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Popular attitudes toward urban issues : some observations Horsman, Albert L. 1974

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P O P U L A R A T T I T U D E S TO'.-AAL UnBAN' I S S U E S : so.'ui C B S E R V A T 101 :s B Y A L B E A T HORS:IAN B . A . U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A , 1961 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY WE ACCEPT THIS THESIS AS CONFORMING TO THE REQUIRED STANDARD THE UNIVERSITY Or B n l f l S H COLUMBIA J U N E , 1974 In p resent ing t h i s thes is in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y sha l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permission for ex tens ive copying o f t h i s t hes i s f o r scho la r l y purposes may be granted by the Head o f my Department or by h is r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t is understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s thes is f o r f i n a n c i a l gain sha l l not be al lowed w i thout my w r i t t e n permiss ion . Depa rtment The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada ABSTRACT Problems i n urban areas have expanded i n t o new areas of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e a f f a i r s . The a v a i l a b l e t h e o r i e s of urban genesis, s t r u c t u r e , and growth have proved t o be e i t h e r inadequate as guides t o understanding these problems, or i r r e l e v a n t i n the search f o r s o l u t i o n s . In p a r t i c u l a r , the u r b a n - c i v i c governmental s t r u c t u r e s and processes appear impotent when faced w i t h the growing sense of a problem. An i n c r e a s i n g l y common proposal made i n response t o t h i s c o n d i t i o n i s that the c i t i z e n r y become more d i r e c t l y and a u t h o r i t a t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the c i t y . V a r i o u s l e v e l s of government and branches of c i v i c a u t h o r i t y have encouraged and organized c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a -t i o n i n urban decision-making, and have sponsored and supported research i n t o t h i s contemporary t r e n d . One such research p r o j e c t , the Vancouver Urban Futures P r o j e c t , through one of i t s p i l o t programs, obtained some three hundred non-directed, taped i n t e r v i e w s w i t h c i t i z e n s of the Greater Vancouver area. Several dimensions i n these i n t e r v i e w s were analyzed and the v a r i o u s c o n c l u s i o n s reached c o n s t i t u t e the core of t h i s t h e s i s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , we have presented i n t e r v i e w m a t e r i a l i n ways which throw l i g h t on the questions of: the perception of i urban issues found i n the popu l a t i o n ; the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c groupings and op p o s i t i o n s found i n the po p u l a t i o n ; the degrees of competence d i s p l a y e d by the po p u l a t i o n ; and the la n g u a g e — e x p r e s s i o n used by c i t i z e n s when d i s c u s s i n g v a r i o u s urban i s s u e s . We conclude t h a t : the patterns of issue p e r c e p t i o n found i n our sample, and i n the sub-samples we abstracted from the aggregate r e c o r d , match i n array i f not i n p r i o r i t y d e t a i l those perceived by p r o f e s s i o n a l observers of the urban scene; the d i f f e r e n c e s i n pe r c e p t i o n and e v a l u a t i o n of i s s u e s and proposed s o l u t i o n s , at the present time, i n only a few cases c o n s t i t u t e c o n f l i c t dichotomies; the conceptual i f not the p r a c t i c a l - o p e r a t i o n a l competence of the p o p u l a t i o n i s i n general equal t o th a t commanded by p r o f e s s i o n a l and academic u r b a n o l o g i s t s ; and the communica-t i o n s k i l l s of the p u b l i c are i n a l l cases adequate f o r the conveyance of personal o p i n i o n , a t t i t u d e and ex p e c t a t i o n to planners and urban t h e o r i s t s ready to l i s t e n . Consequently, we b e l i e v e c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n can be c o n f i d e n t l y encouraged and welcomed as an a l l y i n the strug g l e a g a i n s t elite-bound concepts of l i f e . And we r e j e c t the f e a r that such an enlargement of constituency w i l l lead t o c i v i c chaos or t o a weakening of s o c i a l cohesion. These f i n d i n g s have been discussed w i t h i n the context of the enquiry i n t o c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and have been i i r e l a t e d to a l t e r n a t i v e modes of urban r e s e a r c h . In p a r t i c u l a r , four f i c t i o n a l - h y p o t h e t i c a l i n t e r v i e w s are developed, each f o c u s s i n g upon a major a t t i -t u d i n a l p e r s p e c t i v e apparent i n the taped i n t e r v i e w s . In assembling the four i n t e r v i e w s , the words and phrases s p e c i f i c a l l y present i n the o r i g i n a l taped i n t e r v i e w s were r e l i e d upon e x c l u s i v e l y . In c o n c l u s i o n , we have suggested that the environmental context of i s s u e s , as experienced, should be s t u d i e d , as a way of broadening our understanding of the e x p e r i e n t i a l r e a l i t y of urban c i t i z e n s , and the taped i n t e r v i e w i s recommended as a v e r s a t i l e , f l e x i b l e research t o o l , capable of o b t a i n i n g a r i c h fund of in f o r m a t i o n preserved i n a p e r s o n a l , humanistic form. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Paqe ABSTRACT ACKNOWL EDG EI.iENT.' INTRODUCTION . . . CHAPTER I. DIMENSIONS OF CHANGE: THE END OF A PARADIGM? The Dimension of Urban Issues The Expert Record and Response The Governing and the Governed C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Planners and People The Present S i t u a t i o n CHAPTER I I . THE FICTIONAL-HYPOTHETICAL METHOD AS A TOOL FOR DATA PRESENTATION. , The Data Source The P r e l i m i n a r y A n a l y s i s The F i c t i o n a l - H y p o t h e t i c a l Method CHAPTER i n . FOUR INTERVIEWS. '.. . . 1 v i 1 30 49 The Hedonist The C r i t i c a l P e s s i m i s t The A u t h o r i t a r i a n The C r i t i c a l O p timist CHAPTER IV. SOME FURTHER OBSERVATIONS 120 Respondent and Issue Fears and Futures Some C o n t r a d i c t i o n s Some P a r t i a l P i c t u r e s Things Not Said i v Pace CHAPTER V. CONCLUSIONS 141 The Non-Directed Interview C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n The Non-Directed Interview: Some Bonus Advantages Recommendations A Suggestion f o r Future Study FOOTNOTES 164 BIBLIOGRAPHY 190 APPENDIX A - l 208 APPENDIX A-2 214 APPENDIX B 219 APPENDIX C 231 v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would l i k e t o acknowledge the a s s i s t a n c e and encouragement extended to me by Dr. Walter Hardwick without which t h i s t h e s i s could never have been completed. v i INTRODUCTION Urban problems have been v a r i o u s l y conceived. Nonetheless, apart from d i f f e r e n c e s i n the p r i o r i t i e s favoured by d i f f e r e n t observers, we have reached a comparatively f i r m agreement on the broad c a t a g o r i e s of the dominant i s s u e s t h a t have a r i s e n i n urban areas. T r a n s p o r t a t i o n , housing, environmental p o l l u t i o n , the development of the urban economy, the p r o v i s i o n of s o c i a l s e r v i c e s , the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and planning of t h i s complex, and the simple b r u t a l f a c t of the c o s t s of p r o v i d i n g the b a s i c urban environment, these, i n t h e i r manifold forms, c o n s t i t u t e the c i t y problem as p r e s e n t l y understood.-* Looming over t h i s complex of problem and i m p l i e d proposals of s o l u t i o n i s the f e a r t h a t the sense of community t h a t l e g i t i m i z e d the p o l i t i c a l establishment i s breaking down, or perhaps i n some important senses has a l r e a d y broken down.2 The problems of congestion, b l i g h t , and en v i r o n -mental p o l l u t i o n which p r e v i o u s l y were assumed t o be temporary imbalances, the i n e v i t a b l e p r i c e of economic growth, c o r r e c t a b l e by the expert a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of tech-n i c a l s o l u t i o n s , have proved t o be much more i n t r a n s i g e n t t h a t once was supposed, and there i s l i t t l e agreement today as t o how these problems are to be s o l v e d , or where they are t a k i n g us.3 The decision-making process w i t h i n c i t i e s i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y complex as planners, p o l i t i c i a n s and the p u b l i c u n e a s i l y e x e r c i s e themselves i n new r o l e s and new r e l a t i o n s h i p s . E x p l o r a t i o n and experimentation i n urban government are the new norms, and the v a r i o u s problems are being approached from many d i f f e r e n t p o s i t i o n s r a t h e r than through the one t r i e d and t e s t e d p o s i t i o n of academically-t r a i n e d experts i n a l l i a n c e w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t i s t p o l i t i c i a n s . One response i n the Vancouver r e g i o n t o cope w i t h the changed circumstances was t h a t of the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t ' s L i v a b l e Region p r o j e c t . ^ This p r o j e c t , which had as i t s c e n t r a l concern the e x p e r i e n t i a l r e a l i t y and e x p e c t a t i o n s of the r e g i o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n , attempted t o probe the views of p o l i t i c i a n s , c i v i l servants and c i t i z e n s toward urban problems, as a p r e r e q u i s i t e t o developing planning p o l i c y . In a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the D i s t r i c t ' s p r o j e c t , a r e s e a r c h group at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia embarked upon an extensive survey of urban a t t i t u d e , e x p e c t a t i o n , and experience, as evidenced i n i t s r e g i o n ' s p o p u l a t i o n . One of s e v e r a l sub-projects which p i l o t e d the major q u e s t i o n -n a i r e survey was a program of non-directed, taped i n t e r v i e w s - 3 -w i t h some three hundred c i t i z e n s i n the r e g i o n . This essay i s based on those i n t e r v i e w s , and i s an attempt t o explore the p o t e n t i a l i n such i n t e r v i e w s , beyond the quantitative content a n a l y s i s f o r urban-issue r e f e r e n c e s , i n order t o evaluate the. non-directed i n t e r v i e w as a t o o l f o r urban research.~* Given the u n c e r t a i n t i e s of the contemporary s i t u a t i o n , t h i n g s which once were taken f o r granted can now no longer be r e l i e d upon t o provide an assurred environment f o r research and the p r e s e n t a t i o n of research f i n d i n g s . T h i s circumstance must be the excuse f o r the d i f f u s e d nature of t h i s essay. The essay i s presented i n f i v e c h a p t e r s . The f i r s t i s an assessment of the contemporary s i t u a t i o n , w i t h reference t o the methods and methodologies c u r r e n t l y and h i s t o r i c a l l y u t i l i z e d i n urban r e s e a r c h . The second d e s c r i b e s the method f o l l o w e d i n preparing these data f o r p r e s e n t a t i o n . Chapter 3 i s the substantive m a t e r i a l , organized i n the form of four f i c t i o n a l - h y p o t h e t i c a l i n t e r v i e w s . F o l l o w i n g the four " i n t e r v i e w s " I dea l w i t h some aspects of the data which were not s u i t a b l e f o r i n c l u s i o n i n the " i n t e r v i e w s . " The c o n c l u s i o n (Chapter 5 ) attempts t o t i e together the c r i t i c a l o bservations i n the opening chapter and the balance of the m a t e r i a l , i n terms of the place c i t i z e n s ' p a r t i c i p a t i o n has i n the urban planning process. A d d i t i o n a l l y , i t c o n t a i n s some r e f e r -- 4 -ence to the r o l e s of the p r o f e s s i o n a l planner and academic researcher i n the changed urban scene. "6 CHAPTER I DIMENSIONS OF CHANGE: THE END OF A PARADIGM? The Dimension of Urban Issues U r b a n o l o g i s t s have become aware that the common problems of economic c o n c e n t r a t i o n and demographic growth t h a t u n d e r l i e the ar r a y of urban i s s u e s have been j o i n e d by a second order of i s s u e s which, f o r the want of an e s t a b l i s h e d t i t l e , might be termed the i s s u e s of personal l i f e . U n t i l q u i t e r e c e n t l y , most s o c i a l matters which found a place i n the o f f i c i a l c o l l e c t i o n of urban i l l s have been p a t h o l o g i c a l or deviant responses t o the s t r e s s e s of urban l i f e , such as f a m i l y break-down, personal a l i e n a t i o n , 2 j u v e n i l e delinquency, and c r i m i n a l a c t i v i t y . Today, how-ever, i t i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y common t o f i n d i n d i v i d u a l concerns of a non-deviant nature i n c l u d e d i n the l i s t of urban problems th a t l e g i t i m a t e l y should be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of s o c i e t y and i t s l e g a l , p o l i t i c a l , and s o c i a l agencies. The r i g h t t o happiness, f o r example, which once was l e f t t o c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r h e t o r i c , i s now i n c r e a s i n g l y being taken as a substantive r i g h t , one which has a c l a i m upon s o c i e t y ' s common res o u r c e s . The increased number of i s s u e s now accepted as "urban problems" has given r i s e t o many taxonomic e x e r c i s e s . I n - 6 -r e a l i t y , however, a l l of the problems are i n t e r t w i n e d and a l l of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n systems developed are profes-s i o n a l conveniences r a t h e r than o b j e c t i v e l y determined separations w i t h i n i s s u e s . Given our present conceptual fragmentation, every issue has i t s m a t e r i a l , s o c i a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic dimension, but these aspects cannot be d e a l t w i t h i n i s o l a t i o n . L i t h w i c k , i n h i s study, Urban Canada, makes a b a s i c d i s t i n c t i o n between problems which have t h e i r r o o t s i n urban areas and those exogenously o r i g i n a t e d . H i s argument i s t h a t the s o l u t i o n s of the problems of the d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s i n v o l v e d i s p a r a t e processes and are b e t t e r c o n s i d e r -ed s e p a r a t e l y . 4 L i t h w i c k * s d i s t i n c t i o n r a i s e s a number of problems which are f a m i l i a r t o geographers concerned i n any way w i t h the concepts of r e g i o n s , i n p a r t i c u l a r w i t h the question of r e g i o n a l boundaries. The indigenous-exogenous dichotomy, which as a r e g i o n a l q u e s t i o n i s perhaps most c l e a r l y represented i n the debate on metropolitan!sm, and i n the economic growth t h e o r i e s t h a t p a r a l l e l t h a t debate, i s i n u l t i m a t e terms untenable. On p r a c t i c a l , immediate l e v e l s , i t i s no doubt more e f f i c i e n t to be concerned f i r s t w i t h the most a c c e s s i b l e problems, w i t h those t h a t have t h e i r apparent o r i g i n s as w e l l as t h e i r consequences i n a shared m a t e r i a l space. However, i n r e a l i t y , the extensions of problems, as defined by the skeins of link a g e between cause, - 7 -e f f e c t , and consequence, cannot be reduced t o a matter of l o c a l i s m , and committed e f f o r t s t o understand and solve urban problems cannot begin w i t h such a handicap as tha t suggested by L i t h w i c k . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g , then, t h a t some other urban-o l o g i s t s , r a t h e r than approaching urban problems on L i t h w i c k 1 s l o c a l l e v e l , emphasize t h e i r extensive c h a r a c t e r a Some, such as Cappon, go so f a r as t o reverse the i m p l i e d h i e r a r c h y i n L i t h w i c k 1 s d i s t i n c t i o n , and make the s o l u t i o n of urban problems a foundation stone f o r the eventual s o l u t i o n of the world's problems, r a t h e r than seeing the s o l u t i o n of some extra-urban problems as p r e r e q u i s i t e t o the s o l u t i o n of problems w i t h i n the c i t y 0 ^ . Despite the i n t e l l e c t u a l r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t r e a l i t y i s a whole t h a t cannot l e g i t i m a t e l y be fragmented, the t o o l s of a n a l y s i s and d e s c r i p t i o n we have a v a i l a b l e t o us are s t i l l those t h a t d i s s e c t r e a l i t y , and they have .not been. 7 j o i n e d w i t h e q u a l l y e f f i c i e n t t o o l s of s y n t h e s i s . The production b i a s t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e s the professio.naX_and academic spheres of research encourages researc h worke.rs t o concentrate t h e i r e n q u i r i e s i n areas t h a t can s t i l l _ b e d e a l t w i t h through the a p p l i c a t i o n of formulated techniques., Although we a l l know tha t our conceptual grasp of the e s s e n t i a l r e a l i t i e s of the urban scene i s a t best weak.and at worst e n t i r e l y m i s l e a d i n g , we continue t o act as though t h i s were not the case. In t h i s regard, t h i s present study i s as g u i l t y as the r e s t . TABLE I . * REFERENCES TO URBAN ISSUES BY MUNICIPAL AREAS Burnaby Coqultlam Delta North Vancouver New Westminster Richmond Surrey Vancouver West Vancouver Total Housing 6.0 7.0 10.7 9.4 2.2 2.9 8.5 7.3 7.9 7.5 Education 2.9 9.3 6.7 8.0 8.9 8.7 10.6 4.0 8.5 6.0 Employment 6.0 9.3 8.0 . 8.0 4.4 14.5 4.2 6.1 4.5 6.6 Zoning - -. 2.7 2.6 - 1.4 - X 3.4 1.3 Development 10.5 9.3 5.3 5.4 2.2 5.8 4.2 8.1 5.6 6.9 Transport 16.5 14.0 13.3 13.0 8.9 11.6 19.2 16.0 14.7 14.7 Health Services 1.5 2.3 6.7 4.0 4.4 1.4 4.2 1.5 4.5 2.7 Counter-Culture • - 7.0 2.7 4.7 13.6 4.3 - 2.6 3.4 3.3 Environmental Issues 11.9 9.3 12.0 10.1 13.6 14.5 19.2 10.5 7.3 10.6 Recreation 7.5 7.0 5.3 7.2 8.9 4.3 4.2 6.4 6.2 6.4 Culture 2.9 4.7 8.0 1.8 - 1.4 2.1 2.4 2.8 2.6 Finance 2.9 7.0 2.7 1.8 2.2 2.9 2.1 2.2 3.9 3.0 Law and Order 7.5 2.3 9.3 6.9 2.2 8.7 6.4 5.1 4.5 5.7 Eccentric Public Behaviour - 2.3 1.3 X - - - X 2.8 0.8 Pol i t ics 6.0 4.7 1.3 5.8 8.9 2.9 2.1 6.8 5.6 5.8 General Urban 2.9 - 1.3 9.4 8.9 5.8 4.2 6.5 5.6 6.3 Population Sub-Groups 7.5 2.3 - X 6.7 - 2.1 3.8 3.9 3.0 Information-Participation 1.5 - - X 2.2 1.4 2.1 2.2 1.1 1.5 Social Environment 4.5 2.3 1.3 - - 7.2 4.2 4.5 .28 3.2 Community Services 1.5 - 1.3 X 2.2 - - 2.2 X 1.3 Number of References 67 43 75 276 45 69 47 739 177 1550 4.3 2.8 4.8 17.8 2.9 4.4 3.0 47.7 11.4 100% x a less than 1% - = no reference VUFP.1972 - 9 ~ The Expert Record and Response The palpable f a i l u r e of the p o l i t i c a l , p r o f e s s i o n a l , and academic e l i t e s to a n t i c i p a t e , l e t alone avoid the curr e n t s i t u a t i o n has l e d t o a l o s s of confidence i n the sev e r a l t r a d i t i o n a l complexes which were p r e v i o u s l y r e l i e d upon to provide guidance i n such matters. The government processes, w i t h t h e i r b u i l t - i n commitments t o the e x i s t i n g set of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , no longer r e c e i v e the support they once obtained; p r o f e s s i o n a l s and experts of the v a r i o u s d i s c i p l i n e s f i n d t h e i r e x p e r t i s e questioned even w i t h i n the d i s c i p l i n e and t h e i r p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m i n t e r -preted as an arcane way of maintaining the s t a t u s quo, together w i t h t h e i r own advantages w i t h i n i t ; w hile the a b s t r a c t , hidden hand mechanisms, th a t once were t r u s t e d t o produce e q u i t a b l e systems of f u n c t i o n a l order are no longer b e l i e v e d i n by other than a dogged remnant of a once powerful army, s t i l l p r o c l a i m i n g t h a t space and economics w i l l r a t i o n a l i z e any human system.^ In l a r g e p a r t , the general urban prdblem i s - a f u n c t i o n of the conceptual enlargement th a t has occurred i n the urban po p u l a t i o n s , who have p r o g r e s s i v e l y widened the range of r e a l i t i e s they are prepared t o re l e a s e from i n d i v i d u a l concern i n t o the p u b l i c arena of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The widening government range of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y has caught up w i t h and overtaken the conceptual equipment made ready by the academic and p r o f e s s i o n a l d i s c i p l i n e s , and - 10 -emphasizes the gap between the t e c h n i c a l and conceptual competence t h a t r e s u l t e d from the recent past c o n c e n t r a t i o n on q u a n t i t a t i v e a n a l y s i s . ^ Geographers have played an i n c o n s e q u e n t i a l r o l e i n t h i s h i s t o r i c a l process, i f they can be s a i d t o have played a r o l e at a l l . They have done l i t t l e t h a t has i n f l u e n c e d the urban scene and s c a r c e l y more to make i t understandable. I f the p r o v e r b i a l man from Mars a r r i v e d here and r e l i e d upon the geographical j o u r n a l s t o inform him of recent urban h i s t o r y , he would c a r r y back w i t h him a most p e c u l i a r and p a r t i a l p i c t u r e of how i n f a c t urban- -i t e s have l i v e d . i 0 Geography i s , of course, the most p a r a s i t i c of the s o c i a l sciences and has never been able t o make up i t s mind whether there i s something c a l l e d the geographical viewpoint or whether geography i s nothing more than second hand s o c i o l o g y , economics, p o l i t i c a l science and psychology, w i t h maps. Even the b r i e f emergence of a more confident geography i s the shape of the q u a n t i f i c a t i o n . school of the 1950's and 1960's r a p i d l y f e l l behind i t s i n i t i a l o p t i m i s t i c e x p e c t a t i o n s , and i s t u r n i n g out t o be l i t t l e more than a l o s s e l y a s s o c i a t e d body of substantive works demonstrating the s p a t i a l c o r r e l a t e s of p r i n c i p l e s e s t a b l i s h e d elsewhere.H Geography's emphasis f o r many years was on the - 11 -r e g i o n a l concept, v a r i o u s l y conceived, and i t could be s a i d t h a t w i t h t h i s emphasis geographers l a i d a c l a i m t o the scope and scale of concern t h a t l a t e r found an o u t l e t i n general systems theory. However, even i f t h i s p o t e n t i a l was h i s t o r i c a l l y present, geographers f a i l e d t o e s t a b l i s h t h e i r c l a i m and few of the major i n t e g r a t i v e s t u d i e s which have been c a r r i e d out i n North America, or are c u r r e n t l y being c a r r i e d out, make other than l i m i t e d use of geograph-e r s . - ^ Geography's c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o urban study, apart from i t s h i s t o r i c a l p r e c i s , are b a s i c a l l y comprehended i n a h a n d f u l l of t h e o r i e s regarding morphological s t r u c t u r e s . Each of these has spawned a l i b r a r y of s t u d i e s , none of which c o n t a i n s a d e f i n i t i v e c o n c l u s i o n . - ^ i n any case, few of the t h e o r e t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s u t i l i z e d o r i g i n a t e d w i t h geography, although geographers have c a r r i e d most of them beyond t h e i r i n i t i a l statements. Von Thunen's i n s i g h t s , i n one form or other, have been meat and bread t o generations of geographers, and Burgess and Hoyt, whose t h e o r i z i n g took place h a l f a century ago, are s t i l l able t o generate theses and papers which are no more c o n c l u s i v e than t h e i r parent s t u d i e s . C e n t r a l Place Theory, from C h r i s t a l l e r and Losch w i t h i t s h i e r a r c h i c a l p r o p o s i t i o n s and i t s r e l a t e d hypo-theses r e g a r d i n g settlement s i z e , s t r u c t u r e and r e g i o n , and market s p a t i a l t h reshholds, when added to Von Thunen, about exhaust the geographers' m a t e r i a l concerns, and there i s no concensus i n prospect regarding any of these foundation t h e o r i e s . - * 4 I t i s not agreed whether these g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s are d e s c r i p t i o n s of theory, a b s t r a c t models of r e a l i t y , or normative r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s . The extent to which they do, c o u l d , or ought t o f i t any r e a l case t h e r e f o r e cannot be 15 decided, and they a l l l a c k unambiguous c r i t e r i a of meaning. In s h o r t , there are very few p r o f e s s i o n a l commentat-ors today who are o p t i m i s t i c regarding the short term prospects f o r the c i t y . The f a c t s seem to be t h a t so f a r as the academic and p r o f e s s i o n a l u r b a n o l o g i s t s have been concerned, t h e i r emphasis has been on r e f i n i n g d e s c r i p t i o n s of the shape of t h i n g s . And w h i l e doing so, they have overlooked the e x p e r i e n t i a l r e a l i t y of those bent by those shapes. Even the assumptions of theory embedded i n the v a r i o u s d e s c r i p t i v e urban models that have been assembled are being c a l l e d i n t o q u e s t i o n as the p a t t e r n s of land use t h a t were once seen as n a t u r a l l y e v o l v i n g i n and around the c i t y are being i n v e s t i g a t e d w i t h more s e n s i t i v e t o o l s and discovered t o be other than what those d e s c r i p t i v e t h e o r i e s thought them to be.-*^ One i n t e r e s t i n g but l a r g e l y unremarked consequence of t h i s p e s s i m i s t i c s i t u a t i o n i s the o p e r a t i o n a l d i s m i s s a l of most of the urban theory t h a t has taken form up to the present time, so f a r as i t s problem s o l v i n g p o t e n t i a l i s concerned. I t i s as though a new disease has been d i s c o v e r -ed t h a t not only does not respond to orthodox medical - 13 -treatment but takes a form that corresponds w i t h nothing i n the medical t e x t book's. I t i s t r u e , of course, t h a t a convinced Von Thunenite or a committed c e n t r a l place t h e o r i s t could even now argue that there are no problems t h a t w i l l not disappear as the dynamics of the urban f u n c t i o n a l morphology work themselves out, or t h a t the problems we are experiencing are the r e s u l t of meddling w i t h those n a t u r a l mechanisms. Such arguments, however, convince no more of us t h a t are convinced by a few food f a d d i s t s t h a t p e r f e c t h e a l t h would f o l l o w the adoption of a p e r f e c t d i e t . A l l of t h i s r a i s e s the c e n t r a l q u e stion of whether or not the p o l i t i c a l and planning e l i t e s any longer have a conceptual grasp of the s i t u a t i o n beyond t h a t w i t h i n the c a p a c i t y of the p u b l i c at l a r g e , which i s t o ask whether the c i t y any longer needs t o put i t s f a t e i n the hands of an e l i t e a u t h o r i t y . The Governing and the Governed The concept of the expert e l i t e has a long h i s t o r y " i n urban a f f a i r s . In i t s crudest form i t simply i s the b e l i e f t h a t most people are e i t h e r not capable of under-standing t h e i r s i t u a t i o n , or are incapable of governing i t through t h e i r own e f f o r t s , or both. The most extreme v e r -s i o n of the concept of the expert e l i t e holds t h a t , i r r e s p e c t i v e of innate c a p a c i t i e s , the bulk of the popula-- 14 -t i o n should be subordinated t o the l a r g e r frameworks of socio-economic l i f e , and should not expect t o share i n those frameworks beyond p l a y i n g a l i m i t e d and e l i t e 1 7 s p e c i f i e d r o l e . Elements and v e r s i o n s of these p o s i t i o n s have been s u b s t a n t i a l l y present from the time of the e a r l y e t h i c o -p a t e r n a l i s t i c planning schools of the nineteenth century 1 ft up t o the contemporary stage of the t e c h n i c a l d i k t a t . The h i s t o r i c a l stages which l e d from the p a t e r n a l i s m of e a r l y planning to the design o r i e n t e d engineering of the recent past favoured the engineer and the a r c h i t e c t over the s o c i a l reformer and emphasized synoptic imagery of morphology over the e x p e r i e n t i a l i n t a n g i b l e s of the human c o n d i t i o n . So much was by f i a t l e f t outside of the planner's concern t h a t as an occupation i t a t t r a c t e d p r i m a r i l y those i n t e r e s t e d i n concepts of c i v i c design and the minutiae of l o c a t i o n s e r v i c i n g , those who were able t o b e l i e v e t h a t the planners' task was t o ease the n a t u r a l paths of development, and discouraged those who wished t o enlarge the s o c i a l range of planning and d i d so from a position inherentiy c r i t i c a l of the trends of urban 9rowtn. W I t was i n e v i t a b l e t h a t the r e a l i t y of urban problems would break through the e n g i n e e r - a r c h i t e c t facade of competency and for c e even i t s supporters i n t o a review of i t s s i t u a t i o n . Among the elements re-evaluated during t h i s review was the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the c i t y , a r e - e v a l u a -- 15 -t i o n t h a t strengthened the r o l e of the s o c i a l t h e o r i s t i n the f i e l d of planning. As the e n g i n e e r - a r c h i t e c t concept of planning l o s t i t s monopoly, the i n f l o w of s o c i a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l v iewpoints began t o open planning departments and t h e i r academic foundations to i n f l u e n c e s t h a t had p r e v i o u s l y been r e j e c t e d or ignored. One consequence of t h i s sequence of change has been t h a t as r e a l i t y imposed i t s e l f i n wider senses on., the planning agencies, they have found themselves i n c r e a s i n g l y i n v o l v e d i n the c o n f l i c t between the mass of s o c i e t y (even though as i t c o n s c i o u s l y engages i n the c o n f l i c t i t ceases t o be m o n o l i t h i c ) and the p o l i t i c a l s : economic e l i t e . And i t i s debatable whether p l a n n e r s . -have been more or l e s s e f f e c t i v e since t h i s dimension was-added t o t h e i r a c t i v i t y as p r o f e s s i o n a l s . : :~ The i n s e r t i o n of overt p o l i t i c a l processes i n t o the c i t y planning departments has l e d t o a b i f u r c a t i o n of the p r o f e s s i o n a l s t a f f s . One school of planners and academics has coalesced around the computer and mathematical model b u i l d i n g . By and l a r g e , t h i s s c h o o l , even when i t makes an attempt t o comprehend the expanded c o n s t i t u e n c y of urban concern, i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y o r i e n t e d , a f a c t o f t e n obscured 20 by the modernity of the techniques i t u t i l i z e s . A second school of planning has taken as i t s u n i f y i n g theme the concept of c i t i z e n involvement i n the p o l i t i c a l - p l a n n i n g processes. - 16 -The q u a n t i f y i n g school, r e p e a t i n g a sequence found i n the m i l i t a r y planning of the McNamara per i o d i n the Pentagon, has, i n some m e t r o p o l i t a n areas, c a r r i e d i t s techniques to a l o g i c a l extreme by attempting to c o n s t r u c t mathematical models of the urban system.22 To date, no new concepts regarding the a r t i c u l a t i o n of urban s t r u c t u r e s have emerged, although many o l d concepts have been t e s t e d more r i g o r o u s l y than ever b e f o r e , and some found wanting. The more q u a l i t a t i v e l y o r i e n t e d school has been much more d i v e r s e i n i t s e f f o r t s to reform the urban planning process. I t s e f f o r t s have ranged from n e o - q u a l i t a t i v e attempts to i d e n t i f y o b j e c t i v e s o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s that would f a c i l i t a t e p r e d i c t i o n and c o n t r o l of urban s o c i o -demographic e v o l u t i o n , ^ through t o sponsoring d i r e c t 24 c i t i z e n c o n t r o l over v a r i o u s aspects of urban l i f e . The i m p l i c a t i o n t h a t can be reasonably i n f e r r e d from these and a s s o c i a t e d changes i n urban s o c i e t y i s that the democratic e l e c t o r a l system has f a i l e d t o serve i t s purposes, and numerous proposals have been made which would re- d e s i g n the p o l i t i c a l processes i n order to i n v o l v e the p o p u l a t i o n i n d e c i s i o n s at a l e v e l beyond the f a m i l i a r e l e c t o r a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n Beyond the e l e c t o r a l system, there are many ways i n - 17 -which c i t i z e n s , i n a s s o c i a t i o n or independently, can seek to i n f l u e n c e government. Contemporary understanding, however, of c i t i z e n involvement g e n e r a l l y i s concentrated on groups which have evolved s p e c i f i c a l l y under the banner of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 2 5 These g e n e r a l l y , though not i n v a r i a b l y , are c r i t i c a l i n o r i g i n , and are designed t o redress some weakness or f a u l t i n government, as i n t e r p r e t -ed by the group. Such groups of t e n are based on some p a r t i c u l a r i s s u e . For example, they might be formed t o i n f l u e n c e government p o l i c y toward development, or i n respect t o some p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l p o l i c y . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , a group might evolve out of an e x i s t i n g v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n , e i t h e r u t i l i z i n g the s t r u c t u r e of the p r e - e x i s t i n g group or developing i n t o an autonomous or independent group. Although at present l e s s common, some groups are r e a c t i v e a s s o c i a t i o n s , organized to oppose e a r l i e r groups, and i t i s probable th a t these r e a c t i v e groupings w i l l become more common i n the f u t u r e . A l l of these v o l u n t a r y groups face an entrenched • a u t h o r i t y and few of them w i e l d s u f f i c i e n t inherent power to i n f l u e n c e government through t h e i r lone a c t i o n s . Consequently, one major a c t i v i t y of a l l such groups i s the attempt to a t t r a c t support from the unorganized p o p u l a t i o n . The c i t i z e n group, then, i s a fulcrum p o i n t i n the continuum between the unorganized c i t i z e n and the formal arms of government, and t h i s i s true whether the group i s independently organized or brought together as part of an o f f i c i a l government plan. C i t i z e n ' s groups vary i n the degree of a u t h o r i t y they can b r i n g t o bear i n the case of any i s s u e . Some are e s s e n t i a l l y powerless, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f they are organized around an iss u e of low v i s i b i l i t y or p o p u l a r i t y , and e s p e c i a l l y i f they are able to r e c r u i t only a - t y p i c a l members r e l a t i v e t o the. p o t e n t i a l c o n s t i t u e n c y of concern. Other groups might begin w i t h some foundation of a u t h o r i t y , as f o r example, when they grow out of some e x i s t i n g a s s o c i a t i o n , and be su c c e s s f u l , i n b u i l d i n g on th a t founda-t i o n . There are groups which begin w i t h inherent power. Groups such as p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , s e r v i c e c l u b s , and organized labour, f o r i n s t a n c e , are able t o e x e r c i s e power i n areas outside of t h e i r o r i g i n a l r a i s o n d'etre, t o the extent t h a t i n attempting t o do so they do not open up r i f t s w i t h i n t h e i r membership. C i t i z e n ' s groups might f i n d themselves e x e r c i s i n g delegated power: i f , f o r example, some government or other agency makes use of a v o l u n t a r y c i t i z e n s 1 group, there might be a t r a n s f e r of r e a l power from the one to the other. In b r i e f , c i t i z e n s ' groups might f i t the i n t e r s t i c e s of e x i s t i n g mosaic of power and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y e i t h e r by augmenting e x i s t i n g agencies or by f i l l i n g some newly conceded r o l e i n the array of l i g i t i m a t e concerns, or they might take up e n t i r e l y new concerns i n the l i f e of the - 19 -community. Whatever they do, they might b r i n g a u t h o r i t y w i t h them, have i t conferred on them, or assemble i t through t h e i r own e f f o r t s . Their a c t i v i t i e s might be seen as being i n a l l i a n c e with the ongoing system, i n o p p o s i t i o n to i t , or only p e r i p h e r a l l y r e l a t e d t o i t . S e v e r a l hundred such groups have been i d e n t i f i e d i n Canada i n recent years26 and p o s s i b l y an equal number of p r e - e x i s t i n g groups have been a c t i v e i n a f f a i r s which once were outside of t h e i r concern.27 Despite t h i s scale of a c t i v i t y , l i t t l e i s known regarding the composition and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of v o l u n t a r y c i t i z e n groups. St u d i e s which have been c a r r i e d out have generated some l i m i t e d h y p o t hesizing regarding the a t t i t u d e s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y found i n c i t i z e n groups.28 i t i s suggested t h a t these groups, as compared w i t h p r o f e s s i o n a l and p a r a - p r o f e s s i o n a l urban study groups, tend to be more q u a l i t a t i v e l y than q u a n t i t a t i v e l y o r i e n t e d , tend to be concerned w i t h immediate problems on a short term b a s i s , and tend to be issue o r i e n t e d r a t h e r than t h e o r e t i c a l -p o l i c y oriented.29 These g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s are not s u r p r i s i n g . I n t u i t i v e l y , one would be s u r p r i s e d i f groups u n i f i e d around s p e c i f i c i s s u e s , sharing a s c e p t i c i s m toward or impatience w i t h - 20 -t r a d i t i o n a l r esearch and p o l i c y procedures, d i d not d i s p l a y these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . However, these might be no more than the r e f l e c t i o n of the recency w i t h which c i t i z e n groups have become in v o l v e d i n the p o l i t i c a l -planning processes, and f u t u r e groups might w e l l t u r n t o e x p l o r i n g the wider, more t h e o r e t i c a l a s pects, of i s s u e s , and do so i n more r i g o r o u s ways than they are p r e s e n t l y able t o assay. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the people who make up c i t i z e n ' s groups i s as l i t t l e known as the dynamics of the groups themselves. In general terms, i t appears as though they are b e t t e r educated than the average c i t i z e n , which p o s s i b l y i s a c o r o l l a r y of the high premium such a c t i v i t i e s place on v e r b a l and w r i t i n g s k i l l s . A l s o , they tend t o be younger r a t h e r than o l d e r , i n e x p e r i e n t i a l as w e l l as the cohort-demographic senses, enjoy a b e t t e r than average income, and e m o t i o n a l l y are more e x t r o v e r t e d and o p t i m i s t i c than the general run of c i t i z e n . These g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s of course are based on s t u d i e s of a very e a r l y age i n the phenomenon of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a -t i o n , an age c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the m i d d l e - c l a s s concerns t h a t have overflowed the t r a d i t i o n a l government s t r u c t u r e s . To what extent these p a r t i c u l a r s have molded the concept of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n f o r f u t u r e time i s unknown. Somewhat b e t t e r known are the i s s u e s t h a t engage c i t i z e n concern. General environmental i s s u e s are without - 21 -doubt the most p r o l i f i c sources of v o l u n t a r y c i t i z e n group a c t i v i t y . Environmental concern, indeed, i s the b a s i s of much of the concern expressed i n other terms, as f o r example, when r a p i d t r a n s i t i s favoured as much f o r i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o c l e a n a i r as f o r i t s r o l e i n reducing congestion i n the c i t y . The problems of m i n o r i t y groups are perhaps the second most common source of c i t i z e n involvement. Ethnic m i n o r i t i e s and economically depressed groups are the f o c i i of many c i t i z e n s ' groups, and these are the groups which have done most to weaken the m i d d l e - c l a s s modelling of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , even though they share many of the c h a r a c t e r -i s t i c s noted above. C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n urban a f f a i r s , then, has become a u b i q u i t o u s element i n the urban f a b r i q u e , and w h i l e i t takes on many forms, they a l l share an e x t r a -o f f i c i a l s t a t u s t h a t tends t o give them a common i n t e r e s t when faced w i t h o f f i c i a l response, i r r e s p e c t i v e of whether tha t response i s encouraging or h o s t i l e . Not every member of the governing e l i t e i s ready t o concede the f a i l u r e of the system and accept at l e a s t an experimental phase of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the d e c i s i o n making processes.32 A s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n of p o l i t i c i a n s , planners, and urban t h e o r i s t s remain on v a r i o u s grounds opposed to p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The commonest ground f o r o p p o s i t i o n i s t o question the competence of the e l e c t o r a t e - 22 -at l a r g e t o comprehend the range and c o m p l e x i t i e s that must be faced by d e c i s i o n makers. I t i s f e l t by some th a t the p u b l i c l a c k s the f a c t u a l knowledge and the conceptual foundations which u n d e r l i e s u c c e s s f u l govern-ment; tha t the p u b l i c i s without the sense of respons-i b i l i t y t h a t i s h i s t o r i c a l l y present i n a c o n t r o l l e d e l i t e ; t h a t i t l a c k s p e r s i s t a n c e of i n t e n t and indulges i n s u p e r f i c i a l e x e r c i s e s ; t h a t i t i s too r e a d i l y r a i s e d t o a p i t c h of excitement t h a t cannot be sustained yet which c r e a t e s expectations t h a t cannot be s a t i s f i e d w i t h -i n the e x i s t i n g order of t h i n g s . There i s , of course, at l e a s t one other source of the c u r r e n t o f f i c i a l i n t e r e s t i n c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . I t i s the f r i c t i o n t h a t e x i s t s between the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t e and i t s p r o f e s s i o n a l a l l i e s and what might be termed the new fr o n t i e r s m e n , who only l a t e l y i n Canada are beginning t o appear, some ten years a f t e r t h e i r emergence i n Washington. With the loosening of the t r a d i t i o n a l bonds t h a t c o n t r o l l e d the governing e l i t e s , each element i s out t o f i n d f r e s h support i n the s t r u g g l e f o r dominance. At present, the "New Frontiersmen" take i t f o r granted t h a t increased p u b l i c input can only be i n t h e i r favour, and they are the most determined advocates of increased p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government. This divergence of viewpoint w i t h i n the e l i t e i s one of the c l e a r e s t i n d i c a t i o n s we have of the extent to which - 23 -the governing imperatives have been eroded by the accumulating f a i l u r e s of confidence and f u n c t i o n . I t i s a l s o the opening through which c i t i z e n a c t i v i s t s can approach the seats of power. Given the dichotomy, even the t r a d i t i o n a l e l i t i s t s are forced t o pay at l e a s t l i p s e r v i c e t o the concept of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and i t seems c e r t a i n t h a t some degree of c i t i z e n involvement i n the urban planning process, beyond the e l e c t o r a l r o l e and beyond the simple c o n t r i b u t i o n of s o l i c i t e d o p i n i o n i n the form of data, w i l l occupy much of the debate and some of the p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s i n the urban areas i n t o at l e a s t the immediate f u t u r e . Planners and People Planners and v a r i o u s government appointees i n c r e a s -i n g l y f i n d themselves engaged i n what are e s s e n t i a l l y p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h urban c o n s t i t u e n t s who p r e v i o u s l y were experienced as c l i e n t s or s u b j e c t s . And i t w i l l be i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t f o r planners and others to f u n c t i o n as o b j e c t i v e wardens of t e c h n i c a l problems. B. F. Skinner, i n h i s recent study Beyond Freedom  and D i g n i t y . 3 3 discusses the o b l i g a t i o n s and a l t e r n a t i v e s t h a t face members of a governing e l i t e i n terms th a t r e l a t e c l o s e l y t o the urban case. He i d e n t i f i e s three p o s i t i o n s t h a t can be adopted by members of an e l i t e when charged w i t h f i n d i n g a l t e r n a t i v e s t o overt p h y s i c a l c o n s t r a i n t and - 24 -punishment as t o o l s of government. The three are: permissiveness; the c o n t r o l l e r as midwife; and the c o n t r o l -l e r as guide. As Skinner p o i n t s out, the f i r s t , p e r missive-ness, i s not a p o l i c y so much as the abandonment of p o l i c y . I t i s p o s s i b l e to agree w i t h t h i s assessment without going on t o agree that " . . . i t s apparent advantages, are i l l u s o r y . " , since s u r e l y one a l t e r n a t i v e not comprehended by Skinner's d e f i n i t i o n i s the progressive a b d i c a t i o n of e l i t e power, per se, and the i n c l u s i o n of the e l i t e i n the community p r e v i o u s l y c o n t r o l l e d . The second two a l t e r n a t i v e s are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d . The c o n t r o l l e r as midwife simply eases the " n a t u r a l " development pa t t e r n s of s o c i e t y ; while the c o n t r o l l e r as guide, besides encouraging " n a t u r a l " development, c o n s c i o u s l y e x e r c i s e s h i s a u t h o r i t y as an a u t h o r i t y t o p r e - f a s h i o n the concepts o f " n a t u r a l development." Wi t h i n these a l t e r n a t i v e s , there are many v a r i a t i o n s open t o the planner as a t r a i n e d expert, and t o the p o l i t i c i a n as an experienced r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . The expert might place h i s e x p e r t i s e at the d i s p o s a l of c i t i z e n s ' groups and subordinate h i m s e l f to t h e i r d i r e c t i o n . He might attempt to generate p u b l i c i n t e r e s t i n the planning process and present himself as the sympathetic wing of the t r a d i t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . Which i s t o say he might o f f e r himself as an added weight to the popular stand or attempt to u t i l i z e the p u b l i c stand as a reserve i n h i s own i n t r a -e l i t e ambitions. - 25 -C i t i z e n groups might i n some cases employ, l i t e r a l l y or i m p l i c i t l y , planners, c i v i l servants, and p o l i t i c i a n s , although such cases have to the present been l a r g e l y l i m i t e d to those where the c i t i z e n group fu n c t i o n e d as a r a d i c a l but l e g i t i m a t e component of the t r a d i t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e . A l l of these v a r i a t i o n s assume that there i s indeed something t h a t planners and p o l i t i c i a n s can be expert i n . I f , however, the p o p u l a t i o n at l a r g e , or a s u b s t a n t i a l part of i t , has l o s t confidence i n the e x p e r t i s e and conceptual competence of the e l i t e , then there would seem to be no midwife or guide r o l e l e f t f o r an e l i t e t o p l a y , and some v e r s i o n of what i n Skinner's schema would appear as permissiveness i s l e f t as the only v i a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e , no matter how slowly the a b d i c a t i o n might proceed. This sort of d i s c u s s i o n , of course, suggests t h a t these c a t a g o r i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s are not only present but immutable i n r e a l l i f e . However, i n r e a l i t y , the f l u i d f u s i o n i s more often met than the f i x e d type. Even the most r i g i d p e r s o n a l i t y i s capable on occasion of s u r p r i s i n g the observer w i t h some unexpected b e h a v i o u r a l response, and the m a j o r i t y of us are f a r from r i g i d i n other than a narrow core c h a r a c t e r i s t i c sense. And planners who i n c l i n e toward one or the other of Skinner's p o s i t i o n s are not bound to always act p r e c i s e l y i n the ways one would expect from the given p o s i t i o n . The planner who a f f e c t s a p u r i s t p o s i t i o n - 26 -of e l i t i s m i n h i s commentaries and analyses, f o r i n s t a n c e , might demonstrate i n p r a c t i c a l s t r e e t - l e v e l planning a s e n s i t i v i t y t o exogenous i n f l u e n c e which i n some cases i s not t o be found i n planners of a more l i b e r a l persuasion. I f the r i g h t wing has i t s despots, the l e f t wing i s not innocent of d i c t a t o r s . The c i t i z e n s w i l l a l s o d i s p l a y t h i s v a r i a b i l i t y and no one now could say w i t h any degree of confidence whether more c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n would increase or reduce the r e l a t i v e powers of the a u t h o r i t a r i a n - l i b e r t a r i a n dichotomy, or would concentrate i t s involvement i n any other p r e d i c t -able p a t t e r n . The p l a n n e r - p o l i t i c i a n and the c i t i z e n , then, w i l l i n t e r r e l a t e i n a multitude of ways, and each w i l l f i l l many r o l e s i n the course of the e v o l u t i o n now begun. This e v o l u t i o n w i l l i n v o l v e a p e r i o d of experimenta-t i o n i n which new combinations of o l d components w i l l be explored, and some new components and f r e s h combinations w i l l emerge. The programs through which t h i s w i l l be developed w i l l o ften be i n c o n c l u s i v e , f r e q u e n t l y w i l l f a i l , and sometimes be t r i v i a l and misconceived. In sho r t , they w i l l approximate the average r u n - o f - t h e - m i l l academic and planning s t u d i e s w i t h which we are a l l f a m i l i a r . Their importance w i l l be not i n what they s p e c i f i c a l l y accomplish but i n what they do toward expanding the concept of the p o s s i b l e . - 2 7 -The Present S i t u a t i o n N To r e c a p i t u l a t e , then, the purely t e c h n i c a l approach to urban planning and the a b s t r a c t q u a n t i t a t i v e approach i n academic s o c i a l r e s e a r c h , while they s t i l l have t h e i r advocates, are out of favour, at l e a s t on the l e v e l of p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s . The p u b l i c no longer t r u s t s the p o l i t i -c a l - p l a n n e r e l i t e t o c a r r y forward the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . We have not reached the p o i n t where the p u b l i c s o c i a l wel-f a r e c r i t e r i a subordinate the p r i v a t e s o c i a l and economic i n t e r e s t s but the r h e t o r i c of a long h i s t o r y of c o n f l i c t and education has succeeded, i n e s t a b l i s h i n g the dominance i n p r i n c i p l e . In place of the c l a i m s heard i n the 1960*s t h a t the t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e that gave us the space program and won the world war of 1939-45 c o u l d , i f p r o p e r l y m o b i l i z e d , solve whatever problems there were i n the c i t i e s , ^ 4 we are now hearing more about the l i v i b i l i t y of the c i t i e s . The emphasis has s h i f t e d from concrete to contentment. Where once we concerned ourselves w i t h roadway design, and the f a c i l i t i e s of s e r v i c e and growth, we are now being exposed t o concepts of s o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s , and f r i e n d s h i p i s being measured and assessed w i t h the d e l i b e r a t i o n t h a t once was reserved f o r freeways.^^ This s h i f t i n emphasis has heightened the p o l i t i c a l -planners i n t e r e s t i n p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the planning-.1 governmental' processes. C i t i z e n involvement i n the a f f a i r s of c i t y beyond the e l e c t o r a l l e v e l , always presents - 28 -to some ex t e n t , i s being encouraged as a primary, not j u s t as a permissive element i n the p o l i t i c a l complex,, p a r t i c u l a r l y at the municipal l e v e l . The views of the urban co n s t i t u e n c y have been sought and r e g i s t e r e d i n many ways. Apart from the p o l i t i c a l process i t s e l f , and the e l e c t o r a l r e g i s t e r s , v a r i o u s governmental and p r i v a t e agencies have sought out the p u b l i c w i l l through the use of qu e s t i o n n a i r e surveys, by i n v i t i n g p r i v a t e c i t i z e n s and t h e i r a s s o c i a t i o n s t o present b r i e f s on v a r i o u s i s s u e s t o the appropriate agencies, by r e c e i v i n g committees of c i t i z e n s concerned w i t h some aspect of c i v i c p o l i c y , and by conducting c i t i z e n s ' f o r u m s . ^ In a d d i t i o n , referenda and p l e b i s c i t e s have f r e q u e n t l y been r e s o r t e d t o , t o augment the d e c i s i o n of the p o l l . There are, i n f a c t , many sources of the data t h a t are a v a i l a b l e to planners and p o l i t i c i a n s , and i t i s a ra r e i s s u e or t o p i c t h a t i s defined e n t i r e l y i n some " o b j e c t i v e , s c i e n t i f i c " data. More g e n e r a l l y , the d e c i s i o n maker must juggl e s e v e r a l dimensions of any question, each of which has i t s own data foundation, and few of which are compatible w i t h any other dimension. Once having descended i n t o the s t r e e t s from t h e i r o f f i c e s and d r a f t i n g rooms, the planners f i n d themselves f a c i n g problems of the kind which have always faced p o l i t i c i a n s . And those problems are now enlarged, so tha t - 29 -even those p o l i t i c i a n s who gained t h e i r experience i n a time of l i m i t e d c o n s t i t u e n c y , are now having to r e l e a r n t h e i r t r a d e . However, de s p i t e the a d d i t i o n of new kinds of concerns to the spectrum of urban i s s u e s , and the r i s e of new elements of the p o p u l a t i o n i n t o the c o n s t i t u e n c y t h a t must be l i s t e n e d t o , the questions i n i t i a l l y remain the same as before. These are: what are the dominant opinions i n the population? Who speaks f o r the maj o r i t y ? Who f o r the mi n o r i t y ? What does the m a j o r i t y want? What do the minor-i t i e s want? I s there something i n the p u b l i c mind that the e s t a b l i s h e d a u t h o r i t i e s are not p r i v y to? And what ways are there a v a i l a b l e to us t o pose these q u e s t i o n s , i f we are no longer able t o r e l y s o l e l y on the e l e c t o r a l system? This essay addresses i t s e l f t o some aspects of these questions and attempts t o present, i n forms t h a t w i l l a s s i s t the p l a n n i n g - p o l i t i c a l processes and do j u s t i c e t o our respondents, the vo i c e s and opinions of at l e a s t some of the people. CHAPTER I I THE FICTIONAL-HYPOTHETICAL METHOD AS A TOOL FOR DATA PRESENTATION The Data Source The non-directed i n t e r v i e w program o r i g i n a t e d as a p i l o t study f o r the Vancouver Urban Futures Pro.iect (VUFP). I t s purpose was t o gather i s s u e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s that could be used i n an extensive q u e s t i o n n a i r e survey, and t o provide some measure of the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t i n and response t o planning r e s e a r c h programs of an open-ended and compara-t i v e l y u nstructured design.-* As i n i t i a l l y conceived, the sample was t o be a r e a l l y d e f i n e d and s t r u c t u r e d according t o the b a s i c socio-economic v a r i a b l e s of age, sex, income, occupation, f a m i l y s t a t u s , and education. However, the f i e l d work was j u s t begun when major changes i n the scheduling of the more s u b s t a n t i a l p a r t s of the VUFP program n e c e s s i t a t e d a shortening of the non-directed i n t e r v i e w program. Consequently, the sample design was r e l a x e d and our i n t e r v i e w s were allowed considerable d i s c r e t i o n i n the respondents they i n t e r v i e w e d . Despite t h i s weakening of our i n t e n t i o n s , the two-hundred and ninety-seven i n t e r v i e w s comprise a sample c o n s i d e r a b l y superior to a simple sample of convenience. - 31 -Most of the i n t e r v i e w e r s were able to f o l l o w t o some extent the p r o f i l e e x p e c t a t i o n s ; and a good a r e a l coverage and a usable c h a r a c t e r i s t i c range so f a r as the sample c r i t e r i a were concerned were obtained. (See Appendixes A and B.) Approximately one hundred of the i n t e r v i e w s were of the "man i n the s t r e e t " type, w i t h the balance of approximately two hundred being more f o r m a l l y conducted i n t e r v i e w s , c a r r i e d out by appointment i n the respondents' homes. F i e l d c o n t r o l was p o s s i b l e over the l a t t e r but not over the former set of i n t e r v i e w s . The analyses, however, were a l l performed under the d i r e c t i o n of the author. The a n a l y s t s were guided by a prepared set of categor-i e s , f i n a l i z e d a f t e r some p i l o t tapes were previewed and t e s t analysed. The data were recorded on a data sheet prepared f o r th a t purpose and subsequently coded onto IBM sheets f o r key-punching. A b r i e f q u e s t i o n n a i r e which was used w i t h the taped i n t e r v i e w to o b t a i n v a r i o u s s o c i o -economic data on each respondent was coded along w i t h the content analyses at t h i s time. (See Appendix A.) The f i r s t rounds of data obtained were processed through the MVTAB package program. This produced a number of frequency measures, and some b i v a r i a t e a s s o c i a t i o n s . These s t a t i s t i c s p r i m a r i l y were: the i s s u e s i d e n t i f i e d ; the agents seen by the respondents as being r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c a u s i n g - s o l v i n g the v a r i o u s problems; the trend of the i s s u e , d e t e r i o r a t i n g or improving; the respondent's expec-- 32 -t a t i o n s regarding the i s s u e ' s outcome, o p t i m i s t i c or p e s s i m i s t i c ; the l o c a t i o n s r e f e r r e d t o i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h given i s s u e s ; and the s o r t s of evidence that were c i t e d by the respondents i n t h e i r d i s c u s s i o n s of the i s s u e s . The second round of a n a l y s i s i n v o l v e d some t e n t a t i v e t e s t i n g of some urban models i n v o l v i n g assumptions about c l a s s , a r e a l , and socio-economic v a r i a t i o n s i n pat t e r n s of urban i s s u e p e r c e p t i o n s . Since the loose s t r u c t u r e of the sample l i m i t e d the extent t o which i t could be g e n e r a l -i z e d to the r e g i o n , these model analyses were t r e a t e d as e x e r c i s e s r a t h e r than as d e f i n i t i v e attempts at hypothesis t e s t i n g . (See Appendices A and B-2.) They served, however, as models f o r the a n a l y s i s of the primary VUFP data, which were obtained l a t e r . The P r e l i m i n a r y A n a l y s i s The a n a l y s i s took the f o l l o w i n g form. Sub-sets of i n t e r v i e w s were s e l e c t i v e l y i s o l a t e d , some i n terms of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , others i n terms of s p a t i a l l o c a t i o n , and MVTAB run t o produce the data c a t e g o r i e s s p e c i f i e d above. Comparisons were then evaluated between sub-sets such as: young versus o l d respondents; suburban versus i n n e r - c i t y d w e l l e r s ; high versus low income; post-graduate versus l e s s than high school e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l s ; and ea s t s i d e versus westside r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n . - 33 -With a l l the l i m i t a t i o n s imposed by the composition of the sample, these comparisons were nonetheless u s e f u l . Many p o i n t s of comparison were found at which t h e o r e t i c a l e x p ectations and p a r t i c u l a r f a c t s met, and there were comparatively few unexpected v a r i a t i o n s . The value of the tapes u l t i m a t e l y , however, was not i n the l i g h t they threw on v a r i o u s hypotheses regarding the urban c i t i z e n i n any of the t h e o r e t i c a l senses, but r a t h e r i n the images they o f f e r e d toward an urban typology. I t was i n t h i s sense t h a t these, and the e a r l i e r analyses, were u t i l i z e d during the t h i r d round of a n a l y s i s t h a t produced the substantive m a t e r i a l f o r t h i s essay. The q u a n t i t a t i v e m a t e r i a l from these analyses was presented i n v a r i o u s forms, r e p o r t s and s t a t i s t i c a l assemblies, t o the VUFP and the M i n i s t r y of State f o r Urban A f f a i r s , the funding agency. I t was f e l t , however, t h a t the e v a l u a t i o n of the non-directed, taped i n t e r v i e w as a re s e a r c h t o o l would be best served by d e a l i n g d i r e c t l y w i t h the spoken record r a t h e r than w i t h d e r i v e d s t a t i s t i c s on i s s u e s , t h e i r o r i g i n s , t r e n d s , and l i k e l y outcomes. Consequently, t e s t e d procedures, such as the semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l , 3 were not adopted and we chose i n s t e a d t o deal as d i r e c t l y as p o s s i b l e , and as c l o s e l y and i n such d e t a i l as our c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y commitments allowed, w i t h the l i t e r a l commentary of our respondents. - 34 -The F i c t i o n a l - H y p o t h e t i c a l Method For t h i s t h i r d phase of study, the tapes were again reviewed. During t h i s review, a summary paraphrase t r a n -s c r i p t of each i n t e r v i e w was prepared. Segments of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t , e i t h e r because of t h e i r t y p i c a l i t y , or t h e i r n o v e l t y , or because they expressed i n some ear-catc h i n g way a d e f i n i t i v e or suggestive o b s e r v a t i o n , were t r a n s c r i b e d verbatim. The r e s u l t was a volume of w r i t t e n p r e c i s of the i n t e r v i e w s , ranging i n l e n g t h from l e s s than a page to more than three or four pages. These w r i t t e n records were then reviewed w i t h the o b j e c t i v e of d i s c o v e r i n g p a t t e r n s of r e v e a l l e d a t t i t u d e s , or of v a r i a t i o n i n ex p r e s s i o n , s u f f i c i e n t t o r e q u i r e r e c o g n i t i o n i n the s t r u c t u r e through which the record was to be brought t o the reader. Apart from the a n t i c i p a t e d v a r i a t i o n s according t o age, which were q u i t e pronounced, there were few v a r i a t i o n s t h a t went beyond the l e v e l of i n t i m a t i o n . These tended t o be the obvious a r e a l v a r i a t i o n s , such as suburban references t o suburban matters and core references t o the core area, and as such s c a r c e l y j u s t i f i e d an a r e a l s t r u c t u r e i n the f i n a l p r e s e n t a t i o n . I t was decided that the record r e a l l y r e q u i r e d a semi-l i t e r a r y p r e s e n t a t i o n . Such a p r e s e n t a t i o n would r e t a i n the f l a v o u r of the personal i n t e r a c t i o n that i s the b a s i s of a l l i n t e r v i e w i n g , no matter how deeply i t might be buried i n design, and'provide some degree of s e l f - e x p r e s s i o n to the respondents who gave so much of t h e i r time. - 35 -Consequently, the w r i t t e n records were once again reviewed and segments excerpted, p r o v i d i n g a c o l l e c t i o n of some four hundred "quotations," ranging i n l e n g t h from a b r i e f phrase t o a lengthy paragraph. These excerpts were then t e n t a t i v e l y l a b e l l e d i n terms of the issue c a t e g o r i e s t h a t had been used i n the previous a n a l y s i s , even though i t was by then already c l e a r t h a t the excerpts were f a r c l o s e r r e l a t e d to general s o c i a l p o s i t i o n s than they were t o is$ues per se, and even though the t y p i c a l l y d i f f u s e d c o n t e x t u a l environment of the respondents' commen-t a r i e s f r e q u e n t l y made i t d i f f i c u l t i f not impossible t o a s s i g n a given excerpt to a s p e c i f i c category.^ The t r a n s c r i p t and verbatim records were then drawn upon t o prepare four f i c t i o n a l - h y p o t h e t i c a l i n t e r v i e w s ; f i c t i o n a l i n the sense that no one i n t e r v i e w a c t u a l l y recorded came c l o s e t o being the paradigm of one of the f o u r , and h y p o t h e t i c a l i n the sense t h a t , i n my o p i n i o n , our a u t h o r i t a r i a n respondents, or our l i b e r t a r i a n respond-en t s , would i n f a c t agree w i t h these c r e a t i o n s and al l o w them t o speak f o r them on those i s s u e s . These i n t e r v i e w s c o n s t i t u t e an unorthodox approach t o geographical research which perhaps r e q u i r e s some d i s c u s s i o n t o e x p l a i n and j u s t i f y i t s procedures. In preparing these p r e s e n t a t i o n s , I drew on sever a l examples of what I have c a l l e d the f i c t i o n a l - h y p o t h e t i c a l .1 method. This method, or methods, i f t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s - 36 -warrant the p l u r a l , b a s i c a l l y c o n s i s t of marrying some i l l u s t r a t i v e f i c t i o n s w i t h s u b s t a n t i v e l y i d e n t i f i e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , t o provide a more f l u i d p r e s e n t a t i o n than pure "data" would a l l o w , while keeping the presenta-. t i o n w i t h i n the d i s c i p l i n i n g bounds of case study. The " f i c t i o n s " u t i l i z e d are not, of course, f r e e i n v e n t i o n s of the author but are t y p i f i c a t i o n s of the dimensions he wishes to b r i n g t o h i s audiences 1 a t t e n t i o n . As such, they are models of the t y p i c a l case, were i t a v a i l a b l e . I t should be emphasized t h a t the term "model" i s not used here i n the a b s t r a c t sense of scien c e , where r e a l i t y i s not expected t o demonstrate the accuracy of the model i n any d e s c r i p t i v e sense, but r a t h e r i n the sense of " p e r f e c t example." T h i s i s t o say, what i s i s o l a t e d f o r observation i n these f i c t i o n a l i z i n g methods i s not the t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s t i t u e n t s of the given case but the d e s c r i p t i v e compon-ents. What i t i s , r a t h e r than what i t means or how i t i s to be i n t e r p r e t e d , i s the o b j e c t i v e of the p r e s e n t a t i o n . V a r i o u s v e r s i o n s of t h i s method have been wi d e l y used i n popular w r i t i n g s , although i t i s l e s s commonly found i n academic s t u d i e s . However, some academics have used one or another of the method's v a r i a t i o n s , and I have drawn p a r t i c u l a r l y on the works of four s c h o l a r s , each working i n h i s own f i e l d of study, and each using the f i c t i o n a l - . h y p o t h e t i c a l method i n h i s own way. - 37 -The a n t h r o p o l o g i s t H a l l o w e l l i n h i s paper The Ojibwa  S e l f and I t s Behavioural Environment,^ r e l i e d upon i n t e r -view and o b s e r v a t i o n a l data to c a r r y the t h e s i s . However, r a t h e r than attempting an a b s t r a c t e x p o s i t i o n , H a l l o w e l l chose to " . . . l e t an I n d i a n , long deceased, speak i n the f i r s t person, . . . ". As H a l l o w e l l e x p l a i n e d : In order to cover as many aspects of the t o p i c as p o s s i b l e and yet remain as c l o s e as p o s s i b l e t o data c o l l e c t e d i n the f i e l d , I have a t t r i b u t e d to my Indian speaker knowledge and experience d e r i v e d from the statements of a number of d i f f e r e n t informants.' H a l l o w e l l provides no i n f o r m a t i o n or d e s c r i p t i o n of the procedures he followed i n s e l e c t i n g m a t e r i a l from other " d i f f e r e n t informants" which he combined i n t h i s monologue. Nonetheless, by presenting h i s m a t e r i a l i n t h i s manner, H a l l o w e l l captured an immediacy that a more formal e x p o s i -t i o n would have l o s t , and opened f o r himself a wider range of commentary than s p e c i f i c , r e a l i n t e r v i e w s would have permitted. A second precedent i s F r i t z Redl. In h i s essay, Ten Types of Group Formation.^ Redl u t i l i z e d a f i c t i o n a l -h y p o t h e t i c a l method i n which he attempted to present each type by p r e s e n t i n g one or more i l l u s t r a t i v e examples. He followed each example w i t h a b r i e f e x p l a n a t i o n and summary of the s i g n i f i c a n c e contained i n i t . Redl c a u t i o n s h i s readers t h a t : '(The "Examples" are not n e c e s s a r i l y i d e n t i c a l w i t h c l i n i c a l m a t e r i a l , nor are they t o be used as "proof" f o r the formula which f o l l o w s them. The examples are intended as i l l u s t r a t i o n s f o r the purpose of i n t r o d u c t i o n and e x p l a n a t i o n of each type. In - 38 -condensing many observations i n t o a composite p i c t u r e , a host of p r a c t i c a l l y i r r e l e v a n t items were discarded i n order to i s o l a t e one process. These i l l u s t r a t i v e examples w i l l be best under-stood i f they are taken as graphic s l i d e s . They a l l c l a i m to be based on concrete r e a l i t y exper-i e n c e s , but none of them pretends to be a photo-graph. 9 Redl, i t can be seen, goes f u r t h e r toward o u t r i g h t f i c t i o n a l i z a t i o n than i s usual i n the use of t h i s technique. H i s j u s t i f i c a t i o n , i f one i s needed, i s found i n the summary analyses he p r o v i d e s . The f i c t i o n a l - h y p o t h e t i c a l cases i n Redl's paper are more a background b r i e f i n g against which h i s t h e o r e t i c a l observations are t o be viewed than a s i g n i f i c a n t part of h i s s u b s t a n t i v e i n t e n t i o n s . Oscar Lewis, the t h i r d a u t h o r i t y , i s perhaps the best known p r a c t i t i o n e r of these methods and F i v e F a m i l i e s ^ i s p o s s i b l y h i s best known work demonstrating the f i c t i o n a l -h y p o t h e t i c a l technique. Lewis was a pioneer of what today would be c a l l e d p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v a t i o n , and made a number of s t u d i e s of the day-to-day experiences of small s o c i a l u n i t s , s p e c i f i c a l l y the f a m i l y . Beginning as an ethnographer, Lewis i n e v i t a b l y was drawn i n t o the wider, more d i f f u s e d f i e l d s of s o c i o l o g y . Where many s o c i o l o g i s t s reacted to the complexity of s o c i a l l i f e by r e l y i n g h e a v i l y on s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s , Lewis chose i n s t e a d to concentrate on the humanity of h i s m a t e r i a l , and presented h i s observations through the f i c t i o n a l - h y p o t h e t i c a l method r a t h e r than through any of the formal modes of q u a n t i t a t i v e a n a l y s i s . - 39 -LaFarge, i n h i s foreword to the 1959 e d i t i o n of Fi v e F a m i l i e s , assesses Lewis' c o n t r i b u t i o n i n the f o l l o w i n g passage: The longer we study human beings i n t h e i r i n f i n i t e v a r i e t y , the more apparent i t becomes that they cannot i n r e a l i t y be encompas-sed w i t h i n the s p e c i f i c r i g i d i t i e s of the kinds of data that can be manipulated mathematically, even given the staggering range of present-day computers. Somewhere along the l i n e , there must be an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a r i s i n g from the i n d i v i d u a l ' s o b s e r v a t i o n , w i t h a l l i t s weaknesses of emotion and bias.-11 LaFarge continues, Lewis' work does provide i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n " i n humane terms," even though "of n e c e s s i t y , h i s f a m i l i e s have been f i c t i o n a l i z e d . " . Lewis h i m s e l f , however, q u i t e s p e c i f i c a l l y says h i s f i v e f a m i l i e s are not f i c t i o n s , even though they are not conventional anthropology, e i t h e r . "For want of a b e t t e r term," Lewis w r i t e s , " I c a l l them ethnographic r e a l i s m . " I t i s c l e a r , though, t h a t some degree of f i c t i o n a l i z a t i o n i s present, since Lewis d e s c r i b e s h i s procedure as i n v o l v i n g stenographic r e c o r d i n g of the d a i l y l i v e s of h i s s u b j e c t s , w i t h l a t e r e d i t i n g , compres-s i n g , and some "manipulating of data" i n order t o "sharpen i n t e r e s t or to r e v e a l the essence of the lives."J-2 No matter how tru e the f i n a l manuscript might be t o the events i t presents, i t i s n e i t h e r a f i l m nor a r e c o r d , and i t i s i n e v i t a b l e that some aspects of i t , i f only the t r a n s i t i o n a l and i n t r o d u c t o r y passages, owe as much to Lewis as t o the f a m i l i e s being s t u d i e d . - 40 -H a l l o w e l l , Redl, and Lewis a l l use, t o a greater or l e s s e r e x t e n t , some f i c t i o n a l elements i n t h e i r work, e i t h e r as a v e h i c l e f o r data otherwise obtained, or as a means of sharpening some dimension t h e i r study has brought to t h e i r a t t e n t i o n . The f o u r t h precedent, however, the work of Robert Coles,J-3 goes f u r t h e r than any of these three i n the freedom i t allows i t s e l f , and perhaps e x e m p l i f i e s the extent to which f i c t i o n can be u t i l i z e d i n s e r i o u s study, while remaining c o n s i d e r a b l y t o the academic side of l i t e r a r y f i c t i o n . C o l e s , a p s y c h i a t r i s t , spent more than a decade studying the l i v e s of a number of poor people i n the USA. His i n t e r e s t i n i t i a l l y was i n the mental h e a l t h of the c h i l d r e n of those people but he was soon educated by h i s experiences i n t o adopting a broader concern and, while the c h i l d r e n f i n d a place i n each of the volumes t h a t make up h i s t r i l o g y C h i l d r e n of C r i s i s . Coles presents m a t e r i a l on the people as a whole, i n t h e i r f a m i l y s i t u a t i o n s , at work, and on the migrant roads t o f i e l d , farm, and c i t y . The three volumes a l l f o l l o w a general p a t t e r n . Coles presents long monologues, r e v e a l l i n g of hopes, e x p e c t a t i o n s , a t t i t u d e s and v a l u e s , by v a r i o u s persons. The speakers are composite f i g u r e s , presenting f u s i o n s of viewpoint and r e c a l l e d experience. Coles makes no cla i m s that h i s speakers are r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n any other than an i l l u s t r a t i v e sense. As he e x p l a i n s : - 41 -I have changed the names of c o u n t r i e s and s t a t e s , and changed dozens and dozens of other d e t a i l s . Often I have drawn composite p i c t u r e s ; that i s , I have combined two or three people i n t o one to make the p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d -u a l s I know unrecognisable, and a l s o t o emphasize and h i g h l i g h t the i s s u e s f o r the reader.^4 I t appears from the i n t e r n a l evidence of h i s books that Coles followed no f i x e d f i e l d procedures. Indeed, he would r e s e n t , I b e l i e v e , the assumption t h a t he was c a r r y i n g out " f i e l d work," and would p r e f e r t o be under-stood more i n the t r a d i t i o n of the community c h r o n i c l e r than as an example of the modern s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t . Most, though not a l l , of h i s c o n t a c t s w i t h the people he w r i t e s about were lengthy meetings, l e s s c o n s i s t -ant than Lewis' d a i l y shadowing but continued over much longer periods of time. U n l i k e Lewis, Coles d i d not r e g u l a r l y or c o n s i s t a n t l y record the exchanges he p a r t i c i -pated i n and observed. Some of the i n t e r v i e w s — t h e term i s q u i t e misleading when a p p l i e d t o C o l e s ' conversations w i t h h i s respondents--were wholely or p a r t i a l l y tape recorded; some were w r i t t e n up simultaneously or soon a f t e r the meetings; others were only r e c a l l e d by Coles and 1 'S recorded long a f t e r the event. To a greater degree than most s c i e n t i f i c a l l y - m i n d e d researchers would consider acceptable, C o l e s allowed h i s respondents c o n t r o l over h i s p r e s e n t a t i o n of t h e i r e x p ressions. This i s not t o say that C o l e s came c l o s e t o the Lewis model of intense d e t a i l , nor i s i t intended to - 42 -convey the idea that Coles d i d not e d i t , shape, s e l e c t and s t r u c t u r e the m a t e r i a l . Obviously he d i d , and could have done nothing e l s e , given h i s commitment to the purpose of t r y i n g to " . . . give prominance to the l i v e s of those people, t o t h e i r involvement.in the world . . . " Such an o b j e c t i v e precluded the use of any a b s t r a c t a n a l y s i s of h i s m a t e r i a l and demanded something approaching a t r a n s c r i p t l e v e l of p r e s e n t a t i o n . Well aware th a t no one comes unarmed w i t h preconcep-t i o n s t o any s i t u a t i o n , C o l e s s p e c i f i c a l l y concedes t h a t a l l of the m a t e r i a l i n the three volumes i s " . . . a mixture of what I heard others d e c l a r e and what I heard my own mind speak. I t i s not p o s s i b l e to present i n a coherent summary j u s t what i t was Coles ended by doing, or what he hoped to do, i f these are not the same. He himself makes many references t o the d i f f i c u l t i e s he experienced i n assessing what he had gathered, and i n attempting t o evaluate what appeared to him t o be " . . . the purpose of these words r a t h e r than t h e i r accuracy." In l i g h t of t h i s i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g t h a t , i n the end, Coles pronounced himself i n d i f f e r e n t to s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e and unconcerned 17 w i t h o b j e c t i v i t y . I f h i s i n t e n t i o n s , f i n a l l y , were to prove the i n d i v i d u a l humanity of a r u r a l poor that somehow had escaped d e s t r u c t i o n and had not been . . . "turned i n t o the r u r a l e q u i v a l e n t of 'mass man'" and to " . . . convince - 43 -a few readers that our c i t i e s c o n t a i n poor people who are not f o o l s and are not t o be f o o l e d w i t h , " then h i s work must be judged a success. In any case, i t i s p o s s i b l y the most extensive work a v a i l a b l e making use of the f i c t i o n a l - h y p o t h e t i c a l method. Each of the four authors I have appealed to f o r a u t h o r i t a t i v e precedence made use of some measure of f i c t i o n a l i z a t i o n i n t h e i r work. H a l l o w e l l used i t i n the manner of a dramatic d e v i c e , as a technique which allowed him t o focus the e x p r e s s i o n of data through a s i n g l e f i g u r e , and thus avoid the i n e v i t a b l e questions of q u a n t i f i c a t i o n and s p e c i f i c a t i o n that a more orthodox p r e s e n t a t i o n would have i n v i t e d . For R e d l , the f i c t i o n a l element was an h e u r i s t i c d e v i c e , designed t o f u n c t i o n as a base from which he could move into areas of theory and conjecture without having t o i n t e g r a t e that expansion w i t h s p e c i f i c substantive m a t e r i a l . Lewis made the l e a s t use of f i c t i o n , i f we accept h i s a p p r e c i a t i o n of the matter over that of LaFarge, r e s t r i c t i n g i t s r o l e t o a bonding one, i n t h a t i t provided t r a n s i t i o n a l and i n t r o d u c t o r y passages l i n k i n g the data record segments i n t o a coherent whole. Each of these authors used f i c t i o n q u i t e d i s c r e t e l y and c o u l d , no doubt, i f pressed, i d e n t i f y the f i c t i o n a l - 44 -elements of t h e i r w r i t i n g s . C o l e s , however, used a complete f u s i o n of f a c t and f i c t i o n , complete to the point where the s p e c i f i c piece of hard data i n any s e c t i o n of h i s p r e s e n t a t i o n was d i s s o l v e d i n a s o l u t i o n of m u lti-source data, events j o i n e d by C o l e s yet separated by h i s t o r y , and values u n i f i e d i n C o l e s ' understanding t h a t i n r e a l i t y were experienced together w i t h t h e i r o p p o s i t i o n s . None of these authors provides any s p e c i f i c d e s c r i p -t i o n of the procedures f o l l o w e d i n s e l e c t i n g , e d i t i n g , and g e n e r a l i z i n g the data used. And only Lewis and Coles provide any d e s c r i p t i o n of how the data i t s e l f was assembled, although presumably H a l l o w e l l and Redl f o l l o w e d the r e s e a r c h procedures appropriate to t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e d i s c i p l i n e s . A l l make reference to " s i g n i f i c a n c e , " t o the e x c l u s i o n of " i r r e l e v a n t " or " i n c o n s e q u e n t i a l " p a r t i c u l a r s as c r i t e r i a i n t h e i r procedures, without, however, s t i p u l a t i n g what p r e c i s e l y c o n s t i t u t e d relevance or s i g n i f i c a n c e . In t h i s study, I must a l s o ask the reader's confidence t h a t r a t i o n a l procedures have been fo l l o w e d i n s e l e c t i n g and e d i t i n g m a t e r i a l from these i n t e r v i e w s , since no p r e c i s e d e s c r i p t i o n of e i t h e r concepts of relevancy or judgements of s i g n i f i c a n c e can be provided. B a s i c a l l y , two dimensions were of prime concern. F i r s t , I was concerned to a b s t r a c t " p o s i t i o n s " on the p u b l i c l y acknowledged i s s u e s of the day.-^-^ Second, I wished - 45 -to be sure t h a t the words used i n b r i n g i n g these p o s i t i o n s to the reader were indeed those used by the respondents i n t h e i r commentaries on the issues.20 Thus, while I might be f a u l t e d i n rny assessments of both the i s s u e s themselves and the p r e v a i l i n g p o s i t i o n s present i n the sample, the reader may r e s t assured t h a t the language i n which these i s s u e - p o s i t i o n s are expressed verges on the t r a n s c r i p t l e v e l of correspondence. A f t e r some c o n s i d e r a t i o n of p r e - e x i s t i n g models, i t was decided t h a t four r e s p o n d e n t - i s s u e - p o s i t i o n s s u f f i c e d t o com-prehend the ranges of a t t i t u d e found i n the i n t e r v i e w s ; c o r r e s -ponded c l o s e l y t o the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l spectrum observable i n s o c i e t y at l a r g e ; and, while perhaps s i m p l i s t i c , provided an adequate b a s i s on which to present the language of the i n t e r -viewers. Needless to say, the data had been assembled and severa l times reviewed before these d i s t i n c t i o n s were decided upon. The four types are: The A u t h o r i t a r i a n , the Hedonist, the C r i t i c a l - o p t i m i s t and the C r i t i c a l - p e s s i m i s t . 2 2 The A u t h o r i t a r i a n i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by h i s adherence to the e x i s t i n g state of a f f a i r s , by h i s o p p o s i t i o n t o r a d i c a l concepts of urban issue and s o l u t i o n , and by h i s readiness t o c r i t i c i z e the c r i t i c . The C r i t i c a l - p e s s i m i s t i s governed p r i m a r i l y by a t o t a l acceptance of the c r i s i s conception of urban l i f e . So completely i s t h i s concept accepted t h a t even progressive developments are i n t e r p r e t e d p e s s i m i s t i c a l l y , and at best seen as marginal f l u c t u a t i o n s - 46 -i n a trend of e s s e n t i a l hopelessness. The C r i t i c a l - o p t i m i s t on the other hand, despite the c r i t i c a l v iewpoints he shares w i t h h i s p e s s i m i s t i c bretheren, i s encouraged by even marginal i n d i c a t o r s that a l l i s not l o s t , and i s r e a d i e r than any of the three other types t o put f a i t h i n the f u t u r e . The Hedonist, by and l a r g e , stands alone, although i n p r a c t i c a l a f f a i r s i s c l o s e r to the A u t h o r i t a r i a n than to e i t h e r of the C r i t i c a l schools of thought. The r e l a t i o n s h i p s these types have to the p o l i t i c a l spectrum, to the c o n s e r v a t i v e , the r a d i c a l - l i b e r a l , and the detached i f not a p a t h e t i c observer, i s obvious enough not t o r e q u i r e d i s c u s s i o n . The reason the general a t t i t u d e r a t h e r than the p o l i t i c a l l e a n i n g was adopted as the b a s i s of the typology was the comparative absence of p o l i t i c a l r eference i n the i n t e r v i e w s , and the f a c t t h a t the most powerful d i s c r i m i n a t i o n s were made by the r e l a t i v e degrees of optimism apparent i n the respondents' o b s e r v a t i o n s , and by the extent to which the respondents were governed by i s s u e - c r i s i s conceptions of the c i t y . B a s i c a l l y , then, the argument here i s t h a t the important c r i t e r i o n i n t y p i n g urban populations i s the c i t i z e n ' s a t t i t u d e toward the system as a whole, as defined by h i s e x p e c t a t i o n s regarding i t , the demands he i s prepared to make on i t , and h i s readiness t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the system i n some observable way. These three dimen-sions of a t t i t u d e are the complex foundation on which other - 47 -t y p o l o g i e s are r a i s e d , and they are p r i o r to the more f a m i l i a r p o l i t i c a l d i s t i n c t i o n s . The use of i n t e r v i e w m a t e r i a l as a b a s i s f o r respondent c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s a w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d p r a c t i c e . E q u a l l y common i s the p r o j e c t i o n of substantive m a t e r i a l beyond the l i m i t s of the source i n t e r v i e w s . Such p r o j e c -t i o n s are i n e f f e c t t h e o r e t i c a l expansions which can extend w e l l beyond the s p e c i f i c a t i o n s of the substantive source. These p r a c t i c e s are the precedents f o r Redl's "Type of l e a d e r s h i p " format, i n which he composed the substantive m a t e r i a l s out of general experience as launching pads f o r t h e o r e t i c a l f l i g h t s . F r e q u e n t l y , the expanded typology f a r outweighs the m a t e r i a l base. Lynch, f o r example, had only s i x t y "images" on which t o base h i s hypotheses regarding images of the c i t y , 2 4 and w i t h them produced one of the most f e r t i l e s t u d i e s to appear i n the past twenty years of urban t h e o r i z i n g . Riesman and h i s a s s o c i a t e s developed t h e i r well-known s o c i o l o g i c a l typology from a base of one hundred and e i g h t y i n t e r v i e w s which were ". . . not meant to be a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e sample of anything, but are a more or l e s s random s e l e c t i o n . " 2 5 Moreover, the i n t e r v i e w s were not sought out as primary m a t e r i a l but were l a r g e l y a by-product of other r e s e a r c h . From the one hundred and 'eighty i n t e r v i e w s , the Riesman team developed twenty-one " p o r t r a i t s " 2 ^ which c o n s t i t u t e the - 48 -27 foundation of t h e i r seminal works Faces i n the Crowd, and The Lonely Crowd.^8 The m a j o r i t y of these and r e l a t e d s t u d i e s are a n a l y t i c a l and i n t e r p r e t a t i v e . The base data e i t h e r do not appear at a l l i n the a n a l y s i s i n any l i t e r a l sense, or appear i n a h e a v i l y e d i t e d form, being over-shadowed by the author's conceptual modelling of the data to c a r r y h i s arguments. In the case of t h i s essay, the data, the prime i n t e r v i e w s , are not a b s t r a c t e d i n the a n a l y t i c a l sense but fused i n a d e s c r i p t i v e sense t o a l l o w the m a t e r i a l i t s own e x p r e s s i o n . The author's pre-conceptions here surround but do not d i s p l a c e , and h o p e f u l l y do not v e i l , the a c t u a l expression of the respondents. The a c t u a l i n t e r v i e w s , i t should be emphasized, were almost i n v a r i a b l y complexes of these four i s s u e - a t t i t u d e s . Segments of i n t e r v i e w s o f t e n epitomized one or another of them but i t was the rare i n t e r v i e w that c o n s i s t e n t l y held to one of these types. What f o l l o w s can be read as four i n t e r v i e w s w i t h c i t i z e n s of the Vancouver r e g i o n who responded t o our i n t e r v i e w e r s ' opening q u e s t i o n : I t sometimes seems as though the c i t y i s nothing but a c o l l e c t i o n of p r o b l e m s -would you agree? 29 4$ CHAPTER I I I FOUR INTERVIEWS The Hedonist I H e l l o . I'd l i k e t o t a l k w i t h you about the urban problems i n Vancouver. R That's f i n e . I'd be glad to help your study but I don't know whether I have anything t o c o n t r i b u t e . I'm not r e a l l y concerned w i t h problems, I t h i n k Vancouver i s a wonderful c i t y . I There's a l o t of concern nowadays about p o l l u t i o n — what do you- t h i n k about i t ? R W e l l , I'm concerned somewhat about p o l l u t i o n but not as much as some people, I j u s t don't have the time. To t e l l you the t r u t h , I don't know much about i t . I'm i n c l i n e d to t h i n k our bodies w i l l adjust t o a l l the r a d i a t i o n and so on, and t h e y ' l l be able t o take care of the other t h i n g s , l i k e smog. I t ' s true p o l l u t i o n and war could wipe us a l l out but what can we as i n d i v i d u a l s do about i t ? I t ' s b e t t e r i f we each concern ourselves w i t h the t h i n g s i n our own l i f e , t h i n g s we can reach. Those b i g problems a l l reduce t o how people t h i n k and t h a t ' s something each - 50 -person has to work out f o r h i m s e l f . Nature w i l l be handled p r o p e r l y when we l e a r n to look at i t p r o p e r l y . I And what way i s th a t ? What i s the proper way . . . R The proper way . . ? I suppose i t ' s j u s t t o t r e a t i t r i g h t , not to abuse i t . I Do you t h i n k we are abusing i t now? R Not a l l that much, I don't t h i n k . I What about the p o l l u t i o n caused by automobiles. Do you t h i n k we have a t r a n s i t problem i n tha t regard? R P e r s o n a l l y , I don't have any t r a n s i t problem. I have my own l i t t l e c a r . And I pay f o r a monthly parking p l a c e , so the r e ' s no problem t h e r e . So f a r as p o l l u t i o n i s concerned, from c a r s , you could e a s i l y stop p o l l u t i o n i f you wanted t o — j u s t do away w i t h the p o l l u t a n t s . But then we wouldn't have our c a r s , our homes and so on, a l l the t h i n g s we l i k e to enjoy i n our l i v e s . I Do you t h i n k c o n g e s t i o n - - t r a f f i c - - i s a problem? R One t h i n g about the car question i_s_ the congestion you get. I t ' s p r e t t y bad sometimes. At times i t even seems as though i t ' s g e t t i n g worse. But then, - 51 -i n a sense i t ' s g e t t i n g b e t t e r since more people get concerned about i t . E v e n t u a l l y w e ' l l solve i t , when i t gets bad enough. What s o r t of s o l u t i o n do you t h i n k i t w i l l e v e n t u a l l y r e q u i r e ? I don't r e a l l y know . . . they have ex p e r t s , don't they, who look a f t e r those kinds of t h i n g s ? Do you t h i n k the c i t y i s pro p e r l y developed, the roadways, b u i l d i n g s and so on? Oh, yes, I t h i n k the c i t y i s r e a l l y w e l l developed. I t ' s a funny t h i n g , I was brought up i n a small town and I always used t o say I'd never l i v e i n a b i g c i t y . Then I came here and found I loved i t . I t ' s gr e a t . The c i t y i s r e a l l y people and f r i e n d s and I l i k e people and f i n d i t easy to make f r i e n d s , so I l i k e the c i t y . There's so much v a r i e t y here, so many t h i n g s t o do. And wonderful places l i k e Gastown. Anything you want to do, you can do i t that n i g h t . You don't have to wait f o r i t to come to town, l i k e you d i d back home. When you f i r s t came to Vancouver, d i d you have any t r o u b l e f i n d i n g a job? - 52 -Mo. I came to Vancouver w i t h f r i e n d s and we a l l found j o b s . A couple of people I know who came l a t e r d i d n't f i n d jobs and went back home but I don't t h i n k they were r e a l l y i n t e r e s t e d i n f i n d i n g work. They j u s t came f o r a v i s i t , r e a l l y . But there i s a l o t of unemployment, i s there not? You hear there i s . And I know some people don't seem t o be able to f i n d j o b s . I t ' s funny, the employment s i t u a t i o n , you see a l l the unemployed and yet t h e r e ' s always l o t s of jobs a d v e r t i s e d . What are you t o make of t h a t ? What do you make of i t ? W e l l , I suppose l o t s of the work a v a i l a b l e i s e i t h e r out of town or i s i n jobs t h a t no one wants. D i r t y work, not w e l l p a i d , and so on. S t i l l , i f you need a job you should be w i l l i n g t o take whatever's a v a i l a b l e . What are your views on r e c r e a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s i n Vancouver? Vancouver i s well-endowed. Nature was very good to t h i s c i t y . The beaches and the mountains are r i g h t on my doorstep, so to s p e a k , — j u s t t o be outdoors i n Vancouver i s r e c r e a t i o n a l . Then there's a l l the - 53 -l e i s u r e a c t i v i t y i n the c i t y i t s e l f , the t h e a t r e s , shows, night c l u b s and so on. Some people have c r i t i c i z e d the movies and n i g h t - s p o t s f o r overemphasis on sex and v i o l e n c e . . . ? I don't t h i n k they're overemphasized. I've been t o a nude c l u b . I t d i d n ' t bother me. They're not doing any harm--strippers and nude dancers--and they give pleasure t o people. Anyway, i f you don't l i k e i t , you don't have to go. So .recreation i n Vancouver i s q u i t e s a t i s f a c t o r y ? Yes. Of course, Vancouver's r e c r e a t i o n i s b a s i c a l l y outdoors. Who can s i t and l i s t e n t o opera when the coho are running i n Howe Sound? So i n a way, other kinds of f a c i l i t i e s are under-used. Coming from a small community where everybody knows everybody, I not i c e the l a c k of community f e e l i n g here i n Vancouver. Par t of t h i s , I t h i n k , i s because of the outdoor recreation', that tends t o fragment: people, they r e l y on each other l e s s and l e s s . But you y o u r s e l f found i t easy t o make f r i e n d s ? That's so. But i t ' s one t h i n g to have a c i r c l e of good f r i e n d s . . . that doesn't mean a l l of the people are j u s t as f r i e n d l y . I guess the people are - 54 -a l r i g h t but too many of them won't t a l k to each other, going around i n t h e i r own l i t t l e c e l l s . But then, balancing t h i s , you have the ethn i c groups here, and they have a strong community sense. And I j u s t love the c o l o u r f u l atmosphere i n places l i k e Gastown, Chinatown and along Robson S t r e e t . I do hope a l l the ethn i c groups keep up t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l ways, t h e i r songs and n a t i o n a l dress! I t makes the c i t y such an i n t e r e s t i n g p l a c e . I can't understand why there seem to be so many people w i t h nothing more to do than t o walk the s t r e e t s , w i t h so much to do. I Perhaps they have some problems . . . •? R Perhaps so.. But i f t h a t ' s t r u e , I don't know what they a r e . I Housing, f o r example. R Housing . . . ? I've not given a l o t of thought t o i t . At present I'm l i v i n g i n an apartment i n the suburbs. I t ' s not n i c e , though, t o l i v e i n an apartment a l l your l i f e , i t ' s n i ce t o have your own home. Most of us have i n the back of our minds the idea of h a l f an acre and a cow. I know I do. .When I c l o s e my door at night I l i k e to t h i n k , t h a t ' s my t e r r i t o r y . And I r e a l l y don't r e l i s h the f a c t that - 55 -I might have to spend the r e s t of my l i f e i n an apartment or a condominium. I Do you t h i n k t h a t ' s l i k e l y ? R Not r e a l l y . So long as you work and save your money you can get a house. I intend t o . I Not everybody can get t h e i r own home, can they, even i f they save? R That's t r u e . But i t ' s not a l l t h a t bad, i s i t ? Each i n d i v i d u a l i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s own s i t u a t i o n . We have nobody t o blame but ourselves f o r whatever problems we've got. Anyway, even i f we a l l could a f f o r d our own homes, the t e r r a i n here f o r c e s h i g h -r i s e s on us* I t has one good consequence, i t moves people t o l i v e downtown, so the c i t y p u l s a t e s , i s a l i v e . I What about education? Do you f e e l the schools are doing a good job? R W e l l , I r e a l l y gave very l i t t l e though to schools u n t i l my own c h i l d s t a r t e d school, and now I only care about h i s s c h o o l . You hear a l o t about school problems but I don't know much about them. Looked at from the o u t s i d e , the school problem seems to be a f i g h t between teachers and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s over - 56 -money. The schools should concentrate on teaching the c h i l d r e n how to get along w i t h each other--do t h a t , and the r e s t w i l l take care of i t s e l f . A c t u a l l y , I'm very much i n favour of education. The more educated people are, the b e t t e r t h e i r a t t i t u d e s are. People have to be informed. I I t o f t e n seems, does i t not, that the c h i l d r e n are not l e a r n i n g much at school, at l e a s t they seem unresponsive to the schools? R You mean a l l the drop-outs and that kind of thing? I Yes. That and the h i g h cost of education. R Myself, I don't know what the problems are of the young . . . why d i d they t u r n t o drugs? I hate dope. I What i s i t about i t you hate? R W e l l , I don't know t h a t much about i t . But i t c e r t a i n l y seems to make the young a p a t h e t i c toward l i f e . They don't make use of a l l the community r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s that are provided and they don't seem to have anything e l s e they'd r a t h e r do. They j u s t hang around the s t r e e t s . I t ' s a l l very w e l l f o r h i p p i e s to get fed up w i t h l i f e — w h a t e v e r that means—and i f they want to go o f f and l i v e i n a - 57 -commune, t h a t ' s okay too. 3ut they shouldn't get welfare t o do i t . I You mentioned the l a c k of community f e e l i n g - - p e o p l e not t a l k i n g to each other--do you see that as a problem? R I t ' s c e r t a i n l y a problem f o r them. E s p e c i a l l y f o r the o l d people. The o l d and the young both seem to be. . . i s o l a t e d , I guess. Someone, somehow, has t o f i n d out what these people r e a l l y want. I Do .you t h i n k the government agencies are doing a l l they could i n that d i r e c t i o n ? R I'm not much of a p o l i t i c a l person, so I don't r e a l l y know what they're doing. I should, I guess. They seem to be handling most of the obvious problems, so f a r as I can see. Part of i t % f i n d i n g out what can be done, and the other part i s what does i t c o s t ? I t ' s a problem of t o t a l p r o p o r t i o n s . What do you do to spread the wealth? Do you stop.the upper incomes while the lower incomes catch up? Do you b r i n g o l d age pensioners up t o the general l e v e l ? P a r t of the p o l i t i c a l problem i s that v a r i o u s groups seem to have l a r g e b l o c k s of power i n our s o c i e t y — s u c h as d o c t o r s , lawyers, and so on . . . and the unions i n some cases are the same. The government should stop a l l the - 58 -s t r i k e s . I had to d r i v e down to S e a t t l e when I took my t r i p t o Hawaii because of the a i r s t r i k e . I Do you t h i n k more c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n would help i n government? R P a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy can, of course, be c a r r i e d too f a r . E s p e c i a l l y when i t takes the form of organized p r o t e s t . Not that I'm again s t some p r o t e s t s so long as they're not rude and done q u i e t l y . A c t u a l l y , I'm against making the govern-ment any bigger than i t i s . Too many r u l e s complicate l i f e . I don't l i k e r u l e s myself, I can't take heavy d i s c i p l i n e . I What do you t h i n k the f u t u r e holds f o r us, i n the c i t y ? R Things w i l l c e r t a i n l y be d i f f e r e n t . L e i s u r e and r e c r e a t i o n w i l l be our major i n d u s t r i e s and by the end of the century t h e y ' l l be paying us to stay home. We'll be enjoying energy from the sun. I What i n the c i t y w i l l be d i f f e r e n t ? R I imagine w e ' l l have some kind of r a p i d t r a n s i t . For myself, I would l i k e a monorail. Things w i l l be more organized and the c i t y w i l l be b e t t e r planned. I Planned? - 59 -Yes. We're a l l a l i t t l e b i t s o c i a l i s t . And our • planners should take San F r a n c i s c o as our model. A l l i n a l l , then, you don't r e a l l y have many complaints against the c i t y ? No, I don't. But you see, there's nothing I d i s l i k e . I l i v e here. I love i t . - 60 -The C r i t i c a l P e s s i m i s t I I t sometimes seems as though the c i t y i s nothing but a c o l l e c t i o n of problems—would you agree? R The c i t y i_s_ a problem. I t ' s part of a problem t h a t ' s a f f e c t i n g a l l of s o c i e t y , i n and outside of the c i t y . I t ' s worse i n the c i t y only because there are more people here. P o l l u t i o n , unemployment, housing, they're a l l problems, t h e y ' l l a l l get worse. More people means more h a s s e l s . I And the f i n a l outcome . . . ? R Who can t e l l ? Probably the c o l l a p s e of the e n v i r o n -ment. I t can. only stand so much. Or perhaps the c o l l a p s e of. the p e o p l e — t h e c i t y ' s making them a l l psychopathetic. I How can urban d w e l l e r s act t o prevent t h a t ? R I don't b e l i e v e they can. I t seems as though c i t i e s aren't t o be f o r people at a l l . Only f o r economic i n t e r e s t s . You can phantasize a l l the wonderful s o l u t i o n s you want but i t a l l comes down to the d o l l a r s and c e n t s . And the people who c o n t r o l the d o l l a r s and cents aren't i n t e r e s t e d i n people at a l l . They're a f r a i d of compassion. Today, everything i s set up to earn money. Competition f o r money i s small - 61 -scale war i n our s o c i e t y - - i t ' s not j u s t the c o r p o r a t i o n s , the ordi n a r y people are i n the same s e l f i s h head-space—and i f t h i n g s are going to improve, y o u ' l l have to get that out of t h e i r minds. I can't see i t happening. Even i f a l o t of people do want to change t h i n g s , they don't have any power. Corp o r a t i o n s l i k e MacMillan and Bloe d e l run B.C. I t ' s run by a very small group of men. I t has been f o r t h i r t y years or more. I What do you t h i n k of the development you see i n the c i t y ? R I don't l i k e i t . I t ' s a l l set up t o b e n e f i t a few monied i n t e r e s t s , s p e c u l a t o r s and developers who are hand i n glove w i t h the government. When the Mayor himself says he'd l i k e t o see Vancouver another New York, what e l s e can you expect? What i s a c i t y ? — a c i t y i s people. And i f people can't remain people, then i t ' s not a c i t y anymore. People make the whole t h i n g . But governments aren't concerned w i t h t h a t — t h e y ' r e concerned w i t h them-s e l v e s , w i t h t h e i r f r i e n d s , and w i t h g e t t i n g e l e c t e d . I So the major problem i s l a c k of "people planning"? R How people can l i v e i n t h i s or any other c i t y i s the major problem. But they don't want to face up to - 62 -t h a t . So they go on w i t h more development, and that means more people and more p o l l u t i o n , and that means more development. And they c a l l i t progress. C h r i s t ! We're already so f a r advanced we're k i l l i n g o u r s e l v e s . So f a r as "people planning" . . . th e r e ' s no planning going on to improve l i f e , only to open new areas f o r p r o f i t . I Do you see any s o l u t i o n i n s i g h t ? R No. Things might ease o f f a b i t from time t o time but t h e y ' l l never get b e t t e r . Nobody w i l l come up w i t h any s o l u t i o n s u n t i l the s i t u a t i o n i s i n t o l e r a b l e and by then i t ' l l be too l a t e . Anyway, anything you and I came up w i t h would be opposed by someone e l s e . Vancouver's, always been th a t way and w i l l die th a t way. I I s i t not p o s s i b l e f o r the people themselves t o wake up and s t a r t to demand change? R People are not together, e i t h e r i n themselves or w i t h each other. Anytime you go downtown you see someone being done i n by someone e l s e . The r e s t of the time they s i t home i n l i t t l e c u b i c l e s , watching entertainment on another l i t t l e c u b i c l e . One time i n t h i s c i t y , you'd go on a bus and meet a l l the people you know. Now they're a l l s t r a n g e r s . And - 63 -you're a f r a i d to make advances. Even i n your own neighbourhood i t ' s not the same as i t was. Once you d i d n ' t have l o c k s on your doors, now you can't go i n t o the backyard without l o c k i n g the f r o n t door. I So more community f e e l i n g i s needed? R "Community f e e l i n g " - - t h a t about sums i t up! What a l a b e l ! People j u s t don't care about each other. They care more about t h e i r dogs and c a t s than they do about each other , --Why i s i t i n s t u d i e s l i k e t h i s you never get people who are i n t e r e s t e d i n people? I But you do see people working together . . ? R You see some working together, i n t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s . But you don't see them working a l l t o g e t h e r , and never w i l l . Vancouver i s d i v i d e d up p h y s i c a l l y , c u l t u r a l l y , and s o c i a l l y . You are an example. Most of the u n i v e r s i t y people, the.students, come from West Side environments. They don't l i k e or understand the. East S i d e . This i s true even on a l a r g e r s o c i a l s c a l e , over the whole c i t y . I t ' s p r e t t y hard to get people together once they're apart. You can see t h i s i n so many ways. For i n s t a n c e , people are a f r a i d t o walk out a f t e r dark. I t ' s not j u s t crime. i t ' s people a f r a i d of each other. You t r y i t one day. - 64 -Ju s t stand somewhere downtown and people walking by w i l l t r y to avoid you, t o avoid l o o k i n g at you. I Are there no developments you can see that give you hope? R How could they? A l l of the problems we have that make the c i t y u n l i v a b l e , t r a f f i c , p o l l u t i o n , congestion, are symptoms of one major problem—uncon-t r o l l e d growth. Our m a t e r i a l i s m i s k i l l i n g us and we can't seem to achieve c o - o p e r a t i o n . I t ' s the whole growth t h i n g as a s o c i a l e t h i c t h a t ' s at the bottom of our problems. L o t s of people are beginning to be aware of t h i s but not our government or the people who have power. I You have no f a i t h at a l l , then, i n the o f f i c i a l establishment? R None at a l l . M u n i c i p a l p o l i t i c s i s only a low s t a t u s t h i n g at best and i t doesn't a t t r a c t high q u a l i t y people. That's why we end up w i t h young r i c h d i l e t t a n t e s running the c i t y . What can you e x p e c t — what can r i c h people know of the problems of the poor? When d i d you l a s t see a prime-minister or a p r e s i d e n t or even a mayor on welfare? And the joke of i t i s , the c i t y ' s harder to govern than a province - 65 -or even a country. We'll end up, no doubt, wi t h some kind of d i c t a t o r s h i p . The c i t y , though, goes on. Things are b u i l t and demolished . . . ? That's t r u e . But a l l new development means b l i g h t somewhere e l s e . A l l the people who move i n t o the new o f f i c e b u i l d i n g s and apartments had t o come from somewhere. And j u s t look at what we get. Look around you at some of the b u i l d i n g s downtown. And look at them agai n s t the mountains—the moun-t a i n s you can hardly see any more. This i s an ugly c i t y i n a b e a u t i f u l s e t t i n g and even the s e t t i n g i s being o b l i t e r a t e d . A l l t h i s t e l l s me i s tha t i t ' s not my r i g h t to see the mountains but i t is. someone' r i g h t t o block out the view. The freeways are the same. They're on and o f f but t h e y ' l l get b u i l t e v e n t u a l l y and t h e y ' l l r u i n the c i t y . The t h i r d c r o s s i n g ' s the same. I t ' l l get b u i l t and a l o t of land developers w i l l make a l o t of money. What can I do about t h a t ? I f i t had been up to me, there never would have been a f i r s t c r o s s i n g , not i f i t meant f a l l i n g t r e e s i n Stanley Park. Even the h a l f -decent t h i n g s that get done are soon r u i n e d . Look how C i t y H a l l i s r u i n i n g G a s t o w n — f o r m a l i z i n g i n f o r m a l i t y . I t was good when i t s t a r t e d but now i t - 66 -only quaint and f o l k s e y and out f o r the buck. And the parks are being eaten i n t o by development and n e g l e c t , when they're provided at a l l . Take the West End, a v e r t i c a l ghetto. V.'hy does anyone l i v e there? What do they do? I There's Stan l e y Park . . . and the downtown. R Yes. There's S t a n l e y Park. Thats okay f o r f a i r weather Sundays. But what about the r e s t of the time--TV and beer? What a choice! I l i v e d i n the West End once f o r a w h i l e but I had to move out. I couldn't take i t . I had to get a place where there are neighbours, a yard, and a t r e e . So f a r as the downtown i s concerned, people have been programmed to want to be downtown to b e n e f i t the businessmen and developers, and they put up w i t h the t r a f f i c and d i r t and t h i n k they're doing i t because they l i k e i t . Some day, when i t ' s too l a t e , t h e y ' l l wake up to the f a c t t h a t nothing concrete i s n a t u r a l t o man. I There must be other people i n s o c i e t y who agree w i t h you? R There probably are but they're as powerless as I am. What can anyone do? Take the old age pensioners, f o r example, what can they do? Stuck there along w i t h other o l d crocks, each l o o k i n g at the others and knowing they're soon going to d i e . Packed away - 67 -i n homes where they l i v e on macaroni and cheese powder and where, i f they get s i c k and can't pay e x t r a , they don't get proper care, they j u s t l e t them s l i p away. I But there are, groups p r o t e s t i n g these t h i n g s , o r g a n i z i n g against them, are there not? R Only the young can d i s s e n t . A d u l t s can't d i s s e n t except i n a c r i m i n a l manner. I What do you mean? R Take f o r example the Four Seasons s i t e at Stanley Park. Now I'm again s t having a h o t e l there but i f I'd gone down and camped there, they'd have thrown me i n j a i l . Not the young people, though. They can go down there and laugh at the world and nothing's done t o them. I Do you t h i n k something should have been done to them? R Not at a l l . There's enough people a l r e a d y screaming at the young. I'm j u s t saying i t wouldn't have worked that way f o r me. I What are your o p i n i o n s on the youth of today? R I'm not against the young people. I t ' s hard f o r me to say I understand thern. Things are much d i f f e r e n t - 68 -from when I was young. People my age brought up our f a m i l i e s i n hard times and thought i t n a t u r a l . Kids today won't do t h a t , they don't want hardship of any kind and won't put up w i t h i t . They don't have the pride that made us struggle on i n s i l e n c e . They say they're only t a k i n g money o f f the e s t a b l i s h -ment. But I wonder, sometimes. P r e t t y soon, t h e y ' l l be the establishment and t h e y ' l l f i n d t h a t the k i d s coming up behind them have learned a l l those l e s s o n s much e a r l i e r than they d i d . But I'm not against them f o r i t . Things are hard enough f o r the young i n many ways we never had t o cope w i t h — a n d whatever hopes I do have f o r the f u t u r e are l a r g e l y because of the young people I see. I What t h i n g s are hard f o r the youth of today? Ft Drugs, f o r one t h i n g . And the crime t h a t goes w i t h drugs. I t e f f e c t s a l l of us, of course, but the young are the ones face to face w i t h i t and they have t o deal w i t h i t f o r the most part on t h e i r own. I On t h e i r own? R Yes. The a u t h o r i t i e s can't even stop the grocery stores from s e l l i n g glue and the bags to go w i t h i t . Or they don't want t o . - 69 -I What of the drug education programs i n the schools. Are they of any help? R I t doesn't matter what ideas--programs you have, i f you can't get the young people t o l i s t e n t o you. Half the problem i s the kind of s o c i e t y we have. I t ' s g e t t i n g harder and harder t o deal w i t h the young i n l a r g e groups because of the changes i n s o c i e t y , e s p e c i a l l y i n the home. The teacher i s no longer a f i g u r e of a u t h o r i t y and the parents aren't e i t h e r . The c h i l d r e n question what they're l e a r n i n g , and t h a t ' s something new! The schools aren't h e l p i n g much. They're set up t o prepare c h i l d r e n to l i v e i n the world of the 1920's, and the world's not l i k e t h at any more, only the education system i s l i k e t h a t now. I In what ways do the young give you hope? R W e l l , hope might be too strong a word f o r i t . But i t ' s obvious from the predicaments we're i n that the older generations have a l l the power, not enough education, and too l i t t l e conscience. The younger generations coming up can hardly be worse and I only hope they're b e t t e r . As I s a i d , at l e a s t they're prepared to question t h i n g s and maybe part of our problems i s we took too many t h i n g s f o r granted. Do - 70 -you know, when I was a c h i l d , we never even knew how much my f a t h e r earned . . . maybe we should have asked. What about the housing s i t u a t i o n , you mentioned i t e a r l i e r ? Did I? W e l l , what can anyone say about i t ? I t ' s obvious t h a t the f a m i l y home i s f i n i s h e d . High-r i s e s and apartments are a l l w e ' l l have i n the f u t u r e . People go out t o the suburbs, people w i t h more money than I've got, and buy a l i t t l e place and a l i t t l e time. But now the suburbs are g e t t i n g h i g h r i s e s too, so they have not gotten away from the c i t y . Someone has decided the country should be j u s t l i k e the c i t y . And f o r t h e . r e s t of us, the m a j o r i t y who can't a f f o r d t o buy a home, we j u s t feed the l a n d l o r d s . We have a m i n i s t e r of highways, and a m i n i s t e r of t h i s and t h a t , when what we need i s a m i n i s t e r of r e n t a l s . Development of the c i t y i s needed, i f we are t o have j o b s , i s i t not? We have development. We s t i l l don't have j o b s . So what's the answer? Lots of problems we have, i n f a c t , come from people not having j o b s , or from having jobs i n the wrong p l a c e s . And what's being done about t h a t ? The c i t y planners . . . . - 71 -The c i t y planners--! Any c i t y planner w i t h any conscience has j u s t q u i t . I t ' s impossible t o break the power of the economic and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s t h a t make the d e c i s i o n s . The planners are j u s t people who make i t p o s s i b l e f o r some other people to make p r o f i t s . What have they ever done—what could they do, t h i n k i n g the way they do--for the o l d , the d e s t i t u t e , the unemployed? These people outside of the problems f o r c e people on we l f a r e t o l i v e i n places l i k e Raymur. They b u i l d i t and they say: I f you want to l i v e somewhere, then l i v e t h e r e . I t seems so senseless and yet they go on doing i t , b u i l d -i n g those huge b l o c k s of tennements w i t h no proper r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s and j u s t make the s o c i a l problems worse. I f they were r e a l l y s e r i o u s about housing poor people, they'd put them i n t o West Vancouver. There's l o t s of room on the North Shore. And S k i d Road, look how t h a t ' s l e f t to run i t s e l f , a dumping ground f o r s o c i e t y ' s c a s u a l t i e s . A man can work a l l h i s l i f e c u t t i n g down t r e e s and end up on Skid Road. He's a resource, j u s t l i k e the t r e e s . And the o l d age pensioners. Look how they l i v e , i n Macaroni Manor, w a i t i n g i n l o n e l i n e s s t o d i e . But s u r e l y not everyone i s as badly o f f as a l l t h a t ? Not everybody, perhaps, but a m a j o r i t y . The idea that - 72 -the poor are a m i n o r i t y i n s o c i e t y i s wrong. The m a j o r i t y are poor. The r i c h are the m i n o r i t y and have everything going f o r them. But you don't want to hear a l l t h i s . In f a c t , what i s i t you want? Why are you t a l k i n g to me at a l l ? Too many people from the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia are running around w i t h r i d i c u l o u s l i t t l e surveys t h a t w i l l never be acted upon and only serve w e l l - l i n e d pockets. Things are stood on t h e i r heads--welfare now goes from the poor to the r i c h ! Who i s doing t h i s study? 'Why i s i t being done? What are t h e i r f e e l i n g s about a l l these q u e s t i o n s — d o they b e l i e v e t h a t poverty, un-employment, and s k i d road are problems t h a t should be blown-up out of proportion? And are they going t o act? I assume that you're j u s t a labourer y o u r s e l f , j u s t working on t h i s study, since you don't seem very i n t e r e s t e d i n i t . And the people, the person who w i l l e v e n t u a l l y l i s t e n to t h i s tape i s j u s t a l i b e r a l ' s i t t i n g on h i s ass. W i l l anything I've s a i d make him get up o f f i t and do. something? I W e l l , s t u d i e s l i k e t h i s at l e a s t show that people, and the government, are g e t t i n g concerned, wouldn't you say? R Concerned about what? Maybe about people c r i t i c i z i n g t h i n g s but c e r t a i n l y not about the t h i n g s themselves. - 73 -Just t h i n k about i t . There's not a problem that hasn't been studied t o death. And i f tha t wasn't enough, we've got a l l the other c i t i e s before us as examples. Are you able to b e l i e v e that more study i s needed, to understand what's needed? No s i r , we're going down the same old slope t h a t took us t o New York, D e t r o i t , Chicago and Los Angeles. I know i t , you know i t , and the planners know i t . You've got to be a f o o l t o b e l i e v e t h a t more planning study w i l l do anything t o change t h a t . I Some people we've spoken w i t h f e e l t h a t Vancouver has many good p o i n t s , such as the r e c r e a t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l environment. What i s your o p i n i o n on these aspects? R The n a t u r a l environment i s , or was, magnificent a l r i g h t . And the beaches are r i g h t i n c l o s e to the c i t y , even i f they are p o l l u t e d . But you need more than mountains and beaches—and anyway, do you know there are people who can't a f f o r d the f i f t y cents i t takes to get to the beach, th a t there are ki d s who've never been to Stanley Park, that not every f a m i l y can a f f o r d t o s k i ? So f a r as c u l t u r a l l i f e i s concerned, there i s n ' t one. J u s t a l o t of expensive commercial entertainment c a t e r i n g t o the m i d d l e - c l a s s and a f f l u e n t . The Chinese and the fishermen are the only - 74 -authentic c u l t u r e we've got. The r e s t of i t i s j u s t i m i t a t i o n American and pseudo-English. I Is there nothing you see that gives you some optimism? R I t r y t o keep up some measure of optimism but t h a t ' s only because i f I d i d n ' t , I wouldn't be able t o keep on l i v i n g . I Do you f e e l o p t i m i s t i c about t h i s i n t e r v i e w ? Do you t h i n k y o u ' l l be l i s t e n e d to? R L i s t e n i n g to people i s one t h i n g , doing what they say i s another. The people who get l i s t e n e d t o are those who, a l l t h e i r l i v e s , throughout h i s t o r y , have been heard.. The people who r e a l l y need to be l i s t e n e d t o , who r e a l l y have something t o say, don't know how to say i t . They s o r t of y e l l where they can't be heard. I What do you t h i n k the f u t u r e holds f o r us? R We already can see our f u t u r e . Los Angeles i s our f u t u r e . The s i t u a t i o n i s d e t e r i o r a t i n g and that won't be stopped. People w i l l have to lower t h e i r standard of l i v i n g — t h a t ' s coming, no matter what. I t h i n k many people are r e a l i z i n g t h i s on the p e r s o n a l , i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l , which i s why I have some sympathy - 75 -f o r the young, who seem to be more aware of t h i s than the o l d e r , growth ori e n t e d people. But no p o l i t i c a l party dares to admit i t . Not that i t would make any d i f f e r e n c e i f they d i d . A l l the l i t t l e nuisance problems are being handled, more or l e s s , and the r e a l l y b i g problems are already out of c o n t r o l and w i l l never be s o l v e d . I W e l l , thank you f o r your o p i n i o n s . R That's a l r i g h t . You're welcome. - 76 -The A u t h o r i t a r i a n I Some people t h i n k l i f e i n the c i t y today i s i n e v i t a b l y concerned w i t h urban problems. Would you agree? R W e l l , i t ' s true you hear a l o t about problems i n the c i t y but i n my opi n i o n there aren't as many as some people would have us b e l i e v e . A l o t of the t a l k about "problems" i s j u s t media t a l k . People w i t h nothing b e t t e r t o do drum up a l o t of a t t e n t i o n by c r y i n g doom and seem t o t h i n k t h a t ' s t h e i r c o n t r i -b u t i o n t o s o c i e t y — t o get i t a l l worked up about t h i n g s t h a t aren't as bad as they say, t h i n g s t h a t are being handled anyway by the normal processes of government.. When you get r i g h t down t o i t , there are no problems that can't be handled by the f r e e e n t e r -p r i s e system so long as i t s l e f t alone t o get on w i t h the j o b . I So you don't t h i n k the c i t y has any b i g problems? R Of course i t has problems. That's a part of l i f e . I t ' s p art of growth and development. You always have problems. What's d i f f e r e n t now i s you have that group i n the population t h a t always opposes everything and i s r e a l l y against our way 6f l i f e . They t h i n k they're the only ones who can understand problems and solve them. A c t u a l l y , they're our biggest problem. I get - 77 -s i c k and t i r e d of hearing these p e o p l e — a n d i t seems often they're u n i v e r s i t y people, so i t makes you wonder what's going on i n our u n i v e r s i t i e s — t h e s e people who don't d r i v e c a r s , don't pay t a x e s , but who show up at meetings opposing everything and complaining about e v e r y t h i n g . I The p r o t e s t e r s , then, are j u s t a m i n o r i t y ? R They're a m i n o r i t y a l r i g h t . You only have to look at t h e i r meetings to see t h a t . But they have a strong i n f l u e n c e . They make so much noise, and our p o l i t i c -i ans are so t i m i d they t h i n k the m i n o r i t y represents a l a r g e c o n s t i t u e n c y and the government o f f i c i a l s back-off on development plans. I t ' s always the way, i r r e s p o n s i b l e r a d i c a l s get l i s t e n e d to w h i l e the s i l e n t m a j o r i t y i s ignored. I t ' s not j u s t the i n f l u e n c e they have p o l i t i c a l l y , they have i n f l u e n c e i n the schools and among the young. They've al r e a d y gone a long way toward r u i n i n g the school system. I t ' s gotten so that high school graduates come i n t o t h e i r f i r s t jobs without even the b a s i c s k i l l s . In my own o f f i c e , we have to re-teach them a l l the b a s i c mathematics! You must be able to see y o u r s e l f that q u i t e apart from the expensive, wish-washy education programs—that don't work anyway, the kids don't respond to them—the young are being encouraged to t h i n k there's an a l t e r n a t i v e to working. They're - 78 -being taught that you don't have to be a r e s p o n s i b l e person t o l i v e w e l l , you don't have to accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r your own l i f e and your own w e l l -being, and you don't have t o accept the s o c i a l d i s c i p l i n e t h a t holds s o c i e t y together. I s the r a d i c a l m i n o r i t y r e a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a l l t h i s ? Responsible? In a d i r e c t way, maybe not. I t ' s . t r u e t h a t we have been remiss ourselves. We slackened o f f on the kids a f t e r the second world war and made i t p o s s i b l e f o r the r a d i c a l s to e x p l o i t our weakness. Their c l o t h e s , f o r example, they wear them as an a f f r o n t t o the a d u l t s . I ' l l bet a l i t t l e d i s c i p l i n e on the c l o t h e s they can wear t o school would have good e f f e c t s . I'm not hard. I don't b e l i e v e i n being b r u t a l . But I do b e l i e v e i n t o e i n g the l i n e . And you have to be f i r m i f you expect t o be able to reach the young. They don't respect weak a u t h o r i t y . I t ' s not too l a t e , though, f o r the; a d u l t s to r e a s s e r t proper d i s c i p l i n e . Things have g r e a t l y changed, then, i n recent decades? Of course. Look how t h i n g s have changed f o r the worse. At one time school and childhood were steps on the way to adul t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Lots of people I - 79 -went to school w i t h went on to b u i l d t h e i r own businesses. Some of them went i n t o p o l i t i c s , and t h a t ' s how the country was b u i l t . Now, the schools and the c h i l d r e n operate q u i t e apart from the a d u l t world. I t used t o be that summer jobs were a kind of i n i t i a t i o n i n t o the r e a l world of work. Now they're j u s t more school-time fun and games. P i c k i n g up paper along a highway! They c a l l i t opportunity f o r youth but r e a l l y i t ' s against youth, because i t j u s t r e t a r d s t h e i r development i n t o r e s p o n s i b l e adulthood. I But i t i s hard, i s i t not, f o r the young to f i n d proper jobs? R Not as hard as the'd have you b e l i e v e . And anyway, i f i t ' s t r u e that some of them can't f i n d j o b s , then t h e i r parents should support them, not the taxpayer. So, as I s a i d before, the r a d i c a l s shouldn't be allowed to e x p l o i t the s i t u a t i o n . I How could t h i s be c o r r e c t e d . . ? R W e l l , part of i t ' s the money they get from the ta x -payers. I t gives them l e i s u r e time they wouldn't have i f they had to work f o r t h e i r room and board. Working people c o n t r i b u t e to a community, i d l e people a t t a c k a community. I'd l i k e to see a l l the money spent on those u s e l e s s p r o j e c t s used on some more worthwhile - 80 -programs. The pensioners, f o r example, could use some help but you don't f i n d them out demonstrating — That's only p o s s i b l e i f you don't have t o work and support y o u r s e l f and your f a m i l y . I You seem to have strong f e e l i n g s about the r a d i c a l p r o t e s t groups and the young but what about the l i f e of the c i t y i t s e l f , the a c t i v i t i e s t h a t make up the c i t y ? R W e l l , as I said e a r l i e r , the c i t y i s doing a l r i g h t i n my o p i n i o n . I t ' s c e r t a i n l y doing b e t t e r than some of the c i t i e s down south. Vancouver doesn't have any major problems at a l l , compared w i t h Los Angeles or New York, or even compared w i t h Toronto. You only have to look around you. Think about other c i t i e s . And how does Vancouver measure up? I f any-t h i n g , we're a l i t t l e too w e l l o f f here, i t a l l c r eates a c e r t a i n complacency i n the p o p u l a t i o n . To anyone from Toronto, Vancouver seems t o be a summer r e s o r t . I Maybe so, but what about the c i t y i t s e l f , not j u s t i t s image or i t s n a t u r a l environment? R The c i t y i t s e l f - - i f you can separate i t from i t s n a t u r a l environment — i s developing i n an o r d e r l y way. I t ' s been p r o g r e s s i v e l y moving up to a met r o p o l i t a n s t a t u s over the past ten or twenty years and doing so - 81 -wi t h remarkably l i t t l e f r i c t i o n . The developers and the government o f f i c i a l s have done a good job and we owe them a vote of thanks. As I've alr e a d y s a i d , t h i s progressive development i s what's made i t poss-i b l e f o r the p r o t e s t e r s to p r o t e s t . They use the f r u i t s of development to atta c k development. But we have to have development. People come here, the pop u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e s , business and i n d u s t r y expand, and room and resources must be found f o r a l l . With-out development, how can t h i s be done? Take employ-ment, f o r example. Without growth, where are the jobs to come from? I've never been out of work a day i n my l i f e and over the past twenty years there's been a job f o r everyone who came t o Vancouver. Even f o r those who don't want t o work, l i k e the average h i p p i e who j u s t wants t o l i v e o f f the r e s t of us. And where di d the jobs come from? From growth and development. Without i t we've got nothing. I How do you t h i n k growth and development could be ensured f o r the f u t u r e without b r i n g i n g about the problems we see i n New York and Los Angeles? R Growth i s i r r e s i s t i b l e . We're going to have i t no matter what we do. So i t s b e t t e r to have i t i n ways that b r i n g jobs w i t h i t . People who oppose growth - 32 -j u s t can't understand t h i s , mainly because they get by a l r i g h t without working and they don't connect that w i t h the f a c t t h a t most other people work and pay taxes. The Cathedral i s a case i n p o i n t . Compare i t w i t h Gastown. Gastown provided many j o b s , how many jobs does the Cathedral provide? So, re-develop i t . I t sound as though I'm against r e l i g i o n . I'm not. But the Church a u t h o r i t i e s themselves want to re-develop, so why not go ahead w i t h i t and get some more people t o work. What s p e c i f i c suggestion would you make, to encourage economic growth? Probably the one t h i n g i s t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . Transporta-t i o n i s perhaps a problem here. Not i n the sense t h a t o r d i n a r y t r a f f i c i s a p r o b l e m — g e n e r a l overcrowding i s a new way of l i f e and w i l l never be s o l v e d — b u t i n the sense that we need more and bigger highway f a c i l i t i e s . Take the t h i r d c r o s s i n g , f o r i n s t a n c e . Now there's an example of how i l l - i n f o r m e d p u b l i c involvement can f r u s t r a t e s e n s i b l e p l a n n i n g . Of course we need and must have the t h i r d c r o s s i n g . And of course we w i l l have i t , i t ' s i n e v i t a b l e . Without i t , there w i l l be chaos on the North Shore. And i t ' s needed as p a r t of the new connections we on the Lower Mainland must have with the i n t e r i o r — a f a c t that seems to go over the - 83 -heads of those who campaign against the c r o s s i n g . And these p r o t e s t o r s . . . . And who are those p r o t e s t o r s ? People who don't have a r e a l i n t e r e s t i n the c i t y or i t s f u t u r e . People who p i c k up on an idea they only h a l f u n d e r s t a n d — environmental p r o t e c t i o n — a n d use i t i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y t o brow-beat everyone who favours s e n s i b l e , c o n t r o l l e d growth. The same people who are now a g a i n s t the t h i r d c r o s s i n g were against the L i o n s Gate Bridge, which i s why we've got that narrow three lane bridge i n s t e a d of the high c a p a c i t y bridge we could have had. They use ideas l i k e green b e l t s t o stop growth. I ask you, how much space does a four or even a s i x lane highway take up? And who a c t u a l l y gets t o use green b e l t s ? Roads i n t o any area are an advantage. They open up new areas. These b e n e f i t s overshadow any temporary inconveniences. Some people say freeways w i l l simply increase conges-t i o n . How do you f e e l about t h a t ? P r o p e r l y l a i d out, the freeways w i l l not increase congestion. In f a c t , they w i l l reduce i t . You look at the downtown s i t u a t i o n , the t r a f f i c on the access r o u t e s . How often i s i t a c t u a l l y congested? Three or four times a day at three or four places y o u ' l l - 84 -f i n d t r a f f i c congestion, and b e t t e r roads would soon take care of t h a t . And remember, the growth f r i c t i o n s we see as inconveniences are important s i g n a l l i n g devices i n our s o c i e t y . They d i r e c t our a t t e n t i o n t o problems before they grow out of hand. Downtown congestion, f o r example, leads to suburban growth, w i t h the r e s u l t that the b e n e f i t s of the c i t y get spread throughout the reg i o n i n s t e a d of a l l being concentrated downtown. People o f t e n t a l k about r a p i d t r a n s i t f o r the c i t y . Where do you t h i n k t h i s f i t s i n w i t h your ideas? There i s r a t h e r an unfortunate tendency f o r people to t h i n k that i n some mysterious way r a p i d t r a n s i t i s the s o l u t i o n t o the t r a n s p o r t problem. On the co n t r a r y , we need a balanced system, and cars w i l l dominate i t f o r many years y e t . I favour an improved bus system and c e r t a i n l y a good bus system would be b e n e f i c i a l . But i t won't get r i d of the p r i v a t e automobile. Some t h i n k the p r i v a t e automobile i s the v i l l a i n . . . causes congestion and p o l l u t i o n . . . and would l i k e t o discourage i t s use . . . They can t h i n k what they l i k e . They won't get r i d of - 85 -i t . A l l the exaggerations about a i r p o l l u t i o n and cos t s of congestion won't get people out of t h e i r c a r s . I don't t h i n k I've been i n a bus a dozen times since I got my d r i v e r ' s l i c e n c e at s i x t e e n . I don't even know what's the f a r e now. I Car pools? R Car pools? I wouldn't take passengers j u s t because some o f f i c i a l said I had t o . And i f they f i n e d me, I'd pay the f i n e , t o be able to d r i v e myself, i n my own c a r , wherever I wanted t o go. And t h a t , by the way, the car pool i d e a , i s j u s t another example of the woolley-minded t h i n k i n g you f i n d among the p r o t e s t e r s . Here they are.suggesting what amounts to a p r i v a t e l y operated mini-bus s e r v i c e and don't stop t o t h i n k how t h i s puts us a l l at the mercy of v a r i o u s l e v e l s of d r i v e r s k i l l s , and don't stop to consider what t h i s would do t o the insurance s i t u a t i o n . Half-baked t h i n k i n g ! More than t h a t , i t encourages the growth of bureaucracy, more o f f i c i a l s t e l l i n g the p r i v a t e c i t i z e n how t o run h i s l i f e . We don't need more "experts" coming i n t o t e l l us how t o do t h i n g s we are q u i t e capable of doing f o r o u r s e l v e s . We've already got too much government f o r the s i z e of the p o p u l a t i o n we have here. I Presumably, then, you would not favour c o n t r o l s on commercial and i n d i v i d u a l development i n the c i t y ? - 86 -R I t depends what you mean by c o n t r o l s . We already have a good measure of c o n t r o l through our p o l i t i c a l system. We have ta x e s , and l i c e n s i n g , and zoning c o n t r o l s and i n my op i n i o n these are s u f f i c i e n t i f used s e n s i b l y . I Some people t h i n k t h a t concerns f o r p o l l u t i o n , f o r example, or f o r the e s t h e t i c q u a l i t y of neighbourhoods and v a r i o u s areas of the c i t y have r a i s e d needs f o r new kinds of c o n t r o l s . . . R I don't agree w i t h t h a t . I'm as concerned as anyone about the dangers of p o l l u t i o n . But we don't have i t here y e t , and already i n d u s t r y and government are t a k i n g steps to avoid i t . So f a r as p h y s i c a l p o l l u -t i o n i s concerned, the problem i s under c o n t r o l . We've learned that much from other c i t i e s . I But should we not be t h i n k i n g of the f u t u r e , and s t a r t i n g now t o organize ways of c o n t r o l l i n g p o l l u t i o n ? R I f you t r y to do too much too soon, you end up c l o s i n g down the economy. You have to f i n d a proper balance between growth and p o l l u t i o n c o n t r o l . And the people who are best able t o do t h a t , to decide i t , are those who have accepted the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y that comes w i t h I a u t h o r i t y , who have been chosen by the people as a - 87 -whole, economically and p o l i t i c a l l y , to represent t h e i r i n t e r e s t s . What you don*t need i s an army of power-hungry f a i l u r e s , people who couldn't achieve any measure of a u t h o r i t y i n the o r d i n a r y way, and who want to create p r o t e s t as a v e h i c l e f o r t h e i r own f r u s t r a t i o n s t h a t ya don't need! I Are there not already pockets of p o l l u t i o n of v a r i o u s s o r t s , that are not being taken care o f — the overcrowding i n the West End, f o r i n s t a n c e , or the p o l l u t e d beaches, the l a c k of park space? R What's wrong w i t h the West End? Every major c i t y has i t s h i g h - r i s e d i s t r i c t , why not Vancouver? What's wrong w i t h high d e n s i t i e s , s'o long as you've got your own apartment? L i f e ' s i n the t h i c k of t h i n g s and the c i t y ' s j u s t outside your door and S t a n l e y Park's j u s t behind you. Don't t e l l me a l l those people l i v i n g there are oppressed by the environment. As i t happens, I wouldn't want to l i v e t h e r e , or any-where e l s e downtown f o r that matter. But t h a t ' s my personal choice. I f I couldn't l i v e i n West Vancouver, i f I had to move, I'd go out to Tsawassen, or out to that general area. But t h a t ' s j u s t my own preference. Not everyone would f e e l the same way, although they a l l have the same choice open to them.. - 88 -I Hot everyone l i v i n g i n an apartment i s there by choi c e , surely? Some j u s t can't f i n d other accommo-da t i o n . R W e l l , h i g h r i s e s might not be the most a t t r a c t i v e kind of housing but i t ' s b e t t e r than nothing. And you have to put the people somewhere. A c t u a l l y , we don't have a r e a l "housing problem," the problem i s w i t h people's a t t i t u d e s toward housing types other than the s i n g l e f a m i l y home. They w i l l j u s t have t o change, t h e y ' l l have t o l e a r n to l i v e w i t h new kinds of housing. I What about the r e c r e a t i o n a l environment? the beaches and parks? R So f a r as the beaches are concerned, the biggest problem i s not p o l l u t e d water, t h a t ' s being taken care of by the new sewage f a c i l i t i e s — p a i d f o r , by the way, by the taxpayers, not by the tenants and f r e e l o a d e r s — the b i g g e s t problem i s the h i p p i e element t h a t seems to take over many beach areas. The p o l i c e should c e r t a i n l y be given the a u t h o r i t y t o deal w i t h the h i p p i e s who t u r n the beaches i n t o d o r m i t o r i e s and r e s t rooms. Other than t h a t , there seem to be enough parks. Inside the c i t y you have Stanley Park and Queen E l i z a -beth Park, as w e l l as a number of other l a r g e park areas. There seem t o be many smaller parks around, wherever you go out f o r a d r i v e you see l o t s , anyway. - 89 -And you have the beaches and the mountains. And i f you want to d r i v e out i n t o the V a l l e y , or up the Sound, there's open space wherever you look. Person-a l l y , I t h i n k parks are overdone. We don't r e a l l y have the climate or the c u l t u r e t h a t makes f o r year round use of open space. My own preference would be f o r more indoor f a c i l i t i e s , i f we had to choose. But o v e r a l l I t h i n k the r e g i o n i s w e l l enough served as i t i s . Nature has given us so much t h a t ' s f r e e t h a t I can't see spending more taxpayers' money on p u b l i c r e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s of that s o r t . I You have mentioned the tax s t r u c t u r e s , how do you f e e l about them, say i n terms of housing? R W e l l , now you have brought up a problem! You don't need me to t e l l you t h a t the home-owning, working person i s being taxed t o death. I t ' s reaching the poin t where i t h a r d l y pays to own your own home and i t ' s a l r e a d y reached the poi n t where i f you aren't already i n a house of your own, the chances of g e t t i n g one are s m a l l . I know i f I had to s t a r t out now I'd f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to get something l i k e my present house. The school t a x e s , of course, should never be r a i s e d from the home owner, and the expensive f a c i l i t i e s being demanded by the r e n t a l u n i t s being b u i l t means that the home-owner i s being asked to - 90 -su b s i d i z e people who rent and so avoid paying f o r the s e r v i c e s they use. They should keep the r e n t a l u n i t s , and a l l the m u l t i - f a m i l y housing r i g h t out of the s i n g l e f a m i l y d i s t r i c t s . Quite apart from the e f f e c t s t h e i r presence has on the r e a l e s t ate values i n the neighbourhood, I've watched the infringement of middle and upper c l a s s areas by r e n t a l accommodation and i t ' s always been at the detriment of the neighbourhood l i f e - s t y l e . So you see r e n t e r s as second-class c i t i z e n s ? Not second-class. Don't put words i n my mouth. I see them as d i f f e r e n t i n a number of important ways. They don't have a sense of neighbourhood the way a home-owner does. They l i v e there i n t h e i r own apartment or town house and outside of that they're not concerned w i t h the o u t s i d e . Many of them are on wel f a r e or earn low incomes. They have l a r g e f a m i l i e s . N a t u r a l l y , they don't have the same kind of personal involvement i n the neighbourhood a home owner does. Why should they? They can pack up and move whenever they want. That's why I'm against g i v i n g tenants the vote on l o c a l money matters. T h e y ' l l vote f o r every improvement, no matter what. And i f I were a welfa r e r e c i p i e n t w i t h eighteen k i d s l i v i n g i n a rented apartment, I'd vote f o r spending - 91 -more money too. Why not? You don't have to pay i t out of your own pocket. Tenants are f a r too p r o t e c t -ed. I f I were a l a n d l o r d , I wouldn't want any o f f i c i a l , or tenant union boss, t e l l i n g me what t o do w i t h my property. I You mentioned school taxes . . . . R The schools are an example of progr e s s i v e i n t e n t i o n s gone mad. Schools today have more money, more f a c i l i t i e s , more experimentation and mass a t t e n t i o n paid t o them than ever b e f o r e , and yet they get f u r t h e r and f u r t h e r away from the community at l a r g e and l e s s and l e s s s u c c e s s f u l i n t u r n i n g out students capable of t a k i n g up a r e s p o n s i b l e place i n s o c i e t y . Too much i s , s p e n t on t h i n g s t h a t have nothing t o do w i t h everyday l i v i n g . I t ' s obvious t h a t standards have d e t e r i o r a t e d even over the past four or f i v e y e ars. The students aren't happy. The teachers apparently are inadequate i n many ways, and there are f a r too many f o r e i g n p r o f e s s o r s . I t ' s the same at every l e v e l from ki n d e r g a r t e n up. Something i s ob v i o u s l y t e r r i b l y wrong. The kindergartens move c h i l d -ren up to the grade school where they don't l e a r n , and from there they go t o high school where they won't l e a r n , and whatever they l e a r n at u n i v e r s i t y , i t doesn't seem enough t o get them a job since you hear of - 92 -unemployed Ph.D's. I'm convinced the schools should have fewer f r i l l s and be more r e l a t e d to the world the c h i l d r e n must e v e n t u a l l y enter. The t r e n d , however, has been opposite to t h i s . So i t would take a r e a l e f f o r t to r e t u r n t o the s o l i d system we once had. But we could do i t , i f we made the e f f o r t . I I t seems as though you're more concerned w i t h the s o c i a l q u a l i t i e s of l i f e than w i t h the economic . . . R What do you mean by t h a t ? I W e l l , you've t a l k e d a l o t about the young people, about welf a r e r e c i p i e n t s , and about h i p p i e s — m o r e i n f a c t than you have about a c t u a l development i n the economy. R That j u s t f o l l o w s from what I've a l r e a d y s a i d . The economy can look a f t e r i t s e l f i f i t ' s j u s t l e f t alone. But the p r o t e s t e r s won't leave i t alone. And they get s t i r r e d up, people who r e a l l y have no business i n d i c t a t i n g t o the economic and p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p , e s p e c i a l l y since they are f o r the most part f a i l u r e s i n t h e i r own l i v e s . I n f a c t , i n a sense, they t r a n s -l a t e t h e i r personal f a i l u r e s i n t o p u b l i c s o c i a l weaknesses. .1 i I In what ways? - 93 -Mainly by t h e i r e f f e c t on the young people. A l s o by t h e i r i n f l u e n c e over the p o l i t i c a l system. The s i l e n t m a j o r i t y stands by, not wishing t o become r a d i c a l and not wanting t o be i n v o l v e d , while the vo c a l r a d i c a l s give the impression t h a t they are the voic e of the f u t u r e . They're not. That's one reason why, although I am concerned about the young, I don't see i t as a major problem i n the permanent sense. When they get o l d e r , t h e y ' l l want what we've got, and there's only one way to get it--become part of the r e a l , working s o c i e t y . Unless of course we're st u p i d enough to give i t to them f o r nothing. Over the short run, though, sex and drugs are r u i n i n g many of the young. Although I can't b e l i e v e the v i s i b l e m i n o r i t y is' a l l there i s t o the youth of today. And the people on w e l f a r e ? Don't misunderstand me. I know there are genuine cases of need and I'm f u l l y i n favour of supporting them. But not everyone on welfare needs to be t h e r e , j u s t as not everyone drawing unemployment insurance r e a l l y can't f i n d a j o b . I look at the able-bodied s i n g l e people on welfare and I ask myself why can't they support themselves. For that matter, I look at some of the f a m i l i e s on w e l f a r e and wonder i f something b e t t e r than w e l f a r e couldn't be found. The unemployed insurance s i t u a t i o n i s the same. Far - 94 -too many people simply use i t as a v a c a t i o n fund. And there are too many working wives on i t . I f they'd stayed at home and looked a f t e r t h e i r f a m i l i e s p r o p e r l y there would have been more jobs f o r those who need them, and we wouldn't be having those be-ins over there i n the Park. Miost of the s o c i a l s e r v i c e s are i n the same s t a t e . I t ' s not those who need them th a t burden the taxpayer, i t ' s those m i l k i n g the system. H o s p i t a l s , even. I f a l l the people occupying beds who didn't need them were sent home, there'd be more than enough s e r v i c e f o r those who do need i t . I In a sense then, you b e l i e v e a s u b s t a n t i a l m i n o r i t y are v i r t u a l "outlaws" i n that they prey on s o c i e t y ? R That i s undoubtedly t r u e . I t h i n k the d e c l i n e i n respect f o r law and order i s s u f f i c i e n t evidence of t h a t . I t ' s true that l i f e i s so complex th a t you can h a r d l y l i v e at a l l without breaking some law or another but t h a t ' s no excuse f o r the widespread break-down we see i n law and order. I Such as . . . ? R The drug scene i s the most obvious example. Dope and drug a d d i c t s are without doubt our most pre s s i n g problem. Part of i t i s our status as a sea p o r t . We get drug pushers from a l l over the world. And another - 95 -part of i t i s the a t t r a c t i o n Vancouver has f o r the r i f f - r a f f from eastern Canada and the U.S. We should be much more severe on drug pushers and the p o l i c e should be given the powers necessary to make them e f f e c t i v e against the pushers. We need more beat policemen. W e l l , i t seems as though you are reasonably s a t i s f i e w i t h the present sta t e of a f f a i r s . . . . Not e n t i r e l y mind you. But there must be a sense of balance maintained, and so f a r as I'm concerned, matters could be a l o t worse, and are a l o t worse i n most other p l a c e s . We have a high standard of l i v i n g , I enjoy i t , and most people get to do what they want. What about the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n the c i t y ? I assume you mean the r e g i o n as a whole? Okay. In my o p i n i o n the municipal system i s working w e l l enough. N a t u r a l l y , as the r e g i o n grows, changes are needed, and we're making them. The increased a u t h o r i t y of the Regional D i s t r i c t , f o r i n s t a n c e , i s evidence t h a t we are i n step w i t h the needs of the times. I am concerned from two sides on t h i s . I would l i k e to see the v a r i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s be given s u f f i c i e n t - 96 -powers to d i r e c t the region's growth. I would be i n favour of increased powers i n some areas. For i n s t a n c e , I t h i n k the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s should be empowered to organize the unemployed and those on w e l f a r e i n t o a work f o r c e that could be used to improve the environment of the r e g i o n . A l s o , I'd be i n favour, c a u t i o u s l y , of some kind of r e g i o n a l government, so long as the l o c a l areas kept some measure of c o n t r o l over p u r e l y l o c a l matters. Other than t h a t , I'm reasonably content w i t h the way t h i n g s are. You don't agree, then, w i t h those who b e l i e v e the municipal governments are too much a l i g n e d w i t h economic and developer i n t e r e s t s ? What e l s e are they to be a l i g n e d with? What i s the business of the C i t y i f not i n d u s t r y and commerce? So f a r as municipal o f f i c i a l s and developers are concerned, i t ' s only n a t u r a l that they should have a common i n t e r e s t . At times i t might seem almost personal but t h a t ' s the way of the world. In every walk of l i f e , who you know i s as important as what you know. We might not l i k e i t but t h a t ' s the way i t i s . And when you stop and t h i n k about i t , what a l t e r n a t i v e s are there? Some t h i n k c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n might be more demo-c r a t i c ? - 97 -C i t i z e n s ' p a r t i c i p a t i o n — t h a t ' s always good f o r a laugh. Who are these c i t i z e n s ? I f they want to be i n v o l v e d , why can't they j u s t vote l i k e the r e s t of us? And i f t h a t ' s not enough, they can j o i n the . p a r t i e s and run f o r o f f i c e . We don't need s e l f -e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s t e l l i n g our e l e c t e d o f f i c i a l s what to do. So f a r as I'm concerned, I give my candidate a mandate when I vote f o r him and I don't expect him to be c o n t i n u a l l y bothering me w i t h referendums and p l e b i s c i t e s * I e l e c t e d him to make d e c i s i o n s and I expect him t o make them without bothering me. One t h i n g I .do expect fromthe c i v i c government i s govern-ment f o r the majority--once the vote i s i n , the m i n o r i t y should accept the m a j o r i t y d e c i s i o n . What about the appointed o f f i c i a l s , are they doing a good job? I t h i n k so. G e n e r a l l y speaking, yes. I t takes a w e l l t r a i n e d mind t o t h i n k about the e n t i r e r e g i o n . Most of us don't, we only t h i n k about our own areas. Do you t h i n k about "Greater Vancouver?" And i n a way, t h a t ' s a proper separation of concern. We should each be concerned w i t h what most concerns us p e r s o n a l l y and leave the o v e r a l l p i c t u r e to those t r a i n e d and educated t o deal w i t h t h i n g s on t h a t s c a l e . N a t u r a l l y we u l t i m a t e l y are the f i n a l a u t h o r i t y , and we can - 93 -always step i n i f our e l e c t e d people and the o f f i c i a l s they appoint s t a r t to f a l l down on the job. I So you do reserve the r i g h t t o intervene beyond the e l e c t o r a l process, i f t h i n g s don't go r i g h t ? R Well now, don't misunderstand me. I don't a n t i c i -pate t a k i n g to the s t r e e t s i n p r o t e s t but I am qu i t e prepared to make my wishes and complaints known t o the government anytime I f e e l j u s t i f i e d . Every c i t i z e n has t h a t r i g h t , provided i t s e x e r c i s e d i n a temperate manner. I'm not opposed to c i t i z e n s t a l k i n g w i t h government between e l e c t i o n s , I'm j u s t a g a i n s t the m i n o r i t y o r g a n i z i n g i t s e l f against the expressed w i l l of the m a j o r i t y . I What opini o n s do you have about urban planning? R We do have pl a n s , of course, and much of what we see around us comes as the r e s u l t of plan n i n g . I t can be overdone--not even the experts agree on the v a r i o u s problems—and i t should not be c a r r i e d to the p o i n t where i t i n t e r f e r e s w i t h the freedom of the i n d i v i d u a l . But planning does c o n t r i b u t e some order to development and I'm s a t i s f i e d w i t h what I see of i t . B a s i c a l l y though, the government can't l i v e our l i v e s f o r us, any more than planners can create the p e r f e c t c i t y . Planning can only produce - 99 -an atmosphere f o r people to act i n . I t can't change the world. W e l l , thank you f o r your time. Do you have any f i n a l comments? Not r e a l l y . I c ould, I suppose, say a l o t more but I've about covered most of the matters t h a t concern me. Have I s a i d anything about the unions yet . . .? Anyway, the unions are completely out of hand, as everybody knows. R i d i c u l o u s wage demands and complete contempt f o r the p u b l i c . They're the biggest business i n the country yet they don't pay taxes and t h e i r money goes over the l i n e . You can't expect t o have the unions run by f o r e i g n e r s and s t i l l expect them to be concerned w i t h Canadian i n t e r e s t s . There w i l l have t o be steps taken t o reduce the power of the unions. That's about a l l , I t h i n k . In summary, what do you t h i n k i s the most p r e s s i n g problem f a c i n g us? That's hard t o say. Maybe the general breakdown of the s o c i a l order, the increase of t h o u g h t l e s s p r o t e s t , and the growing l a c k of respect f o r law and order and government. Where w i l l that take us? - 100 -R Who can see the f u t u r e ? C e r t a i n l y not me. One th i n g though: I'm not p e s s i m i s t i c . I t h i n k t h i n g s w i l l work out, t h i s i s j u s t a temporary stage i n our development. I have great f a i t h i n the human race , e s p e c i a l l y our own side of the human r a c e . I Thank you. - 101 -The C r i t i c a l Optimist I I t appears, to some people, that the problems of l i f e i n the c i t y are i n c r e a s i n g l y coming t o dominate the urban scene—would you agree w i t h t h a t assessment? R I t c e r t a i n l y i s that way. Even i n Vancouver, where many problems are j u s t appearing, where they're not yet as c r i t i c a l as they are i n some other p l a c e s , you can see the o u t l i n e s of problems. They're g e t t i n g worse. Vancouver i s j u s t s t a r t i n g to show the signs of b i g c i t y growth but they're there a l r i g h t . I Which problems do you see as most press i n g ? R I t ' s hard to say which i s the most p r e s s i n g . So many of them are a l l l i n k e d together i t ' s d i f f i c u l t to separate them and say, t h i s one or t h a t one i s the worst and should be t a c k l e d f i r s t . The p o l l u t i o n s i t u a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y the a i r and water p o l l u t i o n , i s g e t t i n g worse. And these are part of the automobile problem and part of the problem of an i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a t i o n . And the automobile i s part of the problem of p u b l i c t r a n s i t , and of over-emphasis on downtown development. Of course, the p o l l u t i o n comes from other sources, too; such as the s l a s h burning t h a t ' s allowed i n the l o g g i n g areas cl o s e t o the c i t y , and - 102 -from the i n e f f i c i e n t use of the harbour f a c i l i t i e s t h at leaves dozens of ocean-going ships t i e d up i n E n g l i s h Bay, w i t h t h e i r i n e v i t a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n to water p o l l u t i o n . So the problems are p a r t s of a complex of c o n d i t i o n s more than each being a separate, independent problem. B a s i c a l l y , the most important problem i s the over-emphasis on m a t e r i a l t h i n g s i n s o c i e t y and not enough a t t e n t i o n paid to the q u a l i t y of l i f e . I What about i n your own d a i l y l i f e — w h i c h problems e f f e c t you the most, i n p r a c t i c a l terms? R D i r e c t l y e f f e c t me . . . ? That's hard to say. P h y s i c a l l y , or t a n g i b l y , I'm most conscious of the - need f o r a r a p i d t r a n s i t system, I suppose. I t ' s very hard to get around Vancouver i f you don't want to use a c a r , or don't have one to use. E s p e c i a l l y i f you l i v e outside of the c i t y . More g e n e r a l l y , the problem I t h i n k about most i s the s o c i a l apathy t h a t ' s c h a r a c t e r i z e d Vancouver f o r so l o n g , although t h a t ' s changing now. I You see Vancouverites as a p a t h e t i c , then? R Up u n t i l r e c e n t l y , t h e re's no doubt at a l l about i t . We've been coddled here, compared w i t h most p l a c e s , i and the o v e r a l l environment i s so enjoyable, so - 103 -b e a u t i f u l , that i t ' s been easy to overlook many problems, and to not see some of the developments that now threaten us. On the other hand', Vancouver-i t e s are so very conscious of the environment, we have so much t o treasure here, that when they do. see i t being threatened, they wake up and a c t . Concern f o r the environment i s stronger here, I b e l i e v e , than i n the e a st, simply because of the widespread a p p r e c i a -t i o n of the n a t u r a l environment. So you see Vancouver as a b e a u t i f u l c i t y ? No. I don't. Vancouver i s not a b e a u t i f u l c i t y . I t has a b e a u t i f u l environment but the c i t y i t s e l f , compared w i t h many European c i t i e s , i s ugly. Vancouver i s backward i n a e s t h e t i c planning. There s t i l l i s n ' t much being done t o improve the c i t y but there are some hopeful signs. Such as . . ? W e l l , I've l i v e d i n Vancouver now f o r over twenty years. In that time, Vancouver has become a much more i n t e r e s t i n g , e x c i t i n g kind of p l a c e . At one time i t was a Waspish, narrow kind of c i t y . Now how-ever, i t ' s become much more v a r i e d i n i t s c u l t u r e , i n i t s e t h n i c make-up, and t h a t ' s given a kind of buoyancy to the c i t y . That's the people, of course, not the - 104 -concrete. But the changes i n the p o p u l a t i o n must e v e n t u a l l y be r e f l e c t e d i n the a c t u a l development, the b u i l d i n g s and parks and so on, tha t w i l l be b u i l t here. You are happy, then, w i t h the ethnic v a r i e t y i n the c i t y ? I mention the ethnic r i c h n e s s of Vancouver because t h a t ' s been one of the more obvious r e s u l t s of i t s growth over the past twenty years or so. I t h i n k everyone i s glad t h a t the c i t y has such r i c h n e s s . Chinatown, Robson S t r e e t , of course, are known across Canada. We've a l s o got the I t a l i a n and Greek communi-t i e s , and outside of the c i t y t h e re's the Japanese, the fishermen and market gardeners. Recently, the na t i v e Indians are becoming more prominant. Have you ever been to any of the f e s t i v a l s on the Capilano Reserve? That's a l l t o the good. But there i s another side t o i t . There's the danger that the c i t y could become fragmented, g h e t t o i z e d . That danger goes beyond the ethnic communities. A l r e a d y West Vancouver i s tending to become a s o r t of upper-middle c l a s s ghetto, and you might c a l l Burnaby a mi d d l e - c l a s s ghetto, and p o s s i b l y some other areas are l o w e r - c l a s s ghettos. When t h i s sort of t h i n g happens, the c h i l d -ren e s p e c i a l l y s u f f e r . They a l l grow up wit h people j u s t l i k e themselves, the same kind of f a m i l y , the - 105 -same two-car daddy. How can you stop t h i s kind of segregation? I s i s p o s s i b l e to stop the s o c i a l pressures that teach the young, f o r i n s t a n c e , that they belong here or th e r e , or some p a r t i c u l a r p l a c e , among some p a r t i c u l a r people? That's a problem we haven't r e a l l y begun to deal w i t h . I Some degree of s o c i a l s e g r e t a t i o n i s i n e v i t a b l e , i s i t not? A f t e r a l l , every c i t y has i t s Knob H i l l and East End . . .? R Every c i t y has i t s p o l l u t i o n , too, but that don't stop us t r y i n g to get r i d of i t . And there are other kinds of segregation. The o l d and the young are t o some extent being segregated. And at the same time, they're being p i t t e d against each other, which i s another problem that w i l l have t o be d e a l t w i t h . The poor are s e g r e g a t e d / a s w e l l . In f a c t , much of the o l d , young, and poor people problem i s a matter of money and a t t i t u d e s toward money. The old-age pensioners e s p e c i a l l y s u f f e r . There are enough problems as s o c i a t e d w i t h being o l d without poverty being added to them. When you're o l d , you're l o n e l y . Even i f you have f a m i l y nearby, they're busy w i t h t h e i r own a f f a i r s , and you f i n d y o u r s e l f alone most of the time. Even i f you're one of the lucky ones, w i t h a l i t t l e e x t r a , where can you go to?--what can - 106 -you do? The bus s e r v i c e s are bad and the r e c r e a -t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s are inadequate and geared to younger generations. We need some dro p - i n centres f o r senior c i t i z e n s , some of them can s t i l l swing, you know! And the other poverty groups? People on w e l f a r e , e s p e c i a l l y f a m i l i e s on w e l f a r e , a l s o s u f f e r a great deal and i t ' s completely unnecessary. When you have to l i v e i n that marginal way, you get depressed. You f e e l you're l e s s than nothing. L i k e begging i n the s t r e e t s . The o f f i c i a l s you have t o deal w i t h don't seem to r e a l l y care about you as a person. You're j u s t another case. So you draw back i n y o u r s e l f and even the few t h i n g s you could do on such a small income, you don't do. And i f you have t r o u b l e i n the f a m i l y , medical problems, f o r example, you don't push to get the help you need, you f e e l demoralized enough j u s t g e t t i n g by, without making an e f f o r t to get along a l i t t l e b e t t e r . I sometimes wonder whether people w i t h money can ever understand what i t means to have to get by wit h not enough. You speak as though you've had personal experience of t h i s ? - 107 -R Yes. I have. I I guess you'd put the unemployed among the poor? R Unemployment i s . a major problem. I t a f f e c t s f a r more people than j u s t those unfortunate enough to be without a j o b . Even the unemployed are a f f e c t e d much more by the p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t r e s s of i t than by the m a t e r i a l hardship. I know where I work, during c o f f e e breaks, you hear a l o t of t a l k about unemploy-ment, i t ' s one of the t h i n g s we t a l k about most. So i t ' s o b v i o u s l y having some kind of e f f e c t on us, even though we're working. I Some people have s a i d the unemployed get too much help, that the b e n e f i t s are too high . . . ? R Too. hig h f o r what? Have they t r i e d t o keep a f a m i l y dressed and fed on s i x t y or seventy d o l l a r s a week, or l e s s ? I But there seem to be many jobs around, judging by the advertisements. R To some extent t h a t ' s t r u e . But you have t o r e a l i z e what kinds of jobs there are, and r e a l i z e the kind of economic s i t u a t i o n we have. A l o t of unemployment comes from the p r i m i t i v e kind of economy we have. We have a l o t of basic kinds of economic a c t i v i t y , mining and logging and so on, and a h i g h l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d - 108 -s e r v i c e and executive economy, .with nothing i n between. We need more jobs i n the processing and i n d u s t r i a l economy. You can't expect a man who's worked f o r years as a miner to t u r n around and car-hop f o r the White. Spot, any more than you can expect a d i s p l a c e d fisherman t o get a job w i t h IBM. What about the unions, don't they make i t d i f f i c u l t f o r people to a d j u s t , to s h i f t from one l i n e of work t o another? To a degree, yes, they do. There are s t i l l l o t s of people working f o r $2 an hour while others get $6 or $ 7 an hour but they a l l buy t h e i r g r o c e r i e s i n the same s t o r e . The unions should get more i n v o l v e d i n . t h i n g s and not j u s t serve t h e i r own members. But they're only a p a r t , a small p a r t , of the o v e r a l l problem. Do you t h i n k the governments are doing t h e i r j o b s — the P r o v i n c i a l as w e l l as Municipal? Are they doing t h e i r jobs . . ? Now, that depends on what you t h i n k t h e i r jobs are. They're c e r t a i n l y making i t p o s s i b l e f o r l o t s of c o r p o r a t i o n s and p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s t o make larg e p r o f i t s but they're not making i t p o s s i b l e f o r the people as a whole to enjoy'the b e n e f i t s ' o f l i v i n g here i n B.C. - 109 -W e l l , so f a r as the urban problems you've mentioned are concerned? I t comes down to the a t t i t u d e s taken by the govern-ments, and by the people. As I've s a i d , we have a p r i m i t i v e kind of s o c i e t y here i n t h a t there doesn't seem to be anything t o r i v a l the growth t h i n g as a s o c i a l v a l u e . That's changing, but the governments are s t i l l i n t h a t p a r t i c u l a r framwork. The municipal governments, t o some extent, are more i n touch w i t h the people i n t h i s regard than the p r o v i n c i a l government i s but they don't have much power to do anything. The d i f f e r e n t b u r e a u c r a t i c s t r u c t u r e s slow down change. Government channels are r e a l l y mysterious t h i n g s . I don't suppose even the people i n them r e a l l y understand how they work. Anyway, the d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s of government don't r e a l l y get along. I t ' s s i l l y but there i t i s . Leaving aside the P r o v i n c i a l government, what are your views on the l o c a l governments? W e l l , l e t ' s face i t , the days of the l o c a l municipal governments are dead! The s i t u a t i o n s we f a c e , and w i l l have to face, can't be handled on the l o c a l l e v e l . We need cooperation and when you have l o c a l governments you get c o m p e t i t i o n . And what's more, - 110 -the l o c a l municpal l e v e l has t r o u b l e a t t r a c t i n g r e a l l y good candidates. You get e g o - t r i p p e r s and people who have t h e i r own f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s i n mind when they get i n to o f f i c e . I So you see an end to l o c a l municipal government and the r i s e of . . . maybe a metro government? R Ah, there's the rub! I f you go f o r a t o t a l metro government, you r i s k l o s i n g a l l l o c a l i n f l u e n c e . So I suppose I'd say, I'm i n favour of a metro govern-ment t o handle a l l the r e g i o n a l questions but I'd l i k e some kind of l o c a l input r e t a i n e d , e s p e c i a l l y so f a r as l o c a l matters are concerned. I You consider the municipal governments inadequate . . . incompetent . . . or both? R I t ' s more a question of whether they're r e l e v a n t . They seem t o be rooted i n the o l d ideas of develop-ment and growth and they n a t u r a l l y , then, given those i d e a s , t u r n to the sp e c u l a t o r s and developers f o r d i r e c t i o n s . The r e s u l t i s , the c i t y ' s run by a c o a l i t i o n of inept bureaucrats and r e a l e s t a t e i n t e r e s t s . Before any improvements can be made, there has to be a general c l e a r i n g out of the o l d guard, a general d i s m a n t l i n g of what's become a . * p r e t t y corrupt system. - I l l -Do you t h i n k f r e s h blood i n the municipal c o u n c i l s would make much of a change? W e l l , I know that p o l i t i c i a n s have a h a b i t of l o s i n g t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s once they're safe i n o f f i c e but i t s c e r t a i n l y worth a t r y . And before anything e l s e i s t r i e d , we should make an e f f o r t to reform the system. We can't stand any more of those f i n e upstanding God-fearing men who look out f o r them-selves and t h e i r f r i e n d s , and we can't any longer a l l o w our r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s t o d i s c r i m i n a t e against some people and favour others. Take Mayor Campbell, f o r example. He set out to meet the t r a n s i e n t youth as though they were some kind of invading army in s t e a d of being the young of the country out g e t t i n g experience. There must be some p o l i t i c i a n s b e t t e r than t h a t . A new government, municipal or p r o v i n c i a l , wouldn't solve e v e r y t h i n g , of course, but i t might at l e a s t be w i l l i n g to face up t o the i s s u e s and take the part of the people and not j u s t b i g business. I s the present e l e c t o r a l system l i k e l y to b r i n g t h a t about? I t w i l l , as soon as the v o t e r s get themselves t o g e t h e r . We need much more involvement i n l o c a l p o l i t i c s and we need much more feed-back from the p o l i t i c i a n s . They should keep us more informed about - 112 -what they're doing and i n v o l v e the p u b l i c more, p o s s i b l y through the use of p l e b i s c i t e s and r e f e r -endurns. I t would h e l p , too, i f we paid c l o s e r a t t e n t i o n to who was running f o r o f f i c e . We know s u r p r i s i n g l y l i t t l e about the candidates i n most e l e c t i o n s . I f you or I go f o r a job somewhere, the employer f i n d s out much more about us than we are ever t o l d about p o l i t i c a l candidates. Maybe i f we d i d a l l t h a t , more people would r e a l i z e how unbalanced the whole system i s . I Unbalanced i n what way? R In t h a t only a very small part of the p o p u l a t i o n i s a c t u a l l y represented i n l o c a l governments. Vancouver i s an extreme example of t h i s , where you have Shaugh-nessy r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s f o r the east-end, and a domin-ance of m i d d l e - c l a s s p r o f e s s i o n a l s on the c o u n c i l . The other m u n i c i p a l i t i e s are much the same. With the best w i l l i n the w o r l d — a n d not many of them have t h a t — t h e s e mayors and aldermen and reeves, or what-ever, f i n d themselves w i t h more i n common w i t h developers than w i t h the people as a whole. R e s u l t -land s p e c u l a t i o n and d i s o r g a n i z e d growth. Look at the farm land we've l o s t , w e ' l l need that i n the f u t u r e . So, land s p e c u l a t i o n ' s got to stop. The same t h i n k i n g i s benind the t h i r d c r o s s i n g . I'm s u s p i c i o u s of the - 113 -people who favour t h a t , they c e r t a i n l y aren't t a k i n g the long view. Developers are f o r e v e r t r y i n g to b u i l d the c i t y around the c a r . We need people i n o f f i c e who can stand up and oppose th a t kind of t h i n k i n g . I f the governments and government experts have been as inadequate as you apparently f e e l , how have we managed to get the s e r v i c e s we enjoy i n the c i t y ? The v a r i o u s s e r v i c e s a v a i l a b l e i n the c i t y , most of them could be improved. Housing, f o r i n s t a n c e , i s a d i s g r a c e . The c o s t s of housing are r i s i n g and the q u a l i t y of the housing t h a t i s provided, e s p e c i a l l y those new condominiums, i s very low. Landlords are not i n the business f o r the enjoyment of r e n t e r s , and you can't expect them to improve matters out of the goodness of t h e i r h e a r t s . You have to have new ways of governments and co-ops to get together to solve the problem. T r a n s i t ' s i n the same s t a t e . Some measure of t r a f f i c problem i s i n e v i t a b l e when you have an i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a t i o n and economic growth. Everybody knows t h a t and has known i t f o r years. And yet when i t becomes a problem, the government a c t s s u r p r i s e d . There has to be some kind of r a p i d t r a n s i t to get the cars o f f the s t r e e t s and to make a l l the c i t y a v a i l a b l e to everybody, i n c l u d i n g the people - 114 -l i v i n g out i n the suburbs. You have to r e a l i z e t h a t people j u s t won't give up t h e i r c ars overnight. There has t o be an e d u c a t i o n a l program t o s e l l the ide a , to show i t s b e n e f i t s . Some groups have al r e a d y begun to do that but i t needs much more government involvement, a commitment t o a good system of r a p i d t r a n s i t and against the p r i v a t e automobile. Our medical s e r v i c e s could stand improvement, e s p e c i a l l y f o r the poor and e l d e r l y . Looked at i n the o l d way our h e a l t h s e r v i c e s are very good but our concepts of what i s good h e a l t h are changing. We are more concerned w i t h m e d i c a l - s o c i a l problems, mental h e a l t h , f a m i l y environment, and t h i n g s l i k e noise and a i r p o l l u t i o n . A l l these t h i n g s are to do w i t h h e a l t h and should be taken care of by h e a l t h a u t h o r i t i e s . What about the schools? Some people f e e l they are d e t e r i o r a t i n g . . . . There are problems i n the schools but o v e r a l l they're doing a good j o b . I know I look at the young people and they seem so much b e t t e r educated than I was at t h e i r age, they're much more mature and knowledgeable. I f there i s a problem i n education, i t ' s more at the u n i v e r s i t y l e v e l than i n the high schools. For some reason or another the u n i v e r s i t i e s can't seem to r e l a t e to the 1needs of the world and are not s u c c e s s f u l i n - 115 -i n s p i r i n g t h e i r students. I don't know what the problem i s . Do you t h i n k the c i t y r e g i o n i s w e l l enough provided w i t h parks and r e c r e a t i o n ? People w i l l never have enough parkland, enough green space. Water and mountain r e c r e a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e here that i n many p a r t s of the world are only a v a i l a b l e f o r r i c h people, and we should do e v e r y t h i n g to p r o t e c t those resources. In the f u t u r e , the b e n e f i t s of park and l e i s u r e land w i l l be even more recognized and w e ' l l be lauded f o r our f o r e s i g h t i n p r o v i d i n g open space. We need e s p e c i a l l y parks f o r s i t t i n g , and l o o k i n g , w i t h seats. We need eig h t or ten Stanley Parks i n t h i s c i t y - - a n d everyone should p l a n t a t r e e ! This i s an area where p u b l i c ownership i s a b s o l u t e l y necessary. You can't expect p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s to c a r r y the p u b l i c need f o r open space, and where p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s do p r e v a i l , the c o s t s soon bar la r g e p a r t s of the p o p u l a t i o n from enjoying the f a c i l i t i e s t hat we have, and those we do have should be b e t t e r run. Too many of them get taken over by some neighbourhood c l i q u e or by some p a r t i c u l a r s p o r t, and the r e s t of the community can't get i n . And the costs should be kept down, i f they can't be - 116 -done away w i t h e n t i r e l y . The schools could be more wid e l y used than they are--they a l l have those expensive f a c i l i t i e s , gyms and l i b r a r i e s , - - a n d i t seems a p i t y t o have them used so l i t t l e . Compared wi t h many of the people we've spoken w i t h , you seem to have l i t t l e t o say about the young people. You d i d say e a r l i e r that the generation gap should r e c e i v e some a t t e n t i o n . . . . What kind of t h i n g s have you been t o l d ? I'd bet they were about l a z i n e s s and drugs--? I'm concerned about drugs. I t h i n k the young are concerned about drugs, they don't want to become a d d i c t s . And how many of them a c t u a l l y do? I've never smoked mari-juana myself, but so f a r as I understand i t , i t ' s no worse than a l c h o h o l , maybe not as bad. And about t h e i r not working, God knows the young want t o work. You only have t o see the v a r i o u s p r o j e c t s they get i n v o l v e d i n t o see t h a t . What's happening i s the k i d s are s t a r t i n g t o take s e r i o u s l y some ideas t h a t have been around f o r a long time--one world, no war. The young are t r y i n g t o t e l l us something. The people of the s o - c a l l e d c o u n t e r - c u l t u r e make us question the way we l i v e , and what's wrong w i t h t h a t ? Some c a r r y i t , to extremes, of c o u r s e — t h i s i s the age of d i s s e n t — b u t you can't run away from l i f e f o r e v e r i n a commune. When these youngsters come of age, - 117 -t h e y ' l l get i n t o power, t h i n g s w i l l be qu i t e d i f f e r -ent then. They're not the same as t h e i r parents. They t h i n k d i f f e r e n t l y . I'm sorry there's such a g u l f between the young and the old and I'd l i k e t o see i t c l o s e d . But the gap i s as much the f a u l t of the a d u l t s as i t i s of the k i d s . What kind of s o c i e t y i s i t that r e s e n t s the coming of age of i t s c h i l d r e n and t r i e s to deny that the f u t u r e should belong t o the young? I For a l l t h a t you have many c r i t i c i s m s t o make, you seem t o be b a s i c a l l y o p t i m i s t i c about the f u t u r e . Is t h a t c o r r e c t ? R Yes, I am. Even i f you get depressed at times, there's no point i n l o o s i n g h e a r t . I f you want t o stay a l i v e , you have t o be o p t i m i s t i c . I What t h i n g s i n p a r t i c u l a r give you "heart"? That i s , what s o r t of futu r e do you a n t i c i p a t e on the b a s i s of what you see around you? R So f a r as the f u t u r e i s concerned, who can know the fu t u r e ? There are times when I get a f r a i d t h a t the c i t y w i l l be ruined by freeways, and w i l l go the way of so many other c i t i e s - - w e seem t o be so slow to l e a r n the lessons places l i k e New York are t e l l i n g us. On the other hand, the people are waking up, - 113 -even the kind of people who l i k e Ton Campbell. They are s t a r t i n g t o r e a l i z e that they w i l l have to take the lead because the government won't. The old-age pensioners, f o r example, are s t a r t i n g to organize and the a u t h o r i t i e s are s t a r t i n g to pay a t t e n t i o n to them. The young people have done a great d e a l to teach the r e s t of us how t o go about i n f l u e n c i n g the government. I You mean demonstrations . . . ? R Yes, and other kinds of o r g a n i z i n g . You don't have to rush i n t o the s t r e e t s — s o l i d o r g a n i z a t i o n has the same e f f e c t . A l o t of people are s t a r t i n g t o take an i n t e r e s t i n what's going on. People are t h i n k i n g , a n d . t a l k i n g , and quest i o n i n g what's going on.' Before,, the government would p u l l t h i s down, put t h a t up, and i t never became an i s s u e . The government l i k e d t h i s . At e l e c t i o n time i t could p o i n t t o what i t knew people l i k e d t o say: we d i d that during our l a s t term of o f f i c e . And the bad t h i n g s , people f o r g o t the bad t h i n g s . But t h i s i s changing. People watch what's going on. There's more concern now f o r what v a r i o u s developments me_an . . . i t ' s not enough any more f o r something j u s t to be new and expansive, i t has to have some bigger meaning. People are ready to speak up to preserve some o l d b u i l d i n g s , to pr o t e c t open areas. I t ' s a - 119 -general symptom. People want to have meaning i n t h e i r l i v e s and they've r e a l i z e d that a l l the planning i n the world won't do anything f o r us unless i t i n c l u d e s f a c t o r X, that sense of personal meaning. And you t h i n k on the whole people are able to have t h i s i n f l u e n c e ? How can they f a i l t o ? We s t i l l have a democracy here. The people are the u l t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y . The e s t a b l i s h e d a u t h o r i t i e s are s t i l l powerful, I have no i l l u s i o n s about t h a t . But i t ' s very d i f f i c u l t t o h a l t change. Any system t h a t t r i e s t o p r o t e c t i t s e l f i n a s t a t i c way, or w i l l not admit the t h i n g s i t i t s e l f c r e a t e s , must give way t o a system t h a t w i l l do those t h i n g s . I imagine t h i n g s w i l l be d i s o r g a n i z e d f o r a long time to come ye t . But the changes have already taken place i n the p u b l i c mind. Now i t ' s j u s t a question of whether the o f f i c i a l s w i l l change too, or whether w e ' l l have to f i n d new ways of d e a l i n g w i t h our problems. W e l l , thank you f o r your time and o p i n i o n s . I s there anything e l s e you'd l i k e to say? No. I've about said a l l I have to say. I hope a l l t h i s gets put to use and doesn't end up on a s h e l f somewhere. CHAPTER IV SOME FURTHER OBSERVATIONS I t i s one of the l i m i t a t i o n s of the non-directed i n t e r v i e w , conducted i n an open-ended manner, that i t i s not always p o s s i b l e to t r a c e a p e r t i n e n t t o p i c throughout the t o t a l r e c o r d . The commentary i s not always w e l l -developed, fragments of reference abound, and incompleted observations are as common as concluded comments. More-over, every t o p i c r a i s e d i n the record i s ignored by at l e a s t some respondents. Nonetheless, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o b u i l d up some " p i c t u r e s " of the respondents' a t t i t u d e s toward v a r i o u s urban aspects. What f o l l o w s i s an a n a l y t i c a l summary of some of those urban dimensions which were r e v e a l l e d i n the i n t e r v i e w s but which d i d not, f o r reasons of b r e v i t y or i n c o n c l u s i o n , lend themselves t o the f i c t i o n a l - h y p o t h e t i c a l format of presenta-t i o n . Respondent and Issue In g e n e r a l , the popular understanding of the i l l s of the c i t y c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l s t h a t of the p r o f e s s i o n a l con-census. Transport, development, housing, r e c r e a t i o n , education, and the problem of environmental p o l l u t i o n a l l rank high i n our sample, and t h e i r basic p a t t e r n remains stable when the sample i s broken down i n t o v a r i o u s l y defined - 121 r sub-groups."* In a d d i t i o n , the primary mechanisms that are widely conceded t o underlay the urban problem, those of interdependent p o p u l a t i o n growth, economic concentra-t i o n , and the competition f o r l o c a t i o n a l l y favoured l a n d , are understood and i n t e g r a t e d i n the popular understanding of the contemporary s i t u a t i o n . 2 Moreover, the problems that are c u s t o m a r i l y discussed i n terms of s o c i a l s t r e s s and c o n f l i c t , and deviancy, the questions of law and order, s o c i a l , economic, and f a m i a l cohesion, are recognized by the respondents i n orthodox terms, although they do not i n d i c a t e any causal concepts i n a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h these r e c o g n i t i o n s , other than some ge n e r a l i z e d opinions on d i s c i p l i n e and l a c k of community s p i r i t . Together w i t h those b a s i c understandings of the s t r u c t u r e and genesis of urban problems, the respondents are a l s o apparently aware of many p a r t i c u l a r s of the urban models created by academic and p r o f e s s i o n a l urban-o l o g i s t s , and made qu i t e f r e e use of a number of a s s o c i a t e d a l t e r n a t i v e s i n t h e i r d i s c u s s i o n of some problems. For example, urban models based on concepts of c e n t r a l i t y , or l i n e a r i t y , and invoking c e n t r a l core, or m u l t i - c o r e v a r i a t i o n s on urban morphology, were q u i t e e x p l i c i t l y r e f e r r e d t o i n a number of i n t e r v i e w s , while the c e n t r a l core v a r i a t i o n of the model was apparently the standard b a s i s of viewpoint f o r many suburban respondents. The respondents i n general d i s p l a y e d a l i k e conceptual - 122 -competence when d i s c u s s i n g neighborhood s t r u c t u r e , f u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n or segregation, and conceptual a l t e r n a t i v e s lending themselves to d i s c u s s i o n s of concen-t r a t i o n or d i s p e r s i o n of some economic a c t i v i t i e s l o c a t e d i n the c i t y r e g i o n . ^ The conceptual competence of the respondents, then, i s of a comparatively high order, and p r o f e s s i o n a l planners have few i f any conceptual t o o l s t h a t are not wid e l y d i s s i m u l a t e d among the p o p u l a t i o n . P r a c t i c a l competence, however, i s q u i t e another matter, and while i t i s no doubt unreasonable to expect respondants interviewed without p r i o r n o t i c e t o have s t a t i s t i c a l and monetary references at the t i p of t h e i r tongues, the absence of such references was too pronounced to be excused on the b a s i s of non-notice. I t would seem that an expert r o l e remains f o r the p r o f e s s i o n a l s t o f i l l , even i f t h e i r generative f u n c t i o n , i n the conceptual sense, has been rendered redundant by the l e v e l of education found i n the popu l a t i o n as a whole. The comparatively uniform set of i s s u e s discussed by the respondants, besides p o i n t i n g up the absence of i d i o s y n c r a t i c or even novel a p p r e c i a t i o n s of the c i t y , made i t p o s s i b l e t o i d e n t i f y d e v i s i v e and u n i f y i n g i s s u e s . D i v i s i v e i s s u e s tended to be those from the " s o f t " c a t e g o r i e s , those which are not c h a r a c t e r i z e d by compara-t i v e l y defined ranges and recognized m a t e r i a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . - 123 -The c o u n t e r - c u l t u r e perhaps i s the paradigm of t h i s sub-c l a s s , which i n c l u d e s the problems of law and order, questions concerning the p u b l i c behaviour of the young, and the p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h v a r i o u s marginal groups. Some of the references to hard i s s u e s , such as housing, or education, contained s i g n i f i c a n t s o f t components, even though the primary reference may have been to cost or m a t e r i a l aspects of the i s s u e . Despite t h i s tendency t o fuse concerns w i t h d i f f e r e n t r o o t s , the hard i s s u e s tended t o be more p r e c i s e l y discussed and more l i k e l y to be discussed i n terms t h a t at l e a s t promised i f not demonstrated a common understanding of the i s s u e , i t s nature, and the a v a i l a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s f o r s o l u t i o n . Issues such as t r a n s p o r t , environmental p r o t e c -t i o n , housing and development, when compared w i t h the d i s c u s s i o n s of s o f t i s s u e s , were seen as u n i f y i n g i n the above sense, although more p r e c i s e s p e c i f i c a t i o n of the consequences th a t would flow from the discussed options would doubtless generate more c o n f l i c t than was apparent i n these i n t e r v i e w s . 5 Some ba s i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the respondents are worthy of n o t i c e . For i n s t a n c e , the o v e r a l l demeanor of the respondents was reserved and q u i e t . There were few out-b u r s t s of anger or resentment, despite the frequency w i t h which some angry and r e s e n t f u l comments were made. The ma j o r i t y of the i n t e r v i e w s were conducted i n the respondents' - 124 -homes and t h i s circumstance no doubt d i c t a t e d a compara-t i v e l y r e s t r a i n e d exchange; but a number of the i n t e r v i e w s were c a r r i e d out i n p u b l i c p l a c e s , w i t h observers present, and some i n b e e r - p a r l o u r s , and these more open i n t e r v i e w s were as f r e e of vehement commentary as the ones conducted i n p r i v a t e . I f we take our respondents as separating i n t o l e f t -and r i g h t - w i n g groups, the l e f t - w i n g exceptions to the r u l e of r e s t r a i n e d reference came u s u a l l y i n g e n e r a l i z e d outbursts against "the system," or against elements of the system such as the sponsorship t h a t produced t h i s survey. The r i g h t - w i n g , when i t became raucous, g e n e r a l l y was c r i t i c i z i n g the poor, the unemployed, or some marginal group i n s o c i e t y . I t was apparent that d e s p i t e a wide-spread f e a r of the trends of urban development, and an a l b e i t common sc e p t i c i s m regarding the a b i l i t i e s of the governmental and p r o f e s s i o n a l l e a d e r s to cope w i t h them, the m a j o r i t y of the respondents showed a low l e v e l of ex p e c t a t i o n regarding the system's performance, and made few demands on i t which were i n any degree extreme. They see themselves as powerless i n r e a l i t y but t h e i r sense of order and purpose i s not destroyed, so the l a b e l anpmic, would be i n a p p r o p r i a t e . ^ They b e l i e v e t h a t much of the urban problem i s t h e i r own doing and f e e l g u i l t f o r a l l o w i n g matters to d r i f t as f a r as they have. The - 125 -concommittant, of course, i s t h e i r b e l i e f t h a t they can be as i n s t r u m e n t a l i n s o l v i n g as they were i n causing the problems the c i t y f a c e s . In g e n e r a l , the s o c i a l f a b r i q u e evidenced here remains whole, and while there i s apparently a strong sense of being ignored by the establishment, there i s no i n d i c a t i o n t h a t a sense of a l i e n a t i o n i s w i d e l y d i f f u s e d among the respondents. Indeed, there i s a q u i e t confidence i n the fundamental c a p a c i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n to u l t i m a t e l y contend w i t h the urban s i t u a t i o n , and even the p e s s i m i s t s f e e l t h a t the p o p u l a t i o n at l a r g e i s at l e a s t equal t o and perhaps i n advance of the p r o f e s s i o n a l u r b a n o l o g i s t s i n understanding what i s and what must be done i n the c i t y . However, p a r a d o x i c a l l y , although there i s l a c k of confidence i n the present s t r u c t u r e and a b e l i e f t h a t the people at l a r g e should intervene more d i r e c t l y i n p u b l i c a f f a i r s , there i s no strong i n d i c a t i o n t h a t these respond-ents are about to embark upon programs of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n planning and government. This was but one of many c o n t r a -7 d i c t i o n s observed i n these i n t e r v i e w s . In g e n e r a l , the respondents f e l t t hat the systematic components of s o c i e t y , the p o l i t i c a l and economic r e l a t i o n -s h i p s , are so r i g i d , and so deeply rooted i n s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t s , t h a t the l i k l l h o o d of improvement, l e t alone r e v o l u t i o n a r y change, from the top i s v i r t u a l l y non-existent. .1 On the other'hand, the people as a whole, at l e a s t those who - 126 -are not d i r e c t l y i n v o lved i n and b e n e f i t i n g from the e x i s t i n g order, i t was f e l t , are capable of the s p i r i t u a l e f f o r t necessary t o r e - d i r e c t our common way of l i f e . The more hopeful of the p e s s i m i s t s , were i n c l i n e d to view the f u t u r e i n terms th a t might be summarized as f o l l o w s : There are many problems f a c i n g us and most of them w i l l get worse before they get b e t t e r . S t i l l , the f a c t they can get worse means they're not i n t o l e r a b l e y e t , and th a t means we've got some breathing space to work i n . I f we wake up now, we have the time t o take c o r r e c t i v e steps and i f we're ready t o l e a r n , then other c i t i e s whose problems are much worse than ours, can teach us enough f o r us t o avoid the worst. Our p o l i t i c i a n s are t i m i d and won't do anything, or at l e a s t not enough, unless we f o r c e them. They won't act without us, so i t ' s up t o us to get them to s t a r t t a k i n g steps. And we are, i n f a c t , s t a r t i n g to wake up. We are beginning t o make ourselves known to the p o l i t i c a l system and the p o l i t i c i a n s have become aware of us. We have the young on our s i d e , so the f u t u r e i s ours. The more p e s s i m i s t i c , on the other hand, t h i n k more along the f o l l o w i n g l i n e s : The c i t y i s out of hand. Developers are i n the saddle and we can't reach them. We might be able to win the occ a s i o n a l b a t t l e but we can never win the war. Our fut u r e i s already known: Los Angeles and New York C i t y have shown us our f u t u r e . A l l of our present problems, p o l l u t i o n , congestion, a l i e n a t i o n , and the d e s t r u c t i o n of the a e s t h e t i c and n a t u r a l environments, f o r a l l t h a t they're not yet c r i t i c a l i n p h y s i c a l terms, are a l r e a d y beyond c r i s i s i n the p s y c h o l o g i c a l sense. We have been taught to accept them. And long before we can re-educate ourselves they w i l l have reached the poi n t of p h y s i c a l c o l l a p s e . There i s no f u t u r e p o s s i b l e but the one we already have among us and i n s i d e us. The more t r a d i t i o n a l - a u t h o r i t a r i a n tended to view the s i t u a t i o n more p h l e g r n a t i c a l l y . Fie i s aware of many of the su b j e c t s of c r i t i c i s m but doubts they are at or - 127 -even near a c r i s i s l e v e l . He tended to reserve h i s c r i t i c i s m s f o r the c r i t i c s , and g e n e r a l l y expressed s a t i s -f a c t i o n w i t h the e x i s t i n g state of a f f a i r s . ^ Of the respondents, the t r a d i t i o n a l - a u t h o r i t a r i a n d i s p l a y e d the lowest l e v e l of ex p e c t a t i o n s . A conspiracy model of urban p o l i t i c s was w i d e l y subscribed t o , and even respondents who'judged the p o l i t i c a l establishment weak and incompetent r a t h e r than c r i m i n a l l y s e l f - s e e k i n g , were i n c l i n e d to do so i n an o v e r - a l l context of conspiracy a g a i n s t the p u b l i c . Even the a u t h o r i t a r i a n ' s view of the p o l i t i c a l system had a l l the elements of a conspiracy against the p u b l i c . The d i f f e r e n c e was t h a t the a u t h o r i t a r i a n refused t o come to a c r i t i c a l c o n c l u s i o n regarding i t . He cannot imagine how t h i n g s could be d i f f e r -ent without being- worse and he i s a f r a i d of the a l t e r n a t i v e s presented by the n o n - a u t h o r i t a r i a n i n d i v i d u a l s and groups. Fears and Futures . One of the prime i n t e n t i o n s when the study was designed was to emphasize i n our i n t e r v i e w s the fu t u r e expectations of our respondents. Due to. changes i n the scheduling and the d i r e c t i o n s of the major study, t h i s p i l o t was c o n s i d e r a b l y modified i n the f i e l d . Consequent-l y we were unable to r e t a i n the f u t u r i s t i c emphasis and the i n t e r v i e w s were conducted more as e n q u i r i e s i n t o perceptions of urban issues than as probes i n t o what the respondents expected these problems t o make of the f u t u r e . - 128 -Despite t h i s r e - o r i e n t a t i o n , some f u t u r i s t i c dimension remained, i n tha t the respondents f r e q u e n t l y r e f e r r e d to ex p e c t a t i o n s , e i t h e r d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , i n t h e i r comments on the trends of development they a n t i c i p a t e d i n the issues they d i s c u s s e d . On the whole, the respondents were apprehensive of the f u t u r e . They were as a group f e a r f u l of the trends of development, even when they considered the present l e v e l s of problems to be low compared w i t h those of other major c i t i e s . Freeways and untrammelled developments were the most f r e q u e n t l y c i t e d concerns, and the respond-ents who concentrated t h e i r observations on these aspects were the most p e s s i m i s t i c of the sample. Frequently, the respondents speaking on these t o p i c s a l s o viewed the p o l i t i c a l t r ends w i t h apprehension and were i n c l i n e d t o b e l i e v e that the p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e would, w i t h i t s commitment t o growth, a l i e n a t e s u b s t a n t i a l segments of the po p u l a t i o n . A second area of apprehension was the s o c i a l e n v i r o n -ment. Many respondents were a f r a i d t h a t a l i e n a t i o n i n i t s v a r i o u s forms would increase t o the point where the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic systems would cease t o be v i a b l e . The fragmentation of the f a m i l y , f o r example, was wid e l y considered as having already reached c r i s i s p r o p o r t i o n s , and much of the commentary on the young, even when i t was not r e l a t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y to the f a m i l y , was c l e a r l y - 129 -o r i g i n a t e d i n t h i s concern. Furthermore, the l a c k of community s p i r i t was ofte n r e f e r r e d to i n terms that r e l a t e d i t t o the p o l i t i c a l f a i l u r e s that were seen as the most evident source of many urban problems. Some respondents l i n k e d the c o n d i t i o n s of a l i e n a -t i o n i n s o c i e t y at l a r g e w i t h the a l i e n a t i o n of the young from the t r a d i t i o n a l systems of l i f e , seeing these as interdependent m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of a s i n g l e problem. These respondents were conscious of s e l f - g u i l t and extended th a t g u i l t to the adul t p o p u l a t i o n as a whole. In these i n t e r -views, the prevalence of self-blame was so strong that the e s t a b l i s h e d organs and agencies of government were 9 v i r t u a l l y c l e a r e d of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n such a context are obvious, and most of them were taken. Indeed, c o n t r a d i c t i o n c h a r a c t e r i z e d a great deal of the commentary. Some C o n t r a d i c t i o n s There were a l l the obvious c o n t r a d i c t i o n s . People want t h e i r taxes reduced and want s e r v i c e s improved; they want increased personal consumption but not increased commercial and i n d u s t r i a l development, p a r t i c u l a r l y not i n t h e i r l o c a l areas; they favour some kinds of growth but would not permit the road c o n s t r u c t i o n s , or accept the increased p o p u l a t i o n these would i n v o l v e . They want to c o n t r o l a i r and water p o l l u t i o n but pr e f e r not to pay - 130 -f o r i t and w i l l not change t h e i r own p r a c t i c e s i n ways that would reduce the i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r i b u t i o n to those problems. They want the young and the schools to be modern and s o p h i s t i c a t e d but they do not want the young to be d i f f e r e n t from what they were when they were young. They w i l l contemplate change but not d i f f e r e n c e . In a l l these evasions the people at la r g e are one w i t h the r e s p o n s i b l e agencies. In p a r t i c u l a r , i n t h e i r u n w i l l i n g n e s s t o accept change i n the sense of d i f f e r e n c e , they are u n i t e d . There i s a p e r s i s t a n t l a g or gap between the r e c o g n i t i o n that t h i n g s are changing and the acceptance of the f a c t t h a t these changes w i l l make t h i n g s different."* The i n e r t i a that hangs over t h i s p a r t i c u l a r v e r s i o n of c o n t r a d i c t i o n i s perhaps the key to a l l urban i s s u e s . For so long as our concepts of c o r r e c t i o n are modelled on a b e l i e f t h a t our present s t r u c t u r e s have a p o t e n t i a l p e r f e c t i o n , we w i l l be unable to conceive a l t e r n a t i v e s and the door i s l e f t open f o r those arguments that would r e t u r n us t o some golden age of urban l i f e . The swing between con s e r v a t i v e and r e f o r m i s t phases of municipal p o l i t i c s r e f l e c t s that i n e r t i a . For those who i n c l i n e toward the views expressed by our a u t h o r i t a t i v e respondent, t h i s i n e r t i a i s a p o s i t i v e f a c t o r ; and the p e r i o d i c swing between con s e r v a t i v e and comparatively l i b e r a l p h i l o s o p h i e s i n c i v i c government i s a c o n t r o l l a b l e process through which changes can be made, then r e s t r a i n e d , i n a manner that does - 131 -not v i o l e n t l y or r a d i c a l l y a l t e r the day to day r e a l i t i e s of i n d i v i d u a l l i f e . In the more r a d i c a l view, t h i s process, by the very f a c t of i t s h i s t o r i c a l p e r s i s t a n c e , stands condemned as part of the system that brought about the present state of c r i s i s or approaching c r i s i s . C o n t r a d i c t i o n s of these s o r t s are the l i n k s which hold the p u b l i c and the e s t a b l i s h e d systems of government together. Although the p u b l i c sees i t s e l f i n many re s p e c t s as i n advance of the establishment, i t shares w i t h i t the a b i l i t y to f u n c t i o n w i t h i n such c o n t r a d i c t i o n s as these and consequently s u f f e r s w i t h i t the impasse t h a t r e s u l t s when a problem presents i t s e l f i n terms t h a t n e c e s s i t a t e some r e s o l u t i o n of h i t h e r t o l i v e d - w i t h c o n t r a d i c t i o n . Such a s i t u a t i o n p r e s e n t l y e x i s t s i n the e d u c a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of s o c i e t y . Some P a r t i a l P i c t u r e s ' There were only a few references to employment, other than i n r e f e r e n c e s t o unemployment. No one complained about h i s or her job , although some d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n s were expressed by one or two p r o f e s s i o n a l s - - a teacher and a town planner, f o r example, complained of f r u s t r a t i o n i n t h e i r work. In f a c t , there was s u r p r i s i n g l y l i t t l e reference t o personal s a t i s f a c t i o n and degrees of happiness. Very few respondents spoke of any s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s i n which they were engaged and the few references along these l i n e s that were made concerned parent-teacher - 132 -a s s o c i a t i o n s and a few l o c a l community v o l u n t a r y groups. Moreover, only a minute m i n o r i t y of respondents gave any i n d i c a t i o n t h a t they a n t i c i p a t e d more involvement on t h e i r own p a r t , d e s p i t e the frequent references to the need f o r more involvement and the g e n e r a l l y expressed e x p e c t a t i o n that there would indeed be more. L o c a l neighbourhood-neighbour type i s s u e s were few i n number, being l i m i t e d t o a handful of references t o pets wandering at l a r g e , and the annoyance caused by young people on m i n i - b i k e s . However, l o c a l place was a strong reference point f o r most respondents, and l o c a l examples of v a r i o u s i s s u e s were commonly c i t e d i n the discussion.-*^ Despite the many p r e d i c t i o n s that p o l l u t i o n was, even i f only t e m p o r a r i l y , out of c o n t r o l , and could not be checked, and the common agreement that these trends would lead to a d e c l i n e i n l i v i n g standards, many of our respond-ents expected increased l e i s u r e t o c h a r a c t e r i z e f u t u r e s o c i e t y . No one o f f e r e d a p r e d i c t i o n of which l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s would f i l l t h at time. Except i n the context of the whole s o c i a l e n v i r o n -mental m i l i e u , there was l i t t l e reference to the personal q u a l i t y of l i f e , although those who d i d r e f e r to t h i s dimension tended to make i t the c e n t r a l theme of t h e i r responses. We l e a r n from the tapes what of the c i t y has made some of* our respondents discontented or, i n some cases, - 133 -demoralized; but the evidence of these c o n d i t i o n s was expressed o b l i q u e l y , i n re f e r e n c e s to non-personal elements or a c t i v i t i e s i n s o c i e t y , or i n references to personal elements approached impersonally by the respond-ent. Consider what i s being r e v e a l l e d by the mother speaking of drugs and expressing the f e a r t h a t the c h i l d r e n w i l l be broken by drugs, who says: I can under-stand why i t ' s not p o s s i b l e to stop the s t o r e s s e l l i n g glue but s u r e l y they can stop them from supplying the p l a s t i c bags. This sort of r e f u s a l t o make demands, t h i s acceptance of powerlessness was widespread, even among the more r a d i c a l respondents. The people are a f r a i d t o ask f o r much. Be reasonable, i s the p r e v a i l i n g slogan, ask f o r the p o s s i b l e . The most e x p l i c i t r e f e r e n c e s to the personal q u a l i t y of l i f e came i n the form of observations on l o n e l i n e s s , e s p e c i a l l y the l o n e l i n e s s of the o l d , on the i s o l a t i o n of s i n g l e parent f a m i l i e s , and on the e f f e c t s of d i s l o c a t i o n on newcomers t o the c i t y . The apparent a l i e n a t i o n evidenced by the behaviour of people i n the s t r e e t s and other p u b l i c places was a l s o f r e q u e n t l y commented upon. Few respondents, even the most c r i t i c a l and c y n i c a l , f a i l e d to o f f e r some suggestion toward the s o l u t i o n of the issue under d i s c u s s i o n . ^ 2 i t was i n the commentary on s o l u t i o n s t h a t the comparative l a c k of competence was most apparent. While c r i t i c i s m s were often w e l l informed, - 134 -p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the matters of education, the environment, and, to a l e s s e r degree, development, s o l u t i o n s f r e q u e n t l y were incompatible w i t h the issue they were advanced to c o r r e c t . O f t e n , the " s o l u t i o n " went no f u r t h e r than e l e c t i n g the agency that should be held r e s p o n s i b l e f o r pr o v i d i n g a s o l u t i o n and no s p e c i f i c i n d i c a t i o n s were given of the p o l i c i e s the agency should f o l l o w or the a c t i o n s i t should take. In p a r t i c u l a r , the matter of c o s t s , as as s o c i a t e d w i t h any of the i s s u e s , r e c e i v e d l i t t l e s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e . I t i s too much, no doubt, to expect that people interviewed without p r i o r b r i e f i n g should produce f i n a n c i a l s t a t i s t i c s i n support of t h e i r opinions, but one might have expected some orders of magnitude t o be apparent when matters of p u b l i c finance were being d i s c u s s e d . In t h i s r e c o r d , however, only a small m i n o r i t y of our respondents appeared to be informed ( c o r r e c t l y or otherwise) regarding the c o s t s i n v o l v e d i n v a r i o u s i s s u e s and t h e i r s o l u t i o n s and the maj o r i t y of those who made any reference at a l l t o co s t s tended to simply acknowledge, g e n e r a l l y i n a p e s s i m i s t i c c o n c l u s i o n , that i t a l l comes down to the d o l l a r s and cents. Things Not Said There are very few i s s u e s present i n the urban m i l i e u that d i d not f i n d at l e a s t one commentator i n these i n t e r -views. However, i n a d d i t i o n to the common body of i s s u e s discussed, the respondents a l s o shared a re l u c t a n c e to - 135 -dis c u s s c e r t a i n aspects of urban l i f e . Although there were references to changing l i f e -s t y l e s , personal freedom, and the d i g n i t y of the i n d i v i d -u a l , there were no comments on the Women's L i b e r a t i o n Movement, as such, nor on sexual freedom, nor on changes i n the marriage s t a t e . Oblique r e f e r e n c e s were present on these matters. Some respondents complained of working wives, and i n a few cases blamed them f o r the a l l e g e d d e c l i n e i n the m o r a l i t y of the young, as w e l l as f o r the high r a t e of unemployment and the consequent d r a i n on the Unemployment Insurance Fund. A l l of these i n d i r e c t and d i r e c t r e f e r e n c e s were c r i t i c a l of the growing freedom of women and most of the respondents who made observations along these l i n e s were a l s o c r i t i c a l of the c o n d i t i o n s and a t t i t u d e s of the young (as defined by those respondents) although they were not always c r i t i c a l of the young, as such. That i s to say, they complained of what they saw as u n d i s c i p l i n e d behaviour on the part of the young, of the l a c k of work e t h i c , of the sexual p r o m i s c u i t y and p r e c o s i t y , and drug freedoms e x e r c i s e d by the young but t h e i r complaints were g e n e r a l l y made w i t h i n a context t h a t blamed the government, the parents, and the adu l t generations as a whole r a t h e r than the young them-se l v e s . Secondly, although there were a number of references to changes we might expect i n the fu t u r e i n our s o c i o -- 136 -p o l i t i c a l and personal l i v e s , these were expressed i n general terms concerning, most commonly, the increased l e i s u r e we might expect and, on the other hand, the de c l i n e i n l i v i n g standards that p o l l u t i o n and po p u l a t i o n increase w i l l i n e v i t a b l y f o r c e upon us. No one r e l a t e d the "sexual r e v o l u t i o n " t o these developments, nor d i d anyone hazard a comment as to what these e v o l u t i o n s were l i k e l y t o b r i n g about i n the f a m i l y or i n c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s . Nor d i d any of those who foresaw a d e c l i n e i n l i v i n g standards provide any idea of what they thought the s o c i a l consequences of t h i s might be or i n d i c a t e which p a r t s of our l i v e s would be e f f e c t e d f i r s t and most. T h i r d , there were one or two references to commune l i v i n g but these were made i n immediate, p r a c t i c a l terms, not i n ways t h a t r e l a t e d t h a t experiment i n l i v i n g t o the problems of the c i t y or t o the pressures p r e s e n t l y shaping the f u t u r e . Comments on communes were g e n e r a l l y unfavour-able even when made by young people who had experienced commune l i v i n g . The young, as might be expected, were l e s c r i t i c a l than the older respondents but even so seemed t o view the commune experience as a b r i e f , i n t e r e s t i n g experiment which had f a i l e d t o open f o r them a new perman-ent l i f e - s t y l e . Fourth, although the question of personal p r i v a c y i s .1 i very much a l i v e issue i n today's s o c i e t y , w i t h concern - 137 -expressed regarding the consumers' c r e d i t data banks and government sponsored suggestions t h a t some i f not a l l members of s o c i e t y should be monitored throughout t h e i r l i v e s , there were only a s c a t t e r i n g of i n d i r e c t references t o t h i s i s s u e . These g e n e r a l l y were1 made during observations on the i n t e r v i e w i t s e l f , and were not g e n e r a l i z e d i n t o a s o c i a l o b s e r v a t i o n . Most commonly the questions i n t h i s context were not d i r e c t e d at the l e g i t i m a c y of the survey i t s e l f but at p a r t i c u l a r s w i t h i n i t . Why would you want t o know t h a t ? was the t y p i c a l form of the q u e s t i o n , r a t h e r than: why are you doing t h i s at a l l ? , although one respondent q u i t e v i g o u r o u s l y d i d i n f a c t ask tha t q u e s t i o n . Of course, the v o l u n t e e r , s e l f - s e l e c t e d respondent i s not l i k e l y t o be the c i t i z e n most concerned t o pr o t e c t h i s or her p r i v a c y and q u i t e p o s s i b l y the po p u l a t i o n as a whole i s l e s s d o c i l e than t h i s record would suggest. Nonetheless, p r i v a c y was not an issue even among those who saw government involvement i n p r i v a t e a f f a i r s as an i s s u e . For these, the iss u e was not the p r i v a c y but the freedom of the i n d i v i d u a l ; and while the concepts are r e l a t e d they are not synonymous. F i f t h , except f o r one or two respondents who made the i n t e r v i e w a v e h i c l e f o r the p r e s e n t a t i o n of a r e l i g i o u s philosophy, r e l i g i o n r e c e i v e d no s u b s t a n t i a l r e f e r e n c e . S i x t h ) reference to work, as an a c t i v i t y i n i t s own - 138 -r i g h t , were very few. Employment was di s c u s s e d , while unemployment was discussed at l e n g t h . But there was l i t t l e r e ference t o j o b - s a t i s f a c t i o n or t o the s o c i a l context of work. F i n a l l y , while there were many refe r e n c e s t o the eth n i c m i n o r i t i e s i n the r e g i o n , there were only a few references t o nati v e I n d i a n s . This was s u r p r i s i n g t o us, since Indian groups have been a c t i v e on many p u b l i c l e v e l s i n Vancouver i n recent y e a r s , and the m e t r o p o l i t a n r e g i o n has s e v e r a l I n d i a n reserves enclaved w i t h i n the developed areas of s e v e r a l m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . A d d i t i o n a l l y , the Skid Road area of Vancouver has been the focus of much concern i n recent years and among many other groups found t h e r e , the Indians have f r e q u e n t l y been i d e n t i f i e d as a group e s p e c i a l l y v i c t i m i z e d by t h a t depressing d i s t r i c t . I t i s not, I t h i n k , an a f f e c t a t i o n when faced w i t h so much t h a t i s discussed t o spare some concern f o r what i s not s a i d . Things and places are oft e n permeated by what i s not present, and what i s not present i s oft e n as r e v e a l l i n g as what i s . ^ I t would not do, of course, t o exaggerate the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i n g s the people d i d not t a l k about. But i t would be unwise not t o spend some thought on the nature of the "missing" i s s u e s . With the exception of the f i n a l t o p i c , a l l of the t h i n g s unsaid are t o do w i t h what one might have thought were the most immediate, personal aspects of changing l i f e : sex, - 139 -marriage, happiness and job s a t i s f a c t i o n , and the r i g h t t o a measure of p r i v a c y . Unless our respondents were d r a f t e d by our f i e l d techniques i n t o adopting an impersonal r o l e , i t would seem that no matter how ready and w i l l i n g c i t i z e n s are to d i s c u s s t h e i r views of urban problems, they r e t a i n a pr i v a c y over the more personal aspects of t h e i r l i v e s , and avoid d i s c u s s i o n that would b r i n g these aspects t o the f o r e . This i s the only acceptable c o n c l u s i o n , since the a l t e r n a t i v e , that these b a s i c b u i l d i n g b l o c k s of personal l i f e are not b a s i c a t , r a i s e s a more profound question than can be approached i n t h i s essay. I t might be suggested here that i t was t h i s p r e s e r v a t i o n of personal p r i v a c y that held the ref e r e n c e s t o the s o f t i s s u e s at such a comparatively low l e v e l , when compared w i t h the hard issue concern. And i t might a l s o account f o r the extent t o which s o f t issue references were "smuggled" i n t o references o s t e n s i b l y concerned w i t h hard i s s u e s . As I have already noted, i n s o c i a l a f f a i r s , on the p r a c t i c a l l e v e l of d a i l y l i f e , we are u n l i k e l y t o f i n d any aspects of r e a l i t y that have escaped the n o t i c e of the p u b l i c at l a r g e . Indeed, e n q u i r i e s on the l e v e l of d a i l y l i f e are concerned p r e c i s e l y w i t h what i t i s everybody knows and i t i s the p u b l i c r e a c t i o n to something i n i t s r e a l i t y that makes the t h i n g manifest. - 140 -Consequently, i t should not be s u r p r i s i n g that the i n t e r v i e w s d i d not r e v e a l any concerns t h a t are not already f i x e d i n some p u b l i c l y acknowledged framework. I t i s p o s s i b l e , of course, t h a t had the study been con-t i n u e d i n i t s o r i g i n a l design, which was more personal and f u t u r i s t i c i n i t s t h r u s t , the personal aspects missing from t h i s r e c o r d would have been captured. Given the p u b l i c - i s s u e o r i e n t a t i o n of the study, and the ways i n which the i n t e r v i e w i n g procedures encouraged respondents t o cast themselves i n the r o l e of "concerned c i t i z e n , " i t was perhaps i n e v i t a b l e that we were returned the " p u b l i c " o p i n i o n l i t t l e i n f l u e n c e d or m o d i f i e d , so f a r as we can d i s c e r n , by personal conceptions. The l a c k of personal r e f e r e n c e , commented on elsewhere i n t h i s essay, probably was a f u n c t i o n of t h i s same chain of events. N e v e r t h e l e s s , the comparative absence of anything remotely novel or i n t e n s e l y personal was s t r i k i n g and provides evidence of a fundamental concensus regarding what should concern us as a s o c i e t y , and of a general agreement as to the areas w i t h i n which s o l u t i o n s might reasonably be expected to be found. To t h i s e xtent, the dichotomies and d i f f e r e n c e s w i t h i n t h i s record are f u n c t i o n a l l y and c o n c e p t u a l l y i n t e g r a t e d and do not support any hypothesis that s o c i a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n i s i n any degree c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the r e g i o n a l s o c i e t y . 14 CHAPTER V CONCLUSIONS This essay has attempted to cover s e v e r a l aspects of urban r e s e a r c h . In doing so, i t has not been a t h e s i s as much as an e x p l o r a t i o n of some research dimensions i n urban study, as r e l a t e d to the p o t e n t i a l c i t i z e n c o n t r i b u -t i o n t o urban decision-making. I n e v i t a b l y i t has l e d t o address i t s e l f to a number of questions a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the question of the c i t i z e n - p l a n n e r - p o l i t i c i a n r e l a t i o n -s h i p , as w e l l as to the substantive m a t e r i a l s c o n t r i b u t e d by the c i t i z e n s i n t e r v i e w e d . This chapter, at the r i s k of i n d u l g i n g i n some r e p e t i t i o n , w i l l attempt t o place the severa l dimensions i n r e l a t i o n t o each other. I t i s organized t o cover f i v e aspects of the non-d i r e c t e d i n t e r v i e w program. F i r s t l y , a f i n a l o bservation on the respondents, w i t h reference to t h e i r general competence and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; secondly, an e v a l u a t i o n of the non-directed i n t e r v i e w as a research t o o l i n urban s t u d i e s ; t h i r d l y , a general statement on what these i n t e r -views suggest to us so f a r as c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the urban process i s concerned; f o u r t h l y , what are the ways i n which the non-directed i n t e r v i e w might best be used i n f u t u r e s t u d i e s ; and f i n a l l y , which area of enquiry p r e s e n t l y o f f e r s i t s e l f f o r f r u i t f u l study through the non-directed i n t e r v i e w . - 142 -The Respondent The respondents who c o n t r i b u t e d to t h i s study show themselves t o be a sober, r e s t r a i n e d group of c i t i z e n s . They provide us w i t h no i d i o s y n c r a t i c commentary, they are r e l a t i v e l y c onservative i n the p o l i c i e s they appear to favour, and they have a low l e v e l of ex p e c t a t i o n so f a r as t h e i r demands on the urban system are concerned. O v e r a l l , these respondents are not so f a r from the general p i c t u r e of the urban scene as understood by p r o f e s s i o n a l u r b a n o l o g i s t s ; they share the p r o f e s s i o n a l estimate of the range of urban i s s u e s that should concern us; and they have a reasoned concept of the s o l u t i o n s t h a t appear as v i a b l e , given the present s i t u a t i o n . Only i n the cases of the " s o f t e r " s o c i a l i s s u e s do the respondents move from agreement w i t h the p r o f e s s i o n a l concensus. At a time when the p r o f e s s i o n a l i s prepared t o give more weight t o the non-material components of the urban problem, these respondents appear to be more concerned w i t h bread and b u t t e r i s s u e s , such as employment, housing and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . 1 * However, t h i s d i f f e r e n c e might be more apparent than r e a l , since the respondents 1 commentary f r e q u e n t l y merged " s o f t " concerns w i t h "hard" m a t e r i a l s , which suggests t h a t the respondents are f u r t h e r along the road towards i n t e g r a t -ing t h e i r conceptions of urban elements than are p r o f e s s i o n a l who pr e f e r to work w i t h more e a s i l y manipulated c a t e g o r i e s . ^ - 143 -The Non-Directed Interview The question of probing p u b l i c o p i n i o n has not been d i r e c t l y addressed i n t h i s essay, although the relevance of these data t o th a t q u estion i s obvious. I n f e r e n t i a l l y , i t could be s a i d that the non-directed i n t e r v i e w i s a good approximation of the kind of c i t i z e n input one gathers at greater cost and w i t h no more r e l i a b i l i t y from forums and open committee meetings. As such, i t i s s u p e r i o r t o the survey q u e s t i o n n a i r e , which by i t s nature i s l i m i t e d to a narrower range of question, and p o s s i b l y superior to the more formal forum-type meeting, which i n v a r i a b l y contam-i n a t e s the i n d i v i d u a l input through the environment of the open, m u l t i - p a r t i c i p a n t s i t u a t i o n . 4 On the other hand, c i t i z e n involvement r e q u i r e s an  environment of i n t e r a c t i o n , and the i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r i b u t i o n i n such a s i t u a t i o n might be q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from th a t o f f e r e d i n more p r i v a t e circumstances, and p o s s i b l y c l o s e r t o the a c t u a l , r e a l behaviour of the p a r t i c i p a n t than would be suggested by the p r i v a t e commentary. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y so i n cases where p o l i c y commitments r a t h e r than general expressions of o p i n i o n are the o b j e c t -ive of the survey.^ Nothing d e f i n i t i v e can be s a i d regarding these a l t e r n a t i v e s at t h i s time; what i s needed i s comparative study of r e s u l t s obtained from v a r i o u s programs of p r i v a t e - 144 -and p u b l i c enquiry i n t o the p u b l i c urban s i t u a t i o n . However, based on a comparison of the r e s u l t s obtained from three q u i t e d i f f e r e n t s t u d i e s , i t could be concluded t h a t , on the general i n f o r m a t i o n a l l e v e l , the methodologi-c a l l y cruder, t e c h n i c a l l y s impler, cheaper, b r i e f e r s t u d i e s , t e l l us as much as can be discovered through recourse t o 7 more s o p h i s t i c a t e d , c o s t l y and lengthy s t u d i e s . The non-directed i n t e r v i e w , recorded on tape, provides a v e r s a t i l e , permanent r e c o r d , a l l o w i n g successive phases of study. I t does have, however, a number of drawbacks 'and l i m i t a t i o n s , which should not be minimized. I t i s , f o r example, an expensive and time-consuming method of enquiry, i f the i n t e n t i o n i s to match i n sample reach the samples u s u a l l y sought i n survey q u e s t i o n n a i r e programs.^ I t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y produces h i g h l y p e r s o n a l i z e d data, d i f f u s e d and o f t e n vague, not e a s i l y manipulated even w i t h recourse t o one of the v a r i o u s "keys" that have been designed by p s y c h o - l i n g u i s t s , and others. We have been bemused by grammarians i n t o supposing we a l l t a l k prose a l l our l i v e s , whereas, i n f a c t , our everyday discourse i s much l e s s o r d e r l y than grammatical paradigms would suggest.^ The content a n a l y s i s of taped d i s c u s s i o n s , then, f r e q u e n t l y founders on the ambiguity of the expression found t h e r e , and while i t i s comparatively simple t o . d e f i n e dictums t h a t should guide us--as, f o r example, the dictum t h a t the c a t e g o r i e s should be defined so as to be mutually exclusive-* ^ - - i t i s l e s s simple to a c t u a l l y parse the - 145 -commentary according t o the dictums. . Quite apart from these, and other, problems, there remains the problem of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Assessment of discourse i s unavoidably i n some part a matter of s u b j e c t i v e j u d g e m e n t I n d e e d , i t i s p r e c i s e l y that judgement which of t e n provides the greater value i n a n a l y s i s of opinion.- And i t i s r a r e l y p o s s i b l e to s p e c i f y the elements of discourse t h a t have done most to form a f i n a l judgement. Of course, t h i s matter of judge-ment, or p l a u s i b i l i t y , as i t i s g e n e r a l l y r e f e r r e d t o i n methodological d i s q u i s i t i o n , i s never absent, even from the most r i g o u r o u s l y designed research v e h i c l e , and i t s presence i n the case of the non-directed i n t e r v i e w does not make i t a s p e c i a l case. Consequently, i n e v a l u a t i n g taped m a t e r i a l , which has been gathered i n a comparatively unstructured format, and where the i n t e n t i o n i s to understand the c i t i z e n -respondent's expectations r a t h e r than t o c a t e g o r i z e both i n terms of some a b s t r a c t model, the a n a l y s t must f u n c t i o n more as an emissary than as an i n t e r p r e t e r , and the message must be conveyed i n the common language of the time and p l a c e . In so a c t i n g , the a n a l y s t - r e p o r t e r takes a s i g n i f i c a n t step away from the e l i t e r o l e i m p l i c i t i n the model-building approach t o s o c i a l a f f a i r s , and begins t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n a f f a i r s which he p r e v i o u s l y only observed. At the same time, he must be ready f o r , and accept, the - 146 -u n c e r t a i n t y which unavoidably accompanies the r e l a x a t i o n of research design and the r e n u n c i a t i o n of formal theor-e t i c a l s t r u c t u r e . - ^ C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n There are numerous ways i n which c i t i z e n s can p a r t i c i p a t e i n the government of the c i t y . With some exceptions and l i m i t a t i o n s , c i t i z e n s can vote f o r candidates f o r v a r i o u s e l e c t i v e o f f i c e s , and i n doing so help form the environment that decides the character of those who are s e l e c t e d t o f i l l a p p ointive o f f i c e s . With a l i t t l e . m o r e e f f o r t , c i t i z e n s can p a r t i c i p a t e i n the s e l e c t i o n of candidates t o run f o r o f f i c e . For many people, t h i s spectrum of a c t i v i t y provides f o r a l l the p a r t i c i p a t i o n necessary. The e l e c t o r s e l e c t , the e l e c t e d govern. P e r i o d i c a l l y the record of government i s ev a l u a t -ed and the e l e c t o r a t e has the opportunity to i n d i c a t e i t s pleasure of d i s p l e a s u r e by d e f e a t i n g or r e t u r n i n g the incumbants. Between e l e c t i o n s , on p a r t i c u l a r i s s u e s , the governing body might submit t o c o n t r o l through p l e b i s c i t e s or referenda but b a s i c a l l y the government i s beyond reach of the e l e c t o r a t e between e l e c t i o n s . There i s , of course, nothing on the m u n i c i p a l - c i t y l e v e l corresponding to the o f f i c i a l o p p o s i t i o n found i n the senior l e g i s l a t i v e bodies, and consequently no p o s s i b i l i t y of a defeat i n chamber le a d i n g to e l e c t i o n s . - 147 -In broad o u t l i n e , the above d e s c r i p t i o n d e f i n e s the p o l i t i c a l process i n urban areas. However, t h i s r a t h e r l i m i t e d involvement i s not what s a t i s f i e s those who argue f o r p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy. This school of thought has two l i n e s of approach t o the question of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a -t i o n i n government. The f i r s t would a l l o w the t r a d i t i o n a l forms of e l e c t i o n and government to continue, but augment them by having c i t i z e n s ' o pinions and d e s i r e s a c t i v e l y sought out and brought i n t o the decision-making process, e i t h e r on a continuous b a s i s , or through a r e g u l a r s e r i e s of c o n s u l t a t i o n s . Forums and panels of c i t i z e n s at l a r g e , as w e l l as d e l e g a t i o n s from v a r i o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s , would be the f u n n e l s through which the p u b l i c w i l l would be 14 t r a n s m i t t e d t o the government and i t s agencies. The second group would go beyond t h i s e s s e n t i a l l y cushioning s t r u c t u r e . For i t s members, p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy should have i t s emphasis on p a r t i c i p a t o r y and the c i t i z e n , i n t h i s view, would have an on-going c o n t r o l over the processes of g o v e r n m e n t T h e c i t i z e n review boards organized i n a number of American c i t i e s are the paradigm cases of t h i s approach, and t h e i r advocates would have that system, which began as a c o n t r o l over p o l i c e a c t i v i t y , extended to cover other agencies of government. E v e n t u a l l y , these para-governmental bodies would supplement a l l , and s u r p l a n t e n t i r e l y some, e x i s t i n g departments of - 148 -government, and the p u b l i c would thus a c t i v e l y d i r e c t many of the f u n c t i o n s of c i t y government."^ I t can be seen that d e s p i t e t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s of emphasis, and the d i f f e r e n c e s that can be discerned i n t h e i r i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the s t r u c t u r e of the body p o l i t i c , both views are concerned to maintain some measure of p u b l i c involvement i n the p o l i t i c a l system between e l e c t i o n s , and both assume tha t a p u b l i c d e s i r e f o r more 1 7 involvement i s present i n the p o p u l a t i o n . There are, of course, more r a d i c a l p o s i t i o n s . For example, f o r some the idea t h a t the p u b l i c w i l l can be conveyed i n some way i n s u f f i c i e n t d e t a i l to those who would make i t a f o r c e f u l part of the system i s simply a pipe-dream. What i s wrong, i n t h i s view, i s p r e c i s e l y the system i t s e l f , e i t h e r i n the la r g e sense of the e n t i r e "western way of l i f e " or i n the more l i m i t e d sense of the l o c a l government, w i t h i t s v a r i o u s s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s , and i t s long e s t a b l i s h e d c o r r i d o r s of power and l i n e s of i n f l u e n c e , serving the s t a t u s quo. For these c r i t i c s , no system devised t o b e t t e r d i s c e r n p u b l i c o p i n i o n can be of any conceivable v a l u e , no matter how e f f i c i e n t l y i t performs, since i t simply pours the new data i n t o o l d b o t t l e s and comes up w i t h the same old v i n t a g e . In the jargon of the times, the municipal s t r u c t u r e , i n i t s t o t a l i t y , i s part of the problem and cannot be expected to produce a solution.-*^ - 149 -Whichever v a r i a t i o n of these a l t e r n a t i v e views i s favoured, there are s e v e r a l p r a c t i c a l questions a l l must answer. For example, to what extent can c i t i z e n i n t e r v e n t i o n be allowed during the period of implementa-t i o n f o l l o w i n g e a r l i e r d e c i s i o n s ? This i s t o say, who can govern i f each item of p o l i c y and program i s not only s c r u t i n i z e d but r e s c r u t i n i z e d ? In s h o r t , at what point i s a d e c i s i o n t o be declared immune to f u r t h e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n ? - ^ Secondly, since there are always more opinions t h a t matters t o have opinions about, what or who i s t o decide which s h a l l p r e v a i l ? ^ T h i r d l y , as c i t y problems become more p r e s s i n g , and as the scope and scale of urban planning widens i n space and time i n order to c o n t a i n them, how are the c o n s t i t u e n c i e s to be assembl ed, r e f l e c t i n g the s p a t i a l and temporal parameters of d e c i s i o n ? " ^ Can there be planning at a l l , i n the l i n e a r temporal sense, i f we are not allowed to bind the f u t u r e through present d e c i s i o n s ? Can we assume there i s a c o n t i n u i t y of i n t e n t t h a t can be r e l i e d upon to pass even a general o u t l i n e of determination on through time? I f the urban processes are t o be c o n t r o l l e d by t o t a involvement, as they are composed of t o t a l i n t e r a c t i o n , then i t i s a ta u t o l o g y t o observe that everyone has an i n t e r e s t not only i n seeing that the t o t a l i t y comes u n d e r — o r remains under--control but a l s o i n having t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s represented i n the r e s u l t i n g order. - 150 -And there are only two ways of approaching t h i s i d e a l , or t h r e e , i f we are prepared t o see the c i t y as guided and shaped by some a b s t r a c t p r i n c i p l e , be i t space, economics, or God. The two l e s s c o n t r o v e r s i a l options are those of popular, a u t h o r i t a t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n and government by an e l i t e . These are i n present p r a c t i s e matters of degree and mutually incompatible only i n t h e i r more pure forms. But t h e i r b a s i c d i f f e r e n c e i s one of p r i n c i p l e and quite c l e a r . E f f o r t s by c i t i z e n s t o become i n v o l v e d i n some d i r e c t , a u t h o r i t a t i v e way i n government, have only a narrow area i n which t o manoeuvre before they meet w i t h r e s i s t a n c e from the e s t a b l i s h e d agencies and bur e a u c r a c i e s . There are few, i f any, v o i c e s r a i s e d a g a i n s t the ab s t r a c t p r i n c i p l e of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government. D i f f e r e n c e s a r i s e , however, when the forms of the proposed p a r t i c i p a t i o n take shape. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i s f r e q u e n t l y evaluated i n terms of the a c c e p t a b i l i t y of the c o n t r i b u t i o n s o f f e r e d by those p a r t i c i p a t i n g . This a p p l i c a t i o n of f u n c t i o n a l c r i t e r i a i s g e n e r a l l y found on the side of the establishment, where members of some decision-making group are concerned t o have the e s t a b l i s h e d order as l i t t l e changed as p o s s i b l e when new elements are added to the group. In these cases, would-be p a r t i c i p a n t s are t r e a t e d as though they were a p p l i c a n t s f o r employment, and t h e i r - 151 -p o t e n t i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s are judged i n terms of the past and e x i s t i n g order of things.22 I t might be argued t h a t , e f f e c t i v e l y , the only p a r t i c i p a t i o n that can ever be i n t e g r a t e d w i t h the e s t a b l i s h e d system of goal s e l e c t i o n and d e c i s i o n making i s that which presents i t s e l f complete w i t h i n t e r l o c k a b l e edges, th a t f i t the e x i s t i n g p a t t e r n s of a c t i v i t y . This i s t o say, n o v e l , e c c e n t r i c , i n n o v a t i v e or genuinely r e v o l u t i o n a r y concepts and suggestions are discouraged not because they are novel, e c c e n t r i c , i n n o v a t i v e or r e v o l u -t i o n a r y , but because they cannot be r e l a t e d t o the ongoing framework of conceptual d i s c o u r s e . They are, f u n c t i o n a l l y speaking, senseless i n terms of the accepted order. However, these i n t e r v i e w s suggest t h a t only a minute m i n o r i t y of the p o p u l a t i o n a c t u a l l y e n t e r t a i n s views so extreme as t o face t h i s b a r r i e r , and the m a j o r i t y advocates v a r i a t i o n s on e x i s t i n g p o l i c y s t r u c t u r e s r a t h e r than c o n t r a r y a l t e r n a t i v e s t o them. Nonetheless, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n t o some degree does face the b a r r i e r of e x i s t i n g order, i f only because of the vested i n t e r e s t s which f e e l threatened, j u s t i f i a b l y or not, by the r i s e of a n o n - p r o f e s s i o n a l , n o n - p o l i t i c a l c o n s t i t u e n c y . Much of the d i s c u s s i o n regarding c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , at l e a s t t h a t engaged i n by the d e c i s i o n makers, takes the form of c o n s i d e r i n g the ways i n which the " i n p u t s " of the prospective p a r t i c i p a n t s can be accumulated - 152 -assessed, and i n t e r p r e t e d . The emphasis here u n t i l r e c e n t l y has been e x c l u s i v e l y on the techniques a v a i l a b l e f o r use, and on the nature and character of those t r a i n e d and t o be t r a i n e d t o use them.24 However, as c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n becomes more common, the concern s h i f t s from the issue and the issue i n t e r p r e t e r to the issue i d e n t i f i e r . As I have noted, the expansion of the planning-governmental concept and complex has r a i s e d many questions. The question: what i s a problem, has i t s e l f become a problem. And as we, i n our search f o r answers, move i n t o such aspects of s o c i e t y as personal and group psychology, the c l a s s s t r u c t u r e and i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e , the relevance of r e l a t i v e l o c a t i o n , and a l l the sub-areas of s o c i a l science, the nature of the p u b l i c c o n s t i t u e n c y becomes more amorphous r a t h e r than b e t t e r understood. Consequently, the sampling problem becomes more i n t r a c t a b l e as our p a r t i c u l a r s increase i n number, and the more we recognize of the p a r t s the l e s s we understand of the whole.25 This problem i s compounded i n s t u d i e s of t h i s s o r t , i n l i g h t of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y high r e f u s a l r a t e s encountered. A high p r o p o r t i o n of nay-sayers i n e v i t a b l y r a i s e s the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t a s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a b l e i s i n f a c t the re a d i n e s s t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n such surveys,26 w i t h the c o r o l l a r y s u s p i c i o n t h a t there might e x i s t a c l a s s of nay-sayers who share more than a r e l u c t a n c e to be i n t e r -- 153 -viewed. In i t s extreme form, the s u s p i c i o n i s that such a c l a s s has a q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t view of the world than the yea-sayers, w i t h a d i f f e r e n t sense of problem, and a d i f f e r e n t understanding of s o l u t i o n . The usual assumption when faced w i t h t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y i s that the nay-sayers, i f captured and i n t e r p r e t e d , would only weight the extremes of the yea-sayers. But there are no s c i e n t i f i c grounds f o r t h i s (or any other) b e l i e f , since we have here a case where d e f i n i t i o n precludes any other than i n d i r e c t c o n c l u s i o n . This and i t s a s s o c i a t e d problems w i l l continue to i n t e r e s t and e x e r c i s e students who wish t o continue i n the t r a d i t i o n of o b s e r v e r - o r i g i n a t e d model conceptions of the urban c o n s t i t u e n c y . For the more in v o l v e d student, however, the c o n s t i t u e n c y of concern w i l l be that d e f i n e d p r e c i s e l y by a readiness t o p a r t i c i p a t e , and the a p p r o p r i a t e c r i t e r i a t o be a p p l i e d w i l l be t h a t c u s t o m a r i l y a p p l i e d i n s o c i o -p o l i t i c a l circumstances. Over the short-run, students of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n should concentrate on c i t i z e n s who p a r t i c i p a t e , and those who choose t o d i r e c t t h e i r energies around t h a t c o n s t i t u e n c y should be sure t h a t t h e i r choice does not i n e f f e c t strengthen those who would l i m i t or weaken c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a concept, and a r e a l i t y . C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the d e c i s i o n making process c o n t a i n s a number of inherent problems t h a t are not always recognized i n d i s c u s s i o n s of the p u b l i c ' s place i n urban - 154 -government. I have noted the problem I have termed the c o n t i n u i t y of i n t e n t , which i s perhaps the most obvious and most i n t r a n s i g e n t of the problems that must be faced i f c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s to be s e r i o u s l y i n t e g r a t e d w i t h the decision-making agencies. There i s , however, a second problem which might i n the long run be of even more s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the o v e r a l l framework of urban e v o l u t i o n . This i s the question of the m i n o r i t i e s , and I use the term i n i t s a r i t h m e t i c r a t h e r than e t h n i c sense. One prime c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of. the t r a d i t i o n a l e l e c t o r a l system was the e f f i c a c y w i t h which i t dampened m i n o r i t i e s between e l e c t i o n s . However, given an ongoing c i t i z e n involvement i n urban a f f a i r s , i n an era of p u b l i c p a r t i c i -p a t i o n , the m i n o r i t i e s w i l l not go away. Indeed, as i t was so ofte n glimpsed i n these i n t e r v i e w s , the po p u l a t i o n i s i n f a c t composed of m i n o r i t i e s , and there i s s c a r c e l y a m a j o r i t y d i s c e r n a b l e , once the s u p e r f i c i a l l e v e l of category d e f i n i t i o n has been p e n e t r a t e d . 2 , 7 As the s k i l l s of organized m i n o r i t i e s i n c r e a s e , t h e i r p e r s i s t a n c e w i l l become a s i g n i f i c a n t new element i n the o v e r - a l l p o l i t i c a l scene, and the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of m i n o r i t y groups i s l i k e l y t o completely r e c o n s t r u c t the f a m i l i a r p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e . At present, the c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a n t i s l a r g e l y s e l f - , s e l e c t e d , and operates through some kind of v o l u n t a r y association,. Such groups are s t i l l very much a m i n o r i t y i n the p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e , although they have had some - 155 -spectacular successes i n influencing'government, and have r a i s e d p u b l i c readiness t o be thus represented to a considerable h e i g h t . Nonetheless, i t seems reasonable to conclude t h a t there must be a l i m i t t o the extent t o which such groups can penetrate the governmental processes without rendering those processes i m p o t e n t . ^ And unless and u n t i l c i t i z e n groups can p h y s i c a l l y r e p l a c e some or a l l of the e x i s t i n g agencies of government, t h e i r i n c r e a s -ing i n f l u e n c e w i l l create f r i c t i o n s which w i l l i n e v i t a b l y c a l l out o p p o s i t i o n s . I f the tendency toward popular i n t e r v e n t i o n continues, i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o see, f o r example, i n the l i g h t of the space-time problem I have noted e l s e -where, how pressures toward some kind of l i m i t a t i o n on independent popular involvement can be avoided, and I would expect the urban areas t o move i n t o a time of r e s t r i c t e d f r a n c h i s e so f a r as l o c a l government i s concerned, thus r e v e r s i n g the trend toward u n i v e r s a l sufferage that has c h a r a c t e r i z e d western democracies since the nineteenth century. Moreover, despite the pronounced character of the o v e r - a l l t rend toward more c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , c i t i z e n s themselves do not d i s p l a y an e q u a l l y strong i n d i c a t i o n t h a t they are eager to p a r t i c i p a t e . Although i n the i n t e r v i e w s there were frequent references to higher degrees of c i t i z e n involvement t h a t were expected i n the f u t u r e , few respond-ents gave any i n d i c a t i o n t h a t they could be expected t o - 156 -co n t r i b u t e t o that f u t u r e c o n d i t i o n . Moreover, the respondents who made reference t o new forms of government i n g e n e r a l , and new forms of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p a r t i c u l a r , were few i n number. And the l a c k of govern-ment "openness" toward the p u b l i c , while c r i t i c i z e d q u i t e f r e q u e n t l y , was not a major urban issue f o r the great m a j o r i t y of our r e s p o n d e n t s . ^ There might w e l l , i n f a c t , be a n a t u r a l l i m i t on the extent t o which the po p u l a t i o n as a whole i s ready to devote time and energy t o personal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government. I t seems c l e a r enough th a t not every c i t i z e n wants t o be in v o l v e d i n the day t o day business of the c i t y , and i f a l l are not t o be i n v o l v e d , then the question becomes one of de c i d i n g the composition of the e l i t e s t h a t w i l l govern and the s t r u c t u r e of the d e l e g a t i o n t h a t w i l l a l l o w them the a u t h o r i t y t o do so. So f a r as p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy i s concerned, the ul t i m a t e d e c i s i o n , i n p r a c t i c a l terms, might w e l l come down t o de c i d i n g whether we w i l l have a f u l l - t i m e or a part-time e l i t e . Despite t h i s , there i s considerable evidence t h a t the p u b l i c cannot be expected to f u n c t i o n as a r e l a t i v e l y i n e r t background against which v a r i o u s p o l i t i c a l and economic a c t i v i s t i n t e r e s t s w i l l perform an e l i t e r o l e . Whether c i t i z e n s are to have t h e i r views presented f o r them or present them themselves, t h e i r views can n e i t h e r be ignored nor constrained w i t h i n t r a d i t i o n a l bounds. - 157 -Planners, and other u r b a n o l o g i s t s , must decide for.them-selves how t h i s changed circumstance i s to be i n t e g r a t e d i n t o p r o f e s s i o n a l l i f e . Whether as mid-wife, guide, or comrade, the p r o f e s s i o n a l w i l l f i n d himself impelled to r e j o i n that l a r g e r community th a t h i s i n i t i a t i o n i n t o h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l f r a t e r n i t y a l l but severed from him. And the planner who wishes to maximize h i s i n t e r e a c t i o n w i t h the people, w i l l f i n d the non-directed i n t e r v i e w a more personal t o o l than the q u e s t i o n n a i r e . The Non-Directed Interview:, Some Bonus Advantages Although I have learned respect f o r the non-directed i n t e r v i e w as a t o o l of urban r e s e a r c h , I would not wish t o recommend i t u n i v e r s a l l y above other techniques and method-o l o g i e s . Our problems are too v a r i e d to succumb t o any narrowly described research procedure and too press i n g t o be used as weapons i n a s t e r i l e methodological squabble. There are, however, a few p o i n t s I would wish t o make i n favour of the use of the non-directed i n t e r v i e w recorded on tape. For example, a major c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h a t should recommend the use of the tape recorder i s that the taped i n t e r v i e w , besides o f f e r i n g c i t i z e n s the opportunity t o express t h e i r views i n a f a m i l i a r manner, an opportunity denied by the formal q u e s t i o n n a i r e , emphasizes f o r the student the p e r s o n a l , i n d i v i d u a l source of h i s m a t e r i a l . Such data can never be f u l l y reduced to c i p h e r . And students of the c i t y need to be reminded that the r o o t s of our s t a t i s t i c s - 158 -are i n the l i v e s of the people, and the l i v e s of the people are best understood i n the words of the people. A d d i t i o n a l l y , the non-directed taped i n t e r v i e w takes place i n a s i t u a t i o n which places both i n t e r v i e w e r and respondent on a common l e v e l . U nlike the case of the formal q u e s t i o n n a i r e , which tends to r a i s e the i n t e r v i e w e r to a , p o s i t i o n of apparent s u p e r i o r i t y , and i s i n c l i n e d to suggest t o the respondent t h a t more i s going on than i s being made c l e a r to him, the f a c e - t o - f a c e i n t e r y i e w i s permeated w i t h a sense of personal e x p l o r a t i o n , and makes i t s mark as a l e a r n i n g experience f o r both respondent and i n t e r v i e w e r . 3 2 This d i r e c t i n t e r - p a r t i c i p a t i o n between student and respondent i s a f e r t i l e r e l a t i o n s h i p , b e n e f i t t i n g both. Although we d i d not i n any formal way i n v e s t i g a t e the r e a c t i o n of respondents t o our study, there were many u n s o l i c i t e d comments ( i n c l u d i n g l e t t e r s ) which support the opinion t h a t a m a j o r i t y of the respondents found our i n t e r -view w i t h them i n t e r e s t i n g , and provocative enough f o r them to focus t h e i r own t h i n k i n g about urban a f f a i r s , Many of our i n t e r v i e w e r s a l s o reported that t h e i r t h i n k i n g had been s t i r r e d by the conversations they had had w i t h our respondents. A d d i t i o n a l l y , some of the students who worked w i t h us found the experience t o be broadening i n ways which were often d i s t u r b i n g . M i d d l e - c l a s s , school and campus orient e d people f r e q u e n t l y are s u r p r i s e d by the v a r i e t i e s i of l i f e t h a t f l o u r i s h a b l o c k or so beyond the u n i v e r s i t y g a t e s . 3 3 - 159 -I t i s d i f f i c u l t to evaluate w i t h any p r e c i s i o n the l e a r n i n g b e n e f i t s t h a t accrue i n t h i s manner, but I b e l i e v e a study of the e d u c a t i o n a l interchange experienced i n s t u d i e s of t h i s s o rt would show them to be s i g n i f i c a n t . In f a c t , t h i s b e n e f i t i s the only argument I could b r i n g t o bear agai n s t my l a t e r recommendation t h a t surveys of t h i s s o r t should be conducted w i t h a smaller r a t h e r than a l a r g e r sample.^4 Recommendations One question always present when embarking upon a program of r e s e a r c h ' i s whether to concentrate a v a i l a b l e resources i n one major e f f o r t to o b t a i n a bench-mark set of data or t o budget resources over time through a s e r i e s of comparatively small scaled s t u d i e s . Each a l t e r n a t i v e has i t s advantages and disadvantages. A l a r g e number of small e n q u i r i e s tends t o exhaust p u b l i c g o o d w i l l , even when e f f o r t s are made by succeeding studies to avoid s o c i a l and a r e a l d u p l i c a t i o n i n t h e i r samples. I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o coordinate the aggregate i n t e n t of small s t u d i e s . They lend themselves to premature study and consequently they run the danger of dropping i n s i g n i f i c a n c e down to t r i v i a l i t y . F i n a l l y , the m u l t i p l i c i t y of research design and methodology weakens t h e i r p o t e n t i a l i n the hands of l a t e r s y n t h e s i z e r s . Large scale s t u d i e s , on the other hand, are c o s t l y and time consuming. They are comparatively i n f l e x i b l e t o - 160 -d i s c o v e r i e s made during t h e i r progress. Their very scope and scale tends to give them a high p r o f i l e i n the news media, which contaminates i n many cases the pop u l a t i o n being s t u d i e d . Furthermore, any synoptic set of data becomes, u s u a l l y sooner than l a t e r , dated; and the l o s s through the a t t r i t i o n of time i s more bearable i f i t i s spread over s e v e r a l s t u d i e s r a t h e r than committed to one major survey. I t i s p o s s i b l e , a l s o , t h a t l a r g e scaled studies have an unhealthy i n f l u e n c e over f o l l o w i n g work i n t h a t , because they c o n s t i t u t e the most v i s i b l e and a c c e s s i b l e body of data from which to work, and take on a status as "the study," they are u t i l i z e d f o r t h e i r convenience and s t a t u s c o n t r i b u t i o n to f u n d a b i l i t y even where t h e i r substantive and t h e o r e t i c a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s are of a tenuous r e l e v a n c y . L a s t l y , and perhaps most i m p o r t a n t l y , l a r g e s t u d i e s , by design, are pyramidal i n s t r u c t u r e and encourage the master-journeyman r e l a t i o n s h i p s that have done so much to reduce the e f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the general popula-t i o n and j u n i o r p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n matters of concern t o them. To the extent that these s t u d i e s c o n s t i t u t e a t e a c h i n g - l e a r n i n g r e c i p r o c a l experience, q u i t e separate from the purely s c h o l a r l y e x p e c t a t i o n s , the l a r g e scale study g e n e r a l l y arches over r a t h e r than penetrates the popular understanding of what i s going on, not because the - 161 -popular c a p a c i t y to comprehend i s i n f e r i o r but because the i n d i v i d u a l contact w i t h the study i s minute, p a r t i c u l a r -i z e d , and l i m i t e d . For these reasons, and basing myself on the exper-iences of the Vancouver Urban Futures P r o j e c t and i t s sub- p r o j e c t s , I would f o r f u t u r e work recommend the small scale study over the l a r g e , and the p e r i o d i c on-going over the one s i n g l e major e f f o r t . Whether or not we w i l l soon (or ever) have the s o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s t h a t w i l l permit extensive enquiry through the minimum of co n t a c t s we cannot now know. But u n t i l we do,3~* our needs w i l l be best served by d i f f u s i n g as much as p o s s i b l e the r e s p o n s i b l e a c t i v i t y of s o c i a l enquiry. T h i s w i l l r e q u i r e us, as members of an e l i t e , t o surrender our p o s i t i o n s i n favour of a s o c i a l l y c o n t r o l l e d system of s p e c i f i c enquiry i n t o p a r t i c u l a r matters of s o c i a l concern. The only general recommendation t h a t can be made here i s that we should favour a l l proposals that enlarge the con s t i t u e n c y of a c t i v i t y and oppose a l l those which reduce i t . A Suggestion f o r Future Study One major question among many l e f t untouched i n t h i s essay i s what p r e c i s e l y i s being agreed to when i t i s agreed t h a t a given issue i s a problem. Obviously, or perhaps not so o b v i o u s l y , there can be a broad l e v e l of agreement on - 162 -the simple category l e v e l without the agreement holding f i r m as the problem agreed to i s f u r t h e r d e f i n e d , and r e l a t e d t o i t s extensive composition, and to i t s s o l u t i o n options. I t does not f o l l o w , f o r example, t h a t everyone who t a l k e d about t r a n s p o r t shared a common concept of that i s s u e ' s s t r u c t u r e . We tend to deal w i t h issue c a t e g o r i e s as though they were analogous t o the economist's point on a curve. However, i t i s dangerously misleading t o t a l k and act as though a common s c a l i n g of t r a n s p o r t i n an array of p r i o r i t i e s i s the same as a c e r t a i n volume of demand i n an economist's graph. A rose might i n v a r i a b l y be a rose but i t i s a r a r e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n problem which i s always and only a matter of t r a n s p o r t . The economist can ignore at c e r t a i n l e v e l s of a b s t r a c t i o n the composition of demand; the ur b a n o l o g i s t should never ignore the composi-t i o n s of h i s issue c a t e g o r i e s . What i s needed, then, i s study of the composition or s t r u c t u r e of i s s u e s , as defined by t h e i r t o t a l i t i e s i n the p u b l i c experience. We need to look not only at the issue and i t s consequences, and i t s proposed s o l u t i o n s and t h e i r probable outcomes, although even that would represent an advance beyond the simple naming of iss u e s that s a t i s f i e s too many of us, but a l s o at the range of i n f l u e n c e s v a r i o u s i s s u e s have among the people. We need to work towards an understanding of the conceptual and con t e x t u a l complexes of i s s u e s , which I b e l i e v e are i n f a c t the e x p e r i e n t i a l r e a l i t i e s of a l l urban c i t i z e n s . - 163 -In any such study, the non-directed' taped i n t e r v i e w w i l l prove i t s e l f t o be an e f f i c i e n t t o o l i n the hands of t h o u g h t f u l , concerned r e s e a r c h e r s , and w i l l demonstrate i t s c a p a c i t y t o c a r r y r e s e a r c h w e l l beyond the i n t r o d u c t o r y , c o n c e p t - t e s t i n g r o l e to which i t i s sometimes r e l e g a t e d . FOOTNOTES I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 Every commentator on the urban scene has h i s own p r i o r i t i e s but the general composition of the array may be seen i n such examples as: Cox, 1972, Ch. 15; E l a z a r , 1967; Hugo-Brunt, 1972, 274-279; Le c t , 1966; L i t h w i c k , 1970, 13-40. 2 Although there i s disagreement regarding the s e v e r i t y and permanency of the " c r e d i b i l i t y gap" between c i t i z e n and c i v i l a u t h o r i t y , t h a t i t e x i s t s i s beyond d i s p u t e . A v a r i e t y of observations on the.subject may be reviewed i n : Glasgow, 1968; Gleason ( i n J a f f e and T y t e l l , 1970, 335; Joughin ( i n S t e f f e n s , 1963, X ) ; Lewis, 1972; Nagai, 1972; Pearce ( i n Taylor and T a y l o r , 1973); Quin and Dolan, 1968; S c h u l t z , 1965; T o f f l e r , 1973, 19, 23. 3 The emphasis i n the l i t e r a t u r e on methodology and technique i s evidence enough th a t s o l u t i o n s have not yet occupied the c e n t r a l stage of urban r e s e a r c h . The a n a l y s i s of issue has not yet run i t s course, w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t few s p e c i f i c s o l u t i o n s have been o f f e r e d by a n a l y s t s and no general theory of s o l u t i o n i s i n s i g h t . L i t h w i c k (1970, Par t I I ) f i n d s l i t t l e hope i n e x i s t i n g r e s e a r c h s t r u c t u r e s and h i s three options (1970, 216ff) are not presented w i t h any degree of confidence. He notes (1970, 3 6 f f ) t h a t there i s at present no agreement on g o a l s , nor any machinery f o r developing urban p o l i c i e s i n Canada, Morover, serious work w i l l have t o " . . . develop from s c r a t c h much of the in f o r m a t i o n e s s e n t i a l to the e f f e c t i v e conduct of urban p o l i c y , " , (1970, 216), and we cannot r e l y on " . . . conven-t i o n a l urban p o l i c y ( f o r ) d e a l i n g w i t h our present and fut u r e urban problems." (1970, 236). A l l of t h i s , however, does not prevent L i t h w i c k from suggesting t h a t one approach would be t o increase the output of t r a d i t i o n a l l y schooled p r o f e s s i o n a l s (1970, 40). I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that more r a d i c a l departures have a t t r a c t e d the i n t e r e s t of some other s c h o l a r s such as Harvey, 1973; and Goodman, 1972. 4 Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , 1972. 165 5 Bogart, 1972; Blankenship, 1943; Hardwick, 1973; Smith, 1972, Ch. 2, Ch. 9. Chapter I 1 As Kuhn notes (1962, 4-5), the answers to the b a s i c questions of ontology and epistomology are taken as solved and " . . . f i r m l y embedded i n the e d u c a t i o n a l i n i t i a t i o n t h at prepares and l i c e n s e s the student f o r p r o f e s s i o n a l p r a c t i c e . " However, he goes on, when observable r e a l i t y no longer i s f i t t e d by the assumptions thus i n s t i l l e d , then a conceptual r e v o l u t i o n i s at hand. Urban s t u d i e s have reached such a s i t u a t i o n , and the t r a d i t i o n a l paradigm i s being replaced, though we cannot yet see by what. See Harvey, 1973; Olsson, 1974. 2 U n t i l r e c e n t l y , most s o c i a l a f f a i r s accepted w i t h i n the u r b a n o l o g i s t s ' range were p a t h o l o g i c a l items, part of the " C i t y i s S i n " syndrome. S e l e c t i o n s of r e f e r e n c e s may be found i n : Beshers, 1962, Ch. 1, esp. 3-8; C a r t e r , 1973, 25-27; F i s c h e r , 1972, esp. 24f, 47f; Harvey, 1973, Ch. 4; Hugo-Brunt, 1972, Ch. 23; Ley, 1974; L i t h w i c k , 1970, 19, 35, 101, 214, 222. 3 Some s p e c i f i c a t i o n of i s s u e s may be found i n : Boskoff, 1962, 298; Cappon, 1970, 6-7; C o l l i n s , 1973; L i t h w i c k , 1970, Part I , B and C; T a y l o r , 1973. See a l s o : Table I , P. p. 8; Appendix B. 4 L i t h w i c k r e t u r n s t o t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n i n s e v e r a l passages but i t s essence i s contained in; h i s second chapter, and e s p e c i a l l y i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n of the Innis-Watkins s t a p l e s theory ( L i t h w i c k , 1970, Ch. 2, esp. 6 9 f ) . See a l s o : Watkins, 1963. 5 The exchanges over the concepts of metropolitanism, f r o n t i e r i s m , and the growth pole concepts i n economic growth are u s e f u l l y read i n r e l a t i o n to L i t h w i c k 1 s exogenous-endo-genous d i s t i n c t i o n . See: Baldwin, 1956; Bertram, 1963; C a r e l e s s , 1954; Forbes, 1962; M i k e s e l l , 1960; Watkins, 1963. These concepts are a l s o d e a l t w i t h , i n the context of various models, by Grigg ( i n Chorley and Haggett, 1967, 461-501) and Keeble ( i n Chorley and Haggett, 1967, 243-287). The r e g i o n a l aspect of the question i s d e a l t w i t h by W h i t t l e s e y ( i n James and Jones, 1954, Ch. 2 ) . 166 6 Cappon, 1970, 10. 7 I t has been long recognised t h a t our t o o l s and conceptual models are s t a t i c . Some, such as Woodridge (1956, 31-32) have a l s o e n t e r t a i n e d the s u s p i c i o n t h a t , i r r e s p e c t i v e of our t o o l s , we f a i l to apply them t o the s a l i e n t concerns of s o c i e t y . More r e c e n t l y , these two observations have been fused i n a number of methodological statements; See: Berry, 1971; Berry and M e l t z e r , 1967, 5; Chorley and Haggett, 1967, 35-39; Harvey, 1973, I n t r o d u c t i o n and Ch. 1; I s a r d , 1969, P r e f a c e , 363, and Part I I , p a r t i c u -l a r l y Ch. 16, 821-863; Kuhn, 1963, Preface: L i t h w i c k , 1970, 101; Pahl ( i n Chorley and Haggett, 1968, 219-220); Smelser ( i n Warwick and Osherson, 1973, Ch. 2); Warwick and Osherson, 1973, Ch. 1. 8 T h i s i s a matter of o p i n i o n . See N7 above f o r some evidence bearing on i t s v a l i d i t y . A general recommendation might be o f f e r e d : consider how r e c e n t l y i t has been t h a t • geographers have d e a l t w i t h p o l l u t i o n , poverty, and war, not that they are popular themes even now. And ponder the s i g n i f i c a n c e of such r e - o r i e n t a t i o n s as t h a t of Harvey (1973) and the r e - d i r e c t i o n shown by Berry (1971), and the i n t e r e s t -ing concession made by M o r r i l l (1974, preface to the second e d i t i o n ) . Some who would continue to argue f o r the s c i e n t i f i c -r a t i o n a l i s t q u a n t i t a t i v e approach, admit i t s l a c k of success but excuse i t on the grounds of i n f a n c y . (Friedmann and Alonso, 1965, 1 ) . However, the s p e c i f i c a t i o n s of t h i s approach are comparatively o l d , and c e r t a i n l y the h i s t o r y of the f i e l d i s not one of s t e a d i l y approaching a goal so much as one of i n c r e a s i n g l y coming t o recognise t h a t technique cannot r e p l a c e c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n . As Alonso l a t e r recognised (1971, 4) i n our e f f o r t s to cope w i t h u r b a n i z a t i o n we l a c k understanding of " • . . the system, of the op t i o n s , and of our purposes." Again, See: Berry, 1971, and Harvey, 1973. See a l s o : C a r t e r , 1973, 28, 165, 181-2, 267, 333f; E t z i o n i and Dubow, 1970, I n t r o d u c t i o n ; Sjoberg ( i n E t z i o n i and Dubow, 1970); and Gibbs, 1961, XXI. 10 Cox (1972, P r e f a c e ) , introduces h i s t e x t by noting t h a t the changes i n geography and i n the world seen by geographers have not been r e f l e c t e d i n a v a i l a b l e t e x t s , hence h i s purpose^in w r i t i n g yet another. E l i o t - H u r s t (1972, Ch's . 15-16) i s s i m i l a r l y motivated, and introduces some qu i t e 167 a - t y p i c a l argument ( r e l a t i v e to preceeding l i t e r a t u r e ) i n t o h i s t e x t . The bulk of i t , however, i s concentrated i n the sec t i o n s on under-development, and h i s treatment of matters c l o s e r to home i s comparatively orthodox. 11 T h e o r e t i c a l work i n geography (and s p a t i a l economics) i s l a r g e l y covered i n : Bunge, 1962; Chorley and Haggett, 1967; I s a r d , 1956; I s a r d , 1960; I s a r d , 1969. I f i n d nothing i n these s t u d i e s to counter my o p i n i o n . Isard (1969), a f t e r reviewing v i r t u a l l y a l l of the contemp-orary attempts to achieve a general s y n t h e s i s , concludes w i t h a plea f o r more e f f o r t i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n , without o f f e r ing more than negative guidance. Some measure of the impass he faced might be guaged from h i s comments on some necessary concepts: "Not only w i l l i t be many years ( i f ever) before concepts such as normality and s t r a t e g y can be p r e c i s e l y d e f i n e d , but a l s o there are s e r i o u s questions concerning the relevance and p o s s i b i l i t y of d e f i n i t i o n of other p r o p e r t i e s , such as s i m p l i c i t y and pre-indeterminancy. Moreover, there i s a s e r i o u s question concerning the general relevance of the property, e f f i c i e n c y . f o r r e a l s t a t e s of a f f a i r s . " ( i s a r d , 1969, 844). S i m i l a r r e s e r v a t i o n s appear throughout the work. Bunge (1962, 196-197) concludes w i t h the i m p l i e d admission that geography's t h e o r e t i c a l c o n t r i b u -t i o n s are l i k e l i e r t o be i n the f i e l d of mathematical c a r t o -graphy then i n the more general (and generative) areas of theory (196-7). R a d i c a l geographers of the a c t i v i s t schools have dismissed most e x i s t i n g theory on the grounds of i t s c l a s s o r i g i n s . They have not succeeded, however, i n r e p l a c -ing i t w i t h new conceptual m a t e r i a l and i n f a c t are f i n d i n g i t hard to break the ha b i t of a n a l y t i c a l d i s a g g r e g a t i o n as a mode of c r i t i c i s m . See: Olsson, 1974. 12 The I n t e r - I n s t i t u t i o n a l P o l i c y Simulator p r o j e c t at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia provides an example. I t has only one geographer, a q u a n t i t a t i v e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n s p e c i a l i s t , on i t s team of senior r e s e a r c h e r s . Economists, s o c i o l o g i s t s , and p s y c h o l o g i s t s appear t o dominate the major research programs p r e s e n t l y a c t i v e . Only r e c e n t l y i n Canada have C i v i l S e r v i c e Commission employment b u l l e t i n s s p e c i f i e d Geography as an acceptable background, other than i n physica geography and car t o g r a p h i c f i e l d s . This i s an o l d problem as can be seen by revi e w i n g : Daysh and O ' D e l l , 1947; Durden, 1957; M i l l e r , 1948; McNee, 1959; T u t h i l l , 1958; Van C l e e f , 1948. 13 T h i s i s not to say such studies have been t o t a l l y u seless but only t h a t they have absorbed more i n t e l l e c t u a l energy than could be j u s t i f i e d i n terms of progress. Notes 163 7, 9, and 11 (above) c o n t a i n references t o works which demonstrate the i n c o n c l u s i o n of some l i n e s of geographic enquiry. C e n t r a l Place Theory, through i t s development, i s a good example of the general p o i n t . See: Berry and Pred, 1961. I m p l i c i t i n much geographic t h e o r i z i n g , are concepts of c i t y s i z e as determining-determined by v a r i o u s f a c t o r s . Barwent (no date, 20) notes the " . . . barren d i s c u s s i o n . . . " on t h i s t o p i c , and says t h a t even the post-1956 " . . . more r a t i o n a l . . . " debate " . . . h a s not l e d very f a r . " The problems met i n highway impact studies are a l s o an i n d i c a t i o n of the l a c k of theory of s y n t h e s i s . See: G a r r i s o n , 1959, Ch. 1, 147, 177. 14 The t h e o r i s t s and t h e o r i e s named here are the st a p l e f a r e of geographers and appear i n v a r i o u s commentaries to a degree t h a t makes them u b i q u i t o u s i n the l i t e r a t u r e . For examples, see: C a r t e r , 1973; C h r i s t a l l e r , 1966; Cox, 1972; Chorley and Haggett, 1967; H a r r i s and Ullman ( i n Mayer and Kohn, 1959, 277-286); M o r r i l l , 1974. The founding t h e o r i e s , so f a r as urban morphology i s concerned, are l a i d i n : Burgess ( i n Park, 1925) and Hoyt, 1964. See a l s o : Grotewold, 1959. An u n c r i t i c a l , general i n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h i s c o l l e c t i o n of models, concepts and t h e o r i e s appears i n Johnson, 1967. A more s u b s t a n t i a l e x p o s i t i o n i s i n G a r r i s o n , 1959, Ch. 3, esp. 50-56. The value of the a v a i l -able theory i s assessed i n the f o l l o w i n g terms by Wallace ( i n Bourne, 1971, 447-455): " . . . there i s need f o r an adequate theory of c i t y s t r u c t u r e and growth that both e x p l a i n s the present urban phenomena, and serves as a guide f o r f u t u r e a c t i o n . " At present one i s l a c k i n g and t h i s l a c k " . . . i s at the root of many of our problems i n urban renewal." and "Theory t h a t does e x i s t i s meagre, mostly d e s c r i p t i v e , and not very u s e f u l . " (449). 15 The d e f i n i t i v e statement i n georgraphy i s i n Chorley and Haggett, (1967, Ch. 1, 21-22). There they s t a t e : " . . . a model can be a theory or a law or an hypothesis or a s t r u c t u r e d idea . . . i t can a l s o i n c l u d e reasoning about the r e a l world by means of t r a n s l a t i o n s i n space . . . " Such a loosening of p r e c i s e d e f i n i t i o n i s evidence of a r e t r e a t from assurance which p a r a l l e l s the sequence observed by Passmore (1968, Ch. 16) and Toulmin (1971) i n t h e i r comments on l o g i c a l p o s i t i v i s m , the parent philosophy of the q u a n t i t a t i v e v e r s i o n of sci e n c e . A s u c c i n c t p r e s e n t a t i o n of the "model" argument i s i n Claus and Claus (1971) which i s e s p e c i a l l y i n t e r e s t i n g f o r the way i n which the authors t r e a t the paradigm, as discussed by Kuhn, as simply a master model, which r e c o g n i s a b l y s t r u c t u r e s the r e a l i t i e s w i t h which subordinate models d e a l . 169 16 C a r t e r , 1973, Ch. 9, esp. 161-175; P a t t e r s o n , 1974; Peucker and Rase, 1971. In geography, area a n a l y s i s by f a c t o r i a l e c o l o g i s t s has not moved beyond refinement of technique and there i s disagreement as t o the t h e o r e t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of what has been accomplished. See: Berry, 1971 (and f o l l o w i n g papers i n t h i s supplement); Beshers, 1962, Ch. 2, 16-17, 24, Ch. 5, 88f, 125; C a r t e r , 1973, 260-265; Scheuch ( i n E t z i o n i and Dubow, 1970, Ch. 23.) I t might be noted t h a t n e i t h e r Pahl ( i n Chorley and Haggett, 1968, 217-240) nor Garner ( i n Chorley and Haggett, 1968, 303-355) r e f e r t o Shevky and h i s a s s o c i a t e s , although s o c i a l area a n a l y s i s i n l a r g e part has been shaped by t h e i r work. See: Abu-Lughod, 1969, 16, 41. My f i r s t p o i n t , t h a t we have over-emphasized morphological stud i e s i s supported by Gibbs, 1961, 9-10. 17 Cooperstock, 1971; H e l l i n g , 1971; Owings, 1970, esp. 50. The viewpoint goes back at l e a s t as f a r as P l a t o , who develops i t at l e n g t h i n The Republ i c , Book I I . I t i s very much present i n some contemporary commentaries on c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . For example, many would agree t h a t , w h i l e a long intense dialogue i s needed on f u t u r e d i r e c t i o n s , f o r the moment " . . . i t i s l i k e l y t h a t only an educated . m i n o r i t y w i l l be capable of meaningful p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n such a dialogue." (Macinko, i n Shepard and McKinley, 1969, 378). Boskoff (1962, 304) notes t h a t planning i s a u t h o r i t a r i a n , r a t h e r than democratic i n concept. See a l s o Yamashita ( i n F r i s k e n , 1973, 25). Contemporary, r a d i c a l geographers are engaged i n exposing t h i s c h a r a c t e r of t r a d i t i o n a l p l a n n i n g . See: Corey, 1972. 19 A l t s h u l e r , 1965, I n t r o d u c t i o n , and 5-6, esp. Notes 1 and 4; Hugo-Brunt, 1972, 277-278; Seabrook, 1965. 20 Boguslaw, 1965, Pre f a c e . 21 Kane, 1964. 22 For example, the I n t e r - I n s t i t u t i o n a l P o l i c y Simulator P r o j e c t at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. 170 23 S o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s are a comparatively new research o b j e c t i v e and p o l i c y t o o l i n urban s t u d i e s . L i k e the p e r s o n a l i t y p r o f i l e s they analogously resemble, they have generated considerable debate between co n f i d e n t s c i e n t i s t s and apprehensive r e s e a r c h e r s , who f e a r t h e i r use i n p o l i c i e s of s o c i a l c o n t r o l . See: Alexander, 1966; Harland. 1972; K r i e g e r , 1969; Wilcox, 1972. Kleinrnuntz (1969, 64J a f t e r d e s c r i b i n g the c a p a c i t y and p o t e n t i a l of computer-based a n a l y s i s of p e r s o n a l i t y , goes on to observe: "Legal and t e c h n i c a l safeguards must be devised to assure only the most e t h i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n s of such an instrument." The same point should be made regarding the a b s t r a c t i o n and use of s o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s , even though one i s l e f t w i t h the nagging question of whose e t h i c s are to p r e v a i l . See a l s o : B e l l ( i n Gould, 1965, 1 2 0 - 1 2 2 . ) . 24 Goodman, 1972, Ch. 7. 25 • I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to see t h a t , as new c o n s t i t u a n t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those composed of "marginal" groups, present themselves f o r a t t e n t i o n , p r o f e s s i o n a l observers, who f o r decades had upheld the bland assumptions of democracy, are now r e c o g n i z i n g t h a t a l l powers are d i s t r i b u t e d asymmetrical-l y . And of a l l the powers, none i s more asymmetrically d i s t r i b u t e d than the power to i n f l u e n c e government. As F i s h ( i n P o w e l l , 1972, 47) notes: " C i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s not a new phenomena. The idea that s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t s must be a i r e d through s p e c i a l s t r u c t u r e s has been a long standing part of Canadian government theory and p r a c t i c e . " To which Theobald ( i n Walsh, 1973, 154) adds: "We must recognize t h a t , d e s p i t e the 'forms' of i n d i v i d u a l v o t i n g , p o l i c i e s today are l a r g e l y decided by pressure groups." Moreover, i t i s g e n e r a l l y conceded that the middle and upper c l a s s e s have always e x e r c i s e d such a u t h o r i t y , and the need now i s f o r lower c l a s s e s t o l e a r n those l e s s o n s . For v a r i o u s commen-t a r i e s , see: Cooperstock, 1971; C r i t c h l e y , 1971; D'Amore, 1971; L o t z , 1970; Wilson, 1963. And f o r a somewhat p a r t i s a n view of the f e d e r a l r o l e i n c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , see: Stewart, 1971, Ch. 6. 26 Lewis, 1972, Ch. 10; L l o y d , 1971, 10, notes t h a t over two hundred c i t i z e n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i s t groups had been i d e n t i f i e d i n Canada up to 1970. These are groups s p e c i f i c -a l l y organized, not groups already i n e x i s t e n c e but expand-ing i n t o the p o l i t i c a l arena. 171 27 Dr. George Grey of the Department of S o c i o l o g y , at The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, informed me i n a personal communication (1972) that h i s research had i d e n t i f i e d over 2000 (two thousand) v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s a c t i v e i n the Greater Vancouver r e g i o n . T h i s i s a substan-t i a l p o t e n t i a l base f o r c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 28 C a r t e r (1973) i n the f i r s t h a l f of h i s book d e a l s w i t h v a r i o u s t h e o r i e s of urban s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . See a l s o : Beshers, 1962, 137f; Boskoff, 1962, Ch. 9; Carver, 1962, Ch. 3; Goldhammer, ( i n Burgess and Bogue, 1964, Ch. 14; L o t z , 1970, esp. 17-19; and Hodges, 1964. See a l s o : Bogart, 1972, 65-66; Trecker, 1970, 12, 21-24; Weissman, 1970, P r e f a c e . Ch. 8. 29 P o w e l l , 1972, 13. 30 Basing himself on the American experience, which might or might not be r e l e v a n t t o the Canadian case, Hodges (1964, 104) says: " . . . the mid-century j o i n e r i s not the ' t y p i c a l ' American. He i s the m i d d l e - c l a s s - more p a r t i c u l a r l y , the upper-middle-class-American." The e n t i r e question' of v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n i s one fraught w i t h ambiguity and conceptual f u z z i n e s s . The i n c o n c l u s i o n of t h i s area of study can be gauged from Goldhammer and Summary ( i n Burgess and Bogue, 1964, 230). He w r i t e s : " . . . i n voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n s we have to do w i t h an aspect of behaviour where determination i s the consequence of a r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e number of f a c t o r s whose i n f l u e n c e on p a r t i -c i p a t i o n depends very much on the p a r t i c u l a r combination of values of each v a r i a b l e t h a t e x i s t s i n the case of each i n d i v i d u a l . " , a c o n c l u s i o n which i s c o n s i d e r a b l y at odds w i t h Hodges, 1964, Ch. 6. For f u r t h e r comments, see: Boskoff, 1962, I86f; Cox, 1972, 305; F i s c h e r , 1972, 43f; Goodman, 1972, 218-219; L i t h w i c k , 1970, 17-18. 31 L i t h w i c k , 1970, p t . 1-B; Tognacci, 1972. See a l s o : Table I and Appendix B. 32 Cooperstock, 1971; H e l l i n g , 1971. The c i t i z e n -p a r t i c i p a t i o n d i spute i s found i n a more r e s t r i c t e d e n v i r o n -ment, that of business management. And the same d i f f e r e n c e s of opinion are found there. See: Kuechle, 1971; i/iandry, 1971; McLeod and Bennett, 1971. For a Canadian example, see: Axelworthy and Cassidy, 1974, 89-107. 172 33 Skinner, 1972, Ch. 5. esp. 82-84. See a l s o : K o t l e r (1967), 117) who w r i t e s , i n the face of popular unrest, governments have three a l t e r n a t i v e s open to them: " . . . t r i c k e r y , suppression, or the t r a n s f e r of author-i t y . " He argues t h a t of these, only the l a s t option has a long range v i a b i l i t y . 34 In 1967, f o l l o w i n g the D e t r o i t " r i o t s , " Dean Gordon Brown of the C o l l e g e of Engineering at M.I.T. s a i d : " I doubt i f there i s such a t h i n g as an urban c r i s i s , but i f there were, M.I.T. would l i c k i t the same way we handled the Second World War." (quoted i n Science, Time Magazine. A p r i l 23, 1973, 49). In 1971, i n response to r i s i n g w hite-c o l l a r and p r o f e s s i o n a l unemployment i n the aero-space i n d u s t r y , the N a t i o n a l League of" C i t i e s and the U.S. Confer-ence of Mayors r e c e i v e d $1.3 m i l l i o n (U.S.) from f e d e r a l agencies t o h i r e and r e t r a i n 600 unemployed t e c h n i c i a n -engineers. Two u n i v e r s i t i e s , U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a at Berkeley and M.I.T., agreed t o give four weeks courses t o those s e l e c t e d f o r r e t r a i n i n g . I t was expected the t r a i n e e s would b r i n g the systems approach t o jobs such as: c i t y manager, r e c r e a t i o n d i r e c t o r , urban renewal, e t c . (The Sun. Vancouver, J u l y 12, 1971, 24). For some observa-t i o n s on t h i s approach, and on the r e l a t e d "think-tank" approach t o urban problems, see: Hoos, 1968; K r i e g e r , 1970; Smith, 1972, Ch. 8, esp. 109f. 35 K r i e g e r , 1969, l l f . I t i s a t r i b u t e of s o r t s t o the success socio-economic students have had w i t h t h e i r a b s t r a c t mathematical modelling, t h a t the concerns of an e a r l i e r age, now resumed, appear as advances i n s c h o l a r s h i p . As Robinson p o i n t s out (1964, Ch. 3, esp. 65-66) such human a f f a i r s as happiness were taken as the proper concern of some n e o - c l a s s i c a l economists. 36 Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , 1974, P a r t I I I ; Axworthy and G i l l i e s , 1973, part 3-B; Axworthy and Cassidy, 1974; Trecker, 1970, 255f. Chapter I I 1 For the sake of convenience, we have r e f e r r e d throughout t h i s essay t o the "Non-directed Interview," even though we have o f f e r e d only cursory d i s c u s s i o n of v a r i e t i e s of i n t e r v i e w i n g s t r u c t u r e . In p r a c t i s e , there i s nothing 173 that could l i t e r a l l y be described as t r u l y "non-directed." Some element of d i r e c t i o n must be present, i f only as a r e s u l t of the i n t e r v i e w t a k i n g place at a l l , a f a c t t h a t motivates much of the argument presented by Webb (1969). Smith (1972), esp. Ch. 9) o f f e r s a comprehensive d i s c u s s i o n of the i n t e r v i e w , d e a l i n g i n some d e t a i l w i t h unstructured i n t e r v i e w i n g . Our p a r t i c u l a r case would be an example of "semi-structured" i n t e r v i e w i n g . (Smith, 1972, 119-120.) A comprehensive and concise d i s c u s s i o n of interview-based research i s i n : Warwick and Osherson, 1973, Ch. I , esp. 33f, 41. A l l of the essays i n t h i s volume bear on i n t e r -view research but the one c i t e d i s p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l i n i t s comments on mixed method design. Other u s e f u l sources are: Blankenship, 1943 (somewhat dated but s t i l l b a s i c a l l y comprehensive); Smith, 1972; Weinberg, 1971. Weinberg i s e s p e c i a l l y u s e f u l i n that the emphasis there i s on surveys using l o c a l i n t e r v i e w e r resources. An i n t e r e s t i n g study, though not d e a l i n g d i r e c t l y w i t h the p r a c t i c a l mechanics of s u r v e y - i n t e r v i e w i n g , i s : Matarazzo and Wiens, 1972. 2 T a y l o r , 1973, 7-8. Osgoods d i f f e r e n t i a l i s discussed i n Dalrymple-A l f o r d , 1968, 160-162. Other l i n g u i s t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s are explored i n : C l a r k ( i n Lyons, 1970, Ch. 15); C r y s t a l , 1971, 254f; H a r r i s ( i n Fodor and Katz, 1964, 357); Hoenigswald, 1966; McDavid, 1966; Osgood ( i n Greenberg, 1968, Ch. 11); Pr i d e ( i n Lyons, 1970, Ch. 6 ) . Smith, 1972, 79-80. 4 V a r i o u s semantic problems, and other p e c u l i a r i t i e s of the spoken record are discussed i n Deutscher ( i n 'Warwick and Osherspn, 1973, Ch. 8 ) . Much of Deutscher's commentary i s i n the context of i n t e r n a t i o n a l and i n t e r - c u l t u r a l comparative s t u d i e s , but he notes (184-186) t h a t a l l of the problems a l s o inhere i n the l o c a l c o n t e x t . See a l s o : Matarazzo and Wiens, 1972. 5 The v a r i a t i o n s i n model types are many. But one s i g n i f i c a n t d i s t i n c t i o n i s the extent t o which the model i s rec o g n i s a b l y a v e r s i o n , proxy, or copy of the r e a l i t y i t i s designed t o comprehend, as compared w i t h i t s proposing some ab s t r a c t statement about the nature of t h a t r e a l i t y . Some references t o the nature of s o c i o l o g i c a l models may be found i n : Bottombre, 1962, Ch. 1, Ch. 2, esp. 32f; Chorley and Haggett, 1968; Gould ( i n Gould, 1965); Kuhn, 1963, P r e f a c e , 27 N3, 54; ',Rex ( i n Raison, 1969). S o r o k i n , 1964, f i r s t published i n 1928 but s t i l l a vigorous survey, i s a l s o u s e f u l . 174 6 H a l l o w e l l ( i n H a l l o w e l l , 1967). 7 H a l l o w e l l , 1967, 172. 8 Redle ( i n Coser and Rosenberg, 1964). 9 Redle ( i n Coser and Rosenberg, 1964, 319). 10 Lewis, 1965. 11 LaFarge ( i n Lewis, 1965, V I I I ) . 12 Lewis, 1965, 18. 13 C o l e s , 1964; 1967; 1967a. 14 C o l e s , 1967, 37. 15 H i s methods are de s c r i b e d i n : C o l e s , 1964, 32-34; 1967, 34-43; 1967a, 40-41. 16 C o l e s , 1967a. 40. 17 C o l e s , 1967, 41-42. 18 C o l e s , 1967a, 41. 19 P r e l i m i n a r y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of i s s u e s was performed j o i n t l y w i t h the Vancouver Urban Futures P r o j e c t team. See: T a y l o r , 1973, 43-44; C o l l i n s , 1973, 12-18. A l s o see: Appendices A and B. 20 Bogart, 1972; F i s c h e r (1972, 6) notes s e v e r a l reasons why popular conceptions of an a t t i t u d e s toward urban l i f e are important. While agreeing w i t h him, I f e l t i t necessary to emphasize the language as w e l l as i t s meanings. 175 21 There are many l i m i t e d range d e s c r i p t i v e models of urban p o p u l a t i o n s . These inc l u d e those based on sundry socio-economic v a r i a b l e s , c l a s s r e l a t i o n s , and a r e a l p a t t e r n s . (Beshers, 1962; Cox, 1972; Hodges, 1964). A d d i t i o n a l l y , p e r s o n a l i t y theory o f f e r s m a t e r i a l f o r s e v e r a l a l t e r n a t i v e t y p o l o g i e s , g e n e r a l l y s t r u c t u r e d around dichotomous opposi-t i o n s . A l l of these, however, were beyond the reach of our m a t e r i a l , given i t s v a r i o u s l i m i t a t i o n s . A concise example of some p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y based t y p o l o g i e s can be found i n : Skurnik and George, 1967, Ch. 10 and Ch. 13. See a l s o : C a t t e l l , 1973. 22 These terms are loaded l a b e l s and I would not want to be understood as arguing f o r acceptance of the v a r i o u s stu d i e s which have, i n a sense, usurped the general use of the terms and a p p l i e d them to more s p e c i f i c natures. I intend the l a b e l s to convey only the most ordi n a r y meaning i n -common usage. For more s p e c i f i c s t u d i e s see: Adorno, 1950; Dubos, 1970; Hodges, 1964, 205-206. Hugo-Brunt (1972, 278) i s saved from being our c r i t i c a l - p e s s i m i s t model only by h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m , since he w r i t e s : "The c i t y s u r v i v e s as an anachronism i n form and f u n c t i o n . I t represents a c o n c e n t r a t i o n of wasted and devastated resources; i t s renewal machinery i s a n t i q u a t e d ; i t s l a b o r s t r u c t u r e i s outmoded and i t s present a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s a r c h a i c . In recent years i t has become p a t e n t l y apparent t h a t the educat-ed and i n t e l l i g e n t c i t i z e n r y , being neglected, i s becoming savage, angry and a n t i - s o c i a l . " Bogart (1972, 123) r e p o r t i n g other r e s e a r c h , s a y s t h a t only 2 ^ o of the American p u b l i c are c l a s s i f i a b l e as "ideologues," w i t h c o n s i s t e n t p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s . 23 Boskoff, 1962, 186f. 24 Lynch, I960, 15, Appendix B. 25 Riesman, 1965, X I I I . 26 Riesman, 1965, X I I I . 27 Riesman, 1965. 28 Riesman, 1969. 29 This opening question was the suggestion made to the i n t e r v i e w e r s , and appeared i n the f i e l d guide we prepared f o r them. I t was not i n v a r i a b l y used. We have not yet 176 attempted to assess the c o n t r i b u t i o n s made by the i n t e r -viewers to the i n t e r v i e w but only a few e x c e s s i v e l y l e a d i n g procedures were noted u r i n g the review of the tapes. The Interviewer ( i ) questions and responses used i n the f i c t i o n a l -h y p o t h e t i c a l i n t e r v i e w s , u n l i k e the Respondent (R) comment-ary, were not abstracted from the taped i n t e r v i e w s but were fashioned to f a c i l i t a t e the p r e s e n t a t i o n of the substantive commentary. Chapter IV 1 See Table I , and Appendix B. As can be seen from those data, the rank orders between issue c a t e g o r i e s , i n most cases (not a l l , t r a n s p o r t , f o r example, i s q u i t e s t a b l e ) vary c o n s i d e r a b l y . However, the array used i n the a n a l y s i s captured the bulk of a l l r e f e r e n c e s to urban i s s u e s . The category General Urban i s i n a sense a c a t c h - a l l t h a t r e c e i v e d those i s s u e s which could not a p p r o p r i a t e l y be placed elsewhere. I t the 23 sub-sample assemblies, the l a r g e s t value which appears under the heading General Urban i s 10% ( f o r "Some-High School") and the lowest i s 2% ( f o r "New Suburbs"). In aggregate, i t r e c e i v e d 6.3% of the 1550 r e f e r e n c e s . Consequently, i t can be i n f e r r e d , w i t h some confidence t h a t the nineteen other c a t e g o r i e s used i n the a n a l y s i s a c c u r a t e l y cover the ranges of concern i n t h i s p o p u l a t i o n . L i t h w i c k (1970, Par t I , C.) d e s c r i b e s the general mechanisms of economic growth, t r a n s p o r t demand, po p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e , and the r e s u l t i n g competition f o r p l a c e . H i s d e s c r i p t i o n would be accepted as accurate by a l l but a m i n o r i t y of our respondents, and t h i s d e s p i t e the absence of an analogous understanding of s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e s (Beshers, 1962, Ch. 7 and Ch. 8, esp. 162). Most would agree w i t h M o r r i l l (1974, Preface) t h a t urban s t r u c t u r e " . . . r e s u l t s from the o p e r a t i o n of a few simple p r i n c i p l e s . . . ", although what t h a t s t r u c t u r e i s , i s a matter of d i s p u t e , and even though we are apparently unable to c o n t r o l those "simple p r i n c i p l e s . " 3 For example, the d i f f e r e n c e s i n the ways i n which inner c i t y r e s i d e n t s and suburban r e s i d e n t s approach the question o f v i n t r a - r e g i o n a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and core conges-t i o n r e v e a l s a keen awareness of the s i g n i f i c a n c e any . proposed p o l i c y has f o r the r e s p e c t i v e groups. They under-stand t h e i r own s i t u a t i o n and can evaluate the l i k e l y impact 177 any given p o l i c y i s going to have on i t . Some observations on such d i f f e r e n c e s may be found i n : Carver, 1962, 66f; F i s c h e r , 1972, 48-57; Gibbs, 1961, Ch. 7; Head, 1971. Although the major body of the Vancouver Urban Futures P r o j e c t data has not at t h i s time of w r i t i n g been analyzed i n these a r e a l terms, some of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s o l a t e d do suggest support f o r the idea t h a t the p o p u l a t i o n i s competent i n these comparative matters. ( C o l l i n s , 1973, Par t I.) 4 Cooperstock, 1971, 16; Ll o y d , 1971, 10-11; L o t z , 1970, 21. 5 K r i e g e r (1971, 2-3) has some i n t e r e s t i n g comments on the e f f e c t such f r i c t i o n s have on p r o t e s t groups. The p o t e n t i a l f o r s o c i e t a l problems to develoo i n t o new forms of problem i s noted i n R i t t e l and Webber (1972, 18-23). Patterns of e v o l u t i o n observed i n the development of p a r t i c i p a t o r y schemes are described i n MacKenzie (1967, 183-187). 6 See Coser and Rosenberg (1964, Ch. 13) f o r s e v e r a l d i s c u s s i o n s of t h i s concept, which has an extensive h i s t o r y and a l a r g e number of v a r i a t i o n s . (Bottomore and Rubel, 1961; Bottomore, 1964). For most a n a l y s t s , powerlessness i s the key element i n a c o n d i t i o n of a l i e n a t i o n or anomie. However, as Seeman ( i n Coser and Rosenberg, 1964, 527-529) shows, i t i s not an i n v a r i a b l e element or even a necessary element i n a c o n d i t i o n of a l i e n a t i o n . Ley (1974) emphasizes popular powerlessness i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n of some contemporary urban i l l s . 7 See Appendix B, Table C. I t w i l l be seen that the option f o r s o l u t i o n New C i t i z e n s Groups ( C o l . 10) r e c e i v e s only 2.9/o of the references to s o l u t i o n , higher than only two other o p t i o n s . P o l i t i c s , Environment, and Transporta-t i o n , between them, r e c e i v e s approximately 40/b of the references i n t h i s option category. The personal o p t i o n , I n d i v i d u a l , ranks f i f t h i n aggregate rank f o r s o l u t i o n r e f e r e n c e s , compared w i t h i t s t h i r d rank place i n the references to causal agents (Table B). Table I , Page 7, shows th a t I n f o r m a t i o n - P a r t i c i p a t i o n i s not a major concern (Row 18). I t s aggregate value represents 1.5/o of the t o t a l i s sue r e f e r e n c e s , and i n only two municipal areas i s i t hi g h e r . In the sub-samples, Appendix B, Table A, the highest value i s 2.4/0. 170 8 For an academic demonstration of t h i s p o s i t i o n , see: E l a z a r , 1967. The"reader's a t t e n t i o n i s r e - d i r e c t e d to the p e s s i m i s t ' s statement that preceeded t h i s passage -note the echo of T r i s t i n the c o n c l u s i o n (quoted i n L i t h w i c k , 1970, 125). 9 See Appendix B, Table B. Mote that the two agents of cause, I n d i v i d u a l ( C o l . l ) and P o p u l a t i o n i n General ( C o l . 8) account f o r approximately 30% of the t o t a l r e f e r -ences. The three l e v e l s of government ( C o l s . 5-6-7) outweigh i n aggregate the two more personal agents, but only one of them, M u n i c i p a l Government, i n d i v i d u a l l y outranks them. 10 The readiness to accept change i s not wide-spread, even among experts whose e x p e r t i s e i s i n understanding the dynamics th a t b r i n g change about. For an overview, see: T o f f l e r , 1971, esp. Part V.; some i n t e r e s t i n g examples are i n : Robinson, 1964, Ch. 4, I I I . ; Johnson, 1971. 11 See Appendix B, Table D. As w i l l be seen t h e r e , except f o r Burnaby and New Westminster (both of which are weakly represented i n the sample) a l l of the municipal areas place t h e i r l o c a l area (combined where necessary) f i r s t i n the r e f e r e n c e ranking ( C o l . 5). Again e x c l u d i n g Burnaby and New Westminster, only Coquitlam d i v i d e s i t s references t o place approximately e q u a l l y between i t s own l o c a l area, p l u s outside the r e g i o n p l a c e s , and other places w i t h i n the r e g i o n ( C o l . 7 ) , The other m u n i c i p a l i t i e s c i t e t h e i r own place and outside the r e g i o n places i n anything from two-t h i r d s t o over 90/o of t h e i r references t o p l a c e . 12 The references to agents of cause and s o l u t i o n were not mutually e x c l u s i v e . There were 1550 references t o i s s u e s , 2310 references t o agents of cause, and 2505 r e f e r -ences to agents of s o l u t i o n . 13 T h i s introduces a p e n e t r a t i n g d i s t i n c t i o n between t r a d i t i o n a l r a t i o n a l i s t i c p h i l o s o p h i e s and those which are ( i n contemporary forms) metaphysical. Although I make the observation i n the r a t i o n a l i s t sense,--i.e., that i t has a s p e c i f i c and p o t e n t i a l l y demonstrable s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the a n a l y s i s of these data--I am aware that i t would c a r r y q u i t e another recommendation f o r students attuned to e x i s t e n t i a l and phenomenological foundations of i n v e s t i g a t i o n . For some summary observations, see: Blackham, 1965; Passmore, 1963, Ch. 19, esp. 495-496; Y i - F u Tuan, 1971. 179 Chapter V 1 In t h i s case, as can be seen i n Table I , p. 7, and Appendix B, the hard i s s u e s predominate, p a r t i c u l a r l y the bread-and-butter issues of employment, development, housing, education, r e c r e a t i o n , and the environment, which together represent the primary s t r u c t u r e of urban l i f e . There are, of course, v a r i a t i o n s i n the ranks occupied by these and other i s s u e - c a t e g o r i e s i n the d i f f e r e n t sub-samples. But the basic "hard" emphasis i s q u i t e c l e a r . On the face of i t , t h i s f i n d i n g c o n t r a d i c t s those s t u d i e s which have formed the p u b l i c concern concentrated i n more personal and immediate areas of problem. .(Bogart, 1972, 56; Powell, 1972, 13-14). However, the c i t y problems of the U.S., w i t h t h e i r strong e t h n i c - r a c i a l b a s i s , are not perhaps the u n i v e r s a l model. And some students (such as Powell) might have been misled by the r e a c t i o n of c i t i z e n s groups towards p r o f e s s i o n a l s , which i s o f t e n expressed i n a n t i -q u a n t i t a t i v e terms ( L l o y d , 1971, 10-11; Head, 1971, 4 ) . A d d i t i o n a l l y , some part of the p r o f e s s i o n a l i n t e r e s t i n s o f t i s s u e s i s the f r u i t of r e c o g n i s i n g the hidden (and not so hidden) forms of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n democratic s o c i e t y , w h i l e other p a r t s are the r e s u l t of concluding e i t h e r t h a t the hard p h y s i c a l - m a t e r i a l problems are unsolvable without a change i n consciousness, or are already i n p r i n c i p l e solved. See: Hugo-Brunt, 1972, 275; K r i e g e r , 1969, 1; Ley, 1974; L i t h w i c k , 1970, 17-18; Meier, 1971, 1. 2 Berry and Meltzer (1967, 5) note t h a t t r e a t i n g problems according to type leads t o v e r t i c a l l i n k a g e s and away from conceptual i n t e g r a t i o n . F u l l e r (1970-1971) develops the point at l e n g t h ( p a r t i c u l a r l y pages 29, 37, 55 and 57) and expands i t i n t o a u n i v e r s a l s t r i c t u r e a g a i n s t c a t e g o r i c a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . Other comments on the p o i n t may be found i n : Harvey, 1973,11-19; Sjoberg ( i n E t z i o n i and Dubow, 1970, 29-31J. H o l i s t i c - g e s t a l t o r i e n t e d s c h o l a r s , such as Marcuse (1964) have been making t h i s general point over s e v e r a l decades. 3 The l i t e r a t u r e on the t o p i c of p u b l i c o p i n i o n p o l l i n g and i n t e r v i e w i n g i s e x t e n s i v e . For examples, see: Bogart, 1972; Matarazzo and Wiens, 1972; Smith, 1972; Weinberg, 1971. Of these, Bogart i s of g r e a t e s t general relevance, although he provides no b i b l i o g r a p h y . Matarazzo and Wiens deal p r i m a r i l y w i t h the spoken r e c o r d , and provide an extensive b i b l i o g r a p h y . Smith has prepared an exhaustive demonstration of i n t e r v i e w i n g precedures and i s most u s e f u l . For a counter-attack on the e n t i r e i n t e r v i e w concept, see: 180 Webb, et a l . (1969), who advocate a purely o b s e r v a t i o n a l p l a t f o r m from which to conduct studies of p u b l i c a t t i t u d e and behaviour. S i m i l a r c r i t i c i s m s are l e v e l l e d by S c h i l l e r (1972), i n s o f a r as the p o l l - q u e s t i o n n a i r e survey i s concerned. 4 P r e l i m i n a r y r e p o r t s on s e v e r a l l e v e l s are a v a i l a b l e documenting c i t i z e n group p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government sponsored urban study. See: Ratner, 1973; Weissman, 1970; Axworthy and C a s s i d y , 1974, esp. 87-107; Axworthy and G i l l i e s , 1973, P a r t . 3-B. However, comparative m a t e r i a l , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h a Canadian content i s , as Axworthy and Cassidy note (p.' 7) " . . . sadly l a c k i n g . " The American experience has been somewhat b e t t e r studied but even t h e r e , according t o Weissman (1970, XVII) a v a i l a b l e s t u d i e s have many and import-ant l i m i t a t i o n s . The shadow thrown by r o l e p l a y i n g i s w e l l -recognized but l i t t l e understood, although r o l e p l a y i n g i s o b v i o u s l y a f a c t o r one should consider when assessing the d i f f e r e n c e s between p r i v a t e and p u b l i c expression of o p i n i o n and a t t i t u d e . (Bogart, 1972, 140-147; Smith, 1972, Ch. 8 ) ; Webb, (et a l . ) (1969. 1 2 f f ) makes r o l e p l a y i n g one of h i s major arguments, i n favour of the unobtrusive measures he promotes. 5 Bogart (1972, P a r t s I and I I ) makes a number of i l l u m i n a t i n g comments on t h i s t o p i c . Note 4 above con t a i n s other r e f e r e n c e s r e l e v a n t t o i t . See a l s o : Rokkan ( i n E t z i o n i and Dubow, 1970, Ch. 8, esp. 90-91). 6 Weissman (1970, 171 f f ) p o i n t s out some p r a c t i c a l questions t h a t are underestimated by c r i t i c s , and i m p l i e s t h a t r e a l i t y r a p i d l y weeds out those whose p r i v a t e concepts are at odds w i t h the p u b l i c r e a l i t y . The problem p o i n t s up the needs to analyze the t o t a l environment of the i n t e r v i e w (or panel, seminar, p u b l i c meeting, etc.) as part of the m a t e r i a l a n a l y s i s . The i n t e r v i e w i t s e l f , as a s o c i o l o g i c a l item, has been studied i n depth (The American J o u r n a l of S o c i o l o g y . V62, 1956 i s devoted to the s o c i o l o g y of the i n t e r v i e w ) but I am not aware of any study of the t o t a l i n t e r a c t i o n a l environment of the meeting producing the data, i n c l u d i n g the s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The v e r b a l , and some non-verbal, communication components have been s t u d i e d , as reported i n Matarazzo and Wiens (1972, esp. 1 6 f f ) . 7 The phrase, "general i n f o r m a t i o n a l " must be emphasized here. Obviously, where the i n t e n t i s to develop r i g o u r o u s l y defined and c o n t r o l l e d data, as f o r example i n an academic attempt to e s t a b l i s h some c o r r e l a t i o n a l constants, my suggestion would be meaningless. But i n the work-a-day world of p r a c t i c a l urban government and planning, u s e f u l data 181 can be obtained w i t h l e s s methodological a g o n i z i n g . In the present case, two sub-projects ( t h i s essay and T a y l o r , 1973; and C o l l i n s (1973) come up w i t h g e n e r a l l y comparable data, which j o i n t l y agreed w i t h the d i v e r s e s t u d i e s combined by the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t Planning Depart-ment f o r t h e i r 1974 seminar (Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , 1974). I t should be pointed out t h a t t h i s was not a case of a l l of us n a i v e l y absorbing the " p u b l i c opinion" of the r e g i o n , since we found a number of d i f f e r e n c e s between what our experience would have l e d us to expect and what we i n f a c t found. For an example of correspondence, see: C o l l i n s , 1973, 5, F i g . 1. Ekeblad (1962, 6) warns us t h a t "Somewhere, we have to stop studying a problem and s t a r t s o l v i n g i t . " And Isard (1957, 32) observes: " I t should be made c l e a r , f o r once and f o r a l l , t hat no t h e o r e t i c a l model or advanced s t a t i s t i c a l procedure can s u b s t i t u t e f o r p o l i t i c a l acumen or f o r balanced judgement and i n t u i t i o n which are b a s i c to p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s . " 8 The d i f f e r e n c e between a non-directed i n t e r v i e w and a f o r m a l l y designed q u e s t i o n n a i r e i s b a s i c a l l y one of a s s i g n i n g the methodological s t r u c t u r e . In the former case, i t i s assigned t o the a n a l y s i s ; In the l a t t e r , to the p h y s i c a l q u e s t i o n n a i r e . Obviously, the formal q u e s t i o n n a i r e , once completed, passes i n t o a n a l y s i s w i t h only t e c h n i c a l purview. I t can, i n f a c t , be designed to be machine analysed d i r e c t l y on r e c e i p t from the f i e l d . The non-directed i n t e r v i e w , however, i s only at the s t a r t of i t s methodo-l o g i c a l examination when i t i s r e c e i v e d by the a n a l y s t . In t h i s present case, we found t h a t , once the c a t e g o r i e s of a n a l y s i s had been decided upon, our a n a l y s t s could a b s t r a c t the record (being r e s p o n s i b l e f o r eighty b i t s of p o t e n t i a l information) the r e q u i r e d data at a r a t e approximately 50% over the time of the tape ( i . e . , a f i f t e e n minute i n t e r v i e w could be analyzed by an experienced a n a l y s t i n about 20-25 minutes). This work could only begin, however, when the tape reviews were completed and the c a t e g o r i e s of a n a l y s i s decided upon. No records were maintained of t h i s phase of the study, which was on-going throughout the program, but l a t e r reviews suggest that at the very l e a s t , the i n t e r v i e w l e n g t h needs to be m u l t i p l i e d by a f a c t o r of four f o r a r u l e of thumb measure of the time that must be budgeted f o r the p o s t - i n t e r v i e w , p r e - a n a l y s i s p r e p a r a t i o n . For f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n of the non-directed i n t e r v i e w , see Smith, 1972, Ch. 9. 9 Bogart (1972, Part 5) discusses ambiguous expression at some l e n g t h . Matarazzo and Wiens (1972) are concerned e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h the l i n g u i s t i c problems i n i n t e r v i e w s and i n t e r v i e w i n g . While doing so, they note how l i t t l e the 182 problem has i n f a c t been studied ( l ) . They note, f o r example, t h a t there i s no agreement as to the nature of the u n i t s of a n a l y s i s that should be used. Should i t be words? Phrases? Where does a phrase begin and end? What i s a pause—what i s an utterance? There are no agreed answers t o these questions (3-4). 10 Budd and Thorp, 1963, Ch. 3; H o l s t i , 1969, Ch.5. 11 See: C o l e s . 1967, 35-36, 41-42. However, Budd and Thorp (1963, 1-3) d i s c u s s the q u a n t i t a t i v e - q u a l i t a t i v e question and would not agree w i t h my o b s e r v a t i o n . However, they do not deal w i t h judgemental problems, per se, and i n t h e i r papers deal e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h the p r a c t i c a l and t e c h n i c a l problems of designing formats of a n a l y s i s . In doing so, they pass over or around the necessary stage of being s a t i s f i e d w i t h what one has done, or w i t h what one has decided to do. High o b j e c t i v e l y measured l e v e l s of r e l i a b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y , and assurances of r e p l i c a t i o n , no matter how necessary they might be to achieve s c i e n t i f i c s t a t u s , have no bearing whatsoever on the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the. study they p e r t a i n t o . See note 12, below. 12 The r o l e t h a t p l a u s i b i l i t y plays i n d e c i d i n g us i n favour of one argument over another of equal s c i e n t i f i c (or other) v a l i d i t y has been f r e q u e n t l y observed, although i t has not been i n t e g r a t e d i n t o any higher l e v e l theory of v a l i d i t y - j u s t i f i c a t i o n . For some observations on the p o i n t , see: Berry and G a r r i s o n , 1958, 84-85; Chorley and Haggett, 1968, 20-21; Robinson, 1964, Ch. 1., 76-78; Toulmin, 1971, esp. 60-62; Warwick and Osherson, 1973, 27. Passmore (1968) i n e f f e c t t r a c e s the e n t i r e h i s t o r y of i n t e l l e c t u a l s t ruggle i n philosophy between d e s c r i p t i o n and theory, and e x p l a n a t i o n and theory, w i t h three of h i s chapters being p a r t i c u l a r l y p e r t i n e n t (Ch. 16, Ch. 17, Ch. 20). In t h a t record can be seen the ways i n which concepts of p l a u s i b i l i t y , recognised or, more f r e q u e n t l y , present unbeknown, favoured some l i n e s of thought over others, and created eras of emphasis i n research i n t e r e s t . See a l s o : P o l a n y i (1967). Kaarle Ilordenstreng p r e c i s e l y s t a t e s : " . . . e m p i r i c a l research always i m p l i e s a conceptual s t a r t i n g p o i n t , whether one i s conscious of i t or not. The choice of r e s e a r c h o b j e c t s and approach i n v o l v e s a non-e m p i r i c a l v a l u a t i o n . L i k e w i s e , a conceptual system i s necessary i n order to i n t e r p r e t the. r e s u l t s and to put them i n t o p r a c t i c e . A system i n t o which the answers given by the e m p i r i c a l research w i l l f i t . " (quoted i n : S c h i l l e r , 1972, 26). I t i s t h i s envelope of p l a u s i b i l i t y , the n e c e s s i t y of i t , t h at makes a l l theory " p a r t i a l , " i n every sense of that word (Hardin, i n Shepard and McKinley, 1969, 276-277). 183 13 As Boskoff (1962) puts i t , the time of c o r r e c t i v e planning i n planning i s behind us 1325) and we are now res p o n s i b l e f o r c r e a t i v e planning (ch. 18) which w i l l i n v o l v e us i n the l e s s d e f i n i t e provinces of philosophy and a r t as opposed to the previous f a c t u a l i n v e s t i g a t i o n . This phase of planning " . . . b r i s t l e s w i t h judgments, e v a l u a t i o n s , and a s s e r t i o n s . . . " (351-352), and w i l l , or should, " . . . encourage a c o n s i s t a n t and widespread d e s i r e to p a r t i c i p a t e a c t i v e l y i n neighbourhood, community, and r e g i o n a l a f f a i r s of v a r i o u s kinds." (352). S i g n i f i -c a n t l y , Harvey (1973, 19) dedicates h i s book t o a l l good, committed j o u r n a l i s t s , everywhere. 14 The program which produced t h i s study i s an example of the way i n which government i s reaching out i n t o the community. Examples are found i n : Axworthy and G i l l i e s , 1973; Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , 1972; Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t , 1973; S t o t t , 1972. As Weissman (1970, 167) assessed the s i t u a t i o n , observing the d i f f e r e n c e s between contemporary and t r a d i t i o n a l c o u n c i l s , "Both c o u n c i l s have used the r h e t o r i c of community c o n t r o l and democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r t h e i r programs. The o l d counc i l . u s e d i t as.a t a c t i c ; the new c o u n c i l has taken i t as a tenet and a matter of b e l i e f . " I t i s not yet c l e a r to what extent t h i s c ould p r o p e r l y be said of l e v e l s of government above the l o c a l neighbourhood c o u n c i l . 15 Goodman (1972, 238-239) says the problem i s not how t o get the experts c l o s e r t o the people but how t o create an environment i n which experts are not needed. Harvey (1973, 144-146) shares t h i s p o s i t i o n . Although there i s l i t t l e evidence of such take-over i n general p u b l i c l i f e , some m i n o r i t y groups have been able to achieve d i r e c t c o n t r o l over agencies which p r e v i o u s l y d e a l t w i t h them as wards. An example i s the West Coast D i s t r i c t C o u n c i l of Indian C h i e f s which has replaced the Indian A f f a i r s Department as c o n t r o l l e r of the f e d e r a l funds assigned t o the d i s t r i c t . (The Province. Vancouver, May 27, 1974, 32). Other m i n o r i t i e s , such as welfa r e r e c i p i e n t s , have b i d f o r s i m i l a r take-overs, w i t h l e s s success (The  Vancouver Sun. August 31, 1973, 78). 16 Goodman, 1972, Ch. 7, esp 217-219. Other observers are l e s s c o n f i d e n t that the democratic order can be expanded to such an ext e n t . See: Weissman, 1970, Ch. 16, esp. 168-173. 184 17 T h i s , of course, i s the crux of the matter. The f a c t u a l - b e h a v i o u r a l evidence i s only part of the s t o r y . P u b l i c apathy and p u b l i c r e l u c t a n c e t o become inv o l v e d might be nothing more than accurate a p p r e c i a t i o n s of the p o t e n t i a l inherent i n the contemporary s i t u a t i o n . As cases of s u c c e s s f u l p a r t i c i p a t i o n become more widely known, more c i t i z e n s might consider becoming a c t i v e i n t h e i r own a f f a i r s . However, i t must be admitted t h a t at present the evidence i s that c i t i z e n s are on the whole r e l u c t a n t t o become i n v o l v e d , and that those who do, do not maintain a h i g h l e v e l of commitment, Weissman (1970, XIV, 31-32), c i t i n g other s t u d i e s , d e s c r i b e s the t y p i c a l l i f e of a v o l u n t a r y group i n the f o l l o w i n g terms: beginning w i t h a burst of enthusiasm, the group passes r a p i d l y i n t o a c o n d i t i o n i n which only the most committed members ( u s u a l l y those who achieve " o f f i c e " i n the group) continue t o r e g u l a r l y perform; t h e r e a f t e r , the group's a c t i v i t y l e v e l d e c l i n e s f u r t h e r , to the p o i n t where, i f i t does not cease e n t i r e l y , i t becomes bu r e a u c r a t i c and h a b i t u a l . This p a t t e r n , however, i s not p e c u l i a r to v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s . I t has been observed i n the l i f e - c y c l e of " t h i n k - t a n k s " ( K r i e g e r , 1970, 3-5) and, making allowances f o r the d i f f e r -ences i n time s c a l e s i n v o l v e d , i t would f i t e q u a l l y w e l l the conceptual cohort i m p l i c i t i n Kuhn's t h e s i s on s c i e n t i f i c r e v o l u t i o n s (Kuhn, 1962) and the passage of empire described by Toynbee (1947). The presence of the enthusiasm t o euthanasia pattern, then, cannot be i n t e r p r e t e d as evidence of a p e c u l i a r weakness i n v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s , and i t should not be invoked to deter c i t i z e n s from assembling on t h e i r own behalf or used to discourage those assembled. For f u r t h e r observations on the p o i n t , see: Meier, 1971, 5; Cooperstock, 1971, 13. 18 As was noted i n Chapter I , there i s a u t h o r i t a t i v e agreement t h a t the urban p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s are " . . . g e n e r a l l y unequal to t h e i r t a s k s . " (Boskoff, 1962, 230; L i t h w i c k , 1979). However, most students are not yet prepared t o abandon the t r a d i t i o n a l orthodoxy, and only a few such as Goodman (1972) and Harvey (1973) have gone through the " . . . r e t h i n k i n g of i d e o l o g i c a l i s s u e s . . . " that Abu Lughod (1969, 30) conjectured might be the source of f r e s h concepts i n planning f o r the f u t u r e . Meanwhile, v a r i o u s groups w i t h i n urban s o c i e t y are moving away from p a r t i c i p a t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n s ( i n the sense of being i n some kind of a l l i a n c e w i t h the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e s ) and have t a r t e d to organize i n an independent and autonomous way. Head, 1971, 3-4; L l o y d , 1971, 10-11). Their withdrawal appears q u i t e r a t i o n a l i n l i g h t of the t r a d i t i o n a l i s t c o nservative b i a s found p a r t i c u l a r l y at the l o c a l government l e v e l s . While these l o c a l o f f i c i a l s might be motivated by the high values c i t e d by Trecker (1970, 21-24), t h e i r IBS-p r a c t i c a l p o s t u r e s are f r e q u e n t l y i f n o t u s u a l l y e l i t i s t toward t h e e l e c t o r a t e (Axworthy and C a s s i d y , 1974, 103) while the p o l i c i e s they t e n d to favour are those which best serve " . . . t h e i r own s h o r t - t e r m i n t e r e s t s . " (Faubert, i n F r i s k e n , 1973, 27.) 19 H o o s e (1963, 5-6) and R i t t e l a n d Webber (1972, esp. 13-14) m i g h t be r i g h t i n arguing t h a t s o c i a l problems are t o t a l i n ways e n g i n e e r i n g problems are not, and that one of t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s i s t h e i r open-ended nature. But i t does not f o l l o w f r o m t h a t , that there i s never any p o i n t of c o n c l u s i o n i n a n y given problem, or t h a t i t i s impossible to s p e c i f y i n t e n t i o n s and have them achieved. Indeed, the e x p e r i e n t i a l s t r u c t u r e of r e a l i t y f o r most of us, i s compos-ed of p o i n t s o f conclusion-departure, at l e a s t when viewed r e t r o s p e c t i v e l y . Consequently, the time span question as r e l a t e d t o i s s u e s and t h e concepts of s o l u t i o n a p p l i e d t o them, i t seems t o me, i n s i s t s on some kind of p r o h i b i t i o n on i n t e r v e n t i o n between the formation of s o l u t i o n d e c i s i o n s and the p o i n t a t w h i c h they are expected t o bear f r u i t . I am aware, t h a t t h i s p o s i t i o n c o n s t i t u t e s the o l d b a t t l e -ground of the L e f t which i s most c l e a r l y described i n the c o n t i n u i n g struggle between the f o l l o w e r s of Trotsky (Deutscher, 1964J and the orthodox communist supporters of the s o c i a l i s t state concept. The dispute i s too complex to be summarized here, but i t s e s s e n t i a l s are found i n : Marcuse, 1961; Mendel, 1961; M i l l s , 1962; Wolf son, 1966, Ch. 5. On a more p r a c t i c a l l e v e l , see Hardin ( i n Shepard and McKinley, 1969, 292f.) 20 The point i s not as t r i v i a l or as naive as i t might at f i r s t appear. And the f a c t that i t i s c o n s i s t a n t l y i g n o r -ed or b e l i t t l e d by a c t i v i s t s of a l l persuasions suggests that i t r a i s e s a matter so profound, that we l a c k the c o n f i -dence to face i t a t t h i s time. I f we can no longer put our f a i t h i n a b s t r a c t p r i n c i p l e s , or i n n a t u r a l . l a w s , then we must ourselves decide what w i l l happen, what i s to be. And " . . . i f men must decide, by what c r i t e r i o n s h a l l they decide?" (Mackenzie, 1967, 140) puts a guestion which too many of u s answer by f l e e i n g from i t (Fromm, 1 9 4 l ) . 21 ,One s o l u t i o n to t h i s aspect of the question i s the formation of neighbourhood " c o r p o r a t i o n s " as proposed by K o t l e r (1967) and Goodman, (1972, Ch. 7, esp. 217-219), even though t h e concept of community i s no c l e a r e r now than i t was when Norton charged that planners ignored the i m p r e c i -sion of t h e i r use of the term. (Norton, i n P e r l o f f , 1961, 68-69.) 136 22 The c i t i z e n , as an i n d i v i d u a l or i n a group, shares much i n t h i s regard w i t h the young p r o f e s s i o n a l . See: Wade, 1971. The maintenance of the' p r o f e s s i o n a l e l i t e i s s p e c i f i c a l l y proposed by Owings (1970, 50) a p o s i t i o n apparently a l s o occupied by H e l l i n g (1971, 4 ) . Cooperstock (1971) puts the e l i t e case most c o n c i s e l y , and h i s r h e t o r i c a l observations "Just who c o n s t i t u t e s or represents the community can be a lengthy point of debate.", c o n t a i n s a common a t t i t u d e i n the r e a c t i o n of the orthodox p r o f e s s i o n a l s . Moynihan (1970, esp. 66) makes some i n t e r e s t i n g observations on the academic and govern-mental e l i t e s i n America, v i s a v i s the l a y p o p u l a t i o n s . 23 An extreme case might i l l u m i n a t e t h i s p o i n t , See: Larrabee, 1963. 24 The discriminatory aspects of e d u c a t i o n a l systems are obvious and defined by the purposes of the system, overt and c o v e r t . The r i s e i n ethnic consciousness i n the U.S. and elsewhere has brought i n t o question sev e r a l of these dimen-si o n s , and the arguments assembled against r a c i a l e l i t i s m i n education (and i n the concepts i n c u l c a t e d by education) are r e a d i l y expanded t o oppose c l a s s e l i t i s m . Since these e l i t e dimensions are i n t r i n s i c t o the orthodox education system and not merely appended p r e j u d i c e s , challenges to them cannot help but be drawn i n t o a t o t a l a n a l y s i s of not only the e d u c a t i o n a l i n f r a - s t r u c t u r e s but a l s o the s o c i o -economic foundations of them. C u r r e n t l y , however, the mid d l e - c l a s s content of education remains dominant. I t s i n f l u e n c e i s exerted d i r e c t l y , through conceptual determina-t i o n of such working hypotheses as i n t e l l i g e n c e (Bodmar and and C a v a l l i - S f o r z a , 1970; Jensen, 1969), and i n d i r e c t l y through what i s known as "teacher e x p e c t a t i o n " (Rosenthal and Jacobson, 1968), the sub-conscious r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n -ship between s i m i l a r s . For f u r t h e r observations, see: A l l e n , 1971; Goodman, I960; Sennett and Cobb, 1973; W i l l i a m s , 1974. 25 The r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t the c i t y ' s s t r u c t u r e cannot be comprehended by simple models of e m p i r i c a l l y observed patterns has given r i s e to concepts of p l u r a l i s m i n s o c i a l a n a l y s i s . (Abu-Lughod, 1969, esp. 26-28: E t z i o n i and Dubow, 1970; Warwick and Osherson, 1973). This was a l i n e of development which a t t r a c t e d many who had no caste f o r the harsher s t r u g g l e s , who p r e f e r r e d to l i v e and l e t l i v e . (Gib son, 1966). However, p l u r a l i s m can a f f o r d only temporary r e l i e f from the demand f o r s y n t h e s i z i n g concepts. r s 7 since we cannot f u n c t i o n at a l l without some guiding over-s t r u c t u r e concept, and we cannot d i s s e c t f o r ever those evolved by others while'denying our own. As H e l l e r (1961, 162) puts i t : " I t i s impossible to destroy an analogy ' e m p i r i c a l l y , * however much 'evidence' i s assembled f o r the campaign. A l l h i s t o r i c a l g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s are the defeat of the e m p i r i c i s t ; and there i s no h i s t o r y without them. Apply the s t r i c t e m p i r i c i s t t e s t t o the concept of 'nation,' ' c l a s s y ' 'economic t r e n d , ' or ' t r a d i t i o n , ' and the concept d i s s o l v e s i n t o a host of unmanageable minutiae. In every s i n g l e case the question i s merely how profound and subtle a g e n e r a l i z a t i o n i s , or how much of the ge n e r a l -i z i n g manoeuvre passes unnoticed; and i t has every chance of not being recognized f o r what i t i s , i f i t i s i n keeping w i t h the s i l e n t agreements and p r e j u d i c e s , the prevalent g e n e r a l i z i n g mood of s o c i e t y . " No matter how generously c i t i z e n s h i p i n " E l i t e l a n d " i s extended, the barbarians w i l l yet sack the c i t y i f we are unable t o evolve a concept of c i t i z e n s h i p that goes beyond a footnote acknowledgement, one which extends a share of power as w e l l as a piece of paper. 26 In the major Vancouver Urban Futures P r o j e c t q u e s t i o n n a i r e program, we asked our respondents whether or not they would be w i l l i n g t o be interviewed again by our team of r e s e a r c h e r s . Some 60% i n d i c a t e d agreement. I t was l a t e r found that t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was a strong p r e d i c t a t i v e f a c t o r r e l a t i v e to other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . ( C o l l i n s , 1973, esp. 39). I f t h i s readiness to p a r t i c i p a t e can be i n t e r p r e t e d as a f u n c t i o n of optimism (and at time of w r i t i n g we have not t e s t e d f o r t h i s p o t e n t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p ) , then i t would support the theory t h a t optimism tends t o enhance the propensity to become involved i n s o c i a l a c t i v i t y (Boskoff, 1962, 1 8 6 f f . ) . 27 The Vancouver Urban Futures P r o j e c t program used an a t t i t u d e s c a l e t e s t designed f o r the p r o j e c t , c o n s t r u c t e d to tap s e v e r a l a t t i t u d i n a l dimensions and to bear on some s p e c i f i c questions w i t h i n the r e g i o n . Some were h i g h l y c o n t r o v e r s i a l items, others were qu i t e bland t r u i s m s . None f a i l e d to demonstrate an o p p o s i t i o n . Of the 148 items, only sixty-two drew m i n o r i t i e s c o n s t i t u t i n g l e s s than 20% of the respondents i n t e r v i e w e d . Ranked by t h e i r standard d e v i a t i o n s , which we i n t e r p r e t e d as a measure of c o n t r o v e r s i a l l y , only t h i r t e e n d i s p l a y e d standard d e v i a t i o n s below 0.30. ( C o l l i n s , 1973, Table 2, Appendix A ) . 28 Merton (1957, 51) argues that no a l t e r n a t i v e form can rep l a c e an e x i s t i n g form so long as the e x i s t i n g form i s 183 f u n c t i o n a l l y v i a b l e . H o w e v e r , e v e n i f Merton i s r i ^ h t , there c a n be a d e b i l i t a t i n g and p o s s i b l y long p e r i o d of c o n f l i c t between competing a u t h o r i t i e s , b e f o r e t h e s i t u a -t i o n reaches t h e point w h e r e one concedes t h e f i e l d t o t h e other. Quite p o s s i b l y , s u c h c o n f l i c t s a r e n e v e r resolved, i n the simple s e n s e of game theory, and t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e l i e s i n t h e i r r o l e i n s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l environmental change, rat h e r than i n t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s . 29 The apparent apathy of v o t e r s i s w e l l a t t e s t e d i n the Western Democracies. The wariness of those c i t i z e n s most a f f e c t e d by urban problems appears to be rooted i n something other than simple i n d i f f e r e n c e or ignorance. They have been a f r a i d t h a t i n becoming i n v o l v e d they w i l l simply be manipulated by more experienced, p r a c t i c a l advocates. The s i t u a t i o n , s u r e l y , i s changing. For v a r i o u s o bservations, see: C r i t c h l e y , 1971; Cox, 1972, 305; D'Amore, 1971, 48-49; Head, 1971, 3-4; L o t z , 1970, 20; Vrooman, 1972, 4. 30 As can be seen i n Table A, Appendix B, the l a c k of government "openness" was seen as only a minor problem. I t c o n t r i b u t e d only 1.5/o of the t o t a l i ssue r e f e r e n c e s , and i n the sub-samples rose to only 2.4% i n two cases. In Table C, Appendix B, the two i n n o v a t i v e c l a s s e s , "New Forms of Government" and "New C i t i z e n s Groups" are not invoked by many c i t i z e n s . i n search of s o l u t i o n s to problems. Only "Labour" ranks lower. 31 I t i s g e n e r a l l y considered that the i n t e r v i e w s i t u a t i o n r e p resents at l e a s t an a - t y p i c a l c o n d i t i o n , and p o s s i b l y imposes a d i s t u r b i n g environment on the respondent. Much of the t h e o r e t i c a l work i n i n t e r v i e w technique i s designed around minimizing the exogenous, a l i e n source of the enquiry, and e v a l u a t i n g the r e s i d u a l l e f t when theory has reached i t s l i m i t s . I would not go so f a r as to argue th a t a l l t h i s concern i s misplaced. Obviously, the i n t e r -view i s not an everyday occurrance i n most peoples' l i v e s , and e q u a l l y o bviously the i n t e r v i e w e r p o t e n t i a l l y has almost d i c t a t o r i a l power over how the i n t e r v i e w i s t o proceed. I would, however, wish to suggest t h a t perhaps we i n t e r v i e w e r s are hanging on too long to some old experiences, which no longer t y p i f y the p u b l i c environment. The p u b l i c i s l e s s d o c i l e than i t once was, i s l e s s e a s i l y l e d , and no longer holds the establishment i n awe. P o l l i n g , and the r e s u l t s of p o l l s , are s t a p l e s on the news scene today, while tape r e c o r d -ers are becoming as u b i q u i t o u s as the pocket t r a n s i t o r r a d i o . I t i s time, I b e l i e v e , f o r u s to pay more a t t e n t i o n to what people have to say and l e s s to techniques designed t o 189 c o n t r o l what they say. For v a r i o u s commentaries, a l l of which disagree w i t h me, see: Smith, 1972, esp. Ch. 2, Ch. 9; Webb, 1969, 1; Weinberg, 1971. 32 Warwick and Osherson, 1973, 10. An i n t e r e s t i n g suggestion f o r a combined technique t h a t would maximize the value of the respondent-interviewer i n t e r a c t i o n i s made by Schuman ( i n Warwick and Osherson, 1973, Ch. 6, esp. 139ff) . As a r c h i t e c t Yamashita ( i n F r i s k e n , 1973, 20, 25) found; h i s experience i n low-income areas l e d him t o reassess many of the t r a d i t i o n a l assumptions and methods he had been taught, and he found "remarkable" the s o c i a l d i s t a n c e between those who design and b u i l d and those who i n h a b i t . Of course, other students can experience w i t h equanimity the most obvious i n j u s t i c e s without i t a f f e c t -ing them at a l l ( f o r example, Cox, 1.972, 291), while others might be moved i n the opposite d i r e c t i o n , as apparently happened to Rose (1968, 7 ) . 34 In our case, we have many examples of how t h e i r employment on the Vancouver Urban Futures P r o j e c t a f f e c t e d the l i v e s of some of our i n t e r v i e w e r s . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , we d i d not document these h i s t o r i e s at the time. 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"Planning and P o l i t i c s : C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n Urban R.enewal." J o u r n a l of the American  I n s t i t u t e of Planners. V 29, No. 4, Nov. 1963, 242-249. Wolfson, M. A Reappraisal of Marxian Economics. Penguin Books, 1966. Wooldridge, S. The Geographer as S c i e n t i s t . London: Thos. Nelson and Sons, 1956. APPENDIX A - l The sample obtained i n t h i s i n t e r v i e w program c o n t a i n s two-hundred and ninety-seven i n t e r v i e w s . Although i t s a r e a l d i s t r i b u t i o n , s i z e , and s t r u c t u r e are such that i t cannot be g e n e r a l i z e d to the r e g i o n , i t does comprise a wide enough range of respondent c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to support some i l l u s t r a t i v e s e l e c t i o n s , and a number of such s e l e c t i o n s were made. Data bearing on these s e l e c t i o n s appears below i n Appendix B. I t has o f t e n been observed t h a t v o l u n t a r y subjects i n i n t e r v i e w programs g e n e r a l l y produce a sample biased i n favour of mi d d l e - c l a s s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . I t can be seen t h a t t h i s b i a s i s present here, even though i t does not overwhelm other s o c i a l groups. There are, however, two s i g n i f i c a n t imblances. These are those of occupation and sex. Occupa-t i o n a l l y , only s l i g h t l y over 2Q?o of the sample i s i n the combined s k i l l e d , s e m i - s k i l l e d and u n s k i l l e d c l a s s e s . A d d i t i o n a l l y , students, housewives, r e t i r e d , and otherwise u n c l a s s i f i e d respondents comprise over 4 b % of the sample. The sex breakdown i s approximately 2:1 i n favour of males, compared w i t h the average 1:1 breakdown found i n the r e g i o n , an average which i s g e n e r a l l y stable throughout the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s of the r e g i o n . 209 Except f o r these two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , the ranges of data are s u f f i c i e n t l y broad to support s e l e c t i o n s i n terms of v a r i o u s c r i t e r i a . Some sample c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are tabula t e d below. The a r e a l d i s t r i b u t i o n s of the sub-sample appear i n Appendix C. TABLE A. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Respondent s bv Sex and Municipa l i t y . ( H o r i z o n t a l Percentage) Male Female T o t a l Burnaby 57.14 42.86 21 Coquitlam 66.67 33.33 12 De l t a 55.56 44.44 9 North Vancouver 56.52 43.48 46 New Westminster 25.00 75.00 4 Richmond 71.43 28.57 14 Surrey 90.00 10.00 10 Vancouver 64.90 34.44 151 West Vancouver 56.67 43.33 30 62.63 37.04 100.0 186 110 297 TABLE B. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Respondents by Age and M u n i c i p a l i t y . ( H o r i z o n t a l Percentage) 20 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-60 70+ NA 1 2 3. 4 5 6 7 Burnaby 9.52 19.05 9.52 19.05 14.29 19.05 .00 21 Coquitlam 25.00 25.00 .00 25.00 16.67 .00 .00 12 D e l t a 11.11 44.44 .00 11.11 22.22 11.11 .00 9 North Vancouver 4.35 32.61 . 17.39 13.04 13.04 8.70 4.35 46 New Westminster 25.00 50.00 .00 25.00 .00 .00 .00 4 Richmond 21.43 21.43 21.43 7.14 14.29 .00 7.14 14 Surrey .00 40.00 10.00 10.00 20.00 10.00 10.00 10 Vancouver 9.27 39.07 13.25 11.26 12.58 5.96 4.64 151 West Vancouver 6.67 13.33 10.00 33.33 13.33 20.00 3.33 30 9.43 33.00 12.46 ...14,81 13.47 8.42 4.04 4.38 100.0 28 98 37 44 40 25 12 13 297 TABLE C. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Respondents by Occupation and M u n i c i p a l i t y ( H o r i z o n t a l Percentages) M i s c . * P r o f . Manage. W.Coll. S k i l l e d SemSkd. UnSkd. 0 1 2 2 4. 5 6_ Burnaby 38.10 28.57 4.76 9.52 .00 4.76 14.29 21 Coquitlam 50.00 .00 16.67 8.33 8.33 8.33 8.33 12 D e l t a 33.33 .00 33.33 22.22 .00 11.11 .00 9 North Vancouver 34.78 15.22 10.87 15.22 17.39 2.17 4.35 46 New Westminster 50.00 .00 .00 25.00 .00 .00 25.00 4 Richmond 57.14 .00 .00 7.14 7.14 28.57 .00 14 Surrey 50.00 .00 .00 30.00 10.00 10.00 .00 10 Vancouver 49.67 17.88 3.31 7.28 5.96 12.58 3.31 151 West Vancouver 40.00 23.33 16.67 10.00 3.33 .00 6.67 30 45.45 15.82 7.07 .10.44 7.07 9.43 4.71 100.0 135 47 21 31 21 28 14 297 Misc = students, housewives, r e t i r e d , etc TABLE D. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Respondents by Education and M u n i c i p a l i t y ( H o r i z o n t a l Percentages) NA SomeHi 1 HiGrad 2 PSec 3 UniDeg 4 PoGrad 5 Burnaby 4.76 28.57 19.05 23.81 9.52 14.29 21 Coquitlam 8.33 25.00 25.00 33.33 8.33 .00 12 D e l t a .00 .00 55.56 33.33 11.11 .00 ' 9 North Vancouver 4.35 17.39 19.57 39.13 19.57 .00 46 New Westminster .00 .00 25.00 75.00 .00 .00 4 Richmond .00 35.71 28.57 28.57 7.14 .00 14 Surrey .00 20.00 40.00 20.00 20.00 .00 10 Vancouver 3.97 17.88 18.54 •31.13 16.56 11.92 151 West Vancouver 3.33 16.67 13.33 36.67 16.67 13.33 30 3.70 11 18.86 56 20.88 62 32.66 97 15.49 46 8.42 25 100.0 297 TABLE E. D i s t r i b u t i o n of Respondents by Household Income and M u n i c i p a l i t y ( H o r i z o n t a l Percentages) 8 Burnaby 19.05 9.52 9.52 28.57 14.29 19.05 .00 .00 21 Coquitlam 16.67 .00 16.67 8.33 41.67 16.67 .00 .00 12 Del t a .00 .00 11.11 55.56 33.33 .00 .00 .00 .9 North Vancouver 13.04 6.52 17.39 21.74 39.13 .00 .00 2.17 46 New Westminster .00 .00 25.00. .00 75.00 .00 .00 .00 4 Richmond' 28.57 .00 .00 42.86 21.43 21.43 7.14 .00 14 Surrey 10.00 20.00 20.00 10.00 20.00 .00 20.00 .00 10 Vancouver 25.83 10.60 17.22 11.26 17.88 10.60 2.65 3.97 151 West Vancouver 23.33 .00 13.33 6.67 43.33 6.67 .00 6.67 30 T o t a l 21.21 7.74 15.49 16.16 25.93 8.42 2.02 3.03 100 63 23 46 48 77 25 6 9 297 to CO Key t o Table E 1 = $2,500 and l e s s 2 = $2,501 t o $5,000 3 = $5,001 t o $7,500 4 = $7,501 to $10,000 5 = $10,001 to $15,000 6 = $15,001 to $20,000 7 = .$20,001 to $30,000 8 = $30,001 and over 214 APPENDIX A-2 T h i s appendix d i s p l a y s the data sheets used i n the a n a l y s i s of the r e c o r d , and the short q u e s t i o n n a i r e which gathered the s t a t i s t i c s on the respondents. Other documents were used i n the program but since a l l of them co n t a i n references to matters which were excised when the f i e l d schedule was r e v i s e d , t h e i r i n c l u s i o n here would confuse more than c l a r i f y . For s i m p l i c i t y ' s sake these m a t e r i a l s have been r e f e r r e d to as documents. The four are:.. Document 1. Short Questionnaire .:; 2. D i r e c t i o n on A n a l y s i s 3. A n a l y s i s Code Sheet 4. A n a l y s i s Record Sheet 215 VAiEQ'jyE". tTvr.'-N rircars F T O J K C T (Background inionuacior.) To ensure c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y , no name i s requested What is your home neighbourhood c i t y hundred block and street How long at this address yrs? And i n Greater Vancouver _ _ _ _ _ _ yrs? What i s the number of persons in your household by age and sex (including self) under 10 yrs. to 20 to 30 to 40 to 50 to 60 up. # males ^females What is the last city you lived in How long ago _? yrs. Do you have any thoughts about moving from your current location? Y N If so, when ? For what reasons ? Which sources of local and national news do you use? Ch# paper radio T.V. magazines others Which kind of transportation do you use most? own auto taxi bus motor cycle foot other How far (in blocks) do you live from these f a c i l i t i e s ? shopping f a c i l i t i e s school bus stop recreation What i s your occupation Spouse's occupation Length of time at present job. self spouse About how much is your total annual income for the entire household (before taxes) $. Sex Age 1 male 2 female Do you: rent lease own 1 2 3 About how o l d i s your home? yrs How many un i t s ? How many years of education have you had? Dipl. B.A. M.A. M.D. etc. grade Are you a member of any of these groups or organizations? Specify: Professional : Religious ________________ .Labour • Ethnic Conservation Politica l Community Service _____ Other This survey was completed before/after the interview by Document 1: Short Questionnaire (Reduced from VUFP 3'_"x 11" o r i g i n a l ) Vancouvor Urban Fu t u r e s : Geography Dept. U.B.C. 1972. P r o j e c t 4| P r e l i m i n a r y - F i e l d Analysin of Taped Interviews.  Guldo to Tape Content A n a l y s i s 1. U t i l i z o tho Prompt Sheet as an a i d . 2. Do A n a l y s i s as soon as p o s s i b l e a f t e r i n t e r v i e w . 3. Use NO As symbol f o r NO Entry or Ho Relevant R e f e r e n c e 4. Have a p e n c i l (soft)-; a Ruler, and a Watch by you during a n a l y s i s . 5. Use any procoedure convenient to you but we suggest you l i s t e n to tape and enter i n note form(pencil) t o p i c s e t c . and codo o n ] y a f t e r you've run p a r t of the tape. • i e . t r a n s l a t e notes to codes, p e r i o d i c a l l y . 6. Kore than one l i n e of e n t r i e s n i g h t be needed. In these cases, use separate rows f o r each sequence of entry But Do Hot I'opccit In Column 1. The Topic Issue. eg. Housing (1»1) might appear, with 2,3,or more entrior, i n the columns to i t s r i g h t . Nothing should be entered below Housing (1:1) u n t i l a new t o p i c i s i n t r o d u c e d . Thus: You might have Housing (1:1) as the i s s u e , throe l o c a t i o n s s p e c i f i e d , two sources of the i s s u e , two kinds of evidence o f f e r e d , one agent r e s p o n s i b l e f o r s o l u t i o n named, and one each f o r trends and e x p e c t a t i o n s . Ti i i s would give you a three-row-deep e n t r y . When next issue i s brought up, lcavo space below f i r s t entry and continue i n the same manner. Use as many sheets as needed to complete a n a l y s i s . 7. Keep a tape-Time n o t a t i o n i n the time margin provided. Column 8 w i l l be summed from t h i s time r e c o r d . 8. The Columns are: 1. Issue type ( see Prompt sheet and Data Codes ) 5. S o l u t i o n R e s p o n s i b i l i t y (Who/What i s needed to solve) 2. Issue l o c a t i o n ( p laces. see Data Codes) 6 0 Trends (see Data Codes) 3. Issue O r i g i n (W no/whatis source of problem) 7. Expectations (see Data Codes) 4. Evidence C i t e d (see Data Codes). 8. Frequency (see Data Codes and Para. 7 above). i— Document 2: D i r e c t i o n on A n a l y s i s (Reduced from VUFP 8^" x. 14" O r i g i n a l ) Vancouver Urban Future B.C. 1972, Data Codes. Column 1. Column 2. Column 3. Column 5. Housing 1. Vancouver East 1. Individual 1. Individual Education 2. Vancouver West 2. Business 2. Business Employment 3. Vancouver core 3. Industry 3. Industry Zoning 4. Burnaby North 4. Labour 4. Labor Development 3. Burnaby South 5. Federal Government 5. Federal Govt Transportation 6. North Vancouver 6. Provincial Government 6. Provincial Govt Health Services 7. West Vancouver 7. Municipal Government 7. Municipal Govt Counter Culture 8. Coquitlam 8. Population i n General 8. Population i n Environment 9. Pt. Coquit-Moody 9. Particular Interest Groups 9. General Recreation A 10. New Westminster 10_. Other 10. Particular interest Culture B i i - Surrey North 11. Groups Financing C 12. Surrey south 12. New Forms of Govt Lav; & Order D 13. Richmond 13. Column 4. New Citizens Group Eccentricity E 14.. Delta 14. S t a t i s t i c a l 1. Other RAitics F 15. Lower Mainland 15. Examples 2. General Urban G 16. B r i t i s h Columbia 16. Comparison 3. Column 6. Population Sub- Canada 17. Testimony 4. Deteriorating Grcups H17. USA 18. Personal Experience 5. Stable Information- Site not Specific 19. Media 6. Improving participation I 18. Elsewhere 2£. Other 7. Other Social Environment J 19. Community Services K 20. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5 6. 7. 9. 10_ 11 12 1. 2. 3. 4. Column 7. Pessimistic Undecided Optimistic Indifferent Other 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Column 8. ro i—• Summarize at Conclusior of Analysis, using Tape-time per issue. Document 3: A n a l y s i s Code Sheet (Reduced from VUFP 8_" x 14" O r i g i n a l ) VANCOUVER URBAN F U T U R E S : C a o g r a p h y D e p t . U B C , 1972 PROJECT A : P r e l l T . l n a r y - F l e l g A n a l y s i s ot T . i p a J I n t e r v i e w N u m b e r : COL3 ! I t 3 T a p e L e n g t h : L e n g t h o f T a p e ( M l n s ) : Cct |£ I n t e r v i e w e r ' s Name: T a p e A n a l y s t ' s Name: D a t e o f I n t e r v i e w : D a t e o f T a p e A n a l y s i s : Number o f A n a l y s i s S h e e t s : T h i s I s S h e e t N u m b e r : A n a l y s t ' s C o m m e n t s ; LOCATi§tJ T a p e - T i m e  S t a r t ( M l n s ) / s s u £ € o € c £ c L 13 I s s u e T y p e I s s u e L o c a t i o n I s s u e O r i g i n CUXi Rv££cnce C i t e d ceci: S o l u t i o n R e s p o n s l b l l Cot. Si Trends 61 l n t f . ew Document 4: A n a l y s i s Record Sheet (Reduced from VUFP 8^" x 14" O r i g i n a l ) 2/f APPENDIX B ' SUB-SA.MPLE SELECTION Table A presents fourteen sub-samples, together w i t h an aggregate column c o n t a i n i n g the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the 1,550 issue references obtained i n the tape a n a l y s i s . E i g h t of the sub-classes are socio-economic-a l l y based, w h i l e the remaining s i x are a r e a l l y d e f i n e d . The socio-economic sub-samples were s e l e c t e d at random from p r i n t - o u t s of the s p e c i f i e d c h a r a c t e r i s t , from the t o t a l f i l e . In each case, twenty i n t e r v i e w s were s e l e c t e d . T h i s was the l a r g e s t number which could c o n s i s t e n t l y be drawn from the f i l e , since i n a number of cases, the t o t a l number of i n t e r v i e w s d e f i n e d by the sub-sample c r i t e r i o n (or c r i t e r i a ) was approximately twenty. There were, f o r example, only t w e n t y - f i v e respondents w i t h post-graduate degrees, and only twenty-four met our s i x t y -f i v e - p l u s c r i t e r i o n f o r " o l d . " The a r e a l sub-samples were selected v i s u a l l y from a map on which the i n t e r v i e w l o c a t i o n s had been p l o t t e d . In a d d i t i o n to the l o c a t i o n , the map symbol a l s o d i s t i n g u i s h e d male-female i n t e r v i e w s . In s e l e c t i n g the twenty i n t e r v i e w s f o r each of the a r e a l sub-samples, we chose male-female "twins" so f a r as the o v e r a l l d i s t r i b u t i o n allowed, and 220 maximized the a r e a l spread over the area base. Thus, f o r a l l s i x area sub-samples and f o r the male-female sub-samples, the sex s t r u c t u r e i s e i t h e r equal or obviously not r e l e v a n t . For the remaining s i x sub-samples,'the male-female r a t i o i s e i t h e r approximately equal, where the pool was l a r g e enough to enable us to take the sex of the respondent i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n when s e l e c t i n g the i n t e r v i e w , or i s imbalanced, as i t i s , f o r i n s t a n c e , i n "high-income-work." The c r i t e r i o n d e f i n i n g the sub-samples were as f o l l o w s : Young = 20 and under Old = 65 and over High Income Work = employed i n m a n a g e r i a l / p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations, w i t h a minimum income of $15,000. (Our maximum income was $95,200.) There were seventy respond-ents i n t h i s c l a s s . Low Income Work = employed i n u n s k i l l e d , s k i l l e d , or white c o l l a r j o b s , w i t h income range of $3,500 - $7,500. While there were • f i f t y - e i g h t respondents i n the income c l a s s , only twenty-three of them ranked o c c u p a t i o n a l l y below the m a n a g e r i a l - p r o f e s s i o n a l c l a s s e s . 221 Area D e f i n i t i o n s : Inner Core = The CBD, West End, the eastern and southern f r i n g e areas, and the eastern extremity of K i t s i l a n o . Outer Areas = The extreme perimeter of the d i s t r i b u t i o n . C i t y East Side = East of Main S t r e e t t o Boundary Road, north of 41st Avenue. C i t y West Side = K i t s i l a n o , P o i n t Grey, and Mackenzie-Dunbar. New Suburbs Richmond, Surrey, D e l t a . : Old Suburbs = Burnaby, North Vancouver, New West-minster, and South Vancouver i n the Marpole area. The e d u c a t i o n a l and sexual c r i t e r i a are obvious. The t a b l e s below are drawn from sub-group samples (Tables A ( i ) and ( i i ) ); from respondents d i s t r i b u t e d by m u n i c i p a l -i t y (Table D); and from the aggregate sample (Tables B ( i ) and ( i i ) ; C ( i ) and ( i i ) ). TABLE A(1) SELECTED SUB-SAMPLE ISSUE REFERENCES BY ISSUE CATAGORIES Total 'Sample Male Female Young Old Some High School Post Graduate High In-Come Work Low In-Come Work Inner Core Outer Areas City East Side City West Side New Suburbs Old Subur Housing 7.5 7.1 7.9 6.4 5.1 9.2 6.0 10.1 9.3 7.6 9.5 8.9 8.7 6.7 8.7 Education 6.0 4.0 7.9 7.3 7.2 4.6 6.9 4.3 5.1 4.8 8.3 5.6 5.3 10.7 4.7 Employment 6.6 4.0 3.4 5.6 7.2 6.9 5.2 6.5 4.1 7.6 7.0 7.3 9.3 8.7 7.9 Zoning 1.3 - 1.6 2.4 1.0 0.8 0.9 2.9 1.0 - 1.3 X 2.0 1.3 2.4 Development 6.9 11.1 4.7 8.9 9.3 4.6 5.2 9.3 6.2 9.5 4.5 4.8 6.0 6.0 3.9 Transport 14.7 12.7 15.0 15.3 13.4 16.9 11.2 14.4 14.4 10.5 12.7 14.5 14.7 11.4 13.4 Health 2.7 1.6 1.6 0.8 '5.1 4.6 3.4 4.3 2.1 X 5.7 1.6 3.3 4.7 3.1 Counter-Culture 3.3 7.1 5.5 4.8 4.1 X 3.4 2.9 - 1.9 3.8 X 1.3 4.0 6.3 Environment 10.6 13.5 10.2 11.3 11.3 10.0 9.5 5.8 14.4 12.4 10.8 8.1 9.3 12.7 8.7 Recreation 6.4 5.6 3.1 5.6 2.1 6.1 5.2 7.9 8.2 5.7 6.4 6.4 4.7 4.7 11.0 Culture 2.6 1.6 3.1 4.8 3.1 X X 2.2 5.1 2.9 6.4 - 4.7 6.0 1.6 Finance 2.5 2.4 3.9 2.4 - 2.3 4.3 3.6 2.1 2.9 3.2 4.0 1.3 4.0 X Law and Order 5.7 6.3 3.9 10.5 5.1 5.4 4.3 2.2 4.1 3.8 6.4 8.1 5.3 6.7 7.1 Eccentric Public Behaviour X X - X - - X - - - 2^5 _ 1.3 X „ Pol i t ics 5.8 7.1 5.5 5.6 5.1 5.4 8.6 5.0 6.2 5.7 4.5 5.6 8.0 3.4 4.7 General Urban 6.3 4.8 7.1 2.4 2.1 10.0 7.8 6.5 4.1 4.8 2.5 7.3 6.0 2.0 6.3 Population Sub Groups 3.0 3.2 4.7 1.6 8.2 2.3 6.0 5.0 8.2 5.7 X 2.4 4.0 1.3 3.9 Information-Participation 1.5 2.4 X X 2.1 • 2.3.;; 1.7 1.4 1.0 X X 2.4 2.0 - 1.6 Social Environment 3.2 4.0 2.4 1.6 6.2 5.4 6.0 5.0 2.1 8.6 • 6.4 1.3 4.0 3.1 Community Services 1.3 X 1.6 X 2.1 1.5 2.6 X 1.0 3.8 3.2 1.6 1.3 X X Number of References 1550 126 127 124 97 130 116 139 97 105 157 124 150 149 127 ro less than U no reference VUFP 1972 223 KEY TO TABLE A ( i i ) Months at present address Months l i v i n g i n Lower Mainland Months at present job Number of people i n household Gross $ income of household Age of respondent Education l e v e l of respondent ( Some high-school = 1 High-School graduate = 2 Some Post-Secondary = 3 U n i v e r s i t y degree = 4 Post-Graduate degree = 5 ) Number of gr o u p s / a s s o c i a t i o n s t o which respondents belong. 224 TABLE A ( i i ) Mean P r o f i l e s of Respondents i n Selected Sub' -Sampl es 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Male 90.8 188.2 69.4 3.5 17,600 36.0 2.7 1.5 Female 71.9 299.9 62.7 3.4 10,100 39.6 2.2 0.6 Young 99.1 153.8 3.1 3.7 16,600 18.5 2.6 0.9 Old 150.5 440.6 30.6 1.7 8,800 71.5 2.0 0.9 Some High School 39.4 213.0 39.0 3.1 9,900 45.1 1.0 0.8 Post Grad. 85.6 182.1 106.8 6.6 18,200 44.1 5.0 1.5 High Income Work 77.8 252.5 146.0 3.8 28,000 44.1 4.0 1.9 Low Income Work 43.6 137.2 40.6 2.3 6,400 28.0 1.9 0.7 Inner Area 51.3 183.0 30.3 2.4 9,900 41.5 2.5 0.8 Outer Area 88.3 233.0 42.6 3.3 10,100 43.5 2.4 0.9 C i t y East Side 90.0 296.3 29.1 3.4 12,600 40.9 1.9 0.6 C i t y West Side 90.5 180.9 35.2 3.4 11,000 35.6 3.4 1.5 New Suburbs 76.1 175.5 19.1 4.3 11,100 34.3 2.4 0.9 Old Suburbs 109.0 334.8 69.5 2.9 9,800 40.2 2.4 0.6 T o t a l 81.1 212.0 56.1 4.2 12,300 36.5 2.7 1.1 TABLE B ( i ) T o t a l References t o Agents of Cause by Issue Categories ( H o r i z o n t a l Percentages) 1 2 3 4 i 6 7 8 c ) 10 Housing 10 .2 12.0 4 .2 . 1.2 7. 8 6.0 18 .6 24.0 7. 2 9. 0 166 Education 11 .5 2.2 2 .2 1.4 7. 2 23.8 10 .8 12.9 15. 8 12. 2 139 Employment 8 .4 10.9 9 .0 12.0 16. 2 10.9 7 .8 13.2 4. 8 6. 6 166 Zoning 10 .3 13.8 - - 3. 4 - 45 .0 13.3 13. 8 29 Development 5 .2 19.5 11 .5 1.7 6. 3 11.5 24 .7 12.6 4. 6 8. 0 174 Transport 9 .9 3.3 4 .0 . 1.2 6. 1 10.0 24 .2 25.8 5. 5 10. 0 329 Health S e r v i c e s 5 .2 5.2 - - 8. 6 32.8 19 .0 8.6 13. 8 6. 9 53 Counter-Culture 27 .6 - • 2 .9 2.9 1. 4 - 4 .3 26.1 17. 8 17. 3 69 Environmental Issues 10 .0 16.4 23 .2 X 6. 0 7.2 11 .2 16.4 4. 0 5. 2 250 Recre a t i o n 8 .8 8.0 2 .9 X 2. 9 10.2 28 .4 14.6 11. 0 12. 4 137 C u l t u r e 15 . 3 19.3 1 .7 - 3. 5 - 10 .5 21.0 15. 3 12. 3 57 Finance 8 .9 8.9 3 .6 1.8 21. 4 14.3 21 .4 7.1 3 . 9 3 . 6 56 Law and Order 17 .0 4.4 - - 11. 1 5.9 17 .0 17.0 17. 8 9. 6 135 E c c e n t r i c P u b l i c Behaviour 22 .7 - - - 9. 1 4.5 4 .5 18.2 13. 2 22. 7 2 2 P o l i t i c s 5 .4 4.7 4 .7 3.4 13. 4 18.1 33 .6 10.0 4. 7 2. 7 149 General Urban 12 .2 3.1 4 .1 1.4 6. 1 6.8 17 .6 24.3 12. 8 6. 3 143 P o p u l a t i o n Sub-Groups 20 .0 4.3 2 .9 7.1 10. 0 14.3 12 .9 20.0 5. 7 2 . 9 70 Inf ormation P a r t i c i p a t i o n 29 .4 — — — 8. 8 11.8 11 .8 20.6 11. 8 5. 9 34 S o c i a l Environment 23 .0 4.1 2 .7 4.1 4. 1 2.7 6 .3 31.1 12. 2 9. 5 74 Community S e r v i c e s 8 .1 16.2 - - 5. 4 16.2 27 .0 5.4 10. 8 10. n O 37 11 .3 8.6 6 .2 2.2 7. 9 10.4 18 .2 17.9 3. 7 8. 5 I n d i v i d u a l Business Industry Labour 1 2 3 4 Federal Government 5 P r o v i n c i a l Government 6 Munici p a l Government 7 P o p u l a t i o n i n General 8 P a r t i c u l a r I n t e r e s t Groups 9 Other 10 TABLE B ( i i ) T o t a l References t o Agents of Cause bv Issue Categories ( V e r t i c a l Percentages) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Housing 6.5 10.1 4.9 3.9 7.1 4.1 7.1 9.6 5.9 7.7 7.2 Education 6.1 1.5 2.1 3.9 5.5 13.7 3.6 4.3 10.9 8.7 6.0 Employment 5.3 9.1 10.6 39.1 14.8 7.5 3.1 5.3 4.0 5.6 7.2 Zoning 1.1 2.0 - - X - 3.1 X - 2.0 1.3 Development 3.4 17.1 14.1 5.9 6.0 8.3 10.2 5.3 4.0 7.1 7.5 Transport 12.2 5.5 9.2 7.8 11.0 13.7 19.0 20.5 8.9 16.8 14.6 Health S e r v i c e s 1.1 1.5 - - 2.8 7.9 2.6 1.2 4.0 2.0 2.5 Counter C u l t u r e 7.2 — 1.4 3.9 X — V J\ 4.3 5.9 6.1 3.0 Environmental Issues 9.5 20.6 40.8 2.0 8.2 7.5 6.7 9.9 4.9 6.6 10.8 R e c r e a t i o n 4.6 5.5 2.8 2.0 2.2 5.8 9.3 4.8 7.4 8.7 5.9 C u l t u r e 3.4 5.5 X - 1.1 - 1.4 2.9 4.5 3.6 2.5 Finance 1.9 2.5 1.4 2.0 6.6 3.3 2.9 A 2.5 1.0 2.4 Law and Order 8.8 3.1 - - 8.2 3.3 5.5 5.5 11.9 6.6 5.9 E c c e n t r i c P u b l i c Behaviour 1.9 - - - 1.1 X X V 2.0 2.5 X P o l i t i c s 3.1 3.5 4.9 9.8 11.0 11.2 11.7 3.6 3.5 2.0 6.5 General Urban 6.9 6.0 4.2 3.9 4.9 4.1 6.2 8.7 4.5 5.1 6.4 P o p u l a t i o n Sub-Groups 5.3 1.5 1.4 9.8 3.8 4.1 2.1 . 3.4 2.0 1.0 3.0 Information-P a r t i c i p a t i o n 3.8 - • - . - .-. • 1.6 . 1.7 X 1.7 2.0 1.0 1.5 S o c i a l Environment 6.5 1.5 1.4 5.9 1.6 X 1.2 5.5 4.5 3.6 3.2 Community S e r v i c e s 1.1 3.1 - - 1.1 2.5 2.4 A 2.0 2.0 1.6 262 198 142 51 182 241 420 415 202 196 2310 I n d i v i d u a l 1 Federal Government 5 P a r t i c u l a r Business 2 P r o v i n c i a l Government 6 I n t e r e s t Groups 9 Industry 3 M u n i c i p a l Government 7 Other 10 Labour 4 Population i n General 8 TABLE C ( i ) T o t a l References |;o Agents of S o l u t i o n by Issue Categories H o r i z o n t a l Percentages f * 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Housing 7.6 8.1 4.3 1.1 12.8 15.1 22.2 10.8 8.1 2.2 1 .1 7. 0 185 Education 11.1 1.4 2.8 1.4 6.9 28.4 11.8 9.0 12.5 1.4 1 .4 11. 8 144 Employment 5.7 8.3 6.8 4.7 24.0 17.7 11.5 9.9 3.7 1.6 - 6. 2 132 Zoning 18.3 6.9 - - 6.9 3.4 31.0 10.3 - 3.4 6 .9 20. 7 29 Development 7.9 4.0 3.4 1.1 9.6 1.4 31.6 11.8 3.4 2.3 2 .8 8. 5 177 Transport 5.0 2.5 X - 14.8 20.0 33.3 9.0 2.5 2.0 1 .3 8. 0 399 Hea l t h S e r v i c e s 8.9 4.5 3.0 1.5 13.8 29.8 10.4 4.5 8.9 - 1 .5 13. 8 67 Counter-Culture 20.0 1.3 - 2.7 12.0 5.3 10.7 21.3 14.7 - 1 .3 10. 7 75 Environmental Issues 8.1 8.8 8.1 X 12.0 12.7 19.5 13.6 4.5 3.2 1 .6 7. 1 308 .Recreation 9.6 7.5 - - 5.5 13.7 26.0 13.0 9.6 2.1 4 .1 8. 9 146 C u l t u r e 16.2 16.2 2.9 - 4.4 2.9 .16.2 16.2 19.1 - - 5. 9 63 Finance 4.3 2.1 — - 22.4 14.9 27.7 8.5 6.4 2.1 — 10. 6 47 Lav.' and Order 11.6 3.2 1.9 1.3 14.8 7.1 20.6 14.8 11.0 1.9 /'v 11. 0 155 E c c e n t r i c P u b l i c Behaviour 16.7 2.8 2.8 2.8 8.3 5.6 3.3 19.4 11.1 5.6 5 .6 11. 1 36 P o l i t i c s 9.3 1.5 2.3 1.5 6.2 8.5 23.3 15.5 4.7 14.0 3 .9 9. 3 129 General Urban 10.0 3.8 X - 6.2 10.0 24.6 16.1 9.2 3.8 1 c . - J 12. 3 130 Po p u l a t i o n Sub-Groups 15.4 1.5 1.5 - 12.3 13.9 10.8 16.9 7.7 7.7 3 .1 9. 2 65 Information-P a r t i c i p a t i o n 17.0 - - - 8.5 • 12.7 10.6 10.6 10.6 6.4 12 .7 10. 6 47 S o c i a l Environment 26.1 4.3 2.9 2.9 '• 8.7 1.4 2.9 21.7 8.7 - 2 .9 17. 4 69 Community S e r v i c e s 5.9 8.8 — — 5.9 14.7 32.3 5.9 14.7 - 2 .9 8.. 8 34 -V. 9.6 5.1 3.0 1.1 11.8 14.3 21.5 12.5 7.1 2.9 2 .0 9. 3 2505 I n d i v i d u a l 1 Business 2 Industry 3 Labour 4 Federal Government 5 P r o v i n c i a l Government 6 Mun i c i p a l Government 7 Population i n General 8 P a r t i c u l a r I n t e r e s t Groups 9 Mew forms, of Government 10 New C i t i z e n s ' Groups 11 Other 12 TABLE C ( i i ) T o t a l References t o Agents of S o l u t i o n by Issue Categories ( V e r t i c a l Percentages) * 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 3 9 10 11 12 Housing 5. 8 11.8 10.8 7.4 7.8 7.8 7. 6 6. 4 8.4 5.6 4.0 5.6 7. 4 Education 6. 6 1.6 5.4 7.4 3.4 11.5 3. 2 4. 1 10.1 2.8 4.0 7.3 5. 3 Employment 4. 6 12.6 17.6 33.3 15.5 9.5 4. 1 6. 1 3.9 4.2 - 5.2 7. 7 Zoning 1. 2 1.6 - - X X 1. 7 • V J\ - 1.4 4.0 2.7 1. 2 Development 5. 8 5.5 8.1 7.4 5.7 6.7 10. 4 6. 7 3.4 5.6 10.0 6.5 7. 1 Transport 9. 1 8.7 4.1 - 19.9 22.3 24. 7 11. 5 5.6 11.1 10.0 13.8 16. 0 Health S e r v i c e s 2. 5 2.4 2.7 3.7 3.0 5.6 1. 3 X 3.4 - 2.0 3.9 2. 7 Counter-Culture 6. 2 X - 7.4 3.0 1.1 1. 5 5. 1 6.2 - 2.0 3.4 3. 0 Environmental Issues 10. 4 21.2 33.8 7.4 12.5 10.9 11. 2 13. 4 7.9 13.9 10.0 9.5 12. 6 Recreation 5. 8 8.7 - - 2.7 5.6 7. 1 6. 1 7.9 4.2 12.0 5.6 5. 8 C u l t u r e 4. 6 8.7 2.7 - 1.0 \ r A 2. 0 3. 5 7.3 - - 1.7 2. 7 Finance \ r A V - - 3.7 2.0 2. 4 1. 3 1.7 1.4 - 2.2 1. 9 Lav; and Order 7. 5 3.9 4.1 7.4 7.8 3.1 5. 9 7. 3 9.5 4.2 2.0 7.3 6. 2 E c c e n t r i c P u b l i c Behaviour 2. 5 X 1.3 3.7 1.0 V J\ A 2. 2 2.2 2.3 4.0 1.7 1. 4 P o l i t i c s 5. 0 1.6 4.1 7.4 2.7 3.1 5. 6 6. 4 3.4 25.0 10.0 5.2 5. 2 General Urban 5. 4 3.9 1.3 X 2.7 3.6 5. 9 6. 7 6.7 6.9 4.0 6.9 -J • 2 P o p u l a t i o n Sub-Group s 4. 1 X 1.3 - 2.7 2.5 1. 3 3. 5 2.8 6.9 4.0 2.6 2. 6 Information P a r t i c i -p a t i o n 3. 3 - - - 1.3 1.7 A 1. 6 2 . 3 4.2 12.0 2.2 1. 9 S o c i a l Environment 7. 5 2.4 2.7 7.4 2.0 X X 4. 8 3.4 - 4.0 5.2 2. 8 Community S e r v i c e s X 2.4 - -"\ r A 1.4 2. 0 \r j \ 2.8 - 2.0 1.3 1. 4 241 127 74 27 296 358 537 313 178 72 50 232 I n d i v i d u a l 1 Business 2 Industry 3 Labour 4 Federal Govt 5 P r o v i n c i a l Govt 6 M u n i c i p a l Govt 7 Population i n General 8 P a r t i c u l a r I n t e r e s t Groups 9 New Forms of Government 10 New C i t i z e n s ' Groups 11 Other 12 229 KEYS TO TABLE D Column 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Respondents M u n i c i p a l Area. Percent references to sub-areas 15-20 i n c l u s i v e Percent References to Respondents M u n i c i p a l Areas, areas combined where a p p r o p r i a t e . • Number of sub-areas not r e f e r r e d t o . References ranked 1 - 3, by sub-area. Percent r e f e r e n c e s to sub-area #19 ( s i t e not s p e c i f i c . Percent references t o respondents' l o c a l area(s ) and sub-areas 15-20 combined. " 8, T o t a l r e ferences to p lace. Sub-Areas 1 - 2 0 Vancouver East 1 Surrey North 11 Vancouver West 2 Surrey South 12 Vancouver core 3 Richmond 13 Burnaby North 4 D e l t a 14 Burnaby South 5 Lower Mainland 15 North Vancouver 6 B r i t i s h Columbia 16 West Vancouver 7 Canada 17 Coquitlam 8 USA 13 P t . Coquitlam-Moody 9 S i t e not s p e c i f i c 19 New Westminster 10 Elsewhere 20 TABLE D References t o Pl a c e : Selected, Dimensions 1 2 3 4 1st 5 2nd 3rd 6 7 8 Burnaby 46.2 4.4 5 3 1 2 11. 0 50.6 91 Coquitlam 30.5 22.0 6 .8 3 % 13. 6 52.5 59 Delt a 47.8 40.6 6 14 3 7 8. 3 88.4 96 North Vancouver 37.9 29.8 '5 6 3 1/7 11. 6 67.7 432 New Westminster 55.7 4.9 5 3 7 1/2/10 31. 1 60.6 61 Richmond 38.7 36.2 10 13 3 14 6. 2 74.9 30 Surrey 25.1 43.0 9 12 11 3 4. 2 68.1 72 Vancouver 43.6 47.8 0 3 2 1 15. 4 91.4 1090 'West Vancouver 56.1 14.3 5 7 3 6 18. 7 70.4 251 T o t a l 44.0 3 2 1 14. 3 231 APPENDIX C This appendix contains the working maps on which the i n t e r v i e w s comprising the s e l e c t e d sub-samples were p l o t t e d . The fourteen sub-group comparisons comprise seven maps, and the ei g h t h i s a map of the municipal s t r u c t u r e of the r e g i o n . The maps are not t o true s c a l e . Map 1. M u n i c i p a l i t i e s of the Greater Vancouver Regional D i s t r i c t . Map 2.' Male-Female I n t e r v i e w s . Map 3. Old-Young I n t e r v i e w s . Map 4. Post-Graduate Degree - Some High School Interviews. Map 5. Low Income Employed - High Income Employed In t e r v i e w s . Map 6. Inner Core - Outer Area I n t e r v i e w s . Map 7. Eastside - Westside I n t e r v i e w s . Map 8. Old Suburbs - New Suburbs I n t e r v i e w s . Map 1 233 234 235 Map 4. Post-Graduate Degree - Some High School Interviews Post Graduate = 0 Some High School = X I 236 Low Income High Income = 0 .— y r ~ A 237 Map 6. Inner Core - Outer Area Interviews Inner Core = 0 Outer Area = X 238 Map 7. East side - West side Interviews E a s t s i d e = 0 Westside = X Old Suburbs = 0 New Suburbs = X 

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