Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Cannibalism and infertility among the Lillooet, Thompson and Shuswap : the shaman as a sexual mediator Calkowski, Marcia Stephanie 1974

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1974_A8 C34.pdf [ 7.41MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0093153.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0093153-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0093153-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0093153-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0093153-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0093153-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0093153-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0093153-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0093153.ris

Full Text

CANNIBALISM AND INFERTILITY AMONG THE LILLOOET, THOMPSON, AND SHUSWAP: THE SHAMAN AS A SEXUAL MEDIATOR by MARCIA STEPHANIE CALKOWSKI B.A., R i c e U n i v e r s i t y ,  1970  A THESIS SUBMITTED I N PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n t h e Department • of A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA J u n e , 1974  In  presenting  an  advanced  the I  Library  further  for  this  thesis  degree shall  agree  scholarly  at the U n i v e r s i t y  make  that  purposes  his representatives.  of  this  written  it freely  permission  by  thesis  for financial  of  of B r i t i s h  Columbia,  available  for  for extensive  may be g r a n t e d It  fulfilment  by t h e  i s understood gain  shall  Anthropology  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Vancouver 8, Canada  June  26,  1974  and  Columbia  the requirements  copying  Head  that  I  agree  for  that  r e f e r e n c e and study.  of  of  this  thesis  my Department:  or  copying o r p u b l i c a t i o n  n o t be a l l o w e d  permission.  Department o f  Date  in p a r t i a l  S o c i o l o g y  without my  ii ABSTRACT T h i s t h e s i s a t t e m p t s t o demonstrate t h a t t h e s y m b o l i c s i g n i f i c a n c e o f f o o d g a t h e r i n g among t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap g e n e r a t e s two major p a r a d o x e s , c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y , which a r i s e from a s e x u a l imbalance r e v e a l e d by c e r t a i n myths r e l a t e d t o f o o d g a t h e r i n g , and t h a t t h e shaman i s a p o t e n t i a l mediator o f these paradoxes. I n i t i a l l y , I s u g g e s t t h a t an a n a l y s i s o f t h e symbol system o f a c u l t u r e a f f o r d s an e x c e l l e n t a c c e s s t o n a t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e i f t h e analyst i s able t o avoid the i n f l u e n c e s of h i s ethnocentrism w i t h r e s p e c t t o h i s methodology and s e l e c t i o n o f d a t a . Thus, a n a l y t i c a l methods must p o s s e s s u n i v e r s a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y , and t h e d a t a ( n a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s o f t h o u g h t ) might be s e l e c t e d f r o m n a t i v e s o l u t i o n s t o problems o c c u r r i n g t o a l l humans-e.g., c u l t u r a l s o l u t i o n s and c o n c e p t i o n s o f t h o s e s o l u t i o n s t o food gathering. The second c h a p t e r c o n s i d e r s some d e f i n i t i o n s o f symb o l s proposed b y G e e r t z , L a n g e r , and o t h e r s and s u g g e s t s a "working d e f i n i t i o n " o f a symbol a s a l o c u s o f l o g i c a l o p e r a t i o n s . I t i s t h e n p o s s i b l e t o a p p l y s t r u c t u r a l methods o f a n a l y s i s (metaphor, b i n a r y o p p o s i t i o n , t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , e t a l ) t o a symbol system a s s t r u c t u r a l i s m p r o f e s s e s t o c o n s i d e r t h e universal structure of cognition. I n t h e t h i r d c h a p t e r , I p r o v i d e some e t h n o g r a p h i c n o t e s c o n c e r n i n g t h e m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f one u n d e r l y i n g P l a t e a u c u l t u r a l p r i n c i p l e , e q u a l i t y , t o the general s o c i a l structure of t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap w i t h r e s p e c t t o p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , f o o d g a t h e r i n g , and t h e s e x u a l d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r . A l t h o u g h men and women a r e c o n s i d e r e d t o be g e n e r a l l y e q u a l , a s t r i c t d i s t i n c t i o n i s m a i n t a i n e d between s e x u a l r o l e s . Hence, I suggest t h a t t h i s b a l a n c e p l u s n e c e s s a r y d i s t i n c t i o n might be termed a " s e x u a l b a l a n c e . " Also, the c h a p t e r b r i e f l y c o n s i d e r s t h e u n u s u a l c a p a c i t i e s o f shamans and s u g g e s t s t h a t , a s shamans a r e n o t s u b j e c t t o r e s t r i c t i o n s imposed upon t h e n o r m a t i v e g r o u p , t h e y may be a b l e t o m a n i pulate t h e r i g i d sexual d i s t i n c t i o n i f t h e sexual balance i s upset. The f o u r t h and f i f t h c h a p t e r s d i s c u s s t h e s y m b o l i c s i g n i f i c a n c e of food gathering. I n t h e f o u r t h chapter, I suggest t h a t women m a i n t a i n a m e t a p h o r i c a l s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e r o o t s t h e y g a t h e r . As t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i s s t r i c t l y m e t a p h o r i c a l , however, s e r i o u s problems a c c r u e when t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p becomes l i t e r a l and when men g a t h e r r o o t s . A n o t h e r myth s u c c i n c t l y s t a t e s t h e u l t i m a t e r e s u l t s o f a v i o l a t i o n o f a woman's m e t a p h o r i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h f o o d . T h i s v i o l a t i o n g e n e r a t e s an e x c e s s i v e c u l t u r a l u n i o n o r m a r r i a g e between two men ( n e c e s s a r i l y i n f e r t i l e ) and an e x c e s s i v e n a t u r a l u n i o n (between woman and t r e e ) whose i s s u e , b l o o d t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o b l a c k b e r r i e s , poses t h e problem o f c a n n i b a l i s m t o t h e people.  iii The f i f t h c h a p t e r s u g g e s t s t h a t women who hunt a l s o pose a t h r e a t t o t h e c o g n i t i v e system a s men appear t o have a m e t a p h o r i c a l s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h deer and o t h e r game a n i m a l s . Two myths suggest a former i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and d e e r . M e n s t r u a l b l o o d a p p e a r s t o f u n c t i o n as a d i f f e r e n t i a t o r o f women from d e e r . The c h a p t e r f o c u s e s on t h e l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h e h u n t i n g v e n t u r e s o f a c a n n i b a l woman. T h i s woman n o t o n l y opposes t h e r o l e o f women b y h u n t i n g , b u t a l s o p o s s e s s e s a s n a k e - l i k e v a g i n a w h i c h o f f e r s d e a t h a s opposed t o l i f e ( a s i n c h i l d b i r t h ) . The s i x t h c h a p t e r examines shamans ( w i t h r e s p e c t t o myths and r i t u a l a c t i o n s ) a s m e d i a t o r s o f t h e two p a r a d o x e s , c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y . F i r s t , I d i s c u s s two myths r e l a t i n g t h e d r i l l i n g and s u c k i n g p r a c t i c e s o f m o s q u i t o e s to those of thunder. These p r a c t i c e s echo shamanlc c u r a t i v e techniques. A l s o , the symbolic s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h e earth people's s p i r a l ascent t o the sky world p a r a l l e l s t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e s p i r a l i n o t h e r c o n t e x t s . F i n a l l y , some r i t u a l s and myths c o n c e r n i n g shamanic performance c o n s i d e r c e r t a i n problems ( i n c l u d i n g improper s e x u a l d i s t i n c t i o n , e x c e s s i v e s i b l i n g i n t i m a c y , and l a c k o f p o t e n t i a l s p o u s e s ) which g e n e r a t e i n f e r t i l i t y . The c o n c l u d i n g c h a p t e r r e v i e w s t h e s t r a t e g y f o r a n a l y s i s and t h e l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h e symbolism o f f o o d g a t h e r i n g a s w e l l a s t h e p o t e n t i a l o f t h e shaman t o mediate paradoxes emerging from t h e l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s .  iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF FIGURES  .v i  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  v i i  Chapter 1.  INTRODUCTION  2.  METHODOLOGY  3. 4.  11  ON THE SYMBOL  11  ANALYTICAL TOOLS  19  CONCLUSION  29  SOME ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES ON THE LILLOOET, THOMPSON, AND SHUSWAP  32  THE CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF GATHERING OR MEN WHO GO ROOTING  5.  1  41  GATHERING  42  MEN WHO GATHER ROOTS  52  CONCLUSION  60  THE CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF WOMEN AS HUNTERS MENSTRUAL BLOOD  62 63  Menarche  63  Subsequent M e n s t r u a l P e r i o d s  68  WOMEN AND HUNTING  69  Women and Deer  69  Men and H u n t i n g  . 74  V  Chapter  Page 76  G r i z z l y Bears and Hunters  6.  HUNTING MYTHOLOGY  78  CONCLUSION  87 89  THE SHAMAN AS A SEXUAL MEDIATOR  90  CANNIBALISM The "Mosquito and Thunder The S p i r a l  7.  11  Myths  90 106  INABUNDANCE  Ill  INFERTILITY  114  CONCLUSION  121  CONCLUSION  BIBLIOGRAPHY  124 132  ETHNOGRAPHY AND MYTH  132  STRUCTURALISM  133  SYMBOLISM  135  vi  LIST OF FIGURES Page F i g u r e 1.  A Map o f t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap A r e a s  F i g u r e 2.  C a n n i b a l Dance  Figure 3.  Stone D i s h  34 109 .115  vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I s h o u l d l i k e t o e x p r e s s my g r a t i t u d e t o E l l i Maranda and Robin R i d i n g t o n , whose i m a g i n a t i v e a n a l y s e s o f myths and mention o f shamans and c a n n i b a l l a d i e s i n s p i r e d t h e major c o n t e n t i o n s o f t h i s t h e s i s . W i l s o n Duff p o i n t e d me t o t h e paradox, encouraged me t o g r a p p l e w i t h i t , and, t h u s , p r o v i d e d a c r i t i c a l f o c u s f o r t h e t h e s i s . I am e s p e c i a l l y g r a t e f u l t o Robin R i d i n g t o n and W i l s o n D u f f f o r t h e i r c o n s i s t e n t c r i t i c i s m and encouragement d u r i n g t h e w r i t i n g o f t h i s thesis.  Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION One o f t h e c r u c i a l , a l b e i t f r u s t r a t i n g , f i e l d s f o r a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l i n q u i r y concerns t h e c o n s t r u e d world o f t h e c u l t u r e member, h i s Weltanshauung, o r how t h e c u l t u r e member orders h i s w o r l d .  C o n s i d e r a b l e d i f f i c u l t i e s must be  surmounted by any non-indigenous v o r s t o address t h i s i n q u i r y .  i n v e s t i g a t o r i n h i s endea-  Questions posed by anthropo-  l o g i s t s a r e o f t e n f i l t e r e d through t h e s i e v e o f t h e i r own ethnocentrism; f o r example, s e r i o u s f l a w s i n ethnographic i n v e s t i g a t i o n s have o c c u r r e d when t h e ethnographer's  tacit  acceptance o f an e x e g e s i s b a r s h i s f u r t h e r q u e s t i o n i n g — i . e . , t h e ethnographer  knows t h a t "women a r e a malevolent  i n f l u e n c e , " or that the n a t i v e i s subject t o s e r i o u s delus i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e r e a l world and, t h e r e f o r e , cannot p o s s i b l y employ proper l o g i c t o generate h i s e x e g e s i s . Furthermore,  n a t i v e e x e g e t i c a l statements cannot always be  accepted as s u b s t a n t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r some p a r t i c u l a r phenomenon.  The n a t i v e may assume t h a t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e s a r e  shared t o a g r e a t extent by t h e ethnographer q u a l i f y h i s exegesis s u f f i c i e n t l y .  and f a i l t o  Hence, although t h e  a n t h r o p o l o g i s t i s denied i n t i m a t e access t o t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f t h e n a t i v e , h i s purpose i s t o d i s c o v e r and a n a l y z e t h e 1  2 various expressions  of t h a t perspective.  These  expressions,  I would s u b m i t , a r e i n h e r e n t i n t h e symbolism o f t h e c u l t u r e . Symbols a r e s t r a t e g i e s f o r communication and, t h u s , a f f o r d unmatched a c c e s s t o n a t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e .  In this  t h e s i s , I propose t o i l l u s t r a t e t h i s h y p o t h e s i s  b y showing  t h a t t h e symbolic  s i g n i f i c a n c e o f f o o d g a t h e r i n g , among t h e  L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap, g e n e r a t e s two major p a r a doxes w h i c h a r i s e f r o m a l o s s o f b a l a n c e between s e x u a l r e a l m s . ° These paradoxes may be m e d i a t e d b y shamans, who, i n e f f e c t , a c t as s e x u a l m e d i a t o r s t o r e s t o r e t h i s  balance.  Two problems a r e i n h e r e n t i n t h i s p r o p o s a l , however. F i r s t , i f t h e symbol system i s t o be c o n s i d e r e d  a communica-  t i o n o f n a t i v e p e r s p e c t i v e , methods u t i l i z e d f o r i t s a n a l y s i s must c o o r d i n a t e two d i s t i n c t c o n c e p t u a l  systems  (those  of t h e n a t i v e and t h e a n a l y s t ) i n t e r m s o f some l o g i c possessing u n i v e r s a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y .  Although t h e world of  t h e n a t i v e cannot be e x p e c t e d t o conform t o t h a t o f t h e e t h n o g r a p h e r o r a n a l y s t , I s h a l l assume a f t e r L e v i - S t r a u s s and P i a g e t  1  t h a t t h e p h y s i o l o g i c a l mechanisms f o r p e r c e p t i o n  S e e Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s , S t r u c t u r a l A n t h r o p o l o g y . t r a n s . C l a i r e J a c o b s o n and Brooke G r u n d f e s t Schoepf (Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Doubleday P r e s s , Anchor Books, 1 9 6 7 ) ; idem., The Savage M i n d , t r a n s . George W e i d e n f e l d and N i c o l s o n L t d . ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , P h o e n i x Books, 1 9 6 6 ) ; J e a n P i a g e t , G e n e t i c E p i s t e m o l o g y , t r a n s . E l e a n o r Duckworth, Woodbridge L e c t u r e s D e l i v e r e d a t Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , No. 8 (New Y o r k : Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 0 ) j and idem., S t r u c t u r a l i s m , t r a n s , and e d . Chaninah M a s c h l e r (New Y o r k : B a s i c Books, 1 9 7 0 ) . A  3  a n d t h e s t r u c t u r e o f c o g n i t i o n a r e i n v a r i a n t i n humans. A c c e p t i n g and a p p l y i n g a u n i v e r s a l l o g i c o f c o g n i t i o n t o symbols s h o u l d serve t o a v o i d t h e above-mentioned p i t f a l l ethnocentrism.  of  T h u s , I h o p e t o show t h a t i t i s p o s s i b l e t o  d i s c u s s and d e f i n e symbols i n t e r m s of t h e l o g i c o r  logical  r e l a t i o n s they exemplify. S e c o n d , a s y m b o l i c a n a l y s i s must be b a s e d u p o n n a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s of thought.  Hence, t h e q u e s t i o n t u r n s t o  w h i c h b o d i e s o f d a t a m i g h t be a c c e p t a b l e f o r t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e s e c a t e g o r i e s and t h e i r subsequent N a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s of thought as r e s p o n s e s  t o problems;  c o u l d , perhaps,  analysis. be  detected  t h a t i s t o say, problems  t h e i r r e s o l u t i o n s s e r v e t o d e f i n e c a t e g o r i e s by one  o r more o f t h e f o l l o w i n g :  r e s o l v e d j (2) s o l v e d ; and  who (4)  h o w e v e r , may a problem  may  why  and  indicating  ( l ) how  the problem  may  r e s o l v e i t j (3)  when i t may  be  i t may  be r e s o l v e d .  re-  Ethnocentrism,  colour the investigator's i n i t i a l  i n t h e c u l t u r e u n l e s s t h a t problem  n e c e s s a r i l y o c c u r s t o a l l humans.  be  selection  i s one  Hence, I suggest  which that  r e a s o n a b l e body of data f o r s y m b o l i c a n a l y s i s concerns u n i v e r s a l problem  o f f o o d g a t h e r i n g and t h e c u l t u r a l  t i o n s and c o n c e p t i o n s of t h o s e s o l u t i o n s t o t h e This t o p i c i n c l u d e s : which elements c o n s i d e r e d f o o d , how f o o d , a n d who  consumes i t .  one  the  solu-  problem.  i n the environment  t h e f o o d i s p r o c u r e d , who  of  procures  are the  Native exegesis f o r the regula-  t i o n o f t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s must a l s o be i n c l u d e d among t h e s e data.  4  Symbolism may be m a n i f e s t e d i n many ways, i n c l u d i n g a v o i d a n c e p a t t e r n s and c u l t u r a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s .  These  mani-  f e s t a t i o n s , subjected t o a s t r u c t u r a l analysis, should r e v e a l much o f t h e l o g i c a t p l a y c o n c e r n i n g t h e c o n c e p t i o n s o f f o o d , p r o c u r e r and p r o c u r e d , and e a t i n g .  However, t h e d a t a  may be c o n s i d e r a b l y augmented w i t h t h e a d d i t i o n o f myth. A l t h o u g h s e r i o u s i n v e s t i g a t i o n s have been performed on t h e l o g i c o f symbols 2 and t h e l o g i c o f myth,3 c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f myths as supplements t o e s t a b l i s h e d s y m b o l i c bases have n o t  ^See S h e r r y O r t n e r , "On Key Symbols," American Ant h r o p o l o g i s t . 75 ( O c t o b e r , 1 9 7 3 ) , 1 3 3 8 - 1 3 4 6 ; V i c t o r T u r n e r , The F o r e s t o f Symbols ( I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , C o r n e l l P a p e r b a c k s , 1 9 6 7 ) ; and idem., The R i t u a l P r o c e s s : S t r u c t u r e and A n t i - S t r u c t u r e ( C h i c a g o : A l d i n e , 1 9 6 9 ) . °See Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s , "The S t r u c t u r a l S t u d y o f Myth," i n S t r u c t u r a l A n t h r o p o l o g y , pp. 2 0 2 - 2 2 8 ; idem., "Four Winnebago Myths: A S t r u c t u r a l S k e t c h , " i n Myth and Cosmos, ed. John M i d d l e t o n , American Museum Sourcebooks i n A n t h r o p o l o g y (Garden C i t y , N.Y.: The N a t u r a l H i s t o r y P r e s s , 1 9 6 7 ) ; idem., "The S t o r y o f A s d i w a l , " t r a n s . N i c h o l a s Mann, i n The S t r u c t u r a l Study o f Myth and Totemism, e d . Edmund L e a c h , A.S.A. Monographs, No. 5 (London: T a v i s t o c k , 1 9 6 7 ) ; idem., The Raw and t h e Cooked, t r a n s . J o h n a n d Doreen Weightman (New Y o r k : H a r p e r and Row, I 9 6 9 ) ; idem., From Honey t o Ashes, t r a n s . John and Doreen Weightman (New Y o r k : H a r p e r and Row, 1 9 7 3 ) J E l l i Kongas Maranda, "The C a t t l e o f t h e F o r e s t and t h e H a r v e s t o f Water: The Cosmology o f F i n n i s h M a g i c , " i n E s s a y s on t h e V e r b a l and V i s u a l A r t s , e d . June Helm, P r o c e e d i n g s o f t h e 1966 A n n u a l S p r i n g M e e t i n g o f t h e American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y o f Washington P r e s s , 1 9 6 7 ) ; E l l i Kongas Maranda and P i e r r e Maranda, S t r u c t u r a l Models i n F o l k l o r e and T r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l E s s a y s , 2 n d . edn. ( P a r i s : Mouton, 1 9 7 1 ) ; idem, ( e d s . ) , Structural Analysis of Oral Tradition (Philadelphia: Univ e r s i t y o f P e n n s y l v a n i a P r e s s , 1 9 7 1 ) ; and P i e r r e Maranda ( e d . ) , M y t h o l o g y . P e n g u i n Modern S o c i o l o g y Readings ( H a r mondsworth, E n g l a n d : Penguin Books, 1 9 7 2 ) .  5  been u n d e r t a k e n . Myths (as w e l l as a r t ) a f f o r d a remarkable access the  l o g i c inherent  i n a c u l t u r e by  subtly insisting  to  that  p a r a d o x e s o r l o g i c a l l y u n t e n a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s do  exist.  This i s a contention  criticism  of  which Gardner r e j e c t s i n h i s  Levi-Strauss: L e v i - S t r a u s s ' c o n t e n t i o n t h a t myths s e r v e t h e p u r pose o f c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g and a t t e m p t i n g t o s o l v e p a r a d o x e s f o r t h e c o m m u n i t y i s an i n t r i g u i n g o n e , b u t one most d i f f i c u l t t o d e m o n s t r a t e . 4  He  f a i l s t o observe that the  c o m m u n i t y and able i f the  the  engendered i n t h e myths are r e a d i l y a s c e r t a i n -  a n a l y s t has  l o g i c of the  paradoxes c o n f r o n t i n g  made some i n i t i a l  s i t u a t i o n depicted  everyday (non-mythic) context.  assessment of  i n t h e myth i n t e r m s o f i t s Obviously,  p a r t i c u l a r para-  doxes a r e c r e a t i o n s o f i n d i v i d u a l c u l t u r e s and s i m p l y nudge t h e n a i v e i m p l i c i t , assorted  o b s e r v e r and  paradox can  or at l e a s t considerably  will  r e v e a l t o him  logical considerations.  prepared a n a l y s t , the  the  But  a s s i s t i n s o l v i n g the  their  for  often serve t o  not  the  complete  symbolic  puzzle. Paradoxes are l o g i c a l l y untenable i n the a s s i g n two Cannibalism The  c o n t r a d i c t o r y m e a n i n g s t o one presents  sense t h e y  phenomenon.  a paradox i n connection  with  eating.  c a n n i b a l e i t h e r chooses t o eat people or cannot  t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n p e o p l e and  c o l s and  proper food.  One  dis-  eats i n  ^Howard G a r d n e r , "The S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s o f M y t h s , " S e m i o t i c a , 5 , No. 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 3 8 .  order  Proto-  6 t o s u s t a i n one's l i f e , and one's f o o d i s e s s e n t i a l l y a dead a n i m a l o r a dead p l a n t .  A s t r i c t cognitive distinction  must be m a i n t a i n e d , t h e n , between f o o d (what one k i l l s t o e a t ) and s e l f (what one d e s i r e t o keep a l i v e ) . The c a n n i b a l v i o l a t e s t h e c o g n i t i v e d i s t i n c t i o n tween p r o p e r and improper f o o d .  be-  In I n t e r i o r Salish  t h o u g h t , t h e c a t e g o r i e s o f f o o d and non-food a r e c o n s t r u c t e d as f o l l o w s :  Food ( p r o p e r )  Non-Food  Roots, B e r r i e s , and Cedar Bark  Grass, rocks, e t c .  Abhorred c r e a t u r e s such as f r o g s , snakes, and i n s e c t s .  Deer and Other Game Animals  People  L o g i c a l l y , one might say t h a t w i t h r e s p e c t t o humans, a l i m e n t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s e x i s t between p e o p l e and  proper  f o o d o r between an element of t h e non-food c a t e g o r y proper food.  and  Thus, t h e a l i m e n t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s  between t h e two major c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s o f f o o d and nonfood.  But t h e c a n n i b a l s e l e c t s people f o r f o o d i n s t e a d  of a more a p p r o p r i a t e element from t h e c a t e g o r y of p r o p e r  7  food.  Thus, t h e c a n n i b a l  rejects inter-category  t i o n i n favor of i n f r a - c a t e g o r y a l i m e n t a t i o n . one  major d i s t i n c t i o n  ( b e t w e e n humans a n d  As t h e l o g i c o f t h e m y t h s w i l l be if  one  alimenta-  He  dissolves  proper  food).  shown t o i n d i c a t e ,  such major d i s t i n c t i o n i s v i o l a t e d , the e n t i r e cog-  n i t i v e system i s threatened.  I f one  major f l a w p e r s i s t s i n  the  cognitive structure, others  are p o s s i b l e .  one  major c o g n i t i v e d i s t i n c t i o n i n a l i m e n t a t i o n  e n e d — t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between e a t e r and  In effect,  eaten.  i s threatIf  c o g n i t i v e b a r r i e r i s removed, t h e c a n n i b a l c o u l d t h e u l t i m a t e n o n - f o o d , h i s own to nourish himself.  consume  body, or eat h i m s e l f  in  T h i s h a p l e s s arrangement i s the  mate l o g i c a l e x t e n s i o n d i c t o r y m e a n i n g s may  this  of cannibalism.  come t o be  T h u s , two  order  ulti-  contra-  a p p l i e d t o a s i n g l e phenom-  enon. C u l t u r a l p a r a d o x e s a r e e s s e n t i a l l y t h e most p i t h y statements a v a i l a b l e regarding as t h e y c o n c e r n t h e m s e l v e s w i t h dered." the  l o g i c of a symbol system  "what h a s  not  been c o n s i -  I n o t h e r words, by i n d i c a t i n g t h e p o i n t s a t  c o g n i t i v e s y s t e m c a n be  the paradox i l l u m i n a t e s the system  the  destroyed  which  or rendered untenable,  c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e of  the  itself. Turner l a b e l s as  which c o n s t i t u t e the  " a n t i - s t r u c t u r e " those elements  a n t i t h e s i s of the  system, or  which  e x i s t i n t e r s t i t i a l l y w i t h i n t h e framework of c u l t u r e . " *  V i c t o r T u r n e r , The  R i t u a l Process,  pp.  131-165  8  The  paradox p o i n t s t o t h e a n t i - s t r u c t u r e of a  system and, structured  cognitive  t h u s , o p e r a t e s as a nexus l i n k i n g t h a t which i s and  c o g n i t i v e l y t e n a b l e t o t h a t which i s absurd  o r not c o g n i t i v e l y c o n t r o l l a b l e . A s u b t l e l o g i c emerges. suggest t h e d e s t r u c t i o n  The  paradox appears t o  of a p a r t i c u l a r c o g n i t i v e  system  by r e v e a l i n g t h e e x i s t e n c e of t h e c o g n i t i v e l y u n t e n a b l e . Cognition  i s based upon t h e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of elements i n  a continuum, t h e i r c a t e g o r i z a t i o n ,  and t h e i r i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s .  Something becomes u n t e n a b l e when i t v i o l a t e s b a s i c d i s t i n c tions, categories, with order.  o r r e l a t i o n s , and,  t h u s , does not mesh  In exposing the c o g n i t i v e l y untenable,  paradox f o r c e s a c h o i c e between two  possibilities:  the ( l ) the  r e l i a b i l i t y of t h e l o g i c must be c a l l e d i n t o q u e s t i o n c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e does not  always "work"); o r (2)  (the  the  u n t e n a b l e elements must be a c c o u n t e d f o r i n terms of t h e i r meaning i n t h e c o g n i t i v e system.  I f t h e r e l i a b i l i t y of  the  l o g i c i s t h r e a t e n e d , t h e e n t i r e c o g n i t i v e system i s t h r e a t ened.^  The  l o g i c a l system can no l o n g e r s u f f i c e t o main-  t a i n o r d e r and,  therefore,  structure.  Thus, t h e o n l y a c c e p t a b l e c h o i c e i s t o mesh t h e absurd w i t h the c o g n i t i v e l y t e n a b l e .  I n o t h e r words, t h e  c o g n i t i v e system m a i n t a i n s i t s i n t e g r i t y as t h e  untenable  P i e r r e Maranda l a b e l s t h i s q u e s t i o n i n g t h e " i n c r e a s i n g e n t r o p y " of t h e system. See P i e r r e Maranda, " S t r u c t u r a l i s m i n C u l t u r a l A n t h r o p o l o g y , " Annual Review of A n t h r o p o l o g y . 1 (1972), 339.  9  elements are  rendered meaningful through t h e i r  r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the  system.  Mediation  i s the  which defends the c o g n i t i v e system from the malevolent  i n f l u e n c e of t h e p a r a d o x and,  volves working through the  discovered device  possibly  as m e d i a t i o n  in-  system (as does L e v i - S t r a u s s ' s  b r i c o l e u r ) to discover a s o l u t i o n , i t reveals a wealth symbolic  information.  T u r n e r , i n a more r e c e n t  of  considera-  t i o n o f a n t i - s t r u c t u r e , r e f e r s t o i t as a complement  of 7  the An  s t r u c t u r e and,  thus,  p a r t and  p a r c e l of the s t r u c t u r e .  i n t e r d e p e n d e n c y e x i s t s between t h e two.  p a r a d o x may  be  construed  a s an  system, not  a weapon d i r e c t e d a g a i n s t i t .  Similarly,  armature f o r the  the  cognitive  Myths, i n a d d i t i o n t o i n s i n u a t i n g the existence paradoxes, a l s o often provide through a mediation, tween t h e t e n a b l e  and  s o l u t i o n s t o these  which r e v e a l s not untenable but  l o g i c e f f e c t i n g the connection.  paradoxes  only the l i n k  a l s o the  of  be-  particular  In this thesis, I  shall  a t t e m p t t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t I n t e r i o r S a l i s h shamanism i s , among o t h e r t h i n g s , a m y t h i c s o l u t i o n t o t h e a r i s i n g from the The the  s i g n i f i c a n c e of food  above d i s c u s s i o n has  analysis.  d i s c u s s e d and for  symbolic  Initially,  paradoxes  s u g g e s t e d an a p p r o a c h  the conception  the methodological  gathering.  of symbol w i l l  considerations  to be  necessary  the d i s c o v e r y or i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of symbols w i l l  be  ' V i c t o r T u r n e r , Dramas, F i e l d s , and M e t a p h o r s ( I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1974)> PP- 2 7 2 - 2 7 3 .  explored.  Some e t h n o g r a p h i c n o t e s on t h e L i l l o o e t , Thomp-  s o n , and Shuswap w i l l t h e n be p r e s e n t e d as a b a s i s f o r f u r t h e r i n q u i r i e s concerning food gathering.  After the  symbolic s t r u c t u r e of food g a t h e r i n g i s e s t a b l i s h e d , I s h a l l c o n s i d e r t h e paradoxes emerging from some o f t h e myths r e l a t e d t o f o o d g a t h e r i n g and t h e i r a n a l y s e s .  Final  l y , t h e shaman w i l l be examined as a m e d i a t o r o f t h e s e paradoxes.  Chapter 2 METHODOLOGY The  p r i m a r y o b j e c t i v e o f my a n a l y s i s i s t o d i s c o v e r  the l o g i c o f c e r t a i n c u l t u r a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s and p r o s c r i p t i o n s among t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, a n d Shuswap, a n d t h e messages i n h e r e n t  i n thelogic.  t r a t e that a general  I s h a l l attempt t o i l l u s -  o r i e n t a t i o n towards nature and c u l t u r e  i s manifested i nc e r t a i n pervasive  symbols o c c u r r i n g i n t h e  s y m b o l i c a c t i o n s and myths o f t h e t h r e e  groups.  As I con-  tent that t h e thrust of a symbolic a n a l y s i s should  be t o  d i s c e r n a p a t t e r n o f t h o u g h t o r l o g i c , I hope t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t s y m b o l i c s i g n i f i c a n c e may b e d e t e r m i n e d b y s u b m i t t i n g the data t o a s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s . Before d e s c r i b i n g the  rudiments of a s t r u c t u r a l  a n a l y s i s , I s h a l l d i s c u s s some o f t h e more r e c e n t  efforts  on t h e p a r t o f s t u d e n t s o f s y m b o l i s m t o d e f i n e t h e s y m b o l and  d e l i m i t t h e a n a l y s i s o f symbolism.  I ti s essential t o  a r r i v e a t some " w o r k i n g d e f i n i t i o n " o f t h e s y m b o l a n d t h e n to consider  thebenefits of structural tools for the analysis  of t h e symbol. ON THE SYMBOL D e f i n i t i o n s proposed b y Langer and G e e r t z have suggested t h a t t h e meaning o f a symbol i s i m p l i c i t i n t h e 11  12  i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s t h e symbol s e r v e s t o summarize: Symbols a r e not p r o x y f o r t h e i r o b j e c t s , but a r e v e h i c l e s f o r t h e c o n c e p t i o n of o b j e c t s . . . and i t i s t h e c o n c e p t i o n s , not t h e t h i n g s t h a t symbols d i r e c t l y "mean."1 The power of metaphor d e r i v e s p r e c i s e l y from t h a t i n t e r p l a y between t h e d i s c o r d a n t meanings i t s y m b o l i c a l l y c o e r c e s i n t o a u n i t a r y c o n c e p t u a l framework and from t h e degree t o which t h a t c o e r c i o n i s s u c c e s s f u l i n overcoming t h e p h y s i c r e s i s t a n c e such semantic t e n s i o n i n e v i t a b l y g e n e r a t e s i n anyone i n a p o s i t i o n to perceive i t . Both Langer and G e e r t z eschew t h e r e l e g a t i o n o f a symbol t o t h e s e m i o t i c c o n t e x t o f symbol as s i g n , a t o o l f o r mapping one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p s o r t h e correspondence r e f e r r a n t and i t s d e s i g n a t o r .  between a  However, t h e n o t i o n s o f  " c o n c e p t i o n " and " c o n c e p t u a l framework" a r e r a t h e r i m p r e c i s e and not s a t i s f a c t o r y t o t h e t a s k a t hand. S h e r r y O r t n e r a t t e m p t s t o c a t e g o r i z e symbols and, i n so d o i n g , a t l e a s t t o determine t h e d e f i n i t i o n of work"  i f not p r e c i s e l y of "concept."  Ortner addresses  q u e s t i o n of g e n e r a l s y m b o l i c o r i e n t a t i o n and has t h e t e r m "key symbols"  edn.  "frame-  ( a d m i t t e d l y a f t e r Turner's  the  specified "dominant  Susanne K. Langer, P h i l o s o p h y i n a New Key, 2 n d . (New York: The New American L i b r a r y , Mentor Books,  1 9 5 1 ) , p.  2  61.  C l i f f o r d G e e r t z , " I d e o l o g y as a C u l t u r a l System," i n I d e o l o g y and D i s c o n t e n t , ed. D a v i d A p t e r (New Y o r k : The F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4 ) , p. 5 9 . " S h e r r y O r t n e r , "On Key Symbols," American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t . 75 ( O c t o b e r , 1 9 7 3 ) , 1 3 3 8 .  13  symbols" and S c h n e i d e r ' s " c o r e s y m b o l s " ) . ^  Grtner's  objec-  t i v e i s t o d e f i n e k e y symbols b y i n i t i a l l y c o n s i d e r i n g how key symbols might be d i s c o v e r e d i n a c u l t u r e and t h e n by e s t a b l i s h i n g two major c a t e g o r i e s o f k e y symbols. Her c r i t e r i a  f o r a s s i g n i n g a symbol major c u l t u r a l  s i g n i f i c a n c e a r e u s e f u l and must be employed whether t h e a n a l y s t i s i n t h e f i e l d or working from a b s t r a c t e d  data:  (1) The n a t i v e s t e l l u s t h a t X i s c u l t u r a l l y i m p o r tant . (2) The n a t i v e s seem p o s i t i v e l y o r n e g a t i v e l y a r o u s e d about X, r a t h e r t h a n i n d i f f e r e n t . (3) X comes up i n many d i f f e r e n t c o n t e x t s . These c o n t e x t s may be b e h a v i o r a l o r s y s t e m i c : X comes up i n many d i f f e r e n t s y m b o l i c domains (myth, r i t u a l , a r t , formal r h e t o r i c , e t c . ) . ( 4 ) There i s g r e a t e r c u l t u r a l e l a b o r a t i o n s u r r o u n d i n g X, e.g. e l a b o r a t i o n o f v o c a b u l a r y , o r e l a b o r a t i o n of d e t a i l s o f X's n a t u r e , compared w i t h s i m i l a r phenomena i n t h e c u l t u r e . ( 5 ) There a r e g r e a t e r c u l t u r a l r e s t r i c t i o n s s u r r o u n d i n g X, e i t h e r i n sheer number o f r u l e s , o r s e v e r i t y o f sanctions regarding i t s misuse.5 One n o t e s , however, t h a t t h e c r i t e r i a m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f t h e symbol.  depend upon p u b l i c  I n most i n s t a n c e s , i t may be  assumed t h a t t h e symbol w i l l be m a n i f e s t e d c o n s i d e r i n g symbolic  p u b l i c l y , but i n  domains such as myth and a r t , t h e  a n a l y s t i s o f t e n i s o l a t e d f r o m any p u b l i c c o n f i r m a t i o n o r a s s u r a n c e t h a t , i n d e e d , he i s c o r r e c t i n assuming t h a t " f l i e s s e t t l i n g on a c a r c a s s " may have p r o f o u n d s i g n i f i c a n c e  See V i c t o r T u r n e r , The F o r e s t o f Symbols ( I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1967)j and D a v i d S c h n e i d e r , American K i n s h i p (Englewood C l i f f s , N . J . : P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1968).  5  Sherry  Ortner,  "On Key Symbols,"  1339.  f o r some c u l t u r a l group.  O r t n e r i s not p r o v i d i n g a d i r e c -  t i v e f o r the study of non-exegetical m a t e r i a l or c e r t a i n p r a c t i c e s w h i c h do not c a r r y c o n c o m i t a n t n a t i v e e x p l a n a t i o n . O r t n e r proceeds t o c l a s s i f y key symbols a l o n g a continuum where "summarizing" symbols c o m p r i s e one w h i l e " e l a b o r a t i n g " symbols c o m p r i s e t h e o t h e r . symbols a r e composed o f " c l u s t e r e d , condensed,  Summarizing relatively  u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d meanings as t h e American f l a g . " * * t i n g symbols a r e e x p r e s s e d  pole  Elabora-  i n one of two modes: t h e f i r s t 7  i s S t e v e n Pepper*s r o o t metaphor  where t h e "symbol  provides  a set of c a t e g o r i e s f o r c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g other aspects of e x p e r i e n c e " ; t h e second i s t h e key s c e n a r i o which  formulates  " a p p r o p r i a t e g o a l s and s u g g e s t s e f f e c t i v e a c t i o n f o r a c h i e v i n g them:  w h i c h f o r m u l a t e s , i n o t h e r words, k e y c u l t u r a l g  strategies." with Geertz's  These two modes seem d e s i g n e d t o  correspond Q  "model o f " and "model f o r " dichotomy.'  Another correspondence c o u l d be w i t h L e v i - S t r a u s s ' s n o t i o n s of t h e s y n c h r o n i c and t h e d i a c h r o n i c . O r t n e r r e t u r n s t o t h e i n i t i a l q u e s t i o n i n h e r paper 6  Ibid.,  1342.  7  S t e v e n Pepper, W o r l d Hypotheses: A S t u d y i n E v i dence ( B e r k e l e y and Los A n g e l e s : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1942). 8  S h e r r y O r t n e r , "On Key Symbols," 1340-1341.  9  C l i f f o r d G e e r t z , " R e l i g i o n as a C u l t u r a l System," A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Approaches t o t h e S t u d y o f R e l i g i o n , ed. M i c h a e l Banton, A.S.A. Monographs, No. 3 (London: T a v i s t o c k . i n  1966), p.  8.  —i.e.,  15 t h a t o f t h e j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r i s o l a t i n g some p a r t i -  c u l a r symbol a s h a v i n g a c r i t i c a l  status.  She a s s e r t s  that  k e y n e s s i s m a n i f e s t e d p u b l i c l y , a l t h o u g h s h e now i n c l u d e s unconscious manifestation as a p o s s i b i l i t y .  How t h e n i s  she t o d i s c o v e r t h i s t y p e o f m a n i f e s t a t i o n a t a l l ?  Ortner  s h i f t s t h e f o c u s o f h e r argument: But t h e f a c t o f p u b l i c c u l t u r a l concern o r f o c u s o f i n t e r e s t i s n o t why a s y m b o l i s k e y : i t i s o n l y a s i g n a l t h a t t h e s y m b o l i s p l a y i n g some k e y r o l e i n r e l a t i o n t o other elements o f t h e c u l t u r a l system o f thought. The i s s u e o f k e y n e s s , i n s h o r t , h a s t o d o w i t h t h e i n t e r n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e system of c u l t u r a l meaning, a s t h a t system f u n c t i o n s f o r a c t o r s l e a d i n g their lives i n the culture.1° She s u m m a r i z e s  t h e "key r o l e i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e o t h e r e l e -  ments" by d e n o t i n g summarizing symbols as c o n s t i t u t i n g l o g i c a l o r a f f e c t i v e meanings p r i o r t o t h e o t h e r meanings of t h e system.  C u l t u r a l i d e a s may b e u n d e r s t o o d i n t h e  c o n t e x t o f t h e meanings o f t h e summarizing symbol.  But, i f  t h e k e y r o l e o f t h e s u m m a r i z i n g symbols r e s t s upon t h e s t a t u s of i t s p a r t i c u l a r s u b s t a n t i v e meanings,  O r t n e r does n o t  e f f e c t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e keyness of summarizing from e l a b o r a t i n g symbols. ting relationships, t i e s , and so f o r t h , " m a r i z i n g symbol.  symbols  The e l a b o r a t i n g s y m b o l , f o r m u l a -  " p a r a l l e l s , isomorphisms, complementari1 1  c a n n o t b e s o d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e sum-  I t may b e n o t e d , h o w e v e r ,  that Ortner s f  b r i e f d i s c u s s i o n of types of r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s summarily dismissed.  S h e r r y O r t n e r , "On K e y S y m b o l s , "  1343.  Ibid.  16  O r t n e r t o u c h e s upon t h e c r u x of t h e concept o f symb o l when she I m p l i e s t h a t t h e symbol i s a s i g n a l o f i n t e r relationships.  Her f u r t h e r e l a b o r a t i o n o f t h i s  however, i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y .  signalling,  Status i s a r e l a t i o n a l construct  and makes sense o n l y i n terms of c e r t a i n o p p o s i t i o n s .  Thus,  t h e s u b s t a n t i v e meanings o f t h e summarizing symbols must be c o n s t r u c t e d from j u s t t h o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n e v i d e n c e i n t h e e l a b o r a t i n g symbols.  O r t n e r appears t o approach t h e  s t r u c t u r a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h e s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s r a t h e r c u r s o r i l y and, i n a manner of s p e a k i n g , approaches  structural-  i s m t h r o u g h t h e back door. One p r i m a r y but s i g n i f i c a n t statement on symbolism i s o f f e r e d by Fernandez: A symbol can be o t h e r w i s e d e f i n e d as something w h i c h i s l i n k e d w i t h something e l s e which i t i s n o t but about which l i n k a g e we can be c l e a r . A d e v i c e we u n d e r s t a n d as a c o n t r i v a n c e of communication; anyt h i n g i n g e n u o u s l y d e s i g n e d by new c o m b i n a t i o n s o f i n f o r m a t i o n which denotes t h e s i t u a t i o n , a m b i t i o n s , t h e f r u s t r a t i o n s , o r t h e d e s i r e s of t h e p e r s o n s adapting i t . 2  Symbols may b e s t be viewed as e f f e c t i n g a s t r a t e g y f o r communication.  Symbols a r e cues t o t h e t y p e s of c o d i n g  i n v o l v e d i n t h e i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s of d i s p a r a t e elements i n a d d i t i o n t o i d e n t i f y i n g t h e d i s p a r a t e elements themselves.  F o r as Burke r e l a t e s : I f we s t a r t by t r y i n g t o a n a l y z e t h e terms i n a  James Fernandez, " U n b e l i e v a b l y S u b t l e Words: R e p r e s e n t a t i o n and I n t e g r a t i o n i n t h e Sermons o f an A f r i c a n R e f o r m a t i v e C u l t , " H i s t o r y of R e l i g i o n s . 6 ( 1 9 6 6 ) , 4 6 .  17 work o f a r t , such as a poem, drama, o r s t o r y , we a u t o m a t i c a l l y b e g i n w i t h problems of s h e e r i n t e r n a l i t y amont t h e s e terms—-and i f one were t o s t a r t a n a l y z i n g s u c h a s t r u c t u r e o f t e r m s , one's f i r s t j o b would obv i o u s l y be t o s p o t t h e i n t e r n a l t e r m i n i s t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s as s u c h , whatever one might f i n a l l y t a k e t o be t h e a l l u s i v e element (we mean t h e t e r m s ' p o s s i b l e d i r e c t o r i n d i r e c t r e f e r e n c e t o a u n i v e r s e of d i s c o u r s e beyond t h e i r i n t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s t o one a n o t h e r ) . 1 3 Burke's i n d i r e c t r e f e r e n c e might a p p r o p r i a t e l y be termed t h e "message" whereas t h e i n t e r n a l t e r m i n i s t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s a r e t h e "code."  The n o t i o n of t h e symbol as a communicative  d e v i c e i s , t h u s , more a p p a r e n t . Fernandez, i n h i s d e f i n i t i o n of t h e symbol, summ a r i l y d i s m i s s e s t h e l i n k a g e o f a symbol as something about w h i c h "we can be c l e a r . "  This r a i s e s the question of  how  t h e a n a l y s t a s s u r e s h i m s e l f t h a t such a l i n k a g e e x i s t s . However, Fernandez does approach t h i s q u e s t i o n i n h i s summary of Metraux: R a t h e r s e r i o u s m e t h o d o l o g i c a l problems a r e r a i s e d when we speak about t h e a s s o i c a t i o n s of w o r d s — t h e images evoked by t h e m — f o r , t h o u g h t we q u e s t i o n our i n f o r m a n t s about them, a good d e a l t h a t i s r e s o n a n t remains i m p l i c i t . And we may t o o e a s i l y f a l l back upon t h e s o v e r e i g n i t y of empathy and i n t u i t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i f we a r e w o r k i n g on t h e resonance between images and, attempting t o b u i l d a c u l t u r a l configuration.14  K e n n e t h B u r k e , "What Are t h e S i g n s of What? A Theory of ' E n t i t l e m e n t , " A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l L i n g u i s t i c s , 4, No, 6 ( 1 9 6 2 ) , 12. 1,3  1  *^James Fernandez, " R e v i t a l i z e d Words f r o m 'The P a r r o t ' s Egg' and "The B u l l t h a t C r a s h e s i n t h e K r a a l ' : A f r i c a n C u l t Sermons," i n E s s a y s on t h e V e r b a l and V i s u a l A r t s , ed. June Helm, P r o c e e d i n g s o f t h e 1966 A n n u a l S p r i n g M e e t i n g o f t h e American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r i s t y of Washington P r e s s , 1967), p. 48, c i t i n g Rhoda M e t r a u x , "Resonance i n Imagery," i n The S t u d y of C u l t u r e a t  18  I s o l a t i n g models o f p e r c e p t i o n i s i m p e r a t i v e t o a c h i e v i n g an u n d e r s t a n d i n g  o f a p e o p l e ' s c o g n i t i o n . However,  as S c h e f f l e r remarks, methods f o r t h e i s o l a t i o n and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e models must "minimize t h e danger o f f o r e s h o r t e n i n g t h e p r o c e s s and u n c r i t i c a l l y i m p o s i n g a l i e n models. "***  Metraux's and S c h e f f l e r ' s c a u t i o n s r a i s e t h e  i n s u f f e r a b l e paradox o f t h e c u l t u r e l e s s e t h n o g r a p h e r . ^ 1  The c u l t u r e l e s s ethnographer endeavors t o i n t e r p r e t what K a p l a n terms " s y s t e m - s p e c i f i c " meaning ( t h e meaning o r 17  s i g n i f i c a n c e t o the actor) categories.  without  resorting t o a priori  A p p e l l a t t r i b u t e s such a p o s i t i o n t o t h e c o g -  n i t i v e s t r u c t u r a l i s t s , i n c l u d i n g F r a k e , C o n k l i n , and Goodenough.  Although a l e g i t i m a t e c r i t i c i s m i s r a i s e d by  t h e c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r a l i s t s a g a i n s t an a p r i o r i s m founded on an E n g l i s h - l a n g u a g e  p a t t e r n o f t h o u g h t and s u b s c r i b e d t o ,  i n A p p e l l s o p i n i o n , by the comparative ethnographers, f  Goodenough's d i s t i n c t i o n between s y s t e m - s p e c i f i c models and a D i s t a n c e , eds. M. Mead and R. Metraux ( C h i c a g o : of C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 5 3 ) , pp. 3 5 4 - 3 5 5 .  University  ^ H a r o l d W. S c h e f f l e r , " S t r u c t u r a l i s m i n A n t h r o p o l o g y , " i n S t r u c t u r a l i s m , e d . J a c q u e s Ehrmann (Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Doubleday P r e s s , Anchor Books, 1 9 7 0 ) , p. 5 7 . 1  ^G.N. A p p e l l , "The D i s t i n c t i o n Between Ethnography and E t h n o l o g y and Other I s s u e s i n C o g n i t i v e S t r u c t u r a l i s m , " Bi.ldragen t o t de T a a l - , Land- en Volkenkunde, No. 1 2 9 ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 5.  ^ I b i d . , 3 5 , c i t i n g Abraham K a p l a n , The Conduct o f I n q u i r y : Methodology f o r B e h a v i o r a l S c i e n c e (San F r a n c i s c o : Chandler, 1 9 6 4 ) . 1  19  e t h n o l o g i c a l methods r e s u l t s e v e n t u a l l y i n " t h e paradox o f extreme r e l a t i v i s m : how c a n any system be d e s c r i b e d w i t h o u t 18  r e f e r e n c e t o any o t h e r system?" A p p e l l c h i d e s t h e "new" e t h n o g r a p h e r s f o r eschewing t h e o r y - m e a n i n g ( t h e d e s c r i p t i o n s and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f b e h a v i o r i n terms o f i t s meaning o r s i g n i f i c a n c e t o t h e observer) i n q u i r y but a l s o a s s o c i a t e s t h e c o m p a r a t i v i s t w i t h a f a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h d a t a d e r i v e d from s y s t e m - s p e c i f i c 19  as opposed t o t h e theory-meaning l e v e l .  7  The a n a l y s t o f  symbols must a v o i d i m b u i n g n a t i v e c o n s t r u c t s ( o r c r e a t e n a t i v e c o n s t r u c t s ) from h i s own c u l t u r a l l y i n f l u e n c e d affectivity.  He must a d d r e s s t h e f o r m u l a t i o n o f a b s t r a c t  a n a l y t i c a l systems. A scheme o f u n i v e r s a l l y a p p l i c a b l e a n a l y t i c t o o l s must be c o n s t r u c t e d from t h e b a s i c p r o c e s s e s o f human thought.  I n s h o r t , by d e t e r m i n i n g what s o r t o f t e r m i n i s t i c  i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s ( t o c i t e Burke) a r e p o s s i b l e , t h e anal y s t c a n d e t e r m i n e t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a symbol, i t s code and message. ANALYTICAL TOOLS The q u e s t i o n o f what might c o n s t i t u t e a c c e p t a b l e a p r i o r i s m i s , t o v a r i o u s e x t e n t s , answered by L e a c h , B u r k e , 18  G.N. A p p e l l , "The D i s t i n c t i o n Between Ethnography and E t h n o l o g y , " 5. I b i d . , 44. 1 9  20  L e v i - S t r a u s s , and P i a g e t .  I n a r t i c u l a t i n g h i s theory of  t a b o o , Leach p o s t u l a t e s t h a t t h e p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l e n v i r o n m e n t o f a young c h i l d i s n o t d i f f e r e n t i a t e d — i t i s a continuum.  A c h i l d l e a r n s t o impose a " d i s c r i m i n a t i n g g r i d  which s e r v e s t o d i s t i n g u i s h t h e w o r l d a s b e i n g composed o f a l a r g e number o f s e p a r a t e t h i n g s , each l a b e l e d w i t h a 20  name."  Thus, t h e paramount problem i s t o d e t e r m i n e and 21  m a i n t a i n ( c o n c e p t u a l l y ) b o u n d a r i e s between  things.  One example p r e s e n t e d by Leach i s t h e continuum o f women i n c l u d i n g a.man's s i s t e r s (whom he cannot marry) and potential affines.  The d i s t i n c t i o n o f t h e two c a t e g o r i e s  of women i s c o n s i d e r e d c r i t i c a l b y e v e r y s o c i e t y (hence, the incest taboo).  Leach a s s e r t s t h a t t h e t a b o o imposed  upon t h e s i s t e r i n r e l a t i o n t o h e r b r o t h e r e f f e c t s t h e semantic o p e r a t i o n o f e m p h a s i z i n g t h e d i s t i n c t i o n  between  women a s s i s t e r s and women a s p o t e n t i a l a f f i n e s and, t h u s , masking any c o n t i n u i t y between t h e two g r o u p s .  Leach's  t h e s i s , t h e n , i s t h a t humans d i s c r i m i n a t e t h i n g s a l o n g a continuum and c r e a t e t a b o o s t o s u p p o r t t h e i r d i s c r i m i n a tions. Burke c o n c u r s w i t h Leach's p o s t u l a t i o n o f a continuum b u t i s f a s c i n a t e d w i t h t h e v e r y e x i s t e n c e o f t h e Edmund L e a c h , " A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l A s p e c t s o f L a n guage: A n i m a l C a t e g o r i e s and V e r b a l Abuse," i n M y t h o l o g y , ed. P i e r r e Maranda, P e n g u i n Modern S o c i o l o g y Readings (Harmondsworth, M i d d l e s e x , E n g l a n d : P e n g u i n Books, 1 9 7 2 ) , p. 4 7 . ^ I b i d . , p. 5 0 . 1  21 negative—a  p r o p e r t y o f c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r i n g more b a s i c  than taboo r e c o g n i t i o n .  Burke d i s t i n g u i s h e s man a s t h e  inventor of t h e negative: . . . t h e r e a r e no n e g a t i v e s i n n a t u r e , where e v e r y t h i n g s i m p l y i s what i t i s and as i t i s . To l o o k f o r n e g a t i v e s i n n a t u r e would be a s a b s u r d a s though you were t o go out h u n t i n g f o r t h e square r o o t o f minusone. The n e g a t i v e i s a f u n c t i o n p e c u l i a r t o s y m b o l i c systems... The q u i c k e s t way t o demonstrate t h e s h e e r s y m b o l i c i t y o f t h e n e g a t i v e i s t o l o o k a t any o b j e c t , say, a t a b l e , and t o remind y o u r s e l f t h a t , though i t i s e x a c t l y what i t i s , you c o u l d go f o r t h e r e s t o f your l i f e s a y i n g a l l t h e t h i n g s t h a t " i t i s n o t . " " Thus, t h e v e r y d e l i m i t i n g o f c a t e g o r i e s , any d i v i s i o n o f t h e u n i v e r s a l continuum, r e s u l t s i n an awareness o f t h e n e g a t i v e o r t h o s e elements n o t i n c l u d e d i n a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s .  Leach  h i n t s t h a t t h e o r i g i n o f t a b o o s may have been t h e n e c e s s i t y t o m a i n t a i n o r c r e a t e a marked d i s t i n c t i o n between two s i m i l a r groups ( a f f i n e s and s i s t e r s ) .  Burke and Leach have  e s s e n t i a l l y t o u c h e d upon t h e o r i g i n o f b i n a r y  oppositions  as a f u n d a m e n t a l p r i n c i p l e o f l o g i c . S i n c e many choose t o r e s t r i c t s t r u c t u r a l i s m t o t h e discerning of binary oppositions, i t i s appropriate at t h i s point t o discuss structuralism.  The p o i n t o f d e p a r t u r e f o r  L e v i - S t r a u s s i s t h e d i s c o v e r y o f a c o g n i t i v e arrangement, an arrangement o f t h e r e l a t i o n s between terms r a t h e r t h a n t h e terms t h e m s e l v e s .  He a v o i d s t h e problem o f c u l t u r a l  r e l a t i v i s m by p o s t u l a t i n g t h a t modes o f s t r u c t u r i n g o r  Kenneth B u r k e , Language as S y m b o l i c A c t i o n : E s s a y s on L i f e . L i t e r a t u r e , and Method ( B e r k e l e y and L o s A n g e l e s : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1966), p. 9. 2  l o g i c a l arrangements a r e f i n i t e and u n i v e r s a l .  A certain  s u p p o r t f o r t h i s p o s t u l a t i o n may b e d i s c o v e r e d i n t h e w o r k of t h e Swiss p s y c h o l o g i s t Jean Piaget.  Piaget maintains  t h a t t h e p r i m a r y s t r u c t u r e s o f mathematics as d e f i n e d by t h e B o u r b a k i group corresponds w i t h t h e l o g i c a l performed by p r e - l i n g u i s t i c c h i l d r e n .  These  operations  operations  23 i n c l u d e r e v e r s i b i l i t y , o r d e r i n g , and s e t i n c l u s i o n . L e a c h a n d B u r k e b o t h r e m a r k u p o n t h e human c a p a c i t y f o r d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , t h e d i v i s i o n o f t h e continuum identifiable or signifiable units.  into  However, a n o t h e r p r i n -  c i p l e of l o g i c , s e t i n c l u s i o n , i s glossed over by Leach as he p r o c e e d s f r o m a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e c o n t i n u u m t o a p a r t i c u l a r s e t ; o r , a s i t seems, d i s c u s s e s t h e c o n t i n u u m  within  a s e t — e . g . , t h e c l a s s o f women i s a c o n t i n u u m b u t h a s been, d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m t h e c l a s s o f men.  There i s ,  thus, a  human t e n d e n c y t o c l a s s i f y o r t o i n c l u d e e l e m e n t s i n some p a r t i c u l a r s e t o f e l e m e n t s a c c o r d i n g t o some s h a r e d c h a r a c teristics)—i.e.,  a human t e n d e n c y t o c a t e g o r i z e .  One m i g h t s a y t h a t  "meaning"  i s a c q u i r e d when some-  t h i n g t h a t h a s b e e n p e r c e i v e d c a n b e c o n s t r u e d i n some r e lationship with existing categories.  O b j e c t s c a n n o t be  i d e n t i f i e d u n l e s s t h e y c a n be d i s c r i m i n a t e d f r o m o t h e r o b j e c t s ; however,  o b j e c t s a l s o cannot be i d e n t i f i e d  unless  t h e y c a n b e r e l a t e d t o o t h e r o b j e c t s i n some manner. Jean Piaget, Genetic Epistemology, trans. Elean o r Duckworth, Woodbridge L e c t u r e s D e l i v e r e d a t Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , No. 8 (New Y o r k : C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 0 ) J  23  Turner d e s c r i b e s t h e f o r m e r i n h i s r e f e r e n c e t o Ndembu c o l o u r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . 2  and orange as r e d . capable  The Ndembu c l a s s i f y y e l l o w  A Hence, a l t h o u g h t h e y a r e v i s u a l l y  o f p e r c e i v i n g t h e same range o f l i g h t waves as a l l  o t h e r humans, t h e y do n o t choose t o "see" y e l l o w o r orange. Castaneda, i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h Don J u a n , e x p e r i e n c e s d i f f i c u l t y i n comprehending t h e o l d s o r c e r e r because he 25  does n o t s h a r e t h e same c o n c e p t u a l c a t e g o r i e s .  If  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s o l a t e d f r o m "what i s p e r c e i v e d " c o r r e spond o r s h a r e an i d e n t i t y w i t h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f elements subsumed under a p a r t i c u l a r c a t e g o r y ,  "what i s p e r c e i v e d "  may be i n c l u d e d i n t h a t c a t e g o r y — e . g . ,  a d o l p h i n might be  c l a s s i f i e d as a f i s h , n o t as a mammal.  But i n c l u d i n g a  p e r c e p t i o n i n an e x i s t i n g c a t e g o r y i s o n l y one method o f d e t e r m i n i n g t h e meaning o f t h e p e r c e p t i o n . A m e t a p h o r i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p i s a second p o s s i b i l i t y . Metaphor i s a sensed s i m i l a r i t y between two t h i n g s — " o b j e c t s t o - o b j e c t s , r e l a t i o n s - t o - r e l a t i o n s , l e v e l s - t o - l e v e l s , domains-to-domains, p e o p l e - t o - b i r d s , p e o p l e - t o - p e o p l e ,  etc." ** 2  Metaphor does n o t p r o f e s s t o c r e a t e an e x a c t i d e n t i t y b e 2 4  V i c t o r T u r n e r , The F o r e s t o f Symbols, p. 6 0 .  C a r l o s Castaneda, A S e p a r a t e R e a l i t y (New Y o r k : Simon and S h u s t e r , 1971) • 2 5  J a m e s A. Boon, From Symbolism t o S t r u c t u r a l i s m : L e v i - S t r a u s s i n a L i t e r a r y " T r a d i t i o n (New Y o r k : Harper and Row, Harper Torchbooks, 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 7 4 . 26  24  tween d i s t i n c t e l e m e n t s , i t c r e a t e s a r e l a t i o n s h i p based upon a sensed s i m i l a r i t y .  Metaphors have t h e c a p a c i t y t o  l i n k d i s p a r a t e p l a n e s of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Metonymy, t h e t h i r d r e l a t i o n s h i p , " i s a means of c o n n e c t i n g t h i n g s by t h e n o t i o n of t h e i r j u x t a p o s i t i o n , 27 whether t e m p o r a l o r s p a t i a l . " Boon c o n t r a s t s metaphor and metonymy as "metaphor=sensed i d e n t i t y ; metonym=con28  ceived d i f f e r e n c e plus necessary  inter-relationship."  I t i s necessary t o define these i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  Levi-  Strauss a s s e r t s t h a t the l o g i c i n the a s s o c i a t i o n of sexual and n u t r i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s may erishment:  be reached by "semantic impov-  t h e l o w e s t common denominator of t h e u n i o n  of  t h e s e x e s and t h e u n i o n of e a t e r and e a t e n i s t h a t t h e y b o t h e f f e c t a c o n j u n c t i o n by c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y " — i . e . , e a t e r cannot be d e f i n e d w i t h o u t r e f e r e n c e t o t h e  the 20  eaten.  The c o n j u n c t i o n i s t h e a s s o c i a t i o n of t h e s e x u a l w i t h t h e n u t r i t i o n a l ; t h e c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y , t h a t of t h e e a t e r t o t h e e a t e n or one s e x u a l p a r t n e r t o t h e o t h e r .  Binary  opposi-  t i o n i s i m p l i c i t i n t h e concept of c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y . C o n t i g u i t y c o n s t i t u t e s another necessary 2 7  Ibid.  2 8  I b i d . , p.  inter-re-  76.  ^ C l a u d e L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage M i n d , t r a n s . George W e i d e n f e l d and N i c o l s o n L t d . ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o P r e s s , P h o e n i x Books, 1 9 6 6 ) , p. 1 0 6 . 2  lationship.  Boon compares t h e a s s o c i a t i o n of k n i f e w i t h  f o r k (a metonymical r e l a t i o n s h i p based on c o n t i g u i t y ) w i t h t h e a s s o c i a t i o n of k n i f e w i t h sword (a m e t a p h o r i c a l r e l a tionship).  A s p a t i a l j u x t a p o s i t i o n i n c l u d e s complements,  b i n a r y o p p o s i t i o n s , and c o n t i g u i t i e s . s i o n of t h e metonym i s c o n t i n g e n c y . tuted f o r e f f e c t .  The t e m p o r a l dimen-  Cause may  be s u b s t i -  A p r e d i c t a b l e response t o a s p e c i f i c  s i t u a t i o n s t a n d s i n a metonymical r e l a t i o n t o t h a t s i t u a tion. S t r u c t u r a l i s m i s concerned w i t h t h e arrangement of i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s among e l e m e n t s .  Meaning, i n e f f e c t , c o n -  s i s t s of t h e i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s among t h e s e e l e m e n t s . i n i t i a l l o g i c a l p r i n c i p l e to consider i t renders the universe system of o r d e r i n g .  The  i s class inclusion;  i n t e l l i g i b l e by i n t r o d u c i n g a  T h i s o r d e r i n g , however, i s based upon  conceived i d e n t i t y , metaphorical,  and metonymical r e l a t i o n s .  Although metaphorical r e l a t i o n s h i p s are  constructed  from a sensed s i m i l a r i t y , t h e metaphor i s a l s o c o n c e r n e d with a conceived d i f f e r e n c e .  Metaphor p o s t u l a t e s t h a t  one  element can never be c l a s s i f i e d i n e x a c t l y t h e same manner as a n o t h e r .  Metonymy a l s o assumes a d i f f e r e n c e between  two  e l e m e n t s but eschews s i m i l a r i t y i n f a v o r of c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y , o p p o s i t i o n , c o n t i g u i t y , and The  J  74.  contingency.  c o n c e p t s of metaphor and metonymy have been  James Boon, From Symbolism t o S t r u c t u r a l i s m ,  p.  26  e l a b o r a t e d as t h e y r e p r e s e n t t h e l o g i c of  correspondence,  a l o g i c w h i c h must be a p p l i e d t o d a t a such as myth o r o t h e r forms o f s y m b o l i c a c t i o n i n o r d e r t o d e c i p h e r t h e code and subsequent message o f t h e d a t a .  It i s difficult  at t i m e s t o reduce L e v i - S t r a u s s s e l a b o r a t e t h e s i s t o 1  i n t e l l i g i b l e d i m e n s i o n s — i . e . , t o d i s c e r n the exact o f "code" and "message."  nature  Levi-Strauss d e l i g h t s i n the  diverse: Now, on t h e t h e o r e t i c a l a s w e l l as t h e p r a c t i c a l plane, t h e e x i s t e n c e of d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g f e a t u r e s i s of much g r e a t e r importance t h a n t h e i r c o n t e n t . Once i n e v i d e n c e , t h e y f o r m a system w h i c h c a n be employed as a g r i d i s used t o d e c i p h e r a t e x t , whose o r i g i n a l u n i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y g i v e s i t t h e appearance of an u n i n t e r r u p t e d f l o w . The g r i d makes i t p o s s i b l e t o i n t r o duc d i v i s i o n s and c o n t r a s t s , i n o t h e r words t h e f o r m a l c o n d i t i o n s n e c e s s a r y f o r a s i g n i f i c a n t message t o be conveyed.31 From t h e f o r m a l c o n d i t i o n s , t h e n , one c a n d e t e r mine t h e message.  The d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g f e a t u r e s e s t a b l i s h  t h e m e t a p h o r i c a l and metonymical r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  The d i v i -  s i o n s and c o n t r a s t s apparent i n t h e s e r e l a t i o n s h i p s would, t h u s , c o n s t i t u t e t h e code. c h r o n i c dimension  Boon m a i n t a i n s t h a t t h e s y n -  of t h e s t r u c t u r e may be d e t e r m i n e d  from  t h e s e t o f l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s among t h e myth's o p p o s i 32 tions.  The o p p o s i t i o n s i n t h e myth a r e e s s e n t i a l l y what 33  L e v i - S t r a u s s r e f e r s t o as c o n s t i t u t i v e u n i t s . 31 C. L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage M i n d , p. 7532 J .  Boon, From Symbolism t o S t r u c t u r a l i s m , p. 67.  33'c. L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage M i n d , p.  131.  27  C o n s t i t u t i v e u n i t s are e s s e n t i a l l y paradigmatic sets.  An example o f such s e t s i n a myth might be t h e  d i f f e r e n t o r e q u i v a l e n t r e s p o n s e s by a c t o r s r o s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s — e . g . , t h e hero r i d e s h i s horse t o t h e c a s t l e ; t h e v i l l a i n r i d e s h i s camel t o t h e market.  Often these  r e l a t i o n s h i p s between c o n s t i t u t i v e u n i t s s e r v e t o i l l u s trate logical contradictions.  A paradigm might be e s t a -  b l i s h e d , f o r example, between some i n i t i a l event i n t h e myth and what would be n o r m a l l y e x p e c t e d i n t h a t e v e n t . I n answer t o Gardner's a s s e r t i o n t h a t  "Levi-Strauss*  c o n t e n t i o n t h a t myths s e r v e t h e purpose o f c o n c e p t u a l i z i n g and a t t e m p t i n g t o sove paradoxes f o r t h e community i s an i n t r i g u i n g one, b u t one most d i f f i c u l t t o demonstrate," * one might argue t h a t t h e paradoxes a r e t o be f o u n d i n t h e l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o c c u r r i n g among t h e c o n s t i t u t i v e units.  These c o n t r a d i c t i o n s s h o u l d be r e a d i l y a p p a r e n t  t o t h e a n a l y s t p o s s e s s i n g some knowledge o f "what might be expected."  The code i s e s t a b l i s h e d f r o m t h e i n t e r - r e l a -  t i o n s h i p s o f t h e s e c o n s t i t u t i v e u n i t s — t h e manner i n w h i c h t h e l o g i c a l paradox i s d e p i c t e d ; t h e message i n d i c a t e s whether o r n o t t h e l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n c a n be r e s o l v e d and what i m p l i c a t i o n s may be drawn f r o m t h e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . Boon d e f i n e s t h e d i a c h r o n i c d i m e n s i o n as " t h e s e t  •^Howard Gardner, "The S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s o f P r o t o c o l s and Myth," S e m i o t i c a , 5 , No. 1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 3 8 .  28  of r e l a t i o n s h i p s — t r a n s p o s i t i o n , i n v e r s i o n , and so  forth—  among...(the) s y n c h r o n i c s t r u c t u r e s ( i . e . among t h e i r differences, their contrasts)."  I n o t h e r words, f r o m a  d i a c h r o n i c p e r s p e c t i v e , one can d i s c o v e r t h e a t t e m p t s made to resolve l o g i c a l contradictions.  Such a t t e m p t s appear t o  be c o n f i n e d t o two o p e r a t i o n s , t r a n s f o r m a t i o n ( a p r e f e r a b l e t e r m t o " t r a n s p o s i t i o n " ) and i n v e r s i o n . one l e v e l can be t r a n s f o r m e d level.  An o p p o s i t i o n on  i n t o an o p p o s i t i o n on a n o t h e r  L e v i - S t r a u s s remarks t h a t t h e key t o myth a n a l y s i s  c o n s i s t s of t r y i n g t o " d i s c o v e r t h e scheme of oppositions governing  discontinuous  i t s ( t h e myth's) o r g a n i z a t i o n b e h i n d 161  the mythical 'discourse'."  The  o p p o s i t i o n s are  not  a c t u a l l y discontinuous; i n s t e a d , they are transformations one a n o t h e r .  L e v i - S t r a u s s i n s i s t s t h a t a message may  coded i n d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i c a l o p p o s i t i o n s w i t h o u t i t s c o n t e n t ; hence, i f a m e d i a t i o n  of  be  altering  ( r e s o l u t i o n ) cannot be  c o n s t r u c t e d between t h e sky and t h e e a r t h , perhaps one  can  37  be c o n s t r u c t e d between an e a g l e and a d e e r . m a t i o n can be e f f e c t e d t h r o u g h m e t a p h o r i c a l  The t r a n s f o r o r metonymical  a s s o c i a t i o n s : t h e e a g l e i s a s k y - c r e a t u r e ; t h e d e e r , an earth-creature. I n v e r s i o n , the other diachronic operation,  explores  Boon, From Symbolism t o S t r u c t u r a l i s m , p. ^C. 3 7  L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage M i n d , p.  I b i d . , p.  149.  136.  67.  29 the p o s s i b i l i t y of r e s o l v i n g a c o n t r a d i c t i o n by r e v e r s i n g c e r t a i n relationships i n the contradiction.  F o r example,  a l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n might e x i s t on t h e s y n c h r o n i c  level  between a woman who i s h u n t i n g ( n o t a normal o c c u p a t i o n f o r I n t e r i o r S a l i s h women) and a man who i s h u n t i n g t h e woman. The  c o n t r a d i c t i o n a r i s e s from t h e n e c e s s i t y t o m a i n t a i n a  complementary r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e hunter and t h e h u n t e d — i . e . , t h e woman cannot m a i n t a i n t h e s t a t u s o f a hunter i f she i s c o n c u r r e n t l y  b e i n g hunted.  I f t h e woman  i s able t o i n v e r t t h e s i t u a t i o n — - i . e . , t h e man becomes t h e hunted w h i l e t h e woman remains t h e hunter, she e f f e c t s an inversion.  T h i s i n v e r s i o n does n o t r e s o l v e t h e c o n t r a d i c -  t i o n as no mediation has o c c u r r e d ( t h e woman i s s t i l l a c o n t r a d i c t i o n , b e i n g a hunter) b u t t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the man and t h e woman has been r e v e r s e d . and  Transformation  i n v e r s i o n s e r v e t o a l t e r t h e terms of a c o n t r a d i c t i o n .  Transformation s h i f t s a c o n t r a d i c t i o n t o a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ; i n v e r s i o n r e v e r s e s r e l a t i o n s h i p s  within  a l e v e l of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . CONCLUSION An  o u t l i n e has been presented o f t h e b a s i c  u t i l i z e d i n a structural analysis.  These t o o l s  tools  include  modes of analogy and comparison and t h e o p e r a t i o n s r e l a t i n g these a n a l o g i e s and comparisons on d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s .  What  remains, then, i s t o r e t u r n t o t h e concept of symbol i n terms of s t r u c t u r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s .  A symbol may w e l l be  30 determined through the a p p l i c a t i o n of Ortner's  criteria  t o t h e d a t a ; however, a symbol may a l s o be d i s c e r n e d f r o m t e x t s as a locus o f l o g i c a l operations. what l i k e a p r i s m .  Although  A symbol i s some-  t h e l i g h t r e f r a c t e d from t h e  prism i s revealed i n a b r i l l i a n t d i s p l a y of the colours of t h e v i s i b l e spectrum, t h e i n c i d e n t l i g h t i s p e r c e i v a b l e o n l y as n a t u r a l o r white l i g h t .  Though t h e wave l e n g t h s  of t h e c o l o u r s a r e , o f c o u r s e , subsumed under t h e w h i t e l i g h t ( w h i t e l i g h t i s composed o f a l l l i g h t wave l e n g t h s ) , t h e c o l o u r s a r e n o t d e t e c t a b l e u n t i l t h e l i g h t has been subjected t o the prism.  Each c o l o u r i s r e f r a c t e d from  the prism a t a s i n g u l a r angle; thus, t h e p a r t i c u l a r t i o n s h i p s e x i s t e n t between each c o l o u r and t h e  rela-  prism,  among t h e c o l o u r s t h e m s e l v e s , and between t h e n a t u r a l l i g h t and t h e c o l o u r s a r e demonstrated.  I n a s i m i l a r manner,  t h e symbol o c c u r r i n g i n one p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e x t may i l l u m i n a t e t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s e x i s t i n g between t h a t c o n t e x t and other contexts.  F o r example, a woman who hunts g e n e r a t e s  a s e r i e s of l o g i c a l oppositions (these a s s o c i a t i o n s a r e borrowed from I n t e r i o r S a l i s h d a t a ) : i f women a r e l i k e d e e r , t h e y cannot hunt a s t h e y a r e m e t a p h o r i c a l l y t h e hunted; i f women h u n t , t h e y hunt t h e m s e l v e s ; i f women h u n t , t h e y c o u l d be h u n t i n g p e o p l e ,  etc.  A woman who hunts a l s o p r e c i p i t a t e s a s e r i e s o f metaphorical  and metonymical a s s o c i a t i o n s a r i s i n g f r o m  t h e s e o p p o s i t i o n s : i f women who hunt a r e l i k e c a n n i b a l s ( i n t h e sense t h a t t h e y hunt and e a t t h e i r  metaphorical  31  s e l v e s o r o t h e r p e o p l e ) , t h e i r v a g i n a s might a l s o o p e r a t e i n an i n v e r s e f a s h i o n — i . e . , as w i e l d e r s o f death d e n t a t a ) r a t h e r t h a n i s s u e r s of l i f e .  (vagina  A symbol, t h e n ,  a c t i n g as a l o c u s f o r l o g i c a l o p e r a t i o n s , may c e r t a i n l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and generate  precipitate metaphorical  and metonymical a s s o c i a t i o n s . I f , i n a p p l y i n g s t r u c t u r a l t o o l s t o a n a l y z e t h e d a t a , a s i g n i f i c a n t convergence can be d i s c e r n e d f o r t h e s e l o g i c a l o p e r a t i o n s , t h i s convergence may  be d e s i g n a t e d as a symbol.  Chapter 3 SOME ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES ON THE LILLOOET, THOMPSON, AND SHUSWAP This chapter i s intended t o provide some ethnographic notes relevant t o t h i s t h e s i s on three Plateau Culture groups: the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap of B r i t i s h Columbia.  These three groups belong t o the I n t e r i o r  S a l i s h l i n g u i s t i c d i v i s i o n which i s bounded on the west by Coast S a l i s h , the north by Athabaskan speakers, the east by Kutenai, and the south by Sahaptin speakers.  As noted by  Ray, the underlying p r i n c i p l e of the Plateau Culture appears t o be e q u a l i t y .  1  Thus, the ethnographic notes i n  t h i s chapter w i l l cover, i n general, some of the manifestations of that equality with respect t o s o c i a l structure and the general organization of food gathering including the d i s t r i b u t i o n of food resources, inheritance patterns, and the sexual d i v i s i o n of labor among the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap.  Also, some of the t a l e n t s serving t o d i s -  tinguish one member, the shaman, from the other people of  Verne F. Ray, C u l t u r a l Relations i n the Plateau of Northwestern America, Publications of the Frederick Webb Hodge Anniversary Publication Fund, Vol. I l l (Los Angeles: The Southwest Museum, 1 9 3 9 ) , p. 2 9 . 1  32  33 t h e s e groups w i l l be mentioned The L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap, t o g e t h e r  with  t h e Okanagan, c o n s t i t u t e t h e n o r t h e r n of Canadian I n t e r i o r S a l i s h P l a t e a u groups.  T h i s n o r t h e r n P l a t e a u i s bounded by  t h e Coast Ranges on t h e west, t h e Rocky Mountains on  the  e a s t , t h e Canadian b o r d e r on t h e s o u t h , and, r o u g h l y , t h e g r e a t bend of t h e F r a s e r R i v e r on t h e n o r t h .  by  Although  t h e r e g i o n i s r e f e r r e d t o as a " p l a t e a u " (non-mountainous a r e a a t an average e l e v a t i o n of 3 , 5 0 0 ' ) . t h e t o p o g r a p h y i n c l u d e s f l a t p l a i n s , r o l l i n g h i l l s , and c o a s t a l mountains. The L i l l o o e t c o u n t r y l i e s e n t i r e l y w i t h i n g t h e c o a s t a l mountains and, t h u s , t h e i n h a b i t a n t s were f o r c e d t o e r e c t t h e i r more permanent d w e l l i n g s i n t h e r i v e r v a l l e y s . A w a t e r s h e d between M o s q u i t o and Anderson R i v e r s d i v i d e s t h e c o u n t r y i n t o a n o r t h e r n , d r i e r a r e a i n h a b i t e d by  the  S l a ' l e m u x o r Upper L i l l o o e t and a s o u t h e r n a r e a of g r e a t e r p r e c i p i t a t t i o n i n h a b i t e d by t h e L i ' l u e t o r Lower L i l l o o e t . The Thompson c o u n t r y , l e s s mountainous t h a n t h e L i l l o o e t , i s s i m i l a r l y d i v i d e d i n t o two r e g i o n s by j u n c t i o n of t h e Thompson and F r a s e r R i v e r s .  the  The Uta'mqt o r  Lower Thompson i n h a b i t e d t h e s o u t h e r n , more rugged r e g i o n j t h e Nku'kuma o r Upper Thompson, t h e d r i e r , h i l l and  plateau  c o u t n r y t o t h e n o r t h and e a s t of L y t t o n . Shuswap t e r r i t o r y i s l a r g e l y p l a t e a u .  The  Columbia  R i v e r and Shuswap Lake r e g i o n s a r e h e a v i l y f o r e s t e d , but Bonaparte and Kamioops r e g i o n s , b o r d e r i n g t h e  the  northern  L i l l o o e t and Thompson, a r e s e m i - a r i d and s u p p o r t  o n l y bunch  34  Figure 1.  A Map o f t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, a n d Shuswap A r e a s  U.S. 1. Lower L i l l o o e t  4 . Upper  2. U p p e r L i l l o o e t  5 . W e s t e r n Shuswap  3.  6. Eastern  L o w e r Thompson  Thompson Shuswap  35  g r a s s (see  map).  The  L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and  Shuswap l i v e d i n bands  w h i c h were e s s e n t i a l l y u n i t s of expanded autonomous l o c a l groups.  I n o t h e r words, a " s m a l l number, w i t h i n a r e l a -  t i v e l y s m a l l range" j o i n e d t o g e t h e r i n a " m u t u a l l y a d v a n t a 2  geous u n i o n . "  L o c a l c o n t r o l was  e f f e c t e d by a head-man, 3  not a c h i e f , e x c e p t among t h e L i l l o o e t and Western Shuswap. U n l i k e t h e Thompson and e a s t e r n Shuswap, t h e L i l l o o e t had c l a n system and v i l l a g e was and  t h e h e r e d i t a r y c h i e f of a major c l a n i n t h e  the r u l i n g c h i e f .  The  4  Thompson and  s o u t h e r n Shuswap e l e c t e d c h i e f s f o r war,  dancing.  The  J  a  eastern  hunting,  and  sons of t h e c h i e f s sometimes were f a v o r e d t o  assume t h e i r f a t h e r s  roles.^  1  But a c e r t a i n rank was  also  bestowed by t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap on p e r s o n s a c q u i r i n g m e r i t t h r o u g h wisdom, w e a l t h , o r a t o r y , o r ity.  These p e r s o n s were r e f e r r e d t o as " c h i e f . "  liberalRay  con-  s i d e r s t h e w e s t e r n L i l l o o e t and w e s t e r n Shuswap h e r e d i t a r y I b i d . , p. 15.  2  3  Ibid.  J a m e s A. T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " V o l . I I , P a r t V of P u b l i c a t i o n s o f t h e J e s u p N o r t h P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , ed. F r a n z Boas, Memoirs of t h e American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . I V , P a r t V I I ( L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1 9 0 6 ) , p. 4  257.  J . T e i t , "The Thompson I n d i a n s , " V o l . I , P a r t IV of P u b l i c a t i o n s of t h e J e s u p N o r t h P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , ed. F r a n z Boas, Memoirs of t h e American Museum o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . I I ( L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1 9 0 0 ) , p. 289. 5  6  I b i d . , p.  242.  7  'Ray,  C u l t u r a l R e l a t i o n s , p.  27.  36  n o b i l i t y t o be a r e c e n t i n t r o d u c t i o n t o P l a t e a u  culture:  I t ( h e r e d i t a r y n o b i l i t y ) was i n a l l a r e a s s u p e r ficial. Deep-seated P l a t e a u s t a n d a r d s have been maint a i n e d i n one way o r a n o t h e r . The " n o b i l i t y " may i n clude two-thirds of the population;.a p a r a l l e l " a r i s t o c r a c y o f m e r i t " may p e r m i t a l l men t o b e i n e f f e c t u p p e r c l a s s m e n ; . a l l may h o l d s l a v e s ; s l a v e s a r e f e w ; women m a i n t a i n t h e i r e q u a l i t y ; " s p e c i a l p r i v i l e g e s " a r e s a i d t o e x i s t b u t a r e h a r d t o find.° The was  t e r r i t o r y occupied by each I n t e r i o r S a l i s h  group  c o n s i d e r e d f o r t h e most p a r t t o b e t h e common c o u n t r y  of t h e group.  Although  a p a r t i c u l a r b a n d may h a v e  fre-  q u e n t e d a c e r t a i n h u n t i n g a r e a , o t h e r b a n d s o f t h e same maj o r group were g e n e r a l l y n o t f o r b i d d e n a c c e s s .  B e r r y and  r o o t - d i g g i n g g r o u n d s w e r e a l s o c o n s i d e r e d common p r o p e r t y . The  Thompson a p p o i n t e d a n o l d woman t o w a t c h t h e b e r r y  patches  and prevent  any premature p i c k i n g .  I n t h i s manner,  a common a n n o u n c e m e n t o f t h e i r r i p e n i n g e n s u r e d  an e q u i t a b l e  9  distribution of the berries. Both h u n t i n g and g a t h e r i n g were c o n s i d e r e d t o be extremely  important.  Band m i g r a t i o n s t o o k i n t o account t h e  a v a i l a b i l i t y o f each resource.  F o r example, t h e L y t t o n  b a n d o f t h e Thompson w o u l d c r o s s t h e m o u n t a i n s a n d d e s c e n d t o t h e Upper N i c o l a V a l l e y i n A p r i l t o hunt d l k and f i s h trout.  T h e n , t h e y w o u l d r e t u r n home when t h e s e r v i c e b e r -  r i e s r i p e n e d around L y t t o n and t r a v e l t o t h e r o o t - d i g g i n g grounds a t B o t a n i V a l l e y .  In thef a l l ,  I b i d . , p. 2 9 . Teit,  "The Thompson," p . 2 9 5 .  they would  split  37  into small hunting groups and f i n a l l y aggregated i n underground houses f o r the winter.*  0  Inheritable property was d i s t r i b u t e d along s t r i c t sexual l i n e s .  Males inherited a l l f i s h i n g , trapping, and  hunting u t e n s i l s , dogs, and canoes.  A widow with children  inherited her husband's lodge as well as the k e t t l e s , baskets, cooking u t e n s i l s , and blankets inherited by g i r l s .  A woman  who l e f t her husband was e n t i t l e d to take with her a l l her property and the roots and berries she gathered.  The  practice of l e v i r a t e ensured the equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources to widows.  11  The structure of inheritance was determined by the sexual d i v i s i o n of labor.  Men were the sole  manufacturers  of stone, bone, and wooden tools including: pipes, knives, skin-scrapers, c h i s e l s , wedges, stone dishes, arrows, arrow f l a k e r s , bows, and canoes.  Women made baskets, mats,  clothes, and shelters. Men were the hunters.  They constructed a v a r i e t y of  traps, deer-fences, dead-falls, and snares t o capture deer, bear, wolves, martens, minks, f i s h e r s , elk, beavers, and other animals. was t r a c k e d .  Bow and arrow hunting was employed when game  12  Gathering roots and berries was d i s t i n c t l y the work  1 0  U  I b i d . , p. 2 9 3 .  I b i d . , p. 2 9 2 .  1 2  I b i d . , p. 2 9 5 .  38  of women.  Common r o o t s and b e r r i e s i n c l u d e d :  r o o t , sunflower  hog-fennel  root, Claytonia, Allium, blakcberries,  b l u e b e r r i e s , s e r v i c e b e r r i e s , c u r r a n t s , b e a r b e r r i e s , strawb e r r i e s , and salmon b e r r i e s .  The r o o t - d i g g e r , f r o m two t o  two-and-one-half f e e t i n l e n g t h , was made o f s e r v i c e b e r r y wood and bent s l i g h t l y a t t h e t i p (which was b u r n t t o i n crease r i g i d i t y ) .  A handle o f wood o r h o r n was f i t t e d t o  t h e o t h e r end o f t h e d i g g e r . s t i c k was reversed,.  When t h e t i p became d u l l , t h e  A woman would c a r r y a s m a l l b a s k e t on 13  h e r back and t o s s r o o t s i n t o i t . C o o k i n g was a l s o t h e u s u a l t a s k o f women.  Boiling,  pounding, and r o a s t i n g were t h e common c u l i n a r y t e c h n i q u e s . Salmon, d e e r ' s b l o o d , and v a r i o u s b e r r i e s were b o i l e d i n b a s k e t s i n t o which red-hot  s t o n e s had been t h r o w n .  Dried  meat and b e r r i e s were pounded t o g e t h e r and mixed w i t h h o t grease.  F r e s h meat and f i s h were r o a s t e d .  somewhat more d i f f i c u l t t o cook.  Roots were  A c i r c u l a r h o l e was dug  i n t h e ground about two-and-one-half f e e t i n d e p t h f i l l e d w i t h four or f i v e f l a t stones. wood was b u i l t on t o p o f t h e s e s t o n e s .  and  A f i r e of d r y f i r Then s u c c e s s i v e  l a y e r s o f damp e a r t h , f i r b r a n c h e s , and p i n e n e e d l e s we»e l a i d over t h i s f i r e .  The r o o t s were p l a c e d on t o p and  c o v e r e d w i t h more l a y e r s o f t h e above-mentioned m a t e r i a l s . F i n a l l y , a f i r e was b u i l t on t o p and t h e r o o t s l e f t i n t h i s oven f r o m t w e l v e t o f o r t y - e i g h t h o u r s .  1 3  I b i d . , p. 2 3 1 .  1 4  I b i d . , p. 2 3 6 .  1 4  39 C o n c u r r i n g w i t h t h e g e n e r a l p r i n c i p l e of e q u a l i t y i n I n t e r i o r S a l i s h c u l t u r e , shamans c o u l d be male or female. But shamans were not o r d i n a r y people.  Ray m a i n t a i n s :  No matter how s t r o n g a man's power may be, no matter how many guardian s p i r i t s he may possess, he i s u t t e r l y i n c a p a b l e of p e r f o r m i n g as a shaman u n l e s s ( l ) he has r e c e i v e d a d e f i n i t e shamanistic s p i r i t , o r (2) he has been s p e c i f i c a l l y commissioned by t h e s p i r i t a t t h e time of t h e v i s i o n quest* or (3) he has r e c e i v e d s h a m a n i s t i c power by h e r e d i t y . ^ Shamanistic power c o u l d be malevolent o r b e n e f i c i a l .  I f not  t r e a t e d w i t h proper r e s p e c t , a shaman c o u l d cause i l l n e s s o r bad l u c k i n h u n t i n g .  However, shamans were a l s o d o c t o r s .  They alone c o u l d d i s c e r n t h e cause of and e f f e c t t h e cure for  illnesses.  I l l n e s s due t o l o s s of t h e s o u l proved an  e x a c t i n g t e s t of any shaman's power.  The shaman had con-  t a c t w i t h t h e s p i r i t world and c o u l d t r a c k a person's as l o n g as t h e person was s t i l l  alive.  soul  The shaman's t a s k ,  then, was t o chase t h e e r r a n t s o u l and r e t u r n i t t o i t s owner.  T h i s f e a t was r a t h e r s i g n i f i c a n t as t h e shaman's  body d i d not t r a v e l w i t h him. Shamans had other u s e f u l and remarkable  capacities.  They c o u l d l o c a t e game animals by d e t e c t i n g t h e movements of t h e animals' s o u l s and cure i n f e r t i l i t y i n women. ill,  When  shamans c o u l d c u t open t h e i r b o d i e s and wash t h e i r  i n t e s t i n e s and, t h u s , cure  Ray,  themselves.*^  C u l t u r a l R e l a t i o n s , p. 93.  T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " pp.  287-289.  40 In c u l t u r e  c o n c l u s i o n ,  was  e q u a l i t y .  r e l a t i o n s h i p r e f e r t h i s may  t o  The t o  suspect  be  s p i r i t might the  normal  i s  t h a t  i s  the  a  an  sexes  r i g i d l y I n t e r i o r  as  imbalance the  t o  can  e f f e c t i v e  be  and  between  t o  s e x u a l l y  the  Ray).  I  and  does or  s h a l l  I f  s u g g e s t s ,  not  one  a  Shuswap. appear  s t r u c t u r e . e a r t h  o t h e r  b a l a n c e d  and  r e a l m s ,  problems  women.  t o  P l a t e a u  c o n s i d e r e d  the  and  of  b a l a n c e . "  data  o c c u p a t i o n s  and  t o  Thompson,  mediator  men  the  would  h e a l t h ,  d e t e r m i n e d , S a l i s h  as  f i g u r e  move  and  extended  " s e x u a l  L i l l o o e t ,  normal  p r i n c i p l e  ( a c c o r d i n g a  p e r v a s i v e  i l l n e s s  an  e q u a l i t y  p a r a d o x i c a l  shaman  w o r l d , prove  as  by  r e s t r i c t e d i f  t h e  r e l a t i o n s h i p  problem  shaman  Thus,  i n  t h i s  u n d e r l y i n g  This  between  p r i n c i p l e  s e r i o u s  the  t h e he  o c c u r r i n g w o r l d  of  Chapter 4 THE  CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF GATHERING OR MEN  WHO  GO ROOTING  T h i s c h a p t e r w i l l examine t h e c u l t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of f o o d g a t h e r i n g and t h e consequences of a s e x u a l r o l e r e v e r s a l i n t h e performance o f t h i s t a s k .  A d e s c r i p t i o n of  t a s k s performed by each sex i n t h e p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r  indi-  c a t e d t h a t t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap s u b s c r i b e d a s e x u a l d i v i s i o n of l a b o r . r e f l e c t s the ecology  to  T h i s s e x u a l d i v i s i o n of l a b o r  o r t h e human r e c o g n i t i o n of  resource  p o t e n t i a l s and r e a l i z a t i o n of r e s o u r c e p o t e n t i a l s of t h e t h r e e groups.  E c o l o g y , however, does not i n c l u d e a l l of  L e v i - S t r a u s s s " s c i e n c e of t h e c o n c r e t e " 1  1  o r , i n Burke's  phrasing: A l l n o n - v e r b a l " n a t u r e " i s i n t h i s sense not j u s t i t s e l f from man, t h e w o r d - u s i n g a n i m a l ; r a t h e r , f o r man, n a t u r e i s emblematic o f t h e s p i r i t imposed upon i t by man's l i n g u i s t i c g e n i u s . 2  I t i s p o s s i b l e t o d i s c o v e r , upon e x a m i n i n g t h e e c o l o g i c a l a d a p t a t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r p e o p l e , t h a t c e r t a i n p e r f e c t l y  C l a u d e L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage M i n d , t r a n s . George W e i d e n f e l d and N i c o l s o n L t d . ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o P r e s s , P h o e n i x Books, 1966). 1  K e n n e t h B u r k e , "What Are t h e S i g n s of What? A Theory of ' E n t i t l e m e n t ' , " A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l L i n g u i s t i c s , 4, No. 6 (1962), 7. 2  41  42  nourishing food sources (such as frogs or insects) are abhorred.  I t i s not possible t o discover the l o g i c behind  t h i s abhorrence, however, unless c u l t u r a l prescriptions and proscriptions are explored. Women appear t o have a s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n ship with the food they gather; and, as the c u l t u r a l r e l a tionship i s synonymous with a cognitive structuring, any v i o l a t i o n of t h i s relationship should p r e c i p i t a t e l o g i c a l manipulations of the v i o l a t i o n .  Thus, i t may be expected  that c e r t a i n reversals w i l l occur when men gather roots. GATHERING Women were the exclusive gatherers of roots and berries.  The data suggests that a c e r t a i n c u l t u r a l r e l a -  tionship existed between women and the roots they gathered; f o r example, Thompson and Shuswap women avoided eating i n the morning p r i o r t o venturing f o r t h t o gather roots or rob the nests or stores of s q u i r r e l s .  The Thompson claimed  that f a i l u r e t o observe t h i s proscription would result i n a f a i l u r e i n the gathering endeavor.  Thus, the woman ne-  c e s s a r i l y had an empty stomach or was empty before she could  3  "James Alexander T e i t , "The Thompson Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," V o l . I , Part IV of Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. I I (Leiden: E. J . B r i l l , 1 9 0 0 ) , p. 3 4 9 ; and Franz Boas, "Second General Report on the Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Report of the S i x t i e t h Meeting of the B r i t i s h Association f o r the Advanceof Science-1»90 (London: John Murray. 1HQ1). n. 637.  43 o b t a i n r o o t s and n u t s . Women m a i n t a i n e d a d i f f e r e n t s t a t e o f e m p t i n e s s i n o r d e r t o c o l l e c t and cook t h e s u n f l o w e r r o o t s u c c e s s f u l l y . Supposedly, c o o k i n g t h e s u n f l o w e r r o o t was an e x c e p t i o n a l l y d i f f i c u l t task.  Women p a i n t e d t h e i r f a c e s when s e e k i n g t h e  r o o t and a v o i d e d s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e w h i l e g a t h e r i n g and cooking i t .  Men were n o t even p e r m i t t e d t o approach t h e  oven i n which t h e s e r o o t s were c o o k e d .  4  H i l l - T o u t extends  t h i s p r o h i b i t i o n t o t h e c o o k i n g o f r o o t s i n g e n e r a l among t h e Thompson.**  T h e r e f o r e , one might s a y t h a t , among t h e  Thompson and Shuswap, women m a i n t a i n e d a s e x u a l o r v a g i n a l e m p t i n e s s w h i l e g a t h e r i n g and p r e p a r i n g t h e s u n f l o w e r An a n a l o g y e x i s t s between t h e a l i m e n t a r y and s e x u a l  root. empti-  ness : Women s h o u l d have an empty stomach t o o b t a i n f o o d . Women s h o u l d have an empty v a g i n a t o o b t a i n and cook t h e s u n f l o w e r r o o t . S i n c e women eschewed e a t i n g i n o r d e r t o o b t a i n f o o d , i t appears f r o m t h e second example t h a t women might be t h o u g h t t o have some t y p e o f s e x u a l r e l a t i o n w i t h t h e s u n f l o w e r root.  A s c r i b i n g a sexual q u a l i t y t o t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p be-  4  Ibid.  ^ C h a r l e s H i l l - T o u t , "Notes on t h e N'tlaka'pamuq o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , a Branch o f t h e Great S a l i s h Stock o f N o r t h America," Report o f t h e S i x t y - n i n t h M e e t i n g o f t h e B r i t i s h A s s o c i a t i o n f o r t h e Advancement o f Science-1899 (London: J o h n Murray, 1900), p. 513.  44 tween woman and root i s strengthened somewhat by the sunflower root's stature as a f e r t i l i t y symbol.  Young people  who ate the f i r s t vegetable products of the season propit i a t e d the sunflower root which was thought t o be great i n mystery.  Teit observe that, as a rule, young people were  not permitted t o partake of the vegetable products u n t i l more than half of the crop had ripened.^  This dietary  r e s t r i c t i o n imposed upon young people may be understood as analogous t o s i m i l a r r e s t r i c t i o n s prescribed i n the f i r s t salmon ceremony. Although the Lower L i l l o o e t were sole observers of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r ceremony, the symbolic significance appears to be r e i t e r a t e d i n the other groups with regard t o vegetable resources (ceremonies honoring the f i r s t f r u i t s of the season).  The Lower L i l l o o e t believed that improper  treatment of the f i r s t salmon caught each season would r e s u l t i n a poor seasonal run.  The f i r s t salmon caught  was permitted t o die on land and was cooked with some ceremony into a mush subsequently divided into two bowls. Males drank from one; females, from the other.  However,  no menstruating woman, unmarried woman, orphan, widow, or or widower participated i n the consumption.  Any v i o l a t i o n  °James T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 349. C. H i l l - T o u t , "Notes on the N*tlaka'pamuq," p. 504; and James T e i t , "The Shuswap," Vol. I I , Part VII of Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. IV, Part VII (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1909), p. 601. 7  45 of t h i s proscription resulted i n a poor harvest of salmon 8 f o r the season. Those forbidden t o partake of the salmon mush were associated with i n f e r t i l i t y .  The widow, widower, and un-  married women were without spouses.  Hence, i n a general  sense, they were not engaging i n sexual a c t i v i t y and subsequent f e r t i l i t y .  While the menstruating woman empha-  sized her lack of pregnancy or temporary i n f e r t i l i t y by her condition, the orphans s i g n i f i e d deceased parents, another form of i n f e r t i l i t y .  Unmarried  ( v i r g i n a l ) men  were probably exempt from t h i s category as they were not associated with child-bearing and had not been engaging i n sexual a c t i v i t y or thwarted sexual a c t i v i t y (as the widower) . Human i n f e r t i l i t y , then, was metaphorically r e lated t o a dearth of salmon.  Contact between a person i n  an i n f e r t i l e state and the f i r s t salmon stood i n a synechdochic r e l a t i o n t o the entire crop of salmon. ble  The vegeta-  crop, of considerable importance t o the L i l l o o e t and  Thompson, was probably influenced i n a s i m i l a r manner. The young people were usually permitted t o partake of the berries after more than half of the crop had r i p e n e d — i . e . , when the f e r t i l i t y of the crop was assured.  The unmarried  °James T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " Vol. I I , Part V of Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, V o l . IV, Part VI (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1906), p. 2 8 0 .  46  status of the young people intimated that t h e i r  fertility  was not yet proven; hence, they propitiated the sunflower root when endangering the vegetable crop (by consuming the f i r s t berries of the season). The sexual relationship between women and roots, however, was metaphorical or c u l t u r a l , not natural or literal.  Women were not supposed to copulate with roots.  Several myths dictate the necessity f o r enforcing the d i s t i n c t i o n between " c u l t u r a l " and "natural" sexual r e l a t i o n s o i n L i l l o o e t and Thompson mythology—e.g., "Tsu'ntia,"' the "Story of Kokwe'la; or Kokwe'la's Sku'zas," l a , or Husband Root Myth."  11  10  and "Koakoe'-  The Thompson version pre-  sented here i l l u s t r a t e s the s t r u c t u r a l implications of a f a i l u r e t o distinguish the c u l t u r a l from the natural. Child-of-Hog-Fennel (Kokwe'laha»it) There once l i v e d a maiden i n some place i n the upper country (to the east or north of the Uta'mqt) who went out to d i g hog-fennel roots (Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt.). While digging, she took a fancy to a very large thick root, co-habited with i t , and as a result became pregnant. Feeling ashamed of her condition, she l e f t the people and erected a lodge some distance away, i n which she l i v e d . In due course she gave b i r t h to a son, who, when he became o l d enough to use bow and ar-  Idem., "Traditions of the L i l l o o e t Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Journal of American Folklore, 2 5 , No. 48 (October-December, 1 9 1 2 ) , 3 5 0 - 3 5 2 . y  Idem., Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, Vol. VI ( 1 8 9 8 ) , p. 4 5 . 10  11  pp.  C.  564~566.  H i l l - T o u t , "Notes on the N*tlaka pamuq," 1  t  47 rows, a s k e d h i s mother who h i s f a t h e r was. He s a i d , " I n e v e r s e e my f a t h e r a n d he n e v e r comes home." She t o l d h i m t h a t h i s f a t h e r f e l l i n t h e r o c k s many y e a r s ago and was k i l l e d . Then he s a i d , " I w i l l have r e v e n g e on t h e r o c k s f o r k i l l i n g my f a t h e r . " So he went t o t h e p r e c i p i c e a n d a s k e d i t why i t s l e w h i s f a t h e r ; b u t t h e p r e c i p i c e a n s w e r e d , "Your m o t h e r h a s t o l d y o u a l i e . I n e v e r saw y o u r f a t h e r . " He r e t u r n e d home a n d t o l d h i s m o t h e r what t h e c l i f f h a d s a i d : s o s h e t o l d h i m t h a t h i s f a t h e r f e l l f r o m a t r e e many y e a r s ago a n d • was k i l l e d . He s a i d , " I w i l l have r e v e n g e on t h e trees." So he t o o k h i s bow a n d a r r o w s a n d went t o i n t e r r o g a t e t h e t r e e ; b u t t h e l a t t e r a n s w e r e d , " I know n o t h i n g of your f a t h e r . Y o u r mother must h a v e t o l d you a l i e . " R e t u r n i n g , he t o l d h i s m o t h e r what t h e t r e e had s a i d . Then s h e t o l d h i m t h a t h i s f a t h e r h a d b e e n drowned i n t h e r i v e r . He s a i d , "Then I w i l l h a v e r e v e n g e on t h e w a t e r . " T a k i n g h i s bow a n d a r r o w s , he went t o k i l l t h e w a t e r f o r m u r d e r i n g h i s f a t h e r ; b u t t h e w a t e r s a i d t o h i m , "Those whom I k i l l I know, b u t y o u r f a t h e r I n e v e r saw. Y o u r m o t h e r h a s t o l d y o u a lie." R e t u r n i n g home, he t o l d h i s m o t h e r what t h e wat e r h a d s a i d , a n d was v e r y a n g r y a t h e r f o r t e l l i n g h i m l i e s , b u t s h e was ashamed t o t e l l h i m t h e t r u t h . He l e f t h i s m o t h e r a n d t r a v e l l e d o v e r t h e c o u n t r y . W h e r e v e r he went, t h e h o g - f e n n e l p l a n t s shook t h e i r l e a v e s w i t h g l a d n e s s ; a n d when he t r o d n e a r them, t h e y embraced h i s l e g s . As he was j u m p i n g o v e r a s t r e a m , B u l l h e a d C a t f i s h ( t s e n a ' t z ) saw h i m , a n d c r i e d o u t , "Nkokwe'lahaitI" He t u r n e d b a c k t h r e e t i m e s t o l o o k f o r t h e p e r s o n who h a d c a l l e d h i m names. On s e a r c h i n g t h e f o u r t h t i m e , he f o u n d h i m , a n d was g o i n g t o k i l l him, b u t , c h a n g i n g h i s m i n d , he t r a n s f o r m e d h i m i n t o t h e b u l l - h e a d c a t f i s h and threw him i n t o t h e water, s a y i n g , "You s h a l l be t h e c a t f i s h , a n d s h a l l n e v e r a g a i n c a l l p e o p l e names." Now he t h o u g h t he knew who h i s f a t h e r was, a n d , r e t u r n i n g t o h i s m o t h e r , he a s k e d h e r i f t h e h o g - f e n n e l r o o t was h i s f a t h e r . She a c k n o w l e d g e d h a v i n g h a d i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h t h e h o g - f e n n e l r o o t , and t o l d h i m t h a t i t was h i s f a t h e r . Then he k i l l e d h e r (some a d d t h a t he t r a n s f o r m e d h e r i n t o a s t o n e ) , and s a i d , " H e n c e f o r t h women s h a l l n o t have i n t e r c o u r s e , o r be made p r e g n a n t by r o o t s . " Now, C h i l d - o f - H o g - F e n n e l t r a v e l l e d o v e r t h e c o u n t r y a g a i n , a n d d i d many w o n d e r f u l t h i n g s . He t r a v e l l e d a s f a r down a s t h e u p p e r b o r d e r s o f t h e Uta'mqt c o u n t r y , whence he t u r n e d b a c k . A t l a s t he came t o a l a r g e r i v e r , where v e r y many p e o p l e l i v e d . He s t a y e d w i t h t h e s e p e o p l e f o u r n i g h t s , a n d e a c h m o r n i n g on a w a k i n g f o u n d h i s b e l l y w e t . He t o l d t h e p e o p l e , who a s s e m b l e d a l l t h e women, a n d a s k e d w h i c h o f them h a d s l e p t w i t h t h e s t r a n g e r . They a l l d e n i e d h a v i n g h a d  48 any i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h him. I t was n o t i c e d t h a t F r o g was absent. P r e s e n t l y she came i n , and t h e y a s k e d h e r t h e same q u e s t i o n . She a n s w e r e d , "Yes, I v i s i t e d him, and I w i s h t o m a r r y him." The p e o p l e s a i d , "No, we c a n n o t a l l o w y o u t o become t h e w i f e o f s o g r e a t a man. He must h a v e a b e t t e r and a p r e t t i e r w i f e t h a n y o u . " Then a l l the people c r o s s e d the r i v e r , d e s e r t i n g Frog. They gave t h e f i n e s t y o u n g woman o f a l l t h e p e o p l e t o be t h e w i f e of C h i l d - o f - H o g - F e n n e l . N e x t n i g h t , when C h i l d - o f - H o g F e n n e l was s l e e p i n g w i t h h i s b r i d e , F r o g g a t h e r e d h e r s e l f up and, j u m p i n g a c r o s s t h e r i v e r a t one bound, a l i g h t e d on C h i l d - o f - H o g - F e n n e l s f a c e . F r o g s t u c k t h e r e and t h e p e o p l e t r i e d i n v a i n t o g e t h e r o f f , a l t h o u g h t h e y p u l l e d and s c r a p e d v e r y h a r d . Thus C h i l d - o f - H o g F e n n e l , who h a d b e e n a v e r y handsome man, became d i s f i g ured f o r l i f e . Some t i m e a f t e r t h i s t h e p e o p l e w i s h e d t o make a moon, f o r h i t h e r t o t h e r e h a d b e e n no moon, a n d t h e y t h o u g h t t h e y w o u l d have a l i g h t a t n i g h t somewhat s i m i l a r t o t h e sun. T h e y a s k e d C o y o t e t o be t h e moon, and he c o n s e n t e d . The f i r s t n i g h t , he a r o s e i n t h e e v e n i n g ; and as he p a s s e d o v e r h e a d , e a c h t i m e t h a t he saw a marr i e d c o u p l e h a v i n g s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e , he c r i e d o u t , "Ha! You a r e i n t h e a c t o f h a v i n g s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e ! " ( " U a ' x e p l i p k a t i x ! " ) The p e o p l e were d i s p l e a s e d a t h i s t h u s t a k i n g n o t i c e o f t h e i r a c t i o n s , and asked C h i l d - o f H o g - F e n n e l t o t a k e h i s p l a c e . He a s s e n t e d t o t h e i r p r o p o s a l and became t h e moon. He c o n d u c t e d h i m s e l f p r o p e r l y and d i d h i s work w e l l ; t h e r e f o r e t h e p e o p l e a g r e e d t h a t he s h o u l d a l w a y s be t h e moon; a n d t h u s he c o n t i n u e s t o be a t t h e p r e s e n t day. The f r o g may s t i l l be s e e n a s d a r k s p o t s on h i s f a c e . 1  The  C h i l d - o f - H o g - F e n n e l myth i s p a r t i c u l a r l y  cerned w i t h the maintenance of a p p r o p r i a t e d i s t a n c e s .  conA  maiden v i o l a t e s t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between a p o t e n t i a l f o o d a potential tion  s p o u s e and t h e r e b y v i o l a t e s  a metaphorical  s i n c e e a t i n g or g a t h e r i n g food i s s i m i l a r t o  sexual r e l a t i o n s with the food.  The  metaphorical  and  rela-  having relation  James T e i t , " M y t h o l o g y o f t h e Thompson I n d i a n s , " Vol. V I I I , P a r t I I of P u b l i c a t i o n s of the Jesup North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , e d . F r a n z B o a s , Memoirs o f t h e A m e r i c a n Museum o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . X I I ( L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l ,  1 9 1 2 ) , pp.  224-226.  49  d i s t i n g u i s h e s t h e p l a n e o f a l i m e n t a l consumption f r o m t h a t o f s e x u a l consumption b y t h e v e r y n e c e s s i t y o f r e l a t i n g t h e planes metaphorically.  The woman v i o l a t e s t h e m e t a p h o r i c a l  d i s t a n c e b y consummating what s h o u l d remain o n l y m e t a p h o r i c a l sexual relations with the root.  Her s t a t u s as p o t e n t i a l  mother o f a r o o t c h i l d i s s o c i a l l y u n t e n a b l e and r e q u i r e s h e r t o remove h e r s e l f f r o m t h e community. Woman  Woman  (too close a relationship)  (too d i s t a n t a relationship)  Root  Community  Discovering h i s p a t e r n i t y , Child-of-Hog-Fennel  finds  h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h i s s o c i a l l y u n t e n a b l e woman t o be unbearable stone.  and e i t h e r k i l l s h e r o r t r a n s f o r m s h e r i n t o  Child-of-Hog-Fennel  the m y t h — i . e . ,  functions as a transformer i n  he seeks t o c r e a t e o r d e r l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  The d i r e c t i o n o f movement r e v e r s e s .  Child-of-Hog-  F e n n e l d i s c o v e r s a community l i v i n g b y a r i v e r and j o i n s i t ( h i s d e c i s i o n h a s p o s i t i v e c o n n o t a t i o n s a s some i n t i m a t e c o n t a c t w i t h a community i s d e s i r a b l e f o r any i n d i v i d u a l ) . The h e r o a t t e m p t s t o mediate t h e u n t e n a b l e p o s i t i o n l y o c c u p i e d by h i s mother.  former-  He a t t e m p t s t o c r e a t e o r d e r and  r e v e r s e s h e r a c t i o n s by moving t o a community.  F r o g , how-  e v e r , c o m p l e t e s t h e f o l l o w i n g paradigm b y d e s i r i n g s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s with the root c h i l d :  50  Mother d e s i r e s r o o t .  Frog d e s i r e s root child.  Mother moves from t h e community.  The r o o t c h i l d moves i n t o a community.  Also, while the root i s a d e s i r a b l e food, frogs a r e c o n s i d e r e d d i s g u s t i n g and never e a t e n by t h e Thompson and  L i l l o o e t . 13  Thus, w h i l e t h e mother d e s i r e s s e x u a l  r e l a t i o n s w i t h a d e s i r a b l e f o o d , an u n d e s i r a b l e f o o d seeks s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h h e r s o n . The community d e s e r t s t h e f r o g woman and.opposes t h e e a r l i e r d e s e r t i o n o f t h e comm u n i t y by t h e mother o f t h e r o o t c h i l d . F r o g woman, however, l e a p s a c r o s s t h e r i v e r and a f f i x e s h e r s e l f t o t h e h e r o ' s f a c e ; t h u s , she t r a n s f o r m s him f r o m a handsome man t o an u g l y one. i s transformed.  The t r a n s f o r m e r  C h i l d - o f - H o g - F e n n e l , no l o n g e r s o s o c i a l l y  a c c e p t a b l e a s he was f o r m e r l y , r e c e i v e s t h e r o l e o f t h e moon.  Once a g a i n , t h e h e r o i s i s o l a t e d from t h e community: Community  Frog  (too close a relationship) Child-of-Hog-Fennel  (too distant a r e l a t i o n s h i p) Child-of-HogFennel as t h e Moon  Idem., "The Thompson I n d i a n s , " p. 348  51  The i n i t i a l r e f u s a l t o r e s p e c t t h e  metaphorical  d i s t a n c e between r o o t and woman p r e c i p i t a t e s t h e o p p o s i t i o n s t h r o u g h o u t t h e myth.  The woman i n d u l g e s i n t o o c l o s e a  r e l a t i o n s h i p with t h e root (the metaphorical distance i s eliminated).  This r e l a t i o n s h i p i s transformed  r a t i o n o f t h e woman f r o m t h e community.  i n t o a sepa-  Thus, t h e r e s u l t i n g  paradox i s coded i n terms o f d i s t a n c e : t h e woman i s a t once t o o c l o s e t o t h e r o o t and t o o d i s t a n t from t h e community. D i s c o v e r i n g the nature of h i s p a t e r n i t y , t h e root c h i l d s l a y s h i s mother and p r e v e n t s any p o s s i b l e m e d i a t i o n  of the  d i s t a n c e between t h e woman and t h e community. The e v e n t s s u r r o u n d i n g t h e s o n a r e i n an i n v e r s e r e l a t i o n t o t h o s e s u r r o u n d i n g t h e mother: t h e s o n moves t o a community, n o t f r o m one; he i s t h e o b j e c t o f f r o g ' s des i r e s , n o t t h e one who d e s i r e s ; f r o g i s s e x u a l l y and n u t r i t i o n a l l y u n d e s i r a b l e t o t h e hero w h i l e t h e r o o t i s c o n s i d e r e d t h e o p p o s i t e i n b o t h r e s p e c t s t o t h e mother; and f r o g a f f i x e s h e r s e l f t o t h e head o f t h e h e r o , n o t t o h i s g e n i t a l s (the v i o l a t i o n o f distance i s e f f e c t e d through t o o i n t i m a t e contact w i t h the head).  T h i s extreme r e d u c t i o n o f  d i s t a n c e i s complemented by extreme a m p l i f i c a t i o n o f d i s t a n c e ; b u t t h e d i s t a n c e i s n o t mediated i n e i t h e r c a s e . The message r e l a y e d b y the.myth c o n c e r n s t h e d i s a s t r o u s consequences g e n e r a t e d b y a v i o l a t i o n o f a metaphorical  r e l a t i o n s h i p , or, a metaphorical  distance.  The r a m i f i c a t i o n s o f such a v i o l a t i o n i n c l u d e t h e  inability  t o maintain a p p r o p r i a t e s e x u a l and s o c i a l d i s t a n c e s .  52  Couching food gathering operations i n terms of sexual relati o n s h i p s enables the native to know which tasks are appropriate to each sex.  The myth i l l u s t r a t e s the i m p o s s i b i l i t y  of enjoying normal sexual and s o c i a l relationships f o r the v i o l a t o r of a d i s t i n c t i o n between nature and culture or the l i t e r a l and metaphoric. MEN WHO GATHER ROOTS Serious consequences r e s u l t when men v i o l a t e the cognitive order and gather roots: The Wechx#in Cave One of the people l i v i n g at Anderson Lake said, "We should go up the mountain and get some roots." A l l the women agreed, so they started up the mountain. The young men heard that the g i r l s had gone, so they decided t o go also. They caught up t o the g i r l s and were having fun helping them d i g vegetables. When evening came, they made a shelter and s e t t l e d for the night. A l l the g i r l s , but one, had a boyfriend. The lone g i r l remained outside of the cave. This was the cave that the Wechx#in l i v e d i n . In the morning, when the others didn't come out of the cave, the g i r l decided to look around. She looked i n the cave and .found that they were a l l dead. The g i r l went home and t o l d the parents that t h e i r children were dead. They a l l went up the mountain and saw the swollen bodies. Gathering a p i l e of s t i c k s , they put them i n the cave and burnt the bodies. This place i s now c a l l e d "smoked rock." The people were digging Shk ampch, Indian potatoes. This root i s about s i x to eight inches long, and i t looks l i k e a white carrot.*4 1  An i n i t i a l v i o l a t i o n of the c u l t u r a l o r d e r — i . e . , men gathering roots, precipitates the r e s u l t i n g events i n the  From a corpus of L i l l o o e t myths c o l l e c t e d by Randy Bouchard i n the summer of 1970 f o r the B.C. Indian Language Project.  53 myth.  The young people d e c i d e t o r e t i r e f o r t h e n i g h t i n t h e  cave o f t h e wechx#in.  This animal i s a s m a l l , black  dreaded by t h e Thompson, L i l l o o e t , and Shuswap.  lizard  If i t dis-  c o v e r s human t r a c k s , t h e l i z a r d w i l l f o l l o w and, a t n i g h t , c r a w l i n t o t h e person t h r o u g h t h e anus and devour t h e i n t e s 15  tines.  The human i s , t h u s , c a n n i b a l i z e d by t h e  lizard.  The l i z a r d r e v e r s e s t h e p r o c e s s o f normal a l i m e n t a t i o n by e n t e r i n g t h e body t h r o u g h t h e anus; t h u s , t h e r o o t g a t h e r e r s , i n t e n d i n g t o seek and o b t a i n f o o d , become f o o d  themselves.  A l s o , t h e method u t i l i z e d f o r d i s p o s i n g t h e b o d i e s r a t h e r c l o s e l y r e s e m b l e s t h e procedure  f o r cooking r o o t s .  The  b o d i e s , l i k e r o o t s , a r e p l a c e d i n a cave ( h o l e ) and cooked f r o m a f i r e b u i l t a t t h e e n t r a n c e ( t o p ) o f t h e cave.  Some  c o n c e r n i s demonstrated a t t h e end of t h e myth by t h e n a r r a t o r f o r d e s c r i b i n g t h e p a r t i c u l a r r o o t sought by t h e g a t h e r e r s — a n a n a l o g y between t h e w h i t e c a r r o t and a p e n i s cannot be d i s r e g a r d e d . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and t h e f o o d t h e y g a t h e r has been d e s c r i b e d as a " c u l t u r a l " o r m e t a p h o r i c a l sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p .  Thus, men,  i n a p p r o a c h i n g t h e oven i n  which t h e s u n f l o w e r r o o t i s cooked o r by e n g a g i n g i n r o o t g a t h e r i n g , v i o l a t e t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between t h e n a t u r a l and c u l t u r a l orders.  I n t h e myth, men,  t h e o b j e c t s of s e x u a l as  opposed t o a l i m e n t a l consumption, c o n f u s e t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p - James T e i t , "The Thompson I n d i a n s , " p. 348; idem., "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 290; and idem., "The Shuswap," p. 619. 1  5  54 between women and r o o t s (women s h o u l d be empty w h i l e s e e k i n g food). I n t h e n e x t c h a p t e r , I w i l l show t h a t men,  in a  s e n s e , engage i n m e t a p h o r i c a l s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h t h e game t h e y hunt.  Thus, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o a n a l y z e t h e d i s r u p -  t i o n of t h e n a t u r a l and c u l t u r a l o r d e r s o c c u r r i n g i n t h e myth f r o m t h e f o l l o w i n g diagram:  Women  e n f f a  ^  e  J"^  i t e r a  ^.  Men  sexual relatxons with engage i n m e t a p h o r i c a l engage i n m e t a p h o r i c a l sexual r e l a t i o n s with sexual r e l a t i o n s with Roots I f men  Deer  engage i n m e t a p h o r i c a l s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h r o o t s  ( t h e i r metaphorical s e l v e s ) , they c o n t r a d i c t c o g n i t i v e order, What would under normal c i r c u m s t a n c e s be a complementary r e l a t i o n s h i p ( t h a t of g a t h e r e d t o g a t h e r e r ) becomes an opposition  (men  cannot g a t h e r t h e i r m e t a p h o r i c a l s e l v e s ) .  r e s o l u t i o n o f t h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n i s attempted  through  The the  following inversion: G a t h e r e r s (men)  Gatherers ents)  —_  Gathered  (roots)  (par-  ( S i n c e men a r e cooked l i k e r o o t s , t h e y become l i k e r o o t s ) Gathered cooked)  (men  55 No mediation i s possible, however, as the parents cannot eat the former gatherers; the men have been eaten before they have been cooked.  As the myth i s coded i n terms of the r e l a -  tionships between gatherer and gathered, the message suggests that men who gather roots or t h e i r metaphorical sexual selves precipitate cannibalism.  The v i o l a t i o n of an alimental order  i s concomitant with the v i o l a t i o n of a sexual order. This message i s elaborated i n the following myth: ** 1  Made-Her-Sit-Down-On-A-Seat A man l i v e d with h i s wife i n an underground house which formed one of a group of such houses. His r e l a t i v e s l i v e d with him i n the same house, while most of his wife's r e l a t i v e s l i v e d i n one of the adjoining houses. His wife went gathering s l o ' l a t s (the inside bark of cedar) every day, and always came back loaded with the very best kind. She went oftener than was necessary, and generally stayed away a l l day. She dressed herself i n her best clothes, and took much care with her t o i l e t before departing. These actions aroused the suspicions of her husband, who made up h i s mind t o watch her. He followed her into the forest next day u n t i l she stopped i n front of a t a l l , shapely cedar-tree. Then he hid himself and watched. The cedar changed i t s e l f into a man, t a l l and good-lucking, and approached the woman, who received him a f f e c t i o n a t e l y and embraced him. They had sexual intercourse with each other, and l a y t o gether a l l day. Towards evening the man gave her a large bundle of the f i n e s t cedar bark, which she put on her back t o carry home, and when she departed, he changed himself back into the t a l l cedar tree. Having obtained f u l l evidence of h i s wife's g u i l t , the husband hurried home, and next morning t o l d her that he would accompany her t o gather cedar bark. He took her t o the same tree which had changed i t s e l f into a man the day before, saying t o her, "This i s a f i n e tree, and has nice bark. Let us climb t o the top of i t and s t a r t s t r i p p i n g the bark from there." When they reached the top, he cut i t into a sharp point, and, making the woman  l 6  C f . T e i t , "Traditions of the L i l l o o e t , " p. 3 3 9 -  56 s t r i p herself naked, he placed her on the top with the sharp point inserted i n her privates. After t y i n g her securely, he stripped the bark off a l l around f o r a considerable distance down, and then, descending, went home. She c r i e d t o her youngest brother f o r help ( h i s name was Xoxolame'ya), but he did not hear her at f i r s t . At l a s t he heard her c r i e s and found where she wasj but, seeing that he was unable to render her any assistance, he ran home and t o l d the people, who at once hurried to the scene. She was dying then from the e f f e c t s of the hot sun, loss of blood, and the great pain. She said to the people, "I am dying. You cannot rescue me. The sun i s hot, and you may be t h i r s t y j but do not eat the berries which you see growing underneath (or at the foot of) t h i s tree, because they are drops of my blood." The berries were black berries. The people began to climb the tree t o t r y to rescue her; but none of them could pass the barked part, because i t was so slippery. At l a s t they got S n a i l to attempt i t ; but although he was able to climb over the barked part, he took so long t o reach the top, that the woman had expired before he got there. He released her and took the body down, and the people buried i t . Now, i t happened that the woman had another brother who was exactly l i k e herself i n height, b u i l d , complexion, voice, and features. He dressed himself up i n her clothes, and a few days afterwards he repaired to the husband's house. He said t o h i s brother-in-law, "I'm your wife. I was not r e a l l y dead, although the people thought I was." The brother-in-law, as well as the other people i n the house, believed the story, so the supposed wife went t o bed with her husband; but when the l a t t e r wished to become too f a m i l i a r , the former pushed him away, saying, "You must desist f o r a few days. That was a t e r r i b l e injury you did to me. You surely don't expect me to be healed yet." One night, a f t e r his brother-in-law and a l l the people were asleep, he pulled out h i s knife, which he had concealed on h i s person, and k i l l e d h i s brother-in-law by cutting h i s throat. Then he suddenly l e f t the house. Next morning, before i t was quite l i g h t , a boy i n the house said to his grandmother (the husband's mother), "I w i l l go to my elder brother's bed and l i e down with him f o r a while" (the boy had been i n the habit of doing t h i s some mornings); but the o l d woman, hearing a subdued sort of noise, said, "Do not bother your elder brother t h i s morning. Don't you hear him? He i s making a nephew f o r you." The sound she heard was that of the blood gurgling and dripping from the dead man's wound. As the sound continued, the mother thought to herself, "He remains  57  l o n g h a v i n g c o n n e c t i o n w i t h h i s w i f e t h i s morning!" Then she s a i d , "Getup, c h i l d , and wash y o u r s e l f . I t i s morning.*' But s t i l l t h e sound c o n t i n u e d . When i t was r e a l l y l i g h t , t h e p e o p l e d i s c o v e r e d h i m l y i n g dead w i t h h i s t h r o a t cut.*7 l8 The myth o f t h e woman i m p a l e d on a t r e e  i s another  i l l u s t r a t i o n o f t h e consequences o f a f a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h between l i t e r a l and m e t a p h o r i c a l o r d e r s .  The i n i t i a l event  i s t h e husband's d i s c o v e r y o f h i s w i f e ' s a d u l t e r y w i t h a c e d a r tree-man.  Unlike the Child-of-Hog-Fennel  myth, though,  t h e woman does n o t have s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h a p l a n t , b u t w i t h a plant transformed  i n t o a man.  S i n c e t h e woman i s  v e r y s u c c e s s f u l i n h e r c e d a r - b a r k g a t h e r i n g , she appears t o have a p r o p e r m e t a p h o r i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e c e d a r t r e e — i . e . , t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f t h e c e d a r t r e e i n t o a man i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s a r e o f a man-woman a s opposed to  woman-vegetable c h a r a c t e r .  The woman o b t a i n s f o o d f r o m  v e g e t a b l e t r e e s , n o t f r o m t h e b a r k o f t h e tree-man. The husband n o t e s t h e i n f i d e l i t y o f h i s w i f e and e x t r a c t s vengeance b y i m p a l i n g h e r on t h e t r e e . i s unmistakeable:  The imagery  t h e woman i s s t r i p p e d and t h e sharpened  t r e e - t o p i n s e r t e d i n h e r v a g i n a ; t h u s , t h e woman now has l i t e r a l sexual r e l a t i o n s with the t r e e .  A v i o l a t i o n of cog-  n i t i v e o r d e r i s e f f e c t e d a s one must n o t have i n t e r c o u r s e 'James T e i t , "The M y t h o l o g y o f t h e Thompson," pp. 285-287. 18  I n one Shuswap myth, Coyote admonishes t h e f u t u r e mothers o f h i s c h i l d r e n t o s t i c k any f e m a l e s b o r n on t h e p o i n t s o f t r e e b r a n c h e s . See T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 6 3 0 .  58 w i t h one's f o o d . A t t e m p t s t o r e s c u e t h e woman a r e u n s u c c e s s f u l a s she d i e s b e f o r e S n a i l , t h e o n l y one c a p a b l e o f n e g o t i a t i n g t h e b a r k e d t r e e , reaches h e r .  To avenge h i s s i s t e r , one  b r o t h e r determines t o impersonate her.  He c o m p l e t e s h i s  p h y s i c a l resemblance t o h e r b y d r e s s i n g i n h e r c l o t h i n g and t h e n assumes h e r r o l e ; t h u s , t h e b r o t h e r becomes a c u l t u r a l , ( a l t h o u g h n o t a n a t u r a l ) woman.  The b r o t h e r , however, c o n -  t r a d i c t s not only the n a t u r a l order but a l s o the  cultural  o r d e r by i n v e r t i n g t h e l e v i r a t e : C u l t u r a l Order When a man d i e s , h i s w i f e m a r r i e s h i s b r o t h e r . I n v e r t e d Order When a woman d i e s , h e r husband m a r r i e s h i s b r o t h e r in-law. T h i s i n v e r s i o n o f t h e l e v i r a t e may be subsumed under t h e i m plications  o f an e x c e s s i v e l y c u l t u r a l u n i o n w h i l e t h e woman  i m p a l e d on t h e t r e e r e p r e s e n t s an e x c e s s i v e l y n a t u r a l u n i o n . I n o t h e r words, t h e e v e n t s o f t h e myth a r e l o g i c a l r e s u l t s o f t h e i n i t i a l v i o l a t i o n o f m e t a p h o r i c a l d i s t a n c e between women and f o o d ( t h e c e d a r b a r k ) .  The v i o l a t i o n u p s e t s t h e  b a l a n c e between n a t u r e and c u l t u r e and g e n e r a t e s two p a r a l l e l extremes: an e x c e s s i v e c u l t u r a l u n i o n and an e x c e s s i v e n a t u r a l union.  Each u n i o n may be deemed " e x c e s s i v e " o r u n -  b a l a n c e d — i . e . , c u l t u r e i s n o t mediated w i t h n a t u r e and vice versa.  59 The f o l l o w i n g paradigm c l a r i f i e s t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s of  t h e excessive unions: Excessive C u l t u r a l Union  Excessive Natural Union  u n i o n o f husband to brother  u n i o n o f woman t o tree  husband's t h r o a t is s l i t  woman's v a g i n a is slit  blood g u r g l i n g thought t o be t h e husband and wife copulating (sex)  blood g u r g l i n g thought t o be blackberries (food)  D e a t h , o f c o u r s e , i s a s i g n i f i c a n t outcome o f b o t h of  t h e s e e x c e s s i v e u n i o n s , b u t a more i l l u m i n a t i n g message  may be uncovered:  when t h e o l d woman i s q u e s t i o n e d b y t h e  s m a l l b o y r e g a r d i n g h i s u n c l e ' s a c t i v i t i e s , t h e woman r e p l i e s t h a t t h e man i s making a nephew f o r t h e boy; t h e woman i m p a l e d on t h e t r e e i m p l o r e s t h e people n o t t o e a t t h e b l a c k b e r r i e s because t h e y a r e h e r b l o o d . of  F i r s t l y , the noise  b l o o d g u r g l i n g i s n o t t h e n o i s e from s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e  i n d i c a t i n g t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f new l i f e s i g n a l of death.  (fertility),  i t is a  Two men c o u l d be m a r r i e d i n a c u l t u r a l  sense b u t no c h i l d r e n would i s s u e from such a u n i o n . f o r e , t h e b l o o d g u r g l i n g s i g n i f i e s d e a t h and  There-  infertility.  S e c o n d l y , though t h e i s s u e from t h e woman's e x c e s s i v e u n i o n w i t h t h e t r e e appears t o be b l a c k b e r r i e s , t h e woman m a i n t a i n s t h a t t h e b e r r i e s a r e h e r b l o o d and not t o be  60  mistaken f o r food.  E a t i n g t h e b l a c k b e r r i e s would be e q u i v a -  l e n t t o cannibalism.  A paradox emerges: t h e people must e a t  f o o d i n o r d e r t o s u r v i v e , b u t t h e y c a n no l o n g e r t r u s t t h e i r former c o g n i t i o n o f f o o d . c e d a r t r e e produces,  The u n i o n o f t h e woman w i t h t h e  i n a sense, a c o g n i t i v e l y  untenable  o f f s p r i n g — i . e . , b l a c k b e r r i e s appear t o be f o o d i n a l l r e s p e c t s save t h e i r correspondence  w i t h t h e woman's b l o o d .  The myth p r o v i d e s a r a t h e r e l e g a n t d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f the manipulation of l o g i c .  The e x c e s s i v e n a t u r a l u n i o n  r e s u l t s i n a c u l t u r a l p a r a d o x — h o w may t h e people food?  recognize  Thus, an excess o f n a t u r e g e n e r a t e s a c u l t u r a l p a r a -  dox, c a n n i b a l i s m .  An e x c e s s i v e c u l t u r a l u n i o n g e n e r a t e s a  n a t u r a l dilemma, i n f e r t i l i t y .  Both products e x e m p l i f y i m -  p r o p e r m e d i a t i o n s o f n a t u r e and c u l t u r e and stem from t h e o r i g i n a l v i o l a t i o n of metaphorical order. The i n i t i a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n a r o s e f r o m a f a i l u r e t o s e p a r a t e n a t u r e and c u l t u r e ; t h e f i n a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n p r e s e n t s a f a i l u r e t o b a l a n c e o r b r i n g t o g e t h e r n a t u r e and culture.  E x c e s s i v e c u l t u r e i s complemented w i t h i n f e r t i l i t y ;  excessive nature, with cannibalism.  Thus, c a n n i b a l i s m and  i n f e r t i l i t y appear t o be m e t o n y m i c a l l y  r e l a t e d o r a r e two  facets of a cognitive disjunction. CONCLUSION  This chapter suggests t h a t a n a t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and r o o t s i s t h a t o f f o o d g a t h e r e r t o f o o d ; however, a complementary c u l t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p  exists—i.e.,  61 a m e t a p h o r i c a l s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and r o o t s . The a s s o c i a t i o n between f o o d g a t h e r i n g and s e x u a l a c t i v i t y i s m e t a p h o r i c a l b u t i p s o f a c t o t h e two a c t i v i t i e s must be kept d i s t i n c t . Implementing a s e x u a l metaphor f a c i l i t a t e s t h e o r d e r i n g o f t a s k assignment.  I f roots are l i k e penises, i t  i s more f i t t i n g f o r women t o c o l l e c t them t h a n f o r men. A l s o , t h e procedures i n v o l v e d i n the task of root g a t h e r i n g ( d i g g i n g r o o t s from t h e ground and t o s s i n g them i n t o round b a s k e t s ) evoke s i m i l a r i t y between women and c o n t a i n e r s , f u r t h e r e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e t a s k may be c o n s t r u e d as h a v i n g a sexual character. The a n a l y s i s o f myths c o r r o b o r a t e s t h e e x p e c t a t i o n that v i o l a t i o n s of the metaphorical order should r e s u l t i n r e l a t e d l o g i c a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . The woman i n d u l g i n g i n sexual r e l a t i o n s with the root v i o l a t e s t h e metaphorical d i s t a n c e , and, l i k e h e r son, i s doomed t o an i n a b i l i t y t o mediate t h e i n s u f f i c i e n t s e x u a l d i s t a n c e and t h e e x c e s s i v e social distance.  Men who g a t h e r r o o t s c o n t r a d i c t t h e  s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and r o o t s and, t h u s , i n v e r t t h e o r d e r between e a t e r and e a t e n . F i n a l l y , c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y a r e seen t o be two complementary p r o d u c t s o f an e x c e s s i v e c u l t u r a l u n i o n and an e x c e s s i v e n a t u r a l u n i o n o r l o g i c a l consequences o f a v i o l a t i o n o f t h e c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e o r d e r i n g n a t u r e and culture.  Chapter 5 THE CULTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF WOMEN AS HUNTERS I f men p r e c i p i t a t e s e r i o u s r e p e r c u s s i o n s when t h e y i n v a d e t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and r o o t s , i t i s p r o b a b l e t h a t women r e v e r s i n g t h e i r f o o d g a t h e r i n g r o l e by assuming t h e t r a i t s o f h u n t e r s w i l l a l s o g e n e r a t e  problems.  T h i s c h a p t e r w i l l examine t h e l o g i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s o f women as h u n t e r s w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e s y m b o l i c s i g n i f i c a n c e o f p r o s c r i p t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g m e n s t r u a l b l o o d and m e n s t r u a t i n g women, t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f women t o game a n i m a l s and h u n t i n g , and t h e p e c u l i a r c o r r e l a t e s o f c a n n i b a l i s m .  The  l o g i c w i l l be c o n s t r u c t e d f r o m t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s between women and t h e i r s i g n i f i e r s — e . g . , i f a woman may be metap h o r i c a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a game a n i m a l , how does t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n r e l a t e t o h e r n e g a t i v e e f f e c t s on h u n t i n g endeavors? The f i r s t p a r t o f t h e c h a p t e r w i l l d i s c u s s t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f m e n s t r u a l b l o o d b o t h t o t h e pubescent g i r l and t h e woman; t h e second p a r t w i l l d i s c u s s t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p o f women t o h u n t i n g i n c l u d i n g t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between men and game, t h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e n e g a t i v e i n f l u e n c e o f women on h u n t i n g , and t h e p e c u l i a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f g r i z z l y b e a r hunting.  F i n a l l y , some h u n t i n g myths w i l l be a n a l y z e d w i t h 62  63  with respect to t h e i r i l l u s t r a t i o n s of v i o l a t i o n s of these relationships. MENSTRUAL BLOOD Menstrual blood, often the bane of hunting and gathering s o c i e t i e s , has been surrounded with i n t r i g u i n g but seemingly i l l o g i c a l taboos which hint at serious punitive consequences  for violators.  Therefore, the prohibitions  concerning menstruation may be taken as a focus f o r symbolic analysis.  The importance of menstrual blood t o the L i l l o o e t ,  Thompson, and Shuswap i s r e a d i l y demonstrated by the r i t u a l s observed by pubescent g i r l s and the numerous avoidance patterns followed by menstruating women. Menarche The L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap observed s i m i l a r practices regarding the puberty of g i r l s and t h e i r subsequent menstrual confinements.  The menarche s i g n a l l e d the  transformation of g i r l into a woman capable of bearing c h i l dren; the import of t h i s transformation was communicated by the i s o l a t i o n of the g i r l from the community. g i r l was considered t o be great i n mystery.  A pubescent  1  *James Alexander T e i t , "The Thompson Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Vol. I , Part IV of Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, V o l . I I (Leiden: E. J . B r i l l , 1 9 0 0 ) , p. 3 2 7 ; T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " Vol. I I , Part V of Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, V o l . IV, Part VI (Leiden: E.J. B r i l l , 1 9 0 6 ) , p. 2 7 6 ; and  64  Conical puberty lodges constructed of f i r branches served as temporary dwellings f o r the pubescent g i r l s .  The  L i l l o o e t and Thompson dug c i r c u l a r holes i n the puberty lodges where the g i r l s would squat during the day (the 2  practice was continued u n t i l the menstrual flow ceased). Separating the puberty lodge from the other houses was bel i e v e d by the Thompson "to prevent the smoke of the lodges from blowing down to the g i r l , as i t was believed t o make her unlucky or sick."°  In many L i l l o o e t v i l l a g e s , the f i r s t  menstrual period was termed tlo'gamug  ( r e f e r r i n g t o the hole  i n the ground beneath the menstrual lodge) and the second, tlojkaucim, "putting the knees together."  A l l subsequent  menstrual periods were termed either a l i t s k a or "going out4  side" and zomet or "abstaining from fresh meat." The period prescribed f o r i s o l a t i o n varied with the community: the L i l l o o e t e x t e n d e d the puberty r i t u a l from one to four years; the Thompson,^ to four months (although T e i t , "The Shuswap," V o l . I I , Part VII of Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, V o l . IV, Part VII (Leiden: E . J . B r i l l , 1 9 0 9 ) , p. 5 8 7 . o  T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 1 2 ; and Charles H i l l Tout, "Report on the Ethnology of the Stlatlumh of B r i t i s h Columbia." Journal of the Royal Anthropological I n s t i t u t e , 35 ( 1 9 0 5 ) , T W . 3  4  5  6  T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 1 2 . C. H i l l - T o u t ,  "Report on the Ethnology," 1 3 7 .  T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 6 5 . T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 1 7 .  i t was claimed that the r i t u a l once lasted over a year)j and 7  the  Shuswap,  t o one year.  G i r l s d e s i r i n g more power or  shamanistic powers trained f o r a longer period of time and indulged i n sweat baths.  8  Fasting was prescribed f o r the f i r s t four days of the menarche.  During the succeeding four days, the g i r l was per-  mitted t o eat part of the meals brought t o her by her attending r e l a t i v e s (only females attended the g i r l ) . the  Thompson, part of these meals was buried.  Among  9  Lillooet girls  spat out the f i r s t four mouthfuls of each of the m e a l s .  10  P a r t i a l consumption of these meals was thought t o ensure s u f f i c i e n t food and drink f o r the remainder of the g i r l ' s l x f e. I l l n e s s or witchcraft resulted from v i o l a t i o n s of food taboos.  Any roots, vegetables, or dried salmon and  trout were permissable food f o r the pubescent g i r l .  Forbid-  den items included fresh salmon or trout, deer and other game animals (fresh or dried), birds dead l e s s than one day, 12  and berries ripening the f i r s t month of the season. 7  8  Any  T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 5 8 7 . T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 1 7 .  T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 314J T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 6 5 ; and T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 5 8 7 . 9  T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 1 4 ; and T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 6 4 . 1 0  1 1  1 2  T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 314. I b i d . , p. 3 1 7 ; T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 6 5 ; and  66  young woman was thought t o become i n f e r t i l e i f she consumed 13  b e a r meat. I s o l a t i o n and a b s t e n t i o n from f r e s h meat were two s u b s t a n t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f b o t h t h e menarche and subsequent m e n s t r u a l p e r i o d s .  A l t h o u g h t h e pubescent g i r l was  r e s t r i c t e d from consuming any meat, t h e s e m a n t i c emphasis was on a b s t e n t i o n from f r e s h meat o r meat t h a t b l e e d s .  Hill-  Tout p r o v i d e s L i l l o o e t e x e g e s i s f o r t h e r e s t r i c t i o n : F i r s t , t h e g i r l , i t was t h o u g h t , would be harmed by t h e f r e s h meat i n h e r p e c u l i a r c o n d i t i o n ; and second, t h e game a n i m a l s would t a k e o f f e n c e i f she p a r t o o k o f t h e i r meat i n t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s . S h o u l d a pubescent g i r l e a t f r e s h meat, i t was b e l i e v e d h e r f a t h e r ' s l u c k as a h u n t e r would be s p o i l e d t h e r e a f t e r . The a n i m a l s would n o t p e r m i t him t o k i l l them; f o r i t was h e l d t h a t no a n i m a l c o u l d be k i l l e d a g a i n s t i t s own w i s h o r w i l l . Indeed t h e I n d i a n l o o k e d upon a l l h i s f o o d , a n i m a l and v e g e t a b l e , as g i f t s v o l u n t a r i l y bestowed upon him by t h e " s p i r i t " o f t h e a n i m a l o r v e g e t a b l e , and r e g a r d e d hims e l f as a b s o l u t e l y dependent upon t h e i r good w i l l f o r his d a i l y sustenance. * Despite c a r e f u l observation of d i e t a r y r e s t r i c t i o n s by t h e pubescent g i r l , h e r f a t h e r s t i l l s u f f e r e d i n h i s h u n t i n g endeavors f o r a temporary p e r i o d .  A Thompson  man  r e f r a i n e d from h u n t i n g o r t r a p p i n g f o r t h e f i r s t month o f his  d a u g h t e r ' s s e c l u s i o n and d i d n o t p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e n o r -  mal d i s t r i b u t i o n o f game. "* 1  T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 5 8 7 . T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 1 7 ; T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 6 9 j and T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 5 9 2 . 1 3  1 4  1 5  C . H i l l - T o u t , "Report on t h e E t h n o l o g y , " 1 3 6 . T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 1 7 .  A f t e r f i n i s h i n g her t r a i n i n g , t h e g i r l burned t h e d r e s s worn and hung h e r o t h e r c l o t h e s up i n t r e e s . * *  She  1  a l t e r e d h e r h a i r s t y l e from one k n o t b e h i n d each e a r t o t h e s t y l e o f women—two b r a i d s o r two b r a i d s f o l d e d up on each 17  side. the  Among t h e L i l l o o e t and Shuswap, a shaman p u r i f i e d  g i r l b e f o r e she was p e r m i t t e d t o r e t u r n t o h e r v i l l a g e .  H i l l - T o u t e x p l a i n s t h a t "her bad m e d i c i n e had t o be t a k e n from h e r . the  T h i s was done by t h e shaman m a r k i n g i n r e d p a i n t  symbol os h i s snam o r ' f a m i l i a r s p i r i t ' upon h e r 18  b l a n k e t and f a c e . "  A shaman l e d a Shuswap g i r l back t o  h e r v i l l a g e a t t h e c o n c l u s i o n of her p u b e r t y r i t u a l . *  9  Employing a shaman f o r t h e purpose of p u r i f i c a t i o n imputes no s m a l l s i g n i f i c a n c e t o t h e p o s s i b l e n e g a t i v e i n f l u e n c e s of  t h e pubescent  girl.  Menarche s i g n a l l e d a g i r l ' s t r a n s i t i o n from c h i l d hood t o womanhood.  Her f u t u r e s u c c e s s as w i f e and c h i l d -  b e a r e r was s u p p o s e d l y d e t e r m i n e d i n h e r performance of puberty r i t u a l s .  Three s a l i e n t f e a t u r e s of t h e menarche  provide a b a s i s f o r symbolic consideration: ( l ) i s o l a t i o n from t h e community was r e q u i s i t e f o r t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e Ibid. l 6  1 7  I b i d . , p. 3 1 2 ; and T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 2 5 .  18 10  C. H i l l - T o u t , "Report on t h e E t h n o l o g y , " 1 3 6 .  'Franz Boas, "Second G e n e r a l Report on t h e I n d i a n s of B r i t i s h Columbia," Report of t h e S i x t i e t h M e e t i n g of t h e B r i t i s h A s s o c i a t i o n f o r t h e Advancement o f S c i e n c e . 1890 (London: John Murray, 1 8 9 1 ) , p. 6 4 2 .  g i r l and h e r community; ( 2 ) female pubescence had a n e g a t i v e e f f e c t on t h e f a t h e r ' s h u n t i n g s u c c e s s ; and ( 3 ) some semantic  a s s o c i a t i o n e x i s t e d between t h e b l o o d from f r e s h meat  and t h e m e n s t r u a l f l o w . Subsequent M e n s t r u a l P e r i o d s I s o l a t i o n from t h e community d u r i n g m e n s t r u a t i o n c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e woman's l i f e ; f o r example, c o o k i n g and e a t i n g u t e n s i l s used d u r i n g t h e m e n s t r u a l p e r i o d were e x p e c t e d t o be t h e p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t y o f t h e m e n s t r u a t i n g woman and c l o t h e s worn d u r i n g t h e confinement were hung i n t r e e s t o be used t h e f o l l o w i n g month o r washed.  Women were 20  e x p e c t e d t o bathe b e f o r e r e t u r n i n g t o t h e community. D i e t a r y r e s t r i c t i o n s observed b y t h e m e n s t r u a t i n g woman c o r r e s p o n d e d t o t h o s e o f t h e pubescent  girl.  Eating  v e n i s o n o r o t h e r l a r g e game a n i m a l s was t h o u g h t t o d i s 21  p l e a s e t h e a n i m a l s and i n c r e a s e t h e f l o w o f b l o o d . A g a i n , b l o o d from meat was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h m e n s t r u a l b l o o d . M e n s t r u a t i n g women d i d n o t cook f o r o t h e r s .  A man  e a t i n g f o o d p r e p a r e d b y such women was s u s c e p t i b l e t o i l l 22  ness and l i t t l e s u c c e s s i n h u n t i n g .  A L i l l o o e t man  i m m e d i a t e l y v o m i t e d and purged h i m s e l f b y d r i n k i n g m e d i c i n e T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 2 6 . 2 0  I b i d . , p. 327; T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 6 9 ; and T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 5 9 2 . 2 1  22  T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 2 6 ; and Boas, "Second G e n e r a l R e p o r t , " p. 6 4 2 .  upon discovering he had eaten food prepared by a menstruat23 ing woman.  Also, a man suffered not only from eating food  prepared by a menstruating woman, but also from eating i n her company.  Sexual intercourse was prohibited during a  woman's menstruation and the clothes mended by a woman at such times could not be worn by men. *  The l o g i c of these  prohibitions emerges only upon consideration of the r e l a tionship of women t o hunting. WOMEN AND HUNTING Women and Deer Menstruating women exerted a powerful effect on men and t h e i r hunting success.  As described above, men avoided  any intimate contact with menstruating women.  A partial  exegesis f o r t h i s proscription maintains that bears could detect a man's contact with a menstruating woman and would 25 attack him.  Women could also render hunting or martial  weapons i n e f f e c t i v e by simply crossing i n front of them. The owner was forced t o negate the e f f e c t by washing the weapons with medicine or s t r i k i n g the woman on the p r i n c i pal parts of her body with the weapon. ** 2  2 3  2 4  2  T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 269. T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 326.  ^Ibid.j  2 6  and Boas, "Second General Report," p. 642.  T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 327.  70 F u r t h e r m o r e , a woman h a d t o o b s e r v e p r o s c r i p t i o n s with supposed t o touch a  regard  t o t h e game c a r c a s s .  She was n o t  a c a r c a s s n o r pass i n f r o n t o f t h e head o f  l a r g e game a n i m a l a s i t m i g h t  herself,  particular  or cast a s p e l l  "throw s i c k n e s s  on t h e woman  on t h e weapons o f t h e h u n t e r who h a d  27 k i l l e d t h e animal."  The L i l l o o e t  extended t h i s p r o h i b i t i o n 28  t o include not passing by t h e f e e t of t h e carcass. when a woman was n o t m e n s t r u a t i n g ,  Even  s h e was f o r b i d d e n t o e a t  t h e h e a d o f a l a r g e game a n i m a l .  T h e Thompson c l a i m e d  if  h e r mouth w o u l d  she v i o l a t e d t h i s  twisted.  restriction,  that  become  Other p a r t s o f t h e animal—-the heart, kidneys, i n -  s i d e s , f e e t , e t c . — w e r e known a s " m y s t e r i o u s "  and f o r b i d d e n  29 t o women. T h e r e were c e r t a i n p a r t s o f t h e a n i m a l c o n s i d e r e d t o be  g r e a t e r i n mystery t h a n t h e head, f e e t , k i d n e y s ,  forth. the  These i n c l u d e d :  "the paint o r 'paint-bag'  ham n e a r t h e t h i g h ; t h e s k i ' k i k s ,  a piece  and so  piece of  of the flesh  of t h e f r o n t l e g ; and t h e 'apron', t h e f l e s h y p a r t o f t h e 30 belly,  extending  down t o b e t w e e n t h e h i n d - l e g s . "  These m y s t e r i o u s p a r t s a r e r e f e r r e d t o i n t h e f o l l o w i n g myth:  2 7  Ibid.,  2 8  Teit,  p. 326. "The L i l l o o e t , "  p.  269.  I b i d . ; T e i t , "The Thompson," p p . 3 2 6 - 3 2 7 ; Shuswap," p . 5 9 2 . 2 9  "The  3  °Teit,  "The L i l l o o e t , "  p.  280.  and T e i t ,  71  S t o r y o f t h e Deer I n m y t h o l o g i c a l t i m e s t h e d e e r was an a n i m a l , and n e v e r had human f o r m . A t f i r s t p e o p l e c o u l d n o t k i l l i t , because i t was a b l e t o jump f r o m one mountain-top t o a n o t h e r . N e i t h e r bow and a r r o w s , n o r t r a p s and s n a r e s , were o f any a v a i l . Then t h e y asked an a d o l e s c e n t g i r l , who t h r e w h e r k i l t a t i t . She s t r u c k i t on t h e s i d e , and t h i s r e d u c e d i t s jumping powers t o some e x t e n t . Then she threw h e r a p r o n , w h i c h s t r u c k i t below o r b e h i n d t h e r i b s , and r e d u c e d i t s power s t i l l more. A g a i n , s h e t h r e w h e r b r e e c h - c l o u t a t i t , and t h i s r e d u c e d i t s power s t i l l more; b u t s t i l l i t c o u l d jump o u t o f a r r o w - s h o t a t one s p r i n g . A t l a s t she t h r e w h e r p a i n t - b a g a t i t , which s t r u c k i t on t h e l e g s . Then i t c o u l d jump o n l y j u s t a s deer do now. A f t e r t h i s had been doen t h e p e o p l e c o u l d hunt s u c c e s s f u l l y , and k i l l e d deer w i t h bows and a r r o w s . T h i s i s the r e a s o n t h a t t h e r e a r e m y s t e r i o u s p a r t s i n s i d e t h e d e e r now. The g i r l ' s k i l t may be seen a s t h e p l e u r a and diaphragm. Her p a i n t - b a g i s now a muscle on t h e l e g s ; h e r b r e e c h - c l o u t i s t h e p e r i c a r d i u m : and h e r apron i s the meat below o r b e h i n d t h e r i b s . 3 1 The a d o l e s c e n t g i r l mediates t h e d i s t a n c e between the  h u n t e r and t h e d e e r b y t h r o w i n g v a r i o u s  garments  (probably c o n t a i n i n g menstrual blood) a t t h e deer.  Intimate  garments worn by t h e g i r l a r e now p a r t o f t h e d e e r ' s body. A n o t h e r myth e s t a b l i s h e s an even s t r o n g e r l i n k between women and d e e r : Women a n d Deer G i v i n g B i r t h F o r m e r l y women gave b i r t h w i t h t h e same ease t h a t deer do now, w h i l e deer h a d as much p a i n i n g i v i n g b i r t h as women have a t p r e s e n t . When t h e deer c o m p l a i n e d o f t h e i r h a r d s h i p s , t h e women l a u g h e d , and s a i d , " L e t u s change." They changed, and i t was o r d a i n e d t h a t hencef o r t h t h e women s h o u l d have c h i l d b i r t h p a i n s , and t h e deer be exempt.32  T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 653.  3  ^ T e i t , "The M y t h o l o g y o f t h e Thompson I n d i a n s , " 2  72  Thus, t h e myth m a i n t a i n s t h a t women and deer exchanged t h e i r v e r y organs f o r g i v i n g b i r t h . A deer c a r c a s s was brought  i n t o a h u n t i n g lodge  t h r o u g h a h o l e i n t h e back, n e v e r t h r o u g h t h e common door -jo  where women c o u l d pass.  The S a n p o i l and Nespelem, though  not t h e major groups i n c o n s i d e r a t i o n , a r e I n t e r i o r S a l i s h s p e a k i n g p e o p l e o f n o r t h e a s t e r n Washington and r e f l e c t much of t h e g e n e r a l L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap c u l t u r e .  In  d e s c r i b i n g t h e S a n p o i l and Nespelem method o f t r a n s p o r t i n g game i n t o t h e h u n t i n g l o d g e , Ray r e l a t e s : ...the o b j e c t i o n t o t h e u s e o f t h e door was t h a t b l o o d from t h e dead a n i m a l was s u r e t o drop i n t h e doorway. A m e n s t r u a t i n g woman might walk t h r o u g h t h e passage and over t h e b l o o d , t h e r e b y i n s u l t i n g t h e d e e r , who would no l o n g e r p e r m i t t h e m s e l v e s t o be t a k e n by t h e hunters.34 The S a n p o i l and Nespelem t h u s c l a r i f y t h i s p a r t i c u l a r semant i c association.  I t was n o t s i m p l y t h e woman, b u t h e r b l o o d  t h a t would m i n g l e w i t h t h e b l o o d o f t h e d e e r .  This intimacy  would e f f e c t some v i o l a t i o n . A q u e s t i o n t o a d d r e s s , t h e n , concerns t h e s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p between m e n s t r u a l b l o o d and a deer o r o t h e r game a n i m a l .  The c a p a c i t y o f m e n s t r u a l b l o o d f o r p o l l u t i o n  V o l . V I I I , P a r t I I o f P u b l i c a t i o n s o f the Jesup North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , e d . F r a n z Boas, Memoirs o f t h e American Museum o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . X I I ( L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1 9 1 2 ) , p. 3 3 1 . T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 4 7 ; and T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 6 9 . 3 3  V e r n e F. Ray, The S a n p o i l and Nespelem: S a l i s h a n P e o p l e s o f N d r t h e a s t e r n Washington , U n i v e r s i t y o f Washington P u b l i c a t i o n s i n Anthropology, V o l . 5 ( S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y o f 3 4  i s e l a b o r a t e d by L e v i - S t r a u s s : . . . a t t h e semantic l e v e l , p o l l u t i o n , a t l e a s t i n t h e t h o u g h t of t h e N o r t h American I n d i a n s , c o n s i s t s of t o o c l o s e a c o n j u n c t i o n between two t h i n g s each meant t o r e main i n a s t a t e of ' p u r i t y . I n t h e hunt a t c l o s e q u a r t e r s m e n s t r u a l p e r i o d s always r i s k i n t r o d u c i n g e x c e s s i v e u n i o n which would l e a d t o a s a t u r a t i o n of t h e o r i g i n a l r e l a t i o n s and a n e u t r a l i z a t i o n of i t s dynamic f o r c e by redundancy.35 1  I n t h i s i n s t a n c e , redundancy i s t h e o v e r - s i m i l a r i t y between menstruation  and t h e hunt.  A more d e t a i l e d a n a l y s i s of t h i s  r e l a t i o n s h i p i s i n order. As R i d i n g t o n s u g g e s t s , t h e most s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t e of m e n s t r u a l  bleeding i s i t s s i g n i f y i n g i n f e r t i l i t y  or  id  l a c k of pregnancy.  The i m p l i c a t i o n s of i n f e r t i l i t y  be extended t o i n c l u d e l a c k of new imminent d e a t h of t h e community.  could  l i f e i n general or the A menstruating  woman p r e -  s e n t s a paradox i n t h e sense t h a t she b l e e d s n o r m a l l y o r not f r o m c u l t u r a l l y i n f l i c t e d (as i n h u n t i n g o r w a r f a r e ) o r s e l f i n f l i c t e d wounds; she w i l l not d i e f r o m her b l e e d i n g .  Her  c o n d i t i o n , t h e n , can be c o n t r a s t e d w i t h t h e s i t u a t i o n of t h e hunted a n i m a l where b l e e d i n g almost s u r e l y s i g n a l s d e a t h . M e n s t r u a l b l o o d , an a b o m i n a t i o n , a p r i m a r y cause of i l l n e s s .  was t h o u g h t t o be  Deer's b l o o d , on t h e o t h e r hand,  was b o i l e d t h i c k w i t h r o o t s , b e r r i e s , and d e e r f a t and c o n s i Washington P r e s s , 1 9 3 2 ) ,  p. 9 1 .  or  ° Claude L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage M i n d , t r a n s . George W e i d e n f e l d and N i c o l s o n L t d . ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o P r e s s , P h o e n i x Books, 1 9 6 6 ) , p. 5 2 . ^Personal  communication.  dered a d e l i c a c y .  Thus, t h e m e n s t r u a t i n g woman might be  viewed a s an i n v e r s i o n o f t h e game a n i m a l : Woman  Deer  A m e n s t r u a t i n g woman is s t i l l alive.  A wounded deer w i l l probably die.  Menstrual blood causes s i c k n e s s .  Deer's b l o o d i s a food.  Menstrual blood signifies infertility or l a c k o f c h i l d and lack of l i f e continuance.  The deer c a r c a s s and b l o o d a r e f o o d s and, t h u s , connote l i f e s u p p o r t and l i f e continuance.  M e n s t r u a l b l o o d i s a prime d i f f e r e n t i a t o r .  The  myths i m p l y t h a t women a r e v e r y s i m i l a r t o d e e r — i . e . , t h e y exchanged s e x u a l organs and deer a s s i m i l a t e d t h e c l o t h i n g of  adolescent g i r l s \  t h e r e f o r e , menstrual blood serves t o  d i s t i n g u i s h t h e c o g n i t i v e p o s i t i o n o f women from t h a t o f deer.  I f women a r e s i m i l a r t o deer a s men a r e t o r o o t s , i t  might be e x p e c t e d t h a t some r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s between men and deer which evokes t h a t o f women t o r o o t s .  I n other  words, men may have a m e t a p h o r i c a l s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h deer. Men and H u n t i n g Pubescent boys observed d i e t a r y r e s t r i c t i o n s  37 T e i t ,  "The Thompson," p. 236.  which  complemented t h o s e o f t h e pubescent g i r l s .  Boys d i d n o t  e a t r o o t s , b e r r i e s , o r any f o o d p r e p a r e d b y women.  Fresh  o r d r i e d deer meat was p r e f e r r e d , b u t any o t h e r game a n i mals o r b i r d s were p e r m i t t e d .  P u b e r t y observances r e q u i r e d  t h e t r a i n e e t o consume o n l y f o o d which would be hunted b y him i n a d u l t l i f e .  3 8  Some t r a p p e r s o r h u n t e r s , l i k e women embarking on a r o o t g a t h e r i n g e x p e d i t i o n , would n o t e a t b e f o r e t h e hunt. A l s o , t h e t r a p p e r o r h u n t e r a v o i d e d f o o d cooked b y a woman u n l e s s she were o l d .  Thus, t h e t r a p p e r o r h u n t e r remained  empty o f f o o d when h u n t i n g o r t r a p p i n g and r e f r a i n e d  from  e a t i n g f o o d cooked b y a s e x u a l l y a v a i l a b l e woman (one n o t m e n s t r u a t i n g o r menopausal). Among t h e L i l l o o e t , t h e f a t h e r f i r e d an arcow i n t o a m i n i a t u r e g r a s s deer a t t h e b i r t h o f h i s c h i l d . T h e b i r t h o f a baby, t h u s , c o u l d be analogous t o t h e s u c c e s s f u l s h o o t i n g o f a deer. B i r t h i s a s u c c e s s f u l m e d i a t i o n o f t h e sexes as e x p r e s s e d t h r o u g h s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e .  Therefore,  success i n hunting c o u l d imply s u c c e s s f u l metaphorical s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s between men and game a n i m a l s .  The l o g i c  b e h i n d t h e n e g a t i v e i n f l u e n c e o f m e n s t r u a t i n g women on h u n t i n g weapons may w e l l be t h a t t h e m e n s t r u a t i n g woman would c o n f u s e t h e semantic domains as would a man g a t h e r i n g  3 8  3 9  4  I b i d . , p. 3 2 1 ; and T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 267 T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 4 8 .  °Teit, "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 6 0 .  76  r o o t s w i t h t h e women.  A woman, an i n v e r s e o f t h e d e e r ,  a f f e c t s h u n t i n g weapons i n v e r s e l y .  As a woman i s n o t a  l e g i t i m a t e t a r g e t , t h e gun becomes i n e f f e c t i v e .  The gun  would s u p p o s e d l y f i r e i f c o n f r o n t e d w i t h a d e e r . I t appears t h a t t h e message i n h e r e n t i n t h e code o f m e n s t r u a l b l o o d demands a n e c e s s a r y d i s t i n c t i o n between women and deer.  Men c a n hunt deer s i n c e men a r e i n c e r t a i n  r e s p e c t s t h e o p p o s i t e o f women; f o r example, i f pubescent boys approached t h e m e n s t r u a l lodge o f women, t h e boys would bleed spontaneously  from the n o s e .  v a g i n a ; men, f r o m t h e head.  4 1  Women b l e e d f r o m t h e  V a g i n a l b l o o d s i g n i f i e s female  p u b e r t y ; dreams s i g n a l male p u b e r t y ( o p p o s i t i o n o f head t o A  0  vagina  Thus, men s h o u l d be a b l e t o hunt m e t a p h o r i c a l  women a s women g a t h e r m e t a p h o r i c a l men.  Menstrual blood,  w h i c h s e r v e s t o s e p a r a t e women f r o m deer and women f r o m men, may  l i n k deer w i t h men b y d e f a u l t .  I n o t h e r words, i t p e r -  m i t s men t o e s t a b l i s h a b l o o d c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h deer i n t h e context of hunting.  The r e l a t i o n s h i p o f g r i z z l y b e a r s t o  hunters c l a r i f i e s t h e sexual character of t h e hunting endeavor. G r i z z l y Bears and Hunters An i n t e r e s t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t e d among b l a c k  4 1  T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 321.  I b i d . , p. 318; T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 6 6 ; and T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 5 8 8 . 4 2  77  b e a r s , g r i z z l y b e a r s , h u n t e r s , and women.  Women who a t e  b e a r meat were t h o u g h t t o become i n f e r t i l e and an unborn c h i l d would d i s s o l v e i n t h e womb i f t h e husband o f t h e A. 1  pregnant woman were t o hunt o r e a t b e a r s .  Bears became  a g i t a t e d from t h e s c e n t o f m e n s t r u a l b l o o d and a t t a c k e d h u n t e r s c o n t a m i n a t e d w i t h i t . However, a b e a r was t h e p r o t e c t o r o f Thompson t w i n s ,  4 4  s a i d t o be t h e f a t h e r o f  L i l l o o e t t w i n s , ^ and t h e a p p a r e n t f a t h e r o f Shuswap t w i n s 4  46  who were c a l l e d "young g r i z z l y b e a r s . " B e a r s a r e t h e o n l y game a n i m a l s r e v e r s i n g t h e h u n t e r / h u n t e d dichotomy.  T h i s r e v e r s a l a r i s e s when b e a r s  detect menstrual blood or i n f e r t i l i t y .  Bears a r e a l s o t h e  o n l y a n i m a l s r e g a r d e d b y t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap as t h e f a t h e r s o f human c h i l d r e n . b e a r s become c a n n i b a l s .  I n attacking hunters, the  A woman who e a t s b e a r meat e a t s a  p o t e n t i a l f a t h e r f o r h e r c h i l d r e n ; t h u s , s h e , t o o , resembles a cannibal.  The paradigm f o l l o w s : Women  i n f e r t i l e woman  et,"  Bears b e a r becomes cannibal  **°Teit, "The Thompson," p. 3 0 4 ; T e i t , "The L i l l o o p. 2 6 9 ; and T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 592. 4 4  4 5  4  T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 311. T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 6 3 .  ^ B o a s , "Second G e n e r a l R e p o r t , " p. 6 4 4 .  78 Women  Bears  woman i n a r e c e p t i v e state f o r c h i l d (not menstruating, n o t pregnant)  b e a r s c a n be hunted  woman pregnant (potential father i s a bear)  bear w i l l be cannibalized both by women and t h e i r husbands i f e a t e n  A woman who e a t s b e a r meat v i o l a t e s an i m p o r t a n t semantic d i s t i n c t i o n — i . e . , one cannot consume what one c o n s i d e r s a s e x u a l o b j e c t ( t h i s c a t e g o r y i n c l u d e s any p o t e n t i a l f a t h e r ) . A l s o , a s t h e b e a r can be hunted and e a t e n o n l y when t h e wife of t h e hunter i s i n a s e x u a l l y r e c e p t i v e s t a t e , t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e h u n t e r and t h e hunted i s more sharply defined. HUNTING MYTHOLOGY Two h u n t i n g myths s e r v e t o r e v e a l t h e c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e o f h u n t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s and t h e n e g a t i v e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f any v i o l a t i o n o f t h e s t r u c t u r e .  The f i r s t de-  f i n e s p r o p e r o r d e r , t h e second d i s c u s s e s t h e r a m i f i c a t i o n s of a woman who h u n t s . Coyote and t h e H u n t i n g - C a n n i b a l Coyote, w h i l e t r a v e l l i n g about, met a C a n n i b a l who was h u n t i n g . The l a t t e r s a i d t o him, "Come h e l p me hunt d e e r ! There i s a band o f deer j u s t coming around t h e s h o u l d e r o f t h e h i l l yonder!" Coyote l o o k e d where t h e C a n n i b a l had p o i n t e d , and saw many p e o p l e t r a v e l l i n g a l o n g t h e h i l l s i d e . He s a i d , "These a r e n o t d e e r , t h e y  79 are p e o p l e . " The C a n n i b a l answered, "No, t h e y a r e deer and good f o o d . L e t us go and d r i v e them." Coyote s a i d , " I t e l l you, t h e y a r e not deer. They a r e p e o p l e g o i n g to v i s i t another v i l l a g e . " When t h e C a n n i b a l and.Coyote had t h u s spoken t o each o t h e r f o u r t i m e s , Coyote s a i d , " I w i l l show you d e e r . " He s t e p p e d up t o a t r e e , t o o k some o f t h e r o o t s , and . t r a n s f o r m e d them i n t o a buck-deer w i t h l a r g e a n t l e r s . Then, a f t e r showing t h e a n i m a l t o t h e C a n n i b a l , he t o o k some of t h e meat and cooked i t . Coyote a t e some of t h e meat f i r s t , and i n v i t e d t h e C a n n i b a l t o do l i k e w i s e ; b u t a t f i r s t he r e f u s e d , f o r he was a f r a i d i t might p o i s o n him. At l a s t he a t e some, and acknowledged i t t o be good. Coyote s a i d , " T h i s meat i s f o o d , f l e s h of p e o p l e i s not f o o d . Now we w i l l go t o g e t h e r , and I w i l l show you how t o hunt and k i l l d e e r . " A f t e r h u n t i n g f o r some t i m e , t h e y f o u n d a band of d e e r ; and Coyote s h o t one w i t h an arrow, c u t i t up, and cooked some of t h e meat. A f t e r t h e y had e a t e n t h e i r f i l l , Coyote t o o k t h e C a n n i b a l ' s s a c k , which c o n t a i n e d human f l e s h , emptied out t h e c o n t e n t s , and r e p l e n i s h e d i t w i t h v e n i s o n . Then Coyote s a i d , " I o r d a i n t h a t h e n c e f o r t h no one s h a l l e a t human f l e s h . There s h a l l be no more c a n n i b a l s i n t h e w o r l d . A l l p e o p l e s h a l l eat deer-meat." Some s a y , t h a t , on l e a v i n g , he t r a n s formed t h e C a n n i b a l i n t o an o w l . 4 ' The i n i t i a l s i t u a t i o n d e p i c t s t h e g e n e r a l d e f i n i t i o n of c a n n i b a l i s m — i . e . , t h e c a n n i b a l man between p e o p l e and d e e r .  cannot  distinguish  The c a n n i b a l cannot make t h e  c o g n i t i v e d i s t i n c t i o n between p e o p l e and deer as he r e f e r s to  t h e p e o p l e as d e e r . Coyote o r d e r s t h i s muddle i n a r a t h e r u n u s u a l  manner: he t r a n s f o r m s t h e r o o t s of a t r e e i n t o t h e a n t l e r s and t h e body of a l a r g e d e e r .  An a n a l o g y a r i s e s between  t h e t r e e r o o t s and t h e d e e r ' s a n t l e r s .  Now,  t r e e r o o t s are  dug by women f o r t h e purpose of making b a s k e t s and o t h e r implements.  Deer a r e hunted by men  and t h e a n t l e r s  T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 632.  80 f a s h i o n e d Another r o o t s  o r  base  g a t h e r e r  a  has  n o t e d  t r e e  t o  between  humans  c r e a t u r e s  metaphor"  or  one  deer  t h a t t o  are  of  be  t r e e s  or  e x p l o i t e d  Second,  t h e  r e l a t i o n s h i p  subsumed  under  the  i m p l e m e n t s — i . e . ,  t i n c t i o n  i s  i n  e s t a b l i s h e d  F i n a l l y , t o  f o o d  the  c o r r o b o r a t e g a t h e r i n g  the  c a t e g o r y a  more  between  o p p o s i t i o n the  of  w i t h  by  man,  t h e  deer  r o o t s  d i s t i n c t i o n  4  t h e  Daedalus  p a r a of  p l a c e d  m a t e r i a l s  c u l t u r a l  t o  h i s  r o o t s  and  women  endeavors:  Men  Roots (women's t o o l s )  A n t l e r s (men's t o o l s )  i n  or  and  H i g h  James  but  d i s -  t r e e men  i n t o  t r e e ,  Low  Beast  a  people  the  Women  Of  a  are  of  between  deer  e f f e c t s  t o o l - u s e r ,  a n t l e r s  a  become  not  t o o l  from  c r e a t e s  paradigm  deer  t h e  t h e f o o d  s h i f t  are  the  of  Coyote  but  of  of  men.  of  f a s h i o n i n g  t o  s p e c i f i c  of  t o p  Coyote  the  t h u s ,  people  a n t l e r s  or  t e r m s ,  from  p l a n t s ; by  deer  serves  t r a n s f e r r e d  c u l t u r a l  serve  and  by  j u x t a p o s i t i o n  F i r s t ,  which  u t i l i z e d  d i s t i n c t i o n  F e r n a n d e z ' s  m e t a p h o r i c a l  t o o l s .  a  i n  t h e m s e l v e s .  are  the  Thus,  The  s o r t s  a n t l e r s  a c c o m p l i s h e d  d i s t a n c e  t o  i n  the  l e v e l s .  digm.  b o t h  the  be  v a r i o u s  s e v e r a l  p l a n t .  people  may  of  on  " s t r a t e g i c  a  of  Coyote  g r e a t e r f r o m  implements  o p p o s i t i o n  a n i m a l . f o o d  i n t o  Fernandez, E v e r y  (Winter,  " P e r s u a s i o n s  B o d y . . . A n d  1972),  43,  the  and  Performances:  Metaphors  of  Everyman,"  81  Women  Men  Vegetables  Animals  Thus, t h e myth n o t o n l y d i s t i n g u i s h e s people from p o t e n t i a l food, but a l s o i t i l l u s t r a t e s a b a s i s f o r sexual balance i n food gathering. The second myth r e v e a l s t h e l o g i c a l r e s u l t s o f a v i o l a t i o n of t h i s balance: X o l a k w a x a o r Aaqux 1  An o l d woman l i v e d w i t h t h e p e o p l e . She t o o k a d e s i r e t o e a t t h e i r h e a r t s , and p i c k e d up f o u r p i e c e s o f g r i t s t o n e on t h e mountain t o sharpen h e r l e g s w i t h . She always s a t i n a c o r n e r o f t h e house, k e e p i n g h e r l e g s c o v e r e d and o u t o f s i g h t w h i l e she was g r i n d i n g them. The people n o t i c e d h e r always g r i n d i n g under t h e b l a n k e t , and asked h e r what she was d o i n g . She answered, I am s c r a t c h i n g my l e g s . " The c h i l d r e n s a i d t o h e r , "Grandmother, why do you always s c r a t c h your l e g s ? " and s h e t o l d them she d i d so because t h e y were v e r y i t c h y . They s a i d , "You ought t o use a wooden s c r a t c h e r , Grandmother, t h o s e s t o n e s a r e t o o h a r d . " But she t o l d them s t o n e was b e s t . Thus she f i l e d h e r leg-bones u n t i l t h e y h a d f i n e p o i n t s l i k e a w l s . One n i g h t , when t h e p e o p l e were as l e e p , she l e f t t h e house t o t r y h e r l e g s . When she walked g e n t l y , t h e y made such s m a l l h o l e s t h a t h e r t r a c k s were n o t n o t i c e a b l e . When she stamped h a r d on c l a y , t h e y went i n so f a r t h a t t h e y s t u c k , and i t was almost daybreak b e f o r e she was a b l e t o disengage h e r s e l f . The f o l l o w i n g n i g h t , w h i l e t h e people were a s l e e p , she a r o s e and p i e r c e d a l l t h e a d u l t s t h r o u g h t h e neck and a l l t h e c h i l d r e n t h r o u g h t h e b e l l y , t h u s k i l l i n g them. A f t e r c u t t i n g o u t and e a t i n g a l l t h e i r h e a r t s , she wrapped d r i e d g r a s s and s k i n around t h e p o i n t s o f h e r l e g s , put on m o c c a s s i n s , and went t o t h e n e a r e s t l o d g e s , c a l l i n g , "aaqux" a s she went a l o n g . I t was now morning, and t h e people heard h e r coming. As she e n t e r e d t h e house, t h e y s a i d , "The o l d woman must want b a i t ( a q w a n ) ; " and t h e y o f f e r e d h e r some; b u t she refused i t . A f t e r l e a v i n g t h e house, she s h o u t e d a g a i n "aa'qux" a s b e f o r e . The people s a i d , "The o l d woman must be c r a z y ! She c a l l s f o r b a i t , b u t , when some i s o f f e r e d t o h e r , she r e f u s e s t o t a k e i t . " X o l a k w a x a went on, i n t e n d i n g t o r e a c h a c e r t a i n u n n  1  1  82 derground house, and t o k i l l t h e p e o p l e t h a t n i g h t . Meanwhile Coyote, Fox, Wolf, and Lynx had d i s c o v e r e d t h e murdered p e o p l e , and s t a r t e d i n p u r s u i t o f t h e o l d woman. T h e y t r a c k e d , h e r t o where s h e h a d v i s i t e d t h e l o d g e s , a n d t h e p e o p l e t o l d them s h e h a d b e e n t h e r e . When X o l a k w a * x a knew t h a t s h e was p u r s u e d , s h e t o o k o f f h e r m o c c a s s i n s , a n d w a l k e d on t h e p o i n t s o f h e r legs,. As t h e y made l i t t l e p r i c k s o n l y i n t h e g r o u n d , s h e t h o u g h t h e r p u r s u e r s w o u l d be u n a b l e t o t r a c k h e r . B u t i n t h i s s h e was m i s t a k e n ; f o r t h e men f o l l o w i n g h e r were among t h e b e s t t r a c k e r s o f t h e a n c i e n t s , a n d t h e y s o o n g a i n e d on h e r . When s h e saw t h a t s h e w o u l d b e o v e r t a k e n s h e l a y down on a f l a t r o c k , s t u c k h e r l e g s up i n t h e a i r , and, exposing h e r p r i v a t e s , waited f o r h e r purs u e r s t o come. When t h e y drew n e a r , s h e s a i d t o them, "I want a man. Come h e r e a n d h a v e c o n n e c t i o n w i t h me." She i n t e n d e d t o k i l l them. T h e y a n s w e r e d , "We w i l l s a t i s f y you. Have p a t i e n c e . " F o x s a i d , " I do n o t l i k e t h o s e a w l - p o i n t e d l e g s o f h e r s : s h e may p i e r c e u s w i t h them." W o l f s a i d , " I am n o t a f r a i d : I w i l l go f i r s t . " Coyote s a i d , "That i s X o l a k w a x a ; she i n t e n d s t o k i l l us. The d a n g e r i s n o t w i t h h e r l e g s , b u t w i t h h e r p r i v a t e s , which b i t e and a r e p o i s o n o u s , l i k e t h e head o f a rattlesnake. W i t h them s h e i n t e n d s t o k i l l u s . I w i l l go f i r s t a s I am t h e most k n o w i n g one." He s h a r p e n e d a s h o r t s t i c k a t b o t h e n d s , went up t o t h e woman, a n d , when s h e t r i e d t o b i t e o f f h i s p r i v a t e s w i t h h e r s , placed t h e s t i c k so that they c o u l d not shut. Now t h e o t h e r s a l s o h a d c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h h e r , a n d , when t h e y were t h r o u g h , C o y o t e t r a n s f o r m e d h e r i n t o s t o n e , s a y i n g , "You w i l l h e n c e f o r t h b e a s t o n e , a n d y o u w i l l be c a l l e d N k a x w i l . You w i l l remain w i t h y o u r p r i v a t e s open."49 1  X o l a k w a ' x a ' s rampage i s i n i t i a t e d w i t h an e m p h a s i s upon h e r u n u s u a l the sense —i.e.,  choice of tools.  t h a t s h e s e l e c t s t o o l s n o t n o r m a l l y u s e d b y women  a sharpened  l e g i s more s i m i l a r t o a s p e a r o r a r r o w  t h a n t o a bone a w l u s e d b y a woman. her a g a i n s t harming h e r s e l f pener  The c h i l d r e n c a u t i o n  with gritstone  o r a stone  ( c u s t o m a r i l y e m p l o y e d b y men t o s h a r p e n  4 9  367.  The c h o i c e i s u n u s u a l i n  Teit,  shar-  arrows).  "The M y t h o l o g y o f t h e Thompson," p p . 3 6 5 -  83 X o l a k w a ' x a l e g s  u n t i l  hard  c l a y .  she  i s  has  Her  not  s a t i s f i e d  d i f f i c u l t y  l e g s  are  now  p r o p e r  may  be  a t t r i b u t e d  o l d  are  so  i n f i n i t e s i m a l  t o  f o l l o w .  In  a s s o c i a t i o n Such  a  w i t h  where  t h e  m e t o n y m y — i . e . ,  m e t a p h o r i c a l  o l d  woman  are  denies  s t a b s  c h i l d r e n  g i v e n  l i f e  the  t h r o u g h " l i k e l i f  the  once  best  more  mother  a  t o  and  metaphor  i s  t r a c k s ,  on  she  w i t h  two t h u s ,  c h i l d  by  the  r a t t l e s n a k e "  another  s i g -  l e f t  the  by  i m p o s s i b l e  t r a c k s .  of  stomach,  (2)  t h e  m y t h i c a l a c h i e v e d negates  i n her  a n i m a l s .  stomach;  m o t h e r ' s  her  law  a s s o c i a t e d  a s s o c i a t i o n  from  m e t a p h o r i c a l  l e v e l s : as  (l)  the  she  c h i l d r e n  k i l l i n g  cause  Yet  X o l a k w a ' x a  woman's  or  b i r t h .  are i n v e r t s  c h i l d r e n  p r i v a t e s  death  a r r i v e s  i n  the  form  t r a c k e r s  of  the  a n c i e n t s .  Thus,  of  the  hunt.  she  the  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n  h u n t e r  t h r o u g h  throws  her  t o  of  game  her  are  r a t h e r  t h a n  e.  Lynx,  a  w i t h  i n v a r i a b l y  of  Nemesis  i s  her  the  her  L e v i - S t r a u s s ' s a  of  v i r t u a l l y  e l i m i n a t i n g  e l i m i n a t i n g  stomachs;  head  by  by  the  be  but  t r a c k s  d i s s o l v e s  of  t h r o u g h  h e r s e l f  The  t o  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n  t h r o u g h  t h e i r  the  c o n f i r m s  t h i s  r e l a t i o n s h i p  as  h o n i n g  weapons,  them.  she  animals  a s s o c i a t i o n  Women  t o  words,  game  d i s s o l u t i o n  thought a  o t h e r  the  e x t r i c a t i n g  n i f i c a n c e woman  w i t h  i n v i t e  o b j e c t  of  a  l e g s s e x u a l the  o b j e c t f r o m  her  s t a t u s  metonymy. i n t o  the  i n t e r c o u r s e .  hunt  i n t o  an  as  L y i n g  a i r  and  Coyote,  But a  hunted  down  on  exposes  The  o b j e c t  of  a her  Fox, the  sex  o l d  a g a i n o b j e c t  f l a t  r e s u l t s  and woman  a c h i e v e s t o  a  r o c k ,  p r i v a t e s  t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of  W o l f ,  from from  she i n  o r d e r an  the  84 change i n p o s i t i o n  o f h e r l e g s — l e g s on t h e g r o u n d  produce  t r a c k s a n d make h e r t h e o b j e c t o f t h e h u n t ; l e g s i n t h e a i r connote a sexual i n v i t a t i o n . the  Altering the leg position i s  metonymy. Another t r a n s f o r m a t i o n has a l s o o c c u r r e d from  action.  Xolakwa'xa u t i l i z e s  this  her s e x u a l i t y as a k i n d of b a i t  i n d u c i n g h e r t r a c k e r s t o have i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h h e r and be k i l l e d b y h e r v a g i n a d e n t a t a . She resumes t h e r o l e hunter.  The v a g i n a w i t h a p o i s o n o u s  t h e mouth o f a c a n n i b a l . two  b i t e i s analogous t o  X o l a k w a x a e x i s t s a s a c a n n i b a l on 1  planes, t h e a l i m e n t a l and t h e s e x u a l . X o l a k w a ' x a i s a n a n t i t h e t i c a l woman.  continually contradict  normative  use  Her a c t i o n s  expectations: Xolakwa xa 1  Women wooden  tools  uses stone  tools  sew g a r m e n t s with awls  stabs people with awl-like legs  nurture  children  devours  vaginas  issue  vagina death  metaphorically (non-hunters)  The  of the  critical  life deer  children threatens  denies metaphorical a s s o c i a t i o n and hunts people, uses bait „  o p p o s i t i o n t h e woman must m e d i a t e i s b e t w e e n  her d e s i r e t o hunt and h e r m e t a p h o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h t h e hunted.  85 Hunter (desired position) Following tracks Hunted (metaphorically the position of women)  transf ormation precipitated by sharpening her legs Leaving tracks  M i t i g a t i n g the opposition by t r a n s f e r r i n g i t t o the plane of tracker and tracked, the old woman attempts t o mediate i t by means of her sharpened legs which leave i n f i n i t e s i m a l tracks. However, Xolakwa'xa i s unsuccessful i n t h i s attempt; the ancient trackers detect her t r a i l and e s t a b l i s h her position once more as an object of the hunt. Xolakwa'xa attempts a second mediation through a substitution of the sexual plane f o r that of the hunter and hunted. Hunter "Sexual" Hunter Hunted  transformation precipitated by a l t e r i n g the position of her legs Sexual Object  Xolakwa'xa inverts t h i s s i t u a t i o n :  86  " S e x u a l " Hunter  . R a i t ( f n r v a g i n a riftnf.afta)  Sexua^ Qb.jec^ , ^  ^>"Baiteri"  Hunter  But once more her e f f o r t s a t m e d i a t i o n Coyote p e r c e i v e s t h e sharpened  fail.  l e g s as a r u s e and  t h a t t h e v a g i n a d e n t a t a a r e t h e c r i t i c a l danger. of  a sharpened  realizes Insertion  s t i c k of wood i n t o t h e v a g i n a r e n d e r s t h e  dentata i n e f f e c t i v e .  There i s a c u r i o u s p a r a l l e l between  t h e i n s e r t i o n of t h i s s t i c k of wood and t h e method used o c c a s i o n a l l y t o k i l l g r i z z l y bears: S t o r i e s a r e r e l a t e d o f an I n d i a n who l i v e d a c o u p l e of g e n e r a t i o n s ago, and hunted g r i s l y w i t h weapons o f a t y p e p e c u l i a r t o h i m s e l f . One of t h e s e was a bone, which he h e l d by t h e m i d d l e w i t h h i s hand. I t was sharpened t o a p o i n t a t b o t h ends. H i s o t h e r weapon was a s t o n e c l u b . When t h e g r i s l y opened i t s mouth and s t o o d up t o f i g h t him, t h e I n d i a n shoved t h e hand h o l d i n g t h e bone ( w i t h p o i n t s up and down) i n t o t h e a n i m a l ' s mouth. When t h e b e a s t c l o s e d i t s mouth, t h e s h a r p p o i n t s p i e r c e d i t , c a u s i n g i t great p a i n ; then, w h i l e the bear was t r y i n g w i t h i t s paws t o t a k e t h e o b s t r u c t i o n out of i t s mouth, t h e I n d i a n c l u b b e d i t . 5 ° Thus, a s t i c k sharpened  on b o t h ends was used t o k i l l  the  g r i z z l y b e a r , t h e o n l y hunted a n i m a l r e l a t e d t o c a n n i b a l ism.  T h i s s t i c k i s p a r a l l e l e d by t h e double-headed snake  used by t h e Thompson h u n t e r s as a charm a g a i n s t t h e g r i z z ly  bear.  5 1  Thus, Xolakwa'xa i s negated by a d o u b l y s h a r -  pened s t i c k o r by a double-headed snake.  T e i t , "The  Thompson," p. 2 4 9 .  I b i d . , p. 3 7 1 .  Her  single  p o i n t s ( h e r v a g i n a d e n t a t a ) a r e mediated w i t h double  points.  Thus, t h e myth i s e s s e n t i a l l y concerned w i t h t h e i m p l i c a t i o n s o f woman-as-hunter.  Such a r o l e r e v e r s a l i s  r e g a r d e d as u n t e n a b l e (demonstrated by t h e i n a b i l i t y t o mediate t h e hunter/hunted  dichotomy).  Because no m e d i a t i o n  i s p o s s i b l e between h u n t e r and hunted, t h e o l d woman b e comes a c a n n i b a l when she a t t e m p t s t o hunt.  Failure to  remove h e r s e l f from h e r m e t a p h o r i c a l p o s i t i o n f o r c e s h e r i n t o a s i t u a t i o n s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f t h e men g a t h e r i n g r o o t s . To seek an o b j e c t o f a l i m e n t a t i o n i n a m e t a p h o r i c a l a s s o c i a t e i s an a c t o f c a n n i b a l i s m . Another message c a n be d i s c e r n e d from t h e myth. Xolakwa xa s a c t i v i t i e s are i n v e r s e l y r e l a t e d t o those 1  1  n o r m a l l y e x p e c t e d o f women. imbalance.  Thus, she r e p r e s e n t s a s e x u a l  She s h o u l d be a producer o f l i f e , n o t a h u n t e r  or r a t h e r , ogress.  Her endeavors t o succeed a s a h u n t e r  present a t h r e a t t o t h e c o g n i t i v e order.  Thus, a v i o l a t i o n  of t h e sexual order a l s o invokes cannibalism. CONCLUSION The r e l a t i o n s h i p between men and t h e o b j e c t s t h e y hunt i s coded i n t h e same terms a s t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and r o o t s — i . e . , a s e x u a l code.  S e x u a l metaphors  r e l a t e t h e woman o r man t o t h e f o o d she o r he g a t h e r s o r hunts.  U t i l i z a t i o n o f such metaphors o r i e n t s t h e L i l l o o e t ,  Thompson, and Shuswap t o t h e i r e n v i r o n m e n t — i . e . , a b a l a n c e  may be maintained i f the l o g i c a l domain of women i s separated from that of men. However, as these metaphors are i n 52  a sense Geertz s "models of and f o r " a culture, !  they pre-  c i p i t a t e a series of l o g i c a l manipulations when they are construed i n t h e i r l i t e r a l s e n s e — i . e . , when a woman consumes bear meat, she confuses the alimentary and sexual l e v e l s ; thus, she commits a type of cannibalism by consuming the metaphorical father of her twins.  This cannibalism  i s r e f l e c t e d i n the d i s s o l u t i o n of the fetus.  Women should  produce l i f e and not cause death. Employing a sexual code also precipitates c u l t u r a l paradoxes when men are uncertain of the d i s t i n c t i o n between women and deer.  Menstrual blood orders the r e l a t i o n desig-  nating women as sexual objects and deer as alimental objects.  The story of Xolakwa xa affirms t h i s ordering. I t 1  i s impossible f o r her t o separate herself from the domain of the hunted.  However, the ultimate concern of the native  thought appears t o be the maintenance of a sexual balance. The myth of "Coyote and the Hunting Cannibal" presents a movement from cannibalism t o balance.  The inverse operation  i s a l o g i c a l p o s s i b i l i t y and appears t o be a matter of no small concern.  C l i f f o r d Geertz, "Religion as a C u l t u r a l System," i n Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, ed. Michael Banton, A.S.A. Monographs, No. 3 (London: Tavistock, D  1966), p. 8.  Chapter THE  6  SHAMAN AS A SEXUAL MEDIATOR  The p r e c e d i n g two c h a p t e r s have sketched the g e n e r a l s t r u c t u r e of f o o d g a t h e r i n g and i t s symbolic among the L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap.  significance This structure  i s dependent upon the d i s t i n c t i o n between the l i t e r a l t h e metaphoric.  and  The b a s i c metaphor i s a proposed s i m i l a r i t y  between f o o d and a sexual p a r t n e r ; however, the implementat i o n of a s e x u a l metaphor i n s i s t s upon a c o n s i s t e n t and assiduous observance of s e x u a l r o l e d i s t i n c t i o n s . m a i n t a i n i n g a s e x u a l balance i s e s s e n t i a l t o the of  Hence, integrity  the e n t i r e c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e . The myths presented have examined the r a m i f i c a t i o n s  of  v i o l a t i o n s of the l i t e r a l - m e t a p h o r i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n .  v i o l a t o r s , w a r r a n t i n g such e p i t h e t s as " c a n n i b a l " and v a g i n a , " generate  a host of untenable  The "snaky  p r o p o s i t i o n s or  p a r a d o x e s — e . g . , one cannot have s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h one's food.  E s s e n t i a l l y , these p r o p o s i t i o n s r e p r e s e n t improper  mediations  of the sexes and have been subsumed under the  complementary c a t e g o r i e s of c a n n i b a l i s m and  infertility.  These two themes i l l u s t r a t e two major l o g i c a l consequences of  imbalance and serve t o f o c u s c u l t u r a l o r i e n t a t i o n s more  sharply. 89  90  ~™In t h i s c h a p t e r , t h e t a s k i s t o examine t h e m e d i a t i o n o f c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y and, t h e r e f o r e , o f s e x u a l imbalance  by shamanism.  F i r s t , a consideration of  two myths c o n c e r n i n g t h e M o s q u i t o e s and Thunder w i l l demons t r a t e shamanic m e d i a t i o n s o f c a n n i b a l i s m and t h e s y m b o l i c s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h e s p i r a l .  Second, t h e r o l e o f t h e shaman  i n c r e a t i n g an abundance o f game w i l l be d i s c u s s e d .  A  d e a r t h o f game r e f l e c t s b o t h c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y . The s p e c t r e o f c a n n i b a l i s m emerges when no f o o d i s a v a i l a ble.  Inabundance o f game may be thought t o r e s u l t f r o m  the i n f e r t i l i t y of the animals.  Finally, the specific role  of t h e shaman a s r e s t o r e r o f human f e r t i l i t y w i l l be examined i n r e l a t i o n t o i n f e r t i l e women, a d o l e s c e n t g i r l s , and a myth c o n c e r n i n g i n c e s t , m a r r i a g e , and d i s t a n c e m e d i a t i o n . CANNIBALISM The  "Mosquito  and Thunder" Myths The M o s q u i t o e s and Thunder  The m o s q u i t o e s were v e r y numerous, and l i v e d i n t h e upper w o r l d , where t h e y were r u l e d b y a c h i e f . Thunder a l s o l i v e d t h e r e , b u t n o t w i t h t h e mosquitoes. One day, when t h e weather was v e r y h o t , t h e mosquito c h i e f s e n t one o f h i s people t o t h e e a r t h t o s e a r c h f o r b l o o d . T h i s m o s q u i t o , f i n d i n g some men, sucked t h e i r b l o o d , and r e t u r n e d home w i t h h i s b e l l y f u l l . When he a r r i v e d , he v o m i t e d t h e b l o o d i n t o a k e t t l e , and, a f t e r b o i l i n g i t , i n v i t e d a l l t h e women t o come and e a t i t . Then t h e c h i e f s e n t a n o t h e r man t o t h e e a r t h i n quest o f more b l o o d . He found some women a s l e e p , and, a f t e r g o r g i n g h i m s e l f w i t h b l o o d f r o m t h e i r p r i v a t e s , he r e t u r n e d t o t h e upper w o r l d . He v o m i t e d up t h e b l o o d , b o i l e d i t i n a round b a s k e t , and i n v i t e d a l l t h e men t o eat. H a v i n g a c q u i r e d a t a s t e f o r b l o o d , and h a v i n g l e a r n e d where t o o b t a i n i t , t h e m o s q u i t o e s l i v e d on i t  91  almost altogether. Every warm day t h e i r chief sent down great numbers to earth, where they c o l l e c t e d much blood, and then returned home with i t , boiled i t , and ate i t . Then the mosquito chief said, "Henceforth mosquitoes s h a l l go to earth and suck blood when they can get i t . Female mosquitoes s h a l l suck men's blood, and male mosquitoes s h a l l suck women's blood; and anyone who k i l l s mosquitoes when sucking blood s h a l l be attacked by many other mosquitoes, and thus be punished. Now, Thunder heard that h i s neighbors the mosquitoes were l i v i n g on blood; so he went and asked the f i r s t mosquito who had v i s i t e d the earth where he obtained the blood. The mosquito t o l d him that he sucked i t from the tree-tops. Then Thunder shot the tree-tops, went down, and sucked them; but he could not extract any blood. He went t o the other mosquito who had f i r s t brought blood from the earth, and asked him where he got the blood. The mosquito answered, "I sucked i t from the rocks." Thereupon Thunder shot the rocks, and sucked them; but he could not obtain any blood. I f the mosquitoes had t o l d the t r u t h , Thunder would have shot the people and sucked t h e i r blood, instead of shooting trees and rocks, as he does at the present day. The mosquitoes thus saved the people from being shot by Thunder. 1  Though the mosquitoes suck blood from humans, they do not appear t o impose any serious danger t o the health or l i f e of the humans, i n L i l l o o e t thought.  Rather, they are  creatures e f f e c t i n g a balance between the sexes i n foodgathering procedures and are interested i n maintaining a natural order by preventing Thunder from indulging i n humans as food.  The opposition between Thunder and a mosquito  i n terms of respective strength can be extrapolated t o contrast the d i f f e r e n t quantities of food consumed by each.  James Alexander T e i t , "Traditions of the L i l l o o e t Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia," Journal of American Folklore, 2 5 , No. 48 (October-December, 1 9 1 2 ) , 3 1 1 .  92  T h u n d e r w o u l d r e q u i r e a p o r t i o n o f t h e human r a t h e r t h a n a few drops o f b l o o d . The m o s q u i t o e s c o n s t r u c t a m o d e l o f s e x u a l  comple-  mentarity with regard t o t h e i r food gathering: Source  Obtainer  male , genitals'  female mosquito  female genitals  male mosquito  Consumer  C o o k i n g Implement  kettle  female mosquitoes  round basket  male mosquitoes  stone  S t o n e , a m a t e r i a l w o r k e d b y men, i s t h e o n l y s t a n c e w h i c h seems t o h a v e b e e n u s e d i n k e t t l e ing.  Women c o n s t r u c t e d a n d u t i l i z e d b a s k e t s .  sub-  manufacturHence,  female mosquitoes c o l l e c t e d male b l o o d , cooked i t i n male c o n t a i n e r s , and o f f e r e d i t t o female m o s q u i t o e s ; male mosquitoes d i d t h e reverse.  This type of sexual  comple-  m e n t a r i t y r e f l e c t s t h e same t h e m e s s t r e s s e d i n t h e c h a p t e r s on g a t h e r i n g a n d h u n t i n g : f e m a l e s g a t h e r a m a l e - t y p e f o o d ; males g a t h e r a female-type f o o d .  S u c k i n g b l o o d f r o m human  ^Although such a c t i o n s a r e not e x p l i c i t i n t h e m y t h , I am a s s u m i n g t h a t f e m a l e m o s q u i t o e s s u c k b l o o d f r o m m a l e human g e n i t a l s . The e x a c t i n g n a t u r e o f t h e s e x u a l b a l a n c e i l l u s t r a t e d b y t h i s m y t h a p p e a r s t o s u p p o r t my a s s u m p tion. J a m e s T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " V o l . I I , P a r t V o f P u b l i c a t i o n s of t h e Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, ed. F r a n z B o a s , M e m o i r s o f t h e A m e r i c a n Museum o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . I V , P a r t V I ( L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1 9 0 6 ) , p. 204. 3  genitals emphasizes i n a rather overt manner the sexual relationships involved i n obtaining food.  However, two  basic oppositions remove the blood-sucking from the sexual plane.  In sucking blood from human g e n i t a l s , the mosquitoes  employ t h e i r mouths and preclude the p o s s i b i l i t y of actual g e n i t a l contact (on t h e i r part) with t h e i r food.  Also, the  blood, having f i l l e d the stomachs of the mosquitoes, i s , nonetheless, vomited into suitable containers f o r cooking. Blood d i r e c t l y from the human i s i n too natural a state f o r actual consumption; i t must be boiled i n a sexual container and eaten by the other sex. One further opposition can be noted i n the mosquito's advice t o Thunder t o suck blood from tree-tops. The mosquitoes obtain blood from the genitals of humans or from t h e i r lower areas; Thunder i s admonished to seek blood i n the tops of t r e e s .  Thus, the mosquitoes are e f f e c t i n g  another dimension of order.  Thunder's food must not only  be quite d i f f e r e n t from that of the mosquito (trees as opposed t o people), but also obtained from the top rather than from the bottom of the t r e e .  This myth, i n summary,  provides a c l e a r description of proper balance between the sexes and t h e i r food gathering. In a second version of the myth, Thunder succeeds i n h i s c a n n i b a l i s t i c desires: Mosquito and Thunder This i s a legend. There were some people l i v i n g i n a v i l l a g e . A mosquito came down from the sky and  94  b i t the people, drawing t h e i r blood, and then went back into the sky. The Thunder had noticed what the mosquito had brought up to the sky to eat. "Where do you get the red s t u f f you bring up here?" asked the Thunder. "Oh, I have been down below. I get the red stuff from the trees. I d r i l l i t out of the tops of the b i g trees," Mosquito t o l d him. Thunder said that he was going to go down, so Mosquito said, "Sure, sure, you go down and when you see a b i g tree, d r i l l the top of it." Thunder went down and t r i e d to do what Mosquito had t o l d him, but he couldn't get any blood from the trees. He got angry and struck the tree. I t s p l i t i n two and f e l l t o the ground. He went back and t o l d Mosquito, "There i s no blood i n the trees. I stripped a tree, but I couldn't f i n d any." Mosquito said, "Sure, there i s . That's where I get the blood that I bring up here." Thunder went down and t r i e d again.. He made h i s thunder-noise, but he s t i l l couldn't get any blood. He went back to see Mosquito. Thunder was s t i l l very angry and went down below again. He found a person and took him above, into the sky. They have no houses i n the sky, only shelters c a l l e d Ya-Y'ama. Thunder had a mother and a daughter, who went up to d i g some wild potatoes and onions. When they came back with the vegetables, they cut a piece of meat from the person that was brought up into the sky. They cooked i t with the vegetables. The person was s t i l l a l i v e . The people below missed the man, when he didn't come home. They wondered what had happened to him. The Indian doctor said, "I am going to t r y and f i n d out where he went." He put a magic cover over h i s head. This enabled him to see where the person was, i f he was s t i l l a l i v e . He t o l d the people that the man had gone up into the sky. He didn't know how he got there, but the man was s t i l l a l i v e . The people wondered how the man got up there, one man said, "We must f i n d a way t o get up there." The people asked him how. "I make bows and arrows," another man said, "We can shoot up there and make a chain of arrows into the sky. That i s how we w i l l get up there." The people t o l d him t o go ahead and do that. "You must be a powerful doctor," they said. "We w i l l watch you do i t . " He made a bow and arrows, and shot an arrow into the sky. He sang a song, f o r power, as he d i d i t , and the arrow stuck into the sky. He sang again and t o l d the people to watch the arrow s t i c k on the notch of the other arrow. I t h i t the notch and stayed there. The man said that he would sing and put another arrow into the sky. He kept shooting and the t h i r d arrow also  95 stayed. I t took four arrows t o get from the sky t o the ground, where the people were. He t o l d them that they could get up t o the sky on these arrows. At t h i s time, the people were animals. They said to the s q u i r r e l , "You do a l o t of climbing, you t r y and climb up the arrows." The s q u i r r e l t r i e d , and went about half-way before he started t o s l i d e down. They decided that a smaller man should t r y and climb the arrows. They asked the weasel, "You had better go up. We think you can make i t . " Weasel t r i e d and got f u r ther than the others before he gave up .and came down. The next best man was f i s h e r . "You are b i g and strong. We think that you can make i t , " the people t o l d him. He just about made i t before he s l i d back down. There was a woman s n a i l , whom the chief asked t o climb the arrows. He said t o her, "We can't make i t , but you w i l l f i n d a way t o climb the four arrows." She answered, "Even the men can't make i t , but I am going t o t r y . I have no arms or legs, but I w i l l f i n d a way." She stuck on the arrows and twisted herself around them. Because she was a s n a i l , i t was very sticky. She got half-way up and said to the people below, "You can come up now, you w i l l be able t o make it." The people climbed up the arrows, aided by the s n a i l ' s s t i c k y slime. They made i t up t o the sky. They looked around f o r some vegetables, Indian potatoes and onions. They dug them up and found that they could see below where the vegetables were. The vegetables were the stars that they had seen from below. They saw a woman i n the sky, who was the wife of Thunder. They k i l l e d her, and found a l l her potatoes and onions and other vegetables. The Indian doctor l i k e d the clothes of Thunder's wife, so he put them on. Thunder's mother was also a powerful doctor. She not i c e d r i g h t away, when the man was coming with her daughter's clothes on. She saw that her daughter-inlaw breathed d i f f e r e n t l y . When the daughter-in-law put down her basket that she was carrying, the mother noticed that the breathing was l i k e a man's, not a woman's. When the man came, the people were t r y i n g t o cook something f o r Thunder. The mother kept saying, "My daughter-in-law i s acting more l i k e a man." When the Indian doctor was f i x i n g the bed f o r Thunder, he didn't make i t as the women usually do. He put everything i n the wrong place. The old lady said, "My daughter-in-law acts l i k e a mani" Thunder didn't notice, or he didn't care how his bed was made. When he went t o sleep, h i s head was hanging over his pillow, and the people from below cut h i s throat. They didn't harm Thunder's mother, and she i s s t i l l l i v i n g up there today. She doesn't harm anyone, she  o  96  just makes a l o t of noise and s t r i k e s the trees. The people from below gathered together i n the place they l i v e d . The slave whom Thunder had taken was cut up i n many places. They had used him t o cook with the vegetables, but he was s t i l l a l i v e . They showed the man how t o get down on the arrows. "We w i l l wait here, t i l l you get down," they t o l d him. He climbed down, and then kicked the arrows out of place. The other people couldn't get down. The man crippled h i s feet, as he kicked the arrows, and a f t e r that he found i t hard to get around. There were people at t h i s time, and they got stuck up i n the sky. These are the dipper, the b i g bear, the hunter, and the fisherman. They are s t i l l up there i n the stars. They are the c o n s t e l l a t i o n s . The people below didn't l i k e the man who kicked the arrows. He became crippled and was helpless. When he r e a l i z e d that the people didn't l i k e him, he decided to take revenge on them. He went to a place and sharpened the bone i n h i s l e g on a rock. He started to sing h i s songs and went a f t e r the people. He speared them with h i s sharpened l e g . He k i l l e d some of them with h i s xwlxwlk/x#an. I t means a sharpened bone with spirit-power on i t . The people that he didn't k i l l ran away. He was the only one left.4 The i n i t i a l v i o l a t i o n of order i s Thunder's s e i zure of an improper food.  Although Thunder attempts to  imitate the model provided by the mosquitoes, Thunder's rapacious technique ( s l i c i n g meat from h i s victim) has more serious e f f e c t s upon the well-being of h i s v i c t i m than do the delicate thrusts of the mosquitoes. The people discover the location of the v i c t i m with the assistance of an Indian doctor or shaman who can discern the location of missing souls i f the souls' pos-  ^From a corpus of L i l l o o e t myths c o l l e c t e d i n the summer of 1970 by Randy Bouchard f o r the B.C. Indian Language Project.  97  s e s s o r s a r e n o t y e t dead.**  A shaman a l s o c o n s t r u c t s t h e  arrow c h a i n l i n k i n g t h e sky w o r l d t o t h e e a r t h .  The  a r r o w c h a i n i s n o t d i s s i m i l a r t o l i g h t n i n g and t h u s p r e s e n t s a d i s t i n c t o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e d r i l l i n g o f Thunder: Thunder ( w i t h l i g h t n i n g ) d r i l l s towards t h e e a r t h t o o b t a i n b l o o d from t r e e s . Thunder ( w i t h l i g h t n i n g ) c a p t u r e s a s l a v e f r o m t h e earth. A shaman d i r e c t s an arrow c h a i n ( a n a l o g o u s t o l i g h t n i n g ) towards t h e s k y . As t h e arrow c h a i n ' s d i r e c t i o n i s opposed t o t h e d r i l l i n g by Thunder towards t h e e a r t h , t h e i n t e n t o f t h e arrow c h a i n might be opposed t o Thunder's c a n n i b a l i s t i c d e s i r e s . A negotiable path t o the sky world i s not created u n t i l t h e S n a i l Woman ascends t h e arrow c h a i n .  She t r a c e s  a s t i c k y h e l i x which t w i s t s t o w a r d t h e domain o f Thunder and e n v e l o p s t h e p o i n t e d a r r o w s .  S n a i l Woman's c o n v o l u t e d  r e s p o n s e t o t h e arrow p a t h i s an o b v i o u s s e x u a l  metaphor.  The s t i c k y woman t w i s t s h e r s e l f around t h e m a s c u l i n e arrows.  The resonance o f t h i s h e l i c a l r o u t e w i t h t h e  p a t t e r n i n t h e s h e l l S n a i l Woman c a r r i e s on h e r back the  echoes  a n a l o g y between S n a i l ' s s h e l l and a b a s k e t a s I n t e r i o r  James T e i t , "The Thompson I n d i a n s o f B r i t i s h Columbia," V o l . I , P a r t IV o f P u b l i c a t i o n s o f t h e Jesup N o r t h P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , e d . F r a n z Boas, Memoirs o f t h e American Museum o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . I I ( L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1 9 0 0 ) , p. 363J and T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 8 7 .  98 S a l i s h b a s k e t s e x h i b i t c l o c k w i s e c o i l i n g patterns.**  Sharp  a r r o w s and l i g h t n i n g c o n t r a s t w i t h b a s k e t s and s t i c k y h e l i c a l patterns.  Both c l a s s e s o f elements a r e complemen-  t a r y and must be c o n s i d e r e d  s y n e r g i s t i c a l l y i f t h e people  are t o journey t o the sky w o r l d — i . e . , i f a s u c c e s s f u l mediation  between t h e e a r t h and t h e s k y i s t o be e f f e c t e d . I n t h e s u c c e s s f u l a s c e n t t o t h e s k y w o r l d , an  o p p o s i t i o n i s engendered between t h e n a t u r e o f Thunder's a s s a u l t on t h e e a r t h and t h e r e s p o n s e o f t h e p e o p l e : Thunder  The E a r t h P e o p l e  d r i l l s down towards t h e earth  shaman s h o o t s arrows towards the sky  cannibalism  sexual balance  Once more c a n n i b a l i s m may be c o n s i d e r e d t o be i n o p p o s i t i o n t o a sexual  balance.  A r r i v i n g i n t h e sky world, t h e people s l a y t h e w i f e of Thunder and e n a b l e t h e shaman t o i m p e r s o n a t e h e r i n b o t h appearance and f u n c t i o n .  The myth i m p l i e s t h a t a shaman  might p r a c t i c e t r a n s v e s t i s m a s he " l i k e d t h e c l o t h e s o f Thunder's w i f e . "  I n e f f e c t , t h e shaman t r a n s f o r m s  i n t o a c u l t u r a l , n o t a n a t u r a l , woman.  himself  As Thunder v i o l a t e s  a c u l t u r a l norm i n h i s s e l e c t i o n o f f o o d ( t h e f a i l u r e t o  H.K. H a e b e r l i n , Helen R o b e r t s , and James T e i t , " C o i l e d B a s k e t r y i n B r i t i s h Columbia and S u r r o u n d i n g R e g i o n s , " Bureau o f American E t h n o l o g y A n n u a l R e p o r t , No. 41 (1928), p. 160.  99  d i s t i n g u i s h improper from p r o p e r f o o d i s a c o g n i t i v e and, t h e r e f o r e , c u l t u r a l d y s f u n c t i o n ) , he v i o l a t e s a n a t u r a l norm i n e x p e c t i n g t o engage i n s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h a man (no i s s u e c o u l d be e x p e c t e d from such a u n i o n ) .  The  shaman, o f c o u r s e , i n v i t e s t h i s v i o l a t i o n b y p o s t u r i n g a s a p o t e n t i a l s e x u a l p a r t n e r f o r Thunder.  A l t h o u g h Thunder's  mother, a shaman, d e t e c t s a b e r r a n t b e h a v i o r daughter-in-law,  i n h e r supposed  Thunder n o t i c e s n o t h i n g ; he f a i l s t o d i s -  t i n g u i s h p r o p e r f r o m improper b e h a v i o r  i n a woman.  Thus, t h e o p p o s i t i o n between c a n n i b a l i s m and a c o r r e c t s e l e c t i o n o f food i s transformed  i n t o the opposi-  t i o n between a n a t u r a l and a c u l t u r a l woman: P r o p e r Consumption P r o p e r Woman ( N a t u r a l Woman) Cannibalism _Death_£also_infertility2 Improper Woman ( C u l t u r a l Woman)  Thunder's f a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h t h e shamanic i m p o s t e r f r o m his  wife r e s u l t s i n h i s death.  A l s o , a s remarked e a r l i e r ,  an e x c e s s i v e c u l t u r a l u n i o n between man and man r e s u l t s i n another m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f death, i n f e r t i l i t y . Thunder's mother assumes h i s r o l e b u t r e s t r i c t s herself t o striking trees.  The ravaged s l a v e r e t u r n s t o  e a r t h , and, b y d e l i b e r a t e l y d e s t r o y i n g t h e arrow c h a i n , he g a i n s t h e e n m i t y o f t h e e a r t h p e o p l e , whose comrades are stranded i n t h e sky world.  The d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e  100 arrow c h a i n i s an a n t i - s o c i a l a c t , a d e s t r u c t i o n both of a s e x u a l balance world.  The  remaining  and of the o n l y n e g o t i a b l e route t o the  sky  s l a v e i s , thus, censured f o r h i s a c t i o n s by  the  e a r t h people and f a c e s an untenable c o n d i t i o n :  Community (connoting s t r e n g t h , a s s i s t a n c e , e t c . ) S l a v e ( c r i p p l e d , h e l p l e s s , and i s o l a t e d ) The s l a v e must mediate the d i s t a n c e e x i s t i n g  be-  tween the community and h i m s e l f and attempts t o e f f e c t mediation his  He  c r i p p l e d l e g on a rock and endows the l e g with  power.  The c r i p p l e d limb i s transformed  weapon. The  through a metonymical t r a n s f o r m a t i o n .  The  l e g i s now  sharpens spirit-  i n t o an ominous  a s t r e n g t h r a t h e r than a weakness.  s l a v e proceeds t o stab the people who  but does not c r e a t e a d e s i r a b l e mediation i n t o the community).  the  have r e j e c t e d him (an i n t e g r a t i o n  Thus, the d i s t a n c e between the commu-  n i t y and the s l a v e i s never mediated; the s l a v e i s l e f t i n i s o l a t i o n , a negative c o n d i t i o n .  Community ( s t r e n g t h and  solidarity) Community (weakness)  Slave  (weak and i s o l a t e d )  sharpened l e g i s the metonymical transformer Cannibal-like (strength)  Slave  101 The  untenable  position  of the  slave with  respect  t h e community i s a m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f a d e e p e r , more message.  The  slave's v i n d i c t i v e gesture  weapon f r o m h i s l e g ) and is  recidivistic.  category leg  The  of cannibalism.  p a r a l l e l s the  can  be  Stabbing  people  with a  sharpened  p r a c t i c e d by  Thunder  Although  people  h i s actions are d i s t i n c t l y c a n n i b a l i s t i c  slays,  the t r a d i t i o n places the  o f T h u n d e r and  slave i n the  The  s l a v e does not  the  the mosquitoes. he  the  of the  subsumed u n d e r  people  peculiar d r i l l i n g  insistent  (fashioning a  subsequent i m p a l i n g  gesture  Xolakwa'xa.  category  of the  metonymical t r a n s f o r m a t i o n  into a cannibal's leg i s a l o g i c a l destruction reversal is  of the  of t h i s  initially  tinction  presented  and  the in  sharpened l e g  cannibal. of the c r i p p l e d  consequence of t h e  leg slave's  A  relationship  i n Thunder's improper c u l t u r a l  dis-  ( r e g a r d i n g humans a s f o o d ) r e s u l t i n g i n T h u n d e r ' s  women); i n e f f e c t ,  sexual balance.  ( f a i l u r e t o d i s t i n g u i s h men  Thunder's c a n n i b a l i s m  to h i s i n a b i l i t y to recognize The  (and thus  b a l i s m has  message, however, h a s b e e n shown t o be b o t h  imbalance but  maintain)  a  proper  sexual  cannibalism.  not the  yet another  from  i s causally related  s l a v e ' s d e s t r u c t i o n of the  p r e c i p i t a t e s h i s subsequent The  a sexual  The  sequence or syntagmatic  improper n a t u r a l d i s t i n c t i o n  balance  devour  arrow c h a i n , a s e x u a l mediation.  logical  to  been exhausted. c a u s e and  the  effect  dimension of t h i s  b a l i s m emerges f r o m a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t h e  Canniof  canni-  i m p l i c a t i o n s of  102 t h e sharpened-leg m o t i f . The sharpened-bone-with-spirit-power-on-it i s t h e major v e h i c l e f o r b e w i t c h i n g or i n f l i c t i n g i l l n e s s upon individuals i n the Interior S a l i s h culture.  Shamans s h a r -  pened a f e a t h e r , s t i c k , o r stone, t i e d i t t o t h e h a i r or f e a t h e r s b e l o n g i n g t o t h e i r guardian s p i r i t s or t o the i n tended v i c t i m , and shot t h e v i c t i m with t h i s c r e a t i o n .  The  s h o o t i n g was e f f e c t e d simply by t h e w i l l of t h e shaman and the v i c t i m was l i a b l e t o d i e i f a s u c c e s s f u l d i a g n o s i s with subsequent  treatment was not performed  by some other shaman.'  The L i l l o o e t a t t r i b u t e d such malevolent d e s i r e s s t r i c t l y t o g  shamansj t h e Shuswap, t o shamans and l a y p r a c t i t i o n e r s . Thompson shamans o f t e n s e l e c t e d t h e n a s a l bones o f deer as prime s p i r i t - a r r o w m a t e r i a l and shot these arrows w i t h t h e a s s i s t a n c e of a guardian s p i r i t o r by c o n c e n t r a t i o n of thought.  The v i c t i m s complained  immediately  of a sore head.  A cure f o r i l l n e s s induced by such s h o o t i n g c o u l d be e f f e c t e d o n l y through t h e proper d i a g n o s i s of t h e i l l n e s s and i t s treatment by a shaman.  Although p r a c t i t i o n e r s of  w i t c h c r a f t o t h e r than shamans c o u l d i n f l i c t  i l l n e s s on t h e i r  v i c t i m s , shamans were t h e e x c l u s i v e p o s s e s s o r s of e f f e c t i v e c u r a t i v e techniques. 7  Teit,  F o l l o w i n g an a c c u r a t e d i a g n o s i s , a  "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 287.  T e i t , "The Shuswap," V o l . I I , P a r t VII of P u b l i c a t i o n s of t h e Jesup North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , ed. Franz Boas, Memoirs of t h e American Museum of N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . IV, P a r t VII ( L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1909), p. 612. 8  9  Teit,  "The Thompson," p. 360.  103  L i l l o o e t shaman sucked and probed t h e p a t i e n t and, upon r e t r i e v i n g the disease, d i s p l a y e d i t before the p e o p l e .  1 0  Thompson shamans would s i n g t h e i r songs t o i n v o k e t h e a s s i s t a n c e o f t h e i r g u a r d i a n s p i r i t s and suck t h e d i s e a s e f r o m t h e p a t i e n t ' s body.  The d i s e a s e was s p i t f r o m t h e  shaman's mouth and d i s p l a y e d t o t h e people i n one of t h r e e forms:  ( l ) i f t h e d i s e a s e m a n i f e s t e d i t s e l f i n a deer h a i r ,  t h e p a t i e n t had v i o l a t e d h u n t i n g r e g u l a t i o n s o r o f f e n d e d t h e d e e r ; ( 2 ) i f t h e d i s e a s e was b l o o d , t h e p a t i e n t had been s u b j e c t e d t o t h e m a l e v o l e n t i n f l u e n c e of m e n s t r u a l b l o o d ; and (3) i f t h e d i s e a s e was a bone t i e d around t h e m i d d l e w i t h a d e e r ' s h a i r , t h e p a t i e n t had been s h o t by a h o s t i l e shaman.  A p o w e r f u l shaman sucked t h e brow o f t h e  p a t i e n t thought t o have been shot w i t h t h e s p i r i t - a r r o w , and caused b l o o d t o f l o w from t h e p a t i e n t ' s brow.  After  d i s p l a y i n g t h e d i s e a s e ( a bone t i e d w i t h b l o o d y deer h a i r ) , t h e shaman caused t h e h o s t i l e p r a c t i t i o n e r t o f a l l i l l  by  t h r o w i n g t h e s p i r i t - b o n e away o r towards t h e west and blowing at i t four t i m e s .  1 1  Boas p r e s e n t s a more e l a b o r a t e d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e c u r a t i v e procedures  p r a c t i c e d by t h e Shuswap shaman.  D i s e a s e was a t t r i b u t e d t o f o u r f a c t o r s : ( l ) t h e presence o f some f o r e i g n substance  i n t h e body; ( 2 ) w i t c h c r a f t ; ( 3 ) f a i l -  u r e t o observe some c u l t u r a l r e g u l a t i o n ; and ( 4 ) s o u l - l o s s .  i U  1 1  T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 287. T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 3 6 3 .  104 If  the  d i s e a s e  f o r e i g n head  and  was  caused  s i m p l y  by  s u b s t a n c e ,  the  shaman  p r a c t i c e d  the  f o l l o w i n g :  the  p l a c e d  a  presence mat  of  a  headdress  on  h i s  As soon as t h e shaman p u t s on the h e a d d r e s s he a c t s as t h o u g h he were ' c r a z y ' , i . e . , he puts h i m s e l f i n t o a t r a n c e by s i n g i n g the song he had o b t a i n e d f r o m h i s g u a r d i a n s p i r i t at the time of h i s i n i t i a t i o n . He dances u n t i l he p e r s p i r e s f r e e l y , and f i n a l l y h i s s p i r i t comes and speaks t o h i m . Then he l i e s down next t o the p a t i e n t and sucks at the p a r t of the body where the p a i n i s . He i s s u p p o s e d t o remove a t h o n g o r f e a t h e r f r o m i t , w h i c h was t h e cause of t h e d i s e a s e . As soon as he has removed i t he l e a v e s the h u t , t a k e s o f f h i s mat, and blows upon the o b j e c t he has removed from the body, which t h e n d i s a p p e a r s . * 2  In by  o r d e r  w i t c h c r a f t  the  shaman  w o r l d  s p i r i t s h i s  or  was  where and  r e t u r n ,  t o  cure  improper  f o r c e d  he  might  t h e r e b y the  i l l n e s s — e . g . ,  two  t o  j o u r n e y  the  o f f e r e d passed  of  ( i n  f r e e l y  d i s c o v e r  woman  forms  observance  c o n s u l t  shaman a  o t h e r  a  c u l t u r a l  w i t h  some  d i s e a s e  t r a n c e )  n a t u r e  by  of  h i s of  head  r e g u l a t i o n s ,  t o  the  lower  g u a r d i a n  the  p l a u s i b l e  the  caused  of  d i s e a s e . cause  the  On  f o r  t h e  p a t i e n t  or  13 the t o  shadow  of  a  d i s t i n g u i s h  d i s t i n c t c r a f t " w i t h  forms  r a t h e r  mourner i n  a  of  i l l n e s s ;  must  p r e c i s e  a r b i t r a r i l y  sharpened-bone  t i n c t i o n  f e l l  be  on  him.  manner t h u s ,  and  emphasized:  what  he  An  the  i n s t a n c e s  i m p o r t a n t  d i s e a s e  however,  appear  a p p l i e s  equates  d i s e a s e s .  Boas,  J  i n d u c e d  t o  be  f a i l s two  t e r m of  " w i t c h -  s o u l - l o s s  s t r u c t u r a l  d i s -  by  s o u l - l o s s  on  the  1 2  of  the  B r i t i s h  F r a n z  Advancement  646.  13  Boas,  C o l u m b i a , "  I b i d .  of  "Second  Report  S c i e n c e ,  G e n e r a l  of  1890  the  Report  B r i t i s h  (London:  I n d i a n s  A s s o c i a t i o n  John  Murray,  f o r  1891),  105  r e s u l t s f r o m something l e a v i n g t h e body ( t h e shaman must r e t r i e v e t h e s o u l ) ; d i s e a s e i n d u c e d by w i t c h c r a f t , f r o m something e n t e r i n g t h e body ( t h e shaman must remove t h e d i s e a s e by s u c k i n g i t ) . T h i s s u c k i n g - v o m i t i n g t e c h n i q u e has been i l l u s t r a t e d by t h e mosquitoes.  I have argued t h a t t h e mosquitoes are  s u p e r i o r o b s e r v e r s of s e x u a l b a l a n c e ; t h u s , t h e y a r e not cannibals.  They b a l a n c e t h e i r d r i l l i n g w i t h s u c k i n g .  Thunder and s l a v e , on t h e o t h e r hand, do not b a l a n c e drilling.  The their  As t h e sharpened bone i s t h e i d e n t i c a l element  employed by h o s t i l e shamans t o i n f l i c t i l l n e s s on t h e i r v i c t i m s , i t s e r v e s as t h e nexus r e v e a l i n g t h e arrangement o f elements i n t h e myth.  A d i s t i n c t message i s t r a n s m i t t e d :  The e v i l i n f l u e n c e o f t h e sharpened bone f l u n g by t h e h o s t i l e shaman can be negated t h r o u g h t h e s u c k i n g of t h e v i c t i m by another shaman. Thus, t h e a n t i t h e s i s of t h e s h a r p e n e d - l e g  c a n n i b a l i s m of t h e  s l a v e i s t h e s u c k i n g of humans by t h e mosquitoes. Now,  as t h e c a n n i b a l i s m of b o t h Thunder and  the  s l a v e i s c o n t i n g e n t upon o r t h e g e n e r a t o r of a s e x u a l imb a l a n c e , one may  v i e w t h e n e g a t i o n of t h i s c a n n i b a l i s m as  a r e s t o r a t i o n of s e x u a l b a l a n c e .  Sucking e q u i l i b r a t e s the  e f f e c t s of t h e sharpened bone; s u c k i n g r e s t o r e s a s e x u a l balance.  T h e r e f o r e , t h e shaman's c u r a t i v e t e c h n i q u e ,  s u c k i n g , i s a n e g a t i o n of c a n n i b a l i s m and a r e s t o r e r of t h e sexual balance. The l i n k between mosquitoes and shamans i s e n f o r c e d by t h e i r d u a l n a t u r e s .  A l t h o u g h t h e mosquito imposes no  106  p a r t i c u l a r t h r e a t t o t h e I n t e r i o r S a l i s h , t h e mosquito b o t h d r i l l s or p i e r c e s and s u c k s h i s v i c t i m s . c a p a b l e of b o t h m a l e v o l e n t The  Shamans are  and b e n e f i c i a l a c t i o n s .  Spiral I t i s now  u s e f u l t o r e t u r n t o a somewhat n e g l e c t e d  event i n t h e m y t h — t h e s t i c k y arrow c h a i n e n a b l i n g passage to  the sky world.  T h i s arrow c h a i n i n c o r p o r a t e s s e v e r a l  r e l a t i o n s h i p s between c o n s t i t u e n t elements of I n t e r i o r S a l i s h c u l t u r e and, t h u s , c o n s t i t u t e s a l o c u s of  logical  operations. The arrow c h a i n r o u t e i s a s t i c k y female h e l i x e n v e l o p i n g s h a r p male a r r o w s .  I n i t i a l l y , I t has been  shown t o r e p r e s e n t b o t h a m e d i a t i o n w o r l d s and of male and f e m a l e .  of t h e e a r t h and  sky  As t h e d i r e c t i o n and i n t e n -  t i o n of t h e arrow c h a i n i s a n t i t h e t i c a l t o Thunder's c a n n i b a l i s t i c d e s i r e s , i t a l s o s i g n i f i e s a sexual balance n e g a t i o n of c a n n i b a l i s m .  However, t h e g e n e r a t i v e c a p a c i t y  o f t h e s p i r a l has not been e x h a u s t e d . ble  as a  I t b e a r s a remarka-  s i m i l a r i t y t o the f i r e d r i l l : F i r e was o b t a i n e d by means o f t h e f i r e - d r i l l , w h i c h c o n s i s t e d of two d r i e d s t i c k s , each over a f o o t i n l e n g t h , and rounded o f f t o l e s s t h a n an i n c h i n diameter. One s t i c k was sharpened a t one endj w h i l e t h e o t h e r was marked w i t h a c o u p l e of n o t c h e s c l o s e t o each other,-one on t h e s i d e , and t h e o t h e r on t o p . The sharpened end o f t h e f i r s t s t i c k was p l a c e d i n t h e t o p n o t c h of t h e o t h e r s t i c k , and t u r n e d r a p i d l y between t h e s t r a i g h t e n e d palms o f b o t h hands. The heat t h u s produced by t h e f r i c t i o n of t h e s t i c k s causes s p a r k s t o f a l l down t h e s i d e n o t c h upon t i n d e r p l a c e d u n d e r n e a t h , w h i c h , when i t commenced t o smoke, was t a k e n i n t h e hands, and blown upon u n t i l f a n n e d i n t o a f l a m e .  107 The t i n d e r was d r y g r a s s , t h e shredded d r y bark of the s a g e b r u s h , or c e d a r - b a r k . The s h a r p e n e d s t i c k was c a l l e d the " m a n , " a n d was made o f b l a c k p i n e r o o t , t o p s os young y e l l o w p i n e , heart of y e l l o w - p i n e c o n e s , s e r v i c e - b e r r y wood, e t c . The n o t c h e d s t i c k was c a l l e d the " w o m a n , " a n d was g e n e r a l l y made o f p o p l a r r o o t . However, many k i n d s o f wood were u s e d f o r t h i s purpose. When hot ashes or a spark f e l l upon the t i n d e r , t h e y s a i d , "The woman The duct of  of  f i r e  f i r e ) t i v e  a  c o n c e p t i o n  s e x u a l  emerge:  and  f i r e  s t r i k i n g a v o i d e d  a  s i g n  c a r r y i n g  t h i s  or  the  by  a  the  s t r u c k T e i t  f i r e  f i r e  or by  A l s o ,  t o  p r o -  c l a s s e s  ( c u l t u r a l f i r e ) .  f i r e ;  dream 1  l i g h t n i n g the  the  Nega-  p o s i t i v e  f i r e .  war. "*  c i t e s  as  two  d r i l l  n a t u r a l  t h a t  d r i l l  ( n a t u r a l  c u l t u r a l  murder  case  of  l i g h t n i n g  The  L i l l o o e t  on  t h e i r  of  a  man  b a c k s , who  d e -  p r o s c r i p t i o n :  Once a man l a u g h e d b e i n g a " m y s t e r y , " and, he pushed i t a l o n g h i s t o the back of h i s head f a c e s w e l l e d , and e v e n t s o r e . When i t h e a l e d , a mark o r s c a r was l e f t t h e w i d t h of a f i n g e r , b r o w , and h e a d , down t o Thus,  Thunder,  c o u l d  s t i l l  a l t h o u g h  i n f l i c t  no  i l l n e s s  at the i d e a of l i g h t n i n g - w o o d t a k i n g a l o n g s p l i n t e r of i t , f a c e from t h e p o i n t of h i s nose . Soon a f t e r w a r d s h i s hand and u a l l y b u r s t , l e a v i n g a l a r g e a n d t h e man became w e l l a g a i n , i n the shape of a w h i t e s t r i p e which extended over h i s ^ n o s e , the back of h i s neck. l o n g e r w i t h  14 T  e i t ,  "The  Thompson,"  15 T  e i t ,  "The  Shuswap,"  T e i t ,  "The  L i l l o o e t , "  16  a  l i g h t n i n g  b e l i e v e d of  f r o m  i n t r o d u c e d .  accorded  wood  s i d e s .  i s  by  accorded  Shuswap  was  s h o u l d e r s , f i e d  are  f i r e  produced  i g n i t e d  are  The  balance f i r e  a t t r i b u t e s  a t t r i b u t e s  of  capable h i s  pp. p. p.  of  c a n n i b a l i z i n g ,  sharpened  203-205620. 291.  arrow  108 ( l i g h t n i n g ) . c a t e g o r y  o f  The L i l l o o e t t h e c o l o u r  subsumed  r e d , which  c u l t u r a l  connoted  f i r e  good,  under  t h e  b r i g h t ,  17 l i f e ,  a n d  l u c k .  F i r e  was e s s e n t i a l  T h i s  f i r e  from  n e i g h b o r s ,  f o r  a  was  o b t a i n e d  guardian  o r  w i t h  from  s p i r i t  f o r c o o k i n g , t h e  a s s i s t a n c e  shamans.  c o u l d  l i g h t ,  Shamans  c r e a t e  o f  and t h e  f i r e  who h a d  Such  f i r e .  warmth. d r i l l ,  thunder  shamans  c o u l d  18 swallow  f i r e The  I n d i a n  a n d h a d power f o l l o w i n g  D o c t o r  danc arou seco stop of i f o u r  One i s  i n  e x c e r p t  Who Made  F i r e "  i t .  from  t h e L i l l o o e t  i l l u s t r a t e s  myth  "The  t h e method  u s e d :  Tum#a7 ( t h e I n d i a n d o c t o r ) s t a r t e d t o perform. He ed around a n d then k i c k e d t h e snag. He danced nd a f e w more t i m e s t o f r i g h t e n t h e stump. The nd time t h a t he danced around t h e stump, t h e storm p e d . . H e k i c k e d t h e stump a g a i n a n d smoke came o u t t . As he danced around t h e snag, s i n g i n g , t h e t h t i m e , t h e stump e x p l o d e d and a f i r e s t a r t e d . * 9 Thus,  t r e e  over  t h e  shaman  o p p o s i t i o n  f u r t h e r  t o  example  i l l u s t r a t e d  c r e a t e s  Thunder's  o f  f i r e  from  s t r i k i n g  as  b y t h e method  f i r e  t h e  t h e  t h e n e g a t i o n  d i s c o v e r e d  t o  stump  tops o f  o f  o f  t h e  a  t r e e s .  c a n n i b a l  d i s p o s e  o f  t h e  20 dreaded Thus, b a l i s m  b l a c k  t h e  s p i r a l  t h e  l i z a r d s  r e p r e s e n t s  a n d Thunder's  s e x u a l  Randy  l i z a r d s :  f i r e  a  were  n e g a t i o n  a n d equates  l u r e d o f  t h i s  i n t o  a  Thunder's  f i r e . c a n n i -  n e g a t i o n  w i t h  b a l a n c e .  1  7  1  9  I b i d . F r o m  Bouchard  Language  1  a  i n  P r o j e c t . T e i t ,  5  I b i d . ,  corpus t h e  o f  p.  283.  L i l l o o e t  summer  o f  "The Thompson,"  1970  p.  myths  c o l l e c t e d  f o r t h e  348.  B.C.  b y  I n d i a n  109 The The  s p i r a l  Shuswap  d i v i d e d  n o b i l i t y  and  t e r m i n e d  by  p o s s e s s e d ma,  or  a  s u p p o s e d l y  the  t h e  themselves  common  i n t o  people  i n  unique  and  song  p r a c t i c e d  power  over  c e m e t e r i e s ) .  Tseka'ma  i m p o r t a n t  descent  had  i n  a l s o  p a t r i l i n e a l  C a n n i b a l s ,  t r a i n i n g  i s  S o c i e t y  dance  or  dance. the  the T e i t as  as  dance  s o c i e t i e s  which by  membership  One  (a  f o r m . amalgamating  c h o i c e .  Corpse  dead  a  Each  s o c i e t y , or  Ghost  f e a t  d e s c r i b e s  was  the dance  d e -  s o c i e t y T s e k a ' and  a c c o m p l i s h e d  the  performance  by of  f o l l o w s :  I n t h e p e r f o r m a n c e a man was i n t r o d u c e d w e a r i n g a mask of w h i t e b i r c h - b a r k (or of wood p a i n t e d w h i t e ) p a i n t e d b l a c k at the eyebrows and mouth, and w i t h shaggy b l a c k h a i r , w h i c h hung down o v e r t h e f a c e . A f t e r d a n c i n g a tvhile, he v o m i t e d b l o o d and f e l l down, a p p a r e n t l y dead. The men f o r m e d a c i r c l e a r o u n d him and sang the C a n n i b a l or Corpse Song, w h i l e the women formed another c i r c l e on the o u t s i d e . They danced i n c i r c l e s a r o u n d h i m , t h e women m o v i n g i n a d i r e c t i o n o p p o s i t e t o t h a t o f t h e men. When t h e dancewwas at i t s h e i g h t , t h e dancer r e v i v e d and a r o s e . 1  The  C i r c l e Women  f o l l o w i n g  diagram  i l l u s t r a t e s  of  T e i t ,  "The  Shuswap,"  p.  612.  t h e  dance:  110  This contrapuntal t w i s t i n g i s h i g h l y suggestive  of  t h e s n a i l ' s h e l i c a l j o u r n e y and t h e p a r t i c u l a r r o t a t i o n i n volved i n s t a r t i n g a f i r e with the f i r e - d r i l l .  Singing the  c a n n i b a l song, t h e d a n c e r s e n a c t t h e n e g a t i o n of t h e c a n n i bal.  The c a n n i b a l f e i g n s d e a t h ( t h e i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t of  c a n n i b a l i s m a s , t a k e n t o a l o g i c a l extreme, c a n n i b a l i s m i m p l i e s e a t i n g one's s e l f ) .  However, t h e d a n c e r s a r e  able  t o r e s t o r e l i f e and negate c a n n i b a l i s m by s y m b o l i c a l l y e f f e c t i n g a sexual mediation.  As i n t h e c a s e o f t h e  fire,  female e n v e l o p s male i n a s p i r a l f a s h i o n . The symbol of t h e s p i r a l i s a l s o r e a d i l y apparent i n t h e implements of f o o d g a t h e r i n g .  Shuswap and Thompson 22  arrow s h a f t s were d e c o r a t e d m a i n l y w i t h s p i r a l s ; t h e arrow, i n e f f e c t , was  thus,  t h e c e n t e r of t h e s p i r a l .  Hunting  has been m e t a p h o r i c a l l y r e l a t e d t o a s e x u a l a c t i v i t y between men  and d e e r .  Hence, t h e arrow d e c o r a t e d w i t h a  s i g n i f i e s a sexual mediation  spiral  o r b a l a n c e between t h e h u n t e r  and game. The b a s k e t s women u t i l i z e d f o r r o o t g a t h e r i n g were woven i n s p i r a l f a s h i o n and were c o n t a i n e r s f o r r o o t s . P l a c i n g t a p r o o t s i n t o a b a s k e t i s analogous t o t h e arrow ornamented w i t h a s p i r a l d e s i g n .  often 23 e x h i b i t e d l a d d e r , l i g h t n i n g , o r arrow-head p a t t e r n s . "•"Text, "The Shuswap," p. 5 1 9 . 2 3  T e i t , "The  L i l l o o e t baskets  Thompson," p. 243; Lillooet,"  p.  207.  and T e i t ,  "The  Ill S e x u a l  m e d i a t i o n  g a t h e r i n g tween  w i t h  or  a  consumer  balance  s p i r a l .  and  i s  The  consumed  r e p r e s e n t e d s e x u a l  i n  b a l a n c e  p r e c l u d e s  the  h u n t i n g c r e a t e d  and b e -  p o s s i b i l i t y  of  c a n n i b a l i s m .  INABUNDANCE Lack which  h u n t e r s  weapons. songs  i n t o  2  game  example,  sung  towards  i n i t  Hunters  4  water  was  p r a c t i c e d  For  were  r e c t e d i n g .  of  i t s  c o u n t e r a c t e d i n  the  when  a  b e h a l f  r e q u e s t i n g  would  ( n a t i v e  throw  e x e g e s i s  by  treatment bear and  was  of  extreme  k i l l e d ,  good  bones  s t a t e s  of  such  c a r e  c a r c a s s e s  were  d i -  i n  h u n t -  f o r t u n e deer  and  h o n o r i f i c  s u p p l i c a t i o n s  f u t u r e t h e  t h e  and  a c t i o n s  beaver prevented  25 d e f i l i n g  of  the  T h i s r e f e r e n c e  t o  animal  by  p r a c t i c e , the  dogs)  and  pray  t o  the  however,  may  a l s o  be  u n d e r s t o o d  f o l l o w i n g Mink  and  the  Jaw-Bones  T h i s i s a l e g e n d about some One o f t h e m s a i d t o M i n k , salmon. There are some a r o e d t o go. H i s mother, T s ' i e r t o come f i s h i n g , a l s o . t a i n p l a c e . " L e t ' s go f i s h i  2  4  e t h e ^ M i n k was was u s i n g t o f i o t h e r i v e r , an s h a r p e n e r . The he t u r n e d i n t o h i m .  T e i t ,  25 I  b i d . ,  "The p.  f i s h i n g , x up h i s d he t o l d younger a salmon  L i l l o o e t , " 281.  w i t h  myth:  h e r e . some d e c i d b r o t h a c e r  W h i l t h a t he f e l l i n t get the i t , but Speared  a n i m a l .  p.  p e o p l e who "You s h o u l und h e r e . " t , coaxed h S a i d M i n k , n g t h e r e ! " he s p h b r an  l i v e d around d go spear The Mink i s younger r e f e r r i n g t o  l o s t t h e sharpener e a r . The s h a r p e n e r i s younger b r o t h e r t o o t h e r dove down t o get d swam a r o u n d . Mink  279  112  When t h e y got home, t h e i r mother s a t b e s i d e t h e f i r e and cooked the salmon t h a t they had speared. Mink was s i t t i n g a c r o s s from h e r , making something and w h i s t l i n g . He s a i d t o h i s mother, "You a r e e a t i n g your own young one, your own baby! I am going t o throw t h e bones back i n t o the r i v e r . " He threw a l l t h e f i s h bones, except f o r t h e jaw, i n t o the r i v e r . When he came back, h i s younger b r o t h e r , now a salmon, d i d n ' t have a jaw. Mink's mother asked him what he d i d w i t h t h e jaw bones of t h e f i s h . "Oh," he s a i d , "I d i d n ' t throw them away, I j u s t put them a s i d e . " H i s mother s a i d , "Mink, you a r e j u s t l i k e your name. You a r e f u l l of t r i c k s ! "Yes," he r e p l i e d , "That's why I was t e l l i n g you t h a t you were e a t i n g your own son. I h i d t h e jaw bones so when he came up a g a i n , he d i d n ' t have a jaw. You have t o r e p l a c e h i s jaw by g i v i n g back the bones." The young mink, now a salmon, came up t o t h e s u r f a c e of t h e water. He d i d n ' t have a jaw. "Oh," t h e o l d l a d y s a i d , "We w i l l have t o put back those jaw bones. Mink threw t h e o t h e r s i n t o t h e water, but these jaw bones a r e s t i l l here." Mink s a i d , "You w i l l have t o throw t h e bones back i n the water, where he i s . Then he can come back, w i t h jaws." She threw t h e bones i n t o t h e water, and t h e young mink came back w i t h h i s jaws. He changed from a f i s h back i n t o a mink. H i s jaw was a l l f i x e d . " 1 1  2  Mink, t h e t r i c k s t e r , both c r e a t e s and negates c a n n i balism.  He o f f e r s h i s mother t h e b r o t h e r as food and then  accuses her of c a n n i b a l i s m . the  The jaw bone i s a p i v o t f o r  myth as Mink r e t a i n s i t as t h e u l t i m a t e proof o f t h e  cannibalism.  In t h e myth, the jaw bone i s a type of pun;  although i t belongs t o t h e eaten, t h e jaw i s e s s e n t i a l i n eating. not  Perhaps t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between e a t e r and eaten i s  so a b s o l u t e — i . e . , a modicum o f t h e c a n n i b a l i s mani-  f e s t e d i n man's consumption of animals ( h i s b r o t h e r s ) . T h e r e f o r e , t h e hunter must c o u n t e r a c t t h i s by throwing t h e  From a corpus of L i l l o o e t myths c o l l e c t e d by Randy Bouchard f o r t h e B.C. I n d i a n Language P r o j e c t .  113  bones i n t h e w a t e r , a shamanic t e c h n i q u e .  27  This action  negates c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y o r inabundance o f game. D e s p i t e t h e i r observances  of t h e s e p a r t i c u l a r p r o -  p i t i a t o r y a c t s , h u n t e r s were o c c a s i o n a l l y c o n f r o n t e d w i t h a d e a r t h o f game.  Shamans were t h e n summoned t o c o u n t e r a c t  t h e l a c k o f game.  The shaman e i t h e r drove away g h o s t s  f r i g h t e n i n g t h e game away o r sang magic songs a t n i g h t i n the hunting lodge—songs catcher.  f u n c t i o n i n g as a t y p e o f s o u l -  As t h e shaman sang h i s song, t h e s o u l s o f a n i m a l s  t o be caught t h e n e x t day were h e a r d as t h e y passed t h e back o f t h e h u n t i n g l o d g e ; t h u s , t h e people c o u l d t h e n d i v i n e t h e number of game t o be k i l l e d by c o u n t i n g t h e i r 28  t r a c k s ( t h e t r a c k s of t h e a n i m a l s ' s o u l s ) . A Thompson shaman i n a h u n t i n g p a r t y s a t naked a l l n i g h t by the f i r e , a n t i c i p a t i n g a v i s i o n .  A t dawn t h e  shaman t r a v e l l e d t o t h e n e a r e s t stream t o b a t h e , p r a y , and sing.  These p r a c t i c e s were r e p e a t e d by t h e o t h e r h u n t e r s .  R e t u r n i n g t o camp, t h e h u n t e r s were d i r e c t e d by t h e shaman towards t h e game.  He i n s t r u c t e d them t o k i l l  and n o t e a t i t u n t i l t h e f o l l o w i n g day.  one a n i m a l  After this  ritual 20  was r e p e a t e d once, t h e h u n t e r s were a s s u r e d g r e a t s u c c e s s . M i r c e a E l i a d e , Shamanism: A r c h a i c Techniques o f E c s t a s y , t r a n s . W i l l a r d R. T r a s k , B o l l i n g e n S e r i e s , No. 7 o , rev. ed. ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , B o l l i n g e n P a p e r b a c k s , 1 9 7 2 ) , p. 6 3 . 7  2 8  2 9  T e i t , "The L i l l o o e t , " p. 2 8 8 . T e i t , "The Thompson," p. 365.  114 T h u s , t h e shaman m e d i a t e s t h e i n a b u n d a n c e o f game by  negating  and  malevolent i n f l u e n c e s , capturing  animal  souls,  by i n t r o d u c i n g t h e p r a c t i c e o f renewing l i f e from bones. INFERTILITY The  and  powerful i n f l u e n c e of the L i l l o o e t ,  Shuswap shamans c o u l d c o u n t e r a c t  Lillooet  human  Thompson,  infertility.  shamans c o u l d n o t o n l y c a u s e b a r r e n  women t o b e a r 30  c h i l d r e n but a l s o decide  the sex of the c h i l d .  A  Thompson shaman reknowned f o r t r e a t i n g c h i l d l e s s women painted  t h e u p p e r p a r t o f t h e woman's f a c e , e x a c t e d h e r  p r o m i s e t o name t h e c h i l d  a c c o r d i n g t o h i s d e s i r e s , and 31  gave h e r a h o g - f e n n e l r o o t t o e a t . volved  i n this  p a r t i c u l a r root  The s y m b o l i s m i n -  eating i s significant.  I n t h e " M o s q u i t o a n d T h u n d e r " myth f i r s t the  m o s q u i t o e s were shown t o e f f e c t  balance.  Sucking blood  once b o t h t h e s t r e n g t h and  an e l e g a n t  f r o m human g e n i t a l i a  presented,  sexual  emphasizes a t  o f t h e a s s o c i a t i o n between  sexual  a l i m e n t a l consumption and t h e n e c e s s a r y d i s t i n c t i o n o r  metaphorical  d i s t a n c e b e t w e e n t h e two modes o f c o n s u m p t i o n .  I n t h e same s e n s e , b y f e e d i n g a h o g - f e n n e l r o o t t o a woman, the  shaman i l l u m i n a t e s t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n woman a n d  root. with  The woman d o e s n o t e n g a g e i n l i t e r a l  sexual r e l a t i o n s  t h e r o o t b u t s h e d o e s consume a m e t a p h o r i c Teit,  "The L i l l o o e t , "  p.  287.  Teit,  "The Thompson," p .  363.  phallus.  115  The o p p o s i t i o n o f o r a l t o g e n i t a l e n s u r e s t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f m e t a p h o r i c d i s t a n c e , and, t h u s , i t a v o i d s paradox. One s i g n i f i c a n t f u n c t i o n o f t h e Shuswap shaman n o t e d b y Boas was h i s assumption o f t h e r o l e o f g u i d e on t h e o c c a s i o n o f an a d o l e s c e n t g i r l ' s r e t u r n t o h e r v i l l a g e a f t e r the puberty  rituals:  ...the shaman l e d t h e g i r l back from h e r s e c l u s i o n i n g r a n d p r o c e s s i o n . He c a r r i e d a d i s h c a l l e d t s u q t a ' n , w h i c h i s c a r v e d o u t o f s t e a t i t e , i n one hand. The d i s h r e p r e s e n t s a woman g i v i n g b i r t h t o a c h i l d , a l o n g whose back a snake c r a w l s . The c h i l d ' s back i s h o l l o w e d out and s e r v e s as a r e c e p t a c l e f o r w a t e r . I n t h e o t h e r hand t h e shaman c a r r i e s c e r t a i n h e r b s . When t h e y r e t u r n e d t o t h e v i l l a g e , t h e h e r b s were put i n t o t h e d i s h , and t h e g i r l was s p r i n k l e d w i t h t h e w a t e r c o n t a i n e d i n t h e d i s h , t h e shaman p r a y i n g a t t h e same t i m e f o r h e r t o have many c h i l d r e n . 3 2 33 T h i s bowl i s s i m i l a r t o t h e f i g u r e below.  F i g u r e 3« Stone D i s h  32 Boas, "Second G e n e r a l R e p o r t , " p. 6 4 2 . 33 T h i s d r a w i n g was adapted f r o m a photograph o f a Shuswap Lake Bowl i n W i l s o n D u f f , " P r e h i s t o r i c Stone S c u l p t u r e s o f t h e F r a s e r R i v e r and G u l f o f G e o r g i a , " A n t h r o p o l o g y i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a. No. 5 ( 1 9 5 6 ) , 129.  116 The n a l  s t r u c t u r e  resemblance  s e x u a l c a t e s  t o  b a l a n c e . the  myth  of  may  appear  i n  a  l o c u s a  of  a l s o  b e l l y  her  i s or  t o  person  w i t h  the  nant  woman.  or  c h i l d  and  snake.  and  the  a  t o  I b i d . ,  "The  a  and  of i n d i -  l i f e .  not  head  But head  o n l y  i n  the  i s  woman  has  of i n  Thompson,"  these  m e d i a t i o n e v e r y  p.  was  resemble  some t o  the  between  3  4  a  a f f i n i t y p r e g -  o p p o s i t i o n s  r e s p e c t  303.  the  d i r e c t i o n .  snake  of  the  e x t e r n a l .  the  o p p o s i t i o n  from  f i n a l l y ,  would  made  304.  of  c h i l d  be  be  shape  o p p o s i t e  may  as  the  the  i n  viewed  of  and,  snake  a  t h a t  pregnant  be  must  t o  i s  c a n n i b a l i s t i c  a  t o  t y p e  (the  emerging  body;  f e r -  v i l l a g e ,  "the  Thus,  a  ensure  r a t t l e  the  bowl  the  t o  her  s n a k e ' s  snake,  away  J  sense  p.  symbol  r a t t l e s n a k e ' s  opposed  the  snake,  c o n s i d e r e d  T e i t ,  i s  woman,  seems  woman  g i r l  c h i l d ' s  walk  g h o s t . "  The  e x t e r -  c h i l d  new  shamans  t a i l - t o - h e a d ) ;  the  k i l l e d  Some  i s  and  t o  but  a  the  s y m b o l i z e  by  the  p o s i t i o n  from  t u r n  c h i l d  the  and  the  t o or  t h a t  s n a k e ' s  e n c o u n t e r i n g  husband  dead  the  opposed  i n t e r n a l Upon  If  t o  s n a k e ' s  ( p h a l l i c )  b i r t h  an  i n f e r t i l i t y .  o p p o s i t i o n s :  snake  supposed  v a g i n a  the  ( h e a d - t o - t a i l  i s  i n t i m a t e s  bears  s p i r a l ,  m e d i a t i o n  between  woman  c h i l d  s e x u a l  mediate  the  woman's  g i v i n g  used  opposed  r a t t l e  c o i l e d  f i g u r e ,  i s  v a g i n a ) ;  s n a k e ' s  the  l o g i c a l  s p i r a l  a  woman's  but  Thus, and  woman  X o l a k w a ' x a  c a n n i b a l i s m  t i l i t y  of  a  t i g h t l y  The  r e s u l t  the  a  of  i f  woman  o p p o s i t e  t o  117 the  snake;  but  t h i s  o p p o s i t i o n  between  balance  c r e a t e  i n  or  o p p o s i t i o n  produce snake, l i f e ,  she but  w i l l  male new  the  c h i l d r e n ;  i f  have  and  i s  female)  c h i l d r e n . snake, she a  n e c e s s a r y  Thus,  she  w i l l  becomes  snake  t o  i n  i n  i s  m a i n t a i n i f  the  f u n c t i o n some  her  (as  a  and  s e x u a l  woman  remains  n o r m a l l y  r e s p e c t  v a g i n a  the  l i k e  not  and the  produce  d e a t h .  One of  t o  o p p o s i t i o n  f u r t h e r  i n f e r t i l i t y  i s  example  of  i l l u s t r a t e d  The  Man  Who  the i n  shaman's  t h e  Got  r o l e  f o l l o w i n g  Four  as  m e d i a t o r  myth:  Wives  Four b r o t h e r s l i v e d i n the same house w i t h t h e i r f o u r s i s t e r s . They were a l l a n x i o u s t o marry; but t h e y knew of no people i n t h e i r c o u n t r y except t h e m s e l v e s . In t h e n e i g h b o r i n g c o u n t r y t h e r e dwelt a man who t r a i n e d i n the mountains and became l i k e a shaman. Through h i s magic he l e a r n e d of these p e o p l e , a n d made u p h i s m i n d t o r e l i e v e them. He p u t on a d e e r ' s s k i n , and i n the f o r m of a buck-deer passed by the b r o t h e r ' s house. Next morning t h e y n o t i c e d f r e s h d e e r - t r a c k s , and f o l l o w e d them up. A f t e r f o l l o w i n g them a l o n g d i s t a n c e , t h e y got t i r e d and t h r e e of the b r o t h e r s gave up and r e t u r n e d ; but the e l d e s t p e r s e v e r e d , and overtook the deer. When t h e shaman saw t h a t he was n e a r l y c a u g h t , he made a house near a c r r e k , and a sweat-house c l o s e by. Then, c h a n g i n g h i m s e l f t o h i s n a t u r a l form, he began t o sweatbathe. The b r o t h e r came t o t h e c r e e k , and searched f o r t h e b u c k ' s t r a c k s , w h i c h had come t o an end t h e r e . At l a s t , u n s u c c e s s f u l and t i r e d , he d e c i d e d t o r e t u r n home. J u s t t h e n he n o t i c e d the sweat-house, and, a p p r o a c h i n g i t , f o u n d a man i n s i d e . He a s k e d h i m i f he had seen a buck go p a s t ; b u t t h e man a n s w e r e d , "No. Go t o my house over y o n d e r , " s a i d he, "and I w i l l come t o you when I f i n i s h s w e a t i n g . " The s t r a n g e r went t o t h e house and the man, a r r i v i n g p r e s e n t l y , t r e a t e d him v e r y k i n d l y . On h i s r e t u r n home, t h e b r o t h e r r e l a t e d what he had seen and, as faheifsaaman was a good man, t h e b r o t h e r s sen one of t h e i r s i s t e r s of t i m e a f t e r w a r d s t h e man c h a n and d i d as he had done b e f o r found h i m , and, t h i n k i n g i t d i f f e r e n t p l a c e , as soon as of h i s s i s t e r s t o marry h i m .  him t o be h i ged h i m s e l f e . A n o t h e r was a d i f f e r he r e t u r n e d Thus, the  s w i f e . Some i n t o a deer a g a i n of t h e b r o t h e r s e n t man i n a home, sent one man a c t e d f o u r  118  times, u n t i l he had got the four s i s t e r s f o r h i s wives. Now the man said, "I have taken a l l the brothers s i s t e r s . I w i l l t r y to,get wives f o r them." He changed himself into an eagle, and flew away to a neighboring country. Here he saw four g i r l s picking b e r r i e s . Three of them were singing, and one was quiet. He took o f f h i s eagle's body, and approaching the quiet one, who was alone, asked her i f she would come with him. She consented, and jumped on h i s back; he flew away with her, and gave her to his eldest brother-in-law. Then he returned as a d i f f e r e n t man, flew away with another one of the s i s t e r s , and gave her to the second one of h i s brothers-in-law. Thus he continued u n t i l he had obtained wives f o r the four brothers. Then he l e f t and went to a distant country with h i s own wives.3° 1  The i n i t i a l paradox i s coded i n terms of distances: the brothers and s i s t e r s confront a major dilemma concomitant with t h e i r i s o l a t i o n — i . e . , although marriage and procreation are desired and necessary to the maintenance of t h e i r s o c i a l unit, incest must be avoided. l i n g s know of no neighbors t i o n i s precarious.  Since the s i b -  (potential spouses), the s i t u a -  The brothers l i v e i n too close a  proximity to the s i s t e r s (possibly p r e c i p i t a t i n g incest) while potential spouses are too distant (not known).  The  paradox i s resolved by the shaman. The shaman adopts the form of a buck deer and lures the brothers towards his dwelling with the promise of food (also, he i s a metaphorical woman as a deer).  Each brother  i s successful not i n obtaining deer but i n discovering a potential spouse f o r h i s s i s t e r s .  In e f f e c t , deer hunting  mediates the distance between the brothers and the  From a corpus of L i l l o o e t myths c o l l e c t e d by Randy Bouchard f o r the B.C. Indian Language Project. J  119 shaman  and  h u n t e r  does  mate  between not  c o n t a c t  t h e  d i s t a n c e  the  deer  the  b r o t h e r s  c a p t u r e  w i t h  the  betx^een  s e r v e s  t o  the  deer  a n i m a l ; the  and  The  w i t h  h i s  hands  weapons  are  used  hunter  separate  s i s t e r s .  and  t h e  t h e  or  f r o m  be  t o  h u n t e d .  b r o t h e r s  deer  mediate In  the  i n t i -  a  s e n s e ,  s i s t e r s :  Hunter  S i b l i n g s C l o s e  L i v e  shaman s e p a r a t e s b r o t h e r from s i s t e r t h r o u g h deer h u n t i n g  Too  Together  Deer  But  t h e  shaman  A d o p t i n g women  t h e  of  man).  By  v e r s e  the  b r o t h e r  eagle  E a g l e h u n t i n g .  s i m p l e two  l i e  of  above  spouses e a g l e ,  and  (the onto  e a g l e t h e  p r o v i n g  and  the  i s  i n  I n i t i a l l y , some of  p i t .  a  h i g h  two  s u p p o r t s the  t h u s , back  a  vrith  t h e  m e t a p h o r i c a l  i n  o r d e r  e f f e c t s  i n v e r s e  f o u r  of  a  t o  t r a -  r e l a t i o n s h i p  t h a t  between  d e e r .  h u n t i n g  on  d i s c o v e r s  i n d i v i d u a l l y  woman  t h e  b r o t h e r s - i n - l a w .  shaman  e a g l e ' s  be  h i s  them i s ,  each  t o  f o r  t h e  l u r e s  d i s t a n c e ,  s t r u c t u r e  p a i r s  r i g g e d  i n  an  b e r r i e s  g r e a t  each  t o  of  c l i m b i n g  t h e  man  f i n d  m a r r i a g e  w i t h  deer  form  p i c k i n g  promise  must  a  c e r t a i n  p i t r i d g e  i s  l i n k e d  Then  some  dug  by  two i s  i n v e r s e  enough  might  branches  b a i t  the  l a r g e  e a g l e s  h o r i z o n t a l  and  sense  t i e d  f o r  a  f r e q u e n t .  each  c r o s s  of  r e s t i n g  branches t o  A  the  i s  two  on  120  c r o s s branches. w i t h branches.  The man l i e s i n t h e p i t and c o v e r s  himself  When an e a g l e a l i g h t s on t h e s t r u c t u r e , t h e  man s e i z e s i t s l e g s and d r a g s them between t h e c r o s s b a r s . The t a i l f e a t h e r s a r e t h e n p u l l e d o u t and t h e b i r d i s 37  usually released. As L e v i - S t r a u s s remarks i n comparing deer w i t h eagle  hunting:  H u n t i n g w i t h bows and a r r o w s i n v o l v e s t h e r e g i o n o f space i m m e d i a t e l y above t h e e a r t h , t h a t i s , t h e atmosphere o r m i d d l e s k y : t h e h u n t e r and h i s game meet i n t h e i n t e r m e d i a t e space. E a g l e h u n t i n g , on t h e o t h e r hand, s e p a r a t e s them b y g i v i n g them o p p o s i t e p o s i t i o n s : t h e h u n t e r below t h e ground and t h e game c l o s e t o t h e empyrean sky...One hunt i n v o l v e s t h e s h e d d i n g o f b l o o d (by means o f bows and a r r o w s ) , t h e o t h e r does n o t ~g ( e a g l e s a r e s t r a n g l e d w i t h o u t any e f f u s i o n o f b l o o d ) . Thus, e a g l e h u n t i n g i n v o l v e s t h e m e d i a t i o n creatures occupying  o f two  d i s t i n c t and r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t cosmo-  l o g i c a l zones, t h e e a r t h and t h e s k y , b y i n t i m a t e c o n t a c t between h u n t e r and q u a r r y .  The deer h u n t e r , on t h e  other  hand, m a i n t a i n s a d i s t a n c e between h i m s e l f and t h e d e e r . I n t h e myth, t h e shaman mediates t h e d i s t a n c e between t h e men and women b y p o s t u r i n g a s an e a g l e .  The  i n t i m a t e c o n t a c t between t h e women and t h e e a g l e evokes n o t o n l y t h e i n t i m a c y o f h u n t i n g but a l s o t h e i n t i m a c y o f woman w i t h m e t a p h o r i c a l man. 37 T e i t , "The Shuswap," p. 5 2 3 .  C . L e v i - S t r a u s s , The Savage M i n d , t r a n s . George W e i d e n f e l d and N i c o l s o n L t d . ( C h i c a g o : u n x v e r i s t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , P h o e n i x Books, 1 9 6 6 ) , p. 5 1 . 3 8  121 Women Eagle.  t o o great a d i s t a n c e *~ Brothers  intimate contact between women and eagle Women  The d i s t a n c e between t h e b r o t h e r s and t h e women i s mediated by t h e i n t i m a t e c o n t a c t between t h e women and the The  eagle.  shaman c r e a t e s t h e necessary d i s t a n c e between t h e  sib-  l i n g s by l u r i n g the b r o t h e r s away with t h e promise of f o o d ( a l s o , t h e deer i s a m e t a p h o r i c a l woman).  The shaman e l i -  minates t h e d i s t a n c e between t h e b r o t h e r s and t h e women by p r o m i s i n g t h e women marriage (the eagle i s a m e t a p h o r i c a l man).  Too l i t t l e  d i s t a n c e i s mediated by d i s t a n c e  t o o g r e a t d i s t a n c e , by i n t i m a t e c o n t a c t .  hunting;  Thus, t h e shaman  mediates s e x u a l imbalance w i t h a p p r o p r i a t e methods o f f o o d gathering. CONCLUSION As humans c r e a t e and accept c u l t u r e , they a r e f o r c e d t o accept paradox and c o n t r a d i c t i o n .  Two major  c o g n i t i v e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o r t h r e a t s t o t h e c o g n i t i v e system of t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap a r e c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y , both of which a r e aspects of s e x u a l imbalance. One  i s m e t a p h o r i c a l w h i l e t h e other i s l i t e r a l .  Preceding  c h a p t e r s have i l l u s t r a t e d t h e l o g i c c r e a t i n g c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y , t h i s chapter has demonstrated the l o g i c a l mediation  of c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y through shamanism.  The  two  i l l u m i n a t e t o  c e r t a i n  combat a  s k y  female f i r e  t w i s t i n g c a t e s The  s u c k i n g  by  enable  hunters  t i o n ) ,  t h e y  r e s u l t ) . t i o n c i e n t i n t o  or  e f f e c t  d i s t a n c e t h e  a  path  manner  might  the f o r  t h u s , be  c r e a t e d  n e g a t i o n  of  s u c k i n g by  can t o  cure  f i n d  shaman the  can  d i s t a n c e  of  t o  a The  s n a i l ' s a l s o  the  i n d i -  p e o p l e .  t e c h n i q u e  c a n n i b a l  shamans.  or  the  b a l a n c e  Shamans  l i f e  of  from  a l s o  bones  or  game.  (a  i n  women.  m e t a p h o r i c a l  have  e i t h e r  c h i l d r e n i n d i c a t e  h i m s e l f .  b r o t h e r  between  be  the  mosquitoes  i n f e r t i l i t y  m e d i a t i o n  between  do  the  r e g e n e r a t i n g  game  women  as  may  does  p e o p l e .  by  the  The  shaman  shaman  e f f e c t ,  bone.  the  t o  the  of  c a n n i b a l  the  s i m i l a r  of  t h r o u g h  symbol  s n a i l  shamanic  enable  The  (though  w i t h  rampages  making, Though  shaman,  e a r t h  a  c u r a t i v e  abundance  Shamans  c h a i n ,  f i r e  a  a c h i e v e d  the  w i t h  an  i n  i s  t h a t  c a n n i b a l i s m  e n s u r i n g  arrow  g a t h e r i n g .  f i r e  sharpened  d r i l l i n g  c o u n t e r a c t  the  c h a i n ;  t h e  myth  shamans  by  c a n n i b a l i s t i c  on  a  by  c r e a t e d  mediate  c a n n i b a l i s m  i n  Thunder"  c o n s t r u c t e d  of  arrow  c u l t u r a l  t h e  t o  p r o v i d e  and  c h a i n ,  the  h i m s e l f  does  the  i n  of  people  r o o t  u t i l i z e d  r e v e a l e d i s ,  n e g a t i o n t h e i r  a  and  he  about  how  myth  i s  arrow  m a n i f e s t e d  s p i r a l  shaman),  "Mosquito  symbols  c o u n t e r a c t  a l s o  the  d r i l l  the  formed  h u n t i n g ,  c r e a t e  The  m e d i a t i o n  balance  dances,  f o r  s p i r a l  the  p e r v a s i v e  t h u s ,  T h i s  s t i c k y  s e x u a l  not  route  and,  Thunder. t h e  of  c a n n i b a l i s m .  p r o v i d e s t h e  v e r s i o n s  and  h u n t e r  the  s i s t e r  and  d e e r ;  shamans  s e x u a l  (a  In  As  the i s  r e l a -  l i t e r a l  s e x u a l  path  m e d i a -  of  myth,  i n s u f f i -  t r a n s f o r m e d  e x c e s s i v e  d i s -  t a n c e  between  i n t i m a t e  p o t e n t i a l  c o n t a c t  between  appears  t o  t e n a b l e  p o s i t i o n s  Thus, and  the  have  m e d i a t o r ,  an  i n t o  shaman.  system  e a g l e .  a b i l i t y  from are  t r a n s f o r m e d  and  s i t u a t i o n s  emerging  s y m b o l i c  the  h u n t e r  i s  e x t r a o r d i n a r y  paradoxes  Shuswap  spouses  which t h e  t o may  The  by  the  shaman  t r a n s f o r m be  L i l l o o e t ,  r e s o l v e d  i n t o  a  u n -  mediated. Thompson, p l a s t i c  Chapter 7 CONCLUSION I n t h i s t h e s i s , I proposed t o show t h a t t h e  symbol-  i c s i g n i f i c a n c e o f f o o d g a t h e r i n g among t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap g e n e r a t e s two major paradoxes which a r i s e from a l o s s of s e x u a l b a l a n c e .  A l s o , I proposed t h a t  t h e s e paradoxes may be mediated by shamans, who,  i n effect,  a c t as s e x u a l m e d i a t o r s t o r e s t o r e t h i s b a l a n c e .  I  suggested t h a t a c c u s a t i o n s o f e t h n o c e n t r i s m d i r e c t e d towards t h e a n a l y s i s might be a v o i d e d i f t h e a n a l y t i c a l methods s e l e c t e d were u n i v e r s a l l y a p p l i c a b l e — i . e . , i f t h e t o o l s f o r a n a l y s i s were n o t g e n e r a t e d from a p a r t i c u l a r language's  p a t t e r n o f t h o u g h t , and i f t h e d a t a f o r t h e  a n a l y s i s , t h e n a t i v e c a t e g o r i e s of t h o u g h t , c o n s i s t e d of r e s p o n s e s t o problems n e c e s s a r i l y o c c u r r i n g t o a l l humans. I f t h e a n a l y s t a c c e p t s t h e p o s t u l a t i o n s of L e v i S t r a u s s and P i a g e t c o n c e r n i n g t h e u n i v e r s a l i t y of human c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e , he may  a p p l y t h e supposed p r i n c i p l e s  o f t h a t s t r u c t u r e t o h i s d a t a and, t h u s , a v o i d t h e of h i s ethnocentrism.  pitfall  I n t h e second c h a p t e r , I c o n s t r u c t e d  a " w o r k i n g d e f i n i t i o n " o f a symbol as a l o c u s of l o g i c a l operations.  Such a d e f i n i t i o n p e r m i t s t h e a n a l y s t t o d i s -  c e r n and a n a l y z e symbols f r o m a s t r u c t u r a l p e r s p e c t i v e . o t h e r words, t h e d e f i n i t i o n p e r m i t s a s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s 124  In  125  o f symbols b a s e d upon metaphor, metonymy, t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , i n v e r s i o n , and m e d i a t i o n . The second' problem c o n c e r n s t h e s e l e c t i o n o f d a t a . I proposed t h a t t h e u n i v e r s a l problem o f f o o d g a t h e r i n g , c u l t u r a l s o l u t i o n s and c o n c e p t i o n s o f t h o s e s o l u t i o n s t o t h e problem, and r e l e v a n t myths, might be a r e a s o n a b l e of data f o r symbolic a n a l y s i s . suggested  The e t h n o g r a p h i c  body  data  t h a t a s t r i c t s e x u a l d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r was  p r a c t i c e d w i t h r e s p e c t t o f o o d g a t h e r i n g and t h a t one u n d e r l y i n g p r i n c i p l e o f t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap as P l a t e a u c u l t u r e s was e q u a l i t y .  Hence, any  v i o l a t i o n of that sexual d i v i s i o n of labor or sexual b a l a n c e might g e n e r a t e  s e r i o u s , c o g n i t i v e consequences.  To e s t a b l i s h t h e s y m b o l i c s t r u c t u r e o f f o o d  gather-  i n g , I examined t h e c u l t u r a l p r e s c r i p t i o n s and p r o s c r i p t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g women and t h e i r r o o t g a t h e r i n g a c t i v i t i e s and t h e n , men and h u n t i n g .  Women had t o m a i n t a i n , f o r  example, an a l i m e n t a l e m p t i n e s s w h i l e g a t h e r i n g r o o t s and b e r r i e s and a s e x u a l e m p t i n e s s w h i l e c o o k i n g c e r t a i n r o o t s . A paradigm based upon e m p t i n e s s l i n k e d g a t h e r i n g t o s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e ; hence, I suggested  t h a t women m a i n t a i n e d  a metaphorical sexual r e l a t i o n with the food they  gathered.  T h i s s u g g e s t i o n was amply s u p p o r t e d by t h e e v e n t s i n t h e " C h i l d - o f - H o g - F e n n e l ! myth where d i s a s t r o u s e v e n t s ensued 1  from t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s o f t h e m e t a p h o r i c i n t o t h e  literal  o r t h e v i o l a t i o n s o f t h e m e t a p h o r i c a l s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s between woman and r o o t .  By e n g a g i n g i n s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e  126  w i t h a r o o t , a woman p r e c i p i t a t e d a s e r i e s o f l o g i c a l c o n s e quences r e s u l t i n g i n t h e i n a b i l i t y o f b o t h h e r s e l f and h e r son t o m a i n t a i n a p p r o p r i a t e s o c i a l and s e x u a l d i s t a n c e s . A n o t h e r myth, "The Wech#in Cave," a l s o p r e s e n t e d t h e v i o l a t i o n o f t h e woman-root r e l a t i o n s h i p .  I n t h e myth, men  v i o l a t e c u l t u r a l o r d e r b y g a t h e r i n g r o o t s w i t h t h e women. These u n f o r t u n a t e g a t h e r e r s e n t e r a cave where t h e y a r e c a n n i b a l i z e d by a l i z a r d t h a t e n t e r s t h e body t h r o u g h t h e anus and, f i n a l l y , a r e cooked i n t h e manner o f r o o t s by t h e i r g r i e v i n g parents.  The men v i o l a t e c u l t u r a l o r d e r b y  g a t h e r i n g r o o t s and c o n f u s e t h e m e t a p h o r i c a l s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between women and r o o t s .  What s h o u l d be a comple-  mentary r e l a t i o n s h i p between g a t h e r e d and g a t h e r e r becomes an o p p o s i t i o n . Men cannot g a t h e r ( o r have m e t a p h o r i c a l sexual r e l a t i o n s with) t h e i r metaphorical selves, roots. I n s t e a d o f consuming, t h e g a t h e r e r s a r e consumed o r c a n n i balized.  Hence, c a n n i b a l i s m becomes an e x p r e s s i o n o f t h e  v i o l a t i o n of a sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p . A t h i r d myth, "Made-Her-Sit-Down-On-A-Seat,"  illus-  t r a t e s w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r l o g i c a l elegance t h e r e s u l t s o f a v i o l a t i o n of gathering.  Angered b y h i s w i f e ' s i n f i d e l i t y  w i t h a handsome c e d a r tree-man ( t h e i n n e r bark o f c e d a r i s a f o o d g a t h e r e d b y women), a husband i m p a l e s h i s w i f e ' s v a g i n a on t h e sharpened t o p o f t h e c e d a r t r e e . however, e f f e c t s a v i o l a t i o n o f t h e i n i t i a l  This a c t i o n ,  relationship  between t h e woman and t h e t r e e ( t h e woman f o r m e r l y engaged i n s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h t h e t r e e t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o a man).  127  The woman's b r o t h e r , d e s i r i n g t o avenge h i s s i s t e r , h e r d r e s s and r o l e i n o r d e r t o s l a y t h e husband.  adopts  Two  paradoxes a r i s e from t h e b l o o d i s s u e o f t h e two u n n a t u r a l u n i o n s ( b r o t h e r wedded t o husband and woman t o t r e e ) . F i r s t , t h e b l o o d g u r g l i n g from t h e s l a i n husband's t h r o a t i s thought t o be t h e sound o f s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e o r t h e "making ' o f a new c h i l d . 1  s i g n i f i e s death.  But t h e g u r g l i n g b l o o d a c t u a l l y  Furthermore, no c h i l d c o u l d i s s u e from  t h e u n i o n o f two men.  Hence, a concomitant  significance  of t h e b l o o d i s i n f e r t i l i t y o r t h e paradox o f an e x c e s s i v e c u l t u r a l union (marriages a r e designed f o r p r o c r e a t i o n ) . Second, t h e b l o o d i s s u i n g from t h e woman's v a g i n a i s transformed i n t o b l a c k b e r r i e s .  Hence, i f t h e people e a t  t h e b e r r i e s ( a p r o p e r f o o d ) , t h e y w i l l e a t t h e woman ( a n improper food) o r commit c a n n i b a l i s m .  The c o g n i t i v e  system i s t h r e a t e n e d ; t h e p e o p l e c a n no l o n g e r t r u s t t h e i r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of food.  Thus, a v i o l a t i o n o f m e t a p h o r i c a l  s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s p r o d u c i n g an e x c e s s i v e n a t u r a l u n i o n b e tween woman and t r e e r e s u l t s i n t h e paradox o f c a n n i b a l i s m . The v i o l a t i o n o f normal m a r r i a g e o r t h e e x c e s s i v e c u l t u r a l u n i o n between two men g e n e r a t e s i n f e r t i l i t y .  Cannibalism  and i n f e r t i l i t y a r e two complementary p r o d u c t s o f s e x u a l imbalance. Men  engage i n m e t a p h o r i c a l s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h  game a n i m a l s .  A c c o r d i n g t o c e r t a i n myths, women and deer  exchanged organs f o r g i v i n g b i r t h and deer became a c c e s s i ble  t o h u n t e r s a f t e r r e c e i v i n g t h e undergarments o f an  128  adolescent g i r l .  The s i m i l a r i t y between women and deer  threatens t h e cognitive order.  As t h e p l a n e s o f a l i m e n t a t i o n  and l i t e r a l s e x u a l i t y must n o t be c o n f u s e d , I have  suggested  t h a t m e n s t r u a l b l o o d evokes n e g a t i v e r e a c t i o n s i n a h u n t i n g and g a t h e r i n g s o c i e t y because i t evokes t h e i n v e r s e o f t h e p o s i t i v e q u a l i t i e s of deer's blood.  Essentially,  deer's  b l o o d i s a f o o d and s i g n i f i e s l i f e s u p p o r t and c o n t i n u a n c e ; m e n s t r u a l b l o o d s e r v e s t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h e a l i m e n t a l and s e x u a l o r d e r s o r deer from women. H u n t i n g b y women i s n o t c o g n i t i v e l y t e n a b l e .  The  myth o f "Xolakwa'xa" d e p i c t s t h e i n a b i l i t y o f an o l d woman to  d i s s o l v e h e r m e t a p h o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h game a n i m a l s  or t o mediate t h e h u n t e r / h u n t e d  dichotomy.  Although t h e  woman i s a c a n n i b a l , s t r u c t u r a l emphasis i s p l a c e d upon h e r d e s i r e t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h h u n t e r s , n o t w i t h t h e  hunted.  She sharpens h e r l e g s t o r e n d e r h e r s e l f v i r t u a l l y u n t r a c k a b l e . However, a s t h e o l d woman f a i l s t o evade h e r p u r s u e r s , she attempts t o engage them i n s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e i n o r d e r t o k i l l them w i t h h e r v a g i n a d e n t a t a .  T h i s deadly vagina con-  t r a s t s s h a r p l y w i t h t h e c h i l d - b e a r i n g r o l e o f women. B u t she f a i l s once more and i s , t h e r e f o r e , unable t o become a c o g n i t i v e l y acceptable hunter.  The message o f t h e myth  m a i n t a i n s t h a t a woman who h u n t s i s n o t o n l y a c a n n i b a l , b u t a l s o incapable of g i v i n g b i r t h or i n f e r t i l e . The g e n e r a l s t r u c t u r e o f f o o d g a t h e r i n g , among t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap, i s b a s e d upon a s e x u a l metaphor and a c r i t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n between t h e l i t e r a l and  129  t h e metaphoric.  The s i m i l a r i t y between f o o d g a t h e r e d and a  s e x u a l p a r t n e r i n s i s t s upon a c o n s i s t e n t and a s s i d u o u s observance o f s e x u a l r o l e d i s t i n c t i o n s i n f o o d g a t h e r i n g . When l i t e r a l - m e t a p h o r i c o r s e x u a l r o l e d i s t i n c t i o n s a r e v i o l a t e d , t h e c o g n i t i v e system i s t h r e a t e n e d . v i o l a t i o n s r e s u l t i n a sexual imbalance,  As t h e s e  the cognitive  system i s e s s e n t i a l l y t h r e a t e n e d b y a s e x u a l  imbalance.  The major c o n t e n t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s i s t h a t s h a manism mediates c a n n i b a l i s m and i n f e r t i l i t y among t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap, and, t h u s , mediates s e x u a l imbalance.  I n t h e "Mosquito and Thunder" myths, Thunder's  c a n n i b a l i s m i s echoed i n h i s i n a b i l i t y t o d i s t i n g u i s h a c u l t u r a l ( a shaman d r e s s e d as a woman) from a n a t u r a l woman. I n o t h e r words, h i s c a n n i b a l i s m i s m a n i f e s t e d n o t o n l y by h i s c h o i c e o f f o o d , b u t a l s o b y h i s c h o i c e o f women ( i n a b i l i t y t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e the sexes).  The shaman m e d i a t e s  Thunder's c a n n i b a l i s m by d i s c o v e r i n g t h e l o c a t i o n o f Thund e r ' s v i c t i m , p r o v i d i n g t h e people w i t h an arrow c h a i n , and, u l t i m a t e l y , c a u s i n g t h e death o f Thunder.  To ascend t h e  arrow c h a i n , t h e people must f o l l o w a s t i c k y s p i r a l  route  and, t h u s , evoke s e x u a l i n t e r c o u r s e by e n v e l o p i n g t h e sharp p o i n t s .  This s p i r a l , d i s p l a y i n g the sexual  mediation  of t h e e a r t h and s k y w o r l d s , a l s o s i g n i f i e s f i r e making w i t h t h e f i r e d r i l l , hunting w i t h s p i r a l - d e c o r a t e d arrows, and t h e symbolism o f r o o t g a t h e r i n g ( t o s s i n g r o o t s i n t o s p i r a l b a s k e t s o f t e n d e c o r a t e d w i t h l i g h t n i n g o r arrow patterns).  Thus, t h i s s p i r a l i s a l o c u s o f k e y c u l t u r a l  130  oppositions.  The myth a l s o r e v e a l s t h a t t h e c u r a t i v e  shamanic t e c h n i q u e o f s u c k i n g ( p r a c t i c e d by t h e m o s q u i t o e s ) n e g a t e s t h e sharpened bone o f t h e s l a v e o r c a n n i b a l .  The  s u c k i n g o f a sharpened p o i n t evokes t h e s n a i l ' s j o u r n e y up t h e arrow c h a i n and u l t i m a t e l y s u g g e s t s t h e same m e d i a t i o n as does t h e s p i r a l . Among t h e L i l l o o e t , Thompson, and Shuswap, shamans c o u l d c u r e i n f e r t i l i t y i n women w i t h s e v e r a l t e c h n i q u e s i n c l u d i n g f e e d i n g them t h e h o g - f e n n e l r o o t .  T h i s consump-  t i o n s t r e n g t h e n s b o t h t h e a s s o c i a t i o n between s e x u a l and a l i m e n t a l consumption and t h e n e c e s s a r y d i s t i n c t i o n between t h e two.  I n o t h e r words, i t f o c u s e s on t h e n e c e s s i t y f o r a  b a l a n c e between t h e s e x e s .  I n t h e myth o f "The Man Who Got  F o u r Wives," a shaman must mediate an o p p o s i t i o n between d e s i r e f o r marriage  and a v o i d a n c e o f i n c e s t among s i b l i n g s .  He l u r e s t h e b r o t h e r s f r o m t h e s i s t e r s by p o s i n g a s a deer ( m e t a p h o r i c a l woman) and, t h e r e b y , mediates t o o c l o s e a p r o x i m i t y of brother t o s i s t e r with distance hunting.  Then,  t h e shaman m e d i a t e s t h e g r e a t d i s t a n c e between t h e b r o t h e r s and t h e i r p o t e n t i a l spouses by p o s t u r i n g as an e a g l e ( m e t a p h o r i c a l man).  He m e d i a t e s g r e a t d i s t a n c e w i t h t h e  c l o s e proximity of eagle hunting.  Thus, t h e shaman m e d i a t e s  i n f e r t i l i t y w i t h t h e c a r e f u l observance o f t h e s t r u c t u r e o f food gathering. The shaman i s c a p a b l e o f m e d i a t i n g paradoxes b e cause he i s h i m s e l f a paradox.  I n t h e myths, one shaman  adopts the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e opposite sex w h i l e  amother p o s t u r e s  as o b j e c t s o f s e x u a l and a l i m e n t a l  consumption ( t h e e a g l e and t h e d e e r ) .  These p o s t u r i n g s ,  i n e f f e c t , d e f y a c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e which demands a s t r i c t d i v i s i o n between t h e sexes and d i s t i n c t i o n between t h e l i t e r a l and t h e m e t a p h o r i c .  He i m p e r s o n a t e s a s e x u a l  or a l i m e n t a l object w i t h equal f a c i l i t y . transcends  The shaman  the c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e (without threatening i t )  because he i s t h e most competent i n t e r p r e t e r o f t h a t s t r u c ture.  BIBLIOGRAPHY ETHNOGRAPHY AND MYTH Boas, F r a n z . "Second G e n e r a l R e p o r t on t h e I n d i a n s o f B r i t i s h Columbia." Report o f t h e S i x t i e t h Meeting o f t h e B r i t i s h A s s o c i a t i o n f o r t h e Advancement o f S c i e n c e , 1890. John Murray, 1891B o u c h a r d , Randy (comp.). A C o r p u s o f L i l l o o e t M y t h s (MSS i n t h e P r o v i n c i a l Museum, V i c t o r i a , B.C.) c o l l e c t e d i n t h e summer o f 1 9 7 0 f o r t h e B.C. I n d i a n L a n g u a g e P r o j e c t . Duff, Wilson. " P r e h i s t o r i c Stone S c u l p t u r e s o f t h e F r a s e r R i v e r and G u l f o f G e o r g i a . " Anthropology i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . No, 5 ( 1 9 5 6 ) : 15-^151. H a e b e r l i n , Herman K., T e i t , James A., a n d R o b e r t s , H e l e n . " C o i l e d B a s k e t r y i n B r i t i s h Columbia and S u r r o u n d i n g Regions." Bureau o f American E t h n o l o g y Annual Report,  No. 41 (192FH  H i l l - T o u t , C h a r l e s . " N o t e s on t h e N ' t l a k a ' p a m u q o f B r i t i s h Columbia, a Branch o f t h e Great S a l i s h Stock o f North America." Report o f t h e S i x t y - n i n t h Meeting o f t h e B r i t i s h A s s o c i a t i o n f o r t h e Advancement o f S c i e n c e , 1899. London: John Murray, 1 9 0 0 . " R e p o r t on t h e E t h n o l o g y o f t h e S t l a t l u m h o f B r i t i s h Columbia." J o u r n a l of t h e Royal Anthropological I n s t i t u t e , 35 ( 1 9 0 5 ) : 126-218. Ray,  V e r n e F . The S a n p o i l a n d N e s p e l e m : S a l i s h a n P e o p l e o f N o r t h e a s t e r n Washington. U n i v e r i s t y o f Washington P u b l i c a t i o n s i n A n t h r o p o l o g y , V o l . V. Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y o f Washington P r e s s , 1 9 3 2 . . Cultural R e l a t i o n s i n t h e P l a t e a u o f Northwestern America^. P u b l i c a t i o n s o f t h e F r e d e r i c k Webb Hodge A n n i v e r s a r y P u b l i c a t i o n Fund, V o l . I I I . L o s A n g e l e s : The S o u t h w e s t Museum, 1 9 3 9 .  T e i t , James A l e x a n d e r . T r a d i t i o n s o f t h e Thompson R i v e r Indians. Memoirs o f t h e American F o l k l o r e S o c i e t y , Vol. VI. 1898.  132  133 . "The Thompson I n d i a n s . " Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , V o l . I , P a r t IV, ed. F r a n z Boas. M e m o i r s o f t h e A m e r i c a n Museum o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . I I . L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1900. . "The L i l l o o e t . " P u b l i c a t i o n s of t h e Jesup North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , V o l . I I , P a r t V, e d . F r a n z B o a s . M e m o i r s o f t h e A m e r i c a n Museum o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . IV, P a r t V I . L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1906. . "The Shuswap." P u b l i c a t i o n s of t h e Jesup North P a c i f i c E x p e d i t i o n , V o l . I I , P a r t V I I , ed. F r a n z Boas. M e m o i r s o f t h e A m e r i c a n Museum o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . IV, P a r t V I I . L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1909. . "The M y t h o l o g y o f t h e Thompson I n d i a n s . " Publications of the Jesup North P a c i f i c Expedition, V o l . V I I I , P a r t I I , ed. F r a n z Boas. Memoirs o f t h e American Museum o f N a t u r a l H i s t o r y , V o l . X I I . L e i d e n : E . J . B r i l l , 1912. . "Traditions of the L i l l o o e t Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia." J o u r n a l o f A m e r i c a n F d l k l o r e , 2 5 , No. 48 (October-December, 1912): 287-371. STRUCTURALISM  A p p e l l , G.N. "The D i s t i n c t i o n Between E t h n o g r a p h y a n d E t h n o l o g y and Other I s s u e s i n C o g n i t i v e S t r u c t u r a l i s m . " B i . j d r a g e n t o t de T a a l - , L a n d - e n V o l k e n k u n d e , No. 129 (1973): 1-56. Boon, James A l e x a n d e r . From S y m b o l i s m t o S t r u c t u r a l i s m : L e v i - S t r a u s s i n a L i t e r a r y T r a d i t i o n . 1972. New Y o r k : H a r p e r a n d Row, H a r p e r T o r c h b o o k s , 1973• G a r d n e r , Howard. "The S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s o f P r o t o c o l s a n d Myths." S e m i o t i c a , 5 ( 1 9 7 2 ) : 31-57L e a c h , Edmund. " A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l A s p e c t s o f Language: A n i m a l C a t e g o r i e s a n d V e r b a l Abuse." I n Mythology, ed. P i e r r e Maranda. P e n g u i n Modern S o c i o l o g y R e a d i n g s . Harmondsworth, M i d d l e s e x , E n g l a n d : P e n g u i n B o o k s , 1972. L e v i - S t r a u s s , Claude. S t r u c t u r a l Anthropology, t r a n s . C l a i r e Jacobson and Brooke G r u n d f e s t Schoepf. 1963. G a r d e n C i t y , N.Y.: D o u b l e d a y P r e s s , A n c h o r B o o k s , I 9 6 7 . . " F o u r Winnebago M y t h s : A S t r u c t u r a l S k e t c h . " I n M y t h a n d Cosmos, e d . J o h n M i d d l e t o n . A m e r i c a n Museum S o u r c e b o o k s i n A n t h r o p o l o g y . G a r d e n C i t y , N.Y.: The  134 Natural  History  Press,  1967•  . "The S t o r y o f A s d i w a l , " t r a n s . N i c h o l a s Mann. I n The S t r u c t u r a l S t u d y o f M y t h and Totemism , e d . Edmund L e a c h . A.S.A. M o n o g r a p h s , No. 5 » London: Tavistock, 1967. . The S a v a g e M i n d , t r a n s . G e o r g e W e i d e n f e l d and Nicolson Ltd. 1966. Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , P h o e n i x Books, 1968. . The Weightman.  Raw and t h e Cooked , t r a n s . J o h n and New Y o r k : H a r p e r and Row, 1968.  . F r o m Honey t o A s h e s , t r a n s . J o h n and Weightman. New Y o r k : H a r p e r and Row, 1973.  Doreen  Doreen  Maranda, E l l i Kongas. "The C a t t l e o f t h e F o r e s t and t h e H a r v e s t o f W a t e r : The C o s m o l o g y o f F i n n i s h M a g i c . " In E s s a y s on t h e V e r b a l and V i s u a l A r t s , e d . J u n e Helm. P r o c e e d i n g s o f t h e 1966 Annual S p r i n g Meeting of the American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y . S e a t t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington Press, I967. Maranda, P i e r r e ( e d . ) . Mythology. P e n g u i n Modern S o c i o l o gy R e a d i n g s . Harmondsworth, M i d d l e s e x , E n g l a n d : Penguin Books, 1972. .  "Structuralism  i n C u l t u r a l Anthropology."  A n n u a l Review o f A n t h r o p o l o g y , and  1971.  1 (1972):  329-348.  and E l l i K. M a r a n d a . S t r u c t u r a l Models i n F o l k l o r e Transformational Essays. 2nd. edn. P a r i s : Mouton,  and E l l i K. M a r a n d a ( e d s . ) . S t r u c t u r a l A n a l y s i s of Oral Tradition. P h i l a d e l p h i a : U n i v e r s i t y of P e n n s y l v a nia Press, 1971• Piaget, Jean. G e n e t i c E p i s t e m o l o g y , t r a n s . E l e a n o r Duckworth. Woodbridge L e c t u r e s D e l i v e r e d a t Columbia U n i v e r s i t y , No. 8. New Y o r k : C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1970. New  . Structuralism, trans, York: B a s i c Books, 1970.  and  ed.  Chaninah Maschler.  S c h e f f l e r , H a r o l d W. "Structuralism i n Anthropology." S t r u c t u r a l i s m , e d . J a c q u e s Ehrmann. 1966. Garden C i t y , N.Y.: Doubleday P r e s s , Anchor Books, 1970.  In  135  SYMBOLISM  Burke, Kenneth. "What A r e t h e S i g n s o f What? A Theory of 'Entitlement'." A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l L i n g u i s t i c s , 4 (1962): 1-23. . L a n g u a g e a s S y m b o l i c A c t i o n : E s s a y s on L i f e , L i t e r a t u r e , and Method. 1966. B e r k e l e y and L o s A n g e l e s : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1968. Castaneda, C a r l o s . Shuster, 1971.  A Separate R e a l i t y .  New  Y o r k : Simon  and  E l i a d e , M i r c e a . Shamanism: A r c h a i c T e c h n i q u e s o f E c s t a s y , t r a n s . W i l l a r d R. T r a s k . 1964. Rev. e d n . Bollingen S e r i e s , No. 7 6 . Princeton: Princeton Univeristy Press, B o l l i n g e n P a p e r b a c k s , 1972. F e r n a n d e z , James W. " U n b e l i e v a b l y S u b t l e Words: R e p r e s e n t a t i o n a n d I n t e g r a t i o n i n t h e Sermons o f an A f r i c a n Reformative Cult." H i s t o r y of R e l i g i o n s , 6 ,(1966): 43-69. . " R e v i t a l i z e d Words f r o m 'The P a r r o t ' s Egg' and 'The B u l l t h a t C r a s h e s i n t h e K r a a l ' : A f r i c a n C u l t S e r mons." I n E s s a y s on t h e V e r b a l and V i s u a l A r t s , e d . J u n e Helm. P r o c e e d i n g s o f t h e 1966 A n n u a l S p r i n g Meeting of t h e American E t h n o l o g i c a l S o c i e t y . Seattle: U n i v e r s i t y o f W a s h i n g t o n P r e s s , 1967. . " P e r s u a s i o n s and P e r f o r m a n c e s : Of t h e B e a s t i n E v e r y Body a n d t h e M e t a p h o r s o f Everyman." Daedalus, 101 ( W i n t e r , 1 9 7 2 ) : 3 9 - 6 0 . Geertz, C l i f f o r d . " I d e o l o g y as a C u l t u r a l System." In I d e o l o g y a n d D i s c o n t e n t , e d . D a v i d A p t e r . New Y o r k : The F r e e P r e s s , 1964. . " R e l i g i o n as a C u l t u r a l System." In Anthropol o g i c a l Approaches t o the Study of R e l i g i o n , ed. M i c h a e l Banton. A.S.A. M o n o g r a p h s , No. 3. London: T a v i s t o c k , 1966. L a n g e r , S u s a n n e K. P h i l o s o p h y i n a New Key: A S t u d y i n t h e S y m b o l i s m o f Reason, R i t e , and A r t . 2 n d . edn. New Y o r k : The New A m e r i c a n L i b r a r y , M e n t o r B o o k s , 1951. Ortner, Sherry. "On K e y S y m b o l s . " 75 ( 1 9 7 3 ) : 1 3 3 8 - 1 3 4 6 .  American  Anthropologist,  136  Pepper, S t e v e n C. W o r l d Hypotheses; A S t u d y i n E v i d e n c e . 1942. B e r k e l e y and L o s A n g e l e s : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r nia Press, 1 9 6 6 . S c h n e i d e r , D a v i d . American K i n s h i p . N.J.: P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1968.  Englewood C l i f f s ,  T u r n e r , V i c t o r W. The F o r e s t o f Symbols: A s p e c t s o f Ndembu R i t u a l . I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1967. . The R i t u a l P r o c e s s : C h i c a g o : A l d i n e , 1969.  S t r u c t u r e and A n t i - S t r u c t u r e .  . Dramas, F i e l d s , and Metaphors: S y m b o l i c A c t i o n i n Human S o c i e t y . I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1974.  

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0093153/manifest

Comment

Related Items