UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

The conditioning of the municipal planning team for administrative decentralization, in anticipation… Perry, Oliver Ross 1974

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Notice for Google Chrome users:
If you are having trouble viewing or searching the PDF with Google Chrome, please download it here instead.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1974_A6_7 P47.pdf [ 10.74MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0093129.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0093129-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0093129-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0093129-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0093129-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0093129-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0093129-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0093129-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0093129.ris

Full Text

THE CONDITIONING OF THE MUNICIPAL PLANNING TEAM FOR ADMINISTRATIVE DECENTRALIZATION: IN ANTICIPATION OF LOCAL AREA PLANNING IN THE CITY OF VANCOUVER by OLIVER ROSS PERRY B.E.S. in Planning, University of Waterloo, 1 9 7 2 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE ' in the School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1 9 7 4 In presenting t h i s thes is i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I fur ther agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s thesis f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s representat ives . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thes is f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my wri t ten permission. Department of School of Cnmmnni +.y »nri Rpgi rm q l Planning The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date May 1, 1974 ABSTRACT This thesis evaluates the preparedness of the professional staff in the municipal planning team for programs of administrative decentralization. Administrative decentralization i s defined as the delegation of policy-making and programming authority from the central administration down to subunits or f i e l d offices. Its use i n professional planning today i s local area planning. The impetus behind this thesis i s the problem presented by what is called the paradox of desenixsalization. That i s , two contradictory motions, the irresistable force and the immovable object, are observed i n modern local public administration. On the one hand, the citizen particip-ation movement i s refocussing i t s energies on the civic bureaucracy, demanding that i t decentralize i t s decision-making authority. On the other hand, these c i v i c bureaucracies are, on a l l accounts, resistant to such reform and incapable of handling these new demands. This paradox suggests that a reconditioning and reorientation of staff competence i n the planning organization is required. The thesis i s structured i n tw© parts: f i r s t , the construction of an ideal set of new competencies required of the planner for decentralization; second, the application of this ideal set to a local planning organization. The f i r s t dtep i s accomplished from a study of past experience i n decentralizing planning services, current social planning theory, and administration-organization theory. Prom this analysis, eighteen qualities for the professional planner are concluded and organized into attitudes and values, knowledge, and s k i l l s and techniques. The second part of the thesis consists of the application of the ideal - i i -set. - A questionnaire containing the model's qualities i s developed and applied to the professional staff of the City of Vancouver Planning Depart-ment. The form tests for the acceptability and a v a i l a b i l i t y of the new competencies as they relate to seven key personnel characteristics of planning organizations. These characteristics are: organizational position, service within the planning profession, personal age, professional background, professional allegiance, organizational allegiance, and experience with decentralization. Two conclusions from the model's application i n the case agency stand out. F i r s t , organizational position, allegiance to the profession, and experience with decentralization are prime personnel characteristics in staff preparedness for decentralization. Second, the model's themes of p o l i t i c s -intervention and humility contain the crucial qualities for administrative decentralization i n contemporary planning organizations inasmuch as they are both unacceptable to and unavailable i n the case agency. With these discoveries, the research ends with some general anticipation of the evolving local area planning program sponsored by the City of Vancouver Planning Department. The ideal set of new competencies i s also refined, and the paradox of decentralization i s re-evaluated. The thesis predicts that future local area planning in Vancouver w i l l be faced with the dilemma of matching policy and goals with program and delivery, that new approaches i n planning style w i l l meet with intra-departmental oonflict, and that there w i l l be a tendency to follow the path set by the centralist-traditionalist counterpart. In the refinement of the model, the themes of p o l i t i c s -intervention and humility are reconsidered i n view of their importance to decentralization. In the former theme, three new levels of intervention for - i i i -the planner are distinguished, along with their respective competencies for the professional. In the latter theme, the distinction between professional and personal humility is sharpened. Lastly, the paradox of decentralization, upon reconsideration, appears to be overstated. The planning organization, as represented by the City of Vancouver Planning Department, is not the immovable object depicted in current commentary and theory. Rather, i t appears to be in a state of taansition between the inanimate bureaucratic form and the innovative organization implied in the ideal set of new competencies. - iv -Table of Contents Chapter One: Introduction 1.1 The New Recognition of Public Administration 1 1.2 Consequences from this New Recognition of Public Administration 3 1.3 The Paradox of Decentralization 12 1.4 Approach of the Thesis 14 1.5 Definitions 16 1.6 Introduction to the Following Chapters : 21 Chapter Two: Toward New Competencies for the Municipal Planning Team 2.1 The Experience of Local Area Planning / Administrative Decentralization 24 2.2 Contributions from Recent Social Planning Theory 32 2.3 Suggestions from Administration-Organization Theory 4 2 2.4 The Dimensions of Competence for the Public Servant 56 2.5 Conclusion of an Ideal Set of Competencies for Administrative Decentralization ..53 Chapter Three: Methodology — The Application of the Ideal Set of  New Competencies 3.1 The. Use of an Ideal Set 60 3.2 Organizational Diagnosis 62 3.3 The Case Agency — The City of Vancouver Planning Department and its Local Area Planning Program 64 - V -3.4 Specific Strategies 71 3.5 Problems and Limitations 12 Chapter Four: The Conditioning of the Municipal Planning Team for Administrative Decentralization 4.1 Personnel Characteristics, the Acceptance, and the Presence of the New Competencies in the Case Agency 79 4.2 Testing the Hypotheses 89 4.3 Anticipation of Local Area Planning in the City of Vancouver ... 95 Chapter Five: Conclusions 5.1 Refinement of the Ideal Set of New Competencies 101 5.2 The Paradox of Decentralization — A Reevaluation 106 5.3 Recommendations for Further Study .....108 References to Chapters . I l l Appendix Item I: Letter from Mr. Ray Spaxman, Director, City of Vancouver . . . 1 3 0 Planning Department. Item II: Questionnaire Item III: Statistics for Subsection 4*2 - vi -Acknowledgements I want to say thank you to a l l those who have made this British Columbia expedition worthwhile. To my advisors, Professors Brahm Wiesman and Bob Collier, and other friends at school. To my family. And primarily to Lizzy for love and support. The Conditioning of the Municipal Planning Team for Administrative  Decentralization: In Anticipation of Local Area Planning i n the City of Vancouver, Chapter One: Introduction. 1.1 The New Recognition of Public Administration. Nine years ago Paul Davidoff (1965)* introduced the term "advocacy" to the planning profession, and thereby the c r i t i c a l role the planner and his public service companions play i n the public's participation i n decisions on urban development. Since that time, planners have debated their own function i n citizen participation, simultaneously encouraging many positions: leaders of revolution ( Z e i t l i n 1971* Goodman 1971, Grabow 1973); experts removed from the emotional struggles (Barr 1972); p o l i t i c a l actors (Warren 1969); or whatever. Academics have also come to realize the importance of the public bureaucracy in public programming and policy-making. As G i t t e l l (1967) remarks, almost every study of power in large c i t i e s points to functional specialization, dispersion of power to specialists i n particular areas, and eventually, an increased role of the bureaucracy in decision-making. Kaplan's (l9$9) Toronto analysis and the analysis of the United States federal c i v i l service by Duraont (1970) are good examples. Presently, this argument concerning the role of; the planner and his surrounding public service appears to be shifting beyond restricted professional c i r c l e s . It now seems the citizen participation movement has matured in i t s short history i n Canada (Prisken and Homenuck 1973)» &nd has redirected i t s * references for each chapter are l i s t e d alphabetically at the conclusion of the text. § 2 -attention from i t s own shortcomings and those of the po l i t i c i a n (Lorimer 1970) to the opposition presented i n the public administration at a l l levels of government. The evidence of this new recognition i s beginning to appear in the citizen participation literature. Note the following typical selections: (i) In i t s report on citizen involvement i n provincial decision-making, the Ontario Committee on Government Productivity (1972) cautioned last year that any !?new forms of participation w i l l dependdprimarily on the willingness of people within and outside the government to assume new roles and experiment with new ideas." (underlining supplied) ( i i ) The American municipal-reform movement has been described as an interrogation of who delivers public service and who evaluates this service (Center for Government Studies, 1970). In 1970, a conference on decision-making concluded that the real problem to restructuring American society was changing public bureaucracies to allow more client control (Center for Gov-ernment Studies 1971), and an observer of the federal planning programs in the United States agrees: "citizen participation in urban development i s not only a problem of how best to organize neighbourhood people but i t i s also a problem of how best to organize the administrative agencies that engage  the neighbourhood people." (Lowenstein 1971) (underlining supplied). In short, "the demands for participation are about the relevance, quality, control, and direction of bureaucracy." (Miller and Rein 1969). ( i i i ) The Bondon Sunday Times in England ran a series of articles i n 1972 on the topic of citizen participation; notably, i t was captioned, "The Householder's Guide to Community Defence Against Bureaucratic Aggression." (iv) Desmond Connor (1973) in his latest a r t i c l e on Canadian public - 3 -decision-making, dissects the formula for "constructive citizen participation" into nine components, one of which i s "management style". The Confederation of Resident and Ratepayers of Toronto, possibly the most experenned and successful citizen group in Canada to date, acknowledges the Connor equation. Pursuant to Metro and City government review in Toronto, C.O.R.R.A. recommends that a "dialectical relationship" (a partnership) be created between the local bureaucrats and the public. In summary, Herbert Kaufman (l969)» therdioted administrative scientist, announced before this decade1 that "the quest for representativeness i n this generation centers primarily on administrative agencies". He appears to be accurate. "Something has happened at the interface between government and the communities" (Goldrick 1973) and that i s a new public recognition of the power of the public servant in the process of public decision-making. 1.2 Consequences From This Hew Recognition of Public Administration. The consequences of this new emergence of public administration are many. Primary i s the increasing government awareness of the quality of i t s public administration. In Canada, the Quebec and Maritime Council governments have on^ y,' recently reviewed the competence of their municipal public services. The Institute for Public Administration i n Canada, along with the Ganadian Council on Urban and Regional Research and the Canadian Federation of Mayors and Municipalities has also sponsored regional education programs for lower-level public administrators; for example, that carried on by the University of British Columbia Center for Continuing Education in the Campbell River Experiaent. - 4 -Predictably, there has been a new sensitivity i n s t i l l e d i n the public servant himself. Note the advice to his fellow planners given by W.Wronski, (1971) head of the Metropolitan Toronto Planning Boards the public servant w i l l come under much closer scrutiny by the general public than ever before and w i l l be expected to produce and j u s t i f y many more alternative solutions... There has also been conservative reaction from the public service against this new exposure. Traditional roles and styles are barkened from the past, presumably to provide some comfort. Refer to Barr's (1972) assertion to the planning profession that the profession i t s e l f i s innately bureaucratic; or refer to another statement by Wronski (1971) that the planner i s subservient to the pafelic interest and i n fact well-removed from public policy-making. His (the planner's) role i s not that of adjudicator or referee... He must inform and advise his boss and his p o l i t i c a l masters. He must be prepared to advocate the public interest as he sees i t but i n the f i n a l analysis he must accept the decision of the politicians and work within the limitations of p o l i t i c a l values which they set. * Perhaps the greatest significance, however, of the new awareness of public administration for the planner rests i n the following: ( i ) the redirection of the citizen participation movement towards a goal  of significant government change by "decentralization". ( i i ) the^pbsitive response of the public service at a l l levels of government  both in Canada and the United States to this demand for decentralization with  programs of the same. ( i i i ) the disruption to structure and personnel in the public service involved  i n this response to decentralization. * This reaction is close to Gower's interesting theory (1972,p.230) on how planners solve their moral and legitimacy problems, as well as the insecurity within the profession on the topic of social change. Gower contends that planners when threatened w i l l (i) cling to the legal f i c t i o n that they themselves do not make decisions, and ( i i ) accord technology an independent authority of i t s own. It i s important to comment brie f l y on a l l the above consequences. The recent literature dealing with both public administration and citizen participation associates and often equates the participation movement with what i s termed "decentralization". This term w i l l be more precisely defined i n section 1.5, but essentially, decentralization refers to the dissemination of the central public service, along with i t s decision-making authority, into the community. Waldo (1971) argues that there i s a natural relationship between the two terms, decentralization and participation, which makes this association a logical one: Both are centrifugal, seeking to dasaw authority and power downward (in a hierarchical sense) and outward (in a spatial sense). The animating idea of decentralization i s obviously fo further freedom and equality by dispersing power and increasing citizen participation; believers i n participation also seek to disperse power and increase citizen freedom and equality. The most obvious references to the participation-decentralization equation are made, of course, in the New Left writings on the theme of community control; for example, those by Hunnius (1972), Benello (1971), and Reisman (1970). Even less radical analysis such as Prederickson (1972), Stenberg. (1972), Hallman (1971, 1972), Myren (1972), Hart (1972), Head (1971), Cunningham (1972), Jaffary (1972), and Wharf and Carter (1972) concludes that the participation phenomenon i s developing into & decentralization movement. The empirical evidence presents the same picture. For example, three years ago in 1970, Lai summarized Vancouver's Strathcona experience as "in fact a new kind of p o l i t i c s which involved the redistributing of power to the have-not citizens and the decentralization of government functions." Winnipeg's Unicity experiment is a similar phenomenon (Axworthy 1972). - 6 -The reaction firbm the public bureaucracies in North America to this new demand for reorganization has been dramatic, particularly in those sections more immediate to the public, or as Fredfcrickson (1972) vividly describes, "where the rubber meets the road." As outlined below, the services and institutions affected are wide ranging. (Decentralists are comprehensive i n their planning « they see the "control of the educational institutions, hospitals, the police force, social agencies, and other agencies serving the neighbourhood as essential." (Head 1972)). A cross-national survey by the International City Managers Association (i.C.M.A. 1970) discovered that those municipalities using decentralized service (25$ in 1970) incorporated both 'hard' and 'soft' planning services — the former being public housing, streets, transportation, renewal, and the latter being health, employment, recreation, and the social services. Similarly, surveys made recently by the United States Advisory Commission on Intergovern-mental Relations in 1972 found that a majority of major municipalities i n that country were experimenting with various forms of decentralization. Notably, multi-service centers (considered as a form of administrative decentralization by the survey) were used in 86 municipalities, 15$ of the sample, and were found to affect many traditional planning services — primarily the management of urban renewal, housing rehabilitation, public housing, recreation, health, community action, and localaarea planning (I.C.M.A., 1972). The history of the response to decentralization i n the United States, i n comparison to Canada, has been long, colourful, and tragic. Reviews of the Office of Economic Opportunity programs (specifically Neighbourhood Health Centers, Community Action, Model Cities) and other services may be found i n Kristol (1970), - 7 -Schmandt (1972), LaNoue and Smith (1972), Washais (1971), Howard (1972), Rein (1972), Strange (1972), Stenberg (1972), Smith (1971), Hallman (1970), Myren (1972), Kaufman (1969), Spiegel (1968), and G-ittell (1972) among others. The federal programs i n the United States are of course phasing out O.E.O. and i t s Model Cities mandate. The New Federalism emphasizes stronger ci t y administration, rather than neighbourhood administration, and while some perceive this as centralization (Gilbert 1973), I maintain that the locus of decision-making has i n the larger scheme of things continued to shift towards decentralization. The decentralization of public organizations and their services i n Canada is very evident and important at a l l levels, even though there has been no documentation comparable to that of the United States. The senior government programs in health care and the social services are perhaps the most conspicous. The Hastings Report 1972 (Jones 1973), the Castonguay-Nepveau Report 1970 and the Quebec B i l l Number 65 i n 1972, the pending Foulkes Report in Br i t i s h Columbia (Moser 1973), the Manitoba White Paper on Health and Social Development 1972, and the Commission on Emotional and Learning Disorders in Children (CELDIC 1$70), a l l advocate comprehensive breakdown of central administration to community health and social service centers. There are also noteworthy experiments in other planning services at the senior levels. Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation and the Depart-ment of Regional Economic Expansion are reorganizing into more accountable regional and local offices. In Ontario, the response to the previously * DREE's decentralization may be interpreted as partly p o l i t i c a l , since Jean Marchand's favoritism for Central Canada programs, specifically Quebec programs, was a frequent accusation of the Opposition i n the last federal election. The new Minister, the Honourable Don Jamieson,.... (cont'd p.8 - 8 -mentioned Committee on Government Productivity, the new Ministry of Community and Social Services has established a "community secretariat" program to provide support services to community groups around the province. In the same province the Ontario Housing Corporation has recently decided to decentralize i t s management function to the project level (Ontario Housing Magazine 1973). The Federal Department of National Health and Welfare, i n cooperation with the Province of Prince Edward Island, i s experimenting with a regional service center on that island. Importantly, to-date this regional center serving twelve thousand people has been preoccupied with providing the range of normal planning services,: resource managment, housing, property taxation, land development, and the managment of social services. Finally, the Blakeney government in Saskatch-ewan, for the purpose of making the "work of government more efficient and programs more effective", has decided to shift the focus of i t s c i v i l service to the local level and "not rely on central co-ordination." (Premier press release 1973). Accordingly a new Department of Northern Saskatchewan has been created i n Lac La Rouge and a l l senior personnel including the deputy minister are to be located on-site. With regard to the decentralization at the lower municipal levels, Canada has begun to emulate the local area planning programs begun earlier i n the United States (Needleman 1972). The case study of this report i s such a program — the local area planning recently started i n the City of Vancouver. In other c i t i e s as well the administration and decision-making involved i n planning services are being located from cit y h a l l to the city's * (continued from page 7 ) ~ . claims that the planners have got to "have their he&rtvibaats with the people they're trying to help." (Ottawa Citizen. - 9 -neighbourhoods. In this regard, Unicity's operation has already been cited. Note also the network of decentralized multi-service centers designed by the Halifax Regional Social Planning Council to integrate the health, welfare, family, and recreational services. Similar i s the new social service system announced i n October 1973 for Vancouver by the Honourable Norman Levi, B r i t i s h Columbia Minister of Human Resources. Furthermore, observe the recommendations of the Alberta Task Committee on Urban Government Effectiveness that suggests community councils within larger c i t i e s be funded out of general c i t y revenue and be responsible for local services such as recreation, beautification, social services, add other human development functions (Task Force on Urbanization and the Future 1972). Lastly, witness the sophisticated neighbourhood planning and committee programs which are now institutions in the City of Toronto (City Hall Magazine, v.4,#3ff, 1973). The third major consequence of this new recognition of the restricting role played by public administration i n urban development — the disruption  to structure and personnel i n the public service involved i n d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n — i s the general focus of this report. There i s a consensus amongst those currently conserving the movement towards decentralization that both the structure and personnel i n today's public institutions w i l l have to adapt to a new environment. In fact, Frederickson (1972) claims that " i t i s probable that public administration w i l l emerge considerably changed as a consequence of re-evaluations of the citizen-bureaucracy links." The new demands on the structure of public administration organizations are relatively clear i n comparison to those on public personnel, and while they are :.not the specific subject of this thesis, they can be summarized by some key catchword - 10 -phrases: "accountability" (Hamilton 1972) (Miller and Rein 1969)} "enrollment of minorities" (Miller and Rein 1969); "militancy and aggression" (Miller and Rein 1969) (Herbert 1972); "rejection of efificiency-orientation for equity-orientation" (Herbert 1972) (Howard 1972); "the project team approach" (Howard 1972); "participatory administration" (Howard 1972); "rejection of bureaucracy" (Caiden 1972); "responsiveness" (Caiden 1972). The degree of change demanded of Canadian public administration under terms of decentralization i s crystallized i n Frederickson's (1972) description of the new and old styles: "Ideas such as participative work-groups f l y in the face of traditional notions 3 u c h as hierarchy, tight job descriptions, position classifications, and spans of control." As represented i n the New Public Administration movement (see Chapter Two, Diagram I I ) , the structural shifttof public administration has been the^preoccupation of the social scientists in their analysis of decentralization. On the other hand, the character development of personnel under programs of decentralization has gone relatively unnoticed and mnresearched, even though personnel i s viewed as an important element i n the functioning of decentralized administration (O'Donnell and Sullivan 1972, G i t t e l l 1972, Millest and Rein 1969, Herbert 1972). There i s some intriguing but vague conjecture that contemporary public personnel w i l l require new roles, attitudes, values, knowledge, and s k i l l s to operate i n such a reorganization. For example, i n his 1972 dissertation on the quality of public personnel i n the United States Federal Service, Ryan commented that "the competencies required " i n decentralized programs such as Model Cities and the Poverty Program s - II -"are widely diversified and alter traditional roles, functions, and tasks." The following is a further selection from the references to personnel change: the present generation of municipal administration i s generally not well equipped to play this (decentralist) role. (Schmandt 1973) i t w i l l be a painful, on-the-job education process for many administrators. (Hallman 1971) (decentralization will) require some redefinition i n the role of the professional planner i n the total planning process. (Head 1971) (with the decentralization of health services) an entirely new kind of health personnel i s required. (Howard 1972) c i t i e s w i l l have to obtain employees with new s k i l l s to solve problems heretofore ignored. (Floyd 1971) (the decentralist's) approach, manner, and nature of his work are so different from the traditionalist's. (Needleman 1972) (the decentralist's approach) represents a whole new set of issues for the administrator of social services and the government agency. (Miller and Rein 1969) (the decentralization of administration requires) c i v i l servants to adopt new attitudes and roles. (Citizen Involvement 1972)* As Maxwell (1972) in her study of Maritime local government found: "the b a l l park" has changed and the "players" musii change i f they are not to find themselves, like many before them, caught up i n a process i n which * similar concern i s expressed by Frederickson (1972), Webster (1971), Margolis (1970), Farr (1972), Rein (1972), Zimmerman (1972), Washnis (1971), Capoccia (l97§), Myren (1972), Hamilton (1972), Herbert (1972), Starrs and Stewart (l97l), Lipsky (l97l). - 12 -they are unable to influence or control. Change in personnel procedure, attitudes, values, and s k i l l s , i s demanded by decentralization to the point that some submit hope must l i e in a "new cadre" of public service personnel. This i s a serious revelation. One that requires further investigation. 1.3 The Paradox of Decentralization. The central task of this thesis arises from the paradox created by this change in public service personnel, seemingly demanded*by decentralization, and the concurrent realization that today's public administration i s resistant to alteration i n i t s established practices. At the same time that demands are being made for a new cadre of c i v i l service, social scientists have generally been demonstrating a conservative character i n urban public bureaucracy which i s reactive to such demands. For instance, Ermer (1972), Bennis (1966), and Marx (1963) found higher c i v i l servants to be "emotional defenders of the given order of things", and Waldo ( l 9 7 l ) severely character-ized the bureaucracy of this c i v i l servant as "static, unimaginative, timid, self-protective, dilatory, unresponsive, mindful of i t s own interests rather than those i t i s created for and instructed to serve." This reactionary nature of the local bureaucrat i s further evident i n Szablowski (l97l)» Myren (1972), Lee (1966), Kotler (1968), Landau (1973), La Pierre (1965), and Dumont (1970). Perhaps the most elaborate theory on the r i g i d i t y of the bureaucrat i s Donald Schon's Beyond the Stable State, discussed in subsection 2.3. More specific commentary on the planner as local bureaucrat abounds in - 13 -P i v e n (1965, 1970), Needleman (1972), Kaplan (1973), Lev ine (1972), M o r r i s and B i n s t o c k (1966), Dennis (1972), M a r r i s and R e i n (1972) and D a v i e s (1972). I n f a c t , the most s e r i o u s charges a g a i n s t the p u b l i c s e r v i c e s r e d i r e c t e d w i t h i n the p r o f e s s i o n a l p l a n n i n g c i r c l e . Prances P i v e n has c o n t i n u a l l y h i g h l i g h t e d the c o n s e r v a t i v e b u r e a u c r a t i c p lanner i n her w r i t i n g to the ex ten t tha t she c l a i m s o n l y " i d i o s y n c r a t i c " personnel i n p l a n n i n g departments a r e a t a l l r e s p o n s i v e to change (l970). M a r s h a l l Kaplan i n Urban P l a n n i n g i n  the I960's: A Des ign f o r I r r e l e v a n c y (1973) notes t h a t the f a i l u r e o f the American p l a n n i n g e f f o r t aay be a t t r i b u t e d to the " u n w i l l i n g n e s s of the p lanners . . . to change i d e a s i n common cur rency concern ing p r o f e s s i o n a l g o a l s , p a t t e r s o f b e h a v i o u r , and t e c h n i q u e s . " On the Canadian scene , Gerecke ( l 9 7 l ) found the p r a c t i c e o f p l a n n i n g " h i g h l y b u r e a u c r a t i z e d . . . w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t change has not been i n t e r n a l i z e d i n t o i t s own p r a c t i c e s . " And perhaps the most d ramat ic c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n o f the p lanner as c o n s e r v a t i v e i s Gowers's " e v a n g e l i s t i c b u r e a u c r a t " , p i c t u r i n g the profess ional" immune from change f o r " the b e l i e f i n the c h a r i s m a t i c and e v a n g e l i s t i c r i g h t e o u s n e s s of h i s own u t t e r a n c e s . " (1972). The paradox , t h e r e f o r e , becomes c l e a r : i n one d i r e c t i o n , d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n demands t h a t c i v i l se rvants be armed w i t h new s k i l l s , a t t i t u d e s , r o l e s , and v a l u e s , and s i m u l t a n e o u s l y i n the o p p o s i t e d i r e c t i o n , the p u b l i c b u r e a u c r a c i e s r e p o r t e d l y r e s i s t change — p a r t i c u l a r l y the profound changes seemingly rep resented i n d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . The c l a s s i c c r i s i s between the i r r e s i s t a b l e f o r c e ( the demands f o r a new cadre o f p u b l i c s e r v a n t s ) and the immovable o b j e c t ( the b u r e a u c r a t i c r i g i d i t y of the p u b l i c s e r v i c e ) a r i s e s . - 14 -1.4. Approach of the Thesis. The task of this thesis becomes, thereby, fourfold. ( i ) to develop from the literature on the theory and experience with decentralization, an ideal set of new competencies which are demanded of the public servant i n programs of decentralization. ( i i ) to determine by case study the conditioning for decentralization of a l l o c a l planning organization by measuring how acceptable these new competencies are to i t s staff, and to what extent these new competencies already exist within i t s membership (availability/presence) ( i i i ) to u t i l i z e these conclusions concerning the conditioning of the municipal planning team by anticipating administrative decentralization within the case local planning organization, from a.staff-preparednesss point-of-view. (iv) f i n a l l y , to tfefine the ideal set of new competencies which were established at the beginning of the research by using the results of the case study. My specific appreach to this task involves the following hypotheses, (a) that acceptability of the new competencies for decentralization w i l l vayy within the personnel of the planning administration according to the following personnel characteristics (independent variables): organizational position, service within the profession, personal age, professional background, professionalallegiance, organizational allegiance, and experience with decentralization. * Caiden (1969) notes that acceptance of reform within administrations can also be factoredbby: the manner and means of i t s presentation; the number and type of contacts between the informed and uninformed; the issue of whether the reform promises s&tutions to f e l t needs; the prestige and (continued on page 15) . . . - 15 -(b) that the existence (availability/presence) of these new competencies for decentralization w i l l be similarly affected. (c) that there w i l l be some relationship between acceptability and a v a i l a b i l i t y df these new competencies. The premise of the paper ;is, of course, that personnel competence i s crucial not only in service delivery, but also in policy formulation i n the planning function of government. This matter i s acknowledged elsewhere. As outlined i n the following chapter, subsection 2.3, the concept of a change agenc$ developed by Bennis (1969), or the principle of entrepreneurialism (Dresang 1973, Fainstein 197?)> and the interpersonal competence concern expressed by the revisionist organization theory, a l l relate to the notion that public administration must be appropriately staffed for i t to function effectively. I shall rely on a simplified version of Sharkansky's diagram of the "administrative system" (1970), to place i n context my specific concern * * i n this report. ' This administrative system, also termed the "policy process" and diagrammed below, i s an attempt to depict the to t a l i t y of elements in the system that formulates, approves, and implements government programs. The Administrative System/Policy Process Inputs from the  Environment -demands -resources -support/opposition from citizens or Conversion Process -structures -procedures ~ ^ T J S C T ^ S ^ Output to the  Environment -goods and services to public and o f f i c i a l s i n government Feedback The Environment: client, costs of goods and services,fpubl^-;kdm«tWt^iml and mmmm^m$®mmm - r - , ^ ^ * (continued from page 1 4 ) ... charisma of the propagators; the timing; the intensity of resistance; and how sharply the reform contrasts to existing beliefs. Some of these factors are covered by the variables used in the above hypotheses, wMle others (charisma, timing, manner and means of presentation) are not directly relevant here. ** Planners have adopted this systematic framework for their (see page 1 6 ) . . . . - 16 -The competence o f the p u b l i c s e r v i c e (shown i n shaded b l o c k ) i s , t h e r e b y , c l e a r l y o n l y one o f many elements c o n t r i b u t i n g to p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n and i t s i m p l e m e n t a t i o n . However, r e s e a r c h on government performance suggests t h a t i t i s a c r u c i a l one . For example, L i p s e t ' s s tudy on the C . C . F . regime i n Saskatchewan demonstrated t h a t the personnel i n a bureaucracy a r e v e r y e f f e c t i v e i n b l o c k i n g many changes demanded by t h e i r p o l i t i c a l boss ( L i p s e t 1950). S i m i l a r i l y , the most r e c e n t overv iew of Canadian s o c i a l p l a n n i n g ( C a r t e r 1973) concludes t h a t " p e r s o n a l i t y and competence o f the s t a f f of a p l a n n i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n can be v e r y impor tant f o r i t s s u c c e s s . " 1.5* D e f i n i t i o n s . The l i t e r a t u r e on d e c e n t r a l i s a t i o n and c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n , l i k e t h a t i n many o ther themes o f the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s , i s i m p r e c i s e i n i t s t e r m i n o l o g y . Whi le t h i s i s w i d e l y acknowledged i n the f i e l d (Hal lman 1970, Schmandt 1972, E i s i n g e r 1971) — as Hal lman w r i t e s "when i t comes to s p e c i f i c s , there i s g r e a t d i vergence i n meaning" — there has been no comprehensive attempt to c o n s o l i d a t e and c l a r i f y the morass o f d e f i n i t i o n s and models of d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . The consequences a r e p r e d i c t a b l e : c o n t r a d i c t i o n and misunders tand ing both i n academic c i r c l e s a n d , more s e r i o u s l y , i n p r a c t i c i n g p u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i t s e l f . I t i s u s e f u l , t h e r e f o r e , not o n l y to form s p e c i f i c terms f o r t h i s r e p o r t , bu t & l s o to p l a c e these d e f i n i t i o n s i n the contex t of the w ider argument concern ing the term " d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . " I n i t i a l l y , i t must be understood t h a t the term " d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n " borrows f rom d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l s c i e n c e t h e o r i e s . I t s r o o t s a r e e s t a b l i s h e d i n ** (cont inued from page 15 ) . . . o w n r e s e a r c h . For example, B o l a n (196$) maps f o u r 'Variable; : s e t s i n f l u e n c i n g community d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g and M a r r i s and R e i n (1972) use a model government u s i n g the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p a r t as the core (pp.275-276). I n both these f ramework! , the p r e d i s p o s i t i o n of the a d m i n i s t r a t o r i s but one i n f l u e n c e on the sys tem's o p e r a t i o n . - 17 -organization-administration theory, social psychology, and conoepts i n p o l i t i c a l science, among others (Hart 1972). The following excerpt from the definition used by the United States government clearly illustrates this varied background (United States Advisory Commission 1972) : (decentralization is) a public policy issue, a means of increasing bureaucratic responsiveness, improving service delivery effectiveness, reducing citizen alienation, and restoring grass roots government. # ii The concept of public alienation items from Durkheim's anomie in a bureau-cratic world, and references to i t are common i n the literature (Schmandt 1972, Hart 1972). Frequent also are the links made between decentralization and the Marxist notion of p o l i t i c a l imperialism exercised by central ci t y government against surrounding neighbourhoods (Kotler 1969, White 1972, Steriberg 1972, Schmandt nyd., Cohen 1969, Zimmerman 1972). The most common and useful means of defining decentralization, and the chosen path of this thesis, i s by understanding i t as an organization* administration phenomenon. The concept of decentralization has been a concern to the social scientists well before i t s current vogue expressed i n the citizen participation movement. In 1931, for example, White attempted a definition in the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences that determined decentralization ass a process, the transference of authority from a higher level of government to a lower one. It i s the converse of citizen partic-pation and shoulcl not be confused with deconcentration, a term used to denote mere delegation to a subordinate officer of the capaoity to a£t i n the name of a superior without a transfer of authority. This theme of organization and authority within i t s levels aas carried on both by Fayol and Fesler i n 1949* In his book, General and Industrial Management. Fayol described decentralization as "everything 9 18 -which goes to increase the importance of the subordinate's role", and Fesler claimed the term meant the "delegation of authority from higher to lower levels within an organization." With Brum's dissertation i n the early 1960's ( l 9 6 l ) decentralization again became a concern for academics interested i n public administration as well as private industry. In his extensive analysis on the United States federal c i v i l service, Baum stated decentralization i s the "delegation of decision-making down through the bureaucratic hierarchy." Theorists i n public and private organizations have since maintained their regard for decentralization as: (i) a process, strategy, or a technique within organizations whose purpose i s to develop more effective managment, order, policy f l e x i b i l i t y , and a more human approach to operations. ( i i ) a matter of the distribution of decision-making authority down through the levels of. the organization. (Goliembewski 1965, Willms 1968, Waldo 19$1, Scott and Mitchell 1972, Sherwood 1969, Maddick 1963, Massie 1964, Pfiffner and Sherwood i960). Inevitably as the concept has become a wider concern, distortions and variations on decentralization have entered the literature. For example, i t isunow common to distinguish the decentralization of public administration by the "information-community education approach", the "advisory-consultation approach", and the "delegated-authority and community?control&approach" (Vrooman 1972). More simply, Lipsky contrasts "radical decentralization" and "conservative decentralization". Costikyan and Lehman (1972), the United States Government Report (1972) and Schmandt (1971) among many others have, i n fact, - 19 -treated decentralization defined by the organizational theorists as only a general concept and accordingly have sub-categorized d i f f e r e n t types found i n the complex urban environment. The following Typology of Decentralisation on page 20 i s a representation of these various c l a s s i f i c a t i o n schemes. Typology of Decentralization works from a continuum of power; from a conservative r e s h u f f l i n g of administrators — keeping aurithority and decision-making intact -- to complete reorganization of p o l i c y structure from central administration to newly-created neighbourhood p o l i t i c a l u n i t s , as made evident b;y the chart (dotted l i n e ) , there i s a general agreement on typology along a t e r r i t o r i a l , administrative, and p o l i t i c a l decentralization a x i s . For purposes of this report, these may be defined: ( i ) t e r r i t o r i a l decentralization: the delegation of information-dissemination and communication authority from central administrative o f f i c e s to f i e l d o f f i c e s . No policy-making authority i s transferred out of the central o f f i c e . Example: municipal information canters. ( i i ) administrative decentralization: the delegation of policy-making and programming authority from the central administration to f i e l d o f f i c e s or sub-units within the central administration. Policy-making and programming authority i s p a r t i a l l y transferred out of the administration into controlled c i t i z e n representation on advisory panels or committees at the f i e l d o f f i c e . Example: l o c a l areajjplanning. ( i i i ) p o l i t i c a l decentralization: the complete delegation of policy-making and programming authority out of the administration, investing f u l l decision-making r e s p o n s i b i l i t y amongst i t s constituents. The administration assumes an-.advisory oafpacity. Example: community development corporations. 20 -Typology of Decentralization Source Administrative Control Power continuum Schmandt(l97l) ExchangeModel Bureaucratic Modified ' Development Washnis (1972) , , i Local/Client Control -field office to disseminate information; given no authority Govern-ment Model Model ! Bureaucratic] Model -authority to Model 1 -nbd.contracts -nbd. field workers, -nbd.power j service, becomes allegiance to over personnel policy & central! ^levels of I admin. admin. Fesler (1968) Hallman (1971) Administrative Model -internal allocation of responsibility within administration Physical Decentralization - total control by oentral admin., field office has no discret-ion. Kaufman (1969) Advisorv/Representativ Hymen (1969) Power elite model of planning service Practical Model -transfer of authority to field offices I under control of community legal entity Undefined Administrative • Decentralization ) -administration-dominant type= I field service has no discretion | -nbd.-dominant type= Total Decentralization - neighbourhood control in policy and service. field service has discretion J Decentralization Pluralism model ~J of planning Community Control. Undefined Margolis (1967) Diffusion of Information Diffusion of Authority U . S . Advisory Territorial l A d m - i n i I 4 L Commission (1972) Hart (1972) Decentralization Frederickson (1972) Participative Management I Administrative Decentralization 1 Representative I Decentralization Political Decentralization I Undefined Administrative Decentralization Black (1968) Eisinger (1971) Functional Kristol (1970)  Lipsky (1969) Geographic Decentralization . ^  U J. W i r a x , Decentralization !Client Representative /Model I !Neighbourhood Control J Undefined Decentralization Model Undefined Bureaucratic Model Antibureaucratic Model Conservative Decentralization Radical Decentralization Uittell U972) Administrative Decentralization Political| Decentrali Rein (1972 Vrooman (1972) Territorial Decentralization Information-Communication-Education Approach I Administrative i Decentralization Lzation Political Decentralization Advisory-Consultation Social-Action Community-Control -21-This thesis is limited to the discussion of administrative decentralization. Reasons for applying this restriction are: (i) the popularity of this particular practice among public administrators today. ( i i ) conversely, the aversion of contemporary public administration to the more extreme political form, and thereby, the '.'unreality" of political decentralization. As Herbert says ( l 9 7 2 ) , "a switch from the primary, contemporary public service delivery system is necessary... but the implementation of total effective control at the neighbourhood level is too distant to be of concern." ( i i i ) the current consideration by the case agency, the City of Vancouver Planning Department, of a comprehensive program of administrative decentralization. (iv) last but not least, the discovery that dramatic challenges are presented by this form to the existing practices of local public administration. 1»6 Introduction to the Following Chapters. As noted in subsection l.A, this study consists primarily of four tasks: f i r s t , the construction of an ideal set of new competencies for public administration personnel under conditions of administrative decentralization; second, the measurement of the acceptance and presence of these competencies in a case administration, in order to reach conclusions about the conditioning of municipal planning teams for such programs; third, the anticipation of decentralization in Vancouver; and fourth, the refinement of the ideal set. In this regard, the following chapter, Towards New Competencies for the Planning  Team, develops these new competencies from the limited documentation available on local area planning, as well as from organization theory and social planning -22-theory. It then arranges the competencies into the dimensions most commonly used to measure c i v i l service competency. Chapter Three, Methodology, introduces and evaluates the means of inquiry used in the measurement of competency in public organizations. Specifically, this chapter rationalizes the use of an ideal set in terms of similar social experiments and i t elaborates on the problems and prospects of diagnosing organizations. The case agency is also introduced and its growth to the current consideration of local area planning is outlined. The particular strategies used — a questionnaire and the approach to the organization — are set out. Finally, the conceptual and specific limitations to the research are explained. Chapter Four, The  Conditioning of the Municipal Planning Team deals with the second and third tasks of the thesis — evaluating the presence and acceptance of the new competencies in the ideal set; testing the three hypotheses; and anticipating in broad terms the pending decentralization in Vancouver. Lastly, Chapter Five, Conclusions. manages the final task — refining the model constructed earlier in Chapter Two. In this section, moreover, the major impetus behind the research — the crisis presented in the paradox of decentralization — is re-evaluated and some directions for future complimentary research are outlined. - 23 -Chapter Two i Toward Mew Competencies for the Municipal Planning Team. This chapter develops and presents the ideal set of new competencies for administrative decentralization, according to the f i r s t task of this thesis. Subsections 2.1,2.2, and 2.3 develop these personnel qualities and subsection 2.5 organizes them into a manageable form. The reader w i l l note the ideal set i s constructed primarily from three blocks of information* (i) the experience of administrative decentralization i n other planning organizations in North America in terms of local area planning; ( i i ) the more recent contributions to the general body of knowledge i n social planningvby such theorists as Friedmann and Bo&an, that reveal new s k i l l s , attitudes and values, and knowledge for the planner i n a decentralized organ-ization; ( i i i ) the developments in what i s loosely termed "administration-organization " theory. It i s noted that this method i s the most common path of government or organization analysis; this i s , borrowing from various disciplines and discussion on the fait h (and with the risk) that what i s gleaned from the sources i s relevant to the case research. The limitations to constructing a model from such a restricted span of theory and evidence are obvious, and indeed, have so far prevented any such venture in the planning literature, to my, knowledge. However, this i s a common obstacle to social research; furthermore, a general scan of the research andsunderstanding of decentralization leads to the conclusion that a wider synthesis of information would only confirm and contribute to the f i n a l model of new competencies, rather than negate i t . A preliminary chart, diagram I, summarizes the new * Note that the Canadian Council on Urban and Regional Research has recently placed this very theme of changing urban decision-making structures on i t s (footnote continued on page 2<f) .... - 24 -competencies developed i n the f o l l o w i n g three s u b s e c t i o n s and i s i n c l u d e d on the f o l l o w i n g page 25. I t i s hoped tha t the subsequent d i s c u s s i o n w i l l thus be made c l e a r e r . 2.1 The Exper ience o f L o c a l Area P l a n n i n g / A d m i n i s t r a t i v e D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . D e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i s deve lop ing as a n i i n c r e a s i n g l y popular s t r u c t u r e and process f o r p u b l i c p l a n n i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s , there remains l i t t l e documentation and much l e s s a n a l y s i s o f i t s e f f e c t s on s t r u c t u r e and personnel w i t h i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n . To t h i s e f f e c t , E L s i n g e r ( l 9 7 l ) comments: "As i s perhaps customary i n response to re form proposa ls which capture the i m a g i n a t i o n , p o l i c y p lanners and p r a c t i c i o n e r s have tended to plunge i n t o these exper iments w i t h l i t t l e sense o f what they s i g n i f y . " Th is l a c k o f r e s e a r c h i s p a r t i c u l a r l y apparent i n Canadian l i t e r a t u r e . , on Canadian p l a n n i n g . As o u t l i n e d below, o n l y the works o f McNiven on d e c e n t r a l i z e d s o c i a l s e r v i c e p l a n n i n g i n Vancouver (1972), the r e p o r t i n g of Graham F r a s e r on the Trefann Court Working Committee i n Toronto (1972), and p o s s i b l y some of the r e p o r t s of Doyle (1972) and McLemore (1972), r e f e r to new demands on the t r a d i t i o n a l competencies i n the p u b l i c s e r v i c e which a r e presented by a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . S i m i l a r to many Canadian p l a n n i n g r e p o r t s , t h i s t h e s i s , t h e r e f o r e , has r e s o r t e d to American p l a n n i n g s t u d i e s f o r guidance and i n f o r m a t i o n . Th is 4s a severe impediment when the unique r a c i a l , economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s i n the U n i t e d S ta tes a r e c o n s i d e r e d . For example, I am c a u t i o u s to t r a n s f e r d i r e c t l y the exper iences * (cont inued from pa?ge 2 3 ) . . . . r e s e a r c h p r i o r i t y l i s t (1972). For an e x c e l l e n t overview of what has been accompl ished i n t h i s f i e l d , p l a n n i n g l i t e r a t u r e or o t h e r w i s e , Eefer to R . H . K e n t , "Research i n Urban D e c i s i o n -M a k i n g " , Urban A f f a i r s . June 1973, (Department o f M u n i c i p a l A f f a i r s , P r o v i n c e o f i femitoba. ) - 25 -Diagram I t Outline of the Ideal Set of Competencies f o r Administrative Decentralization of Planning Services. ATTITUDES AND VALUES pragmatism humility-sense of mission humanism committment f l e x i b i l i t y KNOWLEDGE group dynamics c l i e n t & resources generalist experience intervention/ organization self-awareness SKILLS AND TECHNIQUES group management c ommuni ca t i ons p o l i t i c s production intervention resourcefulness - 26 -of the staff i n the six Eastern United States planning agencies discussed by Needleman (1972) below; undoubtedly the warfare which occurred i n these administrations has r a c i a l overtones on a scale unknown i n our municipal planning organizations. I have tempered and interpreted the American decentraliat movement, therefore, for i t s application to the Canadian scene. What then have been the newfldemands on personnel competence i n programs of administrative decentralization i n North America? Until this past year decentralist planners in the United States (those working primarily under Modernities legislation) were described as a r t i s t s , with what could be described as exotic talents. Lisa Peattie (1970),perhaps the prime journalist on advocacy, imagines the local area planner as a theatrical agents cognizant of dramatic moments, performance, emotional engagement, and staged demonstrations and actions. Peattie's planner i s an actor i n a p o l i t i c a l theatre, manipulating an audience of p o l i t i c a l clients. This same image i s pursued by Keyes and Teitcher (1970), who argue that decentralization has shown a propensity for "exhortation" rather than more traditional "nuts and bolts" planning s k i l l s . Spiegel and Mitteathal (1968) are a l i t t l e more explicit about these new competencies; their report emphasizes that planners working oMside the central offices need reorientation from a "traditional" set of talents to a concern with the here-and-now, planning action, social injustice, the project approach, software services, dynamics of community power, and confrontation tactics ("hard bargaining, negotiation, and interpretation"). A l l this while working i n an environment of suspicion. * Note that "traditional" i s used here as the caricatures were used by Jane Jacobs in The Life and Death of Great American Cities. 1961, pp. 3-25. An:accurate description of this type of planner i s provided by Brooks (1970), specifically his "hard-line physical planner", "the socially-sensitized physical planner", (footnote continued on page 27)... - 27 -Lipsky (1969) agrees with Spiegal and Mittenthal, and adds that the local area planner needs to be far more discretionary than his traditional counterpart, able to work with inadequate resources, and to be effective within an environment where threats are made to his authority. Finally, from the neighbourhood work of the Newark Housing Authority, Lowenstein (1971) concludes that decentralist planning requires extra committment, experience, and the following talents i f i t i s to be successful» s k i l l s i n managing the dynamics of groups; negotiation; the a b i l i t y to deal with conflict; and mediation. Lowenstein saw the committment required as an "Attitude preparation", including thevvillingness to delegate autonomy, power and decision-making, as well as the willingness to accept and&adopt values contrary to one's own. These were viewed as contrary to the normal competencies rquired of the planner. Experience sufficient to analyze the impact of decentralization i n the United States seems to have accumulated only within the past year. The evolution of the New Federalism, with programs such as the 'Allied Services Act (Cappccia 1975) and Planned Variations (Gilbert et a l l 1973) has further stipulated the practice of public decentralization and interest in i t s personnel requirements. Last year saw a series of articles reporting on the consequences of administrative decentralization to planning personnel. Finkler performed a national survey for the American Society of Planning O f f i c i a l s , examining planning organizations for programs of neighbourhood planning (neighbourhood or local area planning are treated herein as administrative decentralization). Out of 980 respondents, 47 agencies confirmed such programs; Finkler then •(continued from page 26)...and perhaps even some traits of theSsocial-service planner". Gerecke ( l 9 7 l ) defines traditional planning as that "practice oriented towards physical design,comprehensive or master planning, and an a p o l i t i c a l position." 28 -focussed on eight. This more intensive analysis found that decentralized planners were i n f r i c t i o n with their superiors} that they required a wider knowledge about municipal and higher-level services; that personal a b i l i t i e s that "engender trust and confidence" were prerequisites; and that a much shorter time fraae had to be adopted to produce more immediate action. Similar conclusions are expressed by Howard's dfcudy ( 1 9 7 2 ) of health-service personnel, i n which "new management tasks" are synthesized from the American neighbourhood health delivery experiments. Important suggestions for this thesis can be derived from the general statements of these new tasks: 1 . to operate i n a complex environment 2. to work for social equity 3. to work and maximize the use of paraprofessiongls 4. to develop h o l i s t i c service teams 5. to develop participatory administration whereby power and operations are progressively transferred to the local citizens. 6. to develop^ "purposeful and mutually supportive relationships between the internal and external environments" 7. to develop new service approaches allowing personal goals and organizational goals to converge 8. to acquire the techniques i n organizational development and s k i l l s iniinterorganizational negotiation. These changes are so basic, in Howard's opinion, that an entirely new kind of health service personnel i s required. The most comprehensive research into this problem of demands for a - 29 -new personnel i n planning under decentralization i s NeMleman's dissertation Planning Against Itself« The Community Planning Experiment i n the United States, 1972. As the t i t l e suggests, Needleman found decentralized and centralized planning to be "within one bureaucratic system two very dissimilar planning approached based on fundamentally incompatible assumptions." Common to a l l of the six major planning departments studied was a significant r i f t separating decentralists from centralists. The two factions differed i n methods and techniques in planning, their understanding of professional competence, moral commitments, and the interpretation of legitimacy. Needleman found the decentralists to be younger, more l i b e r a l l y educated, of normative orientation (that;is, concerned with what should be rather than what i s ) , more p o l i t i c a l l y aware, in f u l l agreement./wi±h(wcitizen power, and f i n a l l y , more concerned with immediate action than their c i t y hall counterparts. In addition, community planners as discovered by Needleman are i n agreement with decision-making on planning matters expanding well beyond the traditional ci r c l e of experts and with open dispute within the planning department i t s e l f . Needless to say, the American local area planner was a minority figure i n the departments, and i r r i t a t e d the traditional majority to the extent that his planning a c t i v i t i e s necessarily became clandestine and subversive. Needleman describes a gradual metamorphosis of the community planner from a position of naivetyabout local power structures (including the conservatism of public bureaucracy1) to an "administrative guerilla". A l l neighbourhood planners were found to be such "subversives" i n the planning department and were consequently s k i l l f u l i n engaging i n conflict, searching out sympathizers, and leaking information. Outside the department these personnel, through t r i a l and error, developed - 2 9 ^ s k i l l s that were foreign to normal practitioners. The administrative guerilla requires s k i l l s which most planners received no training i n and never imagined they would. The admin-istrative guerilla has to be able to think on his feet. He has to present his argument to skeptical, often hostile community leaders with enough eloquence to persuade them and enough forcefulness to inspire their confidence. In winning community acceptance, he i s forced to function not only as a planner but also as an actor, a politician, a salesman, a con man, perhaps even a charismatic leader. (Needleman 1972) In short, the challenge to traditional personnel i n planning organizations, i n terms of the American experience, appears dramatic. As stated earlier, the Canadian reports on local area planning are much more scarce, and perhaps would not reach the same conclusions as the American studies. McNiven's (1972) study of the local area approach i n social service delivery i n Vancouver, however, supports the contention that North American experiences have universal features. The relatively long history of local area planning in Vancouver, in terms of other Canadian c i t i e s , has shown the special requirements for decentralized planning to be expertise i n "inter-organizational negotiations and administration", a generalist background, an a b i l i t y to handle competing clients, and cooperation with the service team. McNiven alludes to this array of special competencies* Competence in the Vancouver social planning scene seems to be primarily related to a combination of ideas and imagination, together with the a b i l i t y to anticipate problems and negotiate settlements amongst contending groups. Unfortunately, she does not elaborate. Graham Fraser i n Fighting Back (1972), devotes a good deal of his book to narrating the hit-and-miss process of indoctrination experienced by the City of Toronto planner assigned to the Trefann Court local area. It i s aUsethe - 30 -same time an amusing and sad story that reveals the state of preparedness of the planning profession to work i n settings different to city h a l l . At the outset, the planner, Howard Cohen, das described as a physically-oriented professional (an architect i n fact, with planning experience in Winnipeg). He is more preoccupied with project insignia than with meeting the multitude of residents' problems. Fraser implies that this was no fault of Cohen but rather a downfall of the planning profession; he infers this by including the terms of reference drawneup for Cohen's assignment — terms which conspicuously omit the competencies Cfahen found necessary. Quickly, Cohen discovered that new a b i l i t i e s , styles,knowledge, and relationships were necessary for success in Trefann. Notably, he mimicked the local community organizer i n a "soft s e l l " approach which emphasised particular communication s k i l l s and engendered a feeling of trust. He also reorganized his priorities to include a more comprehensive attack on problems — one that included "software" services as well as the usual "hardware" services. In the end, Fraser commends the adaptability of Cohen and perhaps the f l e x i b i l i t y of the planning profession, by his f i n a l vignette, which juxtaposes Cohen and a p i t i f u l Development Department clerk. Transferred to the site office, the clerk proceeds mindlessly and i n e f f i c i e n t l y i n his ci t y h a l l world — a bad case of what Boian would c a l l "cognitive dissonance". (Bolan 1972). A quick review of the lessons learned by the social planners i n the Halifax Social Planning Department, as reported by Doyle (1972), finds that those professionals i n contact with the community are i n need of a different range of talents and orientations. The delicate s k i l l s of working with others (who are not l i k e l y to be professionals), communicating, collaborating, politicking, interacting, as well as a keen knowledge of one's own values, assumptions and objectives — a l l of these have become requirements for the successful professional planner. Lastly, i t i s important to cite McLemore's thesis (1972) on social planning and the alleviation of Canadian poverty, for i t s work on the different approaches to local area planning. From his Montreal experience and that i n rural Quebec, McLemore concludes that administrative decentralization i s required to incorporate the strategies of planning, therapy, and social action, i f i t i s to expect success. The report implies that any decentralist office would require® staff with a b i l i t i e s to solve primarily technical problems ranging from housing construction to recreation to juvenile delinquency, to organize and encourage local residents to formulate self-help programs and indigenous community-organization programs, and la s t l y , to analyze and effectively attack unresponsive, negligent, or harmful agencies and organizations outside the community. The means suggested are similar to those used by Peattie (1970)? p o l i t i c a l bargaining, embarassment through the media, boycotts, protests, or other means. To assemble a l l these new competencies for administrative decentralization suggested from the North American experience, i t becomes evident that the following are prerequisites for programs of local area planning: 1. concern for present problems rather than long range prospects that i s , a concern for action i n the "here and now". 2. a concern for social injustice and an orientation to improve social inequalities. 3. an awareness of community and c i t y power institutions and the dynamics therein. - 32 -4. a practical knowledge of confrontation tactics, including the s k i l l s of hard bargaining, negotiation, and interpretation. 5. a willingness to work under uncertainty, suspicion, and turmoil from a l l directions. 6. an a b i l i t y to work effectively with citizens and paraprofessionals. 7. a personal styl e / a b i l i t y to engender trust and confidence. 81 an a b i l i t y to develop and maintain interpersonal relationships via persuasion and communication s k i l l s . <> 9. a knowledge of available resources both internal and external to the community — for example, government aid programs. 10. a social as well as physical orientation i n planning philosophy. 11. f l e x i b i l i t y i n roles. 12. a heightened knowledge of the self — of values, assumptions, attitudes. 2.2 Contributions from Recent Social Planning Theory. As Mertins ( l 9 7 l ) describes i t , planning theory i s i n actuality a loose construction of "specific but separate compartments" that may incorporate thinking on ci t y planning, f i s c a l policy-making, corporate planning, budgetary planning, and social planning, among other things. This diversity, also depicted by Friedmann and Hudson (1974), has confused many who have tried to resort to the professional"planner'a theory i n order to rationalize his performance. This i s the case, for example, when Davies remarks i n frustration in his book that "the very vagueness of planning theories and arguments makes them so d i f f i c u l t to control." (Davies 197$. With Friedmann's latest review - 33 -of the "new wave of planning theory" (Friedmann 1973), moreover, i t appears this confusion w i l l persist. Thereby, without further discussion of a l l of the above compartments which Mertins puts forward, some of which obviously are not pertinent to this report, planning theory i s specified here to mean what is traditionally called social planning theory. Specifically, social planning theory deals with the change or rejuvenation of organizations and the personnel therein which deliver both hard and soft urban planning services. A social planning attack on planning theory f a c i l i t a t e s a seemingly wide selection of literature from oajjior planning contributors: from Rein, to Dyckman, to Bolan, to Friedmann, and to more obscure writers. Again, the literature has been scanned only for particular references to new competencies under decentralization and thereby Ifeh^staxt has i n most instances not included a complete representation of the particular,?:' argument. Conclusions are drawn from the arguments on page 42 . As i n the examples of the previous subaection, where time brought more sophisticated observations of the decentralized professional, so planning theorists have seemed to advance in their understanding of the new demands and requirements of decentralization. The earlier writings were both rafie and vague i n their comprehension of decentralized planning. To il l u s t r a t e such vagueness, reference should be made to Report IV of the Twelfth * Social planning i s normally treated as a t r i p a r t i t e : one section being concerned with the injection of social considerations into the physical Master Plan (Webber 1968, Rothman 1970, Dyckman 1970); another part focussing on the coordination and delivery of social services ( f e r l o f f 1965, Ecklein and Lauffer 1972, Gans 1962 1968, Rothman 1970, Mayer 1970); and laotly, the societal review side, outlined above and used i n this essay. One must note, however, that despite i t s apparent clear definition social planning has i t s own vagaries. For instance, Gross (1970) refers to social planning as one of the great "blah ideas i n the Western World"; Piven thinks the term to be "very broad and merky" (1970) and McNiven remaEks that "after a decade of a c t i v i t i e s , social planning is s t i l l i n a somewhat ambiguous position.... (footnote continued on page 34)*..» refer to Ecklein and Lauffer 1972; Morris and Binstock 1966; Gans 1962; Stumpf 1965; Cherry 1970; Rothman 1970; Piven 1970; Dyckman 1970; Mayer 1972. - 34 -International Conference on Social Work 1964. which claimed that social planners i n the community required research, administration, and community organization s k i l l s along with a sensitivity to the p o l i t i c a l process. Likewise, Morris and Binstock i n 1966 implied generally that planners must become experts i n understanding the dynamics of organizations and effective i n overcoming organizational resistance. However, Martin Hein i n the Journal of the American Institute of  Planners. 1969, evidenced a more thorough understanding of social planning and the s k i l l s required for extra-bureaucratic operations. In this a r t i c l e , the knowledge and practice of insurgency, "closed and open door p o l i t i c s " , "boring from within", cooptation, coordination, offering reform as rational, chherent, intellectual solutions, and the a b i l i t y to deal with conflict, to seize opportunity, and to adapt to shifting p o l i t i c a l coalitions were recognized as requirements for effective personnel. Rein presented at the same time, but i n another publication, the Public Administration Review. 1969, corresponding arguments concerning the pressures for "new categories of man-power", i n the public service under conditions of decentralization. He advocated that new behaviour, new processes and new relationships were required primarily i n the interface between the public and i t s c i v i l servants. Specifically this meant that paraprofessionals were to assume increasing responsibility, that the traditional stuffiness i n hierarchical roles were to be replaced with"less docile behaviour i n collegial patterns, and that * (footnote continued from page 33) ••• It i s not clearly defined. Its functions, area of competence, and scope &f i t s ventures are s t i l l vague or an object of dispute. It wavers between preferences for the grassroot and citizen participation supporters and the claims of the PPBS proponents. Experience has not helped to determine yet whether a social planner is primarily a coordinator, a change agent trying to sensitize various community systems and networks to human needs, a social service network.iadministrator or an expdrt i n developing plans related to specific areas of responsibility, such as housing for low-income citizens groups." - 35 -planning would reject i t s p o l i t i c a l neutrality. Rein not surprisingly concluded that training i n the public service w i l l assume greater importance as more professionals "find themselves i n d i f f i c u l t and disturbing job situations." Notice should also be given to Dyckman's (1971) urban policy analyst, a mature form of the advocate planner. This i s another theoretical construct that i s established for the conditions of change under decentralization. The policy analyst as Dyckman sees him has several unique characteristics, l i s t e d below: - he views the planning organization not "on the model of the machine", but rather as a p o l i t i c a l , humaniinstrument sensitive to change. - he views "s c i e n t i f i c rationality" as insufficient and ill-informed and rejects i t as a normative model for organizational decision-making. - he i s pragmatic, favouring issues and projects. - he rejects efficiency as an ©rganizational goal withiits streamlining coordination and rationalizing programs. - alternatively, he accepts redundancy, incrementalism, and "roundabout wajrs" as a means of increasing r e l i a b i l i t y i n decision-making. - he believes that planning agencies are p o l i t i c a l institutions. Clearly the urban policy analyst suggests new direction for the planner i n decentralization: to accumulate knowledge and s k i l l s i n incremental decision-making, p o l i t i c s , and to effect a value s h i f t from efficiency and professionalism to what may be termed "humanism". * Rein has continued this thinking on local area planning i n his most recent publication — specifically i n the Epilogue of the second edition of Dilemmas of Social Reform. 1972. - 36 -Within this same period, I969 - 1970, Bolan introduced his theoretical inquiry into the local approach to urban planning. In his breakdown of community decision behaviour (1969), Bolan contended that the s k i l l and ability with which the planner performs his role in the larger decision-making system will have 4 significant impact on the system's outcome. The roles of the planner are wide-ranging and suggest a similar span of competence. They include: critic, initiator, planner, technical expert, investigator, analyst, socio-emotional expert, strategist, organizer, spokesman-advocate, mediator-arbiter, negotiator, propagandist, symbolic leader, enforcer, and evaluator. But beyond this catalogue of roles, i t is the subsequent hypothesis of the article which is of prime importance to this study, ^olan suggested that motivation (the inclination to participate), opportunity (a matter of resources), and skills, were the determinants,.-- of the planner's role performance. By "skills", he denoted the following qualities and abilities: personal intelligence; personal experience in local decision-making; competence in inter-personal affair^; good ability with communications (speaking and writing well.., withoeffective use of the media); extensive and specific knowledge of the local issues; and a wide network of socio-profesaional contacts. From his own knowledge, Bolan concluded that the planner does not have a l l the skills required and that appropriate education in interpersonal skills, social integration, group dynamics, politics, communication, and community organization were essential. Lack of training in these areas, in Bolan's opinion, "has contributed to failures in urban policy making." In his second and most recent article for the planning profession in 1971, Bolan continued to call for a revision and renewal in the professional - 37 -ranks in matters of localearea planning and administration. Bolan sees the city planner at this time not as a technocrat hut as a personal relations manager where the "engagement and committment of the client are of greater importance as a means of professional sk i l l and service than are the methodological skills with which the problem has been analyzed and a solution developed." Social abilities in the form of organizing and communication skills, personality traits, and knowledge of group dynamics, politics, role theory, and organizational studies were considered vi t a l . Perhaps Bolan's most impottant point, however, is his warning via the principle of "cognitive dissonance" — the behaviouralist's belief that one must do what comes naturally for the sake of success. Accordingly, the point is made that decentralized administration required decentralists, and conversely, aentralized administration requires centralists. John Friedmann seems to have been following a similar road to |3olan with regard to the decentralization of planning services and the projection of new abilities required in this new environment. In 1969, he remarked that the success of planning was largely a function of managing interpersonal relations. By 1971, Friedmann explicitly enjoined his profession to change from "inflexible automatons programmed to only a thin repertoire of action responses", to something aimilar to Dyckman's urban policy analyst. This new form of planner has much greater contact and a much closer relationship with the client than the traditional professional, whom Friedmann rejects. In fact, the planner-client relationship he envisions is symbiotic, requiring of the planner professional competenceXn developing interpersonal and on-going exchanges, - 38 competence in a new "willingness to explore", and competence i n a 1& general attitude of openness." Friedmann sees the planning prooess as one of quick and effective personal adjustment by the professional so that he "integrates new observations into ad hoc models Useful for strategic intervention." This person-centered style of planning, essentially a decentralized approach, automatically implies "drastic changes i n expert roles and institutions." Lastly, i n his most recent a r t i c l e (1973), Friedmann continues to cry for the "debtmeaucratization" of the professional order into interpersonal relationships structured around small groups. Again he implies that new a b i l i t i e s i n dialogue are required under this decentralized planning. Re&racking America : The Theory of Transactive Planning (1975) incorporates and elaborates much of what Friedmann has written earlier 4n the above articles ( a l l of which he proudly admits). To effect the partial bureaucratic breakdown which he advises must occur, task-oriented work groups bound within a cellular structure are to be established, Correspondingly, he formulates a new name for his nonhierarchical, face-to-face style of planning and calls i t "fransactiwe planning". Successful transaction i s seen as a function of some eight qualities i n the professional: 1. a heightened knowledge of the self as a person, not as a professional. 2. an increased capacity for learning and openness. 3. special s k i l l s i n the use of symbolic materials and expression. 4. the a b i l i t y and orientation to empathize with others; a special sensitivity. 5. the a b i l i t y to l i v e with and cope with conflict. 6. an understanding of the dynamics of power. - 39 -7. the a b i l i t y to "get things done" in the "here and now". 8. the maturity to accept personal responsibility for actions. Friedmann concludes that such decentralized planning demands a change within the total planning system* (such) innovative systems require benevolent internal climates tolerant to ambiguity, contradiction, challenge, and unconventional approaches, and a willingness to assume organisational risks and rewards for behaviour that departs from the customsaey responses. Within the last year the professional theory i n social planning has increasingly focussed on new forms and directions of planning, and the challenge to traditional talents represented i n this change. Bolan set the mood i n his editorial policy^statement for the Journal of the American  Institute of Planners. January 1973, which called for innovation and divers-i f i c a t i o n * The urban upheaval of the 1960's has l e f t an indelible matek on urban planninggin the 1970's. The last decade has seen the profession shaken to i t s roots. Shibboleths^of only a few years ago now seem distant and irrelevant. Comfortable and sensible conceptsllike "land use standards", and "optimal efficiency" are discussed less frequently. The tidy good logic of being "comprehensive" and "long range" seems to be only a nostalgic notion — honoured today primarily i n the hollow bureaucracies of federal regulations.... At the beginning of 1972 the planning profession i s i n disarray. Yesterday's themes were consensus, comprehensiveness, rationality. orderstoday the dominant themes are diversity, conflict, division. and tension... As a result planning i s emerging as more honest and less paternal; more open and substantially less naive; more varied while also more relevant, (underlining supplied) Levine (1972) has continued this very theme* the era of extra-bureaucratic planning has arrived. As a consequence, planners must learn to cope with competition and confrontation. Similarly, Mayer i n Social Planning and Social Change (1972) proceeds with an attack on traditional professionalism and advocates a redirection to a practice more concerned with "socio-structural - 40 -change". The tools demanded for the management of this change are generally-found in professions other than city planning; fjamely social work, education, law, and in the knowledge of economics, sociology, and political acience. Mayer does not elaborate on these new competencies but he emphasizes that a distinctive break with present professional concerns is imperative. The most recent contributions to social planning theory as i t comprehends professional reorganization under non-bureaucratic structures come from the scenarios drawn by Heskin and Srabow (1973) and Mark (1973)» as well as the review by Kaplan (1973). With broad brush strokes, the f i r s t two sources picture a decentralized planning system with general reference to the competence of its practitioners. Grabow and Heskin comment that the decentralist must have an internal willingness to experiment, to act in uncertainty, as well as being receptive to innovation. Professor Mark views the skills of the future as: information managment (the ability to act without sufficient data); creative decision-making ability (skills similar to those preached in de Bono's Lateral Thinking 1972); communication (the ability to suspend judgement, to^listen, to probe); and tolerance of ambiguity. Mark infers that contemporary professionals are ill-equipped with these skills and that a major educational program must be forthcoming. Lastly, Kaplan evaluates the performance of American planning in the previous decade and concludes that future practice must learn to comprehend uncertainty and instability, and must incorporate the following "new norms": political sensitivity; the injection of personal values into professional work; an orientation to social equity; and a "basic humanism". - 41 -I would like to conclude this overview of new social planning theory-regarding personnel in decentralized service with Thompson and Rath's (1973) projection on the future prospect of urban planning. It is in this paper, and to a certain extent in Friedmann's Repacking Americas, that the personnel implications of decentralization not yet apparent are indicated. The Thompson and Sath -paper enumerates six major alterations to professional planning for the future. These changes are: 1. unstructured problem solving — the increasing use of incremental methods to solve what will be recognized as "fuzzy, poorly defined, messy problems". 2. the use of goal defining processes such as the Delphi Technique as a specific method to deal with the elusive nature of goals, critieria, and objectives. 3. the use of non-herarchical organizations. 4. increasing reliance on individuals within and without the organization by means of more effective response mechanisms and lower-level decision-making. 5. experimentation in administrative service. 6. the use of interdisciplinary teams. According to Thompson and Rath, administrative decentralization will be more common and more sophisticated. The personnel both within the planning agency and within its clientele must have facility with "unstructured problem solving", with "goal defining processes", increased responsibility, and with the turbulence represented in adminiatrative experiment. In the end, the decentralist planner must learn to communicate effectively to teams of decision-makers composed of divergent interests and expertise. - 42 -To sum up therefore, the social planning theorists are in general agreement on new challenges to personnel in decentralized planning. These major demands are synthesized below: 1. a workable knowledge of the dynamics of organizations and a corresponding s k i l l in their manipulation, subversion, and development. 2. a workable knowledge in the art of politics and a corresponding s k i l l in cooptation, persuasion, confrontation. 3. an openness to thepparticipation of paraprofessionals, citizens, and professionals of other disciplines in the planning process, and a correspond-i i i L ing sensitivity to the concerns, problems, and prospects of these groups. 4. an orientation to, a workable knowledge of, and s k i l l in incremental decision-making. 5. a flexibility in roles and attitudes, but a constant "basic humanism". 6. organization and communication skills effective both in professional and in nonprofessional environments — primarily in small group encounters. 7. a general but workable knowledge of the related professional skills ~-particularly in social work, law and education. 2.3 Suggestions from Administration-Organization Theory. An evaluation of the personnel in public administration benefits, of course, from that body of knowledge specifically concerned with administrations and organizations. The theory dealing with the organization and personnel in public systems, called here administration-arganization theory, is a broad * This body of knowledge has, in fact, great application to urban planning. John Dyckman (1970) has predicted that "organization theory will play a more central role in urban studies and policy analysis." Indeed the "new paradigm" for planning has its foundations on this theory; reference should be made to Friedmann and Hudson (1974). - 43 -constellation of ideas that has evolved over time. It includes the classical arguments about bureaucracy^ the socio-psychological needs of the employee (both worker and management), the trade-off between production and human satisfaction, and more recently, the specific concern for public organizations. Like the preceeding subsection, however, the object of this division is not to detail these "schools" of theory. This has been performed in the references listed in the respective blocks in Diagram II, page 44« Rather, the objective is to manage this complexity of theory by selecting the themes developed in i t which deal with personnel under Administrative reform, represented by decentralization, as well as those themes which deal with * the models of decentralisation itself. Accordingly, I have depicted the process of my selection in Diagram II, as a sifting machine sorting the raw material within administration-organization theory, for elements dealing with decentralization, its implied administrative reform, and personnel reorientation under this reform. As demonstrated in the following pages of this subsection, the concepts falling from the sieve are helpful to an understanding of what possible preparation the planning team must undergo for local area planning. (i) Models of Decentralization: Organization-administration theory may be considered to be an evolution of models of public and private administrative structure, within \tfiich the principle of hierarchy is profound. (Scott 1965, Rowbottom 1973, Herbert 1972). As such models of decentralization are frequent and deal with a variety of * for some insight into the frustration this complex theory has caused the social scientist, refer to Woolf (1968), Nigro (1970), and Caiden (1969) - 44 -Diagram II> A Representation of Administration®Organization Theory  And the Process of Selection used in Subsection 2.3 Scientific Management School 1910 - 1935 (classical theory) -Perrow I97O pp.14-18 -Subramanium I968 -Mouzelis 1969 -Baker 1972,chp.l&2 - H i l l 1972 -Litwak 1961 -Scott 1967 Pp. 102-109 -Bennis 1966 pp.68-78 -Nigro 1970 pp.84-103 -Wilson 1973 pp.193-205 Revisionist School 1950+ Weberian Bureaucracy (classical theory) -Pfiffner & Presthus 1968 -Bennis 1966 chp.2. Public Administration  Division Human Relations  School -Scanlon Plan 1973 -Mouzelis 1969 -Baker 1972 chp.l&2 -Litwak 1961 -Silverman 1970 -Scotit 1967 pp.109-119, 4H-415 -Bennis 1966 pp.66-78 -Hill 1972 -Nigro 1970 pp.84-103 New Public Admin-istration Division - Argyris 1962 -Bennis I966 pp.66-78 -Miles and Fitch -Scott 1967 -Meade 1971 -Perrow 1970 pp.14-18 -Baker 1972 chp.l&2 -Silverman 1970 p.217 -Nigro 1970 -Caiden 1972 pp.233-243 -Seashore 1971 -Meade:-1971 pp. 176-179 -Mosher 1967 -Ostrum 1971 -Sayre 1968 -Waldo 1970 -Marini 1970 -Caiden 1972 -Public Admin-istration Review 1969-1972. -Rowbottom 1973. (i) Models of Decentralization ( i i ) Personnel Change Under Administrative Reform - 45 -circumstancess decentralization in both government and private industry, in the practising agency as well as the future ideal organization. I have quickly sampled a cross-section of these models of decentralization: one that exhibits public-private orientation,another wiiitsh predominant public focus, and finally two with futuristic appeal. Note how similar these varieties are to one another, especially in their implications for personnel competence. The most conspicous and referred-to decentralization model is Bennis1  organic-adaptive structure,(l966.fr. Clear traces of this model are found in planning documents such as McLemore (1972) and Thayer's (1971) report to the Ontario Government. Against the traditional bureaucratic structure which he calls "mechanistic", Bennis has created an alternate for public and private organizations. Its characteristics are: temporariness; problem-focus; adaptable to changing circumstance; personnel division according to s k i l l and training rather than rank and role; ani. envirnoment of interdependence rather than competition; reduced scale of operations into small groups or teams, represent-ing a diversity of skills. This model has a far-reaching impact on the demands on the bureaucrat. The employee in the organic-adaptive structure, as Bennis makes clear, must become more committed to the job and must become more competent in managing conflict via skills in human interabtion ("people will have to learn to develop quick and intense relationships on the job and to endure their loss."). Further elaboration on this decentralization maybe found in Crozier's dynamic form (1967), the organie systems described in Burns and Stalker (1961), and in Shephard and Blake (1962) and Wilcox (1969). The relevance of this structure to this thesis is highlighted in Barrett and - 46 -Tannenbaum's ( l 9 7 l ) assertion that such an organic model "can lead to confusion and chaos unless those who function in i t are appropriately skilled and knowledgeable ... to a degree not called for in the mechanistic system." Bureaucratic conditioning is not suitable for decentralized conditions. Within the public administration group of administration-organization theory (refer to Diagram II) therehhave been empirical models of decentral-ization developed from experiments in the public services, for example, American police organizations (Angell 1972) (Myren 1972) and American social-service organizations (White 1969). The "dialectical organization" found by HJhite in a San Antonio church agency is more relevant to our planning concerns here because of its high degree of agent and client interaction. Other pertinent features ares the new relationship of the client as peer and aa a total person with an independent set of needs, the unqualified coomMtmsnt to a l l clients given by thepprofessional, the flexibility of agency policy to changing circumstances, and the consensus format for decision-making in policy formulation and service delivery. White discovered that the personnel involved had to undergo major professional re-orientation to be effective in this decentralization of service. The New Public Administration movement (see Diagram II) in which White has participated, has contributed with Kirkhart's (1971) oonsociated ideal  type to the modern conceptualization of decentralization for government. In many ways, as Kirkhart admits, this model parallels and builds upon the work of Bennis, but i t also includes some unique features of its own. The nature of this oonsociated model is described belows - 47 -1. The basic work unit is the project team, which has financial autonomy and which ia interconnected with other project te>ms. 2. the measures for effectiveness within these teams are made via the development ol noncompetitive, trusting relationships with the outside, the attraction of capable personnel, the development of client-centered services, and the elimination of the need for the organization's services. 3. within the project team, hierarchies are avoided and leadership/authority is situational. 4. the project team are themselves temporary, established to solve a particular problem within specified time limits. 5. training in interpersonal competence is managed by the most permanent project team — the training unit 6. clientele assume authority equal to professional members on the team. 7. skills required for operation are of two types: technical skills, and those that "promote interdependence and the ambiguity useful in problem solving." 8. the;vipersonnel are committed to the values of the organization — i t is not solely a place of employment. Kirknart's model is treated asithe core of the New Public Administration, and as such has had great effect at least in the academic circles. Certainly Friedmann's arguments for the planner in Retracking America (1973) are patterned on these lines. The understanding of decentralization and particularly its impact on the competence of the publicsiservant is advanced-ohere. Under a project-team approach, personnel must be more intensively involved in their work, must exhibit and transfer a confidence and trust to the client, and - 48 -must cope with uncertainty, the client as equal, and the fluidity of agency policy. The models of decentralization of the future formed in administration-organization theory may include that developed "by Schon in Beyond the Stable  State (1971), and the recent projection made by the National Academy of Public Administration (Chapman and Cleavelairil 1973)• The scenario drawn by Schon for future public administrations is very much like that used by Kirkhart — adaptive task forces comprised of "pools of competence" representing "content skills" (economics, social work, engineering ...) and "process skills" (,coordination, planning communication Schon goes to great lengths to portray the public servant as conservative, and even reactionary to change (the theme of "dynamic conservatism" isrresponsible for the title of his book). Thas, he arrives at the following implications for Reorganization. Thes priorities of the new public servant under decentralization will be in "fast footwork", short time frames, sensitivity to new issues and perception of "institutional mismatch" (government out-of-tune). Several new roles are envisioned for decentralization: systems negotiator (an ombudsman, guide or middle-man capable of negotiating out of difficult, isolated, rigid, or fragmented agencies); underground manager (Needleman's administrative guerilla); manoeuverer (an agent adept at persuading and manipulating agencies); broker (matchmaker who maintains formal and informal contacts within and without the newly-created organization); network manager (responsible for information distribution,referrals, and follow-up); facilitator (consultant, guide). Schon concludes that present professional training leaves its graduates short of the requirements for these new roles, those requirements being: the ability * Note that John Friedmann includes Schon's work as a prime contributor to the "new wave of planning theory", (friedmann and Hudson 1974, and Friedmann 1973). - 49 -to work in the "interpersonal here-and-now", a willingness to use the self as an "informational instrument", and the competence to "listen rather than assert, to confront and tolerate the anxieties of confrontation, and to suspend commitnent until the last possible moment." The second futute projection of decentralized organization seleeted here is that concluded by a panel of public administration experts in 1971* When asked to foresee the character of the public service and the administrator in the 1980's, they concluded decentralization similar to that of Schon, with comparable profound implications for its agents. The administrator of the next decade will be challenged in how he leads and directs his agency; how he handles relations with other organizations, government, the public and his supervisors; how he maintains his own competence and sense of direction; and lastly, how he expresses his own personal values and ethics. This administrator-to-be is projected more as a moral leader, broker, and coordinator than an expert or commander, and more as a bargainer and politician. The emphasis will be on innovation, adaptation, and communication. (Chapman and Cleaveland 1973). From the range of models of decentralization used in administration-organization theory i t becomes clear that the public servant has had and will continue to have pressure for reorientation in his conditioning. Certain skills, ethics, and knowledge, are concluded to be requirements for the successful operation of the transformed centralized public agencies. It is noted that the contemporary c i v i l servant is ill-prepared for such a trans-formation. - 50 -( i i ) Personnel Change Under Administrative Reform. Charles Perrow (1970) one of the more recent and important contributors to administration-organization theory has remarked that one of its primary enduring themes is that organizations are made up of people and as such the problems and prospects of organizations arise from the people employed within. Perrow's analysis is indeed basic to this thesis, but there are some who think that much of this personnel literature in administration-organization theory is too limited and dated to be useful to an understanding of modern issues. Accordingly, I have limited what is a very broad range of ideas related to personnel change under reform, and have used the most recent developments in administration-organization theory. I have organized these into two parts pertinent to an understanding of conditioning of public servants in programs of administrative decentralization. This includes the general themes of management of organizational change (based on the evidence put forth in subsection 2.1, I am assuming that decentralization in planning departments will mean organizational change); and more specifically the management of change  in a decentralized environment (planning or otherwise). Personnel requirements for both the initiation and successful operation of organizational change may be found in the relatively new principle of entrepreneurialism and its practical form, the change agent. It had become apparent primarily during the last decade with the aforementioned academic and public sensitivity to the power of public administration (section l . l ) * For example, Sharkansky (1970) claims that the research into personal traits of the employee has revealed l i t t l e that is very significant; Hyman (1971) says these theorists have demonstrated an acute inability to draw conclusions about the s k i l l requirements for personnel under change; and Seashore (1971) comments in his book on personnel resources: "Today the traditional literature of local government (continued on page 51) - 51 -that innovation within the public bureaucracies would arise (if at all) via the leadership of an elite group of "entrepreneurs" (Dresang 1973, Fainstein 1972, Child 1973, Lee 1966). These employees are termed "change agents" and their personal qualifications have been atfcudied closely both within public and private organizations. Warren Bennis (1966) has developed the fundamental characteristics of the change agent upon which othersihave built. To Bennis, an employee likely to lead or adapt to organizational review and revision is identified by his preoccupation with the seriousness of his work, his concern for organizational effectiveness and for interpersonal and group relational his interest in the relationships, attitudes, perceptions and values of his fellow employees, his flexibility in role, and his sensitivity both to strategic points of intervention within the organization and the group dynamics involved in the bureaucracy. Scott (1967) confirmed these traits of the change agent and &dded that such an employee would want to improve interpersonal competence, communication, have more effective team management, and methods of conflict resolutionrwithin the organization. Furthermore, Lee's study, The Role of the Higher Civil Service Under Rapid Social and  Political Change. 1966, concluded that those responsive to change in govern-ment were in fact those expressing a "positive attitude" to social change and * (footnote continued from page 50)...and the training based upon i t have a curiously archaic ring. The traditional knowledge of urban affairs based upon these inquiries has a l l too often become inadequate, inaccurate, out-of-date, or in most cases, simply irrelevant to the exploding problems of the modern metropolis." * The idea of certain personnel being more receptive to change than others is, of course, a logical one and has been recognized well before Bennis. Refer to Barnett (1953) and his classification of reformers (the dissident, the indifferent, the disaffected, the resentful). For the purposes of this thesis, however, the change agent came of age with the work of Bennis and his contemporaries. - 52 -the future. Lee also suggested that these personnel would be younger, exhibiting more intelligence in their work, or superior eduction (through both pre-service and in-service training) and with greater "exposure" outside the organization. The concept of the change agent has since been refined by theorists such as Caiden (1969) and Hyman (1971)• The former classifies change agents on a continuum according to nature and speed of change desired, toleration of resistance to ideas, acceptance of crisis, and the use. of imposition as a means of change. Change agents, thereby, range from "societal changers" to "societal reformers" to "societal revolutionary" — the last stance being the most radical. In any event, Caiden considers the talents of the reformer in bureaucracy to consist of a "missionary zeal, strong sense of comparison, a consideration for the individual, and independence of thinking, intellectuality, technical s k i l l , administrative ability and a sense of politics." Hpoan agrees with Caiden's agent but he supplies some further qualifications of his own. Successful management of change requires: skills in coordination; fact finding and problem solving; experience with change itself; an:,ability to cope with uncertainty; and a willingness to relinquish "old methods". Hyman concludes that the prospects for reform in government today, i f i t is to be a product of his change agent, are remote: Who in the profession of public management is competent to plan and direct the revisions necessitated? There appears to be l i t t l e realization (or perhaps admission) that this role calls for special knowledge and abilities, and that today's public officials have not been given the opportunity adequate to acquire these qualifications. In sum, administrative reform represented by decentralization of existing planning departments maylbe a function of personnel qualified in skills of - 53 -interpersonal communications and group dynamics, sensitive to means and points of intervention, aware of their counterparts abilities and limitations in the organization, concerned about the future and organizational effectiveness therein, and finally, experienced in administrative reform itself. The literature in administration-organization aubmits that such personnel are rare in current public services, a fact attributable to training and to the nature of the service itself. More specific to the concern of this report is the research in admin-istration-organization theory on the adjustment to the public service necess-itated by decentralization itself. Notablyythis research is very new and as such is limited in quantity. Earlier work in this specific field, such as that by Makielski (1967), had predicted that decentralist programs carried on by the American public service would f a i l due to the absence of the necessary administrative prerequisites. These were considered to be "a s k i l l pool, experience, communication skills, and the appropriate administrative: norms." Recently, however, Caiden (1973) and Herbert (1972) have advanced this under-standing. In what is essentially a decentralized administration, Caiden reformulated the role of the public servant from that of "the consolidating bureaucrat" to a complete range of new roles for theI1970*s. Pertinent to this study are the new abilities required for these pending roles: the ability to reformulate problems in new terms in order to e l i c i t new responses and initiatives; the iW^j^jf to deal with uncertainty and fluidity and to absorb change, instability, and interdependence; the ability to turn crisis to advant-age, to use deviation and conflict in problem solving to generate new solutions without alienation; the ability to tolerate deviation, conflict, and confrontation * These roles include: crusading reformer; policy formulator; social-change agent; crisis manager; dynamic program manager; humanitarian employer; political campaigner; competent administrator; (continued on page 5 4 ) . . . . - 54 -without ever reaching or losing a sense of proportion; the ability to mobilize resources to meet problems and to engage in inter-disciplinary problem solving; the ability to encourage error-correction initiative and creativity, and to learn from mistakes; the ability to learn from experience and uncertainty; and the ability to remain human and humane under stress. Caiden concludes that the public servant must undergo re-education to develop such a set of knowledge and skills. In Herbert's article, Management Under Conditions of Decentralization and Citizen Participation", in the Public Administration Review. October 1972, there lies the most thorough analysis of the conditioning demands made by decentralization on the public service. It is, in fact, the primary impetus Behind .this report. Herbert demonstrates that the c i v i l servant will be profoundly affected by administrative decentralization. He deduces nine managerial skills which are essential: 1. the ability to operate effectively in conflict situations via bargaining skills and negotiating skills 2. a familiarity with group dynamics that will facilitate a quick understanding.1, of why and how groups are created and die; what motives are behind citizen and administrative group formation, and how these motives may be accommodated in the planning process. 3. a sensitivity and understanding of the feelings, demands, frustrations, and hopes of the client. 4. the ability to work with several bosses where boss values and motives may be in conflict * interest broker; public relations manager; speedy decision maker; constructive thinker; optimistic leader. - 55 -5. the ability to work in tenous, highly uncertain work conditions where clear-cut solutions are difficult to define and environmental conditions are constantly changing. 6. the ability ind orientation to be mobile within the profession. 7. greater political awareness and s k i l l in operating in the political arena. 8. more effective communication skills — the ability to be a good listener and a good synthesizer. 9. the willingness and ability to shed the common aloof, e l i t i s t image of the professional. These practical skills are seen as dependent upon the public servant's personal philosophy and sense of ethics. As such, the redirection of public administra-tion under decentralization goes beyond demands on knowledge, skills, and challenges attitudes and values. Therefore, administration-organization theory, specifically that aspect which studies personnel in circumstances of reform, suggests "new competencies" for decentralization which are similar to those concluded in the models of decentralization. The change agent idea submits that those capable of leading/ adapting/effeeting decentralization require personal inclination towards change, uncertainty, instability, and innovation, as well as skills in negotiation, group dynamics, interpersonal confrontation, and communication. In the final analysis, Caiden and Herbert focus on the decentralist public servant himself and confirm most of what the experience with decentralization in planning departments (subsection 2 .1) , new planning theory (subsection 2 . § ) , and administration-organization theory (subsection 2.3) have concluded about the conditioning of the public service for administrative decentralization. - 56 -2.4 The Dimensions of Competence for the Public Servant The traditional focus of public manpower planning and research has been from a quantification point of view — estimating the supply and demand prospects. However, the new recognition that the municipal public administr-ation "is a service which has an impact on the well-being of the citizens as great as the impact of education, health and welfare" (Council of Maritime Premiers 1972) may well shift this emphasis to an evaluation or qualification approach, as has been the case with teachers, doctors, and social service workers. The squantification analysis of planning personnel is evident in the most recent analysis of the Canadian planning scene — Hodge's (1972) calculation of the planning market between 1961 and 1981, but the latter is apparent in the manpower study by the Council of Martime Premiers 1972 and the 1968 British Local Government Training Board activity. From a l l accounts in personnel study elsewhere, the transition in research in the public service will be a difficult one. Bass ( l 9 7 l ) in his summary of employee research deduced that the "criteria problem" (evaluation) is the most critical and difficult problem with which the personnel researcher is faced. The questions which arise for this report, thereby, are: by what general criteria has the c i v i l service been evaluated in the past? and, are these criteria suitable for organizing the competencies deduced from the previous subsections? An overview of the literature dealing with personnel quality reveals a number of methods by which public servants —specifically those in urban - 57 -planning departments — may be fudged. For instance, Caiden (1969) postulates that the competence should be measured by the following: 1. skills and aptitude, practical ability, health, output. 2. judgement, wisdom, values, ethics, responsibility. 3. knowledge and information, range of experience, articulation. 4. personality, character, morality. 5. attitudes, beliefs, opinions, will, aim, ambitions. 6. enthusiasm, incentive, drive, expectations. 7. job satisfaction, mobility, security. 8. creativity, originality. Others argue that only more general categories are required, or are even measurable. It seems the planners concerned with the competence of their fellow planners opt fofi the latter, more general approach. Rein (1972), Spiegel and Mittenthal (1968), Mbrris and Binstock (1966) and Lowenstein (1971) allsiagree that the personal attitudes and values of the planner are the key criteria for evaluation. As mentioned earlier in subsection 2.3, Bolan claims that there are three contributors to competence: motivation; opportunity; and skills. The relativelyllong experience in the field of public education as summarized and used by Ryan (1972) has demonstrated, however, that competence of the public servant may be best estimated along threegprimary dimensions: 1. How the individual should act in his work; this is represented by personal  attitudes and values. 2. What the individual should know — an established base of knowledge. 3. What the process of action oriiraplementation should be; that i s , skills  and techniques. - 58 -I have adopted this format for this report on the oasis of i t s established success and because, as outlined i n the following subsection 2.5, i t f a c i l i t a t e s an organization of the various conditioning requirements concluded from the previous subsections. 2.5 Conclusion of an Ideal Set of Competencies for Administrative  Decentralization. Assembling the suggestions and experiences of both theory and practice of administrative decentralization produces a chart of ideal competencies for the public servant. For the purposes of measurement and evaluation i n the case study, the various requirements have been assembled individually i n Diagram III, page 59* It should be clear, however, that there are patterns and interdependencies within the ideal set. These patterns are shown in the plastic overlay as themes i n politics-intervention-organization, group management, and personal character. Similarly, i t is obvious that not a l l the qualities of the ideal set are requirements unique to decentralized planning. Traditional bureaucratic planning, for example, has emphasized a knowledge of the client and his resources. The model presented in Diagram III, thereby, i s treated only as a tool for estimating the preparation for local area planning i n one planning agency. Diagrams III: Ideal Set of Competencies for Administrative Decentralization of Planning Services ATTITUDES AND VALUES KNOWLEDGE SKILLS AND TECHNIQUES PRAGMATISM Orientation to projects and tasks i n the Ihere-and-nov G--IOUP DYNAMICS -lastery of issues, prob-lems and prospects of teamwork |*RCuJ* SENSE OF COMMITMENT | HUMILITY IIIS3I0N Sense of Seriousness of social jus- work; concern for bution & that of organization social equity JlNTERVSNTION/ ORGANIZATION Grasp of means &. points of intervention into agencies in planning process; know-ledge of agency| l i f e cycles fcllENT AND {RESOURCES IfKnov.'ledge o f (client, community existing power telationships, all overrun en t and (other resources (available to the planning process Willingness to shed professional _ cc and work within values contrary to one's own GENERALIST Capability i n software and hardware approach to community improvement GROUP MANAGEMENT Organizing teams of prof-essionals and non-profession als & a mix of both with the goals of inter-dependence and production pulating, naging, and subverting resource agencies Negotiation, mediation, confrontation, cooptation, conflict resol-ion COMMUNICATION Approaching ind-ividuals and org-anizations on interpersonal level that engenders trust and confidence HUMANISM Value the indiv-idual rather than diency EXPERIENCE Experience i n local-area planning and administrative reform PRODUCTION Fast footwork, short time frames, operation under uncertain and conflict situations' demands FLEXIBILITY Willingness to explore new methods, enter into uncertain & d i f f i c u l t work situations; to attach one's own agency i f necessary; to take on different roles SELF-AwAREirES -> Objective and c r i t i c a l evaluation' of personal attitudes and values; awareness of their influence or professional effectiveness RESOURCEFULNESS I n i t i a t i v e and independence; flex-i b i l i t y in role pla ing i f situation so r - 60 -Chapter Three : Methodology —- The A p p l i c a t i o n o f the I d e a l Set of  New Competencies. In a p p r a i i i h g ^ t h e techniques f o r a n a l y z i n g groups and the i n d i v i d u a l members t h e r e i n , Romans wrote some t ime ago tha t " t h e r e a r e n e i t h e r good nor bad methods but o n l y methods tha t a r e more or l e s s e f f e c t i v e under p a r t i c u l a r c i r c u m s t a n c e s . " (Romans 1949)* Th is chapter d i s c u s s e s both the " c i r c u m s t a n c e s " of t h i s t h e s i s and the s p e c i f i c methodology used to e v a l u a t e the hypotheses . The c i rcumstances or t e r m s - o f - r e f e r e n c e f o r the methodology a r e e s t a b l i s h e d f i r s t . They a r e : the use of an i d e a l s e t ( s u b s e c t i o n 3.1); the common paths of d i a g n o s i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s (3 . 2 ) ; the case agency (3«3). Subsequent l y , the s p e c i f i c s o f the methodology a r e d e s c r i b e d (3«4), and eva luated i n terms o f problems and l i m i t a t i o n s (3«5)« The Use of an I d e a l S e t . As o u t l i n e d i n s u b s e c t i o n 1.4, t h i s s tudy c o n s i s t s p r i m a r i l y o f two p a r t s : the c r e a t i o n s o f an i d e a l s e t o f competencies ( i n the p r e v i o u s chapte r ) and the a p p l i c a t i o n o f t h i s model to a case agency ( i n Chapters 3 and %). Th is d o u b l e - b a r r e l l e d approach i s common to s o c i a l - s c i e n c e r e s e a r c h , most n o t a b l y i n the s tudy of o r g a n i z a t i o n s and the e v a l u a t i o n o f personnel t r a i n i n g . The purposes o f t h i s t e c h n i q u e , fundamenta l l y , a r e to d i s c e r n the accuracy o f the d e v e l o p i n g theory on a g i ven t o p i c by t e s t i n g i t a g a i n s t r e a l i t y , and s e c o n d l y , to r e a s s e s s the v a l i d i t y of one 's own r e s e a r c h p r o p o s i t i o n s . The reader w i l l note t h a t the next two chapters of the t h e s i s d e a l i n d i v i d u a l l y w i t h each o f these two purposes . - 61 -Most relevant to this thesis have been the ideal-set methodologies used by the theorists in administration-organization. Starting with Weber's construction of an "ideal-type bureaucracy" (Weber 1952) which was used to calculate efficiency in the organization, ideal sets have since been effected by studies such as that by Perrow (l970) and by Hage and Aiken (1970) on receptivity to change. Within the personnel theme of administration theory, furthermore, the model-testing approach is even more extensive. Ryan's dissertation (1972) and his discussion of public education research on teacher training document this well. Another recent and related work has been the study on local public administration by the Council of Maritime Premiers in Halifax (1972). Prom a synthesis of Canadian material (primarily research by Michael Goldrick for the Canadian Institute of Public Administration (1963), and from I964-I967), the Council created an "ideal senior municipal admin-istrator" to use in calculating the conditioning of the region's staff for "today's changing municipal scene." Within the urban planning literature, the ideal-set approach is implicitly developed in planning education. The model, marketable student is created and applied to programs; for example, note the four articles submitted under "Comments on Educating Planners", in the Journal of the American Institute of  Planners. J u l y l l 9 7 0 , pages 222 to 228. More conspicuously, mote research such as Rondinelli's (1973) model of "skills and knowledge needed by the planner in urban policy-making." Rondinelli's particular set is formed in the context of re-education and professional assessment. In sum, the ideal-set technique is familiar and demonstrably effective in research of concern related and relevant to this thesis. - 62 -3.2 Organizational Diagnosis. The normal defensiveness of organizations to examination (Landau 1973) has necessitated that many studies explain their techniques of approach and procurement of relevant information (Blau 1964, Needleman 1972, Ryan 1972, Ermer 1972, Baum 1961). This matter of diagnosing organizations i s , in fact, sufficiently difficult and important to justify some explanation in detail. For example, Levinson (1972), Laframboise (1959), Scott (1965), Vroom (1967), and Carter and Wharf (1973) have devoted entire bookt and articles to this subject. For the purposes of this thesis, i t is necessary only to outline the two classic approaches to studying organizations and briefly synthesize the issues. An overview of the methodologies in organization studies demonstrates two salient facts: fi r s t , the case study approach is a common means of inquiry; second, with the case siudy approach there is a split between the participant-observation method and the formal questionnaire technique of data collection. While the case study technique is conceded as a manageable and efficient means of analysis, there are trade-offs involved in the latter two approaches. Levinson (1972) has claimed that "research on organizations depends too much on interview and questionnaire data ... and that too few spend time observing theaactual processes of work, work flow, communications, and work relationships." There i s , moreover, agreement with Levinson; for example, Alderfer (1973) and Scott (1965) state that more accurate information may be collected from a more enduring, inconspicuous, and mcfjgdntensive involvement * The questionnaire strategy, as is the case in this thesis, is normally supplemented with observations and records.of the case agency over a period of time. (Perrow 1970). - 63 -in the case agency. Several studies have used this technique to goodeeffect. For some relevant organization analysis, note Baum ( l 9 6 l ) , Mosher (1967), Vosburgh and Hyman (1973), end White (1969). In the planning literature, note DennisA exercise in Sunderland (1972), Lorimer in Don Vale (1971), and the research of Keyes (1969) and Davies (1972) among others. Time restraints and specific data requirements have usually rationalized the more formal interview-questionnaire strategy, commonly called the consultant approach (Dickinson 1973). This strategy also provides the additional advantage of greater objectivity, since "a stranger to an organization can usually notice things the organization has kept hidden from itse l f " (Schon 1972). As Dickinson (1973) points out, i t may be the best technique for the client; speaking to public administrators, he sayss We need consul taunt adMee from icn-pub lie servants... because we need to face the challenge of receiving, comprehending and implementing the advice of those who do not share our bureaucratic values and traditions. It is noted that anMysis similar to that of this thesis has usually selected the questionnaire method. Stanley (1963), Ryan (1972), Ermer (1972), and Needleman (1972) have successfully incorporated this form into personnel studies. In fact, the most recent staff review in the City of Vancouver Planning Department was by questionnaire and interview method (,§ity of Vancouver Planning Department, 1975). This research is based on the questionnaire strategy and only consultation with the case agency. The production demands of this thesis and its relatively * It should be noted that Dennis changed his research strategy in Public  Participation and Planned Blight. 1972, from a more removed independent analyst position to the f u l l involvement of participant observation. ** For an excellent critique of Lorimer's participant observation, and thereby the limitations of this methodology, refer to Marjaleena Repo "The Poverty of Sociology", Transformation Magazine. 1971. - 64 -restricted information requirements justify its use. Its inherent problems and limitations are discussed in subsection 3»5» 3.3 The Case Agency — The City of VancouverL-Pianning Department and its  Local Area Planning Program. The theme of this thesis being the preparedness of the municipal planning team for programs of administrative decentralization, its empirical work must focus on a large planning organization contemplating involvement or involved with decentralized services. In fact, the hypotheses and themes developed throughout this research were always intended to be applied to the City of Vancouver Planning Department, and i t is with the fortunate cooperation of this agency that the second part of this thesis is completed. There are two concerns to the case study of the City of Vancouver Planning Department: (i) the development of its professional staff function, and (ii) thesstaff's awareness to date of this relatively new demand for decentral-ization. The following brief outline on these two concerns will place in context the questionnaire response analyzed in Chapter Four, and hopefully will permit some comparisons to other large municipal planning organizations. (i) The Development of the Professional Staff Function. The early growth of the City of Vancouver Planning Department staff was fundamentally characteristic of the "Second Effort" stage in Canadian planning as described by Wiesman and Gerecke (1972). Its roots rest in volunteer work, Engineer and Building Department personnel, and a low Council priority. In 1955* four yeaajs after its creation, the City of Vancouver Planning Department - 65 -was represented by o n l y t w e n t y - f i v e employees and an annual budget o f $130,000. A t t h a t t i m e , the p r o f e s s i o n a l component o f the s t a f f p resented a p o s i t i v e image to the city-management r e v i e w , which d e s c r i b e d the s t a f f s tandard as "coramendably h i g h " ( P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n S e r v i c e 1955). N o t a b l y , p r o f e s s i o n a l e x c e l l e n c e i n these f o r m a t i v e years was judged by the mastery of the knowledge and s k i l l o f t r a d i t i o n a l p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g . For example, management c o n s u l t a n t s i n 1955 found " p a r t i c u l a r l y commendable the methods used i n conduct ing o r i g i n and d e s t i n a t i o n s t u d i e s by t e l e p h o n e " , and the e f f e c t i v e use ,of assessment r e c o r d s , v o t e r c a n v a s s e r s , and a e r i a l photographs i n land use s t u d i e s . The e a r l y management rev iew o b v i o u s l y d i d not contemplate the demands of d e c e n t r a l -i z a t i o n ; however, i m p o r t a n t l y , f l e x i b i l i t y i n the s t a f f c o n d i t i o n i n g was f o r e s e e n as d e s i r a b l e s Future personne l requi rements w i l l depend on the f u t u r e r o l e of the department . New r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s may v e r y w e l l a r i s e upon the comple t ion o f o l d ones . S i n c e 1955, the C i t y of Vancouver P l a n n i n g Department has "matured"to i n c o r p o r a t e amongst f i v e d i v i s i o n s , a p p r o x i m a t e l y seventy s t a f f members and an annual o p e r a t i n g budget o f t h r e e - q u a r t e r s of a m i l l i o n d o l l a r s . Th is i s a r e f l e c t i o n o f Vancouver 's g rowth , and more r e c e n t l y , the c h a l l e n g e of the "new r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s o r r e c o g n i t i o n " o u t l i n e d i n Chapter @ne. Th is d e v e l o p -ment has been accompanied by normal o r g a n i z a t i o n and s t a f f ad jus tments , but w i t h i n the pas t y e a r , under a new p o l i t i c a l mandate, the pressure f o r change has become e x c e s s i v e . S i n c e the e l e c t i o n o f the new C i t y C o u n c i l i n November 1972, the p l a n n i n g s t a f f have operated under three d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t o r s , a new committee system, and pending r e o r g a n i z a t i o n . There have been i n t e r m i t t e n t r e s i g n a t i o n s from w i t h i n , and p u b l i c c r i t i c i s m from C o u n c i l and the press ( L e i r e n 1973, 1974) from w i t h o u t . The consequence i s p a r t l y a r t i c u l a t e d i n - 66 -the Spaxman Report (1973) and more succinctly in Leiren's (1974) diagnosis of a "semi-comatose' state". The most recent, and in fact the f i r s t official evaluation of the City of VancouverPlanning Department since the Public Administration Service Report of 1955, is the Spaxman Report of 1973. Commissioned by Ray Spaxman, the new director, i t was conducted by the staff about itself in October 1973. While the terms-of-reference were not to test the preconditions for decentral-ization, the report disclosed the following five important facts about the personnel of the City of Vancouver Planning Department, with regard to local area planning. (i) public role: the staff were in agreement that the Department must be very close.to the public, but at ;the same time, also must maintain a professional and independent stance; suggested means of gaining independence were the hiring of a public relations officer, separation of work areas from public inquiry areas, and non-direct telephone lines. ( i i ) organization: two themes sould constitute the means for dividing the Department service — overall policy planning and local area planning; moreover, within these divisions, hierarchy should be reduced, with teamwork and collegial-ity at a l l levels developed. ( i i i ) staff competence: ability in the fields of economic development, housing, public relations, artistic sketching, transportation, and implementation were felt to be lacking within the ranks, but generally the quality of the staff was considered to be underestimated; competence could be more effectively used with clearer job descriptions and duties. (iv) Departmental relations: the City of Vancouver Planning Department should be "autonomous and independent" within the city hierarchy, most expressly from the political operations of the City of Vancouver Social Planning Department. (v) planner I syndrome: the least experienced members of the staff singularly expressed dissatisfaction with the lack bf ohange within the organization, lack of cooperation between departments, lack of dedication amongst the staff to their work, lack of supervisor's support, the poor quality of the work being produced, the over-emphasis on physical planning, and ..the survival of "deadwood" within the ranks. Generally this sentiment eas contrary to that bared at higher levels of the Department, particularly the assistant directorship level, which considered dedication, staff quality, morale, and work to be good. In the period following this October report to the present brink of - 67 -reorganization (Octobir 1973 to February 1974), the staff of the City of Vancouver Planning Department have remained "at loose ends". £rom a l l accounts, the situation under the new Director is uncertain — a result of what might be called Spaxman's "unorthodox" philosophy to planning as a non-bureaucratic and learning discipline, as well as a result of Council's request for review and redirection (Coffin 1974)* It i s noteworthy that this uncertainty i s accepted and rejected i n various shades within the City of Vancouver Planning Department. ( i i ) Staff Awareness of Local Area Planning i n the City of Vancouver  Planning Department. A common criticism levelled at the planner has been his propensity to react and respond rather than to anticipate and prescribe. "Planners tend to go along with the latest fashion", says Spaxman (Daly 1973)• An overview of the progression of local area planning i n Vancouver substantiates this critioism. The i n i t i a t i v e for decentralization of planning services has, for the most part, been directed from "external" sources: from quasi-public agencies such as the United Community Services and Neighbourhood Services Association (McNiven 1972); from the federal government new National Housing Act programs; from the City of Vancouver Social Planning Department; from neighbourhood groups; and, i n the latest case of Champlain Heights, even from consultants. In an overview of the records of the Department, this research has found that from i t s inception, the progress of decentralization within the staff has featured the following characteristics. (a) extended "muddling through". The staff have produced, to date, approx-imately nine reports on local area planning, including the i n i t i a l report on - 68 -Community Improvement and Development Programs in the Vancouver Urban Renewal Report, 1970. All have slightly modified the position and process of the program but do not, by themselves, institute action. Only two of these policy papers have reached Council; none have attained Council's approval. The City of Vancouver Planning has proceeded, nevertheless, with two local area planning operations. At present, Council has requested another report, but the Department has yet to respond. Overall the generation of ideas and guidelines has not been vigorous. Thi may be partly attributable to staff priority, general department malaise over the past year, and possible lack of political leadership. (b) preeminence of the traditional linear planning process in local area planning proposalst A preoccupation has existed in the reports for decentral-ization, with classic centralist planning; that is, information collection and assimilation, alternative production, client consultation, political recommendation. To some extent, local area planning is envisioned, moreover, as primarily serving an information function. This traditionalist conception may now be changing, most notably at the senior levels of the Department. For example, recent conflict with the public meetings in Champlain Heights spurred one senior planner to suggest the following plan of action? We (the City of Vancouver Planning Department) free somebody, or have somebody appointed to work with whatever group we can find in the neighbourhood, to examine the plan, to examine the effectiveness of what has been constructed, to draw conclusions for further work. * The concept of local area planning developed earlier than 1970 in the local area resource councils (McNiven 1972) and more specifically in B.S. Mayhew's Local Areas for Vancouver, a report for United 5ommunity Services, 1967. In fact, Council in March 1969, motioned the City Administration and public-private agencies to guide their services by a local area plan. * For elaboration on planning aa a centralist, coordinative, and totally rational approach relying upon a singulars' interpretation of the public interest and a good deal of technocracy, refer to Friedmann (1971), Barr (1972), Warren (1969), Frieden (1967). - 69 -(o) response to infringement on bureaucratic .jurisdiction: The difficulty of working withuother departments in formulating local area planning policy is pronounced in the Vancouver local planning history. The City of Vancouver Planning Department and its social planning counterpart have attemptedito work in partnership via a joint Task Force on Local Area Planning, but nothing consequential came out of this board, and i t was bypassed after almost two years of frustration. As one staff memo concluded! "there is l i t t l e sense in meeting again and again with Social Planning to see what they think and constantly have our position shift" (Marchh 1973). The Department records are marked by frequent admonitions that clear lines of responsibility must be developed in the city hierarchy and even with Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Apparently other departments share similar attitudes towards the teamwork approach. Social planning, in one letter to the City of Van-couver Planning Department, admitted i t supported a disjointed approach to planning decentralization because "the results (of teamwork) would be strained relationships between our respective departments &hat could hinder the l i k e l i -hood of success of the program." (June 1973). (d) conservative innovation in the lower levels of the organization: Proposals for decentralization primarily have been generated from those planners located at the bottom of the hierarchy. There has been some irony, however, in this process of innovation; while the ideas have been initiated from the junior levels, the.restraints placed upon decentralization by the staff have also been derived from this same group. The two basic reports on local area planning in 1972 and 1973 outlined three fundamental directions * Local Area Planning Report, submitted to the Standing Committee of Council on Community Development, June 1973; and Joint Local Area Planning Report, from the Social Planning Department and the City of Vancouver Planning,^ submitted to Council in May 1972. - 70 -for the program, and in both cases recommended the most emasculated alternative. (e) confidence in.staff competence: Perhaps because none of the reports on local area planning from the City of Vancouver Planning Department considered decentralization to be anything but classic linear planning, the capability of the staff to function in these decentralized programs has been questioned only once. In April 1972, the Gallins Report suggested that modifications to "the usual skills and attitudes of the planners" would be required, including: " s k i l l in community organizing,use of the media, creating special means of communication, some sketching ability, and advocate experience .. not necessarily defined within typical planning bureaucracies." The Report noted that some of this competence was lacking in the City of Vancouver Planning Department and devised a strategy of assigning to each local planner "a translator, or liaison person who has some of the above skills which the particular planner lacks." Subsequent analysis by the Department has treated the staffing issue, however, in manpower terms; that i s , calculating professional and supportive staff needs in man-hours and budget allotment. We should note here that the new Director has recognized a staff-competence problem in local area planning for Vancouver. In an informal discussion St the University of British Columbia (November 1973), as well as through the press and Council reports, Spaxman acknowledges that existing staff quality is unsatisfactory. Presumably this deficiency will be contemplated in the current reorganization and expansion of the City of Vancouver Planning Department. In conclusion, there are signs and symptoms that the staff of the City of Vancouver Planning Department exists in potentially difficult circumstances at the present time. While its Director intends to implement a full-scale - 71 -decentralized administration, the Spaxman Report and the staff history in preparing for decentralization reveal an underlying conservative/traditionalist character innately resistant to the type of change which local area planning has represented in other cities. In more colourful organizational terms, a seemingly unimaginative and unresponsive system is confronted by new political and professional ..leadership demanding.^ change . 3.4 Specific Strategies The concept and practice of measuring competence in a local public administration, particularly one diagnosed as "semi-comatose", is obviously a very delieate matter. Two overriding concerns become evident in this type of research? establishing the credibility/worthiness of the model and the objectives therein to the client; second, insuring its objective and accurate response from the client by avoiding any overtures which are threat-ening and offending. These barriers were handled in the following ways (i) The ideal set of competencies was constructed and approved by the faculty advisors before any approach of the case agency was attempted. This permitteds general digestion and further refinement of the research; development of confidence inithe model, important for approaching the client; and lastly, indirect and informal "debriefing" of the Director of the case agency via Professor Wiesman. As shown belosr, this pre-contact proved very valuable. ( i i ) For obvious time and manpower limitations, the decision was made to proceed with the questionnaire-consultant strategy. ( i i i ) The Director of the City of Vancouver Planning Department, forewarned of this research, was subsequently approached with the model and its request for empirical study. Ray Spaxman was very cooperative and promptly reviewed - 72 -the second chapter of the thesis. His response was receptive (see Appendix, item I) and only one further meeting was required to finalize the form and distribution of a questionnaire, notably with the authorization of the Director's office. (iv) The model was reworked into questionnaire form, guided by the specific hypotheses of the thesis (subsection 1.4) and the outstanding themes within the model itself. The model's stress on intervention and organization know-ledge and skills, politics, group management and group dynamics, and humility was continued in the questionnaire (Appendix,item II). It was felt, moreover, that these qualities were .the most contentious in terms of acceptability and availability/presence in contemporary planning organizations. The form was kept brief and simple to " f i t in" with the professional's work schedule. A draft copy was presented to two planners outside the case organization (employed by the Municipality of Richmond) for critical comment. This pre-test found the questionnaire suitable in length, intent, and its non-threatening approach, but with some wording difficulties. A subsequent draft was prepared; i t was discussed with Spaxman before the final form was drafted, printed, and distributed to every professional in the ^ity of Vancouver Planning Department. This totalled thirty questionnaires handed out. Subsequently, the forms were collected anonymously, and the response analyzed for frequency and association by the CODEBOOK and CROSSTABS programs contained in the SPSS computer manual (1970). 3.5 Problems and Limitations The problems and limitations of the thesis may be categorized into those inherent in its concept and those more specifically related to the empirical - 73 -work. (i) Conceptual Limitations t (a) Lack of Precedent: In the search for guidelines for this study, the absence of any closely similar research became apparent. In fact, Dickinson (1973) has recently encouraged his fellow public administrators to explore this very theme of the conditioning of the c i v i l service. Little help was available fr©m the traditional approach to personnel in the study of public administration outlined by Berrow (1970), Sharkansky (1970), Ryan (1972), Ermer (1972), and Kerhaghan (1968) in Canada.** Caiden (1969) concluded that there is l i t t l e or no empirical research on the bureaucrat's receptivity to reform, and Perrow (1970) has added that "there is very l i t t l e information about the values, attitudes, and personalities of administrators." About relevant Canadian material, Kuruvilla (1973) wrote last year: * Notably Dickinson proposed that such a study might pursue the very method of this thesis 5 that is, a consultant stance, and a "sketching of anticipated broad changes in environment and demand", which may "very well s p i l l over existing organizational boundaries and hopefully suggest appropriate changes and adjustments in departmental organizations and strategy." Such a sketch "should define roles, attitudes, beliefs, etcetera, which are appropriate to the activity to be undertaken by the public servants involved." ** The traditional approach to personnel study focusses more on sociological concerns — for example, discovering how many federal employees are from disadvantaged backgrounds, from large homa towns, etcetera. Refer to D.T. Stanley, The Higher Civil Service. I964, and Men Who Govern 1967; W.L. Warner, The American Federal Executive. 1963; P.Rossi et a l l , "Between White and Black", Supplemental Studies for the National Advisory  Commission on Civil Disorders. 1968;. D.Rogers, 110 Livingstone Street, 1968; for Canadian material, Eefer to J.Porter, The Vertical Mosaic. 1965, PP» 433-456; The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism. Book III, 1969, p. 212 f f . ; and most notably, M.D.Goldrick, "The Training and Development 6f Senior Administrators in Canadian Municipal Government", Canadian Public Administration, vol.6, 1963, pp. 173-220. - 74 -Unfortunately in Canada l i t t l e attention has been devoted to the study of public and bureaucratic behaviour patterns ... in this absence of sufficient empirical substantiation, our knowledge concerning the dimensions and details of Canadian public administrative culture continues to be impressionistic  and piecemeal. In light of this serious limitation, a detailed and rigorous analysis of a l l aspects of the administrative culture in Canada is simply impossible at the moment, (underlining supplied). More specifically, there is no apparent research on the behaviour of the bureaucratic planner in professional planning literature, (b) Bureaucratic Behaviour: A thorough review of today's c i v i l service in Great Britain (Wright 1973) has concluded that a set of professional values or "basic work assumptions" are commonly shared by a l l bureaucrats. Two of these values — the importance of establishing a "firm basis of mutual trust and confidence" in work relations, and the need for "precedent", are immediately seen as limiting response to a questionnaire. Organization-administration theory, moreover, has always found that there exists a "secret" or "dark side" to bureaucracy that may cause the researchers to overlook a number of significant variables (Sjoberg and Miller 1973, Crozier 1964, Waldo 1968). As Wright (1973) has found: "there are conventions and customs about consultation which guide a c i v i l servant in a particular situation sitting in a particular desk in a particular department." Obviously, an external analyst cannot fully understand the conditions unique to each bureaucratic setting. In the final analysis there are those who think the study of organizations in an intensive case study manner to be a fruitless exercise. Casselraan (1973) notes the fundamental problems of "secrecy, manipulability, arbitrariness, and * These assumptions are5 principle of reciprocity in everyday relations with colleagues; disposition to seek agreement according to the values of adjust-ment, flexibility, collegiality; promotion of the department head's interest; fairness and honesty; firm basis of mutual trust and honesty in relations; existence of formal and informal rules governing accessability; import of precedent; secrecy and confidentiality. - 75 -lack of concern with results." Landau (1973) discourages that: the modern bureaucracy devotes inordinate amounts of energy to the construction of barriers to review and account, and we can often observe that i t masks itself with symbols of knowledge whJan no such knowledge in fact exists, (underlining supplied) InhMs l i s t of "limits to organizational research" Perrow (1970) states that the researcher can never be certain that controlled experiments in this environment will discover true behaviour. (c) A Focus only on Personnel: A recent overview of theory on administration proved that "researchers have just begun to identify those factors which determine the nature of services delivered by uteban bureaucracies" (Ermer 1972). More specifically, administrative reform, like that represented in local area planning to planning agencies, may be dependent upon a host of factors, of which personnel is only one. That the staff is or is not conditioned for decentralization, thereby, does not necessarily mean that such programs are not feasible or desirable. For example, Hage and Aiken (1970) comment that "the structure of an organization may be more crucial for the successful implementation of change than the particular blend of personality types." The most difficult statement for the concept of the thesis to reconcile, however, is Piven1s (1970) argument about the "political-economy" of planning. She asks rhetorically: Is i t for lack of knowing or for lack of technique that our institutions f a i l to do what they f a i l to do and serve those they serve so well? The source of planning failure rests not with the personalities, knowledge, and skills, but rather with the corruptive environment in which the profession circulates. Reference should be made back to Sharkansky's (1970) policy process used in subsection 1.4* - $6 -( i i ) Empirical Limitations: (a) Sample Size: Because the function of the second paist of this thesis was to test the model of competencies in planning organizations experienced in local area planning, the sample, of necessity, was restricted among Lower Mainland agencies *o the City of Vancouver Planning Department. Time prevented a study of similar depth of the other two or three organizations in Canada similarly experienced. As mentioned, the professional component of this Department represents only thirty planners. While i t is evident that such a small data base distorts response and emphasizes extremes, i t is precisely these extremes which are of prime concern to this thesis. Administrative reform in the past, particularly in planning organizations, has been guided by the extremes within the group (Needleman 1972)• In no way is the response to the questionnaire intended to represent the planning profession, but rather only one of, its groups under very specific conditions. (b) Timing: Current circumstances in the City of Vancouver, Planning Department, referred ±n in subsection 3.3» may have had an influence on the questionnaire response. A mood of uncertainty and insecurity may not be conducive to gaining accurate information on personnel competence. (c) Bias: A copy of the ideal set of competencies for local area planning was circulated prematurely amongst the planner I's before the questionnaire was distributed. Thus, these levels of the organization were preconditioned. (d) The Questionnaire Approach: The problems in translating and interpreting the concepts contained in the model into the questionnaire were fundamental. Some of the response faltered on what was thought to be clear and concise language, such as "professional mantle" and "stifle conflict". Therefore, - 77 -i n s ome i n s t a n c e s t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e m e t h o d t u r n e d i n t o a n e x e r c i s e i n s e m a n t i c s , w i t h t h e o v e r a l l p u r p o s e a n d i n t e n t o f t h e f o r m p a s s e s b y . I n l i g h t o f t h e s e p r o b l e m s a n d - " " . l i m i t a t i o n s , i t i s f a i r t o a s k : W h a t i s t h e j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r b o t h t h e c o n c e p t a n d t h e c a s e s t u d y o f t h e t h e s i s ? T h e r e a r e b a s i c a l l y t w o r e s p o n s e s s T he t r e n d a n d p a r a d o x o f d e c e n t r a l i z e d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( s u b s e c t i o n s 1.2 a n d 1 . 3 ) a r e s u c h f u n d a m e n t a l i s s u e s t o t h e f u t u r e d e l i v e r y o f e f f e c t i v e p l a n n i n g s e r v i c e s i n C a n a d i a n m u n i c i p a l i t i e s t h a t t h e i r i n h e r e n t b a r r i e r s t o r e s e a r c h m u s t b e c h a l l e n g e d . S e c o n d l y , r e s e a r c h d e a l i n g w i t h o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d t h e i r m embers c a n n e v e r b e c o n t r o l l e d , b u t r a t h e r m u s t a l w a y s r u n r i s k s a n d a t l e a s t a t t e m p t t o b r e a k t h e g r o u n d o n t h e i s s u e o f t h e c o n d i t i o n i n g a m o n g s t o u r p u b l i c s e r v i c e . - 78 -Chapter Four : The C o n d i t i o n i n g of the M u n i c i p a l P l a n n i n g Team f o r  A d m i n i s t r a t i v e D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n . This chapter dea ls w i t h the second and t h i r d tasks o f t h i s t h e s i s as s e t out i n s u b s e c t i o n 1.4 and repeated below: (b) to determine by case s tudy the c o n d i t i o n i n g SOT d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f a l o c a l p l a n n i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n by measur ing how a c c e p t a b l e these new competencies are to i t s a t a f f and t o what e x t e n t these new competencies a l r e a d y a r e present w i t h i n i t s membership ( p r e s e n c e / a v a i l a b i l i t y ) . ( c ) to a n t i c i p a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n w i t h i n the case l o c a l p l a n n i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n from a s t a f f - p r e p a r e d n e s s p o i n t - o f - v i e w . Fur thermore , the th ree hypotheses of t h i s t h e s i s a r e eva luated i n Chapter F o u r ; the reader w i l l r e c a l l from s u b s e c t i o n 1.4 t h a t these hypotheses a r e concerned w i t h the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between personne l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n the case agency and the acceptance andrpresence o f the new competenc ies . To a c c o m p l i s h these g e n e r a l tasks and to c o n s i d e r the hypotheses , the chapte r i s o rgan i zed i n t o three s u b s e c t i o n s . From the q u e s t i o n n a i r e r e s p o n s e , s u b s e c t i o n 4.1 p resents the personne l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ( independent v a r i a b l e s ) as w e l l as the acceptance and presence of the competencies i n the i d e a l s e t (dependent v a r i a b l e s ) . S u b s e c t i o n 4*2 e v a l u a t e s i n summary form the three hypotheses . F i n a l l y , s u b s e c t i o n 4*3 o u t l i n e s some b a s i c e x p e c t a t i o n s f o r the f u t u r e d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of p l a n n i n g s e r v i c e s from the case agency . The i n f o r m a t i o n presented i n the t e x t of the chapter i s a t a v e r y genaa?al l e v e l f o r reasons o f comprehension. Unless o therwise i n c l u d e d , the s t a t i s t i c s t h a t s u b s t a n t i a t e the t e x t a r e appended as i tem I I I . - 79 -4.1 Personnel Characteristics. the Acceptance, and the Presence of the  New Competencies in the Case Agency. ~; By way of introduction, 24 out of 30 questionnaires (80$) were returned. Such a high rate of response is significant and may be attributed to the importance of the issues in the questionnaire to the Department, as well as to the follow-up service provided by the Director's office. Overall, the replies indicate that the form was considered seriously. Several respondents chose to comment on the questionnaire and those:few who did not fully complete the form did so not out of neglect but rather out of a desire for privacy or in disagreement with its content. Thus, i t seems fair^to say the reply was both a responsible one and was representative of the City of Vancouver Planning Department professional staff. (i) Personnel Characteristics of the Case Agsncy (Independent Variables) In general, the City of Vancouver Planning Department incprporates a diversity of personal age and professional service in a moderated hierarchy. An overall uniformity in allegiance to the organization and to the planning profession was expressed as well as a lack of experience with administrative decentralization. In terms of these characteristics, the case agency approx-imates what has been called a iamiliar profile of a contemporary large munic-ipal planning organization (Needleman 1972). The rate of response was significantly lower at the aenior planner level. A l l other levels participated well in the study, equalling or exceeding the overall response rate of 80$. The bottom level of the administration claimed over 40$ of the total response. This 40$ level corresponds to their proportion-ate membership in the City of Vancouver Planning Department. * thosecsconsidered were? organizational position, service within the profession, personal age, professional background, allegiance to the profession and to the organization, and experience with decentralization. - 80 -organizational position  membership $ of CVPD replies $ of total $ of possible replies replies junior planner (i) 12 40$ 10 41.751 83.5$ intermediate planner ( i l ) 3 10$ 3 12.5$ 100.0$ senior planner ( i l l ) 10 33$ 4 16.7$ 40.0$ director level ( 5 17$ 4 16.7$ 80.0$ no response - 3 12.5$ A mix of experience within the planning profession exists in the sample, with half of the group claiming under 5 years of experience. In more revealing' terms, half the organization has most likfely graduated from planning school since 1969, the vanguard of the "fresh troops" (Godschalk 1970) for the profession. service within the profession replies $ of replies under 2 years service 5 20 . 8 $ ' 2 to 5 years service 7 29.2$ 6 to 10 years service 4 16.7$ over 10 years service 6 25.0$ no response 2 8.3$ The pattern of personal age Eeveals a youthful department. Over h a l f of the return comes from professionals under 40 years of age. personal age replies $ of replies under 30 years 9 37.5$ 30 to 40 years 6 25.0$ 41 to 50 years 6 25.0$ 51 to 60 years 2 8.3$ no response 1 4.2$ Planning is the major professional background shown in the sample. Some trace of the classic engineering-architeoture backbone of the profession is s t i l l apparent in the City of Vancouver Planning Department. - 81 -professional background planning replies $ of replies 10 41.796 architecture 3 12.5$ engineering 2 8.3$ social science 1 4.2$ other 1 4.2$ planning in combination 6 25.0$ no response 1 4.2$ '2 The interest and participation in the planning profession was measured in two ways: by membership in the Town Planning Institute of Canada and related professional organizations,* and by an interest in developing theory and commentary in the professional literature. While i t may be difficult to interpret membership in the Town Planning Institute of Canada or its counter-parts as a positive indication <S>f allegiance, the cumulative effect of these indices demonstrates an overall interest in the state of the planning profession. It should be noted that those not holding Town Planning Institute of Canada memberships were in large part participating in other organizations; thus, most respondents did claim some affiliation with a professional group. professional allegiance  TPIC membership yes 10 (41.7$) no 13 (54-2$) no response 1 (4.2$) other professional membership yes 13 (54.2$) no 10 (41.7$) no response 1 (4.2$) read regularly 1 to 2 journals 11 45.8$ read regularly 3 to 4 journals 4 16.7$ read regularly 5 or more journals 3 12.5$ do no read journals regularly 5 20.8$ no response 1 4*2$ replies $ of replies * organizations listed by the respondents in the questionnaire were: Community Planning Association of Canada, Royal Architectural Institute of British Columbia and Canada, Planning Institute of British Columbia, Institute of Civil Engineering, and Professional Engineers. ** the&difficulty arises with the aversion of planning students to joining th&sprofessional organizations and the recurrent disatisfactions at the Annual Town Planning Institute of Canada Conferences. 82 The future direction of the Department is an important issue to the majority of the respondents. organizational allegiance replies $ of replies future direction of CVPD - an important issue 17 70.8$ future direction of CVPD - an issue 3 12.5$ future direction of CVPD - of no personal concern 3 12.5$ no response 1 4.2$ The sample reflects the limited lamount of administrative decentralization which has occured so far in the fiity of Vancouver Planning Department. This content of the questionnaire makes i t fundamental to recognize that most of the respondents replied from a "city hall" point-of-view. experience with decentralization  replies fo of replies work at a site office 4 16.7$ work at a site office and at city hall 2 8.3$ work at city hall 17 $0.8$ no response 1 4.2$ ( i i ) Acceptance and Availability/Presence of the New Competencies in the  Case Agency: (Dependent Variables). The response to the ideal set of new competencies as translated into questionnaire form is divided into acceptance of these qualities in the prof-essional performance of a planner, and personal availability/presence of these qualities. Acceptance of the qualities in the case agency may be further categorized into those, qualities which were positively received and those which were more contentious. For a l l variables, this classification was clear-cut; there was either agreement or disagreement with the acceptability of the new competencies. - 83 -Totally acceptable to the City of Vancouver Planning Department professional s taff were the following attitudes/values, knowledge, and s k i l l s : 1. an orientation to practical projects and tasks to be completed i n the here-and-now. 2. a desire to explore new methods and to take on different ro les , even i f these roles involve uncertain and d i f f i c u l t work situations, 3. a propensity to view and work with the local problems i n terms of larger social issues such as income redistr ibution. 4. a knowledge and s k i l l i n the software/social services i n planning. 5. a knowledge of community organizing and development techniques. 6. a knowledge of the principles of group dynamics. 7. an a b i l i t y to organize teams of professionals and nonprofessionals or both. 8. a s k i l l i n 'long-range planning. 9. s k i l l i n intervening, reforming, and animating government and private administrations, including your own. 10. an a b i l i t y to maintain a position independent of community p o l i t i c s . This response reflects a general agreement amongst today's municipal practitioners that certain themes within the new-competence model areeacceptable. S p e c i f i c a l l y , there i s consensus that the values of pragmatism, f l e x i b i l i t y , and a sense of mission are agreeable to the planner. Moreover, knowledge and s k i l l i n the group dynamics/management theme and some parts of the intervention-organization-politics theme are acceptable. As might be expected ..from a profession sensitive to comprehensivenesss, i t appeared that more knowledge is considered good knowledge, and that the more s k i l l s available to the practitioner, the better. In this regard, the generalist theme of the model was very well received by the sample. It is notable that the planners reacted - 84 -positively to the s k i l l in long-range planning, a s k i l l which had not been deemed essential in the model. N 0t a l l the competency themes of the model, however, proved entirely acceptable to the organization. The following themes evoked contention, as outlined below: an ability to £ stifle conflict (politics-intervention) replies fo of replies very acceptable 6 25.O-/0 acceptable 4 16.7$ neutral 5 20.8$ unacceptable 4 16.7$ very unacceptable 3 12.5$ refused to answer 1 4.2$ word comprehension 1 4.2$ a s k i l l in manipulating, managing, and subverting agencies affecting the local area (politics-intervention) replies fo of replies very a&©ef>*plleIo 1 4.2$ acceptable 6 25.0$ neutral 3 12.5$ unacceptable 9 37.5$ very unacceptable 4 16.7$ refused to answer 1 4.2$ a willingness to accept values contrary to one's own and work within that frame of reference (humility theme) replies fo of replies very acceptable 5 20.8$ acceptable 10 41.7$ neutral 4 16.7$ unacceptable 3 12.5$ very unacceptable 2 8.3$ a willingness to lay aside the professional mantle in dealing with the public ("humility theme| replies fo of replies very acceptable 7 29.2$ acceptable 9 37.9$ neutral 3 12.5$ unacceptable 3 12.5$ very unacceptable 0 0.0$ wordscogiprehension 2 8.3$ - 85 -a sense of independence from the central administration replies $ of replies very acceptable 7 29.2$ acceptable 7 29.2$ neutral 5 20.8$ unacceptable 3 12.5$ very unacceptable 1 4.2$ refused to answer 1 4.2$ an acceptance of the plan as a personal commitment replies $ of replies very acceptable 7 29.2$ acceptable 6 25.0$ neutral 9 37-5$ unacceptable 1 4.2$ very unacceptable 1 4.2$ From the above tables i t may be concluded there are limits to Tthat  the Department as a whole would agree to in the practice of a fellow planner. Most striking is the response to professionalism as measured by the theme of humility. As discussed in subsection 4.2, there are significant groups who are hesitant to discard their professionalism or to work within a set of values different to their own. Within the sample group, the greatest extremes of acceptance and non-acceptance are found within the theme of humility. Thereby, this theme presents the most probable source of conflict and irritation»in future decentralization in the case agency. Of similar but lesser concern is the divergence of opinion in the politics-intervention skills theme. Again, there are subgroups who differ about wha+, type of knowledge and s k i l l is acceptable. Lastly, there are differences of opinion about the level of commitment and independence suitable for the planner. The second set of dependent variables is the self-evaluation of prof-essional competence with regard to eight qualities in the ideal set. In total, - 86 -this response provides some indication of the a v a i l a b i l i t y i n the munic-ipa l planning team of the attitudes, s k i l l s , and knowledge purported to be essential for decentralization. The response was formed with care and objectivity. As shown below, only ai'few planners considered themselves specialists in any of the s k i l l s or knowledge fi e l d s , while more estimated their competence to be in the limited or low brackets. The qualities are presented in ascending order of confidence, ranging up from number 1, which was the quality most in need of development. 1. an a b i l i t y to manipulate, manage, subvert agencies affecting the local area (politics-intervention theme): specialist l(4.2$) competent 9(37.5$) limited 13(54.2$) low l(4.2$) 2. a knowledge of the principles i n group dynamics (group management theme): specialist l(4«2$) competent 9(37.5$) limited 13(54.2$) low 1(4.2$) 3. a knowledge of the techniques of community organizing and development (group management theme): specialist 2(8.3$) competent 8(33.3$) limited 12(50.0$) low 2(813$) 4. an a b i l i t y to s t i f l e conflict (politics-intervention theme): specialist 0|0.0$) competentB(45.8$) limited 6(25.0$) low ?(l2.5$) refused to comment 3(12.5$) word comprehension 1(4.2$) 5. s k i l l i n intervening, reforming, and animating government and private administrations, including your ©wn (politics-intervention): specialist 0.(0.0$) competent 12(50.0$) limited 6(25.0$) low 3(12.5$) no answer 2(8.3$) refused to comment 1(4.2$) 6. a workable knowledge in the software (social) services i n planning, generalist theme: specialist 1(4.2$) competent 13(54*2$) limited 10(41.7$) low 0(0.0$) - 87 -7. an ability to organize teams of professionals and non-professionals or both (group management theme): specialist l (4.2$) competent 13(54.2$) limited 8(33.3$) low 0(0.0$) refused to comment l ( 4 » 2 $ ) no answer 1(4.2$) 8. .skill in long-range planning: specialist 2(8.3$) competent 14(58.3$) limited 6(25.0$) low 0(0.0$) no answer 2(8.3$). A further indication of the availability of the new competencies in the planning group is presented in the following bar graph. It illustrates the preference of the sample in answer to the question: "which qualities would you select for your own professional development?" 1. knowledge of group dynamics 13 ( l9 »7$ ) 2. ability to manipulate, manage, subvert local agencies 2(3.0$) 3. : knowledge of techniques of community organizing 12(18.2$) 4. ability to stifle conflict 4(6.1$) 5. s k i l l in intervening, reforming, animating government agencies 8(12.2$) 6. knowledge in software (social) services 10(15.2$) 7. organizing teams of professionals and non-professionals 8(12.2$) 8. s k i l l in long-range planning 9(13.6$) •• . - . . . . * • replies The positive desire of the planners for professional development in the group management theme (qualities 1 and 7) is clear. Equally clear is the - 88 -rejection of the politics-intervention theme (qualities 2 and 4 ) ' In general, there is a positive orientation for professional development; this has significant implications for the potential of assimilating parts of the ideal set into the planning organization. It should be noted, however, that there are no strong relationships between thosequalities ranked low in competence and those selected for further training. As a result a low level of capability in the skills of politics-intervention will probably persist in the City of Vancouver Planning Department. To conclude, the response from the questionnaire presented three salient pointss 1. She case agency presented (a) a diversity of age and experience in a hierarchy, (b) a uniform allegiance to the organization and the profession, and (c) an overall lack of experience with administrative decentralization. 2. There does exist a boundary in the minds of the municipal planning team as to what is and what is not acceptable in the attitudes, knowledge, and skills of its members. That which is acceptable includes: the values of pragmatism, sense of mission, and skills and knowledge in group management and generalist themes. The values of humili.ty'and commitment, and the knowledge and skills in intervention-organization-politics, and resourcefulness areumore contentious. The ideal set of new competencies, thereby, is simultaneously accepted and  rejected in various degrees. This leads to the important implications for decentralization of planning services in Vancouver from a staff point-of-view which are outlined in the following subsection 4*3. 3. The level of s k i l l in the new competencies for decentralization amongst the staff of the case agency wassassessed by the staff itself as in need of - 89 -improvement, primarily in the group management and generalist themes. Notably, there appears to be a positive orientation to further professional development in these same themes. In politics-intervention, however, no desire was expressed to gain skills or knowledge. 4.2 Testing the Hypotheses. As stated in subsection 1.4 there are three hypotheses to this research. Subsection 4«2 presents each supposition along with its evaluation in summary form. The means of evaluating the hypotheses was kept at a general level. This was necessary due to the sample size which prevented the use of more sophisticated, non-parametric statistical techniques that calculate dependency between variables. For example, the chi aquare calculation. The method for considering the hypotheses contained the following four stepss 1. A cross-tabulation of a l l three sets of variables (personnel characteristics, acceptability, availability) was prepared. 2. From this cross-tabulation, the proportional response from a l l the categories contained within the independent variables was compared against a l l dependent variables (for Hypothesis C, the "availability" variables were treated as independent variables). 3. A 'linkage' was noted when that proportionate response either greatly exceeded or did not nearly achieve the proportion of the other categories in the variable. For example, i t was observed that a linkage existed between organizational position and the theme of politics-intervention because 40$ of Planner I's found manipulating, managing, and subverting - 90 -- .or:local agencies to be an acceptable s k i l l for the planner but only 25$ of Planner I l l ' s and 0$ of the Director group were favourable to this quality. The term 'linkage' is used to connote some interplay between the variables and does not pretend to be as rigorous as the more formal measures af association. 4. To bring these linkages to an appropriate level of generality, they were assembled in a summary matrix to establish general overall patterns or primary relationships between the variables. This method, while less elegant statistically, proved to be well-suited for appraising the accuracy of the hypotheses. A number of patterns in the matrices were found along with some noteworthy linkages therein. (These are detailed in Item III of the Appendix under their appropriate hypothesis). Hypothesis A: That acceptability of the new competencies for decentralization will vary within the personnel of the planning administration according to the following characteristics (independent variables): - organizational position - service within the profession - personal age - professional background - professional allegiance - organizational allegiance - experience with decentralization Among the personnel in the case planning organization the acceptability of the new competencies for decentralization varied primarily according- *o organizational position, professional allegiance, and experience with decentral-ization. Conversely, the other characteristics did not exhibit any noticeable influence on the acceptance of the ideal set. - 91 -•M... The variation according to organizational position can be seen by-comparing the lowest level in the case agency, the Planner I's, to the Planner Ill's and Directors; in a l l of the following instances, the Planner I's were proportionately more receptive to laying aside the professional mangle, accepting and working with values contrary to one's own, adopting the plan as a personal commitment, manipulating/inanaging/subverting local agencies, and incorporating a sense of independence from the central administration. Generally, thereby, there are tendencies for the junior levels in this partic-ular organization to be more receptive to the contentious themes in the model. Those exhibiting greater allegiance to the planning profession were proportionately less receptive to the planner participating in the manipulation/ management/subversion of local agencies than were their counterparts showing l i t t l e interest in professional association. Contrary to the popular notion of professionalism, however, this same group was more favourable to the planner laying aside his professional mantle and to working with and adopting values which are contrary to personal values. Lastly, those with experience in decentralization found more acceptable on a proportional basis the quality of working with other values, and the quality of the planner incorporating a sense of independence from the central administration. Those without decentralization experience found these qualities less acceptable. On the other hand, the group at city hall found the ability to manipulate/manage/subvert agencies, the stifling of conflict, and greater commitment to work to be-jnore acceptable than those "decentralists" working out of site offices. -92-Hypothesis B: That the presence/availability of the new competencies for decentralization will vary within the personnel of the planning administration according to the following personnel characteristics: - organizational position - service within the profession personal age - professional background - professional allegiance - organizational allegiance - experience with decentralization The linkages found between personnel characteristics and the new availability of the new competencies in the case agency established that availability varied with five main variables. As in the preceding hypothesis, position in the organization, allegiance to the planning profession, and experience with decentralization were related to competence. Unlike acceptability?* however, the availability of these qualities seems to be related also to professional background and personal age. All of these personnel characteristics closely reflect education and/or experience with the planning practice. Amongst the four levels of the City of Vancouver Planning Department, the junior level judged itself least competent in the group management theme of the model, in the software services, and in dealing with conflict. In the latter two qualities, the directors also evaluated themselves as lacking competence. As a general rule, the middle managment levels considered themselves to be most capable for programs of administrative decentralization. These results are contarary to the pattern found in American planning departments where lower levels of the department were not only more receptive to decentralization, but were more competent to carry i t out (Needleman 1972). -93-In a l l but one of the qualities tested in the model, those planners with interest in the planning profession expressed greater competence than did their associates lacking allegiance to the profession. The exception was the knowledge of group dynamics, where 53.8$ of non-T.P.I.C. planners assessed themselves as capable, compared to only 20$ of T.P.I.C. members. This general association between professional allegiance and capability for new programs of decentralization is important and is further discussed in subsection 5*2. As expected, on a proportional basis, those with experience in decentralization considered themselves more capable than did their counterparts at city hall, in a l l the competencies except that of stifling conflict. This response gives credibility to the model as a reflection of what decentralization demands for planning competence. Professional training in planning as opposed to engineering, architecture, the social sciences or some other discipline was linked to greater competence in the theme of politics-intervention and to the quality of organizing teams of professionals and nonprofessionals. Planners with planning education notably were far more confident in their capability to manipulate/manage/subvert local agencies, as well as in reforming government administration. Lastly, personal age was linked to competence in group management and in administrative reform. The youngest cohort (under 30 years) felt least capable in its knowledge of community organization techniques. Along with its succeeding cohort (30 to 40 years), however, this group appraised its competence higher than did the senior age brackets in group dynamics. Skill in administrative reform is most apparent in the middle age brackets. -94 -Hypotheai3 C: That the acceptability of the new competencies for decentralization will vary within the personnel of the planning administration according to the availability/presence of these competencies within the same administration. The acceptability of the new competencies for decentralization varies primarily by capability in skills for manipulating/managing/ subverting local agencies as well as in the knowledge of group dynamics. This is illustrated in Table C of Item III of the Appendix. Competence in the politics-intervention theme was linked to greater acceptance of independence from the central administration and logically, politics-intervention itself. Conversely, those with s k i l l in politics-intervention were not so receptive to adopting values contrary to their own. This may indicate some conflict between two fundamental themes in the model: politics-intervention and humility. Planners with greater competence in group dynamics were proportionately more receptive to the planning professional developing a sense of independence from the central administration in his work, manipulating/ managing/subverting local agencies, and working with values differing from his own. To summarize the more important observations from the analysis of the three hypotheses, note the following: 1. organizational position, professional allegiance, and experience with decentralization are key characteristics in terms of the acceptance and presence of the new competencies for decentralization in the personnel of the planning organization. 2. those with experience in decentralization did not accept the entire l i s t of competencies but were confident that they themselves possessed a l l but one of these qualities. -95-3. the junior level of the City of Vancouver Planning Department, while more receptive to the model, assessed itself as largely incapable to meet its requirements. The converse was the case for middle management levels, who seemed more competent but less enthusiastic about the new competencies. 4. in comparison with those with non-professional allegiance, planners with membership in the professional associations and with interest in the developing theory and commentary in the literature were more competent in the model's qualities, but not necessarily more receptive to these qualities. 5. those capable of successfully engaging and intervening in the management of local agencies as well as handling group situations seem to be more receptive in general to decentralized professionals as described in the ideal set. 4.3 Anticipation of Local Area Planning in the City of Vancouver. The introductory chapter of this thesis argues that administrative decentralization represents change for local public administration and that such change might not be easily assimilated by these c i v i l servants. The ideal set of new competencies constructed in chapter two clarified this personnel challenge of decentralization and subsection 4«1 and 4*2 measured how this change is presently accepted in one particular planning organization. In the United States, groups within the planning departments have engaged in struggles over local area planning direction, and groups from without have demanded its reform (Needleman 1972). This dismal  record of decentralization makes i t essential that this thesis apply its -96-information from the case agency to anticipate future programs of  decentralization. It is this anticipation of future programs which forms the third task of this thesis. From the general observations and conclusions about the city planning staff, as of February 1974, what are some general expectations for Vancouver's evolving local area planning program? At the start, i t is understood that the model of competence facilitates only general predictions of local area planning. This is because the ideal set requires refinement in certain themes i f i t is to yield more accurate forecasts (see subsection 5.l). However, there are some primary currents discovered within the City of Vancouver Planning Department which clearly factor pending decentralization in this city. It is important to note that the ideal set of new competencies was accepted and rejected simulataneously, and that the reaction varied according to position in the planning organization, allegiance to the profession, and experience with decentralization. It is noteworthy that there does exist a positive orientation to further professional development in some themes and not in others. Lastly, that those most receptive to the model are at the same time least capable in its competencies is also fundamental to anticipating the type and extent of decentralization. In addition, there are broader concerns presented by the response to the model. Three such issues are explained below. 1. Containment of professional planning performance? The more articulate criticism of the planner, such as that by Piven (1970) and Goodman (l97l)» has focussed upon the "double track mentality" of this professional. -97-More specifically, there has been observed a fundamental difference between the planner's values for reform and subsequent performance. Despite the professional's liberal leanings, so-called reform programs such as decentralization have failed to represent change at a l l under his direction. In essence, the planner has been hypocritical. This double track mentality is apparent in the response from the case agency, with implications for future decentralization in Vancouver. The reader will note that, overall, the response favoured a wider knowledge base, and a wider set of values for the professional, but i t balked at action such as the management, manipulation, and subversion of local agencies, or laying aside the professional mantle, or accepting/adopting values which were contrary to one's own. This seems to reflect a basic understanding in the department about decorum for the planning practice. More knowledge and an expansion of only some attitudes are acceptable. As a result, future local area planning initiated by the City of Vancouver Planning Department may be faced with the common planning dilemma of matching policy and goals with program and delivery. 2. Breakdown on humility and politics-interventions The greatest contention in the ideal set of competencies was found in the themes of humility and politics-intervention. We noted in Chapter Two, particularly subsection 2.3, that the theory and experience of decentralization makes i t very clear that one of the prime determinants of success is mutually-productive interpersonal relations, which necessarily involve confrontation, conflict, and. intervention. We might also add that the -98-change in the paradigm of planning (Friedmann 1 9 7 3 , 1 9 7 4 ) is similarly-dependent on such close contact between client and professional. It would seem however, that the City of Vancouver Planning Department, particularly at the more senior levels, is caught in the bind that Prefontaine ( 1 9 7 3 ) ascribes to most Canadian public administration? We do not stop to reflect that while goods and services can be delivered, relationships have to be entered in to. Nor do we . reflect on the differences between 'delivering' and 'entering into', or the degree to which our architecture and organizational forms facilitate the production of goods and services and inhibit the entering into of relationships. We miss the point that sensitivity and humility are necessary to entering into relationships, but not to delivering goods and services, and that sensitivity is neither an output nor an outcome. We also f a i l to note the differences between entering into a relationship and entering into a meat grinder. Decentralization is in part a response to the citizen's participating against the formalities and inaccessability of central administration. This is outlined in Chapter One. One wonders what degree of decentralization is contemplated, or in fact possible, while some c i v i l servants are unenthusiastic about a more personal approach without the professional mantle, and about working with values contrary to their own. If. new relationships are indeed formulated in local area planning in Vancouver, i t may be at the price of departmental conflict. The junior groups apparently endorse the development of humility, along with politics-intervention into the planning of local areas, but more senior levels are less receptive to this practice. Similar situations in American planning departments have resulted in a new professional stance called "administrative guerilla". This is popular amongst the local area planners who try to animate their centralist superiors (Needleman 1 9 7 2 ) . It should be stressed that such conflict i s , in the long-term, counter-productive for the community, -99-city, and the administration. The general misgivings expressed by the case agency about the intervention in agencies affecting the local community, furthermore, casts doubt on the ability of forthcoming decentralization to achieve social equity. Equity, i t will be remembered, is a quality in the model ("sense of mission") which was widely accepted by the case agency. If i t is unacceptable for the planner to intervene with those organizations which are malaffecting the client, and i f no group in the department is desirous of improving these skills in intervention, can we really expect the local area program in Vancouver to be an effective instrument for social equity? (if not, what is the purpose of planning, decentralized or otherwise?) It would seem that pending decentralization in Vancouver might serve objectives and patterns familiar to its traditionalist-centralist counterpart. Piven (1970) and others would argue that we could not expect much else. The potential implications of this fusion of centralist with decentralist planning are frightening, and are dealt with by Gross (1971) in his "techno-urban fascism", the ultimate in a centrally-planned, non-participatory and repressive state. 3. Projections of current decentralizationt Any future local area planning in Vancouver will naturally be affected by the present course of decentralization in the West End, Kitsilano, and Champlain Heights. It was expected that those plannersworking at on-site projects would be more receptive to the qualities contained in the model; however, only three of these more contentious qualities were more positively received by the decentralists. With reference to the concern with -100-politics-intervention, i t merits noting again that those working at city hall were more receptive to intervention into organizations than were those employed at the site offices. A continuation of this style of decentralization would mean a centralist and tradition-oriented program, rather than a process approximating the new styles of planning as represented in the model, and in the new paradigm of the profession (Friedmann, 1974). -101-Cha.pter Fjyet Conclusions To conclude this research into the conditioning of the municipal planning team for administrative decentralization, there is but one major task remaining: to use the empirical work in Chapter Four to refine the ideal set constructed in Chapter Two. This is accomplished in subsection 5»1» The reader will also remember that the impetus to this thesis was the "paradox of decentralization", whereby a crisis was forecast between a reactive planning bureaucracy and new demands for decentralization. Subsection 5«2 re-evaluatei this paradox. Finally, some future directions for complimentary research on Canadian local public administration are outlined in subsection 5«3» 5«1 Refinement of the Ideal Set of New Competencies In this thesis, the purpose of the ideal set methodology was to create a model, not as an end product, but rather as a construct, to be further reviewed and refined. How then can the ideal set of new competencies be refined to give a more accurate picture of the personnel demands of decentralization? The case study of the City of Vancouver Planning Department established that a municipal planning team found politics-intervention and humility to be the most contentious themes in the ideal set. Thus, the concepts of planning as politics, as intervention, and as a personal approach seem to be the crux of decentralization in contemporary planning organizations. This indicates that a further review of these two themes in the model is necessary. To this end, a re-investigation of the literature on decentralization yields the following overview. -102-(a) Politics-Intervention: The position of the planner with regard to engaging in political activity and intervention of organizations was clearly defined during the past decade of planning theory. Under the guidance of theorists such a s Altshuler (1965), Daland and Parker (1962), and Friedmann (1966), the planner of the 1960's maintained an independent and advisory role to decision-making. However, within the past three or fouryyears and the experience of decentralization primarily in the United States, the advice from the theorists to the practitioner has become perceptibly more critical of this classic, comprehensive planning position and more inclined to suggest political participation. Note is made in the professional literature that the apolitical stance v exhibited in Buck and Rath (1970), and Barr (1972) is giving way to new ideas about planning, considering i t as social change and confrontation, as put forward by Friedmann (1973, 1974), Bolan ( l 9 7 l ) , Heskin and Grabow (1973), Rondinelli (1973), Gorss ( l 9 7 l ) and Schon ( l 9 7 l ) , among others. The advent of planning as politics and intervention is sufficiently new, however, to suffer from vague, catchword terminology. For example, Friedmann recommends that the profession emphasize "interpersonal transactions" and "strategic intervention" (1973)5 Schon guides planning down a "crisis path of invasion and insurgency" (l97l)» This is frustrating to research which attempts to measure the reaction to this theme from the profession; Mazziotti (1974) rightly claims that this new intervention notion is not well articulated. What follows below, therefore, is a very basic beginning to sharpen theu;meaning of planning as politics and intervention, with the intent of clarifying the competence required. -103-Initially i t is helpful to adopt the classification scheme developed by Herzog and Denton (1971) f° r distinguishing possible levels of intervention and politics. Three such levels are: (1) instrumental interventions, aimed at individuals. (2) facilitative interventions, aimed at groups or institutions and intended to improve their functioning within the existing social and economic system. (3) structural interventions, intended to alter the existing social and economic structure to improve its functioning by eliminating existing structure-determined problems. In this example, politics-intervention has been broken down by focus, purpose, and means. Current decentralization theory can be seen to differentiate between two interpretations of politics-intervention. The implications of these two interpretations for the competence of the planner are considerable, and should be incorporated into the ideal set of competencies. One explanation of the theme in planning theory is put forward by Bolan (1971), and follows closely levels (l) and (2) of the Herzog and Denton example. According to Bolan, the intervention by the planner is said to vary according to units (individuals or groups), rules, the process of interaction itself, and the surrounding environment. Bolans suggested means of engaging in politics and intervention is adopted from Murray Ross (1955) for organizing communities.* According to Ross and Bolan, the client is helped by the planner to identify problems, to develop an ability to analyze them, to find the resources to deal with *There is much more to community organization, of course, than Ross' process implies. It contains many more strategies, roles and competencies for the decentralized planner. For an outline of the scope of community organization, see Roland Warren, "Social Change Strategies", paper delivered at AdvancedJStaff  Seminar of the Community Funds and Councils of Canada. Dec. 1967• -104-th em, and to take action on them. Thereby, Bolan clarifies planning intervention as action which is: primarily focussed on the individual and small groups; dependent upon consensus; working in the background and through the client rather than in the frontline on its own. This particular style of intervention requires a certain competence of the planner, chief of which is the ability to coordinate and control the client and his adversaries, and to attain access to those resources essential to this representation. Notably no demands are mdde for some of the political skills such as manipulation, subversion, and co-optation. The second interpretation of this theme may be termed structural intervention, for i t deals with the remaining level (3) of Herzog and Denton. It is more common to the developing decentralization literature and is apparent in Grabow and Heskin (l973)» Rondinelli (1973), Friedmann (l971:» 1973) and as far back as Warren (1969). In structural intervention, the action of the planner turns to attaining goals and policies rather than satisfying clients. This intervention deals more with organizations than with individuals; i t is more active and apparent than passive and unobtrusive. Its objective is to overcome the barriers presented by modern organizations to achieving social equity. 8onsequently, the competencies required are more diverse and potentially more difficult to find in the planner than those demanded by the community-organization explanation. They include: the skills in manipulation, management and subversion of institutions; the abilities to negoitate,mediate, confront, coopt, and resolve. -105-It is evident that politics-intervention in decentralization can assume different meanings. Only one of these interpretations has been incorporated into the model - the structural intervention type. The model of competencies should distinguish between the "community organization" and "structural intervention" levels, and others that may be uncovered in research. Further analysis of the literatureon decentralization may help to refine this theme in the ideal set of new competencies. (b) Humility: The ideal set of new competencies incorporated the theme of humility in the context of the professional planner. For the purposes of the questionnaire, the quality was conceptualized as laying aside the professional mantle and working with values contrary to one's own while performing professional tasks. These are the most common implications of the theme in the planning-decentralization literature and are prominent in Piven (1970) and Prefontaine (1973). The concern for humility seems to be directed primarily at professional institutions and their members, for i t is they who are most in want of i t . As Prefontaine says, "we need - a l l of us who are collectively connected with the human sciences - to learn humility." Recently there has been a subtle but important distinction made in the meaning of "humility". With the advent of Friedmann's (1973) concept of transaction, the "individualistic processes" in Thompson and Rath (l973)» the personal relations manager approach in Bolan (l97l)» and the "new ecological ethic" for planning in Grabow and Heskin (1973), i t appears that humility is becoming more a personal-value problem than an issue of the professional or professional organizations. The newer contributions to decentralization, typified in Friedmann's transactive -106-planning, seem to be concerned primarily with exchanges between individuals, father than with the planner-client relationship. Such decentralist planning demands that the planner be a person, not a role-playing professional, &e must establish direct, non-threatening relations with^others and must be sensitive to the needs of others. In contrast the model of competencies tested in this thesis does not incorporate this...new, more personal meaning of humility in planning. A further refinement of the model then, would have to look beyond a willingness to lay aside the professional mantle to a further willingness to establish personal relations withvothers. 5.2 The Paradox of Decentralization - A Reevaluation. The impetus for this research arose from what is called, in subsection 1.3, the paradox of decentralization. At that point i t was demonstrated that while the citizen participation movement was beginning to require a decentralization of services and power from the municipal government, the local c i v i l service was purported to be resistant to such reform. It was implied that future decentralization, specifically in planning, would need to anticipate and perhaps act on the conditioning of the staff, so as to avoid the classic conflict between the irresistable force and the immovable object. What conclusions follow from this research about the immovable object - the planning organization so often criticized as dilatory],- dull, and even reactive? The case study of this thesis found the City of Vancouver Planning Department to be in a zone of transition between the two extremes envisioned for such organizations: the bureaucratic/mechanistic model (Burns and Stalker 196l) resembling the immovable object, and the innovative public organization described in Schon (1971), Friedmann (1973), -107-among others. This transitory state should be qualified by noting three conflicting observations in the case study. First, i t was found that those planners with high professional allegiance claimed that they were also the most capable in meeting the challenges of decentralization presented in the ideal set. With a further professionalization of planning probable in the future, we might expect planning to be more adaptive to new decentralist forms and approaches. The case study response also revealed the cautious side of the bureaucrat. There is a geneyal inclination amongst the planners in the case agency to further professional development only in the 'safe' areas of competence and not to venture into more contentious zones such as politics and intervention. To repeat Kaplan's (1973) conclusions, there is an "unwillingness to change ideas in common currency concerning professional goals, patterns of behaviour, and techniques." Thirdly, there was a propensity for younger members of the organization to be more receptive to the ideal set. This could indicate that planning organizations in transition will move towards the innovative extreme as those at junior levels assume greater importance. Such a trend assumes that the process of co-optation and bureaucratization will not influence the yiews of those junior members. One wonders kow the senior groups of the case agency would have responded to the model during their early years in the planning organization. In sum- , there are traces in the empirical work that indicate the contemporary planning organization is neither the immovable object nor "adaptive task forces and pools of competence" (Schon 1971). It Simulataneously exhibits characteristics of both. The demands for - 1 0 8 -decentralization made by the citizen participation movement would seem to be effective in moving the planning organization away from its bureaucratic syndrome, so evident in the recent past. Now that this movement has begun, the crisis of local area planning, the so-called paradox of decentralization, appears to have been over-stated in the literature. Nevertheless, there do remain some centralist-bureaucratic tendencies as outlined in subsection 4«3« This is natural, since tradition has been called the natural path for any large organization (Warren 197l)« It is clear that the demands for decentralization of planning services will have to continue to pressure the' planning administration in order to guide the state of transition in a decentralized direction. 5.3 Recommendations for Further Study. There are four broad areas evolving out of this thesis iahwhich further research would be useful. 1. The mix of decentralization and centralization in local public  administration. It is becoming increasingly clear that large central organizations are both a modern way of li f e and a modern necessity (Kaufman 1973, Wilbern 1973, and Wald 1973). In fact, an overall centralized structure is now being assumed in the decentralized services; note A.J. Kahn's latest book, Policy Issues in the Social Services. 197^. As a result, there arises a need to reanalyze the personnel requirements of centralized planning, (have they changed since the 1960's?) and their compatibility with a seemingly different approach in decentralization. -109-2. Attaining decentralization i n local public administration. What are the strategies for achieving decentralization? A t t r i t i o n , continuing education, and experimentation are the most popular methods, but remain l i t t l e understood. In her concluding remarks from a national survey of social planning i n Canada, Carter (1973) claimed that experimentation i n approach and structure were the fundamental needs of current planning. She did not, however, enunciate at what l e v e l , time, or occasion such experimentation should take place. Gro'ss (1971), Thompson (1965), and Caiden (5.969) seem to think a value shif t i n the individual is the primary prerequisite for achieving reform represented by decentralization. They also leave us with l i t t l e guidance on how to perform this value s h i f t . Gross, i n fact , gives up i n despair: "what can any person or group do to bring about fundamental value changes i n himself or others?" 3. S u i t a b i l i t y of decentralization for local public administration. OJ'Donnell (1971 ) has raised a c r i t i c a l issue i n his caution that decentralization is i n danger of becoming an "organization Twiggy" temporarily capturing the imagination of public administration and causing the disregard of other useful models and experience. It may be a fact that much of the hardware of planning is best delivered and performed from tradit ional structures. Moreover, as Buck and Rath (1970) clearly point out, the demands for planning services are not entirely reform-oriented, but rather are based on gaining tradit ional objectives. This challenge makes i t necessary to determine the l imits of decentralization, as planning theory has apparently done with central izat ion. For what kind of scale, services, timing, and issues does this approach work? -110-4. Conditioning of the citizens for administrative decentralization. A final word about the group which has brought the issues of local area planning to prominence. It has been an accurate criticism from the administration and the politicians of the city that citizen groups are capable of opposition but not capable of proposition. The common rebuttal from the citizens is equally accurate - no opportunities are given them to make positive suggestions. HopeMlly, with decentralization of the public service and its decision-making role, such opportunities will arrive. The citizen groups will then be confronted with unprecedented problems of consensus, coordination, intervention, and politics. There would be substantial value in an analysis of these new demands and of the resources available to meet them. - I l l -References to Chapter One: Axworthy, Lloyd. The Future City: Report #2 - The Poli t i c s of Innovation. Institute for Urban Studies, University of Winnipeg, April 1972. Barr, Don. "Interpretation: The Professional Urban Planner", Journal of the  American Institute of Planners, v.58. #3, May 197?. pp. 155-159. Baum, B.H. Decentralization of Authority i n a Bureaucracy. N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1961. Benello, C.G. and D. Roussolopoulos. The Case for Participatory Democracy: Some Prospects for a Radical Sooiety. New York: Grossman, 1971* Benni3, W.G. "Change Agents, Change Programs, and Strategies", i n W.G. Bennis, ed., Changing Organizations. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968, pp.115-150. Bennis, W.G. Organizational Development: Its Nature. Origins, and Prospects. Don M i l l s : Addison-Wesley, 1969. Black, G. The Decentralization of Urban Government - A Systems Approach. Washington, 5.C.: 1968. Bolan, R.S. "Community Decision Behaviour: The Culture of Planning", Journal of  the American Institute of Planners. v.55,#5» 19&9. Caiden, Gerald E. The Dynamics of Public Administration: Guidelines to Current Transformations i n Theory and Practice. Toronto: Holt, Rhinehart, and Winston, 1972. Cappocia, V.A. "Social Welfare Planning and the New Federalism: The A l l i e d Services Act", Journal of the American Institute of Planners. v.39»#5, July 1973. Carter, Novia. Perspectives on Planning: Summary of Five Case Studies i n  Social Planning. Ottawa: Canada Council on Social Development, 1973. Center for Government Studies, Washington D.C. Public Administration and  Neighbourhood Control: Conference Proceedings. Boulder: 1970, mimeo. City Hall Magazine, Toronto, various solumes and issues since 1971. Cohen, D. "The Price of Community Control", Commentary, v.48, #1, July 1969. Connor, Desmond. Constructive Citizen Participation, v . l , #1, June 1973. Costikyan, E.N. and M. Lehman. Restructuring the Government of New York C i t y : Report of the Scott Commission. New York: Praeger, 1972. - 112 -Cunningham, J.V. "Citizen Participation i n Public Affairs^ i n Public  Administration Review. October 1972, pp. 589-602. Davidoff, Paul. "Advocacy and Pluralism i n Planning", Journal of the American  Institute of Planners. November 1965* Davies, John Cower. The Evangelistic Bureaucrat. London: Tavistock, 1972. Dennis, Norman. Public Participation and Planned Blight. London: Siber and Paber, 1972. Diamant, A. "Innovation and Bureaucratic Institutions", Public A dministration  Review, v.27, #L, March 1967, ppi 77-87. Dresang, D. "Entrepreneurialism and Development Administration". Administrative  Science Quarterly, v.8, #1, March 1973, pp. 76-85. Dumas*, M.P. "Down the Bureaucracy", Transaction, v.7, #L2, October 1970, pp.10-14. Eisinger, P.K. "Control Sharing in the City: Some Thoughts on Decentralization and Client Representation", American Behavioura-I Scientist, v.15, September/October, 1971, PP. 35-51. Ermer, V.B. Street Level Bureaucrats i n Baltimore' Case Study of Housing Code  Enforcement. PhD at Johns Hopkins University, 1972. Painstein, NI. and S.S. "Innovation i n Urban Bureaucracies", American Behavioural  Scientist, v.15,#4, March/April, 1972. Parkas, Suzanne. "The Federal Role i n Urban Decentralization", American  Behavioural Scientist. v.l5>#6» October 1972, pp. 5-35* Farr. W.G-, L.Liebman, and J.S. Wood. Decentraliz4ng^City Government: A Practical Study of a Radical Proposal for New York u i t y . New York: Prager, 1972. Fesler, J.W. Area and Administration. University of Alabama, 1949* Fesler, J.W. "Centralization and Decentralization", International Encyclopedia  of the Social gciences. v.2, 1968, pp. 370-377. Frederickson, H.G. Recovery of Structure i n Public Administration. Washington,D.C.: Center for Government Studies, #5, 1970. Frisken and Homenuck. Citizen Participation? Views and Alternatives. York University, 1973* Gerecke, J.K. The Practice of Urban Planning i n Canada. M.A. Thesis, University of Br i t i s h Columbia, 1971. - 113 -Gilbert, N.A., A. Rosenkranz, and H.Specht. "Dialectics of Social Planning", Social Work, v.18. #2, March 1973. G i t t e l l , M. "Decentralization and Citizen Participation i n Education", Public Administration Review. October 1973, pp. 670-686. G i t t e l l , M. "Professionalism and Public Participation i n Educational Policy-Making: New York City, A Case Study", Public Administration Review, v.27, #3, September 1967, pp. 237-251. Goldrick, M. "Decentralizing Decision-making", City Ball Magazine. v.4»#4» April 1973, pp.49-50. Goodman, R. After the Planners. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971. Grabow, S. and A. Heskin. "Foundations for a Radical Concept of Planning", Journal of the American Inatitue of Planners, v.39»#2» March 1973, pp. 106-114. Hallman, H.W. Community Corporations and Neighbourhood Control. Washington. D.C: Center for Government Studies, #1, January 1970. ~~ Hallman, H.W. Neighbourhood Control of Public Programs: Case Studies of  Community Corporations and Neighbourhood Boards. New York: Praeger, 1970. Hamilton, C.V. "Racial, Ethnic, and Social Class Politics and Administration", Public Administration Review. October 1972, pp. 638-651. Head, Wilson. "The Ideologj^nd Practice of Citizen Participation", i n Draper, J., ed., Citizen Sarticipation: Canada. Toronto: New Press, 1971. Herbert, A. "Management Under Conditions of Decentralization and Citizen Participation", Public Administration Review. October 1973, pp.622&637. Howard., L.C. "Decentralization and Citizen Participation i n Health Services", Public Administration Review4 October 1972. Hunnius, Gerry, ed. Participatory Democracy i n Canada. Toronto: Cur Generation Press, I972. Hpaan, Herbert. "Planning with Citizens: Two Styles", Journal of the American  Institutesof Planners. March I969, p. 110. International City Management Association. Urban Data Service Report, v.3, #2, 1971. Jaffary, K.D. "The Role of the State i n a Technological Society", Canadian Public Administration. 1972, pp. 428-44O. - 114 -Jones, R.L. "Prom Health Insurance to a Health System — The Hastings Report", Canadian Forum, December 1972, pp. 13-15« Kaplan, Marshall. Urban Planning i n the 1960's? A Design for Irrelevancy. New York: Praeger, 1973. Kaufman, H. "Administrative Decentralization and P o l i t i c a l Power", Public  Administration Review, January/February 1969, pp. 3-12. Kotler, Milton. Neighbourhood Government: The Local Foundations of P o l i t i c a l  L i f e . New York, 1969. Kr i s t o l , Irv. "Decentralization and Bureaucracy i n Local Government", i n A.H. Pascal, ed. Thinking About Cities; New Perspectives on Urban Problems. California? Dickinson, 1970, pp. 69-80. Lai, H. Integration of Physical Planning and Social Planning? A Case Study  of the Strathoona Urban Renewal Area. M.A, Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1970. Landau, M. "On the Concept of a Self-Correcting Organization", i n Public  Administration Review, v.33.#6. November 1973, pp. 533-537. LaNoue, G. and B.Smith. "The P o l i t i c a l Evolution of School Decentralization", American Behavioural Scientist, v.15, October 197i» LaPierre, Richard. Social Change. New York? McGraw H i l l , 1965, pp.328ff. Lee, H.B. The ftole of the Higher C i v i l Service under Rapid Social and P o l i t i c a l  Changes. Bloomington, Indiana, 1966. Levine, R.H. Public Planning; Failure and Redirection. New York? Basic, 1972. Lipset, S.M. Agrarian Socialism? The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation i n  Saskatchewan. University of California at Berkeley, 1950 Lipsky, M. Radical Decentralization? A Response to American Planning Dilemmas. Instituie for Research on Poverty, University of Wisconsin, jj£8, 1969. Lorimer, James. The Real World of City P o l i t i c s . Toronto? James, Lewis, and Samuels, 1970. Lowenstein, E.R. "Citizen Participation and the Administrative Agency i n Urban Redevelopment? Some Problems and Proposals", The Social Service Review, v.45, #3, September 1971, pp. 289-501. Marris, P. and H. Rein. The Dilemmas of Social Reform, second edition. London? Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972, epilogue. ': - 115 -Massie, K. Essentials of Management. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1964» PP»51-52. Margolis, J. "Decentralization and Urban Programs", i n A.H. Pascal, ed., Thinking About Cities: Hew Perspectives on Urban Problems. California: Dickenson, 1970, pp. 49-69. Mill e r , S.M. and M. Rein. "Participation, Poverty, and Administration", Public Administration Review, v.29, #1, January/February 1969, pp.15-25* Morris, Robert and R. Binstock. Feasible Planning for Social Change. New York: Columbia University Press, 1966. Morstein Marx, R. "The Higher C i v i l Service as an Action Group i n Western P o l i t i c a l Development", in J . LaPalambara, ed., Bureaucracy and P o l i t i c a l  Development. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963. Myren, Richard. "Decentralization and Citizan Participation i n Criminal Justice Systems", gublio Administration Review. October 1972, pp.718-738. Needleman, M.L. Planning Against I t s e l f : The Community Planning Experiment intthe United States. PhD at the States University of New York at Buffalo, 1972. O'DonneH, E. and M. Sullivan. "Service Delivery and Social Action Through the Neighbourhood Center", Welfare i n Review. 1972. Ontario Committee on Government Productivity. Citizen Participation. Toronto, 1972. Ontario Housing Magazine, v.17, #3» February 1973, pp. 6-8. Pfiffner and Sherwood. Administrative Organization. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, I960, pp. 190-191. Piven, F.F. "Comprehensive Social Planning: Curriculum Reform or Professionalism Imperialism", i n Journal of the American Institute of Planners. v.36^#4, July,* 1970, pp. 226-228. Piven, F.F. and R. Cloward. "The Professional Bureaucracies: Benefit Systems as Influence Systems", in M.Silberman, ed., The Role of the Government i n  Promoting Social Change: Proceedings of a Conference. New York, 1965. Rein, Martin. "Decentralization and Citizen Participation i n Social Services", Public Administration Review. October 1972, pp. 687-7000. Reisman, F. and A. Gartner. "Community Control and Radical Social Change", Social Policy. May/June 1970. - 116 -Ryan, J.H. A Study Concerned with the Competencies Required in Urban Public Service Occupations. PhD at the State University of New York at Buffalo, 1972. Schmandt, H.J. Decentralization: A Structural Imperative. Washington,. D.D.: Center for Government Studies, n.d., mimeo. Schmandt, H.J. "Municipal Decentralization: An Overview", Public Administration  Review. October 1972, pp. 571-588. Sharkansky, Ira. Public Administration: Policy-Making in Government Agencies. Chicago: Markham, 1970. Sherwood, F.P. "Devolution as a Problem of Organization Strategy", in R.T. Daland, ed. Comparative Urban Research: The Administration and Politics of Cities. Beverley Hills: Sage, 1969. Smith, B.L.R. "Introduction to Decentralization", American Behavioural Scientist, v.15, October 1971, PP* 3-14. Spiegel, H. and S. Mittenthal. Neighbourhood Power and Control — Implications  for Urban Planning. Columbia School of Architecture, New York, 1968. Stenberg, C.W. "CitizensBand the Administrative State: From Participation to Power", Public Administration Review. May/June 1972, pp. 190-197. Strange, J. "Citizen Participation in Community Action and Model Cities Programs", Public Administration Review. October 1972. Starrs and Stewart. Gone Today and Here Tomorrow. Ontario Committee on Government Productivity, Toronto, 1971. Szablowski, G. The Public Bureaucracy and the Possibility of Citizen Involvement  in the Government of Ontario. Ontario Committee on Government Productivity, Toronto, 1971. Task Committee on Urban Government Effectiveness, "Urban Government Effect-t iveness and the Edmonton Area", in the Task Force on Urbanization and the Future, Task Committee Reports. August 1972, pp. 29-41. U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations. The New Grass Roots  Government? Decentralization and Citizen Participation in Urban Areas. January 1972. Vrooman, P.C. "The Power ^ ilemma in Citizen participation", Canadian Welfare. v.48,#3, 1972. Waldo, Dwight. "Some Thoughts on Alternatives, Dilemmas and Paradoxes in a Time of Turbulence", in D.Waldo, ed. Public Administration in a Time of  Turbulence. Scranton: Chandler, 1971, pi 274* - 117 -Warren, R. "Model Cities F i r s t Roundi P o l i t i c s , Planning and Participation", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, v.35, #4, J u l y 1969. WashMs, G.J. L i t t l e City Halls. Washington, D.C: Center for Government Studies, #6, January 1971. Washnis, G.J. Municipal Decentralization and Neighbourhood Resources: Case  Studies of Twelve Cities. New York:Praeger, 1972. Webster, W.E. Decentralization: An Evolving Process in Local Government. Washington, D.C: Center for Metropolitan Studies, 1971. Wharf, B. and N. Carter. Planning for the Social Services: Canadian Experiences. Canada Council on Social Development, 1972. White, R. Direct P o l i t i c a l Participation and Representative Deomocrapy i n the  City of Toronto. June 1972, mimeo. Willms, A.M. "Administrative Decentralization", i n A.M. Willms and W.D.K. Kernaghan, eds. Public Administration i n Canada. Toronto: Methuen, 1968, pp. 132-140. Wronski, W. "The Public Servant and Protest Groups", i n Canadian Public  Administration, v.14, #L, Spring 1971, pp. 65-72. Z e i t l i n , Morris, letter to the editor. Journal of the American Institute of Planners, v.37. #3, May 1971, pp. 196-197. Zimmerman, J.F. "Neighbourhoods and Citizen Involvement", Public Administration  Review, May/June 1972, pp. 201-210. Zimmerman, J.F. The Federated City: Community Control i n Large Cities. New York: St.Martin's Press, 1972. - 118 -References to Chapter Two; Angell, J.W. "Toward an Alternative to the Classic Police Organizational Arrangements: A Democratic Model", Criminology. v.9,#2,3» August 1971* Barrett, J.H. and A.S, Tannehbaum. "Organization Theory", i n S.W. Seashore and R.J. McNeill, eds., The Management of the Urban C r i s i s . New York; Free Press, 19?1, PP» 17-37. Bass, A.R. "Personnel Selection and Evaluation", i n Seashore and McNeill, eds., The Management of the Urban Cr i s i s . New York: Free, 1971, pp.299-340. Bennis, W.G. Changing Organizations: Essays on the Development and Evolution  of Human Organizations. Toronto: McGraww- H i l l , 1966 Bennis, W.G. "Organic Pppulism", Psychology Today. February 1970. Bolan, R.S. "Community Decision Behaviour", i n Journal of the American  Institute of Planners, v.35, September 1969, pp. 301-310. Bolan, R.S. "The Social Relations of the Planner", Journal of the American  Institute of Planners. v.36,#6, November 1971, pp. 389-396. Burns, T. and G. Stalker. The Management of Innovation. London: Tavistock, 1961, pp. 119-125. Caiden, G.E. Administrative Reform. ^Chicago: Aldine, 1969. Caiden, G.E. The Dynamics of Public Administration: Guidelines to Current  Transformation i n Theory and Practice. Toronto: Holt, 1972. Canada Council on Urban and Regional Research. Urban Research Bulletin. v.4,#2, 1972 . Cappoccia, V.A. "Social Welfare Planning and the New Federalism", Journal of  the American Institute of Planners, v.39, #4, July 1973, pp. £44-253. Chapman, R.L. and F.N. Cleaveland. "The Changing Character of the Urban Public Service and the Administration of the 1980's", Public -idministration  Review, v.33, #4, July 1973, pp. 358-366. Child, J . "Strategies of Control and Organizational Behaviour", Administrative  Science Quarterly, v.18, #1, March 1973, pp. 1-17. Cherry, G.E. Town Planning i n i t s Social Context. London: H i l l , 1970, p. 116. - 119 -Davies, J.G. The Evangelistic Bureaucrat. London: Tavistock, 1972. Doyle, R. Public Social Planning in Halifax: Case Studies in Social Planning  #3. Canada Council on Social Development, 1972. Dresang, D. "Entrepreneurialism and Development Administration", in Administrative  Science Quarterly, v.18, #1, March 1973, pp. 76-85. Dyckman, J. "New Normative Styles in Urban Studies", Public Administration Review, May/June 1971• Dyckman, J. "Social Planning in the American Democracy*?, in E.Erber, ed., Urban Planning in Transition. New York: Grossman, 1970, P P « 27-44* Ecklein, J.L. and A. Lauffer, Community Organizers and Social Planners. New York: Wiley, 1972. Ermer, V.B. Street Level Bureaucrats in Baltimore: Case of Housing Code  Enforcement. PhD at Johns Hopkins University,. 1972. Painstein, N.I. and S.S. "Innovation in Urban Bureaucracies", American  Behavioral Scientist, v.15,#4, March 1972. Fiedler, F.E. and G.E. O'Brien, "The Effects of Leadership Style Upon The Performance of Work Groups and Organizations", in Seashore and McNeill, eds., The Management of the Urban Crisis. New York: Free, 1971, P P . 235-260. Finkler, E. Dissent and Independent Initiative in Planning Offices. American Society of Planning Officials, P.A.S. Report #269, 1971. Fraser, Graham. Fighting Back: Urban Renewal in Trefann Court. Toronto: A.M. Hakkert, 1972. Friedmann, J. and B.Hudson. "Knowledge and Action: A Guide to Planning Theory", Journal of the American Institute of Planners. #40, #1, January 1974, pp.2-17. Friedmann, J. "The New Wave of Planning Theory", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, v.39, #5, September 1973, pp. 359-363. Friedmann, J. "The Public Interest and Community Participation: Toward a Reconstruction of Public Philosophy", Journal of the American Institute of  Planners. v.39, #1, January 1973, pp. 2-7. Friedmann, J. "The Future of Comprehensive Planning: A Critique", Public  Administration Review. May/June 1971. - 120 -Friedmann, J, Retracking America; A Theory of Transactive Planning. New York: Anchor, 1973. Friedmann, J . "Notes on Societal Action", Journal of tlWAmerican Institute of  Planners. v.35,#5, September 1969, pp.311-319. Gans, H.J. People and Plans. New York: Basic, 1968, p. 72. Gans, H.J. "Social and Physical Planning for the Elimination of Urban Poverty", American Institute of Planners Conference. 1962, Los Angeles. Gerecke, J.K. The Practice of Urban Planning i n Canada. M.A. Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1971. Gilbert, N., A.Rosenkranz, and H.Specht, "The Dialectics of Social Planning", Social Work, v.18, #2, March 1973, PP. 78-86. Grabow, S. and A. Heskin. "Foundations of a Radical Concept of Planning", Journal of the American Institute of Planners. March 1973, v.39, #2, pp.lQ6-114. Gross** B.M. "The Challenge to Describe and Measure Social Change", i n E.Erber, ed. Urban Planning i n Transition. New York: Grossman, pp.51-55, 1971. Herbert, A.W. "Management Under Conditions of Decentralization and Citizen Participation", Public Administration Review. October 1972. H i l l , M.J. The Sociology of Public Administration. Birkenhead: Willmer, 1972. Hodge, Gerry. "The Supply and Demand for Planners i n Qanada 1961-1981", Town Planning Institute of Canada News. October 1972. Howard, L.C. "Decentralization and Citizen Participation i n Health Services", Public Administration Review. October 1972, pp. 701-717. International Conference onSSocial Work. The Process of Social Planning. Report IV. 1964, p. 16. Jacobs, Jane. The^Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Random, 1961. Kaplan, M. Urban Planning i n the 1960's: A Design for Irrelevancy. New York: Praeger, 1973. Keyes, L.C. and E. Teithher. "Limitations of Advocacy Planning", Journal of  the American Institute of Planners, v.36, #4, July 1970, pp. 22-5-226. Lee, H.B. The Bole of the Higher C i v i l Service Under Social and P o l i t i c a l  Change. Bloomington, Indiana: 1966. Levine, R.A. Public Planning: Failure and Redirection. New York: Basic, 1972. - 121 -Lipsky, M. Radical Decentralization: A Response for American Planning Dilemmas, University of Wisconsin, 1969. Lowenstein, E.R. "Citizen Participation and the Administrative Agency in Urban Development: Sogie Problems and Proposals", The Social Service Review, v.45, #3, September 1971, pp.289-301. Makielski, S.J. "The Preconditions to Effective Public Administration", in Public Administration Review, v.27, #2, June 1967, pp. 148-153. Mark, R. "A View Toward the future", in Town Planning Institute of Canada  News. May 1973. Mayer, R.R. Social Planning and Social Change. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1972. McLemore, Reg. Three Approaches to Effecting Change in Low-Income Areas with  a Case Study of La Petite Bourgogne Renewal Area. Montreal. M.A. Thesis, University of Waterloo, 1972. McNiven, Chris. Case Studies in Social Planning #4. Planning Under Voluntary  Council and Public Auspices. Vancouver. Canada Council on Social Development, 1972. Meade, Marvin. "Participative Administration — Emerging Reality or Wishful Thinking?" in D.Waldo, ed., Public Administration in a Time of Turbulence. Chandler, 1971. Mertins, H. "A Case Study in Transitions", Public Administration Review, v.31. #3, May 1971, PP. 245-258. Miles, R.E. and J.B. Ritchie, "Participative Management: Quantity or Quality?", California Management Review, v.13,#4, summer 1971, pp.48-56. Morris, R. and R. Binstock, Feasible Planning for Social Change. New York: Columbia University Press, I966. Mosher, F.C. "Analytical Commentary," in F.C. Mnsher, ed., Governmental  Reorganizations1 Cases and Commentary. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1967. Mouzelis, N.P. Organization and Bureaucracy: An Analysis M Modern Theories. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1969. Needleman, M.L. Planning Against Itself: The Community Planning Experiment in  the United States. PhD, State University of New York at Buffalo, 1972. Nigro, F.A. Modern Public Administration, second edition. New York: Harper, and Row, 1970. - 122 Peattie, Lisa. "Drama and Advocacy Planning", Journal of the American  Institute of Planners, v.36,#6, November 1970, pp.405-410. Perloff, H.S. "New Directions i n Social Planning", Journal of the American  Institute of Planners, v.31, #6, November 1965, ppl297-3C4. Perrow, Charles. Organizational Analysis : A Sociological Review. California: Woodsworth, 1970. Piven, F.F. "Comprehensive Social Planning: Curriculum Reform or Professional Imperialism", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, v.36,#4, July 1970, pp. 226-228. Piven, F.F. "Social Planning or P o l i t i c s " , i n E.Erber, ed., Urban Planning  i n Transition. New York: Grossman, 1970, pp.45-51. Rothman, J . "Three Models of Community Organization Practice", Social Work  1968. New York: National Conference on Social Welfare, 1968. Rowbottom, R.W. "Organizing Social Services: Hierarchy or ?", Public Administration, v.51, Autumn 1973, pp. 291-305. Ryan, J.H. A Study Concerned with the Competences Required i n Urban Public  Service Occupations. PhD, State University of New York at Buffalo, 1972. "Scanlon Plan: Workers Share Profits/planning", Urban Reader #4. Social Planning Department of Vancouver, 1973, p. 5-6. Schon, Donald. Beyond the Stable State: Public and Private Learning in a  Changing Society. London: Temple, 1971. Scott, W.T. Organization Theory: A Behavioural Analysis for Management^. Hbmewood: Irwin, 1967. Seashore, S.E. and R.J. McNeill, eds., The Management of the Urban C r i s i s . New York: Free, 1971. Sharkansky, Ira. Public Administration: Policy-Making i n Governmental Agencies. Chicago: Markham, 1970. Silverman, David. The Theory of Organizations. London: Hieneman, 1970. Spiegel, H. and S. Mittenthai. Neighbourhood Power and Control: Implications  for Urban Planning. Columbia University Press, 1968. Stumpf, J. "Community Planning and Development", Encyclopedia of Social Work. New York, 1965, pp. 190-207. Thayer, F.C. Participation and Liberal Democratic Government. Working paper for the Ontario Committee on Government Productivity, 1971. ) - 123 -Thompson, C. and G. Rath. "Planning Solutions Aided by Management and Systems Technology^, Annals of American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Social  Science. A p r i l 1973, pp. 151-162. White, Orion. "The Dialectical Organization: An Alternative to Buriaucraoy", Public Administration Review. v.29,#l, 1969, pp.5?-4£. Wilcox, H.G. "Hierarchy, Human Nature and the Participative Panacea", Public Administration Review, v.29, #1, 1969, pp. 53-63. Wilson, V.Seymour. "The Relationship Between Scientific Management and Personnel Policy i n North American Administrative Systems!!, Public  Administration, v.51, summer 1973, pp. 193-205. Woolf, D.A. "The Management JHieory Jungle Revisited^ i n Kernaghan and Willma, eds., Public Administrationsin Canada: Selected Readings. Toronto: Methuen, 1968, pp.78-90. - 124 -References to Chapter Three: Alderfer, B. "Review of H. Levinson et a l l , Organizational Diagnosis", Administrative Science Quarterly, v.18, #1, March 1975, PP. 122-124. Baum, B.H. Decentralization of Authority i n a Bureaucracy. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1961. Blau, P.M. "The Research Process i n the Study of the Dynamics of Bureaucracy", in P.W. Hammond, ed., Sociologists at Work. New York: Basic, 1964, PP» 16-49* Caiden, G.6. Administrative Reform. Chicago: Aldine, 1969* Carter, N. and B. Wharf. Evaluating Social Development Programs. Ottawa: Canada Council on Social Development, 1973, PP« 26-110. Casselman, R.C. "Massachusetts 5Revisited: Chronology of a Failure", Public Administration Review, v.53. #2, March-April 1973, pp.129-135. City of Vancouver Planning Department. Evaluation of the Planning Department: The Spaxman Report. October 1973. Coffin, A. "SpajEman a 'love him or leave him' o f f i c i a l " , Province. February 6, 1974, PP. 13. Council of Maritime Premiers. Upgrading Municipal Administrative Capability  i n the Maritimes. Halifax, 1972. Crozier, M. The Bureaucratic Phenomenon. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964, pp.233-240. Daly, M. "A young angry c i t y planner leaves — older and happier", Toronto  Star. August 27, 1973, p.C3. Davies, Jon G. The Evangelistic Bureaucrat: A Study of a Planning Exercise i n Newcastle upon Tyne. London: Tavistock, 1972. Dennis, Norman. Public Participation and Planned Blight. London: Faber and Eaber, 1972. Dickinson, H.H. "Maintaining V i t a l i t y i n the Adiministration", Public  Administration, v.32,#3, June 1973, pp. 194-211. Ermer, V.B. Street Level Bureaucrats i n Baltimore: Case of Housing Code  Enforcement. PhD at Johns Hopkins University, 1972. Prieden. B.J. "The Changing Prospects for Social Planning", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, v.33, #5, September 1967. - 125 -Friedmann, J. "The Future of Comprehensive Urban Planning! A Critique", Public Administration Review. May/June 1971• Rage, J. and M. Aiken. Social Change i n Complex Organizations. N.Y.s Random House, 1970. Romans, G.C. "The Strategy of Industrial Sociology", American Journal of  Sociology, v.54, 1949, p.330. Kerhaghan, W.L.K. "M Overview of Public Administration i n Canada Today", Canadian Public Administration, v.11, pp.219-308, 1968. Keyes, L.C. The Rehabilitation Planning Game. Cambridge: M.I.T. press, 1969. Kuruvilla, P.K. "Administrative Culture in Canada: Some Prospectives", Canadian Public Administration, v.16,#2, summer 1973, pp.284-297» Laframboise, H.L. "Administrative Inspections and Methods Analysis i n the Department of Veterans Aff a i r s " , Canadian Public Administration, v.11. 1959, #4, PP. 195ff. Landau, M. "On the Concept of a Self-Correcting Organization", Public  Administration Review, v.33, #6, November 1973, pp. 533-542. Leiren, Hall. "Is Council Doing the Job It Promised Us?" Vancouver Sun. January 12, 1974, P«6. Levinson, Harry et a l l . Organizational diagnosis. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972. Lorimer, J . Working People: Life i n a DowntowH City Neighbourhood. Toronto: James Lewis and Samuels, 1971. McNiven, C. Case Studies i n Social Planning: Volume 4: Planning Under  Council and Public Auspices. Vanoouver. Ottawa: Canada Council on Social Development, 1972. Mosher, F.C. ed. Governmental ReorganizationsCases and Commentary. New York: Bobbs- M e r r i l l , 1967. Needleman, M.L. Planning Against I t s e l f : The Community Planning Experiment in the United States. PhD at the Stats University of New York at Buffalo, 1972. Perrow, Charles. Organizational ^nalysis: A Sociological Review. California: Woodsworth, 1970/ - 126 -Public Administration Service. Report on an Administrative Survey of the  Municipal Government. City of Vancouver, 1955. Rondinelli, Dennis. "Urban Planning as Policy Analysis* Management of Urban Change", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, v. 3 9 , #1, January 1975, pp. 13-22. Ryan, J.H. A Study Concerned with the Competencies Required in Urban Public Service Occupations. PhB at the State University of New York at Buffalo , 1972. Schon, Donald. Beyond the Stable State. Public and Private Learning in a  Changing Society. London: Temple Smith, 1971. Scott, W.R. "Field Methods in the Study of Organizations", in J.G. March, ed., Handbook of Organizations. Chicago; Rand McNally, 1965, p. 261-305. Sharkansky, Ira. Public Administration: Policy-Making in Governmental Agencies. Chicago; Markham, 1970. Sjoberg, G. and P.J. Miller. "Social Research on Bureaucracy: Limitations and Opportunities", Social Problems, v.21, #1, summer 1973, pp.129-143. Stanley, D.T. Professional Personnel for the City of New York. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institute, 1963, Vosburgh, W.W. and D. Hyman. "Advocacy and Bureaucracy: The Life and Times of a Decentralized Citizen's Advocacy Program", Administrative Science  Quarterly, v.18. #4, December 1973, PP« 435-448. ITroom, V. ed. Methods of Organizational Research. Pittsburgh: University of PittsburghvPress, 1967. Waldo, D. The Study of Public Administration. New York: Random House, 1 9 6 8 , pp.8-11,56, 69. Warren, R. "Model Cities First Round: Politics, Planning and Participation", Journal of the American Institute of Planners. v.35,#4» July I969. Wefrer, Max. "The Essentials of Bureaucratic Organization; An Ideal-Type Construction", in R.K.Merton et a l l , eds., A Reader in Bureaucracy. Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press, 1952, pp. 18-57. White, 0. "The Dialectical Organization* An Alternative to Bureaucracy", Public Administration Review, v.29, #1, January 1969, pp. 32-42. Wiesman, B. and K. Gerecke, eds.. Evolution and Practice of Canadian  Urban Planning.lUaiversity of British Columbia, 1972. Wright, M. "The Professional Conduct of Civil Servants", Public Administration. v.51, Spring, 1973, PP. 1-15. - 127 -References to Chapter Four; Friedmann, J. "The Future of Comprehensive Urban Planning: A Critique", Public Administration Review, v.31, #3, May 1971, pp.315-326. Friedmann, J. "The New Wave of Planning Theory", i n Journal of the American Institute of Planners, v.39, #5» September 1973, pp.515-326. Friedmann, J. and B.Hudson, "Knowledge and Action: a Guide to Planning Theory", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, v.40,#1,January 1974» pp.2-17. Godschalk, R. "Fresh Tropps", Journal of the American Institute of Planners. v.36,#3, July 1970, p.217. Goodman, Robert. After The Planners. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971. Gross, B.M. "Planning i n an Era of Social Revolution", Public Administration  Review, v. 31, #3, May 1971, pp.259-296. Needleman, M.L. Planning Against I t s e l f : The Community Planning Experinent i n the United States. PhD at the Stats,'University of New York at Buffalo, 1972. Piven, F.*". "Comprehensive Social Planning: Curriculum Reform of Professional Imperialism", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, v.36,3, JuiJ- 1970, pp.226-228. Prefontaine, Norbert. "What I Think I See: Reflections on the Foundations of Social Policy", Canadian Public Administration, summer 1973, v.16,#3. - 128 -References to Chapter Fives Altshuler, Alan A. The City Planning Process, Ithacat Cornell University Press, 1965, PP.345ff. Barr, D.A. "Interpretation: The Professional Urban Planner", Journal of  the American Institute of Planners, v.38, #3, May 1972, pp. 155-159. Bolan, R.S. "The Social Relations of the Planner", Journal of the American  Institute of Planners, v.37,#6, November 1971, pp.386-396. Buck, R.C. and R.A. Rath. "Planning as an Institutional Innovation", Journal of the American Institute of Planners. v.36,#l, January 1970, pp.59-64. Burns, T. and G.M.Stalker. The Management of Innovation. London: Tavistock, 1961, pp.119-125. Caiden, Gerald E. Administrative Reform. Chicago: Aldine, 1969, p.194* Carter, Novia. Perspectives on Planniing: Summary of -^ive Case Studies in  Social Planning. Ottawa: Canada Council on Social Development, 1973• Daland, R.T. and J.A.Parker. "Roles of the Planner in Urban Development", in F.S. Chapin and S.F. Weiss, eds., Urban Growth Djymamics. New York, Wiley, 1962, pp. 188-225. Fttedmann, J. and B.Hudson. "Knowledge and Action: a Guide.to Planning Theory", Journal of the American Institute of Planners. v.40,#l, January 1974, pp.2-17. Friedmann, J. "Planning as Innovation: The Chilean Case", Journal of the  American Institute of Planners, v.22, July 1966, pp. 194-204. Friedmann, J. Retracking America: A Theory of Transactive Planning. New York: Anchor, 1973. Grabow, S. and A.Heskin. "Foundations for a Radical Concept of Planning", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, v.39,#2, March 1973, pp.106-114. Grossly B.M. "Planning in an Era of Social Revolutions", Public Administration Review, v.31, #3, May 1971, pp. 259-296. Herzog, A. and L.R. Denton. A Compendium of Papers on Evaluation and Methodology. Yarmouth, Nova Scotia: Nova Scotia Newstart Inc., 1971, P«94« Kaplan, Marshall. Urban Planning in the 1960's: A Design for Irrelevancy. New York: Praeger, 1973. - 129 -Kaufmann, H. "The Direction of Organizational Evolution", Public Administration  Review, v.33, #4, July 1973, pp. 300-307. Mazziotti, D.F. "The Underlying Assumptions of Advocacy Planning: Pluralism s«md Reform", Journal of the American Institute of Planners. v.40,#l, January 1974, Pp. 38-47• O'DonneH, E. "The Multi-service Neighbourhood Center: Preliminary Findings From a National Survey^, Welfare i n Review. June 1971, PP« 1 -8 . Piven, F.F. "Comprehensive Social Planning: Curriculum Reform or Professional Imperialism", Journal of the Amenioan Institute of Planners, v.36,#3, July 1970, pp. 226-228. Prefontaine, Norbert. "What I Think I See: Reflections on the Foundations of Social Policy", Canadian Public Administration, v.16,#3, summer 1973. Rondinelli, D.A. "Urban Planning as Policy Analysis: Management of Planned Change", Journal of the American -Institute of Planners. v.39»#L» January 1973, pp.13-22. Schon, Donald. Beyond the Stable State: Public and Private Learning i n a ' Changing Society. London: Temple, Smith, 1971. Thompson, G. and G. Rath. "Planning Solutions Aided by Management and Systems Technology", Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and  Social Science. April 1973, pp. 151-162. Thompson, V. "Bureaucracy and Innovation", Administrative Science Quarterly. V.10,#1, June 1965, pp. 1-20. Wald, Emanual. "Toward a Paradigm of Future Public Administration ", Public Administration Review. v.33,#4, July 1975, pp. 366-372. Warren, R. "Model Cities F i r s t Round: P o l i t i c s , Planning, and Participation", Journal of the American institute of Planners, v.35,#4, July I969. Warren, R. "The Concerting of Decisions as a variable i n Organizational Interaction", i n R. Warren, ed. Truth. Love, and Social Change. Chicago; Rand McNally, 1971, p.201. - 129"-FILE A p p e n d i x > Item I TELEPHONE 873-7011 D E P A R T M E N J . ^ J I L A N N I N G A N D C I V I C D E V E L O P M E N T 453 WEST 12th AVENUE, VANCOUVER 10 BRITISH C O L U M B I A — C A N A D A D I R E C T O R — R A Y S P A X M A N January 11, 1974 Mr. Ross Perry, School of Planning, University of Br i t ish Columbia, Vancouver 8, B. C. Dear Ross: I fe l t obliged when I said that I would at least " f l i ck at i t " , to " f l i ck at i t " early. I did this last night in a "spare moment" and read the whole of Chapter II. I l ike i t very much. It is right-on where I need to learn, from in depth research, which I believe you have done. What I would l ike to do i s : (a) circulate Chapter II to the Local Area Planners in the Department; (b) arrange (with Brahm) to set up a mind opening session where we can discuss the subject more fu l l y . The need for this type of meeting, as I think I mentioned to you, is very important to those of us concerned with decentralization. The importance is that we s t i l l need to be closer to each other's ideas i f we are going to be able to operate in the decentralizing system and retain a sense of purpose and ab i l i t y to communicate with our fellow planners. Thank you for lett ing me see your report. I ' l l have a word with you again when I get further along with the meeting idea. Please contact me i f I can help -or anything. j^ J T n t e g r e l ^ ^ Rsly Spaxma>i. RJS:le AnVAMCF PI ANNING & RESEARCH CIVIC DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY PLANNING ZONING - 130 -Appendix: Item II TWENTY-FOUR QUESTIONS ON LOCAL Aflfift. PLANNING DEAR PLANNER, T h i s q u e s t i o n n a i r e i s p a r t o f r e s e a r c h c o nducted i n t o t h e preparedness o f t h e m u n i c i p a l p l a n n i n g p r o f e s s i o n p e r t i n e n t t o l o c a l a r e a p l a n n i n g v programmes. L o c a l a r e a p l a n n i n g i s c o n s i d e r e d t o be t h e o p e r a t i o n o f p l a n n i n g s e r v i c e s l i k e t h o s e p r o v i d e d by Vancouver's Department o f .< P l a n n i n g from neighbourhood s i t e o f f i c e s . The West End s i t e o f f i c e arid t h o s e i n t e n d e d f o r K i t s i l a n o and o t h e r communities a re good examples. Your o b j e c t i v e response t o t h i s form i s i m p o r t a n t and c o n f i d e n t i a l . To t h i s end,the q u e s t i o n n a i r e i s d i s t r i b u t e d and c o l l e c t e d anonymously t h r o u g h t h e c o o p e r a t i o n o f Mr. Spaxman*s o f f i c e . The new r o l e s c r e a t e d by l o c a l a r e a p l a n n i n g may demand new s k i l l s , a t t i t u d e s and v a l u e s , and knowledge f o r t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l planner'.. E'lease i n d i c a t e i n each case below t o what e x t e n t you would approve of, and  ac c e p t t h e s e q u a l i t i e s i n t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l performance o f a ffello'w  p l a n n e r . ( I f you w i s h t o e l a b o r a t e on any answer, p l e a s e do so on t h e back o f each page.) 1. A knowledge and s k i l l w i t h t h e s o f t w a r e ( s o c i a l ) s e r v i c e s in. p l a n n i n g , v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e _ 2. An a b i l i t y t o s t i f l e c o n f l i c t . v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y unaccep'table_ 3. A knowledge o f t h e t e c h n i q u e s o f community o r g a n i z i n g and development., v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e _ 4. An o r i e n t a t i o n t o p r a c t i c a l p r o j e c t s and t a s k s t o be completed i n t h e near f u t u r e . v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ . u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e _ 5. An a b i l i t y t o o r g a n i z e teams o f p r o f e s s i o n a l s and n o n p r o f e s s i o n a l s , o r b o t h , v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e ^ 6. A w i l l i n g n e s s t o l a y a s i d e t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l mantle i n d e a l i n g w i t h t h e p u b l i c . v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e _ 7. A sense o f independence from t h e c e n t r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e i i t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e _ 8. A s k i l l i n m a n i p u l a t i n g and managing, even t o the p o i n t o f s u b v e r t i n g a g e n c i e s a f f e c t i n g t h e l o c a l a r e a . v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y unaccept rab,le_ - 131 -- 2 -9. A d e s i r e t o e x p l o r e new methods and t o t a k e on d i f f e r e n t r o l e s even i f t h e y i n v o l v e u n c e r t a i n and d i f f i c u l t work s i t u a t i o n s . v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e _ .0. A knowledge o f t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f group dynamics. v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e _ .1. A p r o p e n s i t y t o v i e w and work w i t h t h e l o c a l problems i n terms o f l a r g e r s o c i a l i s s u e s such as income r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e _ .2. A s k i l l i n l o n g range p l a n n i n g . v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e _ .3. An a c c e p t a n c e o f t h e p l a n as a p e r s o n a l committment. v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e ^ .4 . S k i l l i n i n t e r v e n i n g , r e f o r m i n g , and a n i m a t i n g government and p r i v a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s ( i n c l u d i n g your own). v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e ^ .5. A w i l l i n g n e s s t o a c c e p t v a l u e s c o n t r a r y t o one's own and t o work w i t h i n t h a t frame o f reference,, v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e ^ .6. An a b i l i t y t o m a i n t a i n a p o s i t i o n independent o f community p o l i t i c s . v e r y a c c e p t a b l e _ a c c e p t a b l e _ n e u t r a l _ u n a c c e p t a b l e _ v e r y u n a c c e p t a b l e _ P l e a s e e v a l u a t e as o b j e c t i v e l y as p o s s i b l e your own s t r e n g t h s and weaknesses i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e s e q u a l i t i e s o f t h e l o c a l a r e a p l a n n e r . .7. An a b i l i t y t o m a n i p u l a t e , manage, even s u b v e r t a g e n c i e s a f f e c t i n g l o c a l communities. s p e c i a l i s t _ competent _ l i m i t e d _ low _ .8. A knowledge o f t h e t e c h n i q u e s o f community o r g a n i z i n g and development. s p e c i a l i s t _ competent _ l i m i t e d _ low _ .9. S k i l l i n l o n g range planning„ s p e c i a l i s t _ competent _ l i m i t e d _ low _ 0. Knowledge o f t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f group dynamics, s p e c i a l i s t _ competent _ l i m i t e d _ low _ 1. An a b i l i t y t o o r g a n i z e teams o f p r o f e s s i o n a l s and n o n p r o f e s s i o n a l s o r b o t h , s p e c i a l i s t _ competent _ l i m i t e d _ low _ 2. An a b i l i t y t o s t i f l e c o n f l i c t , s p e c i a l i s t _ competent _ l i m i t e d _ low _ 3. A w o r k a b l e knowledge i n t h e s o f t w a r e ( s o c i a l ) s e r v i c e s i n p l a n n i n g , s p e c i a l i s t _ competent _ l i m i t e d _ low _ ! 4 . S k i l l i n i n t e r v e n i n g , r e f o r m i n g , and a n i m a t i n g government and p r i v a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s ( i n c l u d i n g your own) 0 s p e c i a l i s t competent l i m i t e d low _ - 132 --3-For your own p r o f e s s i o n a l development,' - whxe$y$%'the p r e c e d i n g e i g h t q u a l i t i e s (#17-24) would you choose to improve? P l e a s e l i s t number (s) Would you care to comment f u r t h e r ? P l e a s e check the f o l l o w i n g : 1. You are a planner I , planner I I , planner I I I , d i r e c t o r - l e v e l 2. You have been i n the p l a n n i n g p r o f e s s i o n f o r under 2 years , 2 to 5 6 t o 10 years , over 10 years . 3. Your p r o f e s s i o n a l t r a i n i n g has been i n p l a n n i n g , a r c h i t e c t u r e , e n g i n e e r i n g , the s o c i a l s c i e n c e s , other (Please s p e c i f y ) 4. You are a member of the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e o f Canada: Yes No ; . 5. P l e a s e l i s t any memberships you have i n other p r o f e s s i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , and any p r o f e s s i o n a l j o u r n a l s which you read r e g u l a r l y . 6. You view the f u t u r e d i r e c t i o n of t h i s department as an important i s s u e _ an i s s u e , not r e a l l y of p e r s o n a l concern . 7. Your p e r s o n a l age i s under 30 , 30 to 40 , 40 to 50 , 50 to 60 , . B. Your work i s accomplished p r i m a r i l y out of a s i t e o f f i c e , both out o f a s i t e o f f i c e and a t c i t y h a l l , a t c i t y h a l l Thank you very much f o r your c o n s i d e r a t i o n and response. Please use the brown envelope to r e t u r n the q u e s t i o n n a i r e to Ms. Marnie Cross pf Mr. Spaxman*s o f f i c e , by Wednesday, February 6, 1974. The i n f o r m a t i o n gathered from t h i s form w i l l be used i n my master's t h e s i s , The C o n d i t i o n i n g o f the M u n i c i p a l P l a n n i n g Team f o r  A d m i n i s t r a t i v e D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n ; A n t i c i p a t i o n o f L o c a l Area Planning  i n the C i t y o f Vancouver, to be submitted to the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia l i b r a r y , May, 1974. Thanks again, School of Planning, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. - 133 -Appendix: Item III  Statistics for Subsection 4.2: Evaluating the Hypotheses, Hypothesis A Summary Table A: Linkages Between The Characteristics of Planning Personnel and Acceptability of New Competencies for Decentralization. r^pwl&b,^ v>&*^ va^ bvBi4- local e^obs. Dooe^-j\0&. wiVK fluffs cen-ftsrvj-JooTTes own. Linkage C Z I (see pages 89, 90) established by 'outstanding' proportional response of categories in independent variables (listed at top of summary table) to new competencies. A(i) position in the planning organization: receptive to laying aside the professional mantle -junior planners 87.5$ (7) senior planners 50.0$ (2) directors 75.0$ (3) receptive to accepting and working with values contrary to one's own -junior planners 60.0$ (6) (all response very receptive) senior planners 75.0$ (3) directors 75,0$ (3) - 134 -receptive to adopting the plan as a personal commitment -junior planners 50.0$ (5) (all response very receptive) senior planners 50.0$ (2) directors 50.0$ (2) receptive to manipulating, managing, subverting local agencies — junior planners AO.Gfo (4) senior planners 25.0$ (l) directors 0.0$ (0) receptive to incorporating a sense of independence from the central administration in professional performance -junior planners 70.06t (7) senior planners 50*0$ (2) directors 25.0$ (l) A(ii) allegiance to the planning profession: receptive to manipulating, managing, subverting local agencies -TPIC members 69.2$ (9) non-TPIC members 40.0$ (4) receptive to laying aside professional mantles and working with/adopting values contrary to one's own -TPIC members 78.0$ (7] non-TPIC members 56.5$ (8, regular readers 82.0$ (6^ non-readers 60.0$ (3, A ( i i i ) experience with decentralization: receptive to working with/adopting values of others -site-office planners 75*0$ (3) city-hall planners 60.0$ (10) receptive to planner incorporating a sense of independence from the central administration -site-office planners 100$ (4) city-hall planners 47»8$ (8) receptive to manipulating, managing, subverting local agencies -site-office planners 25.0$ (l) city-hall planners 41.7$ (7; receptive to stifling conflict -site-office planners 25.0$ (l) city-hall planners 56.3$ (7) - 1 3 5 -receptive to planner adopting plan as a personal commitment site-office planners 2 5 . 0 $ (l) city-hall planners 5 2 . 9 $ ( 9 ) Hypothesis B Summary Table B: linkages Between Characteristics of Planning Personnel and the Availability of New Competencies for Decentralization. CO *> •S (O 1 Skill \h aoftfviin(^r-2>4iire^ refery* a Linkage (see pages 8 9 , 9 0 ) established by 'outstanding' proportional response of categories in independent variables (listed at top of summary table) to new competencies. B(i) position in the planning organizations low-limited competence in the knowledge of community organizing and development techniques -junior planners 7 0 . 0 $ ( 7 ) intermediate planners 0 . 0 $ ( 0 ) senior planners 5 0 . 0 $ ( 2 | directors 5 0 . 0 $ ( 2 , - 136 -limited; competence in long-range planning skills -junior planners 50.0$ (5) intermediate planners 0.0$ (0) senior planners 0.0$ (o) directors 0.0$ (o) limited competence in s k i l l in organizing teams of professionals , non-professionals or both -junior planners 66.7$ $4) intermediate planners 0.0$ (0) senior planners 0.0$ (o) directors 25.0$ (l) low-limited competence in skills of administering reform in private and public organizations -junior planners 66.Jf° (A) intermediate planners 0.0$ (O) senior planners 0.0$ (0) directors 50.0$ (2) low-limited competence in the political skills of stifling conflict -junior planners 40.0$ (4) intermediate planners 50.0$ (l) senior planners 0.0$ (o) directors 100 $ (3) limited competence in knowledge of group dynamics -junior planners 60.0$ (5) intermediate planners 33«3$ (l) senior planners 25.0$ (l) directors 100$ (4) low-limited knowledge in the software (social) services of planning -junior planners 50.0$ (5) intermediate planners 33.3$ (l) senior planners 25.0$ directors 50.0$ B(ii) allegiance to the planning profession1 low competence in manipulating, managing and subverting local agencies -TPIG members 12.5$ (l) non-TBIG members 41.7$ (5) member of other prof. org. 18.2$ (2) non-member 44«4^ (4) readers of 5+ journals 0.0$ (o) non-readers 60.0$ (3) - 137 -limited-low competence in the knowledge of community organizing and development -TPIC members 45*5$ (5) non-TPIC members 61.8$ (8) member of other prof. org. 36.4$ (4) non-members 83.6$ (9) readers of 5+ journals 0.0$ (o) non-readers 67.3$ (5) limited competence in long-range planning skills -TPIC members 10.0$ (l) non-TPIC members 36.4$ (4) members of other prof.org. 7«7$ (l) non-members 50.0$ (4) readers of 5+ journals 0.0$ (o) non-readers 75• 5$ (3) limited competence in the skills of organizing professional and non-professional TPIC members 30.3$ (3) non-TPIC members 41.7$ (5) members of other prof.org. 15.4$ (2) non-members 66.7$ (6 readers of 5+ journals 0.0$ (0 non-readers 75«0$ (3) low competence in the skills of administering reform in public/private agencies -TPIC members 0.0$ (0) non-TPIC members 25.0$ (3) members of other pfof.org. 0.0$ (0) non-members 37«5$ (3) readers of 5+ journals 0.0$ (0) non-readers 75*0$ (3) 3 competent in the knowledge of group dynamics -TPIC members 20.0$ ( 2 non-TPICicmembers 53.8$ ( members of other prof.org. 30.8$ (4) non-members 50.07a (5^ readers of 5* journals SQ.Qro non-readers ^*.3$ (l) B(i i i ) experience with decentralization: limited-competent s k i l l in manipulating, managing, subverting local agencies -site-office planners 100$ (3) sitesoffice/city hall planners 100$ (2) city hall planners 53*0$ (8) - 138 -competent-specialist i n the knowledge of community organizing and development techniques -s i te -of f i ce planners 75.0$ (3) s i t e - o f f i c e / c i t y - h a l l planners 50.0$ ( l ) c i t y - h a l l planners- 35«3$ (6) low-limited competence i n the knowledge of group dynamics -s i t e - o f f i c e planners 75.0$ (3) s i t e - o f f i c e / c i t y - h a l l planners 100$ (2) c i t y - h a l l planners 29.4$ (5) competent-specialist i n the knowledge of the software (social) services i n planning -s i t e - o f f i c e planners 100$ (4) s i t e - o f f i c e / c i t y - h a l l planners 50.0$ ( l ) c i t y - h a l l planners 47*1$ (8) competent i n s t i f l i n g conf l ic t -s i t e - o f f i c e planners s i t e - o f f i c e / c i t y - h a l l planners c i t y - h a l l planners B (iv) professional backgrounds competent-specialist i n the manipulation, management, subversion of local agencies planning 33*3$ (3) planning i n combination 40.0$ (2) architecture 000$ (o' social sciences 0.0$ (0 other 0.0$ (0) competent i n administrative reform s k i l l s -planning 62.5$ (5) planning in combination 83.8$ (5) architecture 33*3$ ( l ) social sciences 0.0$ (o) engineering 50.0$ (l) other 0.0$ (o) competent-specialist i n organizing teams of professionals or nonprofessionals -planning 44 «^  planning i n combination 100$ architecture 33.3$ engineering 50.0$ social sciences other - 139 -competent-specialist in long-range planning skills -planning 90.0$ (9 planning in combination 100$ (6 architecture 33*3$ (l) engineering 0.0$ (0) social sciences 0.0$ (0); B(te) personal age: limited-competent in the knowledge of community organizing and development under 30 years of age cohort 66.6$ (6) 30 - 40 83.3$ (5) 41 - 50 100$ (6} 51 - 60 100$ (2, competent-specialist in long-range planning skills -under 30 years of age cohort 62.5$ (5) 30 - 40 83.3$ (5) 41 - 50 80.0$ (4) 51 - 60 100$ (2) competent-specialist in knowledge of group dynamics -under 30 years of age cohort 55 -5$ (5) 30 - 40 50.0$ (3) 41 - 50 33-3$ (2) 51-60 0.0$ (0) competent s k i l l in administrative reform in public and private organizations -under 30 years of age cohort 37«5$ (3) 30 - 40 80.0$ (4) 41 - 50 87-3$ (5) 51 - 60 0.0$ (0) - 1 4 0 -Hypothesis C Summary Table C: Linkages Between Acceptability and A v a i l a b i l i t y of New Competencies for decentralization.^ ability evmch Wi|lin^TSCS-bCJ&pIo^y^SS,.lri5>|riV|c se^ se of i^epr^g<occ4<5w cewfc adm. c t i l i t a fo ^v^tyv&r&f pAoft>r\--• Linkage = (see pages 8 9 , 9 0 ) established by 'outstanding' proportional response of categories i n independent variables ( l i s t e d at top of summary table) to new competencies. C(i) a v a i l a b i l i t y of s k i l l i n the manipulation, management, and subversion of l o c a l agencies: receptive to the planner incorporating a sense of independence to the central administration -planner group with low competence i n man/manag/subvert s k i l l planner group with limited competence planner group with competence planner group with s p e c i a l i s t - l e v e l competence 5 0 . 0 $ ( 3 ) 50.0$ ( 4 ) 80.0$ ( 4 ) 0.0$ (0) receptive to the planner manipulating, managing, subverting l o c a l agencies -planner group with low competence i n man/manag/subvert s k i l l 1 6 . 7 $ ( l ) planner group with limited competence 2 5 . 0 $ ( 2 ) planner group with competence 80.0$ ( 4 ) planner group with s p e c i a l i s t - l e v e l competence 0.0$ (0) - 141 -r e c e p t i v e t o p l a n n e r i n c o r p o r a t i n g s k i l l s i n s t i f l i n g c o n f l i c t -p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l o w c o m p e t e n c e i n m a n / m a n a g e / s u b / e r t s k i l l 16.7$ ( l ) p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l i m i t e d c o m p e t e n c e 14.3$ ( l ) p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h c o m p e t e n c e ^O.O/o (2) p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h s p e c i a l i s t - l e v e l c o m p e t e n c e 100$ ( l ) r e c e p t i v e t o p l a n n e r a d o p t i n g v a l u e s c o n t r a r y t o h i s own -— - f i t h l o w c o m p e t e n c e i n m a n / m a n a g e / s u b v e r t s k i l l 66.7$ (4) - * u x 75.0$ (6) p l a n n e r g r o u p w i " . . . ^ p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l i m i t e d c o m p e t e n c e p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h c o m p e t e n c e , p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h s p e c i a l i s t - l e v e l c o m p e t e n c e 20.0$ (1) 100$ ( l ) C ( i i ) a v a i l a b i l i t y i n k n o w l e d g e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s : r e c e p t i v e t o p l a n n e r i n c o r p o r a t i n g a s e n s e w o f i n d e p e n d e n c e f r o m t h e c e n t r a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n -p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l o w c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l i m i t e d c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h s p e c i a l i s t - l e v e l c o m p e t e n c e i r e c e p t i v e t o t h e m a n i p u l a t i n g , m a n a g i n g , a n d s u b v e r t i n g o f l o c a l a g e n c i e s v -p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l o w c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s 0.0$ (0) p l a n n e r g g r o u p w i t h l i m i t e d c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s 16.2$ (2^ . . . . . . , • 5 5 > 5 ? j (5) 0.0$ (0) 100$ (1) 41.6$ (5) 77.7$ (7) ' (1) 100$ p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h s p e c i a l i s t - l e v e l c o m p e t e n c e r e c e p t i v e t o t h e p l a n n e r a d o p t i n g v a l u e s c o n t r a r y t o h i s ' a i own w h i l e o n t h e j o b p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l o w c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s 0.0$ ( o ) p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l i m i t e d c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s 61.8$ ( ~ - i „ v , v , „ . .,A4.u ^ ">.7$ ( <J .IT + * -p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h s p e c i a l i s t - l e v e l d o m p e t e n c e r e c e p t i v e t o p l a n n e r p o s s e s s i n g s k i l l s t o s t i f l e c o n f l i c t -p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l o w c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l i m i t e d c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h s p e c i a l i s t - l e v e l c o m p e t e n c e r e c e p t i v e t o p l a n n e r l a y i n g a s i d e h i s p r o f e s s i o n a l m a n t l e -p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l o w c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h l i m i t e d c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h c o m p e t e n c e i n g r o u p d y n a m i c s p l a n n e r g r o u p w i t h s p e c i a l i s t - l e v e l c o m p e t e n c e 8) 66.7$ (6) 100$ ( l ) 0.0$ (0; 63.7$ (7! 33-3$ 0.0$ 100$ (1)' 83.8$ (ip) 55.5$ (5) 0.0$ (0) 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            data-media="{[{embed.selectedMedia}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0093129/manifest

Comment

Related Items