , k i d n e y s , and so f o r t h . These i n c l u d e d : "the p a i n t or 'paint-bag' p i e c e of the ham near the t h i g h ; the s k i ' k i k s , a p i e c e of the f l e s h of t he f r o n t l e g ; and t h e 'apron', the f l e s h y p a r t of t h e 30 b e l l y , e x t e n d i n g down t o between the h i n d - l e g s . " These mysterious p a r t s are r e f e r r e d t o i n the f o l l o w -i n g myth: 2 7 I b i d . , p. 326. 2 8 T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 269. 2 9 I b i d . ; T e i t , "The Thompson," pp. 326-327; and T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 592. 3°Teit, "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 280. 71 S t o r y of the Deer In m y t h o l o g i c a l times the deer was an animal, and never had human form. At f i r s t people c o u l d not k i l l i t , because i t was able t o jump from one mountain-top t o another. N e i t h e r bow and arrows, nor t r a p s and snares, were of any a v a i l . Then they asked an adolescent g i r l , who threw her k i l t at i t . She st r u c k i t on the s i d e , and t h i s reduced i t s jumping powers t o some extent. Then she threw her apron, which s t r u c k i t below or behind the r i b s , and reduced i t s power s t i l l more. Again, she threw her breech-clout a t i t , and t h i s reduced i t s power s t i l l more; but s t i l l i t c o u l d jump out of arrow-shot a t one s p r i n g . At l a s t she threw her paint-bag at i t , which s t r u c k i t on the l e g s . Then i t c o u l d jump o n l y j u s t as deer do now. A f t e r t h i s had been doen the people c o u l d hunt suc-c e s s f u l l y , and k i l l e d deer w i t h bows and arrows. This i s the reason t h a t there are mysterious p a r t s i n s i d e the deer now. The g i r l ' s k i l t may be seen as the ple u r a and diaphragm. Her paint-bag i s now a muscle on the l e g s ; her breech-clout i s the pericardium: and her apron i s the meat below or behind the r i b s . 3 1 The adolescent g i r l mediates the d i s t a n c e between the hunter and the deer by throwing v a r i o u s garments (probably c o n t a i n i n g menstrual blood) a t the deer. Intimate garments worn by the g i r l are now part of the deer's body. Another myth e s t a b l i s h e s an even stronger l i n k between women and deer: Women and Deer G i v i n g B i r t h Formerly women gave b i r t h w i t h the same ease t h a t deer do now, whil e deer had as much pain i n g i v i n g b i r t h as women have at present. When the deer complained of t h e i r hardships, the women laughed, and s a i d , "Let us change." They changed, and i t was ordained t h a t hence-f o r t h the women should have c h i l d b i r t h p a i n s , and the deer be exempt.32 3 T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 653. ^ 2 T e i t , "The Mythology of the Thompson Indians," 72 Thus, the myth maintains t h a t women and deer exchanged t h e i r very organs f o r g i v i n g b i r t h . A deer carcass was brought i n t o a hunting lodge through a hole i n the back, never through the common door -jo where women cou l d pass. The S a n p o i l and Nespelem, though not the major groups i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n , are I n t e r i o r S a l i s h speaking people of northeastern Washington and r e f l e c t much of the general L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap c u l t u r e . I n d e s c r i b i n g the S a n p o i l and Nespelem method of t r a n s p o r t i n g game i n t o the hunting lodge, Ray r e l a t e s : ...the o b j e c t i o n t o the use of the door was t h a t blood from the dead animal was sure t o drop i n the door-way. A menstruating woman might walk through the passage and over the blood, thereby i n s u l t i n g the deer, who would no longer permit themselves t o be taken by the hunters.3 4 The S a n p o i l and Nespelem thus c l a r i f y t h i s p a r t i c u l a r seman-t i c a s s o c i a t i o n . I t was not simply the woman, but her blood t h a t would mingle w i t h the blood of the deer. This i n t i m a c y would e f f e c t some v i o l a t i o n . A question t o address, then, concerns the s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between menstrual blood and a deer or other game animal. The c a p a c i t y of menstrual blood f o r p o l l u t i o n V o l . V I I I , P a r t I I of P u b l i c a t i o n s of the Jesup North P a c i f i c  E x p e d i t i o n , ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . X I I (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1 9 1 2 ) , p. 3 3 1 . 3 3 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 4 7 ; and T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 6 9 . 3 4 V e r n e F. Ray, The S a n p o i l and Nespelem: S a l i s h a n  Peoples of Ndrtheastern Washington, U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Anthropology, V o l . 5 ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of i s e l aborated by L e v i - S t r a u s s : ...at the semantic l e v e l , p o l l u t i o n , at l e a s t i n the thought of the North American Indi a n s , c o n s i s t s of too c l o s e a conjunction between two t h i n g s each meant t o r e -main i n a s t a t e of ' p u r i t y 1 . I n the hunt at c l o s e quar-t e r s menstrual periods always r i s k i n t r o d u c i n g excessive union which would l e a d t o a s a t u r a t i o n of the o r i g i n a l r e l a t i o n s and a n e u t r a l i z a t i o n of i t s dynamic f o r c e by redundancy.35 I n t h i s i n s t a n c e , redundancy i s the o v e r - s i m i l a r i t y between menstruation and the hunt. A more d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i s i n order. As Ridington suggests, the most s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e -l a t e of menstrual b l e e d i n g i s i t s s i g n i f y i n g i n f e r t i l i t y or id l a c k of pregnancy. The i m p l i c a t i o n s of i n f e r t i l i t y c o uld be extended t o i n c l u d e l a c k of new l i f e i n general or the imminent death of the community. A menstruating woman pre-sents a paradox i n the sense t h a t she bleeds normally or not from c u l t u r a l l y i n f l i c t e d (as i n hunting or warfare) or s e l f -i n f l i c t e d wounds; she w i l l not d i e from her b l e e d i n g . Her c o n d i t i o n , then, can be c o n t r a s t e d w i t h the s i t u a t i o n of the hunted animal where b l e e d i n g almost s u r e l y s i g n a l s death. Menstrual blood, an abomination, was thought t o be a primary cause of i l l n e s s . Deer's blood, on the other hand, was b o i l e d t h i c k w i t h r o o t s , b e r r i e s , and deer f a t and c o n s i -Washington P r e s s , 1 9 3 2 ) , p. 9 1 . or ° Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage Mind, t r a n s . George Weidenfeld and N i c o l s o n L t d . (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Pr e s s , Phoenix Books, 1 9 6 6 ) , p. 52 . ^ P e r s o n a l communication. dered a d e l i c a c y . Thus, the menstruating woman might be viewed as an i n v e r s i o n of the game animal: Woman Deer A menstruating woman A wounded deer i s s t i l l a l i v e . w i l l probably d i e . Menstrual blood Deer's blood i s causes s i c k n e s s . a food. Menstrual blood The deer carcass s i g n i f i e s i n f e r t i l i t y and blood are or l a c k of c h i l d and foods and, thus, l a c k of l i f e connote l i f e continuance. support and l i f e continuance. Menstrual blood i s a prime d i f f e r e n t i a t o r . The myths imply t h a t women are very s i m i l a r t o d e e r — i . e . , they exchanged sexual organs and deer a s s i m i l a t e d the c l o t h i n g of adolescent g i r l s \ t h e r e f o r e , menstrual blood serves t o d i s t i n g u i s h the c o g n i t i v e p o s i t i o n of women from t h a t of deer. I f women are s i m i l a r t o deer as men are t o r o o t s , i t might be expected t h a t some r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s between men and deer which evokes t h a t of women t o r o o t s . I n other words, men may have a metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h deer. Men and Hunting Pubescent boys observed d i e t a r y r e s t r i c t i o n s which 37 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 236. complemented those of the pubescent g i r l s . Boys d i d not eat r o o t s , b e r r i e s , or any food prepared by women. Fresh or d r i e d deer meat was p r e f e r r e d , but any other game a n i -mals or b i r d s were permitted. Puberty observances r e q u i r e d the t r a i n e e t o consume only food which would be hunted by him i n a d u l t l i f e . 3 8 Some trap p e r s or hunters, l i k e women embarking on a root g a t h e r i n g e x p e d i t i o n , would not eat before the hunt. A l s o , the trapper or hunter avoided food cooked by a woman unless she were o l d . Thus, the t r a p p e r or hunter remained empty of food when hunting or t r a p p i n g and r e f r a i n e d from e a t i n g food cooked by a s e x u a l l y a v a i l a b l e woman (one not menstruating or menopausal). Among the L i l l o o e t , the f a t h e r f i r e d an arcow i n t o a miniature grass deer at the b i r t h of h i s c h i l d . T h e b i r t h of a baby, thus, c o u l d be analogous t o the s u c c e s s f u l sh o o t i n g of a deer. B i r t h i s a s u c c e s s f u l mediation of the sexes as expressed through sexual i n t e r c o u r s e . Therefore, success i n hunting c o u l d imply s u c c e s s f u l metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s between men and game animals. The l o g i c behind the negative i n f l u e n c e of menstruating women on hunting weapons may w e l l be t h a t the menstruating woman would confuse the semantic domains as would a man gat h e r i n g 3 8 I b i d . , p. 321; and T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 267 3 9 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 348. 4°Teit, "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 260. 76 r o o t s w i t h the women. A woman, an in v e r s e of the deer, a f f e c t s hunting weapons i n v e r s e l y . As a woman i s not a l e g i t i m a t e t a r g e t , the gun becomes i n e f f e c t i v e . The gun would supposedly f i r e i f confronted w i t h a deer. I t appears t h a t the message inherent i n the code of menstrual blood demands a necessary d i s t i n c t i o n between women and deer. Men can hunt deer s i n c e men are i n c e r t a i n respects the opposite of women; f o r example, i f pubescent boys approached the menstrual lodge of women, the boys would bleed spontaneously from the n o s e . 4 1 Women bleed from the vagina; men, from the head. V a g i n a l blood s i g n i f i e s female puberty; dreams s i g n a l male puberty ( o p p o s i t i o n of head t o A 0 vagina Thus, men should be able t o hunt metaphorical women as women gather metaphorical men. Menstrual blood, which serves t o separate women from deer and women from men, may l i n k deer w i t h men by d e f a u l t . I n other words, i t per-mits men t o e s t a b l i s h a blood c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h deer i n the context of hunting. The r e l a t i o n s h i p of g r i z z l y bears t o hunters c l a r i f i e s the sexual c h a r a c t e r of the hunting endeavor. G r i z z l y Bears and Hunters An i n t e r e s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t e d among black 4 1 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 321. 4 2 I b i d . , p. 318; T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 266; and T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 588. 77 bears, g r i z z l y bears, hunters, and women. Women who ate bear meat were thought t o become i n f e r t i l e and an unborn c h i l d would d i s s o l v e i n the womb i f the husband of the A. 1 pregnant woman were t o hunt or eat bears. Bears became a g i t a t e d from the scent of menstrual blood and attacked hunters contaminated w i t h i t . However, a bear was the pr o t e c t o r of Thompson t w i n s , 4 4 s a i d t o be the f a t h e r of L i l l o o e t t w i n s , 4 ^ and the apparent f a t h e r of Shuswap twins 46 who were c a l l e d "young g r i z z l y bears." Bears are the only game animals r e v e r s i n g the hunter/hunted dichotomy. This r e v e r s a l a r i s e s when bears detect menstrual blood or i n f e r t i l i t y . Bears are a l s o the only animals regarded by the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap as the f a t h e r s of human c h i l d r e n . I n a t t a c k i n g hunters, the bears become c a n n i b a l s . A woman who eats bear meat eats a p o t e n t i a l f a t h e r f o r her c h i l d r e n ; thus, she, t oo, resembles a c a n n i b a l . The paradigm f o l l o w s : Women Bears i n f e r t i l e woman bear becomes ca n n i b a l **°Teit, "The Thompson," p. 304; T e i t , "The L i l l o o -e t , " p. 269; and T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 592. 4 4 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 311. 4 5 T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 263. 4^Boas, "Second General Report," p. 644. 78 Women Bears woman i n a r e c e p t i v e s t a t e f o r c h i l d (not menstruating, not pregnant) bears can be hunted woman pregnant ( p o t e n t i a l f a t h e r i s a bear) c a n n i b a l i z e d both by women and t h e i r husbands i f eaten bear w i l l be A woman who eats bear meat v i o l a t e s an important semantic sexual object ( t h i s category i n c l u d e s any p o t e n t i a l f a t h e r ) . A l s o , as the bear can be hunted and eaten onl y when the wif e of the hunter i s i n a s e x u a l l y r e c e p t i v e s t a t e , the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the hunter and the hunted i s more s h a r p l y d e f i n e d . s t r u c t u r e of hunting r e l a t i o n s h i p s and the negative i m p l i -c a t i o n s of any v i o l a t i o n of the s t r u c t u r e . The f i r s t de-f i n e s proper order, the second discusses the r a m i f i c a t i o n s of a woman who hunts. Coyote, w h i l e t r a v e l l i n g about, met a Cannibal who was hunting. The l a t t e r s a i d t o him, "Come help me hunt deer! There i s a band of deer j u s t coming around the shoulder of the h i l l yonder!" Coyote looked where the Cannibal had pointed, and saw many people t r a v e l l i n g along the h i l l s i d e . He s a i d , "These are not deer, they d i s t i n c t i o n — i . e . , one cannot consume what one consid e r s a HUNTING MYTHOLOGY Two hunting myths serve t o r e v e a l the c o g n i t i v e Coyote and the Hunting-Cannibal 79 are people." The Cannibal answered, "No, they are deer and good food. Let us go and d r i v e them." Coyote s a i d , " I t e l l you, they are not deer. They are people going t o v i s i t another v i l l a g e . " When the Cannibal and.Coyote had thus spoken t o each other f o u r times, Coyote s a i d , " I w i l l show you deer." He stepped up t o a t r e e , took some of the r o o t s , and . transformed them i n t o a buck-deer w i t h l a r g e a n t l e r s . Then, a f t e r showing the animal t o the Cannibal, he took some of the meat and cooked i t . Coyote ate some of the meat f i r s t , and i n v i t e d the Cannibal t o do l i k e w i s e ; but at f i r s t he refused, f o r he was a f r a i d i t might poison him. At l a s t he ate some, and acknowledged i t t o be good. Coyote s a i d , "This meat i s food, f l e s h of people i s not food. Now we w i l l go together, and I w i l l show you how t o hunt and k i l l deer." A f t e r hunting f o r some time, they found a band of deer; and Coyote shot one w i t h an arrow, cut i t up, and cooked some of the meat. A f t e r they had eaten t h e i r f i l l , Coyote took the Cannibal's sack, which contained human f l e s h , emptied out the contents, and r e p l e n i s h e d i t w i t h venison. Then Coyote s a i d , " I o r d a i n t h a t henceforth no one s h a l l eat human f l e s h . There s h a l l be no more can n i b a l s i n the world. A l l people s h a l l eat deer-meat." Some say, t h a t , on l e a v i n g , he t r a n s -formed the Cannibal i n t o an owl.4 ' The i n i t i a l s i t u a t i o n d e p i c t s the general d e f i n i t i o n of c a n n i b a l i s m — i . e . , the c a n n i b a l man cannot d i s t i n g u i s h between people and deer. The c a n n i b a l cannot make the c o g n i t i v e d i s t i n c t i o n between people and deer as he r e f e r s t o the people as deer. Coyote orders t h i s muddle i n a r a t h e r unusual manner: he transforms the r o o t s of a t r e e i n t o the a n t l e r s and the body of a l a r g e deer. An analogy a r i s e s between the t r e e r o o t s and the deer's a n t l e r s . Now, t r e e r o o t s are dug by women f o r the purpose of making baskets and other implements. Deer are hunted by men and the a n t l e r s T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 632. 80 f a s h i o n e d i n t o i m p l e m e n t s o f v a r i o u s s o r t s u t i l i z e d b y m e n . A n o t h e r o p p o s i t i o n m a y b e n o t e d i n t h e j u x t a p o s i t i o n o f t h e r o o t s o r b a s e o f t h e t r e e t o t h e a n t l e r s o r t o p o f t h e a n i m a l . C o y o t e h a s a c c o m p l i s h e d a d i s t i n c t i o n o f f o o d f r o m f o o d g a t h e r e r o n s e v e r a l l e v e l s . F i r s t , C o y o t e c r e a t e s a g r e a t e r d i s t a n c e b e t w e e n h u m a n s a n d d e e r b y f a s h i o n i n g d e e r f r o m a p l a n t . T h u s , i n F e r n a n d e z ' s t e r m s , C o y o t e e f f e c t s a " s t r a t e g i c m e t a p h o r " o r o n e w h i c h s e r v e s t o s h i f t a p a r a -d i g m . T h e d e e r a r e t r a n s f e r r e d f r o m t h e p a r a d i g m o f p e o p l e t o t h a t o f t r e e s o r p l a n t s ; t h u s , d e e r b e c o m e c r e a t u r e s t o b e e x p l o i t e d b y p e o p l e b u t a r e n o t p e o p l e t h e m s e l v e s . S e c o n d , t h e a n t l e r s o f t h e d e e r a r e p l a c e d i n t o a m e t a p h o r i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e r o o t s o f t h e t r e e , b u t b o t h a r e s u b s u m e d u n d e r t h e c a t e g o r y o f t o o l m a t e r i a l s o r c u l t u r a l i m p l e m e n t s — i . e . , a m o r e s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l d i s -t i n c t i o n i s e s t a b l i s h e d b e t w e e n m a n , t h e t o o l - u s e r , a n d h i s t o o l s . F i n a l l y , t h e o p p o s i t i o n o f a n t l e r s t o t r e e r o o t s s e r v e t o c o r r o b o r a t e t h e d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n m e n a n d w o m e n i n f o o d g a t h e r i n g e n d e a v o r s : W o m e n M e n L o w H i g h R o o t s ( w o m e n ' s t o o l s ) A n t l e r s ( m e n ' s t o o l s ) 4 J a m e s F e r n a n d e z , " P e r s u a s i o n s a n d P e r f o r m a n c e s : O f t h e B e a s t i n E v e r y B o d y . . . A n d t h e M e t a p h o r s o f E v e r y m a n , " D a e d a l u s ( W i n t e r , 1972), 4 3 , 81 Women Men Vegetables Animals Thus, the myth not only d i s t i n g u i s h e s people from p o t e n t i a l food, but a l s o i t i l l u s t r a t e s a b a s i s f o r sexual balance i n food g a t h e r i n g . The second myth r e v e a l s the l o g i c a l r e s u l t s of a v i o l a t i o n of t h i s balance: Xolakwa 1xa or Aaqux An o l d woman l i v e d w i t h the people. She took a d e s i r e t o eat t h e i r h e a r t s , and picked up f o u r pieces of g r i t s t o n e on the mountain t o sharpen her l e g s w i t h . She always sat i n a corner of the house, keeping her l e g s covered and out of s i g h t w h i l e she was g r i n d i n g them. The people n o t i c e d her always g r i n d i n g under the b l a n k e t , and asked her what she was doing. She answered, n I am s c r a t c h i n g my l e g s . " The c h i l d r e n s a i d t o her, "Grand-mother, why do you always s c r a t c h your l e g s ? " and she t o l d them she d i d so because they were very i t c h y . They s a i d , "You ought t o use a wooden s c r a t c h e r , Grandmother, those stones are too hard." But she t o l d them stone was best . Thus she f i l e d her leg-bones u n t i l they had f i n e p o i n t s l i k e awls. One n i g h t , when the people were a-sl e e p , she l e f t the house t o t r y her l e g s . When she walked g e n t l y , they made such small holes t h a t her t r a c k s were not n o t i c e a b l e . When she stamped hard on c l a y , they went i n so f a r t h a t they stuck, and i t was almost daybreak before she was able t o disengage her-s e l f . The f o l l o w i n g n i g h t , while the people were asleep, she arose and p i e r c e d a l l the a d u l t s through the neck and a l l the c h i l d r e n through the b e l l y , thus k i l l -i n g them. A f t e r c u t t i n g out and e a t i n g a l l t h e i r h e a r t s , she wrapped d r i e d grass and s k i n around the p o i n t s of her l e g s , put on moccassins, and went t o the nearest lodges, c a l l i n g , "aaqux" as she went along. I t was now morning, and the people heard her coming. As she entered the house, they s a i d , "The o l d woman must want b a i t (a 1qwan);" and they o f f e r e d her some; but she refused i t . A f t e r l e a v i n g the house, she shouted again "aa'qux" as before. The people s a i d , "The o l d woman must be crazy! She c a l l s f o r b a i t , but, when some i s o f f e r e d t o her, she refuses t o take i t . " Xolakwa 1xa went on, i n t e n d i n g t o reach a c e r t a i n un-82 derground house, and t o k i l l t he people t h a t n i g h t . Meanwhile Coyote, Fox, Wolf, and Lynx had d i s c o v e r e d the murdered people, and s t a r t e d i n p u r s u i t of the o l d woman. They tracked, her t o where she had v i s i t e d t h e lodg e s , and t h e people t o l d them she had been t h e r e . When Xolakwa*xa knew t h a t she was pursued, she took o f f her moccassins, and walked on the p o i n t s of her legs,. As t h e y made l i t t l e p r i c k s o n l y i n t h e ground, she thought her pursuers would be unable t o t r a c k her. But i n t h i s she was mistaken; f o r the men f o l l o w i n g her were among the b e s t t r a c k e r s of t h e a n c i e n t s , and the y soon gained on her. When she saw t h a t she would be overtaken she l a y down on a f l a t rock, stuck her l e g s up i n the a i r , and, exposing her p r i v a t e s , waited f o r her pur-suers t o come. When they drew near, she s a i d t o them, "I want a man. Come here and have c o n n e c t i o n w i t h me." She i n t e n d e d t o k i l l them. They answered, "We w i l l s a -t i s f y you. Have p a t i e n c e . " Fox s a i d , "I do not l i k e those awl-pointed l e g s of he r s : she may p i e r c e us wit h them." Wolf s a i d , "I am not a f r a i d : I w i l l go f i r s t . " Coyote s a i d , "That i s Xolakwa 1xa; she i n t e n d s t o k i l l us. The danger i s not wit h her l e g s , but with her p r i -v a t e s , which b i t e and are poisonous, l i k e t he head of a r a t t l e s n a k e . With them she i n t e n d s t o k i l l us. I w i l l go f i r s t as I am the most knowing one." He sharpened a sh o r t s t i c k a t both ends, went up t o the woman, and, when she t r i e d t o b i t e o f f h i s p r i v a t e s w i t h hers, p l a c e d t h e s t i c k so t h a t t h e y c o u l d not shut. Now the others a l s o had conne c t i o n s with her, and, when they were through, Coyote transformed her i n t o stone, s a y i n g , "You w i l l h e n c e f o r t h be a stone, and you w i l l be c a l l e d Nkaxwil. You w i l l remain w i t h your p r i v a t e s open."49 Xolakwa'xa's rampage i s i n i t i a t e d w i t h an emphasis upon her unusual c h o i c e of t o o l s . The c h o i c e i s unusual i n the sense t h a t she s e l e c t s t o o l s not no r m a l l y used by women — i . e . , a sharpened l e g i s more s i m i l a r t o a spear or arrow than t o a bone awl used by a woman. The c h i l d r e n c a u t i o n her a g a i n s t harming h e r s e l f w i t h g r i t s t o n e or a stone s h a r -pener ( c u s t o m a r i l y employed by men t o sharpen arrows). 4 9 T e i t , "The Mythology of the Thompson," pp. 3 6 5 -3 6 7 . 83 X o l a k w a ' x a i s n o t s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h e h o n i n g o f h e r l e g s u n t i l s h e h a s d i f f i c u l t y e x t r i c a t i n g h e r s e l f f r o m t h e h a r d c l a y . H e r l e g s a r e n o w p r o p e r w e a p o n s , b u t a n o t h e r s i g -n i f i c a n c e m a y b e a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e m . T h e t r a c k s l e f t b y t h e o l d w o m a n a r e s o i n f i n i t e s i m a l a s t o b e v i r t u a l l y i m p o s s i b l e t o f o l l o w . I n o t h e r w o r d s , s h e d i s s o l v e s h e r m e t a p h o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h g a m e a n i m a l s b y e l i m i n a t i n g h e r t r a c k s . S u c h a d i s s o l u t i o n c o n f i r m s L e v i - S t r a u s s ' s l a w o f m y t h i c a l t h o u g h t w h e r e t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f a m e t a p h o r i s a c h i e v e d i n a m e t o n y m y — i . e . , b y e l i m i n a t i n g h e r t r a c k s , s h e n e g a t e s h e r m e t a p h o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h g a m e a n i m a l s . W o m e n a r e i n v a r i a b l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h b i r t h . Y e t t h e o l d w o m a n d e n i e s t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n o n t w o l e v e l s : ( l ) s h e s t a b s c h i l d r e n t h r o u g h t h e s t o m a c h ; t h u s , a s c h i l d r e n a r e g i v e n l i f e t h r o u g h t h e m o t h e r ' s s t o m a c h , X o l a k w a ' x a i n v e r t s t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f m o t h e r t o c h i l d b y k i l l i n g c h i l d r e n t h r o u g h t h e i r s t o m a c h s ; a n d (2) t h e w o m a n ' s p r i v a t e s a r e " l i k e t h e h e a d o f a r a t t l e s n a k e " o r c a u s e d e a t h r a t h e r t h a n l i f e . N e m e s i s a r r i v e s i n t h e f o r m o f C o y o t e , F o x , W o l f , a n d L y n x , t h e b e s t t r a c k e r s o f t h e a n c i e n t s . T h u s , t h e o l d w o m a n i s o n c e m o r e t h e o b j e c t o f t h e h u n t . B u t s h e a g a i n a c h i e v e s a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n f r o m h e r s t a t u s a s a h u n t e d o b j e c t t o a h u n t e r t h r o u g h a m e t o n y m y . L y i n g d o w n o n a f l a t r o c k , s h e t h r o w s h e r l e g s i n t o t h e a i r a n d e x p o s e s h e r p r i v a t e s i n o r d e r t o i n v i t e s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e . T h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n f r o m a n o b j e c t o f t h e h u n t i n t o a n o b j e c t o f s e x r e s u l t s f r o m t h e 84 change i n p o s i t i o n of her l e g s — l e g s on t h e ground produce t r a c k s and make her the o b j e c t of the hunt; l e g s i n the a i r connote a s e x u a l i n v i t a t i o n . A l t e r i n g t he l e g p o s i t i o n i s the metonymy. Another t r a n s f o r m a t i o n has a l s o o c c u r r e d from t h i s a c t i o n . Xolakwa'xa u t i l i z e s her s e x u a l i t y as a k i n d of b a i t i n d u c i n g her t r a c k e r s t o have i n t e r c o u r s e with her and be k i l l e d by her vagina d e n t a t a . She resumes t h e r o l e of t h e hunter. The vagina w i t h a poisonous b i t e i s analogous t o the mouth of a c a n n i b a l . Xolakwa 1xa e x i s t s as a c a n n i b a l on two p l a n e s , t h e a l i m e n t a l and the s e x u a l . Xolakwa'xa i s an a n t i t h e t i c a l woman. Her a c t i o n s c o n t i n u a l l y c o n t r a d i c t normative e x p e c t a t i o n s : Women use wooden t o o l s sew garments with awls n u r t u r e c h i l d r e n vaginas i s s u e l i f e m e t a p h o r i c a l l y deer (non-hunters) Xolakwa 1xa uses stone t o o l s s t a b s people w i t h a w l - l i k e l e g s devours c h i l d r e n vagina t h r e a t e n s death d e n i e s m e t a p h o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n and hunts people, uses b a i t „ The c r i t i c a l o p p o s i t i o n the woman must mediate i s between her d e s i r e t o hunt and her me t a p h o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the hunted. 85 Hunter (desired position) Following tracks Hunted (metaphorically the position of women) transf ormation precipitated by sharpening her legs Leaving tracks Mitigating the opposition by transferring i t to the plane of tracker and tracked, the old woman attempts to mediate i t by means of her sharpened legs which leave infinitesimal tracks. However, Xolakwa'xa i s unsuccessful in this attempt; the ancient trackers detect her t r a i l and establish her position once more as an object of the hunt. substitution of the sexual plane for that of the hunter and hunted. Xolakwa'xa attempts a second mediation through a Hunter "Sexual" Hunter Hunted transformation precipitated by altering the position of her legs Sexual Object Xolakwa'xa inverts this situation: 8 6 "Sexual" Hunter .Rait ( f n r vagina riftnf.afta) Sexua^ Qb.jec^ , ^ ^>"Baiteri" Hunter But once more her e f f o r t s at mediation f a i l . Coyote perceives the sharpened l e g s as a ruse and r e a l i z e s t h a t the vagina dentata are the c r i t i c a l danger. I n s e r t i o n of a sharpened s t i c k of wood i n t o the vagina renders the dentata i n e f f e c t i v e . There i s a c u r i o u s p a r a l l e l between the i n s e r t i o n of t h i s s t i c k of wood and the method used o c c a s i o n a l l y t o k i l l g r i z z l y bears: S t o r i e s are r e l a t e d of an Indian who l i v e d a couple of generations ago, and hunted g r i s l y w i t h weapons of a type p e c u l i a r t o h i m s e l f . One of these was a bone, which he h e l d by the middle w i t h h i s hand. I t was shar-pened t o a p o i n t at both ends. H i s other weapon was a stone c l u b . When the g r i s l y opened i t s mouth and stood up t o f i g h t him, the Indian shoved the hand h o l d i n g the bone ( w i t h p o i n t s up and down) i n t o the animal's mouth. When the beast c l o s e d i t s mouth, the sharp p o i n t s p i e r c e d i t , c ausing i t great p a i n ; then, w h i l e the bear was t r y i n g w i t h i t s paws t o take the o b s t r u c t i o n out of i t s mouth, the Indian clubbed i t . 5 ° Thus, a s t i c k sharpened on both ends was used t o k i l l the g r i z z l y bear, the only hunted animal r e l a t e d t o c a n n i b a l -ism. This s t i c k i s p a r a l l e l e d by the double-headed snake used by the Thompson hunters as a charm against the g r i z z -l y b e a r . 5 1 Thus, Xolakwa'xa i s negated by a doubly shar-pened s t i c k or by a double-headed snake. Her s i n g l e T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 2 4 9 . I b i d . , p. 3 7 1 . p o i n t s (her vagina dentata) are mediated w i t h double p o i n t s . Thus, the myth i s e s s e n t i a l l y concerned w i t h the i m p l i c a t i o n s of woman-as-hunter. Such a r o l e r e v e r s a l i s regarded as untenable (demonstrated by the i n a b i l i t y t o mediate the hunter/hunted dichotomy). Because no mediation i s p o s s i b l e between hunter and hunted, the o l d woman be-comes a c a n n i b a l when she attempts t o hunt. F a i l u r e t o remove h e r s e l f from her metaphorical p o s i t i o n f o r c e s her i n t o a s i t u a t i o n s i m i l a r t o t h a t of the men gat h e r i n g r o o t s . To seek an object of a l i m e n t a t i o n i n a metaphorical a s s o c i -ate i s an act of cannibalism. Another message can be discerned from the myth. Xolakwa 1xa 1s a c t i v i t i e s are i n v e r s e l y r e l a t e d t o those normally expected of women. Thus, she represents a sexual imbalance. She should be a producer of l i f e , not a hunter or r a t h e r , ogress. Her endeavors t o succeed as a hunter present a t h r e a t t o the c o g n i t i v e order. Thus, a v i o l a t i o n of the sexual order a l s o invokes cannibalism. CONCLUSION The r e l a t i o n s h i p between men and the o b j e c t s they hunt i s coded i n the same terms as the r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and r o o t s — i . e . , a sexual code. Sexual metaphors r e l a t e the woman or man t o the food she or he gathers or hunts. U t i l i z a t i o n of such metaphors o r i e n t s the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap t o t h e i r e n v i r o n m e n t — i . e . , a balance may be maintained i f the logical domain of women i s sepa-rated from that of men. However, as these metaphors are in 52 a sense Geertz !s "models of and for" a culture, they pre-cipitate a series of logical manipulations when they are construed in their l i t e r a l sense—i.e., when a woman con-sumes bear meat, she confuses the alimentary and sexual levels; thus, she commits a type of cannibalism by consum-ing the metaphorical father of her twins. This cannibalism i s reflected in the dissolution of the fetus. Women should produce l i f e and not cause death. Employing a sexual code also precipitates cultural paradoxes when men are uncertain of the distinction between women and deer. Menstrual blood orders the relation desig-nating women as sexual objects and deer as alimental ob-jects. The story of Xolakwa1xa affirms this ordering. It i s impossible for her to separate herself from the domain of the hunted. However, the ultimate concern of the native thought appears to be the maintenance of a sexual balance. The myth of "Coyote and the Hunting Cannibal" presents a movement from cannibalism to balance. The inverse operation i s a logical possibility and appears to be a matter of no small concern. D C l i f f o r d Geertz, "Religion as a Cultural System," in Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, ed. Michael Banton, A.S.A. Monographs, No. 3 (London: Tavistock, 1966), p. 8. Chapter 6 THE SHAMAN AS A SEXUAL MEDIATOR The preceding two chapters have sketched the general structure of food gathering and i t s symbolic significance among the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap. This structure i s dependent upon the d i s t i n c t i o n between the l i t e r a l and the metaphoric. The basic metaphor i s a proposed s i m i l a r i t y between food and a sexual partner; however, the implementa-t i o n of a sexual metaphor i n s i s t s upon a consistent and assiduous observance of sexual role d i s t i n c t i o n s . Hence, maintaining a sexual balance i s e s s e n t i a l to the i n t e g r i t y of the entire cognitive structure. The myths presented have examined the ramifications of v i o l a t i o n s of the literal-metaphorical d i s t i n c t i o n . The v i o l a t o r s , warranting such epithets as "cannibal" and "snaky vagina," generate a host of untenable propositions or paradoxes—e.g., one cannot have sexual r e l a t i o n s with one's food. E s s e n t i a l l y , these propositions represent improper mediations of the sexes and have been subsumed under the complementary categories of cannibalism and i n f e r t i l i t y . These two themes i l l u s t r a t e two major l o g i c a l consequences of imbalance and serve to focus c u l t u r a l orientations more sharply. 89 9 0 ~™In t h i s chapter, the task i s t o examine the mediation of cannibalism and i n f e r t i l i t y and, t h e r e f o r e , of sexual imbalance by shamanism. F i r s t , a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of two myths concerning the Mosquitoes and Thunder w i l l demon-s t r a t e shamanic mediations of cannibalism and the symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e of the s p i r a l . Second, the r o l e of the shaman i n c r e a t i n g an abundance of game w i l l be discussed. A dearth of game r e f l e c t s both c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y . The spectre of cannibalism emerges when no food i s a v a i l a -b l e . Inabundance of game may be thought t o r e s u l t from the i n f e r t i l i t y of the animals. F i n a l l y , the s p e c i f i c r o l e of the shaman as r e s t o r e r of human f e r t i l i t y w i l l be exa-mined i n r e l a t i o n t o i n f e r t i l e women, adolescent g i r l s , and a myth concerning i n c e s t , marriage, and di s t a n c e mediation. CANNIBALISM The "Mosquito and Thunder" Myths The Mosquitoes and Thunder The mosquitoes were very numerous, and l i v e d i n the upper world, where they were r u l e d by a c h i e f . Thunder a l s o l i v e d t h e r e , but not w i t h the mosquitoes. One day, when the weather was very hot, the mosquito c h i e f sent one of h i s people t o the e a r t h t o search f o r blood. This mosquito, f i n d i n g some men, sucked t h e i r b lood, and returned home w i t h h i s b e l l y f u l l . When he a r r i v e d , he vomited the blood i n t o a k e t t l e , and, a f t e r b o i l i n g i t , i n v i t e d a l l the women t o come and eat i t . Then the c h i e f sent another man t o the e a r t h i n quest of more blood. He found some women asleep, and, a f t e r gorging himself w i t h blood from t h e i r p r i v a t e s , he returned t o the upper world. He vomited up the blood, b o i l e d i t i n a round basket, and i n v i t e d a l l the men t o eat. Having acquired a t a s t e f o r blood, and having learned where t o o b t a i n i t , the mosquitoes l i v e d on i t 91 almost altogether. Every warm day their chief sent down great numbers to earth, where they collected much blood, and then returned home with i t , boiled i t , and ate i t . Then the mosquito chief said, "Henceforth mosquitoes shall go to earth and suck blood when they can get i t . Female mosquitoes shall suck men's blood, and male mosquitoes shall suck women's blood; and any-one who k i l l s mosquitoes when sucking blood shall be attacked by many other mosquitoes, and thus be pu-nished. Now, Thunder heard that his neighbors the mos-quitoes were l i v i n g on blood; so he went and asked the f i r s t mosquito who had visited the earth where he obtained the blood. The mosquito told him that he sucked i t from the tree-tops. Then Thunder shot the tree-tops, went down, and sucked them; but he could not extract any blood. He went to the other mosquito who had f i r s t brought blood from the earth, and asked him where he got the blood. The mosquito answered, "I sucked i t from the rocks." Thereupon Thunder shot the rocks, and sucked them; but he could not obtain any blood. If the mosquitoes had told the truth, Thunder would have shot the people and sucked their blood, instead of shooting trees and rocks, as he does at the present day. The mosquitoes thus saved the people from being shot by Thunder.1 Though the mosquitoes suck blood from humans, they do not appear to impose any serious danger to the health or l i f e of the humans, in Lillooet thought. Rather, they are creatures effecting a balance between the sexes in food-gathering procedures and are interested in maintaining a natural order by preventing Thunder from indulging in hu-mans as food. The opposition between Thunder and a mosquito in terms of respective strength can be extrapolated to contrast the different quantities of food consumed by each. James Alexander Teit, "Traditions of the Lillooet Indians of British Columbia," Journal of American Folklore, 2 5 , No. 48 (October-December, 1 9 1 2 ) , 3 1 1 . 92 Thunder would r e q u i r e a p o r t i o n o f t h e human r a t h e r t h a n a few drops o f b l o o d . The mosquitoes c o n s t r u c t a model o f s e x u a l comple-m e n t a r i t y w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e i r f o o d g a t h e r i n g : O b t a i n e r Source C o o k i n g Implement Consumer fe m a l e mosquito male , g e n i t a l s ' s t o n e k e t t l e f e m a l e mosquitoes male mosquito f e m a l e g e n i t a l s round b a s k e t male mosquitoes S t o n e , a m a t e r i a l worked by men, i s t h e o n l y sub-s t a n c e w h i c h seems t o have been u s e d i n k e t t l e m a n u f a c t u r -i n g . Women c o n s t r u c t e d and u t i l i z e d b a s k e t s . Hence, f e m a l e m osquitoes c o l l e c t e d male b l o o d , cooked i t i n male c o n t a i n e r s , and o f f e r e d i t t o f e m a l e m o s q u i t o e s ; male mosquitoes d i d t h e r e v e r s e . T h i s t y p e o f s e x u a l comple-m e n t a r i t y r e f l e c t s t h e same themes s t r e s s e d i n t h e c h a p t e r s on g a t h e r i n g and h u n t i n g : f e m a l e s g a t h e r a male-type f o o d ; males g a t h e r a f e m a l e - t y p e f o o d . S u c k i n g b l o o d f r o m human ^ A l t h o u g h such a c t i o n s a r e n o t e x p l i c i t i n t h e myth, I am assuming t h a t f e m a l e mosquitoes suck b l o o d f r o m male human g e n i t a l s . The e x a c t i n g n a t u r e o f t h e s e x u a l b a -l a n c e i l l u s t r a t e d by t h i s myth appears t o s u p p o r t my assump-t i o n . 3James T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " V o l . I I , P a r t V o f P u b l i c a t i o n s o f t h e J e s u p N o r t h P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , ed. F r a n z Boas, Memoirs o f t h e American Museum o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . I V , P a r t VI ( L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1 9 0 6 ) , p. 2 0 4 . genitals emphasizes in a rather overt manner the sexual relationships involved in obtaining food. However, two basic oppositions remove the blood-sucking from the sexual plane. In sucking blood from human genitals, the mosquitoes employ their mouths and preclude the possibility of actual genital contact (on their part) with their food. Also, the blood, having f i l l e d the stomachs of the mosquitoes, i s , nonetheless, vomited into suitable containers for cooking. Blood directly from the human i s i n too natural a state for actual consumption; i t must be boiled in a sexual container and eaten by the other sex. One further opposition can be noted in the mosqui-to's advice to Thunder to suck blood from tree-tops. The mosquitoes obtain blood from the genitals of humans or from their lower areas; Thunder i s admonished to seek blood in the tops of trees. Thus, the mosquitoes are effecting another dimension of order. Thunder's food must not only be quite different from that of the mosquito (trees as opposed to people), but also obtained from the top rather than from the bottom of the tree. This myth, in summary, provides a clear description of proper balance between the sexes and their food gathering. In a second version of the myth, Thunder succeeds i n his cannibalistic desires: Mosquito and Thunder This i s a legend. There were some people l i v i n g in a village. A mosquito came down from the sky and 94 bit the people, drawing their blood, and then went back into the sky. The Thunder had noticed what the mosqui-to had brought up to the sky to eat. "Where do you get the red stuff you bring up here?" asked the Thunder. "Oh, I have been down below. I get the red stuff from the trees. I d r i l l i t out of the tops of the big trees," Mosquito told him. Thunder said that he was going to go down, so Mosquito said, "Sure, sure, you go down and when you see a big tree, d r i l l the top of i t . " Thunder went down and tried to do what Mosquito had told him, but he couldn't get any blood from the trees. He got angry and struck the tree. It s p l i t in two and f e l l to the ground. He went back and told Mosquito, "There i s no blood in the trees. I stripped a tree, but I couldn't find any." Mosquito said, "Sure, there i s . That's where I get the blood that I bring up here." Thunder went down and tried again.. He made his thunder-noise, but he s t i l l couldn't get any blood. He went back to see Mosquito. Thunder was s t i l l very angry and went down below again. He found a person and took him above, into the sky. They have no houses in the sky, only shelters called Ya-Y'ama. Thunder had a mother and a daughter, who went up to dig some wild potatoes and onions. When they came back with the vegetables, they cut a piece of meat from the person that was brought up into the sky. They cooked i t with the vegetables. The person was s t i l l alive. The people below missed the man, when he didn't come home. They wondered what had happened to him. The Indian doctor said, "I am going to try and find out where he went." He put a magic cover over his head. This enabled him to see where the person was, i f he was s t i l l alive. He told the people that the man had gone up into the sky. He didn't know how he got there, but the man was s t i l l alive. The people wondered how the man got up there, one man said, "We must find a way to get up there." The people asked him how. "I make bows and arrows," another man said, "We can shoot up there and make a chain of arrows into the sky. That i s how we w i l l get up there." The people told him to go ahead and do that. "You must be a powerful doctor," they said. "We w i l l watch you do i t . " He made a bow and arrows, and shot an arrow into the sky. He sang a song, for power, as he did i t , and the arrow stuck into the sky. He sang again and told the people to watch the arrow stick on the notch of the other arrow. It hit the notch and stayed there. The man said that he would sing and put another arrow into the sky. He kept shooting and the third arrow also 95 stayed. It took four arrows to get from the sky to the ground, where the people were. He told them that they could get up to the sky on these arrows. At this time, the people were animals. They said to the squirrel, "You do a lot of climbing, you try and climb up the arrows." The squirrel tried, and went about half-way before he started to slide down. They decided that a smaller man should try and climb the arrows. They asked the weasel, "You had better go up. We think you can make i t . " Weasel tried and got fur-ther than the others before he gave up .and came down. The next best man was fisher. "You are big and strong. We think that you can make i t , " the people told him. He just about made i t before he s l i d back down. There was a woman snail, whom the chief asked to climb the arrows. He said to her, "We can't make i t , but you w i l l find a way to climb the four arrows." She answered, "Even the men can't make i t , but I am going to try. I have no arms or legs, but I w i l l find a way." She stuck on the arrows and twisted herself around them. Because she was a snail, i t was very sticky. She got half-way up and said to the people below, "You can come up now, you w i l l be able to make i t . " The people climbed up the arrows, aided by the snail's sticky slime. They made i t up to the sky. They looked around for some vegetables, Indian potatoes and onions. They dug them up and found that they could see below where the vegetables were. The vegetables were the stars that they had seen from below. They saw a woman i n the sky, who was the wife of Thunder. They k i l l e d her, and found a l l her potatoes and onions and other vegetables. The Indian doctor liked the clothes of Thunder's wife, so he put them on. Thunder's mother was also a powerful doctor. She no-ticed right away, when the man was coming with her daughter's clothes on. She saw that her daughter-in-law breathed differently. When the daughter-in-law put down her basket that she was carrying, the mother noticed that the breathing was like a man's, not a woman's. When the man came, the people were trying to cook something for Thunder. The mother kept saying, "My daughter-in-law i s acting more like a man." When the Indian doctor was fixing the bed for Thunder, he didn't make i t as the women usually do. He put everything in the wrong place. The old lady said, "My daughter-in-law acts like a mani" Thunder didn't notice, or he didn't care how his bed was made. When he went to sleep, his head was hanging over his pillow, and the people from below cut his throat. They didn't harm Thunder's mother, and she i s s t i l l l i v i n g up there today. She doesn't harm anyone, she o 9 6 just makes a lot of noise and strikes the trees. The people from below gathered together in the place they lived. The slave whom Thunder had taken was cut up in many places. They had used him to cook with the vegetables, but he was s t i l l alive. They showed the man how to get down on the arrows. "We w i l l wait here, t i l l you get down," they told him. He climbed down, and then kicked the arrows out of place. The other people couldn't get down. The man crippled his feet, as he kicked the arrows, and after that he found i t hard to get around. There were people at this time, and they got stuck up in the sky. These are the dipper, the big bear, the hunter, and the fisherman. They are s t i l l up there in the stars. They are the constellations. The people below didn't like the man who kicked the arrows. He became crippled and was helpless. When he realized that the people didn't like him, he decided to take revenge on them. He went to a place and sharpened the bone in his leg on a rock. He started to sing his songs and went after the people. He speared them with his sharpened leg. He k i l l e d some of them with his xwlxwlk/x#an. It means a sharpened bone with spirit-power on i t . The people that he didn't k i l l ran away. He was the only one left.4 The i n i t i a l violation of order i s Thunder's sei -zure of an improper food. Although Thunder attempts to imitate the model provided by the mosquitoes, Thunder's rapacious technique (s l i c i n g meat from his victim) has more serious effects upon the well-being of his victim than do the delicate thrusts of the mosquitoes. The people discover the location of the victim with the assistance of an Indian doctor or shaman who can discern the location of missing souls i f the souls' pos-^From a corpus of Lillooet myths collected in the summer of 1970 by Randy Bouchard for the B.C. Indian Language Project. 97 sessors are not yet dead.** A shaman a l s o c o n s t r u c t s the arrow chain l i n k i n g the sky world t o the e a r t h . The arrow chain i s not d i s s i m i l a r t o l i g h t n i n g and thus pre-sents a d i s t i n c t o p p o s i t i o n t o the d r i l l i n g of Thunder: Thunder ( w i t h l i g h t n i n g ) d r i l l s towards the e a r t h t o o b t a i n blood from t r e e s . Thunder ( w i t h l i g h t n i n g ) captures a s l a v e from the e a r t h . A shaman d i r e c t s an arrow chain (analogous t o l i g h t n i n g ) towards the sky. As the arrow chain's d i r e c t i o n i s opposed t o the d r i l l i n g by Thunder towards the e a r t h , the i n t e n t of the arrow chain might be opposed t o Thunder's c a n n i b a l i s t i c d e s i r e s . A n e g o t i a b l e path t o the sky world i s not cre a t e d u n t i l the S n a i l Woman ascends the arrow c h a i n . She t r a c e s a s t i c k y h e l i x which t w i s t s toward the domain of Thunder and envelops the pointed arrows. S n a i l Woman's convoluted response t o the arrow path i s an obvious sexual metaphor. The s t i c k y woman t w i s t s h e r s e l f around the masculine arrows. The resonance of t h i s h e l i c a l route w i t h the pa t t e r n i n the s h e l l S n a i l Woman c a r r i e s on her back echoes the analogy between S n a i l ' s s h e l l and a basket as I n t e r i o r James T e i t , "The Thompson Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," V o l . I , Part IV of P u b l i c a t i o n s of the Jesup  North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Na t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . I I (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1 9 0 0 ) , p. 363J and T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 287. 98 S a l i s h baskets e x h i b i t c l o c k w i s e c o i l i n g patterns.** Sharp arrows and l i g h t n i n g c o n t r a s t with baskets and s t i c k y h e l i c a l p a t t e r n s . Both c l a s s e s of elements are complemen-t a r y and must be considered s y n e r g i s t i c a l l y i f the people are t o journey t o the sky w o r l d — i . e . , i f a s u c c e s s f u l mediation between the ea r t h and the sky i s t o be e f f e c t e d . I n the s u c c e s s f u l ascent t o the sky world, an o p p o s i t i o n i s engendered between the nature of Thunder's a s s a u l t on the e a r t h and the response of the people: Thunder The Ea r t h People d r i l l s down shaman shoots towards the arrows towards e a r t h the sky cannibalism sexual balance Once more cannibalism may be considered t o be i n o p p o s i t i o n t o a sexual balance. A r r i v i n g i n the sky world, the people s l a y the wife of Thunder and enable the shaman t o impersonate her i n both appearance and f u n c t i o n . The myth i m p l i e s t h a t a shaman might p r a c t i c e t r a n s v e s t i s m as he " l i k e d the c l o t h e s of Thunder's w i f e . " I n e f f e c t , the shaman transforms himself i n t o a c u l t u r a l , not a n a t u r a l , woman. As Thunder v i o l a t e s a c u l t u r a l norm i n h i s s e l e c t i o n of food (the f a i l u r e t o H.K. H a e b e r l i n , Helen Roberts, and James T e i t , " C o i l e d Basketry i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Surrounding Regions," Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report, No. 41 (1928), p. 160. 99 d i s t i n g u i s h improper from proper food i s a c o g n i t i v e and, t h e r e f o r e , c u l t u r a l d y s f u n c t i o n ) , he v i o l a t e s a n a t u r a l norm i n expecting t o engage i n sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h a man (no i s s u e c o u l d be expected from such a union ) . The shaman, of course, i n v i t e s t h i s v i o l a t i o n by p o s t u r i n g as a p o t e n t i a l sexual partner f o r Thunder. Although Thunder's mother, a shaman, detects aberrant behavior i n her supposed daughter-in-law, Thunder n o t i c e s nothing; he f a i l s t o d i s -t i n g u i s h proper from improper behavior i n a woman. Thus, the o p p o s i t i o n between cannibalism and a c o r r e c t s e l e c t i o n of food i s transformed i n t o the opposi-t i o n between a n a t u r a l and a c u l t u r a l woman: Proper Consumption Proper Woman (N a t u r a l Woman) Cannibalism _Death_£also_infertility2 Improper Woman ( C u l t u r a l Woman) Thunder's f a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h the shamanic imposter from h i s w i f e r e s u l t s i n h i s death. A l s o , as remarked e a r l i e r , an excessive c u l t u r a l union between man and man r e s u l t s i n another m a n i f e s t a t i o n of death, i n f e r t i l i t y . Thunder's mother assumes h i s r o l e but r e s t r i c t s h e r s e l f t o s t r i k i n g t r e e s . The ravaged s l a v e r e t u r n s t o e a r t h , and, by d e l i b e r a t e l y d e s t r o y i n g the arrow c h a i n , he gains the enmity of the e a r t h people, whose comrades are stranded i n the sky world. The d e s t r u c t i o n of the 100 arrow chain i s an a n t i - s o c i a l act, a destruction both of a sexual balance and of the only negotiable route to the sky world. The slave i s , thus, censured f o r h i s actions by the remaining earth people and faces an untenable condition: Community (connoting strength, assistance, etc.) Slave ( c r i p p l e d , helpless, and isolated) The slave must mediate the distance e x i s t i n g be-tween the community and himself and attempts to e f f e c t the mediation through a metonymical transformation. He sharpens his c r i p p l e d l e g on a rock and endows the l e g with s p i r i t -power. The c r i p p l e d limb i s transformed into an ominous weapon. The l e g i s now a strength rather than a weakness. The slave proceeds to stab the people who have rejected him but does not create a desirable mediation (an integration in t o the community). Thus, the distance between the commu-n i t y and the slave i s never mediated; the slave i s l e f t i n i s o l a t i o n , a negative condition. Community (strength and s o l i d a r i t y ) Community (weakness) sharpened l e g i s Slave (weak and isolated) the metonymical transformer Cannibal-like Slave  (strength) 101 The untenable p o s i t i o n of the s l a v e with r e s p e c t t o the community i s a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of a deeper, more i n s i s t e n t message. The s l a v e ' s v i n d i c t i v e g e s t u r e ( f a s h i o n i n g a weapon from h i s l e g ) and subsequent i m p a l i n g of the people i s r e c i d i v i s t i c . The gesture can be subsumed under the c a t e g o r y of c a n n i b a l i s m . S t a b b i n g people w i t h a sharpened l e g p a r a l l e l s the p e c u l i a r d r i l l i n g p r a c t i c e d by Thunder and the mosquitoes. Although the s l a v e does not devour the people he s l a y s , h i s a c t i o n s are d i s t i n c t l y c a n n i b a l i s t i c i n t h e t r a d i t i o n of Thunder and Xolakwa'xa. The sharpened l e g p l a c e s t h e s l a v e i n the c a t e g o r y of the c a n n i b a l . The metonymical t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the c r i p p l e d l e g i n t o a c a n n i b a l ' s l e g i s a l o g i c a l consequence of t h e s l a v e ' s d e s t r u c t i o n of the arrow c h a i n , a s e x u a l mediation. A r e v e r s a l of t h i s l o g i c a l sequence or syntagmatic r e l a t i o n s h i p i s i n i t i a l l y p r esented i n Thunder's improper c u l t u r a l d i s -t i n c t i o n ( r e g a r d i n g humans as food) r e s u l t i n g i n Thunder's improper n a t u r a l d i s t i n c t i o n ( f a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h men from women); i n e f f e c t , Thunder's c a n n i b a l i s m i s c a u s a l l y r e l a t e d t o h i s i n a b i l i t y t o r e c o g n i z e (and thus maintain) a proper s e x u a l balance. The s l a v e ' s d e s t r u c t i o n of the s e x u a l balance p r e c i p i t a t e s h i s subsequent c a n n i b a l i s m . The message, however, has not been exhausted. Ca n n i -b a l i s m has been shown t o be both t h e cause and the e f f e c t of a s e x u a l imbalance but yet another dimension of t h i s c a n n i -b a l i s m emerges from a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s of 102 the sharpened-leg motif. The sharpened-bone-with-spirit-power-on-it i s the major vehicle f o r bewitching or i n f l i c t i n g i l l n e s s upon in d i v i d u a l s i n the I n t e r i o r S a l i s h culture. Shamans shar-pened a feather, s t i c k , or stone, t i e d i t to the hair or feathers belonging to t h e i r guardian s p i r i t s or to the i n -tended victim, and shot the victim with t h i s creation. The shooting was effected simply by the w i l l of the shaman and the victim was l i a b l e to die i f a successful diagnosis with subsequent treatment was not performed by some other shaman.' The L i l l o o e t a t t r i b u t e d such malevolent desires s t r i c t l y to g shamansj the Shuswap, to shamans and lay p r a c t i t i o n e r s . Thompson shamans often selected the nasal bones of deer as prime spirit-arrow material and shot these arrows with the assistance of a guardian s p i r i t or by concentration of thought. The victims complained immediately of a sore head. A cure f o r i l l n e s s induced by such shooting could be effected only through the proper diagnosis of the i l l n e s s and i t s treatment by a shaman. Although p r a c t i t i o n e r s of witchcraft other than shamans could i n f l i c t i l l n e s s on t h e i r victims, shamans were the exclusive possessors of e f f e c t i v e curative techniques. Following an accurate diagnosis, a 7 T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 287. 8 T e i t , "The Shuswap," Vol. I I , Part VII of Publica-tions of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV, Part VII (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1909), p. 612. 9 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 360. 103 L i l l o o e t shaman sucked and probed the p a t i e n t and, upon r e t r i e v i n g the disease, d i s p l a y e d i t before the p e o p l e . 1 0 Thompson shamans would s i n g t h e i r songs t o invoke the a s s i s t a n c e of t h e i r guardian s p i r i t s and suck the disease from the p a t i e n t ' s body. The disease was s p i t from the shaman's mouth and d i s p l a y e d t o the people i n one of three forms: ( l ) i f the disease manifested i t s e l f i n a deer h a i r , the p a t i e n t had v i o l a t e d hunting r e g u l a t i o n s or offended the deer; (2) i f the disease was blood, the p a t i e n t had been subjected t o the malevolent i n f l u e n c e of menstrual blood; and (3) i f the disease was a bone t i e d around the middle w i t h a deer's h a i r , the p a t i e n t had been shot by a h o s t i l e shaman. A powerful shaman sucked the brow of the p a t i e n t thought t o have been shot w i t h the s p i r i t - a r r o w , and caused blood t o fl o w from the p a t i e n t ' s brow. A f t e r d i s p l a y i n g the disease (a bone t i e d w i t h bloody deer h a i r ) , the shaman caused the h o s t i l e p r a c t i t i o n e r t o f a l l i l l by throwing the s p i r i t - b o n e away or towards the west and blowing at i t f o u r t i m e s . 1 1 Boas presents a more elaborate d e s c r i p t i o n of the c u r a t i v e procedures p r a c t i c e d by the Shuswap shaman. Disease was a t t r i b u t e d t o four f a c t o r s : ( l ) the presence of some f o r e i g n substance i n the body; (2) w i t c h c r a f t ; (3) f a i l -ure t o observe some c u l t u r a l r e g u l a t i o n ; and (4) s o u l - l o s s . i U T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 287. 1 1 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 363. 104 I f t h e d i s e a s e w a s c a u s e d s i m p l y b y t h e p r e s e n c e o f a f o r e i g n s u b s t a n c e , t h e s h a m a n p l a c e d a m a t h e a d d r e s s o n h i s h e a d a n d p r a c t i c e d t h e f o l l o w i n g : A s s o o n a s t h e s h a m a n p u t s o n t h e h e a d d r e s s h e a c t s a s t h o u g h h e w e r e ' c r a z y ' , i . e . , h e p u t s h i m s e l f i n t o a t r a n c e b y s i n g i n g t h e s o n g h e h a d o b t a i n e d f r o m h i s g u a r d i a n s p i r i t a t t h e t i m e o f h i s i n i t i a t i o n . H e d a n c e s u n t i l h e p e r s p i r e s f r e e l y , a n d f i n a l l y h i s s p i r i t c o m e s a n d s p e a k s t o h i m . T h e n h e l i e s d o w n n e x t t o t h e p a t i e n t a n d s u c k s a t t h e p a r t o f t h e b o d y w h e r e t h e p a i n i s . H e i s s u p p o s e d t o r e m o v e a t h o n g o r f e a t h -e r f r o m i t , w h i c h w a s t h e c a u s e o f t h e d i s e a s e . A s s o o n a s h e h a s r e m o v e d i t h e l e a v e s t h e h u t , t a k e s o f f h i s m a t , a n d b l o w s u p o n t h e o b j e c t h e h a s r e m o v e d f r o m t h e b o d y , w h i c h t h e n d i s a p p e a r s . * 2 I n o r d e r t o c u r e t w o o t h e r f o r m s o f d i s e a s e c a u s e d b y w i t c h c r a f t o r i m p r o p e r o b s e r v a n c e o f c u l t u r a l r e g u l a t i o n s , t h e s h a m a n w a s f o r c e d t o j o u r n e y ( i n a t r a n c e ) t o t h e l o w e r w o r l d w h e r e h e m i g h t c o n s u l t f r e e l y w i t h h i s g u a r d i a n s p i r i t s a n d t h e r e b y d i s c o v e r t h e n a t u r e o f t h e d i s e a s e . O n h i s r e t u r n , t h e s h a m a n o f f e r e d s o m e p l a u s i b l e c a u s e f o r t h e i l l n e s s — e . g . , a w o m a n p a s s e d b y t h e h e a d o f t h e p a t i e n t o r 13 t h e s h a d o w o f a m o u r n e r f e l l o n h i m . J B o a s , h o w e v e r , f a i l s t o d i s t i n g u i s h i n a p r e c i s e m a n n e r w h a t a p p e a r t o b e t w o d i s t i n c t f o r m s o f i l l n e s s ; t h u s , h e a p p l i e s t h e t e r m " w i t c h -c r a f t " r a t h e r a r b i t r a r i l y a n d e q u a t e s i n s t a n c e s o f s o u l - l o s s w i t h s h a r p e n e d - b o n e d i s e a s e s . A n i m p o r t a n t s t r u c t u r a l d i s -t i n c t i o n m u s t b e e m p h a s i z e d : d i s e a s e i n d u c e d b y s o u l - l o s s 1 2 F r a n z B o a s , " S e c o n d G e n e r a l R e p o r t o n t h e I n d i a n s o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , " R e p o r t o f t h e B r i t i s h A s s o c i a t i o n f o r t h e A d v a n c e m e n t o f S c i e n c e , 1890 ( L o n d o n : J o h n M u r r a y , 1891) , 646. 13 I b i d . 105 r e s u l t s from something l e a v i n g the body (the shaman must r e t r i e v e the s o u l ) ; disease induced by w i t c h c r a f t , from something e n t e r i n g the body (the shaman must remove the disease by sucking i t ) . This sucking-vomiting technique has been i l l u s t r a t e d by the mosquitoes. I have argued t h a t the mosquitoes are s u p e r i o r observers of sexual balance; thus, they are not c a n n i b a l s . They balance t h e i r d r i l l i n g w i t h sucking. The Thunder and s l a v e , on the other hand, do not balance t h e i r d r i l l i n g . As the sharpened bone i s the i d e n t i c a l element employed by h o s t i l e shamans t o i n f l i c t i l l n e s s on t h e i r v i c t i m s , i t serves as the nexus r e v e a l i n g the arrangement of elements i n the myth. A d i s t i n c t message i s t r a n s m i t t e d : The e v i l i n f l u e n c e of the sharpened bone f l u n g by the h o s t i l e shaman can be negated through the sucking of the v i c t i m by another shaman. Thus, the a n t i t h e s i s of the sharpened-leg cannibalism of the s l a v e i s the sucking of humans by the mosquitoes. Now, as the cannibalism of both Thunder and the s l a v e i s contingent upon or the generator of a sexual im-balance, one may view the negation of t h i s cannibalism as a r e s t o r a t i o n of sexual balance. Sucking e q u i l i b r a t e s the e f f e c t s of the sharpened bone; sucking r e s t o r e s a sexual balance. Therefore, the shaman's c u r a t i v e technique, sucking, i s a negation of cannibalism and a r e s t o r e r of the sexual balance. The l i n k between mosquitoes and shamans i s enforced by t h e i r dual natures. Although the mosquito imposes no 1 0 6 p a r t i c u l a r t h r e a t t o the I n t e r i o r S a l i s h , the mosquito both d r i l l s or p i e r c e s and sucks h i s v i c t i m s . Shamans are capable of both malevolent and b e n e f i c i a l a c t i o n s . The S p i r a l I t i s now u s e f u l t o r e t u r n t o a somewhat neglected event i n the myth—the s t i c k y arrow chain e n a b l i n g passage t o the sky world. This arrow chain i n c o r p o r a t e s s e v e r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between c o n s t i t u e n t elements of I n t e r i o r S a l i s h c u l t u r e and, thus, c o n s t i t u t e s a l o c u s of l o g i c a l operations. The arrow chain route i s a s t i c k y female h e l i x enveloping sharp male arrows. I n i t i a l l y , I t has been shown t o represent both a mediation of the e a r t h and sky worlds and of male and female. As the d i r e c t i o n and i n t e n -t i o n of the arrow chain i s a n t i t h e t i c a l t o Thunder's c a n n i -b a l i s t i c d e s i r e s , i t a l s o s i g n i f i e s a s e x u a l balance as a negation of cannibalism. However, the generative c a p a c i t y of the s p i r a l has not been exhausted. I t bears a remarka-b l e s i m i l a r i t y t o the f i r e d r i l l : F i r e was obtained by means of the f i r e - d r i l l , which c o n s i s t e d of two d r i e d s t i c k s , each over a f o o t i n l e n g t h , and rounded o f f t o l e s s than an i n c h i n diame-t e r . One s t i c k was sharpened at one endj wh i l e the other was marked w i t h a couple of notches c l o s e t o each other,-one on the s i d e , and the other on top. The sharpened end of the f i r s t s t i c k was placed i n the top notch of the other s t i c k , and turned r a p i d l y between the s t r a i g h t e n e d palms of both hands. The heat thus produced by the f r i c t i o n of the s t i c k s causes sparks t o f a l l down the s i d e notch upon t i n d e r placed under-neath, which, when i t commenced t o smoke, was taken i n the hands, and blown upon u n t i l fanned i n t o a flame. 107 T h e t i n d e r w a s d r y g r a s s , t h e s h r e d d e d d r y b a r k o f t h e s a g e b r u s h , o r c e d a r - b a r k . T h e s h a r p e n e d s t i c k w a s c a l l e d t h e " m a n , " a n d w a s m a d e o f b l a c k p i n e r o o t , t o p s o s y o u n g y e l l o w p i n e , h e a r t o f y e l l o w - p i n e c o n e s , s e r -v i c e - b e r r y w o o d , e t c . T h e n o t c h e d s t i c k w a s c a l l e d t h e " w o m a n , " a n d w a s g e n e r a l l y m a d e o f p o p l a r r o o t . H o w e v e r , m a n y k i n d s o f w o o d w e r e u s e d f o r t h i s p u r p o s e . W h e n h o t a s h e s o r a s p a r k f e l l u p o n t h e t i n d e r , t h e y s a i d , " T h e T h e c o n c e p t i o n o f f i r e f r o m a f i r e d r i l l a s t h e p r o -d u c t o f a s e x u a l b a l a n c e i s i n t r o d u c e d . A l s o , t w o c l a s s e s o f f i r e e m e r g e : f i r e p r o d u c e d b y a f i r e d r i l l ( c u l t u r a l f i r e ) a n d f i r e i g n i t e d b y l i g h t n i n g ( n a t u r a l f i r e ) . N e g a -t i v e a t t r i b u t e s a r e a c c o r d e d t h e n a t u r a l f i r e ; p o s i t i v e a t t r i b u t e s a r e a c c o r d e d t h e c u l t u r a l f i r e . a v o i d e d c a r r y i n g w o o d s t r u c k b y l i g h t n i n g o n t h e i r b a c k s , s h o u l d e r s , o r s i d e s . T e i t c i t e s t h e c a s e o f a m a n w h o d e -f i e d t h i s p r o s c r i p t i o n : O n c e a m a n l a u g h e d a t t h e i d e a o f l i g h t n i n g - w o o d b e i n g a " m y s t e r y , " a n d , t a k i n g a l o n g s p l i n t e r o f i t , h e p u s h e d i t a l o n g h i s f a c e f r o m t h e p o i n t o f h i s n o s e t o t h e b a c k o f h i s h e a d . S o o n a f t e r w a r d s h i s h a n d a n d f a c e s w e l l e d , a n d e v e n t u a l l y b u r s t , l e a v i n g a l a r g e s o r e . W h e n i t h e a l e d , a n d t h e m a n b e c a m e w e l l a g a i n , a m a r k o r s c a r w a s l e f t i n t h e s h a p e o f a w h i t e s t r i p e t h e w i d t h o f a f i n g e r , w h i c h e x t e n d e d o v e r h i s ^ n o s e , b r o w , a n d h e a d , d o w n t o t h e b a c k o f h i s n e c k . T h u s , T h u n d e r , a l t h o u g h n o l o n g e r c a p a b l e o f c a n n i b a l i z i n g , c o u l d s t i l l i n f l i c t i l l n e s s w i t h h i s s h a r p e n e d a r r o w w o m a n T h e S h u s w a p b e l i e v e d t h a t t o d r e a m o f l i g h t n i n g s t r i k i n g w a s a s i g n o f m u r d e r o r w a r . 1 " * T h e L i l l o o e t 14 T e i t , " T h e T h o m p s o n , " p p . 203-205-T e i t , " T h e S h u s w a p , " p . 6 2 0 . 15 16 T e i t , " T h e L i l l o o e t , " p . 291. 108 ( l i g h t n i n g ) . T h e L i l l o o e t s u b s u m e d c u l t u r a l f i r e u n d e r t h e c a t e g o r y o f t h e c o l o u r r e d , w h i c h c o n n o t e d g o o d , b r i g h t , 17 l i f e , a n d l u c k . F i r e w a s e s s e n t i a l f o r c o o k i n g , l i g h t , a n d w a r m t h . T h i s f i r e w a s o b t a i n e d w i t h t h e a s s i s t a n c e o f t h e f i r e d r i l l , f r o m n e i g h b o r s , o r f r o m s h a m a n s . S h a m a n s w h o h a d t h u n d e r f o r a g u a r d i a n s p i r i t c o u l d c r e a t e f i r e . Such s h a m a n s c o u l d 18 s w a l l o w f i r e a n d h a d p o w e r o v e r i t . T h e f o l l o w i n g e x c e r p t f r o m t h e L i l l o o e t m y t h " T h e I n d i a n D o c t o r W h o M a d e F i r e " i l l u s t r a t e s t h e m e t h o d u s e d : Tum#a7 ( t h e I n d i a n d o c t o r ) s t a r t e d t o p e r f o r m . H e d a n c e d a r o u n d a n d t h e n k i c k e d t h e s n a g . H e d a n c e d a r o u n d a f e w m o r e t i m e s t o f r i g h t e n t h e s t u m p . T h e s e c o n d t i m e t h a t h e d a n c e d a r o u n d t h e s t u m p , t h e s t o r m s t o p p e d . . H e k i c k e d t h e s t u m p a g a i n a n d s m o k e c a m e o u t o f i t . A s h e d a n c e d a r o u n d t h e s n a g , s i n g i n g , t h e f o u r t h t i m e , t h e s t u m p e x p l o d e d a n d a f i r e s t a r t e d . * 9 T h u s , t h e s h a m a n c r e a t e s f i r e f r o m t h e s t u m p o f a t r e e i n o p p o s i t i o n t o T h u n d e r ' s s t r i k i n g t h e t o p s o f t r e e s . O n e f u r t h e r e x a m p l e o f f i r e a s t h e n e g a t i o n o f t h e c a n n i b a l i s i l l u s t r a t e d b y t h e m e t h o d d i s c o v e r e d t o d i s p o s e o f t h e 20 d r e a d e d b l a c k l i z a r d s : t h e l i z a r d s w e r e l u r e d i n t o a f i r e . T h u s , t h e s p i r a l r e p r e s e n t s a n e g a t i o n o f T h u n d e r ' s c a n n i -b a l i s m a n d T h u n d e r ' s f i r e a n d e q u a t e s t h i s n e g a t i o n w i t h s e x u a l b a l a n c e . 1 7 I b i d . 1 5 I b i d . , p . 283. 1 9 F r o m a c o r p u s o f L i l l o o e t m y t h s c o l l e c t e d b y R a n d y B o u c h a r d i n t h e s u m m e r o f 1970 f o r t h e B . C . I n d i a n L a n g u a g e P r o j e c t . T e i t , " T h e T h o m p s o n , " p . 348. 109 T h e s p i r a l i s a l s o i m p o r t a n t a s a d a n c e f o r m . T h e S h u s w a p d i v i d e d t h e m s e l v e s i n t o s o c i e t i e s a m a l g a m a t i n g n o b i l i t y a n d t h e c o m m o n p e o p l e i n w h i c h m e m b e r s h i p w a s d e -t e r m i n e d b y p a t r i l i n e a l d e s c e n t o r b y c h o i c e . E a c h s o c i e t y p o s s e s s e d a u n i q u e s o n g a n d d a n c e . O n e s o c i e t y , t h e T s e k a ' -m a , o r C a n n i b a l s , p r a c t i c e d t h e C o r p s e o r G h o s t d a n c e a n d s u p p o s e d l y h a d p o w e r o v e r t h e d e a d ( a f e a t a c c o m p l i s h e d b y t r a i n i n g i n c e m e t e r i e s ) . T e i t d e s c r i b e s t h e p e r f o r m a n c e o f t h e T s e k a ' m a S o c i e t y d a n c e a s f o l l o w s : I n t h e p e r f o r m a n c e a m a n w a s i n t r o d u c e d w e a r i n g a m a s k o f w h i t e b i r c h - b a r k ( o r o f w o o d p a i n t e d w h i t e ) p a i n t e d b l a c k a t t h e e y e b r o w s a n d m o u t h , a n d w i t h s h a g g y b l a c k h a i r , w h i c h h u n g d o w n o v e r t h e f a c e . A f t e r d a n c i n g a t v h i l e , h e v o m i t e d b l o o d a n d f e l l d o w n , a p p a r e n t l y d e a d . T h e m e n f o r m e d a c i r c l e a r o u n d h i m a n d s a n g t h e C a n n i b a l o r C o r p s e S o n g , w h i l e t h e w o m e n f o r m e d a n o t h e r c i r c l e o n t h e o u t s i d e . T h e y d a n c e d i n c i r c l e s a r o u n d h i m , t h e w o m e n m o v i n g i n a d i r e c t i o n o p p o s i t e t o t h a t o f t h e m e n . W h e n t h e d a n c e w w a s a t i t s h e i g h t , t h e d a n c e r r e v i v e d a n d a r o s e . 1 T h e f o l l o w i n g d i a g r a m i l l u s t r a t e s t h e d a n c e : C i r c l e o f W o m e n T e i t , " T h e S h u s w a p , " p . 612. 110 This contrapuntal t w i s t i n g i s h i g h l y suggestive of the s n a i l ' s h e l i c a l journey and the p a r t i c u l a r r o t a t i o n i n -v o l v e d i n s t a r t i n g a f i r e w i t h the f i r e - d r i l l . S i n g i n g the c a n n i b a l song, the dancers enact the negation of the c a n n i -b a l . The c a n n i b a l f e i g n s death (the i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t of cannibalism as, taken t o a l o g i c a l extreme, cannibalism i m p l i e s e a t i n g one's s e l f ) . However, the dancers are able t o r e s t o r e l i f e and negate cannibalism by s y m b o l i c a l l y e f f e c t i n g a s e x u a l mediation. As i n the case of the f i r e , female envelops male i n a s p i r a l f a s h i o n . The symbol of the s p i r a l i s a l s o r e a d i l y apparent i n the implements of food g a t h e r i n g . Shuswap and Thompson 22 arrow s h a f t s were decorated mainly w i t h s p i r a l s ; thus, the arrow, i n e f f e c t , was the center of the s p i r a l . Hunting has been m e t a p h o r i c a l l y r e l a t e d t o a sexual a c t i v i t y between men and deer. Hence, the arrow decorated w i t h a s p i r a l s i g n i f i e s a sexual mediation or balance between the hunter and game. The baskets women u t i l i z e d f o r root g a t h e r i n g were woven i n s p i r a l f a s h i o n and were co n t a i n e r s f o r r o o t s . P l a c i n g tap r o o t s i n t o a basket i s analogous t o the arrow ornamented w i t h a s p i r a l design. L i l l o o e t baskets o f t e n 23 e x h i b i t e d l a d d e r , l i g h t n i n g , or arrow-head p a t t e r n s . "•"Text, "The Thompson," p. 243; and T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 519 . 2 3 T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 207. I l l S e x u a l m e d i a t i o n o r b a l a n c e i s r e p r e s e n t e d i n h u n t i n g a n d g a t h e r i n g w i t h a s p i r a l . T h e s e x u a l b a l a n c e c r e a t e d b e -t w e e n c o n s u m e r a n d c o n s u m e d p r e c l u d e s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f c a n n i b a l i s m . INABUNDANCE L a c k o f g a m e w a s c o u n t e r a c t e d b y t h e e x t r e m e c a r e w h i c h h u n t e r s p r a c t i c e d i n t h e t r e a t m e n t o f c a r c a s s e s a n d w e a p o n s . F o r e x a m p l e , w h e n a b e a r w a s k i l l e d , h o n o r i f i c s o n g s w e r e s u n g i n i t s b e h a l f a n d s u p p l i c a t i o n s w e r e d i -r e c t e d t o w a r d s i t r e q u e s t i n g f u t u r e g o o d f o r t u n e i n h u n t -i n g . 2 4 H u n t e r s w o u l d t h r o w t h e b o n e s o f d e e r a n d b e a v e r i n t o w a t e r ( n a t i v e e x e g e s i s s t a t e s s u c h a c t i o n s p r e v e n t e d 25 d e f i l i n g o f t h e a n i m a l b y d o g s ) a n d p r a y t o t h e a n i m a l . T h i s p r a c t i c e , h o w e v e r , m a y a l s o b e u n d e r s t o o d w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o t h e f o l l o w i n g m y t h : M i n k a n d t h e J a w - B o n e s T h i s i s a l e g e n d a b o u t s o m e p e o p l e w h o l i v e d a r o u n d h e r e . O n e o f t h e m s a i d t o M i n k , " Y o u s h o u l d g o s p e a r s o m e s a l m o n . T h e r e a r e s o m e a r o u n d h e r e . " T h e M i n k d e c i d e d t o g o . H i s m o t h e r , T s ' i t , c o a x e d h i s y o u n g e r b r o t h e r t o c o m e f i s h i n g , a l s o . S a i d M i n k , r e f e r r i n g t o a c e r t a i n p l a c e . " L e t ' s g o f i s h i n g t h e r e ! " W h i l e t h e ^ M i n k w a s f i s h i n g , h e l o s t t h e s h a r p e n e r t h a t h e w a s u s i n g t o f i x u p h i s s p e a r . T h e s h a r p e n e r f e l l i n t o t h e r i v e r , a n d h e t o l d h i s y o u n g e r b r o t h e r t o g e t t h e s h a r p e n e r . T h e y o u n g e r b r o t h e r d o v e d o w n t o g e t i t , b u t h e t u r n e d i n t o a s a l m o n a n d s w a m a r o u n d . M i n k S p e a r e d h i m . 2 4 T e i t , " T h e L i l l o o e t , " p . 279 25 I b i d . , p . 281. 112 When they got home, t h e i r mother sat beside the f i r e and cooked the salmon that they had speared. Mink was s i t t i n g across from her, making something and whistling. He said to h i s mother, "You are eating your own young one, your own baby! I am going to throw the bones back in t o the r i v e r . " He threw a l l the f i s h bones, except f o r the jaw, in t o the r i v e r . When he came back, his younger brother, now a salmon, didn't have a jaw. Mink's mother asked him what he d i d with the jaw bones of the f i s h . "Oh," he said, "I didn't throw them away, I ju s t put them aside." His mother said, "Mink, you are just l i k e your name. You are f u l l of t r i c k s ! 1 1 "Yes," he re p l i e d , "That's why I was t e l l i n g you that you were eating your own son. I hid the jaw bones so when he came up again, he didn't have a jaw. You have to replace his jaw by gi v i n g back the bones." The young mink, now a salmon, came up to the surface of the water. He didn't have a jaw. "Oh," the old lady said, "We w i l l have to put back those jaw bones. Mink threw the others in t o the water, but these jaw bones are s t i l l here." Mink said, "You w i l l have to throw the bones back i n the water, where he i s . Then he can come back, with jaws." She threw the bones int o the water, and the young mink came back with h i s jaws. He changed from a f i s h back int o a mink. His jaw was a l l f i x e d . 2 " Mink, the t r i c k s t e r , both creates and negates canni-balism. He offers h is mother the brother as food and then accuses her of cannibalism. The jaw bone i s a pivot f o r the myth as Mink retains i t as the ultimate proof of the cannibalism. In the myth, the jaw bone i s a type of pun; although i t belongs to the eaten, the jaw i s es s e n t i a l i n eating. Perhaps the d i s t i n c t i o n between eater and eaten i s not so a b s o l u t e — i . e . , a modicum of the cannibal i s mani-fested i n man's consumption of animals (his brothers). Therefore, the hunter must counteract t h i s by throwing the From a corpus of L i l l o o e t myths c o l l e c t e d by Randy Bouchard f o r the B.C. Indian Language Project. 113 2 7 bones i n the water, a shamanic technique. This a c t i o n negates c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y or inabundance of game. Despite t h e i r observances of these p a r t i c u l a r pro-p i t i a t o r y a c t s , hunters were o c c a s i o n a l l y confronted w i t h a dearth of game. Shamans were then summoned t o counteract the l a c k of game. The shaman e i t h e r drove away ghosts f r i g h t e n i n g the game away or sang magic songs at n i g h t i n the hunting l o d g e — s o n g s f u n c t i o n i n g as a type of s o u l -c atcher. As the shaman sang h i s song, the so u l s of animals to be caught the next day were heard as they passed the back of the hunting lodge; thus, the people could then d i -v i n e the number of game t o be k i l l e d by counting t h e i r 28 t r a c k s (the t r a c k s of the animals' s o u l s ) . A Thompson shaman i n a hunting p a r t y sat naked a l l nig h t by the f i r e , a n t i c i p a t i n g a v i s i o n . At dawn the shaman t r a v e l l e d t o the nearest stream t o bathe, pray, and s i n g . These p r a c t i c e s were repeated by the other hunters. Returning t o camp, the hunters were d i r e c t e d by the shaman towards the game. He i n s t r u c t e d them t o k i l l one animal and not eat i t u n t i l the f o l l o w i n g day. A f t e r t h i s r i t u a l 20 was repeated once, the hunters were assured great success. 7 M i r c e a E l i a d e , Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of  Ecstasy, t r a n s . W i l l a r d R. Trask, B o l l i n g e n S e r i e s , No. 7 o , rev. ed. ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, B o l l i n g e n Paperbacks, 1972), p. 6 3 . 2 8 T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 288. 2 9 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 365. 114 Thus, the shaman mediates the inabundance of game by n e g a t i n g malevolent i n f l u e n c e s , c a p t u r i n g animal s o u l s , and by i n t r o d u c i n g the p r a c t i c e of renewing l i f e from bones. INFERTILITY The powerful i n f l u e n c e of the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap shamans c o u l d c o u n t e r a c t human i n f e r t i l i t y . L i l l o o e t shamans c o u l d not o n l y cause barren women t o bear 30 c h i l d r e n but a l s o d e c i d e the sex of the c h i l d . A Thompson shaman reknowned f o r t r e a t i n g c h i l d l e s s women p a i n t e d the upper p a r t o f the woman's f a c e , exacted her promise t o name the c h i l d a c c o r d i n g t o h i s d e s i r e s , and 31 gave her a hog-fennel r o o t t o e a t . The symbolism i n -v o l v e d i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r r o o t e a t i n g i s s i g n i f i c a n t . In the "Mosquito and Thunder" myth f i r s t presented, the mosquitoes were shown t o e f f e c t an el e g a n t s e x u a l balance. S u c k i n g b l o o d from human g e n i t a l i a emphasizes a t once both the s t r e n g t h of the a s s o c i a t i o n between se x u a l and a l i m e n t a l consumption and the n e c e s s a r y d i s t i n c t i o n o r m e t a p h o r i c a l d i s t a n c e between t h e two modes of consumption. In the same sense, by f e e d i n g a hog-fennel r o o t t o a woman, the shaman i l l u m i n a t e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between woman and r o o t . The woman does not engage i n l i t e r a l s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h the r o o t but she does consume a metaphoric p h a l l u s . T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 287. T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 363. 115 The o p p o s i t i o n of o r a l t o g e n i t a l ensures the p r e s e r v a t i o n of metaphoric d i s t a n c e , and, thus, i t avoids paradox. One s i g n i f i c a n t f u n c t i o n of the Shuswap shaman noted by Boas was h i s assumption of the r o l e of guide on the occasion of an adolescent g i r l ' s r e t u r n t o her v i l l a g e a f t e r the puberty r i t u a l s : ...the shaman l e d the g i r l back from her s e c l u s i o n i n grand procession. He c a r r i e d a d i s h c a l l e d t s uqta'n, which i s carved out of s t e a t i t e , i n one hand. The d i s h represents a woman g i v i n g b i r t h t o a c h i l d , along whose back a snake crawls. The c h i l d ' s back i s hollowed out and serves as a r e c e p t a c l e f o r water. I n the other hand the shaman c a r r i e s c e r t a i n herbs. When they returned t o the v i l l a g e , the herbs were put i n t o the d i s h , and the g i r l was s p r i n k l e d w i t h the water contained i n the d i s h , the shaman praying at the same time f o r her t o have many c h i l d r e n . 3 2 33 This bowl i s s i m i l a r t o the f i g u r e below. Figu r e 3« Stone Dish 32 Boas, "Second General Report," p. 6 4 2 . 33 This drawing was adapted from a photograph of a Shuswap Lake Bowl i n Wilson Duff, " P r e h i s t o r i c Stone Sc u l p t u r e s of the Fr a s e r R i v e r and Gulf of Georgia," Anthropology i n B r i t i s h Columbia. No. 5 ( 1 9 5 6 ) , 129. 116 T h e s t r u c t u r e o f a s n a k e ' s r a t t l e b e a r s a n e x t e r -n a l r e s e m b l a n c e t o a t i g h t l y c o i l e d s p i r a l , t h e s y m b o l o f s e x u a l b a l a n c e . T h e w o m a n g i v i n g b i r t h t o t h e c h i l d i n d i -c a t e s t h e r e s u l t o f a s e x u a l m e d i a t i o n o r n e w l i f e . B u t t h e m y t h o f X o l a k w a ' x a i n t i m a t e s t h a t a r a t t l e s n a k e ' s h e a d m a y a p p e a r i n a w o m a n ' s v a g i n a a n d s y m b o l i z e n o t o n l y c a n n i b a l i s m b u t a l s o i n f e r t i l i t y . T h u s , t h e f i g u r e , u s e d b y s h a m a n s t o e n s u r e f e r -t i l i t y a n d m e d i a t e b e t w e e n t h e g i r l a n d h e r v i l l a g e , i s a l o c u s o f l o g i c a l o p p o s i t i o n s : t h e s n a k e ' s r a t t l e v i e w e d a s a s p i r a l i s o p p o s e d t o t h e s n a k e ' s h e a d ( t h e c a n n i b a l i s t i c v a g i n a ) ; t h e s n a k e ' s p o s i t i o n i s o p p o s e d t o t h a t o f t h e w o m a n ( h e a d - t o - t a i l a n d t a i l - t o - h e a d ) ; t h e s h a p e o f t h e s n a k e ( p h a l l i c ) i s o p p o s e d t o t h e b o w l e m e r g i n g f r o m t h e w o m a n ' s b e l l y o r f r o m t h e c h i l d ' s b o d y ; a n d , f i n a l l y , t h e c h i l d i s i n t e r n a l t o t h e w o m a n , t h e s n a k e i s e x t e r n a l . U p o n e n c o u n t e r i n g a s n a k e , a p r e g n a n t w o m a n w a s s u p p o s e d t o t u r n a n d w a l k a w a y i n t h e o p p o s i t e d i r e c t i o n . 3 4 I f h e r h u s b a n d k i l l e d a s n a k e , " t h e c h i l d w o u l d r e s e m b l e a d e a d p e r s o n o r g h o s t . " J T h u s , t h e s n a k e h a s s o m e a f f i n i t y w i t h t h e c h i l d b u t s e e m s t o b e i n o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e p r e g -n a n t w o m a n . S o m e s e n s e m a y b e m a d e o f t h e s e o p p o s i t i o n s i f t h e c h i l d i s c o n s i d e r e d a t y p e o f m e d i a t i o n b e t w e e n w o m a n a n d s n a k e . T h e w o m a n m u s t b e i n e v e r y r e s p e c t o p p o s i t e t o T e i t , " T h e T h o m p s o n , " p . 303. I b i d . , p . 304. 117 t h e s n a k e ; b u t t h i s o p p o s i t i o n i s n e c e s s a r y ( a s i s t h e o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n m a l e a n d f e m a l e ) t o m a i n t a i n a s e x u a l b a l a n c e o r c r e a t e n e w c h i l d r e n . T h u s , i f t h e w o m a n r e m a i n s i n o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e s n a k e , s h e w i l l f u n c t i o n n o r m a l l y a n d p r o d u c e c h i l d r e n ; i f s h e b e c o m e s i n s o m e r e s p e c t l i k e t h e s n a k e , s h e w i l l h a v e a s n a k e i n h e r v a g i n a a n d n o t p r o d u c e l i f e , b u t d e a t h . O n e f u r t h e r e x a m p l e o f t h e s h a m a n ' s r o l e a s m e d i a t o r o f i n f e r t i l i t y i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h e f o l l o w i n g m y t h : T h e M a n W h o G o t F o u r W i v e s F o u r b r o t h e r s l i v e d i n t h e s a m e h o u s e w i t h t h e i r f o u r s i s t e r s . T h e y w e r e a l l a n x i o u s t o m a r r y ; b u t t h e y k n e w o f n o p e o p l e i n t h e i r c o u n t r y e x c e p t t h e m s e l v e s . I n t h e n e i g h b o r i n g c o u n t r y t h e r e d w e l t a m a n w h o t r a i n e d i n t h e m o u n t a i n s a n d b e c a m e l i k e a s h a m a n . T h r o u g h h i s m a g i c h e l e a r n e d o f t h e s e p e o p l e , a n d m a d e u p h i s m i n d t o r e l i e v e t h e m . H e p u t o n a d e e r ' s s k i n , a n d i n t h e f o r m o f a b u c k - d e e r p a s s e d b y t h e b r o t h e r ' s h o u s e . N e x t m o r n i n g t h e y n o t i c e d f r e s h d e e r - t r a c k s , a n d f o l l o w e d t h e m u p . A f t e r f o l l o w i n g t h e m a l o n g d i s t a n c e , t h e y g o t t i r e d a n d t h r e e o f t h e b r o t h e r s g a v e u p a n d r e t u r n e d ; b u t t h e e l d e s t p e r s e v e r e d , a n d o v e r t o o k t h e d e e r . W h e n t h e s h a m a n s a w t h a t h e w a s n e a r l y c a u g h t , h e m a d e a h o u s e n e a r a c r r e k , a n d a s w e a t - h o u s e c l o s e b y . T h e n , c h a n g i n g h i m s e l f t o h i s n a t u r a l f o r m , h e b e g a n t o s w e a t -b a t h e . T h e b r o t h e r c a m e t o t h e c r e e k , a n d s e a r c h e d f o r t h e b u c k ' s t r a c k s , w h i c h h a d c o m e t o a n e n d t h e r e . A t l a s t , u n s u c c e s s f u l a n d t i r e d , h e d e c i d e d t o r e t u r n h o m e . J u s t t h e n h e n o t i c e d t h e s w e a t - h o u s e , a n d , a p p r o a c h i n g i t , f o u n d a m a n i n s i d e . H e a s k e d h i m i f h e h a d s e e n a b u c k g o p a s t ; b u t t h e m a n a n s w e r e d , " N o . G o t o m y h o u s e o v e r y o n d e r , " s a i d h e , " a n d I w i l l c o m e t o y o u w h e n I f i n i s h s w e a t i n g . " T h e s t r a n g e r w e n t t o t h e h o u s e a n d t h e m a n , a r r i v i n g p r e s e n t l y , t r e a t e d h i m v e r y k i n d l y . O n h i s r e t u r n h o m e , t h e b r o t h e r r e l a t e d w h a t h e h a d s e e n a n d , a s faheifsaaman w a s a g o o d m a n , t h e b r o t h e r s s e n o n e o f t h e i r s i s t e r s o f h i m t o b e h i s w i f e . S o m e t i m e a f t e r w a r d s t h e m a n c h a n g e d h i m s e l f i n t o a d e e r a g a i n a n d d i d a s h e h a d d o n e b e f o r e . A n o t h e r o f t h e b r o t h e r s f o u n d h i m , a n d , t h i n k i n g i t w a s a d i f f e r e n t m a n i n a d i f f e r e n t p l a c e , a s s o o n a s h e r e t u r n e d h o m e , s e n t o n e o f h i s s i s t e r s t o m a r r y h i m . T h u s , t h e m a n a c t e d f o u r 118 times, u n t i l he had got the four sisters for his wives. Now the man said, "I have taken a l l the brothers 1 sisters. I w i l l try to,get wives for them." He changed himself into an eagle, and flew away to a neighboring country. Here he saw four g i r l s picking berries. Three of them were singing, and one was quiet. He took off his eagle's body, and approaching the quiet one, who was alone, asked her i f she would come with him. She con-sented, and jumped on his back; he flew away with her, and gave her to his eldest brother-in-law. Then he returned as a different man, flew away with another one of the sisters, and gave her to the second one of his brothers-in-law. Thus he continued u n t i l he had ob-tained wives for the four brothers. Then he l e f t and went to a distant country with his own wives.3° The i n i t i a l paradox i s coded in terms of distances: the brothers and sisters confront a major dilemma concomi-tant with their i s o l a t i o n — i . e . , although marriage and pro-creation are desired and necessary to the maintenance of their social unit, incest must be avoided. Since the sib-lings know of no neighbors (potential spouses), the situa-tion i s precarious. The brothers li v e in too close a proximity to the sisters (possibly precipitating incest) while potential spouses are too distant (not known). The paradox i s resolved by the shaman. The shaman adopts the form of a buck deer and lures the brothers towards his dwelling with the promise of food (also, he i s a metaphorical woman as a deer). Each brother i s successful not in obtaining deer but in discovering a potential spouse for his sisters. In effect, deer hunting mediates the distance between the brothers and the J From a corpus of Lillooet myths collected by Randy Bouchard for the B.C. Indian Language Project. 119 s h a m a n a n d b e t w e e n t h e b r o t h e r s a n d s i s t e r s . T h e d e e r h u n t e r d o e s n o t c a p t u r e t h e d e e r w i t h h i s h a n d s o r b e i n t i -m a t e c o n t a c t w i t h t h e a n i m a l ; w e a p o n s a r e u s e d t o m e d i a t e t h e d i s t a n c e b e t x ^ e e n t h e h u n t e r a n d t h e h u n t e d . I n a s e n s e , t h e d e e r s e r v e s t o s e p a r a t e t h e b r o t h e r s f r o m t h e s i s t e r s : H u n t e r s h a m a n s e p a r a t e s b r o t h e r f r o m s i s t e r t h r o u g h d e e r h u n t i n g D e e r B u t t h e s h a m a n m u s t f i n d s p o u s e s f o r h i s b r o t h e r s - i n - l a w . A d o p t i n g t h e f o r m o f a n e a g l e , t h e s h a m a n d i s c o v e r s f o u r w o m e n p i c k i n g b e r r i e s a n d l u r e s t h e m i n d i v i d u a l l y v r i t h t h e p r o m i s e o f m a r r i a g e ( t h e e a g l e i s , t h u s , a m e t a p h o r i c a l m a n ) . B y c l i m b i n g o n t o t h e e a g l e ' s b a c k i n o r d e r t o t r a -v e r s e t h e g r e a t d i s t a n c e , e a c h w o m a n e f f e c t s a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e e a g l e p r o v i n g t o b e t h e i n v e r s e o f t h a t b e t w e e n e a c h b r o t h e r a n d t h e d e e r . E a g l e h u n t i n g i s i n a c e r t a i n s e n s e t h e i n v e r s e o f d e e r h u n t i n g . I n i t i a l l y , a p i t i s d u g l a r g e e n o u g h f o r a m a n t o l i e i n o n s o m e h i g h r i d g e e a g l e s m i g h t f r e q u e n t . A s i m p l e s t r u c t u r e o f t w o h o r i z o n t a l b r a n c h e s e a c h r e s t i n g o n t w o p a i r s o f s u p p o r t s a n d l i n k e d b y t w o c r o s s b r a n c h e s i s r i g g e d a b o v e t h e p i t . T h e n s o m e b a i t i s t i e d t o t h e t w o S i b l i n g s L i v e T o o C l o s e T o g e t h e r 120 c r o s s branches. The man l i e s i n the p i t and covers himself w i t h branches. When an eagle a l i g h t s on the s t r u c t u r e , the man s e i z e s i t s l e g s and drags them between the c r o s s bars. The t a i l f e a t h e r s are then p u l l e d out and the b i r d i s 37 u s u a l l y r e l e a s e d . As L e v i - S t r a u s s remarks i n comparing deer w i t h eagle hunting: Hunting w i t h bows and arrows i n v o l v e s the region of space immediately above the e a r t h , t h a t i s , the atmos-phere or middle sky: the hunter and h i s game meet i n the intermediate space. Eagle hunting, on the other hand, separates them by g i v i n g them opposite p o s i t i o n s : the hunter below the ground and the game c l o s e t o the empyrean sky...One hunt i n v o l v e s the shedding of blood (by means of bows and arrows), the other does not ~g (eagles are s t r a n g l e d without any e f f u s i o n of bl o o d ) . Thus, eagle hunting i n v o l v e s the mediation of two crea t u r e s occupying d i s t i n c t and r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t cosmo-l o g i c a l zones, the e a r t h and the sky, by i n t i m a t e contact between hunter and quarry. The deer hunter, on the other hand, maintains a di s t a n c e between himself and the deer. I n the myth, the shaman mediates the distance be-tween the men and women by p o s t u r i n g as an eagle. The in t i m a t e contact between the women and the eagle evokes not o n l y the i n t i m a c y of hunting but a l s o the intimacy of woman w i t h metaphorical man. 37 T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 523 . 3 8 C . L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage Mind, t r a n s . George Weidenfeld and N i c o l s o n L t d . (Chicago: u n x v e r i s t y of Chicago P r e s s , Phoenix Books, 1 9 6 6 ) , p. 5 1 . 121 Women Eagle. too great a distance *~ intimate contact Brothers between women and eagle Women The distance between the brothers and the women i s mediated by the intimate contact between the women and the eagle. The shaman creates the necessary distance between the s i b -l i n g s by l u r i n g the brothers away with the promise of food (also, the deer i s a metaphorical woman). The shaman e l i -minates the distance between the brothers and the women by promising the women marriage (the eagle i s a metaphorical man). Too l i t t l e distance i s mediated by distance hunting; too great distance, by intimate contact. Thus, the shaman mediates sexual imbalance with appropriate methods of food gathering. CONCLUSION As humans create and accept culture, they are forced to accept paradox and contradiction. Two major cognitive contradictions or threats to the cognitive system of the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap are cannibalism and i n f e r t i l i t y , both of which are aspects of sexual imbalance. One i s metaphorical while the other i s l i t e r a l . Preceding chapters have i l l u s t r a t e d the l o g i c creating cannibalism and i n f e r t i l i t y , t h i s chapter has demonstrated the l o g i c a l mediation of cannibalism and i n f e r t i l i t y through shamanism. T h e t w o v e r s i o n s o f t h e " M o s q u i t o a n d T h u n d e r " m y t h i l l u m i n a t e c e r t a i n p e r v a s i v e s y m b o l s c o n s t r u c t e d b y s h a m a n s t o c o m b a t c a n n i b a l i s m . T h e a r r o w c h a i n , c r e a t e d b y a s h a m a n , p r o v i d e s a r o u t e f o r t h e p e o p l e t o m e d i a t e t h e e a r t h w i t h t h e s k y a n d , t h u s , c o u n t e r a c t t h e c a n n i b a l i s t i c r a m p a g e s o f T h u n d e r . T h i s m e d i a t i o n o f c a n n i b a l i s m i s a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h t h e s t i c k y s p i r a l f o r m e d o n t h e a r r o w c h a i n , a s y m b o l o f s e x u a l b a l a n c e a l s o m a n i f e s t e d i n f i r e m a k i n g , c a n n i b a l d a n c e s , h u n t i n g , a n d r o o t g a t h e r i n g . T h o u g h t h e s h a m a n d o e s n o t c r e a t e t h e s p i r a l h i m s e l f ( t h o u g h t h e s n a i l m a y b e a f e m a l e s h a m a n ) , h e d o e s p r o v i d e a p a t h f o r t h e p e o p l e . T h e f i r e d r i l l i s u t i l i z e d i n a m a n n e r s i m i l a r t o t h e s n a i l ' s t w i s t i n g a b o u t t h e a r r o w c h a i n ; t h u s , t h e s h a m a n a l s o i n d i -c a t e s h o w a c u l t u r a l f i r e m i g h t b e c r e a t e d b y t h e p e o p l e . T h e m y t h r e v e a l e d t h a t t h e c u r a t i v e s h a m a n i c t e c h n i q u e o f s u c k i n g i s , i n e f f e c t , t h e n e g a t i o n o f t h e c a n n i b a l o r t h e n e g a t i o n o f t h e s h a r p e n e d b o n e . T h e m o s q u i t o e s b a l a n c e t h e i r d r i l l i n g w i t h s u c k i n g a s d o s h a m a n s . S h a m a n s a l s o c o u n t e r a c t c a n n i b a l i s m b y r e g e n e r a t i n g l i f e f r o m b o n e s o r b y e n s u r i n g a n a b u n d a n c e o f g a m e . S h a m a n s c a n c u r e i n f e r t i l i t y i n w o m e n . A s s h a m a n s e n a b l e h u n t e r s t o f i n d g a m e ( a m e t a p h o r i c a l s e x u a l r e l a -t i o n ) , t h e y e n a b l e w o m e n t o h a v e c h i l d r e n ( a l i t e r a l s e x u a l r e s u l t ) . T h e s h a m a n c a n e i t h e r i n d i c a t e t h e p a t h o f m e d i a -t i o n o r e f f e c t t h e m e d i a t i o n h i m s e l f . I n t h e m y t h , i n s u f f i -c i e n t d i s t a n c e b e t w e e n b r o t h e r a n d s i s t e r i s t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o t h e d i s t a n c e b e t w e e n h u n t e r a n d d e e r ; e x c e s s i v e d i s -t a n c e b e t w e e n p o t e n t i a l s p o u s e s i s t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o t h e i n t i m a t e c o n t a c t b e t w e e n h u n t e r a n d e a g l e . T h e s h a m a n a p p e a r s t o h a v e a n e x t r a o r d i n a r y a b i l i t y t o t r a n s f o r m u n -t e n a b l e p o s i t i o n s i n t o s i t u a t i o n s w h i c h m a y b e m e d i a t e d . T h u s , t h e p a r a d o x e s e m e r g i n g f r o m t h e L i l l o o e t , T h o m p s o n , a n d S h u s w a p s y m b o l i c s y s t e m a r e r e s o l v e d b y a p l a s t i c m e d i a t o r , t h e s h a m a n . Chapter 7 CONCLUSION In t h i s t h e s i s , I proposed t o show t h a t the symbol-i c s i g n i f i c a n c e of food g a t h e r i n g among the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap generates two major paradoxes which a r i s e from a l o s s of sexual balance. A l s o , I proposed t h a t these paradoxes may be mediated by shamans, who, i n e f f e c t , act as sexual mediators t o r e s t o r e t h i s balance. I suggested t h a t accusations of ethnocentrism d i r e c t e d towards the a n a l y s i s might be avoided i f the a n a l y t i c a l methods s e l e c t e d were u n i v e r s a l l y a p p l i c a b l e — i . e . , i f the t o o l s f o r a n a l y s i s were not generated from a p a r t i c u l a r language's p a t t e r n of thought, and i f the data f o r the a n a l y s i s , the n a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s of thought, c o n s i s t e d of responses t o problems n e c e s s a r i l y o c c u r r i n g t o a l l humans. I f the a n a l y s t accepts the p o s t u l a t i o n s of L e v i -Strauss and Piaget concerning the u n i v e r s a l i t y of human c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e , he may apply the supposed p r i n c i p l e s of t h a t s t r u c t u r e t o h i s data and, t h u s , a v o i d the p i t f a l l of h i s ethnocentrism. I n the second chapter, I c o n s t r u c t e d a "working d e f i n i t i o n " of a symbol as a l o c u s of l o g i c a l o perations. Such a d e f i n i t i o n permits the a n a l y s t t o d i s -cern and analyze symbols from a s t r u c t u r a l p e r s p e c t i v e . I n other words, the d e f i n i t i o n permits a s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s 124 125 of symbols based upon metaphor, metonymy, t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , i n v e r s i o n , and mediation. The second' problem concerns the s e l e c t i o n of data. I proposed t h a t the u n i v e r s a l problem of food g a t h e r i n g , c u l t u r a l s o l u t i o n s and conceptions of those s o l u t i o n s t o the problem, and re l e v a n t myths, might be a reasonable body of data f o r symbolic a n a l y s i s . The ethnographic data suggested t h a t a s t r i c t sexual d i v i s i o n of l a b o r was p r a c t i c e d w i t h respect t o food g a t h e r i n g and t h a t one un d e r l y i n g p r i n c i p l e of the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap as Pl a t e a u c u l t u r e s was e q u a l i t y . Hence, any v i o l a t i o n of tha t sexual d i v i s i o n of l a b o r or sexual balance might generate serious, c o g n i t i v e consequences. To e s t a b l i s h the symbolic s t r u c t u r e of food gather-i n g , I examined the c u l t u r a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s and p r o s c r i p -t i o n s concerning women and t h e i r root g a t h e r i n g a c t i v i t i e s and then, men and hunting. Women had t o maintain, f o r example, an a l i m e n t a l emptiness w h i l e g a t h e r i n g r o o t s and b e r r i e s and a sexual emptiness wh i l e cooking c e r t a i n r o o t s . A paradigm based upon emptiness l i n k e d g a t h e r i n g t o sexual i n t e r c o u r s e ; hence, I suggested t h a t women maintained a metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n w i t h the food they gathered. This suggestion was amply supported by the events i n the "Child-of-Hog-Fennel 1! myth where d i s a s t r o u s events ensued from the transformations of the metaphoric i n t o the l i t e r a l or the v i o l a t i o n s of the metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s be-tween woman and r o o t . By engaging i n sexual i n t e r c o u r s e 126 w i t h a r o o t , a woman p r e c i p i t a t e d a s e r i e s of l o g i c a l conse-quences r e s u l t i n g i n the i n a b i l i t y of both h e r s e l f and her son t o maintain appropriate s o c i a l and sexual d i s t a n c e s . Another myth, "The Wech#in Cave," a l s o presented the v i o l a t i o n of the woman-root r e l a t i o n s h i p . I n the myth, men v i o l a t e c u l t u r a l order by g a t h e r i n g r o o t s w i t h the women. These unfortunate gatherers enter a cave where they are c a n n i b a l i z e d by a l i z a r d t h a t enters the body through t he anus and, f i n a l l y , are cooked i n the manner of roo t s by t h e i r g r i e v i n g parents. The men v i o l a t e c u l t u r a l order by gath e r i n g r o o t s and confuse the metaphorical sexual r e l a -t i o n s h i p between women and r o o t s . What should be a comple-mentary r e l a t i o n s h i p between gathered and gatherer becomes an o p p o s i t i o n . Men cannot gather (or have metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s with) t h e i r metaphorical s e l v e s , r o o t s . Instead of consuming, the gatherers are consumed or c a n n i -b a l i z e d . Hence, cannibalism becomes an expression of the v i o l a t i o n of a sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p . A t h i r d myth, "Made-Her-Sit-Down-On-A-Seat," i l l u s -t r a t e s w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r l o g i c a l elegance the r e s u l t s of a v i o l a t i o n of ga t h e r i n g . Angered by h i s wife's i n f i d e l i t y w i t h a handsome cedar tree-man (the i n n e r bark of cedar i s a food gathered by women), a husband impales h i s w i f e ' s vagina on the sharpened top of the cedar t r e e . This a c t i o n , however, e f f e c t s a v i o l a t i o n of the i n i t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between the woman and the t r e e (the woman formerl y engaged i n sexual i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h the t r e e transformed i n t o a man). 127 The woman's bro t h e r , d e s i r i n g t o avenge h i s s i s t e r , adopts her dress and r o l e i n order t o s l a y the husband. Two paradoxes a r i s e from the blood i s s u e of the two unnatura l unions (brother wedded t o husband and woman t o t r e e ) . F i r s t , the blood g u r g l i n g from the s l a i n husband's t h r o a t i s thought t o be the sound of sexual i n t e r c o u r s e or the "making1' of a new c h i l d . But the g u r g l i n g blood a c t u a l l y s i g n i f i e s death. Furthermore, no c h i l d c o u l d i s s u e from the union of two men. Hence, a concomitant s i g n i f i c a n c e of the blood i s i n f e r t i l i t y or the paradox of an excessive c u l t u r a l union (marriages are designed f o r p r o c r e a t i o n ) . Second, the blood i s s u i n g from the woman's vagina i s transformed i n t o b l a c k b e r r i e s . Hence, i f the people eat the b e r r i e s (a proper f o o d ) , they w i l l eat the woman (an improper food) or commit cannibalism. The c o g n i t i v e system i s threatened; the people can no longer t r u s t t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of food. Thus, a v i o l a t i o n of metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s producing an excessive n a t u r a l union be-tween woman and t r e e r e s u l t s i n the paradox of cannibalism. The v i o l a t i o n of normal marriage or the excessive c u l t u r a l union between two men generates i n f e r t i l i t y . Cannibalism and i n f e r t i l i t y are two complementary products of sexual imbalance. Men engage i n metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n s w i t h game animals. According t o c e r t a i n myths, women and deer exchanged organs f o r g i v i n g b i r t h and deer became a c c e s s i -b l e t o hunters a f t e r r e c e i v i n g the undergarments of an 128 adolescent g i r l . The s i m i l a r i t y between women and deer threatens the c o g n i t i v e order. As the planes of a l i m e n t a t i o n and l i t e r a l s e x u a l i t y must not be confused, I have suggested t h a t menstrual blood evokes negative r e a c t i o n s i n a hunting and g a t h e r i n g s o c i e t y because i t evokes the i n v e r s e of the p o s i t i v e q u a l i t i e s of deer's blood. E s s e n t i a l l y , deer's blood i s a food and s i g n i f i e s l i f e support and continuance; menstrual blood serves t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e the a l i m e n t a l and sexual orders or deer from women. Hunting by women i s not c o g n i t i v e l y t e n a b l e . The myth of "Xolakwa'xa" d e p i c t s the i n a b i l i t y of an o l d woman t o d i s s o l v e her metaphorical a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h game animals or t o mediate the hunter/hunted dichotomy. Although the woman i s a c a n n i b a l , s t r u c t u r a l emphasis i s placed upon her d e s i r e t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h hunters, not w i t h the hunted. She sharpens her l e g s t o render h e r s e l f v i r t u a l l y untrackable. However, as the o l d woman f a i l s t o evade her pursuers, she attempts t o engage them i n sexual i n t e r c o u r s e i n order t o k i l l them w i t h her vagina dentata. This deadly vagina con-t r a s t s s h a r p l y w i t h the c h i l d - b e a r i n g r o l e of women. But she f a i l s once more and i s , t h e r e f o r e , unable t o become a c o g n i t i v e l y acceptable hunter. The message of the myth maintains t h a t a woman who hunts i s not only a c a n n i b a l , but a l s o incapable of g i v i n g b i r t h or i n f e r t i l e . The general s t r u c t u r e of food g a t h e r i n g , among the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap, i s based upon a sexual metaphor and a c r i t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n between the l i t e r a l and 129 the metaphoric. The s i m i l a r i t y between food gathered and a sexual partner i n s i s t s upon a c o n s i s t e n t and assiduous observance of sexual r o l e d i s t i n c t i o n s i n food g a t h e r i n g . When l i t e r a l - m e t a p h o r i c or sexual r o l e d i s t i n c t i o n s are v i o l a t e d , the c o g n i t i v e system i s threatened. As these v i o l a t i o n s r e s u l t i n a sexual imbalance, the c o g n i t i v e system i s e s s e n t i a l l y threatened by a sexual imbalance. The major contention of t h i s t h e s i s i s t h a t sha-manism mediates cannibalism and i n f e r t i l i t y among the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap, and, thus, mediates sexual imbalance. I n the "Mosquito and Thunder" myths, Thunder's cannibalism i s echoed i n h i s i n a b i l i t y t o d i s t i n g u i s h a c u l t u r a l (a shaman dressed as a woman) from a n a t u r a l woman. In other words, h i s cannibalism i s manifested not only by h i s choice of food, but a l s o by h i s choice of women ( i n a b i l -i t y t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e the sexes). The shaman mediates Thunder's cannibalism by d i s c o v e r i n g the l o c a t i o n of Thun-der's v i c t i m , p r o v i d i n g the people w i t h an arrow c h a i n , and, u l t i m a t e l y , causing the death of Thunder. To ascend the arrow c h a i n , the people must f o l l o w a s t i c k y s p i r a l route and, thus, evoke sexual i n t e r c o u r s e by enveloping the sharp p o i n t s . This s p i r a l , d i s p l a y i n g the sexual mediation of the e a r t h and sky worlds, a l s o s i g n i f i e s f i r e making w i t h the f i r e d r i l l , hunting w i t h s p i r a l - d e c o r a t e d arrows, and the symbolism of root g a t h e r i n g ( t o s s i n g r o o t s i n t o s p i r a l baskets o f t e n decorated with l i g h t n i n g or arrow p a t t e r n s ) . Thus, t h i s s p i r a l i s a locus of key c u l t u r a l 130 o p p o s i t i o n s . The myth a l s o r e v e a l s t h a t the c u r a t i v e shamanic technique of sucking ( p r a c t i c e d by the mosquitoes) negates the sharpened bone of the s l a v e or c a n n i b a l . The sucking of a sharpened point evokes the s n a i l ' s journey up the arrow chain and u l t i m a t e l y suggests the same mediation as does the s p i r a l . Among the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap, shamans cou l d cure i n f e r t i l i t y i n women w i t h s e v e r a l techniques i n c l u d i n g f e e d i n g them the hog-fennel r o o t . This consump-t i o n strengthens both the a s s o c i a t i o n between sexual and a l i m e n t a l consumption and the necessary d i s t i n c t i o n between the two. I n other words, i t focuses on the n e c e s s i t y f o r a balance between the sexes. I n the myth of "The Man Who Got Four Wives," a shaman must mediate an o p p o s i t i o n between d e s i r e f o r marriage and avoidance of i n c e s t among s i b l i n g s . He l u r e s the brothers from the s i s t e r s by posing as a deer (metaphorical woman) and, thereby, mediates too c l o s e a pr o x i m i t y of brother t o s i s t e r w i t h d i s t a n c e hunting. Then, the shaman mediates the great d i s t a n c e between the brothers and t h e i r p o t e n t i a l spouses by p o s t u r i n g as an eagle (metaphorical man). He mediates great d i s t a n c e w i t h the c l o s e p r o x i m i t y of eagle hunting. Thus, the shaman mediates i n f e r t i l i t y w i t h the c a r e f u l observance of the s t r u c t u r e of food g a t h e r i n g . The shaman i s capable of mediating paradoxes be-cause he i s himself a paradox. I n the myths, one shaman adopts the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the opposite sex while amother postures as ob j e c t s of sexual and a l i m e n t a l consumption (the eagle and the deer). These p o s t u r i n g s , i n e f f e c t , defy a c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e which demands a s t r i c t d i v i s i o n between the sexes and d i s t i n c t i o n between the l i t e r a l and the metaphoric. He impersonates a sexual or a l i m e n t a l object w i t h equal f a c i l i t y . The shaman transcends the c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e (without t h r e a t e n i n g i t ) because he i s the most competent i n t e r p r e t e r of t h a t s t r u c -t u r e . BIBLIOGRAPHY ETHNOGRAPHY AND MYTH Boas, F r a n z . "Second General Report on the In d i a n s of B r i -t i s h Columbia." Report of the S i x t i e t h Meeting of t h e B r i t i s h A s s o c i a t i o n f o r t h e Advancement of S c i e n c e , 1890 . John Murray, 1891-Bouchard, Randy (comp.). A Corpus of L i l l o o e t Myths (MSS i n the P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , B.C.) c o l l e c t e d i n t h e summer of 1970 f o r the B.C. I n d i a n Language P r o j e c t . D u f f , W i l s o n . " P r e h i s t o r i c Stone S c u l p t u r e s of t h e F r a s e r R i v e r and G u l f of Georgia." Anthropology i n B r i t i s h  Columbia. No, 5 ( 1 9 5 6 ) : 15-^151. H a e b e r l i n , Herman K., T e i t , James A., and Roberts, Helen. " C o i l e d B asketry i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Surrounding Regions." Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report, No. 41 (192FH H i l l - T o u t , C h a r l e s . "Notes on the N'tlaka'pamuq of B r i t i s h Columbia, a Branch of the Great S a l i s h Stock of North America." Report of the S i x t y - n i n t h Meeting of the  B r i t i s h A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the Advancement of S c i e n c e ,  1899. London: John Murray, 1900 . "Report on the Ethnology of the S t l a t l u m h of B r i -t i s h Columbia." J o u r n a l of the Royal A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l  I n s t i t u t e , 35 ( 1 9 0 5 ) : 126-218. Ray, Verne F. The S a n p o i l and Nespelem: S a l i s h a n People of  No r t h e a s t e r n Washington. U n i v e r i s t y o f Washington P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Anthropology, V o l . V. S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P r e s s , 1932 . . C u l t u r a l R e l a t i o n s i n the P l a t e a u of Northwestern America^. P u b l i c a t i o n s of the F r e d e r i c k Webb Hodge A n n i v e r s a r y P u b l i c a t i o n Fund, V o l . I I I . Los Angeles: The Southwest Museum, 1939 . T e i t , James Alexander. T r a d i t i o n s of t h e Thompson R i v e r  I n d i a n s . Memoirs of the American F o l k l o r e S o c i e t y , V o l . VI. 1898. 132 133 . "The Thompson I n d i a n s . " P u b l i c a t i o n s of the Jesup North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , V o l . I , P a r t IV, ed. Franz Boas. Memoirs of the American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . I I . L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1900. . "The L i l l o o e t . " P u b l i c a t i o n s of t h e Jesup North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , V o l . I I , P a r t V, ed. Franz Boas. Memoirs of the American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . IV, P a r t V I . L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1906. . "The Shuswap." P u b l i c a t i o n s of t h e Jesup North  P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , V o l . I I , P a r t V I I , ed. Franz Boas. Memoirs of the American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . IV, P a r t V I I . L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1909. . "The Mythology of the Thompson I n d i a n s . " P u b l i -c a t i o n s of the Jesup North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , V o l . V I I I , P a r t I I , ed. Franz Boas. Memoirs of the American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . X I I . L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1912. . " T r a d i t i o n s of the L i l l o o e t I n d ians of B r i t i s h Columbia." J o u r n a l of American F d l k l o r e , 25, No. 48 (October-December, 1912): 287-371. STRUCTURALISM A p p e l l , G.N. "The D i s t i n c t i o n Between Ethnography and Ethnology and Other Issues i n C o g n i t i v e S t r u c t u r a l i s m . " Bi.jdragen t o t de T a a l - , Land- en Volkenkunde, No. 129 ( 1 9 7 3 ) : 1-56. Boon, James Alexander. From Symbolism t o S t r u c t u r a l i s m : L e v i - S t r a u s s i n a L i t e r a r y T r a d i t i o n . 1972. New York: Harper and Row, Harper Torchbooks, 1973• Gardner, Howard. "The S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s of P r o t o c o l s and Myths." S e m i o t i c a , 5 ( 1 9 7 2 ) : 31-57-Leach, Edmund. " A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Aspects of Language: A n i -mal C a t e g o r i e s and V e r b a l Abuse." I n Mythology, ed. P i e r r e Maranda. Penguin Modern S o c i o l o g y Readings. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1972. L e v i - S t r a u s s , Claude. S t r u c t u r a l Anthropology, t r a n s . C l a i r e Jacobson and Brooke Grundfest Schoepf. 1963. Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Doubleday P r e s s , Anchor Books, I967. . "Four Winnebago Myths: A S t r u c t u r a l Sketch." In Myth and Cosmos, ed. John M i d d l e t o n . American Museum Sourcebooks i n Anthropology. Garden C i t y , N.Y.: The 134 N a t u r a l H i s t o r y P r e s s , 1967• . "The S t o r y of A s d i w a l , " t r a n s . N i c h o l a s Mann. In The S t r u c t u r a l Study of Myth and Totemism, ed. Edmund Leach. A.S.A. Monographs, No. 5 » London: T a v i s t o c k , 1967. . The Savage Mind, t r a n s . George Weidenfeld and N i c o l s o n L t d . 1966. Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , Phoenix Books, 1968. . The Raw and the Cooked, t r a n s . John and Doreen Weightman. New York: Harper and Row, 1968. . From Honey t o Ashes, t r a n s . John and Doreen Weightman. New York: Harper and Row, 1973. Maranda, E l l i Kongas. "The C a t t l e of t h e F o r e s t and t h e Harvest of Water: The Cosmology of F i n n i s h Magic." In Essays on the V e r b a l and V i s u a l A r t s , ed. June Helm. Proceedings of t h e 1966 Annual S p r i n g Meeting of the American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y . S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P r e s s , I967. Maranda, P i e r r e ( e d . ) . Mythology. Penguin Modern S o c i o l o -gy Readings. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1972. . " S t r u c t u r a l i s m i n C u l t u r a l Anthropology." Annual Review of Anthropology, 1 (1972): 329-348. and E l l i K. Maranda. S t r u c t u r a l Models i n F o l k l o r e  and T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l E s s ays. 2nd. edn. P a r i s : Mouton, 1971. and E l l i K. Maranda ( e d s . ) . S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s of  O r a l T r a d i t i o n . P h i l a d e l p h i a : U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylva-n i a P r e s s , 1971• P i a g e t , Jean. Genetic Epistemology, t r a n s . E l e a n o r Duck-worth. Woodbridge L e c t u r e s D e l i v e r e d a t Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , No. 8. New York: Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970. . S t r u c t u r a l i s m , t r a n s , and ed. Chaninah Maschler. New York: B a s i c Books, 1970. S c h e f f l e r , H a r o l d W. " S t r u c t u r a l i s m i n Anthropology." In S t r u c t u r a l i s m , ed. Jacques Ehrmann. 1966. Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Doubleday P r e s s , Anchor Books, 1970. 135 SYMBOLISM Burke, Kenneth. "What Are the Signs of What? A Theory of ' E n t i t l e m e n t ' . " A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l L i n g u i s t i c s , 4 ( 1 9 6 2 ) : 1-23. . Language as Symbolic A c t i o n : Essays on L i f e , L i t e r a t u r e , and Method. 1966. B e r k e l e y and Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1968. Castaneda, C a r l o s . A Separate R e a l i t y . New York: Simon and Shuster, 1971. E l i a d e , M i r c e a . Shamanism: A r c h a i c Techniques of E c s t a s y , t r a n s . W i l l a r d R. Trask. 1964. Rev. edn. B o l l i n g e n S e r i e s , No. 76. P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r i s t y P r e s s , B o l l i n g e n Paperbacks, 1972. Fernandez, James W. " U n b e l i e v a b l y S u b t l e Words: Representa-t i o n and I n t e g r a t i o n i n the Sermons of an A f r i c a n Re-f o r m a t i v e C u l t . " H i s t o r y of R e l i g i o n s , 6 , ( 1 9 6 6 ) : 4 3 - 6 9 . . " R e v i t a l i z e d Words from 'The P a r r o t ' s Egg' and 'The B u l l t h a t Crashes i n the K r a a l ' : A f r i c a n C u l t S e r -mons." In Essays on the V e r b a l and V i s u a l A r t s , ed. June Helm. Proceedings of the 1966 Annual S p r i n g Meeting of the American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y . S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington P r e s s , 1967. . "Persuasions and Performances: Of the Beast i n Every Body and the Metaphors of Everyman." Daedalus, 101 (Winter, 1972): 3 9 - 6 0 . G e e r t z , C l i f f o r d . "Ideology as a C u l t u r a l System." I n Ideology and D i s c o n t e n t , ed. David Apter. New York: The Free P r e s s , 1964. . " R e l i g i o n as a C u l t u r a l System." I n Anthropo-l o g i c a l Approaches t o the Study of R e l i g i o n , ed. M i c h a e l Banton. A.S.A. Monographs, No. 3. London: T a v i s t o c k , 1966. Langer, Susanne K. P h i l o s o p h y i n a New Key: A Study i n the  Symbolism of Reason, R i t e , and A r t . 2nd. edn. New York: The New American L i b r a r y , Mentor Books, 1951. O r t n e r , Sherry. "On Key Symbols." American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t , 75 ( 1 9 7 3 ) : 1338-1346. 1 3 6 Pepper, Steven C. World Hypotheses; A Study i n Evidence. 1 9 4 2 . Berkeley and Los Angeles: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r -n i a Press, 1 9 6 6 . Schneider, David. American K i n s h i p . Englewood C l i f f s , N.J.: P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1968. Turner, V i c t o r W. The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu  R i t u a l . I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1967. . The R i t u a l Process: S t r u c t u r e and A n t i - S t r u c t u r e . Chicago: A l d i n e , 1969. . Dramas, F i e l d s , and Metaphors: Symbolic A c t i o n i n Human S o c i e t y . I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1974. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0093153/manifest

Comment

Related Items