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The impact of social belief on landscape change: a geographical study of Vancouver Gibson, Edward Mark Walter 1971

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THE IMPACT OF SOCIAL BELIEF. ON LANDSCAPE CHANGE,: A GEOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF VANCOUVER EDWARD MARK WALTER GIBSON M.A. University of Western Ontario, 1963 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of Geography We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY; OF BRITISH. COLUMBIA September, 1971 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permiss ion f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l ga in s h a l l not be a l lowed wi thout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Edward M.' ¥. - Gibson Department of Geography The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date Apr i l 12, 1972 ABSTRACT The landscapes of Western Canadian c i t i e s r e f l e c t a d i s t i n c t i v e blend of s o c i a l b e l i e f s and municipal p o l i c i e s derived from the founding groups whose origins were i n the l a s t decades of the nineteenth century. This study investigates, within Vancouver, the extent of order between s o c i a l b e l i e f s and the man-made landscapes observed i n the period between 1886 and 1929; the persistence of these b e l i e f s and landscapes i n the period between 1929 and 1970; and the process of change through the intervening years. To compensate for the l i m i t e d documented s o c i a l history of Vancouver, the reconstruction of early b e l i e f s and landscapes was guided by a theo r e t i -c a l model of Victorian society and landscape emphasizing the c o n f l i c t i v e nature of s o c i a l interaction i n B r i t i s h c i t i e s . In Vancouver, economic, class and r a c i a l c o n f l i c t contributed to the s o c i a l segregation of the c i t y into four major groups within d i s t i n c t i v e sectors. Although there i s no absolute order i n relations between b e l i e f s and landscapes, close associations are demonstrated between b e l i e f s about nature and society, and l o c a l landscape, as defined by street layouts, park design and housing orientations. Diversity of landscape was maintained i n the early period when the sectors tended to be p o l i t i c a l l y discrete. In the modern period p o l i t i c a l control has been increasingly confined to the western sector, and recent landscape changes have tended to r e f l e c t the b e l i e f s of these e l i t e and middle-class groups. Nevertheless the persistence of b e l i e f s about society and nature i d e n t i f i e d i n the early period was corroborated by the s t a t i s t i -c a l analysis of survey data. Further, f i v e case studies of recent public issues concerning landscape changes i l l u s t r a t e d the legacy of the d i s t i n c t i v e origins and the per s i s -tence of inter-group c o n f l i c t i n the p o l i t i c a l processes c o n t r o l l i n g landscape change. The analysis of changing landscapes and the interpretation of "beliefs were based upon archival material such as c i t y reports, club proceedings, d i a r i e s , maps, and interviews as we l l as f i e l d observations. The i d e n t i f i c -ation of contemporary s o c i a l b e l i e f s and landscape c o n f l i c t s was based upon participant observation i n c i v i c organizations, interviews with c i v i c leaders and a systematic analysis of data produced by the application of the Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck value-orientation test. Some implications of the study's findings for geographical research and urban policy are explored. i y TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. INTRODUCTION 1 The Problem 1 The Methods and Limitations 3 The Developmental Approach 3 The Use of Theoretical Models k Methods i n Perspective 5 Vancouver's Landscape Formation 6 Procedures and Measurements 9 Measuring Change 9 Selecting Areal Units of Analysis 10 Reconstructing Past Beliefs 11 Contemporary Beliefs and Participant Observation 12 Contemporary Beliefs and the Unstructured Questionnaire • 13 Contemporary Beliefs and the Structured Questionnaire lk Landscape C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and Description 15 Summary 17 I I . MODEL FOR VIEWING SOCIAL BELIEFS AND THE VANCOUVER LANDSCAPE 20 GENERAL MODELS OF URBAN SOCIETY AND LANDSCAPE 22 Social Models i n Urban Geography 22 The Interaction Model of Society 23 Social Beliefs Related to Urban Society 2k Models of Urban Landscapes 25 Local Landscapes 26 Regional Landscapes 27 V CHAPTER PAGE A PERSPECTIVE OF URBAN LIFE AND. LANDSCAPE IK BRITISH CITIES 29 OF THE VICTORIAN AGE Br i t i s h - V i c t o r i a n Society 29 Social Organization 30 Social Beliefs - 3k Victorian Urban Landscapes ^1 Local Landscapes kl Regional Landscapes k"J SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 51 I I I . EARLY VANCOUVER, 1886-19293 THE ORIGINS OF LANDSCAPE 62 FOUNDING PEOPLES AND THE LAND THEY ENCOUNTERED 62 A Typology of Founding Groups 62 The Eastern Canadians and the Middle Class 6k The B r i t i s h and the Working Class 67 The Ethnic Minorities 69 The B r i t i s h Columbians 72 Landforms and the Survey System 75 SOCIAL CONFLICT AND SECTOR PATTERNS 78 Conflicts i n Land Investment and Life Styles 78 Class Conflict 8k Racial Conflict 90 SOCIAL BELIEFS AND LOCAL LANDSCAPE VARIATIONS 92 The Rit u a l of Individualism 93 Shaughnessy 95 The Urban "Homesteader" 97 y i CHAPTER PAGE The Consciousness of C o l l e c t i v i t y . 98 Cooperative Building Companies 98 Small Speculative Companies 99 Civic Authoritarianism 101 South Vancouver Policy 102 Point Grey and West End Policy 105 Man's Relationship to Nature 108 Literature of the Middle Class 109. Park P o l i c i e s 110 Street Layout 113 Physical Planning 115 THE "VICTORTANNESS" OF EARLY VANCOUVER 111 IV; THE GROWTH OF MODERN VANCOUVER, 1950-1969: THE TRANSFORMATION 136 OF LANDSCAPE A MID-CENTURY SURVEY OF CHANGE 136 The Pace of Landscape Change 136 Trends i n Public Park Maintenance 138 The Character of Landscape Changes lUO Fraserview lUO The Arbutus Centre ik3 False Creek Park ikh Tree Removal i n the West End and K i t s i l a n o lh6 The Harbour Park Towers ihj SOCIAL CHANGE AND BELIEFS 151 Depression and the Rise of Urban Radicalism 151 v i i CHAPTER. PAGE The Counter-Thrust of Revisionism 152 Open Civic Government by Citizens 153 Closed Civic Government by Experts 15^ Changing Residences of Civic Leaders 157 Contemporary Social Beliefs 159 Social Beliefs i n Dunbar l 6 l Social B e l i e f s i n Fraserview l 6 l Social Beliefs i n Grandview 162 Between-Sector Variations i n Social Beliefs 163 V. RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT 177 BIBLIOGRAPHY 185 APPENDIX A;PARTICIPATION IN ORGANIZATIONS 200 APPENDIX B:VERIFICATION OF DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL BELIEFS 201 y i . i i LIST OF TABLES" TABLE AFTER PAGE I. Ethnic Origins of Business Managers.: Vancouver, 1912 6k I I . Annual Expenditures for Construction and Improvement to Streets and Lanes : Vancouver, 1930-1968 137 I I I . Annual Expenditures for New Park Acquisitions: Vancouver 1930-1969 138 IV. Contemporary Social B e l i e f s : Vancouver, 1969 159 V. B e l i e f Preferences: Dunbar Sector 160 VT. B e l i e f Preferences: Fraserview Sector 161 VII. B e l i e f Preferences: Grandview Sector 162 VIII. Between-Sector Differences i n Social B e l i e f s : Vancouver, 1969 16k ix LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE AFTER RAGE 1. A Model of Local Landscape 25 2. Annual Value of Building Remits: Vancouver, 1930^1968 136 3. Economic Depressions 150 k. Beliefs About Man and Society: Vancouver, 1968 165 5. Beliefs About Man and Nature: Vancouver, 1968 166 6. Beliefs About Time: Vancouver, 1968 l6j LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS". ILLUSTRATION 1. West End Residential Space c. 1905. 2. East End Residential Space,1890-1910 . 3. The Shaughnessy Landscape, 191^-193^ k. Differences of Open Spaces i n Point Grey and South Vancouver c. 1930 5. The Transformation of the Mid-Century Landscape Centres, 1970 6. An E d i t o r i a l Cartoon on the Social Conflict Ove Park Open Space at False Creek, i960 7. The Transformation of the Mid-Century Landscape Towers , 1970 8. Impeded Landscape Development Resulting From Social Conflict LIST OF MAPS MAP AFTER PAGE 1. Vancouver City.Territorial Expansion, 1886-1968 7 2.. Vancouver City. Local Areas 10 3. The Symbolic Ecological Model of Urban Landscapes 27 k. Kensington Park, the Middle Class Landscape, 1850 kk 5. Vancouver Peninsula, 1890: Residential Spaces of Founding Groups 65 6. Vancouver and Suburbs: Landforms and the Original Survey 76 7. Vancouver and Suburbs: Changes in Locations of Social Clubs 80 8. Residences of Socially Prominent Families, 1908-1931 88 9. The Geographic Expressions of Individualism: The West End, 1912 9k 10. Point Grey's Early Landscape, 1908-1928 95 11. Old Vancouver City: The Grid Pattern in the East End, 1912 97 12. South Vancouver's Early Landscape, 1892-1928 98 13. Expenditures in Local Areas" : Vancouver City Parks, 1929-1958 138 lk. Expenditures Per Part.: Vancouver City, 1929-1959 ' 139 15. Expenditures Per P ark-Ac re : Vancouver City, 1929-1959 139 16. Fraserview Subdivision, 1950 1*10 17. Changing Patterns of Representation on City Council, 1928-1966 157 18. Changing Patterns of Representation: Parks Board, I928-I966 158 19. Changing Patterns, of Representation: Planning Commission, I928-I966 158 20.. Measuring Contemporary Beliefs: Sectors and Sample Areas 159 x i i ACKNOWLEDGMENT This study was supported by two grants, a Fellowship from the Canadian Council on Urban and Regional Research and a President's Research Grant from Simon Fraser University. The idea of investigating the impact of s o c i a l b e l i e f s on urban land-scape change originated while I undertook a course program i n the Graduate Faculty at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia between 1963 and 1965. The faculty to whom I am most indebted for guidance and encouragement during t h i s period includes: Dr. P. Oberlander, of the School of Community and Regional Planning; Dr. C. Verner, of the Centre for Continuing Education; Dr. L. Tiger of the Department of Anthropology and Sociology as well as Drs. D. Hooson, M. Melton and D. Ward of the Geography Department. Similar thanks go to other faculty. Suggestions from Dr. R. H o r s f a l l and Professor A. MacPherson of the Geography Department, Simon Fraser University were valuable i n selecting the methods of s t a t i s t i c a l analysis and writing the manuscript. I also owe a profound debt to my doctoral committee: Dr. J . Chapman for his assistance i n methodology; Dr. K. Sandu for his suggestions i n historiography; Professor B. Wiesman for his help i n documenting the history of Vancouver; Dr. L. Robinson for his careful review of material at a l l stages of preparation; and, most deservedly, Dr. W. Hardwick, my supervisor, whose s p i r i t of free i n t e l l e c t u a l enquiry and good counsel are no doubt responsible for the completion of t h i s study. F i n a l l y , I wish to express my gratitude to those who helped i n the preparation of the f i n a l manuscript: to the Cartography section and s t a f f of the Geography Department at Simon Fraser University, especially to x i i i Miss Shankland who typed most of the copy; and, to my wife who organized the bibliography and assisted i n the editing. THE.IMPACT OF SOCIAL BELIEF.ON LANDSCAPE CHANGE: A GEOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF VANCOUVER CHAPTER.I INTRODUCTION '. The Problem What are the geographical consequences of s o c i a l b e l i e f s ? Do b e l i e f s , or judgements beyond the competence of science, play a part i n the dynamics of urban landscape change? The thesis argued i n t h i s dissertation i s that s o c i a l b e l i e f s play an important role i n urban landscape change and that correlates between landscapes and s o c i a l b e l i e f s can be demonstrated i n a Canadian c i t y . The landscape investigated i s that of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, but the approach i s applicable to other c i t i e s whose i n s t i t u t i o n s and landscapes were i n i t i a l l y developed i n the second h a l f of the nineteenth century. Published research on the s o c i a l b e l i e f s of men who b u i l d urban landscapes i s rare. Far more i s known about the geographical growth of Vancouver as an economic enti t y than about the b e l i e f s men held about one another and the streets , parks and gardens that were created as the landscape of the c i t y was pieced together."'" As yet, no geographical study has addressed i t s e l f to the problems of to what extent and i n what manner s o c i a l b e l i e f s influenced the development of landscapes i n urban i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s . From an examination of experiences i n contemporary l i f e , unsubstant-i a t e d judgements about nature and society, seem to be involved i n interpret-ations about landscape development;. I f a resident of the "wrong side of the tracks" i n a large Canadian city.were asked to. explain the differences i n the landscape on his side and the other side of the c i t y , he might turn 2 to his mental map and note wide "boulevards , front lawn gardens , clean streets and scenic views on the other side i n contrast to the narrow, irr e g u l a r uncurbed streets , and the small bungalows set beside factories and shops on his side. He might r e c a l l that i t i s on the other side of the tracks where Council members, people who appear on the s o c i a l pages of l o c a l newspapers and directors of large corporations l i v e . To t h i s he might add that the landscape on his part of the c i t y appears depressed because the c i t y government encourages the location of parks on the other side, while i t promotes for his side the construction of freeways and industry. I f he were to examine maps and tables showing actual municipal expenditures on parks and roads, and i f he were to read the c i t y administr ation manual, the c i t y charter and annual reports, he would be less s a t i s f i e d with his conclusion. He would see that differences i n urban landscapes are not simply a consequence of public funds or p o l i t i c a l power How a government designs and maintains a landscape seems to be connected with deep b e l i e f s about society, with suspicion about others and feelings of self-awareness i n c i v i c leaders and common c i t i z e n s . For example, i n the f i r s t h a l f of the twentieth century there were c o n f l i c t s over the removal of trees that had been planted i n Vancouver's West End during the l a s t decades of the nineteenth century. Some residents objected to the trees on the grounds that some, p a r t i c u l a r l y maple and poplar trees, added extra cost to street and u t i l i t y maintenance City action to remove the trees followed. This action led to counter action among other residents. Some organized into groups to prevent the removal claiming that the c i t y was discriminating against those who believed deeply i n the role of nature and the "Canadian" meaning of the 3 maple l e a f . The c i t y denied the discrimination charge by claiming the removal had been made solely on economic grounds. For some the trees had symbolic associations with c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s that placed less value on u t i l i t y , cost and public safety than on man's place i n nature and love of nation. Put more generally, men interpret i n different ways the land-scapes they b u i l d and l i v e i n . The differences i n meaning men assign to landscapes have posed questions of far greater economic significance than street ornamentation. Men have d i f f e r e d i n the interpretations they place on parks , street plans, c i v i c architecture and freeways. Indeed, urban landscapes are b u i l t through a s o c i a l process centred upon the assignment of meanings to the geographical patterns created. One can take the examples presented here and search one's own experience to document the consequences of meaning and interpretation i n human a c t i v i t i e s having geographical expression. A f u l l e r understanding of the dynamic process of transforming landscapes w i l l therefore e n t a i l an examination of the b e l i e f s of men of divergent s o c i a l situations who affect or are affected by physical changes. The Methods and Limitations This study assumes a position between modern s c i e n t i f i c urban geography and the more subjective concerns of c u l t u r a l geography. From t h i s position one may reasonably examine human actions and t h e i r geographical consequences. But the problems of employing both the more subjective methods of history and the more objective methods of science need c l a r i f i c a t i o n . F i r s t to be c l a r i f i e d i s the developmental approach. The Developmental Approach. Studies that deal with c u l t u r a l and land-scape change have been c a l l e d developmental or "process" studies. 3 k Geographers such as Ward and Harris have employed t h i s method to describe k the role of " s o c i a l movements" and " c u l t u r a l lags" i n the formation of man-made landscapes. The method attempts to trace the connections between components of landscape and most other events of a time period, assuming that a l l events are a part of the dominant ongoing processes. The method also assumes that p r e v a i l i n g processes are the result of actual p o l i c i e s and creeds, of b e l i e f s that are widely held i n a given time period. Some geographers have drawn attention to the l i m i t a t i o n s of the developmental approach. Newcomb- has s p e c i f i c a l l y noted that b e l i e f s are not consistently impressed on the land.'' In t h i s regard, some observations of Glacken seem pertinent.^ Of the various kinds of human a c t i v i t i e s having an impress on the land, Glacken suggests that those actions involving creative design r e f l e c t s o c i a l b e l i e f s most consistently. "In gardens", he says, "one can almost see the embodiment of ideas i n landscape." Indeed, the assumptions of Glacken seem to be empirically v e r i f i e d by g Lowenthal and Prince. Lowenthal and Prince have described the correlations between English b e l i e f s i n naturalism and antiquarianism and the continuity of the forest preservations and d i s t i n c t i v e styles of English hedgerows and architecture. Other developmental studies by Y i Fu Tuan have demonstrated the role of relig i o u s and cosmological b e l i e f s i n the formation of Chinese 9 landscapes. The study can benefit from another approach, the use of a_ p r i o r i models. The Use of Theoretical Models. Of various models applicable to geographical studies, a clear d i s t i n c t i o n has been made between conceptual models that represent selected aspects of geographical r e a l i t y i n mathem-a t i c a l and i n verbal forms."^ I t i s d i f f i c u l t to f i n d a mathematical model that can represent changing b e l i e f s and t h e i r consequences for urban land-5 scape. The fact that past "beliefs can only be inferred from certain a r t i -f a c t s , records of p o l i c i e s and s o c i a l organizations l i m i t s the usefulness of mathematical models i n h i s t o r i c a l studies. On the other hand, verbal models are valuable i n h i s t o r i c a l studies. As an i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h e i r value, consider the fundamentally different meanings that have been associated with the Victorian c u l t u r a l succession of which Vancouver i s thought to be a part. Useful background to a c u l t u r a l study of Vancouver would include a verbal model of the landscape and s o c i a l processes dominant during t h i s period. Such a th e o r e t i c a l picture of the characteristic elements of society and landscape would provide a standard against which the actual events i n the creation of Vancouver's landscape can be compared. Methods i n Perspective. There are hazards i n using mixed methods; not the least of the complications concerns the written format of the study. The pri n c i p l e of unity and wholeness i n an argument could be jeopardized i f the language of descriptive narrative that i s essential to developmental studies i s mixed with the more mathematical language necessary to the s c i e n t i f i c method. This danger has been reduced by confining much of the r i g i d protocol of method and measurement to appendices. Further, when operational d e f i n i t -ions of b e l i e f s which result from questionnaires are mixed with definitions that are implied i n the works of past l i t e r a t i and recorded p o l i c i e s , lack of i n t e r n a l consistency i n concept would be expected. One can only i n a general way compare the b e l i e f s of the past with those of contemporary society that have been measured by questionnaires. There i s a d e f i n i t e l i m i t to the s c i e n t i f i c measurement of changes i n s o c i a l b e l i e f s , p a r t i c u l a r l y when b e l i e f s have been i d e n t i f i e d by different procedures. This i s not to conclude that developmental methods should neglect the more rigorous 6 measurement of s o c i a l b e l i e f s i f such measurement i s feasible. I t i s con-ceivable that future geographical studies might use methods and measurements similar to those of t h i s study; and, i n t h i s event, rigorous comparisons of changing b e l i e f s and landscapes would be possible. To conclude t h i s evaluation of methods, a short comment on the nature of c u l t u r a l geography i s relevant. Cultural geographers have feared the bias that seems involved i n analysing s o c i a l conditions close at hand -c e r t a i n l y , p r e - i n d u s t r i a l societies with deep h i s t o r i c a l roots have been studied more than North American i n d u s t r i a l cities."^""'" While a new generation of economic geographers has awakened interest i n the unsuspected richness of the modern North American c i t y , no equivalent movement i s yet v i s i b l e i n c u l t u r a l geography. The more recent c i t i e s of Western Canada are v i r g i n t e r r i t o r i e s that beckon to c u l t u r a l goegraphers. Such t e r r i t o r i e s can be entered with more understanding and ease i f c u l t u r a l studies take advantage 12 of a_ p r i o r i constructs of society and landscapes. U n t i l now general problems and approaches have been introduced. Some c l a r i t y i n perspective w i l l be gained i f the founding and transformation of Vancouver's landscape are condensed to a few paragraphs at t h i s point. Vancouver's Landscape Formation - _ " • In 19719 Vancouver City occupies about f o r t y - f i v e square miles. Details of landscape do not show on standard maps of the c i t y , and house and park designs may be only inferred from a i r photographs. Further landscape has not been interpreted i n any major c u l t u r a l study, and consequently the human thoughts that most l i k e l y motivated the construction of streets and buildings are d i f f i c u l t to ascertain. Yet, the landscape's formation can be traced, i n b r i e f , through v i s i t s to the c i t y ' s i n s t i t u t i o n s and f i e l d t r i p s to 3, From U.E.L. 1937 \ UNIVERSITY E N D O W M E N T I A N D S From U.E.L. 1952 ENGLISH BAY m ;:.^ji^Di^^:j:j^^:i!ff::Hancouver : M i ^ ^ i ^ i ^ ^ ^ : a t y 6th April 1886 :':::::::::::::lA:fe:':^ '^":''':':':X|:r:v:-. Hastings Townsite Reserved 1861 Joined city 1911 i mm I o Ex-municipality of ™jftt::w*^:::::-':Vii'x: Incorporated as a Joined city 1929 • . '••'y> 1 D.O.L. 301 Joined city 1911 King Edward Ave 29fh Ave. ri^ie^jfiunicipality of South Vancouver jSjSJ&porated 1892. Joined city 1929 M A P 1 VANCOUVER CITY TERRITORIAL EXPANSION 1886-1968: Municipal Units and Major Symbolic Place Names ::::::::::::: C P R Land Grant The landscape development o f the s m a l l e r Vancouver and l a r g e r B u r r a r d Peninsulas was concurrent w i t h f i r s t the emergence o f p o l i t i c a l l y d i s c r e t e m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and then t h e i r g r a d u a l a c c r e t i o n i n t o a s i n g l e c i t y . Landscape developments have i n v o l v e d c o n f l i c t s which have separated the " W e s t - s i d e " f rom the ' " E a s t - s i d e " o r the "West End" from the "Eas t E n d " . These c o n f l i c t s can be t r a c e d t o the s o c i a l b e l i e f s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f the founding groups t h a t o b t a i n e d m u n i c i p a l char te rs at the end o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . 7 13 suburbs. Indeed, the substantive questions i n . t h i s study, the application of methods, and the reasons for using certain procedures emerged from l i v i n g i n the suburbs on the Burrard Peninsula, v i s i t s to the Public Library, and attending public meetings of the City Council and other l o c a l organi-zations . The f i r s t r e a l perspective of the landscape's development and i t s connections with s o c i a l b e l i e f s came while reviewing several hundred old photographs and some early atlases of Vancouver i n the l i b r a r y ' s archives. Some things about the pictures and maps cuaght the eye because they were seen within an hour of having read from c i t y newspapers and directories of the period around the turn of the century. The photographs depicted the West End as a r e s i d e n t i a l area with substantial two- and three-storey v i l l a s of mixed l a t e Victorian styles that seem so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of B r i t i s h c i t i e s ; and, the East End as an area of small cabins mixed with shops, o f f i c e s , and railway yards (Map l ) . The atlases gave more information, not only on the construction and function of buildings, but also on d e t a i l s of persons occupying them. For those familiar with nineteenth-century English and Canadian l i t e r a t u r e , many landscape a r t i f a c t s of early Vancouver seem f i t t i n g to a c i t y that was located on the " A l l Red Route", the communication system of the B r i t i s h Empire'. Even so, some things i n the i l l u s t r a t i o n s seem awry. For one thing, although there were no v i l l a s revealed i n the East End, men l i v i n g there were reported to be managers of business and elected representatives on c i t y councils. For another thing, there was a pronounced homogeneity- of Anglo-Saxon managerial and professional occupations i n the West End, and an equally pronounced mixture of ethnic names and occupations i n the East End. Another disjunction between the i l l u s t r a t i o n s 8 of the landscape and the written documents of the time was that the names of some important East End business proprietors did not appear i n the West End s o c i a l club di r e c t o r i e s . Clues as to why these anomalies existed were found i n many subsequent readings of d i r e c t o r i e s , d i a r i e s , newspapers, and c i t y reports. But, i t was clear that to r e a l l y understand early Vancouver one had to appreciate the c i t y ' s c u l t u r a l m i l i e u and to do t h i s Vancouver's archival documents had to be seen against the background of nineteenth century B r i t i s h urban culture. Thus, the early Vancouver landscape and i t s connections with B r i t i s h and British-Canadian s o c i a l b e l i e f s had to be reconstructed as a prerequisite to the analysis of landscape changes. Changes i n landscape after 1929 were studied by methods with less dependence on imagination. In many cases the transformation of the landscape could be observed at f i r s t hand, and s o c i a l b e l i e f s could be recorded at public meetings and interviews, as well as tested by questionnaires. Many f i e l d t r i p s along the length of the Burrard Peninsula between. 1966 and 1970 were made. Each traverse resulted i n a common observation. The s t r i k i n g thing was that older (pre-1930) streets and buildings were noticeably different i n the West- and East-sides; yet, more recent streets and buildings were i n c l i n e d to be si m i l a r i n appearance. In both sectors there are now contour streets, coordinated street;ornamentation, deep set backs, detached dwellings of comparable s i z e s , and large blocks of vacant land. Even so i n public meetings, i n the 1967 meetings concerning downtown freeways, for example, b r i e f s were heard i n which voluntary groups stated c o n f l i c t i n g b e l i e f s and reasoning for and against the freeway. The expressed views provided some evidence that East-West divisions i n s o c i a l b e l i e f persisted. 9 These impressions as to how the modern landscape of Vancouver was affected by divergent s o c i a l b e l i e f s were turned into substantiated propo-si t i o n s by c o l l a t i n g the rate and character of landscape development with changes i n s o c i a l organizations, c i v i c government, and with s t a t i s t i c a l l y v e r i f i e d differences i n b e l i e f s about man and nature. Procedures and Measurements It i s clear that the analysis of change i n s o c i a l b e l i e f and landscape change demands a variety of procedures, operational d e f i n i t i o n s , and measures. Operational definitions that are i n t e g r a l to the t h e o r e t i c a l models of B r i t i s h - V i c t o r i a n society and landscape, are contained i n Chapter II and a complete account of the s t a t i s t i c a l exploration of contemporary s o c i a l b e l i e f s i s given i n Appendix B. Seven other topics of procedure and measurement are as follows. Measuring Change. The systematic analysis of change i s undertaken by two procedures: comparisons of geographical distributions i n successive time i n t e r v a l s , and comparisons of rates of change i n v i t a l socio-economic indices. A simple measure of change concerns the number and the locations of Vancouver's s o c i a l clubs. These are important because membership i n them implies acceptance of certain b e l i e f s and objectives. Maps were prepared to demonstrate the number, size and location of s o c i a l clubs i n a time series. In addition, maps were constructed to show changes i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of memberships i n s o c i a l clubs. Formal governmental "power" i s measured by defining "unit of power" as one voting membership i n c i v i c bodies for one year and by aggregating these units to l o c a l areas on the basis of the member's residence at different time i n t e r v a l s . Again, indices of public expenditure on acres of parks i n 10 different l o c a l areas were devised for successive time i n t e r v a l s . Relative changes were determined for different periods by comparing the percentages of "power" and expenditures of each l o c a l area i n r e l a t i o n to the mean for the entire c i t y . The rates of change i n the cit y ' s i n d u s t r i a l and population growth i n r e l a t i o n to other Canadian c i t i e s were recorded by p l o t t i n g cumulative frequencies on semi-logarithmic graphs. These procedures make necessary a detailed consideration of the areal units to be employed i n the study. Selecting the Areal Units of Analysis. A key problem, common to a l l historical-geographical studies of urban society, i s that of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and delineation of areal units that are s t a t i s t i c a l l y convenient and mean-lU i n g f u l through different phases of urban change. In view of the. necessity to make comparisons between l o c a l areas through time and to v e r i f y the existence or non-existence of past s o c i a l b e l i e f s i n parts of the contemporary c i t y three c r i t e r i a for the areal units were established. F i r s t , the units had to maintain a l o c a l l y recognized status as an integrated s o c i a l entity over extended lengths of time. Second, they had to be vi s u a l l y d i s t i n c t i v e i n general landscape forms and configurations of open spaces; i n d e t a i l they had to possess s i m i l a r l o t s i z e , set backs, and styles of buildings. Third, they had to be coincident with s t a t i s t i c a l areas of comparable size. The areal units that s a t i s f i e d these minimum c r i t e r i a best were the twenty-two l o c a l areas i d e n t i f i e d and delineated by the Research Department of the United Community Services of the Greater Vancouver Area i n 1967 (Map 2). 1^ This set of uni t s , d i f f e r e n t i a t e d on the basis of m u l t i - c r i t e r i a , also provided an existing bank of geographical and so c i a l indices that f a c i l i t a t e d drawing generalizations on the basis of MAP 2 . VANCOUVER CITY LOCAL AREAS Carter. Mayhew I967I SFU 69174 The m u l t i - c r i t e r i a regional!zation of Vancouver based on the 1967 research of the United Community Service i s the most viable set of areal units for developmental studies. Based on a combination of homogeneity i n settlement pattern, period of development, topography as we l l as dominant socio-economic characteristics and service hinterlands , " l o c a l areas" provide a ready source of data on which to base h i s t o r i c a l studies and from which to draw samples for more empirical analyses of contemporary b e l i e f s and landscapes. 11 samples taken from separate areas. The use of these units produced evidence of group power and public landscape investment that i s impressive. They also proved to be a reasonable basis for sampling the r e s i d e n t i a l populations and measuring city-wide differences i n s o c i a l b e l i e f s . This l a t t e r task was accomplished by using the following procedures. Reconstructing Fast B e l i e f s . Historians and those geographers who have studied past b e l i e f s and past landscapes have documented s o c i a l b e l i e f s of society at large by interpreting the record of l i t e r a t i : novels , poems, d i a r i e s , correspondence, and other documents. There are three main l i m i t a -tions i n using t h i s procedure i n t h i s study. F i r s t , the history of Vancouver society covers a r e l a t i v e l y short time span and i t s l i t e r a t i are l i m i t e d . 1 ^ Second, the Special Collections Library at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia does not index i t s f i l e s of correspondence i n the subjects of urban devel-opment, philosophy or landscape description. The t h i r d l i m i t a t i o n arises from the nature of c i v i c body minutes. What may on the surface appear as sound evidence of value judgements about landscape change becomes weaker on closer investigation. For example, the minutes of the Vancouver Board of Parks and Recreation and the Planning Commission normally record only the agenda items, motions and voting r e s u l t s : they leave aside the associated debates i n which the more straightforward evidence of value judgements might be expected. I t was possible i n some landscape c o n f l i c t s to overcome t h i s weakness. In three instances the background debates could be reconstructed by cross-checking newspaper statements about the motions made by members of the c i v i c bodies with recollections obtained from personal interviews of members who had taken part i n the meetings. Thus while the. i n f e r e n t i a l evidence commonly employed by historians, and geographers i s used i n t h i s 12 study i t i s sometimes strengthened by cross-checks. Two other sources of evidence about past b e l i e f s are used. Three tape-recorded statements by persons who were i n f l u e n t i a l i n landscape change are employed: one tape of Alvo von Alvensleben, a major land developer; another of Mr. Frank Buck, a founder of landscaping design and the planning movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia; and a t h i r d of Mr. Walter Torry, an active labour leader i n Vancouver i n 17 the f i r s t decades of the twentieth century. F i n a l l y use i s made of the rhetoric i n addresses to s o c i a l clubs such as the Canadian Club and i n the o f f i c i a l petitions submitted to'the Government by quasi-civic bodies such as l o c a l ratepayers' associations. These data on past b e l i e f s are presented i n the reconstruction of early Vancouver i n Chapter I I I , and i n the more contemporary analysis of change i n Chapter IV. Contemporary Beliefs and Participant Observation. To explore the parameters of b e l i e f s associated with ongoing landscape change and to under-stand more f u l l y how different meanings of landscapes are formulated by l8 human groups the methods of participant observation were employed. These methods have been much used i n s o c i a l science. For instance, many of the seminal works i n the s o c i a l organization of hospitals, factories , cults and urban p o l i t i c a l groups have been undertaken by s c i e n t i f i c observers who have actively participated i n these organizations and who have d i l i g e n t l y gathered the empirical data for sociology, ethnology, and other sciences. Participant observation i s an in t e n t i o n a l l y f l e x i b l e procedure that maximizes discovery and description of group organization and s o c i a l b e l i e f . I t i s a procedure that rejects preconceived hypotheses and a_ p r i o r i standardization of concepts, measures and data. Although t h i s procedure produces only qua l i t a t i v e data and therefore presents problems 13 of r e l i a b i l i t y , i t has the important advantage of producing background information on the s o c i a l setting i n which the "idea" of the urban land-scape becomes transformed by human action into the r e a l i t y of buildings and open spaces. I t brings a broader perspective to questions about landscape formations and associated data. Over a period of three years from 1966 to 1969 the author became a member of a number of organizations whose a c t i v i t i e s were aimed at influencing various landscape developments i n Vancouver. A l i s t of these organizations and d e t a i l s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n are found i n Appendix A. Through t h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n direct observations were made on the ongoing processes by which the landscape became meaningful to new recr u i t s to the associations and through informal conversations with long-standing members a picture of how they had come to view the landscape was also reconstructed. Beyond the substantive data produced, participant observation proved to be an important aid i n discovering new factors and data. During the many debates i n general and executive meetings references were made to past c o n f l i c t s ; major issues i n landscape development, groups and key figures involved were mentioned. Many of these were more f u l l y investigated through analysis of committee minutes and newspaper reports. Where possible these were cross-checked during interviews with c i v i c leaders. More details of these interviews are given i n the next section. Contemporary Beliefs and the Unstructured Questionnaire. An unstruct-ured interview was used to develop more information on s o c i a l b e l i e f s and the history of landscape change. A sample of forty-eight c i v i c leaders and municipal supervisors was taken; t h i s involved two steps. With the aid of the secretaries of c i v i c bodies a l i s t of seventy-five l i v i n g members of past and present planning commissions and parks boards was made. Of t h i s Ik l i s t t h i r t y - e i g h t consented, to. interviews. These interviews, disclosed, the names of twelve gardeners and engineers thought to be i n f l u e n t i a l i n b u i l d i n g Vancouver's landscape.. Of these, ten. consented to.interviews. In this second series' of interviews information was collected on the following: f a m i l i a l , educational and occupational experiences, date of a r r i v a l and r e s i d e n t i a l moves within the c i t y , reading habits, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l . . 19 and p o l i t i c a l l i f e and f i n a l l y evaluative comments about l o c a l areas. These procedures produced data on the b e l i e f s men held during e a r l i e r landscape c o n f l i c t s . This information i s presented i n the h i s t o r i c a l background contained i n Chapters I I I and IV. In measuring contemporary b e l i e f s more quantitative data were developed. Contemporary Beliefs and the Structured Questionnaire. . An adapted version of a value measuring test o r i g i n a l l y used by Kluckhohn and Strodt-20 beck was applied to a t o t a l sample of s i x t y Vancouver householders. The sample was blocked to obtain an equal number of informants from the three sectors of Vancouver that had c o n f l i c t i n g b e l i e f s and contrasting landscapes i n the early period. These sectors are the East End, South Vancouver and Point Grey. Details of these sampling procedures are contained i n Appendix B. This test produced quantitative data on three basic b e l i e f s that are closely associated with the development of urban landscapes i n a l l s o c i e t i e s . These are judgements about the character of man-nature relations , man-society relations and the modality of time - the l a s t being of concern because the budget practices of public investments e n t a i l either payments i n the present for landscape changes., i n the future or landscape changes i n the present f o r payments.in the future.. The use of a general scheme representing human value systems to quantify the b e l i e f s of s p e c i f i c human groups i s reviewed i n Appen-15 dix B along with details on test construction, the interview i t s e l f and sta-t i s t i c a l measures. In Chapter IV the data from these tests are graphically summarized and interpreted. From these interpretations conclusions are drawn about the differences and s i m i l a r i t i e s i n values between the cit y ' s h i s t o r i c a l l y defined sectors and whether or not these conditions p a r a l l e l those of e a r l i e r times. The apparent precision of measuring b e l i e f s by quantitative scores stands i n contrast with the procedures employed to describe landscape change, the l a s t topic considered i n t h i s introduction. Landscape C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and Description. Urban landscapes can be considered at regional and l o c a l scales. I t i s none the less important to summarize the difference between the two scales i n a consideration of procedures. I f one views a city-wide region from a distant h i l l , the panorama of urbanized land before one i s what i s meant by a regional land-scape. Within the panorama the place-to-place physical differences i n the ci t y can be seen. With l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y one notes the various sections of the c i t y - the i n d u s t r i a l , commercial, recreational and r e s i d e n t i a l areas. Upon closer inspection one can also distinguish q u a l i t a t i v e differences i n r e s i -dential areas. In th i s sense regional landscapes are l i k e a i r photographs and land use maps of urban regions for i n both of these the trained observer can interpret the quality and quantity of the man-made environment. Where v i s i o n i s more confined the view d i f f e r s b a s i c a l l y . The configur-ation of buildings, determined by municipal by-laws (or t h e i r lack) and ornamental vegetation, determined by h o r t i c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s , demarcate urban open space. The term l o c a l landscape i s used to express t h i s "view'" . of open space. To describe landscape change, information was collected from a number of 16 sources: photographs, newspaper etchings , atlases and maps. Early l i t h o -graphic etchings, especially those of land development companies can he i n gross error, hut by c o l l a t i n g buildings and streets i n accurate f i r e atlases with those i n newspaper etchings, authentic pictures of Vancouver can be obtained for the l a s t decade of the nineteenth century. The most valuable source of information i s the photographic c o l l e c t i o n of the Vancouver Public Library. These photographs provide observations on the landscape between 1910 and i960 , with the exception of the streets and buildings of South Vancouver. Information on the more recent period was supplemented by 35mm photographs taken i n the f i e l d during 1969 and by current a i r photographs. Considering the secondary material, three important works must be mentioned. The most valuable of these i s Harland Bartholomew's 1929 A Plan 21 for the City of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. This work i s the best single record of landscape changes and contains many useful maps. In addition, i t presents a selection of photographs of l o c a l landscapes i n each of the three important sectors of the c i t y . The work also contains covering l e t t e r s , zoning regulations, by-laws and public statements by c i v i c leaders a l l of which indicate what to look for i n photographs of the period. A second source, p a r t i c u l a r l y valuable for material i n the l a t e nineteenth century i s D. 22 Sladen's On the Cars and Off published i n 1895- Its good geographical and s o c i o l o g i c a l description, supported with excellent photographs of the c i t y , makes i t a s i g n i f i c a n t document for h i s t o r i c a l geography. The l a s t work that must be emphasized i s a 19^3 Master of Arts thesis by D. Kerr, Vancouver - A 23 Study i n Urban Geography. This study discusses the physical conditions encountered by builders i n the different l o c a l areas, and also provides back-ground information on dates of development. The sketch map of r e s i d e n t i a l areas on the Vancouver Peninsula c. 1890 was p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e ful; i t was refined, with. new.material and eniployed i n the analysis of Chapter IP. In the' same chapter, and i n Chapter I I I other descriptions of landscape change are presented i n verbal and photographic forms. Summary Social b e l i e f s are demonstrated to play an important role i n urban landscape change of Vancouver, Canada. B r i t i s h s o c i a l b e l i e f s are p a r t i -c u l a r l y important because the people who established Vancouver i n the l a t e nineteenth century were primarily of British-Canadian and B r i t i s h o r i g i n and therefore possessed Victorian s o c i a l b e l i e f s . To examine these b e l i e f s and t h e i r impact on the urban landscape has required a wider number of approaches and procedures for measurement than are- usual i n geographical studies of culture. This use of broad approaches has been j u s t i f i e d by several B r i t i s h u n i versities and the Victorian Studies Association i n Ontario. In the next chapter a model for viewing s o c i a l b e l i e f s and urban land-scape i s presented, with p a r t i c u l a r reference to B r i t i s h c i t i e s during the Victorian period. This i s followed i n Chapter I I I by a detailed discussion of the founding groups of Vancouver, t h e i r different b e l i e f s and the land-scapes they created. Through t h i s , the predominant "Victorian" blend of b e l i e f s and landscape i s documented. The question of whether or not these b e l i e f s and landscapes have persisted into the present period i s explored i n Chapter IV. This chapter comprises an analysis of selected issues regarding landscape change along with an application of structured questionnaires i n the different s o c i a l sectors that had been i d e n t i f i e d , i n Chapter I I I . 18 PREFERENCES The "bibliography contains references to the main works of the geography of Vancouver. Attention can be cal l e d to three recent studies. See c i t e d , W. Hardwick, R. Leigh, and J . Wolforth. 2 To the extent that mental maps are verbalized by residents , they reveal that men. often orient themselves to the physical environment by pointing to "sides" and "ends" of the urban landscape i n the main cardinal' directions. Map 1 demonstrates these verbal expressions as they have been employed throughout the period of Vancouver's t e r r i t o r i a l expansion. 3 D. Ward, "The Emergence of Central Immigrant Ghettos i n American C i t i e s " , Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 58, No. 2 (1968) , pp. 3i+3-359. k C. Harris, The Seigneurial System m Early Canada: A Geographical  Study (Quebec: Les Presses Universitaires Laval, 1966).. R^.M. Newcomb, "Twelve Working Approaches to H i s t o r i c a l Geography". Yearbook, Association of P a c i f i c Coast Geographers, Vol. 31 (1969), PP-27-30. ^For other pertinent comments, see S.K. Langer, Mind: An Essay On  Human Feeling (Baltimore: John Hopkin Press, 1967), pp. 73-100. C. J. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore (Berkeley: University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1967), P- IX. g D. Lowenthal and H. Prince, "The English Landscape", Geographical  Review, Vol. LIV (196U), pp. 309-3^7; D. Lowenthal and H. Prince, "English Landscape Tastes", Geographical Review, Vol. LV (1965), pp. 86-223. ^ Y i ' Fu Tuan, China (World's&Landscapes Series, Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1970). "^R.J. Chorley and P. Haggett, editors, Socio-Economic Models i n  Geography (London: Methuen and Co., 1967), pp. 1-22. ''"'"P. Wagner and M. M i k e s e l l , editors, Readings i n Cultural Geography (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1962), p. 22. 12 For a discussion of the advantages of a p r i o r i constructs i n geographical research, see R.J. Chorley and P. Hagget op. c i t . , pp. 22-25-13 References are not given i n support of t h i s overview of the c i t y ; these details are repeated i n Chapters I I I and IV where footnotes are also recorded. lk See P.M. Hauser, editor, Handbook for Social Research m Urban Areas (Paris: UNESCO, 1965),-pp. 36-38 for a discussion of c r i t e r i a for delineat-ion of urban local^areas for h i s t o r i c a l analysis of s o c i a l and physical environments. 1? "^ B.W. Mayhew, Local Areas of. Vancouver, B.C. (Vancouver, United Community Services of the Greater Vancouver Area, Research Department, I967). "^E. Wilson, The-Innocent Traveller (Toronto: MacMillan Co. of Canada, Ltd., i960) and Equations of Love (London: MacMillan and Co. Ltd., 1952). Wilson's novels on s o c i a l l i f e of early Vancouver are among the l i m i t e d l i t e r a t u r e available. A few prose romances and poems of Vancouver have appeared but no attempts have been made to capture the distinguishing features of Vancouver society and to relate them to the physical environ-ment excepting the accounts of Mrs. Wilson. See D. Pacey, Ethel Wilson (New York: Twayne, 1967), p. 2k. 17 The tape recording of Mr. Alvm von Alvensleben i s located i n the archives of the Vancouver Public Library and those of Mr. Frank Buck and Mr. Walter Torry are located i n the Department of Geography, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby. l8 The most comprehensive text on observer p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a procedure for exploring and'verifying theory i s G.J. McCall and J.L. Simmons, editors, Issues i n Participant Observation: A Text and Reader (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, I969): see i n p a r t i c u l a r Chapter I , pp. 1-27. 19 Two sources were used as guides i n conducting unstructured questionnaires: Longness, The L i f e History i n Anthropological Science (Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, I965); and the introductory chapter i n J . Dollard, Caste and Class i n a Southern Town (Garden C i t y , New York: Doubleday Ltd., 19^9). 20 F. Kluckhohn and F. Strodtbeck, Variations i n Value Orientations (Evanston: Row Peterson and Co., 1961). Other measures of b e l i e f s evaluated but found to be less satisfactory include procedures i n the following books: H.. Murray, Thematic Apperception Test Manual (Cambridge, Massa-chusetts: Harvard University Press, 19^3); A.C. Edwards, Techniques of  Attitude Scale Construction (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1957); and L. Thurstone, The Measurement of Values (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959). 21 A Plan for the City of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: Bartholomew and Associates, Wrigley P r i n t i n g Ltd., 1929). 22 D. Sladen, On the Cars and Off (New York: Warwick House, 1895). D. Kerr, "Vancouver—A Study i n Urban Geography" (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Toronto, 19^-3). Kerr's map, although based on the I889 f i r e atlas of Vancouver, was revised using information from the City A r c h i v i s t . 2k L. Madden, How to Find Out About the Victorian Period (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1970), p.2. CHAPTER I I MODELS FOR VIEWING SOCIAL BELIEFS AND THE VANCOUVER LANDSCAPE The b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l account of landscape change i n Vancouver, con-tained i n the introduction, conveyed some sense of the connections between s o c i a l b e l i e f s and landscape. But, t h i s account was only a narrative; what i s needed to evaluate the hypothesis that s o c i a l b e l i e f s are important factors influencing landscape change, i s a more theo r e t i c a l picture of urban society and urban landscape. One way to understanding the establishment of Vancouver i s to see i t as a process produced through migration and borrowing from nineteenth century B r i t i s h urban society. This method of understanding the relationship between s o c i a l b e l i e f s and urban landscape change implies no ethnocentrism. As the analysis of t h i s study w i l l show, the transformation of Vancouver's landscape was undertaken by individuals whose origins can be traced to diverse parts of the globe. For instance, home designs and the organization of building industries were strongly influenced by experiences i n the United States of America. However, the B r i t i s h Canadians and the B r i t i s h were the dominant groups and the pervasive influences underlying the c i t y ' s formal and informal s o c i a l organizations were those derived from experiences of B r i t i s h Victorian c i t i e s . What B r i t i s h Victorian c i t i e s were, thousands of migrants sought to have Vancouver become. The model of B r i t i s h Victorian c i t i e s , the evolving societies and landscapes, i s a fact reasonably well documented by h i s t o r i c a l and geogra-phical studies. These studies are more than valuable, for the documented s o c i a l history of Vancouver i s rather l i m i t e d . The c i t y ' s documents on 21 s o c i a l history are only now being systematically collected and c l a s s i f i e d . Interpretations of s o c i a l organization and b e l i e f s by q u a l i f i e d historians are rare. The situ a t i o n i s not much better i n geographical studies. Thus, for assembling a good deal of evidence on s o c i a l b e l i e f s and landscape change i n Vancouver, l i t e r a t u r e on B r i t i s h Victorian c i t i e s i s a basis for a useful model. Our model of B r i t i s h c i t i e s during the Victorian period i s based on selected secondary sources. The- different biases inherent i n the use of diverse secondary sources can be reduced i f basic perspectives on s o c i a l b e l i e f s and urban landscapes are always kept i n mind. To be effective the model must describe relationships between s o c i a l b e l i e f s and landscapes. It must show how b e l i e f s are formulated and how they could influence urban landscape change. The questions t h i s chapter asks are i n order: What i s a model of urban society that connects b e l i e f s men hold with the changes they make i n the land-scape? How can the urban landscape be broken down and i t s components la b e l l e d so that s i g n i f i c a n t changes can be recorded through time? What are the dynamic connections between B r i t i s h s o c i a l b e l i e f s and urban landscapes during the Victorian period? What are some of the ramifications of these connections for understanding Vancouver's growth and development? GENERAL MODELS OF URBAN SOCIETY AND LANDSCAPE Social Models i n Urban Geography To be useful i n urban geography, a s o c i a l model must describe: s o c i a l organizations, that i s both voluntary and formally constituted human groups; and b e l i e f s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those b e l i e f s that are associated with human a c t i v i t i e s that modify the landscape."'" 22 To make p l a i n the relationships among human action, b e l i e f s and s o c i a l organization, some e x p l i c i t assumptions are required. I t i s possible to assume that the modality of human a c t i v i t y i s integrative and functional or 2 that i t i s disintegrative and c o n f l i c t i v e . In one assumption the motives of human a c t i v i t y are characterized by harmony and the maintenance of existing s o c i a l organization; while i n the other, a c t i v i t y i s characterized by fear and the threat of a different s o c i a l organization. Most geographers assume only the former, but there i s no l o g i c a l reason for t h i s . Both c o n f l i c t i v e and functional assumptions may be usefully employed. The sociologist Lockwood writes, "Conflict i s better grasped within a normative f u n c t i o n a l i s t framework: there (being) no way of seeing how some c o n f l i c t i s associated with change and other not, except i n r e l a t i o n to such a framework." There i s l i t t l e doubt that geographical l i t e r a t u r e on Vancouver has k been based mainly on assumptions of functional r e l a t i o n s . With t h i s r e s t r i c t i o n , studies have concluded that the main factors affecting Vancouver patterns are " a b i l i t y to pay rent" and "work-residence distance". In contrast, factors of " h o s t i l i t y i n inter-group f e e l i n g " and "group id e n t i t y and alienation" may also operate. But, without assumptions that these factors may be important, research i s not l i k e l y to assemble evidence supporting t h e i r geographical consequences.'' For t h i s reason t h i s study assumes that one of the important factors influencing landscape change i s group c o n f l i c t . This i s not to say that other factors are negated, but rather that the question of s o c i a l c o n f l i c t i s thoroughly explored. The Interaction Model of Society. The s o c i a l model that seems most appropriate i n the l i g h t of the above comments i s the symbolic interaction model 23 described, by Blumer..^. The interaction model, depicts.people engaged, i n a process of ongoing a c t i v i t i e s i n which, they fonrrulate: actions i n re l a t i o n to one another, to abstract ideas, and to the physical environment.. In his i d e a l i z e d norms of human action, Blumer views men as l i v i n g i n "worlds" of s o c i a l objects l i k e ratepayers' associations , or councils; physical objects, l i k e houses, s t r e e t s , or shore l i n e s ; and abstract objects, l i k e p o l i t i c a l 7 doctrines or basic concepts of "man", "time", "causality" or "goodness". Abstract objects are the equivalents to s o c i a l b e l i e f s . To these three kinds of objects men assign meanings and, on the basis of meanings , men act. But the model i s s t a t i c to this point. Blumer adds a dynamic component by asserting that meanings are formed and re-formed by ongoing s o c i a l i n t e r -Q actions. The p i v o t a l position i n interaction i s f i l l e d by s o c i a l organiz-ation. Blumer w r i t e s , "This general process should be seen, of course, i n the d i f f e r e n t i a t e d character which i t necessarily has by virtue of the fact that people clus t e r i n different groups , belong to different associations and occupy different positions".^ Thus for a given society and a given time period, the interaction model provides suitable terms for describing the role of s o c i a l b e l i e f s i n man's modification of the landscape. But the role played by b e l i e f s may be i n t e r -preted only as part of a t o t a l interaction among b e l i e f s , s o c i a l organization, and the physical environment. Therefore, the simple hypothesis that s o c i a l b e l i e f s correlate with landscape.change becomes compounded, and the study must also examine the role of s o c i a l interaction i n landscape change. Before this dynamic .model may be u t i l i z e d to demonstrate how an urban landscape changes, further comment on s o c i a l b e l i e f s held i n modern urban 2h ... . . . 10 s o c i e t i e s i s r e q u i r e d . S o c i a l B e l i e f s R e l a t e d t o Urban S o c i e t y . B e l i e f s r e l a t e d t o man's m o d i f i c a t i o n of landscapes are c r u c i a l i n c u l t u r a l geography. A d i s c u s -s i o n of s o c i a l b e l i e f s which have been s y s t e m a t i c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d i n urban s o c i e t i e s i s presented i n Appendix B. In c o n s i d e r i n g t h i s or o ther c l a s -s i f i c a t i o n s of s o c i a l b e l i e f s , i t i s apparent t h a t a l l b e l i e f s are not e q u a l l y important t o landscape change. R e f l e c t on b e l i e f s about human n a t u r e . I t i s l i k e l y t h a t ideas about i n n a t e "goodness" or " e v i l " are more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s than t o a c t i v i t i e s t h a t d i r e c t l y a f f e c t the l a n d s c a p e . There are however, t h r e e b e l i e f s t h a t pas t s t u d i e s c l e a r l y demonstrate t o be r e l a t e d t o changing the l a n d s c a p e : b e l i e f s about man, n a t u r e , and t i m e . The s i g n i f i c a n c e o f b e l i e f s about nature i s most o b v i o u s . Whether i t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t nature dominates man, t h a t man dominates n a t u r e , or t h a t man l i v e s i n harmony w i t h nature i s b a s i c i n many s t u d i e s of urban societies."'""'" Background on the r o l e of t h i s b e l i e f i s not needed i n t h i s s t u d y , but the same i s not t r u e f o r b e l i e f s about man. Ideas about man's r e l a t i o n s h i p t o man have o n l y been of secondary concern even i n p o l i t i c a l geography. Y e t , concurrent w i t h the growth o f i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s , t h e r e has been an i n c r e a s e i n the number o f p o l i t i c a l d o c t r i n e s which p r o v i d e a l t e r n a t i v e guides f o r men's r e l a t i o n s h i p t o o ther 12 men and which i n t u r n shape human a c t i v i t i e s t h a t have g e o g r a p h i c a l impact . In the one extreme, deep b e l i e f s i n i n d i v i d u a l i s m are l i k e l y t o produce u n c o o r d i n a t e d separate a c t i v i t i e s each c o n f i n e d t o a s m a l l area of l a n d . On the o ther h a n d , a deep b e l i e f i n the organic c o l l e c t i v i t y of man i s l i k e l y t o l e a d t o l a r g e p u b l i c works i n c l u d i n g r e s i d e n t i a l developments t h a t are 25. more coordinated, and extended, in scale.. To. complete, this ..evaluation .of be-l i e f s in -urban society, comments on the concept of time are needed. Many beliefs about time are related to' a group's preference for finan-cing urban development.. Some men believe in the "pay as you go" philosophy, others in the "buy now, pay later" philosophy. Beliefs about time have been studied by Chapin who views them in association with the p o l i t i c a l factors 13 influencing urban planning. The public statements of group leaders may be expected to reflect or be intended to influence the beliefs of group members. This i s particularly so where the group association is voluntary. In summary, our model of society emphasizes the reality of conflict in group interaction and asserts that beliefs associated with urban landscape change are best understood in the context of social organization and inferred from statements by group leaders. At this point a model of urban landscapes may be introduced. Models of Urban Landscapes This study concerns landscapes not merely with regard to their symbolic role in social interaction but as well with regard to the changing patterns of natural and man-made physical forms comprising a city. Urban landscapes may be viewed at two levels of scale: local landscape and regional landscape. The former may be defined as a view, with a range of k^O feet or less, that is enclosed and restricted i n range by trees, landforms and buildings which ob-1k struct the horizon. Local landscapes may be represented in three-dimensional diagrams or photographs. A regional landscape may be defined as a view, with a range beyond U50 feet,. bounded by the horizon, the sky and the side r e s t r i c -tions of sight for the'viewer. A regional landscape anay be represented in air photographs and land-use maps. Each of these two models of landscapes can.be broken down into component concepts. Local Landscapes . Local landscapes, are i d e a l i z e d in.physical objects: buildings , bridges , walls , .fences, sculptures, lanclforms. ox vegetation patterns, the c o l l e c t i v e configurations of which, demarcate. open spaces: roads, walks, gardens, boulevards, squares and vacant land. The architect Thiel has detailed a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n .of physical objects based on t h e i r geo-metric p r o p e r t i e s . T h e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s useful i n developing systematic descriptions of l o c a l spaces. F i r s t , he distinguishes three-dimensional i s o l a t e d forms positioned i n a larger space that they themselves demarcate; for instance, separate buildings surrounded by gardens. Second, he refers to surfaces or two-dimensional plane forms consisting of a larger continuous wall or many buildings with no space seen between them; for instance , the facades of houses and trees along the sides of a street. Third and l a s t , he points out screens or a series of closely spaced objects between which can be seen more distant i s o l a t e d forms and surfaces; for instance, trees separately spaced along a boulevard (Figure I ) . FIGURE 1 side and under positions Source: P. Thiel "A Sequence r- Experience Notation" Town Planning Review, Vol. XXXII, No. 1 ( A p r i l , 196l) , pp. 33-52. 27 Regional Landscapes. Regional landscapes. are synonymous with..what Carl Sauer. defines as. the c u l t u r a l landscape; that i s , a geographical area characterized, by works of society."^ In his concept,. Sauer emphasizes, the physical record of the form-of population d i s t r i b u t i o n and housing, including "the types of structures man builds and t h e i r grouping ... into c i t i e s i n 17 various plans". But the models of urban i n d u s t r i a l landscapes currently employed i n geography are based not only on Sauer~s work but also on the work of the sociologist Burgess and the economist Hoyt of the Chicago 18 School. According to Burgess, the natural landscape under the influence of an i n d u s t r i a l society undergoes changes which i d e a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e the landscape into concentric rings. CMap 3)."^ If,.however, one isolates the r e s i d e n t i a l land use from commercial and'industrial, the most pronounced order i s often not concentric rings but r a d i a l sectors. I t i s the sector theory of Hoyt that Jones emphasizes i n his description of the Western 20 c i t y . But Jones and other geographers concur that the ring and sector 21 models are not mutually exclusive. The dynamics of sector and concentric landscape change are described 22 i n the c l a s s i c a l theories of symbolic ecology (Map 3). In the in c i p i e n t stages, different s o c i a l groups compete with one another f o r r e s i d e n t i a l areas and with i n d u s t r i a l , commercial and administrative a c t i v i t i e s that also seek central locations. In Canadian c i t i e s those groups with the highest s o c i a l status and a b i l i t y to pay anchor the r e s i d e n t i a l areas by occupying the most c u l t u r a l l y valued site s next to the c i t y centre. Alongside these groups and also adjacent to the centre, groups with l i m i t e d status concentrate. In turn, those groups with.the least s o c i a l status locate i n the remaining sectors to complete. t h e ' f i r s t r i n g of r e s i d e n t i a l areas. At this stage i n development, only the outside flank remains open to the r e s i d e n t i a l Map 3 28, THE SYMBOLIC ECOLOGICAL MODEL OF URBAN LANDSCAPES 2. Higher dost residential area 3. Middle d a n residential area 4.lower clats residential area Source: Adapted from A. Boskoff, The Sociology of Urban Regions (New York: Appleton - Century - Crofts, 1962) p. 112 expansion of the founding groups. Some groups increase i n population more rapidly than others increase, and t h i s uneven population growth results i n different types of landscape change. I f lower-status groups expand more rapidly, they may move l a t e r a l l y into the adjacent sectors and thereby block the expansion of upper-status groups. In these cases, upper-status groups "leap frog" over lower-status groups and continue t h e i r growth i n l i n e with t h e i r o r i g i n a l sector. Near the c i t y centre the landscape patterns may change when some groups " f i l t e r " into r e s i d e n t i a l areas previously established by other groups. The' factors of " a b i l i t y to pay rent" and "personal income" are given only secondary importance i n theories of symbolic ecology; the "prime movers" are feelings of group i d e n t i t y and inter-group h o s t i l i t y . As a consequence of t h i s relationship between s o c i a l groups and landscape patterns, there Is the general expectation that any change i n group s o c i a l status or r e l a t i v e population size w i l l he reflected i n the patterns of sectors and concentric rings i n the regional landscape. Models of l o c a l and regional landscapes present terms and hypothetical relationships that may he applied to actual cases to describe urban land-scape and to c l a r i f y i t s relationship to s o c i a l interaction. The changing character of l o c a l landscape i s accounted for as changes i n the configurat-ion of open spaces; that i s , i n r e l a t i o n to isol a t e d objects,- screens, and surfaces. The outward expansion of concentric rings or sectors of r e s i d e n t i a l areas and the s h i f t s from sectors to concentric rings or vice versa describe changes i n landscapes at the regional scale. These land-scape models depict landscapes i n such a way that the rate of change can be meaaured by r e l a t i v e numbers of different types of open spaces, land-scape objects and sizes of sectors. I t can now be concluded that urban landscapes are best viewed at two scales: a regional scale that emphasizes segregation based on s o c i a l organization and b e l i e f s ; and, a l o c a l scale that emphsizes configurations of open space and man-made objects as a r t i f a c t s . In summary, t h i s section of the study has presented models of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , b e l i e f s , and urban landscapes. With these i n mind, the way i s now clear to construct a t h e o r e t i c a l model of B r i t i s h society and landscape 23 between the f i r s t decade of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.-A PERSPECTIVE OF URBAN LIFE AND LANDSCAPE IN EKITISH CITIES OF THE VICTORIAN AGE B r i t i s h - V i c t o r i a n Society In building a model of the Victorian Age, a period during which human . , .. ,„ 30 i/Ui • society underwent some of its, most profound changes, a number of individual 2k ' studies is of consequence. As a. Briggs *s : Victor! ah ; Git ies may - he read with considerable benefit. When i t comes to urban growth he generalizes 25 well on the meaning of the period to Britain and i t s colonies. Also of value is Dyos's review of histories and geographies of cities in the nineteenth century. From the perspectives of different writers Dyos reviews how Anglo-Saxon societies were transformed by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . ^ In that Briggs and Dyos have concentrated their studies on the Victorian city their interpretations provide a reasonable basis on which to develop a theoretical model. Social Organization. The British-Victorian social organization, according to Asa Briggs, was fundamentally reshaped by three technological changes: the 27 railway, iron production and energy production based on steam and gas. The reorganization was "impressive in scale but limited in vision, creating 2 8 new opportunities but also providing massive new problems." In the changeover from water to steam power there was a consequent growth of aggregate urban population. What had been mere communities adjacent to mills and shops became large c i t i e s . There was concurrent with urbanization a s p l i t t i n g of society into many new forms of associat-ions: the two most crucial groupings being the possessors of capital and 29 the proletariat. By the end of the nineteenth century the dominance of the landed e l i t e had given way. In the reshuffling of social prestige and status the traditional c r i t e r i a of family lineage and land also gave way to new standards of material wealth and economic power vested in merchants, 30 manufacturers and l a t e r i i n financiers . Another repercussion of the declining influence of aristocracy was the challenge for economic and p o l i t i c a l power by the working class. The 31 ri s e of the working class as a power bloc can be. traced i n l e g i s l a t i v e changes that recognized the l e g a l status of trade unions. In 1825 Parliament gave recognition to trade unions ; but, not to t h e i r t a c t i c s nor 31 procedures. Strikes were i l l e g a l and there w:as no l e g a l protection given to union members within t h e i r own association. From thisttime u n t i l 1875 deep fear that s o c i a l reorganization might re s t r a i n trade dominated s o c i a l 32 interactions. Classes remained separate, with the working class by and large outside the p o l i t i c a l process. By 1872 unions of s k i l l e d artisans had banded together to advocate acceptable programs and Parliament had recognized the l e g a l rightsoof union members against acts of union leaders and the freedom of contract and c o l l e c t i v e bargaining between unions and 33 i n d u s t r i a l management. While these changes i n s o c i a l organization were taking place there were acts of violence i n open spaces of new towns that accentuated the d i f f e r -ences i n interests separating management from the r i s i n g working class. An example can be quoted from Briggs : ...on 16 August (1819) thousands of workers... gathered peace-f u l l y i n St. Peter's F i e l d to l i s t e n to orator H u n t — t h e i r injunctions were cleanliness, sobriety, order and peace—the magistrate scared of an uprising, employed the l o c a l yeomanry to arrest him. When the forces of theyyeomanry proved inadequate, they c a l l e d i n regular cavalry to disperse the crowds. A savage struggle followed i n which eleven people were k i l l e d and over hOO wounded. Within^a few days the damning term "Peterloo" had been coined. The open space of St. Peter's F i e l d became the symbol of the struggle for power by the working class. Despite t h i s and s i m i l a r instances of i n t e r -class violence, c i v i l war and revolution which prevailed i n t h e i i n d u s t r i a l -i z i n g nations of Europe never took place i n England nor i t s colonies. Anglo-Saxon societies evolved through a l e g i s l a t i v e process and what became known as the "Victorian compromise". 32 There were associations .of.men.other than those handing together to improve working conditions; these were voluntary organizations covering a wider range of specialized.interests than had been possible i n the small towns. The associations, aided by the focus of attention on l o c a l issues and the stimulus to competitive r i v a l r y provided i n l o c a l newspapers, developed a r t i c u l a t e opinions on and s k i l l s i n a c t i v i t i e s l i k e gardening, music, poetry, s o c i a l reform, t r a v e l , discovery, games, and religious 36 studies. Some of these group a c t i v i t i e s followed bold and novel courses of action and i n the new c i t i e s genuine municipal pride grew from group competition i n sports, a r t f u l r e s i d e n t i a l gardening, and from progress i n urban reform. England's s o c i a l reorganization had important consequences on formal government and on changes i n the physical environments of c i t i e s . Old government organizations were dissolved and new municipal boroughs were created. I t was the Municipal Reform Act of 1835 by which Parliament 37 directed the form of new municipal government. This Act established procedures for the application and granting of municipal charters, the basis of representation and the functions. Councils were to be elected by ratepayers who q u a l i f i e d by owning property and being o f f i c i a l l y l i s t e d within one of the borough wards—the p o l i t i c a l units into which the boroughs were divided so as to obtain areal representation. A fundamental weakness i n the new government organization l i m i t e d the impact on the landscape the Act otherwise might have produced. Put simply, i f the Council was to do more than merely placate the demands made by r a d i c a l urban groups for p o l i t i c a l representation the borough had to appeal d i r e c t l y to Parliament. Only Parliament could l e g i s l a t e to the boroughs the 33 38 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of providing services and physical improvement. Services and public works up to.1835' had been performed.by.Improvement Commissions 39 appointed by Parliament. These o l i g a r c h i c a l arrangements worked well even with the new town councils i n some areas. But, i n others notably i n kO working-class areas they proved to be extremely i n e f f e c t i v e . Several historians have concluded that the d i f f i c u l t y of transferring the responsib-i l i t i e s for improvements from the Commission to the Council was caused by the vested interests of the Commissioners i n p o l i t i c a l and economic assoc-. . Ul ia t i o n s . Whether th i s be true or not i s a matter of interpretation, but evidence of tardiness i n Councils assuming r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i s not lacking. For instance, thirteen years after the Act was passed there were s t i l l t h i r t y towns where l o c a l councils had no powers to drain the land, b u i l d h2 the roads, or make other improvements. Further, there were sixty-two new charter towns with councils but with no l o c a l authority of any kind carrying h3 out improvements. The c i t y which i s thought to have l e d i n improvements by municipal hh governments was Birmingham. By an investigation of i t s development one can better understand the process of fashioning formal organizations to control public landscapes. In 1838 Birmingham was incorporated but i t was not u n t i l after the middle of the century that theiCouncil took over the h5 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of physical improvement. The problem the c i t y met was not only the entrenchment of the Commissioners but as wel l the b e l i e f s of the Councillors most of whom were nominally l i b e r a l s . o r r a d i c a l s . In the i n i t i a l Councils caution prevailed and expenses were minimized; the trades-men representatives with u t i l i t a r i a n philosophies not only wished to break away from what they saw as the extravagance of the Commissioners but were themselves struggling to expand t h e i r own small businesses and trades. By the late.1850's there were strong reactions to the p o l i c i e s of the Council and coalitions of the middle and the working classes put into o f f i c e men l i k e Chamberlain who had more organic views of society, seeing as they did l o c a l government as a lever to improve the physical environment thereby leavening t h e l l i v e s of the poor. They also had behind themtthe f i n a n c i a l expertise of the management classes. In t h i s s i t u a t i o n of compromise between the working and middle classes , and of an expanding l o c a l economic base, Birmingham i s s a i d to have l e d the world i n b u i l d i n g i t s urban land-scape. The l i s t of improvements i t undertook i s impressive. In 1853 a s i t e was acquired for a City H a l l , and i n l86l andlmprovement Act produced notable changes i n the condition of streets and a l i m i t e d improve-ment to park open space. More impressive progress was undertaken i n the I87C s; p r i o r to the national Health Act i n l875» private gas companies were purchased and a year after the Health Act private water companies supplying the c i t y were acquired. In the same period, the Birmingham Council used the Artisan's and Labourer's Dwellings Improvement Act to renew the physical environment of one of the poorest wards i n the c i t y . A l l of these landscape changes happened i n association with fundamental changes i n B r i t i s h s o c i a l b e l i e f s . Social Beliefs „ To f u l l y discuss the important s o c i a l b e l i e f s of the Victorian Age i s a complex and lengthy task that could involve the analysis of many and varied b e l i e f s . Different researchers would l i k e l y include different sets of b e l i e f s asbbeing c r u c i a l to the understanding of why landscapes of B r i t i s h c i t i e s appeared as they did i n the Victorian period. Whatever the set that may be devised, i t would probably ignore the dynamics of landscape transformation i f i t were not to note b e l i e f s men held toward other men, nature and time. These are the s o c i a l b e l i e f s that are emphasized m t h i s model. 35 There axe varied sources that provide evidence of these social "beliefs. There axe indications-' of • beliefs- revealed, in p o l i t i c a l creeds like the I838 Peoples Charter. Another source of evidence is contained in the social percep-tions of Victorian l i t e r a t i . Philip Collins is one modern writer who has inter-na preted the Victorian literature of the uneducated and working class. It is clear from Collins's research that working-class literary imagery concerned man's relationships with man, the supernatural, future and morality. It is equally clear that when compared with middle-class imagery, working-class l i t e r -ature neglected man's aesthetic, moral or medicinal relations to nature. This evidence suggests that the working class was relatively indifferent to nature. From less l i t e r a r y publications, like Booth's survey, there is evidence that, in spite of what must have been dramatic social upheavals - migration to the ci t y , child labour, female labour - the fundamental social unit was not communal l i f e , and not individual l i f e , but rather the l i f e of the conjugal family.^ The ma-jority of people therefoxe accepted a view of man not as an isolated individual, not as a collective member of society at large but as a collective member ofaa family group. Regarding the consciousness of time there are only rational deductions that can be made from the well documented fact that for most people l i f e was short ^  working days were long and hard and i f one were noteemployed there were preoccupations with obtaining food or over-coming il l n e s s . In these conditions, i t is logical to assume that for most the modality of time was not the past, nor the future, but the present. Considering this type of evidence, i t does not mean that as measured in relation to a set of standards the mass of Victorians believed deeply: that a clean natural setting was irrelevant to the human condition; that individuals and collective humanity did not matter; nor that they were only attracted to the experiences of the present. However the evidence gives some weight to 36 the .suggestion that those who were not in possession of the wealth, and comforts, of landed aristocracy or -upper middle class, believed 1 they were better off in minimal accommodation close to work., in a family social unit and con-cerned with.the present than in any of the alternatives open to them. Evidence of this type does not always agree'with the verdict of the l i t e r a t i . Before assessing these varied reports i t should be recalled that industrial growth in the nineteenth century created a new, larger and different l i t e r a t i than had existed in the eighteenth century. The new . 52 l i t e r a t i , consisted of men from widely different social backgrounds. Thus comments on the Victorian men of letters underscore a situation in which a group of professionals in the middle class had interests in and were close to the lives of men in very different social conditions. Although their interpretations of Victorian people were less than s c i e n t i f i c , many published works of the l i t e r a t i became the bases for the philosophies and strategies of p o l i t i c a l and social e l i t e . Landed gentry were guided 53 5^ 55 by conservative writers like Burke, Kingsley and Ruskin; professional men and managers by the l i b e r a l writings of M i l l , ^ S m i t h ^ Arnold,^ 59 and by Howard; while labour organizations were guided by u t i l i t a r i a n writers lik e Bentham and socialist writers like Morris , Marx, and Engels. ^ Victorian beliefs about man's relationship to nature- are among those most thoroughly researched. Three important variations on this relation-ship can be identified. Conservative social philosophers emphasized the immutability of nature and the necessity of l i v i n g close to nature in order that man attain happiness and goodness. Ruskin has his ideal men trusting in "the nobleness of human nature, the majesty of i t s . f a c u l t i e s , 6k the fullness of i t s mercy and the joy of i t s love". By the end of the 37 century conservative beliefs, about .man' s ..sub j ugation to. nature had been modified-b-ut they, were often, notably different from the' t y p i c a l views. of the nineteenth-century l i b e r a l . ^ . The l i b e r a l b e l i e f was that -.man through his i n t e l l e c t could understand nature and through a harmony with i t improve his l i f e . Wordsworth's creed was that "Nature never did betray the heart that loved her;" he had a mystical f a i t h i n na t u r e . ^ Although less mystical, Arnold's f a i t h i n nature was q u a l i f i e d by s c i e n t i f i c scepticism; but the imagery i n i n f l u e n t i a l works l i k e "Self-dependence" and many others reveals his b e l i e f i n the necessary harmony between nature and culture. S o c i a l i s t writers with the exception of Unwin and Shaw were i n d i f f e r e n t to nature. For them, economic i n s t i t u t i o n s not nature were the main determinants of the human c o n d i t i o n . ^ I t i s also true that Howard for a long time could not obtain support from the Fabians i n his "garden c i t y " plan to improve the l i f e of the working class by locating them i n a more 6Q "natural" community. Again, those who have analysed the b e l i e f s about the natural environment i n the works of Marx and Engels have concluded that 70 b e l i e f s about man's subjugation by nature play no part i n Marxism. Another b e l i e f which n o v e l i s t s , historians and p o l i t i c a l philosophers have documented concerns the Victorian's views of man and the extent to which an individual i s b a s i c a l l y responsible to himself, his s o c i a l group or the' c o l l e c t i v i t y of man. Burke's eighteenths-century writings influenced 71 the conservative creed i n the nineteenth century. E s s e n t i a l l y the conservative b e l i e f was th.at class structure was immutable and efforts to al t e r the power of s o c i a l groups would only harm a l l groups. The nineteenth-century conservative believed, as Burke, did that man was a part of' an organic whole that operated on the pr i n c i p l e of "interdependence and thus 38 72 the cooperation between.the rich.and the poor". More emphatically than Burke ,.Carlyle "propounded, an organic,.a dynamic view.of society, an 73 evolutionary explanation of the dread cataclysms shaping human history". The l i b e r a l intellect also viewed society from the point of evolution but this i s the only point that l i b e r a l views of society had in common with conservative thought.. Liberal views included the idea of a necessary connection between the supremacy of British industry and the traditional beliefs peculiar to Britain. Of these individual freedom was among the most imperative. Writers lik e Adam Smith and others created an elaborate theory, which became a British institution, based on the belief that "the rational action of free individual judgement in buying and selling would 75 produce maximal satisfaction of human wants". The belief in individual pursuit of private interest became the fundamental article not only of middle-class writers but those purporting to speak for the working class. Individual liberty became the rallying cry beyond the mere economic spheres of behaviour, in art, nonconformist religion, and, as w i l l be demonstrated, in man's expression on the landscape. If one had to select one voice that represented British liberalism at the middle of the century i t would be J.S. Mill, whose book On Liberty represents best the Victorian l i b e r a l 7ft i n t e l l e c t . But beliefs in individualism were also the prerogatives of some trade unions and reform groups. As Buckley says "Individual hedonism" was a central concept in utilitarianism". The Benthamites ,the most 'practical' of philosophers,worked earnestly for 'the greatest happiness of the greatest number' yet they continued rather than countermanded the classical economist's acceptance of aggressive industrialism and the 77 natural law of individual enterprise. Toward the end of the nineteenth 7ft century there was a basic shift in the beliefs of l i b e r a l s . Liberal 39 theorists.like T.H. Green defined, individualism f i r s t .of a l l by demand for broader and deeper.state.intervention in a l l social processes. They believed.that self-help and individual freedom were possible only for those not poverty stricken and not uneducated. State intervention was called for to create these optimum conditions in the social and physical environment. Socialist theorists held beliefs about man that emphasized man's 79 bonds to his peers in the system of resource exploitation. The social relations that had to be controlled before the human condition could be improved were the class relationships. For working-class radicals and trade unionists, i t was through the solidarity, trust and collective effort of the working class that men could be rescued from individual alienation that was a natural outcome of industrialization-There are few Victorian writings in which beliefs about time are more than scanty allusions. It is obvious that the conservative thought of the century consistently dwelt on the past, revered medieval values and institutions and rejected the "hedonism" of the industrial society. Carlyle awoke the interest of the English intellect to the mysteries of the hero-80 king leader of feudal times. Buckley quotes Carlyle's Past Present (18U3) and Frederick the Great (I858-I865) as evidence of Carlyle's belief that to struggle forward necessarily consisted of turning back to the past, for guidance. There is a strong suggestion that the l i b e r a l intellect conceived of time primarily in the sense of a progressive present. The industrial changes had produced deep differences between the past and the present and there were reasons to be optimistic about continued progress. In Young's assessment, late Victorian l i b e r a l thought included the idea of a constantly improving present with intellectual man controlling change and 8l improving human well-being. Toward the end of the period there were ho changes.in l i b e r a l beliefs and i t was .the l i b e r a l intellectuals and progressive professional men that provided the greatest.support for visionary reforms like those advanced, in Howard's garden, c i t i e s . When the l i b e r a l - i n t e l l e c t "fought for the f u l l protection of factory workers or for a preliminary version of the welfare state, the link is ... to the 82 twentieth century l i b e r a l s " . The representation of Victorian society depicted in this heuristic model demonstrates a broad range of social organization and fragmented, often conflicting beliefs that changed through a span of a century. To understand the nature of social conditions during this succession, concepts, relations, and sequences of events were both particularized and generalized. But, in the high Victorian period, near the turn of the century, the general organization of British society comprised three dominant groups, each of which possessed beliefs associated with landscape change. These may be summarized in a simple matrix: Nature Society Time Conservative Subjugated to Organic Past' Liberal . Harmony with Individualistic Future Socialist Indifferent Individualistic/ Present Organic Like a l l generalizations there are important exceptions which w i l l be dealt with in applying the model of .Victorian beliefs to the Vancouver landscape. Such was the surface of society interpreted in British social history. The social conditions abstracted in this model underlie, in various degrees, the landscapes created during the period. 1*1 Victorian Urban Landscapes Local Landscapes; • Amain- concern--about--'urban •'"lands cape is i t s . local expression in terms of open space , buildings and the' natural objects of landforms and vegetation. Of these, progressive developments in open space were among the most significant in the nineteenth century. As cities grew, open spaces changed in their number, distribution and design. In describ-ing these changes i t is helpful to distinguish between speculative processes that unintentionally produced vacant land and planning processes that intentionally produced residential squares, landscape gardens, parks and street right-of-ways. British cities were commercial metropolises with individual opportunities in speculative free enterprise that were numerous and D o diverse. From the time of the French wars in 1815, the spread of b u i l t -up areas into the countryside accelerated and became almost a calculable factor for investors. There were different kinds of land investments. Some investors would make down payments for individual lots on which they intended to build and l i v e or build and s e l l . In the other extreme large estate developers would purchase large agricultural f i e l d holdings , sub-divide them, then develop and market upwards to four and five hundred dwelling units. I f , because either financing failed or market conditions changed and development did not take place, open spaces of fields or wooded areas would be l e f t on the edges of c i t i e s . In the beginning of the century these open spaces could be temporarily leased to tradesmen for garden plots but as the built-up area extended outward from the industrial areas and workers' homes in the centre, vacant land became too remote to be u t i l i z e d as garden.^ It may be debated whether or not these speculative processes produced any positive social effects or not; but, there is no 1+2 . doubt.that the eye .of a Victorian-pedestrian walking on the periphery of the city would be met with open spaces, separating buildings along streets. The process of creating planned, open space slowly developed from a limited and private.enterprise at the beginning of the century to a more widespread public activity .at the end. Although London's Hyde Park was open to the public in 1635;, almost two hundred years passed before St. James Park in 1828 was designed specifically as an urban open space for public use. This park was an exception; even after.the 1833 Report of the Select Committee on Public Works recommended the creation of public parks for the working class, the actual number of parks was limited and 88 their locations mainly confined to middle-class estate developments. From the eighteenth century residential squares had been created and 89 maintained by local subscription in these estates. The availability of park open space in working-class areas of London had to await legislative 90 changes which in 1887 gave control of parks to the London County Council. There were other changes that influenced the availability•of urban open space. Street layouts changed. Over the span of the century there was a transition from the eighteenth-century layout of grid patterns super-imposed with diagonal roads.that linked crescents and circles to a more naturalistic .asymmetrical pattern of curving, oval, and closed-up streets 91 following the contours of landforms. By the turn of the century, T.H. Maw's on and P. Geddes had introduced "inter-connected green ways" as the 92 main roads joining suburbs with city centres. The grid pattern never 0 completely waned and new developments toward the end of the century used this pattern and created residential areas based on uniformally narrow 93 streets with minimal setbacks allowable under municipal by-laws. There U3 is evidence that during the 60's and 70's many operations of civic improve-ment demolished old property.near city.centres.and widened.streets so as to produce main arterial roads. Like the street layouts the design arrangements of physical objects in private and public open space became more naturalistic. The formal patterns of evenly spaced vegetation screens in parks and along streets were removed in several cases and replaced with informal arrangements referred to as the "picturesque". This arrangement of objects followed the work of the 95 architect Kent: i t was an imitation of landscape painting. The dominant theme in landscaping became the broken textures and the varied shapes one found in an idealized natural setting. After the 1810 edition of Price's book on gardening the trend toward integrating buildings with the surround-ing open spaces through the artful use of terraces, fountains and vegetation 96 screens placed close to surfaces became widespread. The momentum of the picturesque continued un t i l the end of the century at which time i t was challenged as the dominant pattern of open space by the need for organized sport areas (particularly after I887) and by a change in public taste for design. The style changes developed in two opposite directions: there was a trend toward more formality in private gardens and along public street right-of-ways and i n contrast a trend toward the more complete naturalism of Jekyll and Robinson i n large municipal parks and in some private 97 gardens. Urban buildings, with their main characteristics determined by a mixture of: the organization of building and development companies, the increased acceptance of residential architects, government regulations, and new materials , established the f i n a l important elements in local land-scapes. The size of the development and the nature of i t s corporate kh. organization had important effects. .Developments.of large firms tended to he. of better, quality; they ..were most often, better financed; therefore, in spite of minor economic depressions, development took place over an uninterrupted period and the buildings attained some integrity of. style, 9 8 and material. Large firms also had resources which allowed the use of designers who worked to integrate site plans with housing styles and they completed street and sanitation lines with curbs as well as public land-scaping, the costs of which were carried in the purchase price of the 9 9 completed residence. On the other hand, i f the developer merely sub-divided and sold a lot to an individual or to a partnership of a bricklayer and carpenter for instance, houses were completed over a much longer period of time; there was no guarantee of building materials complementing one another nor of the site plan complementing the .residence. The design of each house whether built by the owner or by small firms for speculation was taken from a number of technical copy books that were readily available after 1Q50 Thus the geographical expression of these two real-estate processes differed. There were more open spaces with better quality in• design in subdivisions developed by large firms while there were fewer open spaces and less integration of materials and design in subdivisions developed by many different builders. The activities of larger firms were directed toward both the middle and working classes, the latter market being more important after the municipal by-law changes of the lS^O's and the Health Act of 1 8 7 5 . 1 0 1 An example of the middle-class subdivision created by the large developer w i l l indicate the kind of local landscape produced. Kensington Park estate 1 0 2 built by Blake around 1 8 5 6 w s a development of f i f t y acres. ^5 •MAP 1+ KENSINGTON PARK ESTATE, I856 Source: H.J. Dyos , "The Speculative Builders and Developers of Victorian London," Victorian Studies , Vol. XI, Supplement (Summer, 1968) The street layout'followed the circumference of a central crescent to the one side of-which was a chapel surrounded by an asymmetrical grassy open space (Map k). Going away from the crescent and beyond the chapel was a local park with the trees and flower beds arranged in a picturesque design. With limited numbers of detached residences that had the deepest set backs when found adjacent to the crescent and with semi-detached units regularly spaced a l l of which had modest set backs, the development contained a balance of housing. The balance was continued on the periphery of the development where terrace houses with uniform shallow set backs and.with the same building heights presented to the pedestrian curving open spaces of the street defined by a monotonous surface of facades. There is no detailed record of vegetation screens. U6 There were many other subdivisions like Kensington Park.but after the l880's the middle class for whom this kind of development had taken.place was increasingly located on the growing edge of the city where access to the city centre was available by street, cars. In these more distant, middle-class suburbs there were more detached units with deeper set backs creating between the streets and the house facades private gardens in the naturalistic 103 style of Jekyll and Robinson. These private open spaces were often separated from the public roadway by vegetation screens or iron picket fences, neither of which obstructed the view of the buildings from the street. In these cases buildings were often designed by architects who belonged to either the Architectural Association or the Institute of British Architects, and who consciously designed residences in relation to design philosophies that were articulated at professional meetings and in 10^ journals. While there were several concurrent dominating design philosophies, the most established was the ''eclectic" school which "copied" designs based on Baroque, Spanish, Morrish, Oriental, Gothic and Italianate themes. A second philosophy was that inspired by Pugin who exclusively designed Gothic revivals. The third school was the so-called "latitud-arian" school that consciously gave expression to what was thought to be the most distinguishing s p i r i t of British industrialization; the rejection of traditional standards and pursuit of individual freedom. In contrast to these middle-class developments, large land development companies engaged in subdividing land on the edge of the city adjacent to streetcars and inter-urban railway lines. In these cases the lots were small and the set backs as shallow as by-laws allowed. Only seldom did companies themselves engage in building and marketing the residences ?~®^  Lots continued to be sold to individuals who completed construction and sold the housing unit or remained as the permanent resident. During the same time redevelopment in the centre "undertaken by large and small building companies produced entire subdivisions of walk-up tenements and back-to-back housing except in London's East End where, according to Ha l l , the 107 detached workers' cabins maintained their dominance. This l a t t e r process produced local landscapes with a minimum of open spaces and isolated objects and a repetition of surfaces. During the second half of the nineteenth century the activities of larger companies dominated the construction of more and more residential 108 areas. Dyos's study of London is the best record of these changes. Small firms building one to two houses a year persisted throughout the period but their overall influence diminished. While they accounted for one-half the building firms in 18^5 their number was reduced to one-third after 1885. When the variations in building companies reached this dimension, they can be said to be influential in differentiating regional landscapes. There were other processes that were more significant as agents of regional landscape differentiation. Regional Landscapes. What is most characteristic about British urban differentiation in the Victorian Age is the dominant control exercised by the railway, the streetcar, and the s t r i f e between the middle and working classes. To the Victorian both the railway and the city were symbols of man's improvement of the natural environment and the destruction of the traditional standards and. powers of the landed gentry. The railways linked new cities together and made possible their growth. The f i r s t impetus to build them 109 came from the proprietors of mines and industries. But, once these f i r s t lines were l a i d to the factories, stations, and warehouses the foundation e x i s t e d on which l o c a l and suburban ex tens ions c o u l d be c o n s t r u c t e d f o r passenger service. ' ' ' " ' " 0 U s u a l l y the l i n e s cut through the w o r k i n g - c l a s s r e s i d e n t i a l areas t h a t were l o c a t e d adjacent t o the f a c t o r i e s and mine heads The r a i l w a y l i n e s w i t h t h e i r a t tendant work shops r a d i a t i n g out from the centre o f the c i t y i n a s e c t o r s e p a r a t e d o t h e r s e c t o r s o f d i f f e r i n g l a n d uses and o f t e n c r e a t e d a b u f f e r zone. B r i g g s g e n e r a l i z e s on the i n f l u e n c e o f the r a i l w a y : -"Suppose y o u a r r i v e d at a V i c t o r i a n r a i l w a y s t a t i o n , key b u i l d i n g o f the age, y o u r impress ions o f t h e c i t y w o r l d beyond the w a i t i n g room and the new s t a t i o n h o t e l w o u l d be determined not on ly by-y o u r mood or y o u r company but as l i k e l y as not by the d i r e c t i o n i n which y o u f i r s t dec ided t o go. Very q u i c k l y , w i t h i n a few yards o f the s t a t i o n , you might f i n d y o u r s e l f among the work-shops and warehouses 'on the wrong s i d e o f the t r a c k . ' For m i l e s beyond t h e r e might s t r e t c h . . . l o n g rows o f u g l y w o r k i n g -c l a s s houses i n b r i c k o r stone . . . I f you were more f o r t u n a t e , y o u might move i n s t e a d toward the crowded ' c i t y c e n t r e ' w i t h i t s covered m a r k e t s , i t s busy exchanges , i t s r e s t o r e d (?) p a r i s h c h u r c h , i t s massive c i t y c h a p e l , i t s impos ing town h a l l ^ - ^ - , i t s c l u s t e r o f b a n k s , i t s t h e a t r e s and i t s p u b l i c houses From t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n i t appears t h a t commerc ia l , f i n a n c i a l , s o c i a l and r e t a i l i n g a c t i v i t i e s were m a i n l y concentra ted i n the V i c t o r i a n c i t y c e n t r e ; but i t seems probable t h a t neighborhood shops were a l s o found o u t -s i d e the c e n t r e . The c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f these a c t i v i t i e s and the r a d i a l s e c t o r s o f l a n d use are the main i n f l u e n c e s o f the r a i l w a y on r e g i o n a l l a n d s c a p e s . The b u i l d i n g o f i n t r a - u r b a n r a i l w a y and s t r e e t c a r l i n e s which o f t e n r e s u l t e d not from monetary p r o f i t motive n o r from p u b l i c need but from c o m p e t i t i o n f o r p r e s t i g e between companies a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d to the s e c t o r 113 d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . They determined which areas on the p e r i p h e r y o f development wo ul d have quick access t o the centre o f the c i t y and hence which s e c t o r s would have comparative advantages as r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s . Both the r a i l w a y s and the s t r e e t c a r t e n d e d t o accommodate the i n t e r e s t s o f the l l U middle c l a s s f i r s t . As these groups moved t o the s u b u r b s , t h e i r former 49 r e s i d e n t i a l areas i n the i n n e r . c i t y .were often. . r e o c c u p i e d . b y lower- income groups . Thus superimposed.upon the s e c t o r p a t t e r n , a p a t t e r n ,of c o n c e n t r i c r i n g s was deve loped. C lose t o . t h e centre lower s o c i a l and.economic groups o c c u p i e d the e a r l i e r V i c t o r i a n h o u s i n g u n i t s ; and c l o s e to the b u i l t - u p edge o f the c i t y the p r o f e s s i o n a l and management groups o c c u p i e d the m i d - and l a t e - V i c t o r i a n , residences."'""'"'' The t r e n d toward c o n c e n t r i c r i n g s was l a t e r d i m i n i s h e d by government a c t i o n when.the r a i l w a y s were compel led t o o f f e r workmen's f a r e s i n 1883 and when ..a n o t i c e a b l e movement o f the work ing c l a s s t o the d i s t a n t suburbs became apparent."'""'"^ A f t e r the t u r n o f the century the s t r e e t c a r l i n e s s t r e t c h e d out s i x t e e n and twenty m i l e s from the c i t y centre and ad jacent t o t h e i r main s t a t i o n stops neighbourhood shops , churches 117 and c lubs were b u i l t . Whi le the s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n o f these a c t i v i t i e s was apparent , the dominant t r e n d i n s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n remained l i m i t e d t o r e s i d e n t i a l a c t i v i t i e s . The s h i f t o f urban r e s i d e n t i a l areas t o the suburbs a c c e l e r a t e d t o the p o i n t t h a t c i t i e s l i k e Birmingham, L e e d s , B r a d f o r d and London a l l l o s t p o p u l a t i o n s i n the i n n e r wards i n the second 118 h a l f o f the c e n t u r y . There were a l s o s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r l y i n g the movement t o the suburbs . The r e a c t i o n s o f urban groups d i f f e r i n g i n r e l i g i o n and s o c i a l s t a t u s were s t r o n g and o f t e n v i o l e n t i n B r i t i s h s o c i e t y ; and i n t h i s way geograph-i c a l s e g r e g a t i o n became r i g i d . I n t e r - g r o u p s t r i f e i s r e p o r t e d t o have been p r i m a r i l y based on c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s , a l though Jones documents the e x i s t -ence o f r e l i g i o u s c o n f l i c t as the main f a c t o r i n the g e o g r a p h i c a l s e g r e g -119 a t i o n o f B e l f a s t . The B r i t i s h Census measures c l a s s on the b a s i s o f o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s but as the concept i s employed by Jones and s o c i o l o g i s t s 120 l i k e G l a s s , more than o c c u p a t i o n i s i n v o l v e d . Jones puts i t t h i s way. Group d i f f e r e n c e s de termining s e g r e g a t i o n were based on a b s t r a c t i o n s o f 121 "how one l i v e s , what he does, what he owns rather than what he i s " . From what has been, said about the differences.in the conditions of l i v i n g , the role of class.in creating and maintaining segregation can be under-stood in general terms. To understand how these conditions influenced the landscape, the details of one city can be more thoroughly inspected. The differences between the detached houses and terraces of London's wealthy West End and the two-storey labourers' cottages of the more industrial East End were apparent in the descriptions of London as early 122 as 1662. By the l890's Booth's social survey empirically verified the 123 de facto segregation of London's poor in the East End. In spite of the introduction of new p o l i t i c a l theories, technological changes as well as financial and legislative actions by government, any one of which had the potential of altering the social segregation, the basic pattern persisted 12k through the century. The differences between the two groups were often reinforced by riots particularly during economic depressions. There are reports of such riots in the streets and parks of London during 1866 and 125 I867. But the worst of open s t r i f e took place in the l880's. In the description of "Bloody Monday" 8 February, 1866 and "Bloody Sunday" 13 November, 1887, Briggs lays bare the deep association between residential areas and class struggle. "The riots of Trafalgar Square in 1886 and 1887 were riots of London's unemployed and the animosity which they aroused were animosities against the propertied and privileged people, of London. The East End met the West End in a struggle which was far more meaningful than Chesteron's Battle of Notting H i l l ' l ^ o It i s not only the v i t a l memories of these struggles symbolized in place names that maintained segregation, one has to also look at other factors for a complete account. But i t must be emphasized that the social s t r i f e between the classes was a strong obstacle, an impasse, which acted 51 t o f o r e s t a l l the programs t h a t were at tempted i n i m p r o v i n g the p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s i n the East End. B r i g g s c i t e s a dozen or so accounts and r e p o r t s to support h i s c l a i m t h a t throughout the n i n e t e e n t h century there was a c o n t i n u i t y o f s e g r e g -127 a t i o n . From t h i s e v i d e n c e , he draws the f o l l o w i n g c o n c l u s i o n s about the c o n t r a s t s between the East and West s e c t o r s o f London: " T o p o g r a p h i c a l l y , even the wayward growth o f the East had c o n t r a s t e d w i t h the r e l a t i v e o r d e r l i n e s s o f the West , the a l l e y w i t h the s q u a r e , the t h i c k e t w i t h the g a r d e n , the r a i l w a y embankment w i t h the mews. Al though t h e r e was p o v e r t y i n the West E n d ; w i t h i n the r e g i o n o f Be lgrave Square , f o r example, i t was h idden from v i e w ^ n , the East E n d ' i t was o p e n , omni -present and d o m i n a t i n g " . Comments o f t h i s k i n d can be found i n h i s t o r i c a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l s t u d i e s o f B r i t i s h c i t i e s d u r i n g the V i c t o r i a n P e r i o d . However, no more s t u d i e s need be mentioned h e r e ; London and B e l f a s t are s u f f i c i e n t e x e m p l i f i c a t i o n s o f the a s s o c i a t i o n s between s o c i a l s t r i f e and the c i t y - w i d e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f B r i t i s h - V i c t o r i a n urban l a n d s c a p e s . I t f o l l o w s from these examples t h a t o t h e r c i t i e s e s t a b l i s h e d i n the B r i t i s h Empire d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , a d rem. Vancouver , w i l l mani fes t s i m i l a r t r e n d s . SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The b e g i n n i n g o f t h i s chapter d e s c r i b e d the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f s o c i a l and landscape models o f use i n urban geography. The s o c i a l model adopted emphasizes c o n f l i c t i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s and a s s e r t s t h a t b e l i e f s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h urban landscapes are bes t understood i n the context o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . While the l i s t o f important s o c i a l b e l i e f s was by no means complete,- three p a r t i c u l a r b e l i e f s were documented t o be c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the c r e a t i o n o f urban l a n d s c a p e s . These were man's b e l i e f s about n a t u r e , man, and t i m e . At t h e ' l o c a l s c a l e , v a r i a t i o n s o f these beliefs were stated to.be closely associated with., various arrangements of buildings, landforms, and vegetation and with the open spaces that these arrangements demarcate. Differences in these beliefs were also shown to be associated at the regional scale with social segregation and sector development. The second part of this chapter b r i e f l y presented some general state-ments about the Victorian cities of Britain. The social organization of Victorian Britain between the f i r s t decades of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was characterized by three divisions : a landed upper class with essentially conservative be l i e f s , a professional and moneyed middle class with l i b e r a l beliefs and a trade and labour working class with s o c i a l i s t viewpoints. As well, there was an ongoing interaction of informal and formal associations of men. Voluntary organizations, through a mixture of inter-group s t r i f e and cooperation, influenced the reorganization of municipal institutions and brought into being elected local government, which in turn transformed the Victorian landscape. It follows that social conflict and cooperation among formal and informal organizations with dif-fering beliefs were important factors accounting for the sectional patterns in the Victorian city. Within each sector there were correlates between local landscapes and the social beliefs of the Victorians who occupied them. The model did not prove that variations in social beliefs "caused" variations of local land-scape; i t demonstrated, rather, that there tended to be patterns of association. In general, working-class groups viewed nature as something that was either neutral or subjugated to man's w i l l ; they placed value on man's present acti v i t i e s ; and they defined social existence in terms of abstract ideas of both "class" and individualism. These beliefs were associated, in working-class sectors with, an absence of planned open space and c i v i c architectural symbolism. Near the' city, centre the working-class sectors contained small street open spaces that were defined by surfaces of terrace housing and tenements but on the outer e-dges of the sectors, isolated cottages with back gardens and with no planned integration with the public street were the prevailing features. In contrast, the middle class was comprised of conservatives and liberals. The former believed in an organic society controlled to some extent by an immutable nature and'in the value of man's past experiences. The liberals placed great reliance on individualism, on the need for man to live' in harmony with nature, and on a trust in a constantly improving present. Corresponding to these b e l i e f s , middle-class sectors featured more open space with the conscious landscape design of naturalistic themes. Whether their residences were early Victorian terrace houses or late Victorian v i l l a s , there was an integration with adjacent public streets. A complete model of Victorian society and landscape cannot be described from the mass of documents and interpretations available. This chapter has described an heuristic model of the British-Victorian city. The main aim has been to give the Victorian succession some f l u i d i t y , to articulate i t s complexity and to account for, in verbal terms , its general blend of beliefs and landscapes. It has been shown that to understand the transformation of Vancouver's landscape i t is necessary to understand the cultural milieu of British-Victorian c i t i e s . Thus the model serves to direct the research, observations, and interpretations of Vancouver's landscape and the social conditions with which i t s development is related. 54 REFERENCES "*"R.E. Pahl, "Sociological.Models'in.Geography". Socio-economic Models  in Geography. R.J. Chorley.and P. Haggett, editors (London: Methuen, 1967) , p. 240.. 2 I b i d . , pp. 230-232. . Loekwood, "Social Integration and System Integration", in G. Z o l l -schow and W. Hirsh, Explorations in Social Change (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1965), pp. 244. k C.J. Wolforth, Residential Location and Place of Work, Vancouver, B.C. (Vancouver: Tantalus Research Ltd., 1965). See pp. 10-11 for references to postulated factors influencing residential location. ^For an assessment of the methodological aspects of deducing relation-ships between the physical distance separating groups and the positions of the groups on a -theoretical sociological continuum, see A.S. Feldman and C. T i l l y , "The Interaction of Social and Physical Space", American  Sociological Reviewj Vol. XXV. No. 6 (December, i960), pp. 877 -884 . ^H. Blumer, Symbolic Interactionism (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall Inc., 1969), PP. 78-89. ^Ibid., pp. 10-12. Q Ibid., p. 13. 9 I b i d . , p. 21. "^For descriptions of urban group interaction, social beliefs, and land-scapes, see both M. Sorre, Rencontres de l a geographie et de l a sociologie (Paris: Marcel Riviere, 1957)> pp. 87-89, and P. Chombart de Lauwe, L'espace  social dans une grande cite (Vol. I of Paris et 1'agglomeration parisienne. Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1952). These accounts have not been given emphasis in this study because they tend to deal with static landscapes and, in the case of the latt e r account, because the methods employed have been much c r i t i c i z e d . See A. Buttimer, "Some Contemporary Interpretations and Historical Precedents of Social Geography" (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 1964), pp. 175-176. "'""'"See, for instance, R. Kates, "Stimulus and Symbol: The View from the Bridge," The Journal of Social Issues, Vol. XXII, No. 4 (October, 1966), pp. 21-28. 12 To the extent that geographers have employed the concept of ideology, they have depended upon the wider meaning of a set of beliefs, sentiments, and values rather than the narrower meaning of a specific p o l i t i c a l -philosophical view of social and physical phenomena as in "Marxist ideology", For an example of how one geographer has employed the.narrower concept, cf. in Jan 0. Brock and J. Webb, A Geography of Mankind, Chapter 7> "Ideologies and the P o l i t i c a l Order" (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1968), pp. 153-182. 55 S. Chapin, Jr. , Urban Landuse Planning (jJrbana: University of I l l i n o i s Press, I965I, pp. 6l-62.. "^P. Thiel, "A Sequence-Experience Notation", Town Planning Review, Vol. XXXII, No. 1 CApril, 196ll, pp. 33-52. 1 5 Ibid. l6 C. Sauer, "The Morphology of Landscape", Land and Life. J. Leighly, editor (.Berkeley: University of California Press , I967I, pp. 321-322 and pp. 3^1-3^. 1 T I b i d . , pp. 3^2-3^3. 18 For an assessment of the use of these models in urban geography, see B.J. Garner, "Models of Urban Geography and Settlement Location", Chorley and Haggett, editors, op. c i t . , pp. 338-3^3. 1 9 I b i d . , p. 339-20 E. Jones, Towns and Cities (London: Oxford University Press, I966I, pp. ii+o-iin. 2 1 I b i d . , pp. lOli-li+2. 22 L. Reissman, The Urban Process (Glencoe: The Free Press, I96U). For an assessment of ecological theories of urban industrial landscapes, see pp. 93-121. This description of social groups and their geographical growth presented here is generalized from case studies from Eastern Canada. The attraction of city centres is at variance with the normative models of American c i t i e s . See L. Alonso, Location and Land Use: Toward a General  Theorywpf Land Rent (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, I96I+). 23 The span of years included in studies of the Victorian Age varies. The span covered in this model follows the suggestions in H.J. Dyos , The  Study of Urban History (New York: St. Martins Press, 1968) , p. 187. The period runs from the l8l0's to World War I. 2k The increasing and widespread interest in Victorian culture is manifested in the recently established periodical, Victorian Studies. 25 A. Briggs , Victorian Cities (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1968). 2^H.J. Dyos, "The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century: A Review of Some Recent Writing", Victorian Studies, Vol. IX, No. 3 (March, 1966) , pp. 225-2^1*. 27 Briggs, op_. c i t . , p. 16. Ibid. 29 G.M. Young, Victorian England: Portrait of an Age (London: Oxford University Press, 1936') , p. 22. 56 3 0 rb i a ., p. 1U6. 3 1 rb id ., p. 122,. 32 33 A. Briggs, The'Age of Improvement (London: Longmans Green and Co. Ltd. , 1959) , p. U09. 34 ° Ibid. , p. 210. 35G.B. Kauvar and G.C.Sorensen, The Victorian Mind (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1969), p. 5-36 Briggs, Victorian Cities, p. 24. 37 Briggs, Age of Improvement, p. 277-3 8 I b i d . , p. 45. 3 9 I b i d . , p. 46. Ibid. ^ I b i d . 42 Ibid. , pp. 277-278. ^ 3 I b i d . 44 Young, op. c i t . , p. 125. ^Briggs , Victorian Cities , p. 208, ^ T b i d . , pp. 204-205-47 'ibid. , pp. 184-240. 48 Other beliefs that were thought to be of value in understanding the motives behind the changes in the physical environment of Victorian Cities were materialism and deism. Because the literature on Victorianism does not isolate and analyse these values separately, there was insufficient evidence of their importance to use them in a geographical study. 49 P. Collins , Thomas Cooper, The Chartist: Byron and the 'Poets, of the  Poor' (Nottingham Byron Lecture Series, 1969. Nottingham: Hawthorne Ltd., 1969) ^Two major works documenting the social conditions of London's East End are cited by Briggs in Victorian Cities : C. Booth, Life and  Labour of the People in London, A Study of Town Life (..17 vols. , London : MacMillan and Company, 1902-31 and G. Lonsbury, Looking Backwards and  Forwards (Glasgow: Blackie and Son, 1935). Both these accounts stress the importance of the family unit in tenement slums. For accounts of failures in attempts to communize households see M.W". Flinn (ed.) Report  on the Sanitary Conditions of the Labouring Population of Great Britain 57 18^ 3- by ..Edwin Chadwick (Edinburgh: University. Press, 1965). "^Tbid. , pp. 219-^ 253. For instance. in Liverpool in 181+0 the average age of the deceased for gentry and professional men was 35 years and'that of labourers, mechanics, and servants.was 15 years, p. 225> For estimates of the workday see p. 336. 52 W. Petersen, "The Ideological Origins of Britain's New Towns", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXXIV, No. 3 (May, 1968), p. 166. 53 J.H. Buckley, The Victorian Mind (New York: Random House Inc., 1951), p. 18. Buckley emphasizes the role of Burkean-Tory democracy which was carried into the nineteenth century by - Coleridge. Hence the English inte l l e c t of the nineteenth century displayed the transcendental German ideas of collective humanity. ^See Buckley, op. c i t . , pp. llU-115; Briggs, Victorian Cities , p. 75; and Petersen, op. c i t . , p. l6k. A l l three of these writers document Kingsley's influence upon Anglican and Roman Catholicism. Paradoxically his speeches and essays supported on the one hand the master-servant relationship of feudal socialism, and the reform of society through the public improvement of man's physical state, clean water, air arid lodging, on the other. ^Petersen, op_. c i t . , p. 165. Ruskin was more influential than Kingsley. According to Petersen his extensive influence can be inferred . from two essays defending his views: one by J.A. Hobson, the l e f t l i b e r a l author, and the other by P. Geddes. Both point out that his ideas were superior to the main body of nineteenth century economic theory. s6 J.S. M i l l wrote two books of influence: On Liberty (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,19^7) and Utilitarianism (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., 1910). Many attempts at municipal reform in the mid-nineteenth century used M i l l as their spokesman in parliament. See Briggs, Victorian  Cities , p. 331• 57 W.H. McNeill, The Rise of the West (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963), p.. 108. According to McNeill, Adam Smith's "philosophy of laisser-faire became a fundamental article of the l i b e r a l creed in the mid-nineteenth century". r O For the significance of Arnold's main work, Culture and Anarchy, see Petersen, op . c i t . , Footnote No. kk, p. 170. 59 , \ F.J. Osborn (Ed.),. Garden Cities of To-Morrow by Ebenezer Howard (London: Faber and Faber. Ltd., i960). In the Preface by Osborn an excerpt from the Fabian News (December, 1898), condemning Howard's plan is quoted. Osborn also presents details of the membership and executive of his organ-ization, the Garden City Association. It is evident that i t was the professional and management classes that supported and broadcast Howard's new town plann. See p. 12. 58 ^ F o r an interpretation of i t s influence see Buckley, op. c i t . , pp. 23-2k and 35- For assessments . of i t s . declining influence see pp. 197-198. ^"Petersen, op. c i t . p . l6h. 62 . For an assessment of the influence of Karl Marx on the union and working-class pressure groups of Britain see. H. Collins and C. Abramsky, Karl Marx and the British. Labour Movement (London: MacMillan and Company Ltd., I965I pp. 286-287. In summary, Marx influenced the union to assume p o l i t i c a l control that, was independent of the l i b e r a l middle class. Morris's Socialist League, formed in I885, was based on the principles Marx had advanced when he met with English union leaders in 186U. 6^ For evidence supporting the notion that Engel's writings influenced British socialism see Collins and Abramsky, op. c i t . , p. 303.. ^Quoted from Ruskin's "St. George's Company", in Petersen, op. c i t . , p. 163. 6s Cf. J. Cornford, "The Transformation of Conservatism in the Late Nineteenth Century", Victorian Studies, Vol. VII, No. 1 (September, 1963), pp. 35-66. 66 Quoted in Petersen, op. c i t . , p. 163. 67 Ibid. See also Buckley, op. c i t . , p. 102. ^Petersen, op. c i t . , p. l 6 l and G. Cole, Chartists' Portraits (New York: St. Martins Press, 1965) , p. 259- Note the reasons for the chartists' rejection of the iSkf Land Society. 69 See above, footnote 59-70 Cf. J. Chappell, "Marxism and Geography", Problems of Communism, Vol. XEV, No. 6 (November-December, 1965), pp. 12-22 and the l e t t e r to the editor in Vol. XV, No. 2 (March-April, 1966) , pp. 79-80. 71 Buckley, op. c i t . , p. 18 and p. 75; also Petersen, op. c i t . , p. 165. 72 Petersen, loc. c i t . 73 Buckley, op. c i t . , p. 35-lk 1 McNeill, op. c i t . , pp. 800,. 801, 7 5 I b i a . 76 Buckley, op. cit.., p. 9k and pp. 188-198. 7 7 I b i d . , p. lk9. •j g Peterseu, op. c i t . , p. 165. 79 . , Briggs, Victorian Cities, pp. 104-105, 59 80 Buckley, op_. c i t . , .p.- 19 and pp.. 34-40. ^Young, op. c i t . , p. 113'.' 82 Petersen, op. c i t . , p. I65. Do H.J. Dyos, "The Speculative Builders and Developers of Victorian London", Victorian Studies j Vol. XI, Supplement (Summer, 1968), p. 644. Ibid., p. 645. 8 5 I b i d . , p. 660. 8 f^Flinn, op_. c i t . , p . 335 • 8^G.F. Chadwick, The Park and the Town (New York: Praeger, 1966), reviewed by Mr. Crook in Victorian Studies, Vol. XI, No. 2 (December, 1967), p. 242. 8 8 I b i d . 8 9 I b i d . 9°Ibid. 9 1 I b i d . 92 y Ibid. 93 /-Jones , op_. c i t . , p . 5&. 94 D.J. Olsen, Town Planning in London (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964), pp. '97-180. Olsen reports that the f i l e s for Belford and Founding Hospital estates contain references to many private and public renewal projects involving road widening. ^Encyclopedia of World Art, Vol. XI (New York: McGraw H i l l Book Co., 1966), p. 338. 96 * Ibid., p. 339. 97 Chadwick, loc. c i t . The naturalistic styles originated by Robinson and refined by Jekyll made no attempt to be ideal pictures. They avoided the use of anything but indigenous vegetation and the lines one might find in nature. There was. a. greater emphasis on grass openings-with naturally arranged flowers, but the design retained the use of vegetation screens around buildings and along roadways. See J.S. Berrall, The Garden (New York: Viking Press, 1966), pp. 276-28O. 6o g Q Dyos , " S p e c u l a t i v e B u i l d e r s and D e v e l o p e r s " , p . 668- and O l s e n , l o c . c i t . Judgements about the g e o g r a p h i c a l e f f e c t s o f l a r g e b u i l d i n g companies must be based .on the evidence o f a very l i m i t e d , number .of d e t a i l e d case h i s t o r i e s . One i s aga in f o r c e d t o use the f i l e s on the B e d f o r d and Founding H o s p i t a l e s t a t e s . 99 O l s e n , l o c . c i t . and Chadwick, l o c . c i t . " ^ ^ D y o s , " S p e c u l a t i v e B u i l d e r s and D e v e l o p e r s " , p . 6 6 l . Jones , op_. c i t . ' , p . 56. The e f f e c t s o f these ac t s were t o s t a n d a r d -i z e c o n s t r u c t i o n techniques and m a t e r i a l s thereby making the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f l o w - c o s t hous ing much more p r o f i t a b l e . The sudden r i s e o f b u i l d i n g s o c i e t i e s . i n the l 8 7 0 ' s t h a t f i n a n c e d l o w - c o s t hous ing l i k e l y had an e f f e c t upon the i n c r e a s e i n w o r k i n g - c l a s s hous ing d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d but Dyos , op_. c i t . , p . 665 h e s i t a t e s to draw c o n c l u s i o n s on the l i m i t e d e v i d e n c e . 102 Dyos, " S p e c u l a t i v e B u i l d e r s and D e v e l o p e r s " , p p . 6 4 6 - 6 4 7 and p . 658. The f o l l o w i n g paragraph has been summarized from Dyos ' s a n a l y s i s . 103 Chadwick, op_. c i t . , p . 242. Chadwick r e p o r t s t h a t suburban houses of t h i s p e r i o d a l s o were des igned w i t h the more geometr ic s t y l e s by Sedding and B l o m f i e l d . However, c r o s s - c h e c k i n g i n the l i t e r a t u r e f a i l e d t o add f u r t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n or d e s c r i p t i o n o f g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the gardens . ^"(">i\j. Sumerson, V i c t o r i a n A r c h i t e c t u r e (New Y o r k : Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970) , p p . 6 - 7 . 1 0 5 I b i d . , p p . 8 - 9 . 1 0 ^ D y o s , " S p e c u l a t i v e B u i l d e r s and D e v e l o p e r s " , p p . 676 and 678. " ^ O l s e n , l o c . c i t . and P . H a l l , The World C i t i e s (New Y o r k : McGraw H i l l , 1 9 6 6 ) , p . 38. 10 8 Dyos, " S p e c u l a t i v e B u i l d e r s and D e v e l o p e r s " , p p . 642-690. 1 0 9 J . R . K e l l e t t , The Impact o f Rai lways on V i c t o r i a n C i t i e s (Toronto : U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto P r e s s , 1967) rev iewed by D . J . Olsen i n V i c t o r i a n  S t u d i e s , V o l . X I I I , No. 2 (December, 1 9 6 9 ) , p p . 217-219. I b i d . I b i d . 112 B r i g g s , V i c t o r i a n C i t i e s , . p .26 . 113 K e l l e t t , l o c . c i t . 1 1 ^ I b i d . and D. Ward, " A Comparative H i s t o r i c a l Geography o f S t r e e t Car Suburbs i n B o s t o n , Mass . and L e e d s , 1850-1920"., Annals of A s s o c i a t i o n o f  American Geographers , V o l . 5 4 , No. 4 (December, 1 9 6 4 ) , p p . 477-489. 61 Briggs, Yictorian Cities..,'p. 27, Briggs emph.asi.zes the role of the streetcar and. train in this process.'twit Jones's Belfast study documents the origins of slum growth, in the inner ring prior to extensive streetcar construction. Jones , op. c i t . , pp. 135-138. "'""'"^ Briggs , Victorian Cities , p. 15 and Kellet , loc. c i t . There were parliamentary trams with workingmen's fares operating in London before the 1883 legislation. 117 Cf. H.J. Dyos, Victorian Suburb (Leicester: University Press, 1966), p. 155 and pp. 148-153-118 Briggs, Victorian Cities, p. 27. 119 The reports of inter-group s t r i f e are documented in a number of sources. Strong supporting evidence that the nature of the s t r i f e was essentially based on class perception can be found in the committee minutes of the Belford and Founding Hospital estates, quoted in Olsen, op. c i t . , pp. 97-180. See also Jones, op_. c i t . , pp. 121-129. 120 Jones , op. c i t . , p. 121 and R. Glass , London: Aspects of Change (London: MacGibbon and Kee, 1964). For an assessment of Mrs. Glass's use of sociological concepts in urban history see Dyos "Growth of Cities in Nineteenth Century", p. 234. 121 Jones, op. c i t . , pp. 123-124. "*" 2 2Hall, op- c i t . , pp. 38 and 40. 123 Ibid. , p. 40 and Flinn , loc. c i t . Ibid. 125 Briggs, Victorian Cities , p. 328. 1 2 6 I b i d . , p. 329. 127 Ibid.. , p. 315. Ibid. CHAPTER III EARLY VANCOUVER, 1886-1929; THE ORIGINS OF LANDSCAPE Six years after the amalgamation of Vancouver City, Point Grey and South Vancouver in 1929 Stephen Leacock visited what he called the "wonder city". "Here is a city indeed, busy and bright with a shopping d i s t r i c t .... as crowded and as crooked as Regent Street or the Rue de l a Paix"."'" Leacock was one of many visitors who was struck by the rapid progress Vancouver had made in f i f t y years, passing in population older and larger c i t i e s . "God did a lot for Montreal, but man didn't add to i t . Quebec is h i s t o r i c a l and has a majesty of situation, but a lot of i t is squalid:- Toronto is a village and always w i l l be, i f i t spreads out one hundred miles: the prairie c i t i e s in their isolation and extension - f i l l in houses and they 2 w i l l be wonderful - but, Vancouver is wonderful right now". Within the short time i t had taken the city to reach a level of urban development evoking such description, Vancouver's society and landscape had crystallized; the main groups and social beliefs that had influenced the city's institutions and created i t s landscape were similar to those of Victorian England. FOUNDING PEOPLES AND THE LAND THEY ENCOUNTERED A Typology of Founding Groups In the nineteenth century Vancouver's population comprised four major social groups, as identified in terms of conflictive interaction on major public issues. They were segregated in various parts of the city (Map 5). Several sources of data were taken into account in classifying the urban settlers: census records, land t i t l e s , city directories, social club registers, personal diaries, commercial surveys and city newspapers. 63 Together these are sources . from which.the.social profiles.of the founding groups can be., described. No single source, was complete ..over., the span of a decade and i t was therefore impossible to systematically classify each person or household in Vancouver, on the basis of consistent c r i t e r i a . For example, i t was not u n t i l 1921 that census publications recorded the place of birth. Prior to the l880's d i s t r i c t l ot t i t l e s clearly indicate the names of individual legal owners; but, the increasing number of syndicated land companies after 1886 makes d i f f i c u l t the identification of the personal 3 backgrounds of land owners. Information on family name, residential locat-ion and occupation is contained in the annual city directories j but the sheer volume of these data precluded their complete analysis , although directories were used on a selective basis. The data from social club registers , commercial surveys and personal diaries were useful in drawing detailed profiles of the middle class; but, the incomplete records of early unions and socialist p o l i t i c a l organizations made more d i f f i c u l t the drawing of corresponding profiles.for the working class. It was city newspapers that provided the most complete and viable material for classifying the important groups and rounding out their profiles. Newspaper reports labelled many different groups: for instance, "East Enders", "West Enders", "Labour", "Artisans", "Capitalists", "Imperialists", "Orientals", "Native Sons and Daughters of British Columbia", and scores of other social organizations. As the newspaper accounts reported the day-to-day social interactions and landscape changes, the basic interrelations among groups could be reconstructed. Social interactions were revealed in the many conflicts and strifes that recurred. If consideration is given to the absolute number of persons involved, as well as to the' frequency and severity of the strifes i t can be seen that three major conflicts divided the found-61+ k mg residents into loose associations having some his t o r i c a l continuance. These conflicts concerned land investment, class and rac i a l differences. The following founding groups have been identified: (l) the middle class dominated by Eastern Canadians, (2) organized socialists and unions dominated by the British, (3) ethnic minorities and (1+) the British Columbians whose importance as a distinctive social divison declined after 1900. Before these groups can be detailed in social profiles, some comment on the merits and demerits of this classification is required. The method of classifying groups of people by analysing recurring social conflicts offers distinct advantages, for the resultant typology should more closely reflect the day-to-day re a l i t i e s of Vancouver's society.'' But there is also a definite disadvantage in that the classification is partially based on subjective interpretations. To control the subjectivity, the typology was evaluated during forty-eight unstructured interviews with civic leaders, gardeners and engineers, who were important figures in the city's development.^ Thus, while no pretence is made that the selected typology represents the tot a l i t y of conditions of early Vancouver, i t is f e l t that the social groups described below come well within the range of group experiences which were ongoing with the development of Vancouver's landscape. The Eastern Canadians and the Middle Class Those who settled and invested in the land and businesses of the West End and the western sections of what is now the central business d i s t r i c t 7 consitute one of the most significant founding groups (Map 5) • Referred to by some as "North American Chinese" and by others simply as "West Enders", they were dominated by immigrants from Eastern Canada. But this designation does not refer to a l l those who migrated from Eastern Canada, rather to those who came after the Canadian Pacific Railway (C.P.R.) had received i t s E A S T V A N C O U V E R M A P 5 V A N C O U V E R P E N I N S U L A 1890: Res ident ia l Spaces of Founding Groups Sources: Kerr 1943 and Holiday Supplement to Vancouver Daily and Weekly World 1890 Note: The flow lines indicate the direction of founding group expansion. A comparison of Vancouver City Directories for the 1890's and 1920's w i l l document specific cases of familie migrating from the Eastern Canadian and Organized Labour areas to Point Grey and South Vancouver respectively. Base m a p from National T o p o g r a p h i c Ser ies . 1:25.000 sheets 92G/6o a n d /6b , A S.E.. R.C E. 1961 65 Vancouver land grants, and to those who assumed professional and business managerial roles. The most powerful were associated with the railway, but there were many other businesses with capital and directorships from Eastern g Canada, including banks, commercial and land development companies. The middle class was by no means entirely composed of Eastern Canadians, and indications of the range of ethnic background can be deduced from Boam's 9 1912 commercial survey of Vancouver. TABLE I ETHNIC ORIGINS OF BUSINESS MANAGERS: VANCOUVER, 1912 Origins Percentage England 2h Eastern Canada 17 United States 17 Scotland 17 Prairie Provinces and Northwest Territories Ireland 5 Elsewhere 10 Total 100 Note: Data based on 50% sample of a l l enixi.es in H. Boam, British  Columbia, i t s history, people, commerce, industry, and resources, ed. A. Brown (London, England: Sells Ltd., 1912). Although these figures suggest that business management was dominated by immigrants from the British Isles in fact, i t was the C.P.R. and the Eastern Canadians who controlled the greatest land holdings, banking resources, and industrial employment.11 Further, the majority of managers and professionals irrespective of ethnic.origin was assimilated, into.the Eastern Canadian patterns of residential location (Map -3) and socialization. Within a few.years of arriving in.the city, Eastern Canadians founded a number, of social clubs. modelled, in their constitutions after those already > in existence in Eastern Canada. For example, Campbell Sweeny moved from Halifax to establish a branch of the Bank of Montreal in Vancouver in 1887 12 and'organized the Vancouver Club in I 8 9 O . Likewise, Stuart Livingstone and Cameron Nichol moved from Hamilton, Ontario and entered into business in Vancouver, establishing a Vancouver branch of the Canadian Club in 13 1906, Many similar clubs and societies were established by 1908. In most lh cases, membership was by invitation. And although the specific purposes of the clubs ranged over a number of topics of concern, they acted to structure social interaction among their members by selecting topics for group discussion and public address, by organizing varieties of entertain-ment and coordinating home visits.-- It seems from the early records of the Canadian Club that several members were recent British immigrants who supported the club's aims for building a Canadianism that was loyal to the British Empire.1'' From the absence of newspaper reports on serious con-f l i c t s between Canadian and British commercial interests, i t can also be inferred that there were easy relationships between these two subgroups. Likewise, although there was a separate American Club of 103 members in 1908, most members were also l i s t e d as being participants in other clubs like the Vancouver and Georgia Clubs in which there were large representat-ions of those from Eastern Canada."^ Certainly both American and British professionals and businessmen chose the West End and Point Grey as their residential areas (Map 5). 67 Some estimations of the .number..of families constituting the core of the middle class can be. made from the . total number ..of families. listed, in the social registers. The two!best estimates can be.made for the years 1909. and 1927j since the c r i t e r i a for membership in these years were the most 17 explicit and comparable in the published directories. There were about 1,100 households l i s t e d in 1909 and approximately 1,600 households in 1927. Given the population estimates for Vancouver in these years, i t is apparent that this group must have been less significant in population size than 18 other groups, the largest of which was the working class. The British and.the Working Class It is true that the British played an important role in the city's developing managerial and professional class. But, the contribution of the British l i e s much more in shaping the thought and actions of the working class on the Burrard and Vancouver peninsulas. It is evident that the working class was composed of many British immigrants. In a 1913 church survey of labour housing in East End households, the British accounted for 30 per cent of the 5,295 persons interviewed, Italians for 18 per cent, and 19 Canadian-born only for 9 per cent. In South Vancouver, a predominantly working-class suburb, the 1921 census figures reveal a similar picture, although by this time in the sub-urbs Canadian-born members of the working class were more numerous (Map l ) . Of South Vancouver's population, h6 per cent were Canadian-born, 4-5 per 20 cent were British-born, and 9 per cent were born elsewhere. There is evidence supporting the statement that the majority of unskilled labour and craftsmen from the British Isles originated in the rural areas of Wales, Cornwall, Scotland, Ireland and northwestern England. This observation is corroborated by the few detailed studies that reveal the origin of early 6 8 2 1 populations and by.first-hand-witnesses. .The appearance,of a.separately organized, group .of labour and socialists.that took place with.the arrival of the unionized railway workers provided.identifiable leadership. As new labour groups arrived, they took up residence south and west of the original labourers' "rancherie" near Hastings M i l l establishing Yaletown on False 22 • Creek east of Granville Street (Map 5 ) . To construct a profile of the working class and to describe the role of the British within i t , i t i s necessary to account for an important division within the class between moderate and militant organizations. These unions and p o l i t i c a l parties became, like the social clubs of the middle class, the basic units of socialization. Differences f i r s t emerged as early as 1 8 9 8 when a railway worker, Arthur Hamilton, established in Vancouver the Socialist Labour Party, a militant wing of the Marxian Socialists in the 2 3 United States. This party amalgamated with other socialist groups in the 2k province to form the United Socialist Labour Party. The expanded party maintained i t s interest in Marxist international working-class theory, a 25 theory many workers and unionists could not accept. To counteract this 26 belief in internationalism, the Vancouver Labour Party was founded. This party advocated public ownership of u t i l i t i e s and transportation, p o l i t i c a l 27 liberalism, abolition of the land grant system, and anti-orientalism. The Marxists in contrast, opposed "anti-orientalism" and " p o l i t i c a l liberalism"; as well they generally neglected urban affairs in favour of action in the 2 8 Provincial Assembly and the Federal Parliament. While the relative power of these two subgroups in dominating the working class of Vancouver varied in the f i r s t quarter of the twentieth century, and while militancy never 2 9 disappeared, i t was the "lib-Labs", the moderate faction supported by the British labour leaders that came to be virtua l l y unchallenged in the 1920's 69 As different as these two working-class organizations might have been 31 in p o l i t i c a l doctrines, they shared common social interactions. Important elements in this socialization included: p o l i t i c a l addresses and debates, card games, dances, picnics, and flower shows. Meetings were commonly in South Vancouver's Municipal Hall and Agricultural Exhibition Building, churches, and private residences. Personal accounts document the importance of the family and fellow workers in cooperative improvements of private dwellings and the vegetable and flower gardens located behind the small 32 bungalows. Union and socialist organization memberships varied over the years. However, like the core of the Eastern Canadians' impact on the middle class, their impact on the working class was pervasive. There are no records of aggregate memberships u n t i l the Vancouver Trades and Labour Congress became an umbrella organization for most important unions. By 1912, this organization included more than seven thousand members 33 with unspecified numbers s t i l l outside the Council. It climbed to twenty 3k thousand in 1925- An indication of the size of the hard core of the working class comes from the attendance estimates for labour parades. In 1932, sixty-five labour and socialist associations organized a parade of fifteen thousand sympathizers. This was the largest parade estimate for 35 the early decades of the century. Thus, while militancy was a constant threat, British workers certainly tended to influence the labour movement in the direction of moderation and even massive unemployment during the depression was met with only a loose 36 association of sixty-five different organizations. The Ethnic Minorities The third group of founding peoples was also loosely organized and had l i t t l e in common among themselves apart from their minimal positions in the city's municipal government and their low social standing that is evidenced in their notable absence from the city's social registeries and 37 managerial positions in large firms. Details on the composition of the minorities were reported in a 1913 38 survey undertaken by a Vancouver church. The household survey included a 100 per cent coverage of an area in the East End defined by Gore and Campbell avenues, east and west and Cordova Street and False Creek, north and south (.Map 5)- The survey reported forty-two different ethnic groups. In order of their populations the significant groups were: Italians (1,000), English (814), Canadians (704), Scots (608) , Americans (353), Swedish (192), Irish (150), Chinese (135), Russians (130). Considering the contemporary newspaper reports of social strife,four sub-groups stand out: Chinese, Italians, Japanese and Sikhs. The Chinese f i r s t immigrated to the city during the Gold Rush in the 39 mid-nineteenth century. They originally "squatted" outside the Granville town site on the t i d a l marshes of False Creek on the opposite side of the isthmus to Vancouver Peninsula from the Hastings M i l l and it s "rancherie" (Map 5). As the C.P.R. neared completion to Port Moody, this community was added to by what o f f i c i a l reports describe as thousands of single male labourers 4o in destitute conditions. The Pender Street Chinese community ..was firmly established and Chinese labour became associated with restaurant, laundry and domestic services since there were concerted efforts by the Provincial Government and unions to restrict their employment in construction, logg-41 ing, and the railway. The abrupt release of Chinese from labour contracts in 1884 and 1885 led to legislation that, in effect, minimized further immigration and that eliminated the voting right of the Chinese population 42 in Vancouver. As a consequence of these conditions there was a serious handicap to normal family formation. The subgroup organized i t s e l f into a number of male-dominated fraternal organizations. One of the f i r s t to emerge ( l 8 8 Q ) 5 the Benevolent Association, soon became the most represent-43 ative and encompassing. Only in times of direct threat from outside the 44 community did the Chinese subgroup attain solidarity. An indication of the loose organization of the Pender Street community comes from the Chinese press which is separated into three papers, each with a different p o l i t i c a l 45 view reflecting the varied interests of the many fraternities. Chinese social patterns segregated them from the middle and working classes. As well as their willingness to work at minimum wages objections were made with regard to Chinese dietary habits , crowded all-male open sleeping 46 rooms, opium smoking, gambling, prostitution and burial customs. The Chinese population was 3,559 in 1901 and by 1921 had reached 13,111: these 47 populations were the largest of any Asian minority. Italians constituted part of the labour force from the beginning of the C.P.R. construction when an agreement between the Provincial Government and the C.P.R. specifically outlawed the employment of Chinese on the :e h9 48 extension from Port Moody and Vancouver. Workers took up residence in the low lying and less costly accommodation in the East End (Map 5). The Italian community has always maintained a balance between male and female populations, with the extended family and the Catholic Church dominating the forms of social organization. In the i n i t i a l period the Italian population remained small; by 1901 there were only 203 persons who claimed Italian as their mother tongue. Ten years later this figure had reached 2,256 and in 1921 i t was reduced to 1,590: only 799 persons l i s t e d Italy as a birth place that year. A minority of similar population size was 72 the Japanese.. The Japanese government promoted emigrationbto. Vancouver by. arranging small loans for local Japanese businesses.^ The Japanese who after 190k were not subject to immigration restrictions f i l l e d jobs previously dominated by Chinese. Between 1901 and 1911 their population more than doubled to a total of h,2k6. During this period'.-they moved into vacant shops and the adjacent housing units on the East-side of downtown. A second Japanese residential area accommodating artisans and small businessmen developed in Mount Pleasant (Maps 2 and 5). The Japanese immigration continued until A ' 1921 when the population reached 8,328 persons; after this the sub-group population became more stable. The Sikhs emigrated from the Punjab to Vancouver, taking advantage of the fact they were citizens of the British Empire and of the labour shortage in the f i r s t decade of the century. Of the five thousand immi-grants many entered lumber and construction occupations. Their dwellings were close to the sawmills along the shores of False Creek and later the Fraser Fiver in South Vancouver (Map 5). These diverse minorities have been in conflict with other groups. How-ever accurate descriptions of their interactions are not available; there are 52 few English language records on minority social histories. Nevertheless, the minorities have persisted in the East End of Vancouver. They have been more persistent than another group which occupied the East End before 1886. The British Columbians These people comprised individuals of different ethnic and social positions who had in common a frontier experience which preceded corporate and municipal institutions in Vancouver. The most useful document is the 73 recorded, reminiscences .of R.K.. Alexander, manager of Hastings M i l l and 53 early civic leader. British Columbians who referred, to. themselves. as "mossbacks" had a distinctive pattern of informal and mutually dependent 54 social relationships. Regardless' of station in l i f e "almost everyone was known by some nickname; the only storekeeper was Portuguese Joe, otherwise 55 Joe Fernandez". But of this group, the nickname of "Gassy Jack", other-wise Jack Deighton, has become the most famous and is preserved in the place name "Gas Town". Informality was reflected in residential patterns as well. The "rancherie" for m i l l hands was located at the intersection of Heatley Avenue and the shore l i n e , a short distance from the residence of the m i l l manager.^ Alexander's accounts describe as well the frontier-like morals of the British Columbians. "Our m i l l hands were largely composed of runaway sailors of Indians .... Everyone in (those) days understood and spoke Chinook: selling whiskey to Indians was a somewhat common offence .... as everyone concerned understood Chinook the proceedings of the Court were 5 7 often carried on in that jargon ...." Again Alexander gives evidence of the coarse language used in the places of entertainment and of the heavy drinking which he claims could be so common that the mill would "shut down 5 8 for a couple of days". The amusements and recreation of the British Columbians also involved them with the nearby Chinese community on Pender 59 Street. y The British Columbians had purchased East End properties and because they controlled access to.the :Burrard Inlet they could exert influence on the evolving patterns of" land use.. The Hastings M i l l Company was establ-ished there in 1865.^° Other.important properties of the East-side were also granted by the Crown prior to the arrival of the C.P.R. What is now Strathcona, for instance,. was granted., to. two, individuals , Robert .Burnaby and Henry PeringPellew.Creacy.• In-contrast only one.large.holding was granted.before 1886 in the.West E n d . A l l these large holdings were sub-divided and sold, many.to.land speculators and developers who arrived in Vancouver.in anticipation of the' railway extension from Port Moody. It would be incorrect to c a l l these speculators "mossbacks"; but, with their land investments primarily in the east .and with their common economic competitor, the C.P.R. whose land investments were more to the west, these speculators remained closely associated with the pre-Confederation British Columbians.^2 Business associations in Vancouver-based corporations reinforced ties among British Columbians: for example, the interlocking investment of David and Isaac Oppenheimer. The Oppenheimers were present in Granville before 1 the signing of the Charter in 1886. According to David Oppenheimer1s family biography, experience in provincial development since the l860's led the Oppenheimers to heavily invest in the future of the C.P.R.'s terminal city. While the C.P.R. was negotiating for Vancouver land grants, the Oppenheimers were assembling in the East End land holdings that are reported to have been the largest along the Burrard Inlet prior to the C.P.R. land Mi-grants (Map 5). Near the centre of the East End holdings at the inter-section of Columbia and Powell Street, piers and wholesale warehouses were established in 1886 by the Vancouver Wharfage and Storage Company Limited; Oppenheimer was the major principal and three of the five trustees were British Columbians.^ A year later Oppenheimer, two other British Columbians and one unidentified principal launched the Vancouver Brick and Til e Company Limited.^''' The Vancouver Herald Printing and Publishing Company Limited was established with Oppenheimer and three of the four other trustees, British. Columbians. Another, British Columbian, CD. Rand, played a similar role that created in 1886 The -Vancouver. Gas Company Limited and a large heavy construction company, both of which had trusteeships that were 69 50 per cent Br i t i s h Columbian. It i s significant that the British Columbians appear to have concentrated their investments in those businesses directly related to landscape development: gas and lighting u t i l i t i e s , sewer, and drainage, and heavy construction. With this concentration of corporate control in the i n i t i a l stages of landscape building and with their participation in municipal government the British Columbians were capable of challenging the C.P.R. and the Eastern Canadians. To conclude, the designation British Columbian refers to a group of i n i t i a l settlers who prior to 1886 shared common l i f e styles or vested economic interests in the land holdings and businesses east of the Granville town site. In summary, considering the magnitude of differences among the founding groups and their segregation on the Vancouver Peninsula, one would not be surprised at the appearance of conflict among them. The most striking conflicts came to a head soon after the C.P.R. track reached the city. As newcomers arrived they were assimilated into the social patterns of the founding groups. As the four groups were forced to expand their resid-ential areas they not only confronted each other but also competed for the most desirable land for building homes and businesses. Landforms and the Survey System In the classical model of urban growth various social classes compete for the most culturally valued sites. This process has been in evidence in Vancouver since the arrival of the C.P.R. Vancouver occupies two peninsulas , the smaller Vancouver and the main 76 Burrard peninsulas , lying between..the .mouth..of:- the Fraser. River, in the . south.and the Burrard Inlet.in.the north.(Map 6).. The present landforms were bu i l t up from a long process of marine and glacial depositions which have been, eroded, and reshaped.by.the' shifting channel of the Fraser River and slope erosion of lesser streams. The lowlands separating the two peninsulas, the False Creek and S t i l l Creek depressions , were once occupied by the glacial Fraser. The lowlands are therefore very poorly drained. The highest ground in the city is found on the central ridges of the two peninsulas. These ridges are traversed by northsouth saddles, producing a series of h i l l s or " l i t t l e mountains". The high ground on the northern ridge runs east from Stanley Park, through the West End, Grandview-Woodlands, and Hastings East to Vancouver Heights where i t rises from the Burrard shore line to over 350 feet above sea level. On the Burrard Peninsula the high ground runs from West Point Grey, through Dunbar Heights, along the Arbutus Ridge, Shaughnessy Heights, L i t t l e Mountain, and between the Collingwood and Killarney districts on the eastern boundary of the city (Map 6). In the i n i t i a l stages of European settlement low-lying areas of the shore line were occupied f i r s t . Lumber and shipping activities of the British Columbians during the l860's were located along Burrard Inlet, 70 False Creek, and the north arm of the Fraser River. Even by the beginning of the 1900's the residential areas, with the exception of the West End, continued to be concentrated in the low ground behind the shore line in the Strathcona area, in what is now the central business d i s t r i c t , and in Marpole. With the increased mobility resulting from the extension of the streetcars between 1900 and 1909.the flanks of the two ridges, which were relatively free from fog and industrial pollution, became desired residential sites . During the twentieth century the separation of residences MAP 6 VANCOUVER AND SUBURBS ; LANDFORMS AND THE ORIGINAL SURVEY The variety of directions that established the base lines for the 1859 land survey created major avenue intersections. It was not these man-made features that became the significant landmarks in the city's social geography, i t was the high ground that aligned the two peninsulas. In the expansion of residential areas, Dunbar Heights, Shaughnessy Heights, L i t t l e Mountain, South H i l l , Mount Pleasant and Grandview became identified with particular social groups. from the industrial areas continued; industrial and.commercial activities remained, concentrated.along Burrard Inlet,.False Creek.and the.north.arm of the Fraser. River while residential areas were extended, onto. the flanks of the ridges of the Burrard Peninsula. The original survey and land registration system also had consequences 71 for the city's landscape development. Land developers used the original survey maps of Colonel Moody completed between 1859 and I863. His survey provided for a street plan that was a variant on the Victorian plans of Great Britain. Grid and diagonal road patterns focussed on certain points as they did in the mid Victorian suburban plans like those of Kensington Park, London (Maps k and 6). The Moody survey and plans for the Burrard and Vancouver peninsulas created two features of potential interest to land developers: the points of intersecting base lines and the areas where the rectangular street pattern sloped over the flanks of the two dominant ridges. Subsequent development seldom took advantage of the intersecting base lines to create distinctive "places" and "landmarks" by which urban groups could gain 72 special locational recognition. Few, i f any, residential areas take thei names from the intersections but many areas take their names from landforms the words "Heights", "Mount", " H i l l ( s ) " , "Mountain" and "View" are common (Map 6). Residential areas on.the flanks of ridges were not originally of special value as view property, even though "View" was part of the place name; the expression "view l o t " was not common in advertisements before 73 1930. Nevertheless, the higher, better drained and pollution-free lands 74 were most desired. These sites became desired locations in the land development competition among founding groups. The discussion has now reached the stage where details of this competition and the t e r r i t o r i a l 78 growth, of residential areas may he,investigated. SOCIAL CONFLICT AND.SECTOR PATTERNS The documentation of inter-group s t r i f e and residential development in Vancouver begins with economic competition. Later racial and class conflicts contributed to social segregation and sector development. The i n i t i a l conflict developed between the British Columbians, who had heavy investments in the East End, and the Eastern Canadians , who invested primarily in the West End. Racial conflict and the development of ethnic ghettos coincided with the competition between Eastern Canadians and British Columbians. In particular i t took the form of open h o s t i l i t i e s between militant labour and Asian minorities. Class conflict was associated with development of the increased participation of union and labour groups in the p o l i t i c a l process. The labour groups expanded rapidly, particularly in the f i r s t decade of this century and spread from their Strathcona and Yaletown origins into South Vancouver. Conflict in Land Investment and Life Styles To protect their land investments the British Columbians had combined in business syndicates which assembled various lands between the West End and the Hastings town site. They then commenced negotiations with the C.P.R. In 1885 agreements were made that traded one-third of the lots in these subdivisions in return for the C.P.R. 's promise to develop some of 75 i t s f a c i l i t i e s near the holdings of the British Columbians. The company bui l t i t s main piers , the railway terminal and offices , including i t s real estate office in this area. Their hotel was opened on the ridge at Georgia and Granville Streets; moreover managers of the C.P.R. and other Eastern Canadian interests selected as their residential area West Georgia 77 which became known as "Blue Blood Alley". In this process separate 79 residential areas for influential families, of the Eastern Canadians were created, on high ground in.the West End while the low'land.at.Strathcona remained a residential core for the British Columbians unt i l the turn of the 78 century. The increasing importance of the West End as a first-class residential area had consequences for the' direction of growth of the central business d i s t r i c t ; but, before the dr i f t of shops, and offices away from Water and Main Streets can be explained, another influential factor must be mentioned. The locational decisions for main public buildings lik e the Post Office were additional land use conflicts. The "East Enders" led by Oppenheimer and the "West Enders" led primarily by the C.P.R. executives had competed in bids to influence the Federal Government in i t s decision on a post office 79 location. This economic conflict was played out in social club meetings, 80 in investors' offices, in Parliament, and on the editorial pages of 8l The News Advertiser; the East Enders pressing for a location near Main or Yaletown on the Vancouver Peninsula and the C.P.R. for a location near i t s terminal. In the face of parliamentary and local newspaper criticism, the Federal Government in 1903 decided to relocate the Post Office from the East End to a site next to the C.P.R.'s property on Hastings west of Granville S t r e e t . 8 2 The relocation of the Post Office was c r i t i c a l in the development of the central business d i s t r i c t and the fi n a l decline of Strathcona as a 83 high-status residential area. As the economic expansion of Vancouver proceeded after 1903., new r e t a i l and commercial growth was added in the west while the east was forced to adapt i t s buildings to other uses. Woodward's Store established originally.in 1892 at the corner of Georgia and Main was relocated at i t s present site of Hastings and Abbott in 1903., the year the 80 84 ' Post Office location was decided. Dayid Spencer Ltd. which later became Q r Eaton's located in 1907 in a large department store at Cambie and Hastings. The only significant r e t a i l centre to move from the East End before the Post Office decision was the Hudson's ,Bay Company; however, i t should be pointed out that when the Hudson's. Bay moved from Cordova to Granville and Georgia in 1893 i t was not a department store, i t was a tea room and mail-order office. ^ In the i n i t i a l conflict over land investments the Eastern Canadians had made striking gains: the downtown commercial investment commenced i t s gradual move into the western sector and the West End replaced the East End as a high-status residential area. To more ful l y understand the reasons behind the West End becoming the unchallenged prime residential area one must investigate the differences between the social patterns of the British Columbians and the Eastern Canadians. There were sociological ties between the West Enders and the central business dis t r i c t which provided social clubs, shops, and restaurants, vi s i t s which conferred social status and provided access to broad avenues for promenading. Mention has already been made of the numerous social clubs established by Eastern Canadians. It is evident from the records of the Vancouver Club, that the club site chosen in 1891, the corner of Hornby and Hastings, "was an extremely convenient location, being close to the business centre and the residences of many of the members". In fact, most of the clubs l i s t e d in the f i r s t authentic Social Registry were located between major commercial buildings and early West End residences (.Map 7). Social visits were a part of Victorian Vancouver's middle-class l i f e style imported from Eastern Canada and each family, registered in The E l i t e Dir- ectory of Vancouver 1908-1909 designated the times at which i t would "be ILLUSTRATION 1 The ronda was an Important part of " v i l l a " form of the .middle . class Victorian culture in which the "at home" and the promenade were popular. Not a l l West End homes were vil l a s , but a l l had verandas and most had what were for Victorian cities deep set backs from the side wall. Even with the development of border hedges v i l l a s were integrated with street open space by means of elevated verandas. Street cars which were extended into the West End after their development in the East End did not appear to detract from the s i g n i f i c -ance of the street as an arena of socialization. WEST POINT GREY KITSILANO FAIRVIEW UNIVERSITY E N D O W M E N T LANDS - DUNBAR-SOUTHLANDS ARBUTUSN RIDGE >-CO CO MOUNT PLEASANT LITTLE MOUNTAIN CEDAR COTTAGE RILEY PARK-KENSINGTON HASTINGS EAST RENFREW-COLLINGWOOD VICTORIA-FRASERVIEW KILLARNEY MAP 7 VANCOUVER AND SUBURBS: CHANGES IN LOCATIONS OF SOCIAL CLUBS During the twentieth century, the social clubs which were an important aspect of early middle class organization and which were predominantly located on the western-side of the Central Business D i s t r i c t , spread into the West-side, the 'Old Point Grey' municipality. V Early C l ubs -1908 * T C lubs-1 931 ** • Contemporary c lubs *** • C lubs wi th separate c lub bui ld ings ® C lubs meeting at the home of chief execut ive * From 1908 Social Register ** From Who's Who in B.C.. 1931 * ** From card index of 1967 Social Clubs at Vancouver Public Library 81 88 at home". If not "at home"., i t seems the women, of this class were making the "social rounds",. "being seen" in the Hudson's . Bay Tea Room, at a club meeting - there were over forty clubs l i s t e d by 1927, - promenading or watching the street from the parlour. Ethel Wilson is the most acclaimed 89 observer of Vancouver's Victorian society. Topaz, the heroine of Wilson's The Innocent Traveller, portrays the middle-class l i f e style of the West Enders. It was very important for Topaz to v i s i t , to participate f u l l y in. many clubs, to have tea at the Hudson's Bay Company and to observe from her veranda who among her friends was going where and wearing what. It is evident that these social patterns would not be easily expressed-*/ in the East End. The chief disadvantage of the East End appears to have been the proximity of two already established land uses which conflicted with the l i f e style of the Eastern Canadians, particularly that of the women: the presence of heavy pollution industries along the Burrard Inlet and False Creek, and the settlement of minority groups whose social behaviour was considered incompatible with the more urbane Eastern Canadian middle class. It is evident from newspapers that women's organizations and social clubs spoke out against the drinking and promiscuity of the mill hands and against a host of social customs followed by the Chinese. By 1901 the West End was mostly developed and included the city's 90 best homes, whereas Strathcona and the central business district contained concentrations of Asian and Italian minorities and organized labour. By the time the landscape of the Vancouver Peninsula was built up, the sector pattern had been already established and, in i t s creation, conflicts in social patterns had been influential factors. The ensuing development on the adjacent Burrard Peninsula at f i r s t suggested that the orientation of the sectors might be altered. ILLUSTRATION 2 EAST END RESIDENTIAL SPACE, 1890-1910 I n d u s t r y competed w i t h V i c t o r i a n l a d i e s f o r the s t r e e t open spaces o f the East End where the 30' l o t and minimum set hack predominated. Grandview, a suburb i n the East End developed by one o f the l a r g e r b u i l d e r s c.1910, c o n t i n u e d the p a t t e r n o f l o t s i z e and set back . The u n i f o r m i t y i n the l a n d -scape r e f l e c t s as much the p a r t i c u l a r o p e r a t i o n s o f s p e c u l a t -i v e b u i l d i n g companies as i t does the s o c i a l b e l i e f s about c o l l e c t -i v e s o c i e t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f e a r l y Grandview. U n i f o r m i t y i n house form s h a r p l y d e f i n e d the park open spaces which the O l d Vancouver C o u n c i l developed i n the East End. Used p r i m a r i l y as p l a y s p a c e , s e v e r a l o f these parks were t o be e l i m i n a t e d by the middle o f the c e n t u r y . 82 Following the success of the West Enders the British Columbians turned with.some optimism to.the high grounds south.and east of False Creek, where 91 they, concentrated.investment.. With.their interests advanced on.the . municipal council by Mayor Oppenheimer and some councillors, the British Columbians in i t i a t e d impressive municipal improvement programs on the 92 Burrard Peninsula, in particular in Mount Pleasant and Fairview. A rapid growth in population followed the construction of bridges and later the streeet-he 9h 93 cars. In 1910 visitors to the city reported that Fairview rivaled the West End formed in some respects as the most attractive suburb in the city, Fairview "contained many handsome buildings to which well kept gardens were attached".9'' The municipal programs in Fairview were exemplary for the time: neighbourhood parks, sewers, sidewalks and streets paralleled private investment; in 1905 the high school was moved from the downtown to the centre of Fairview; a year later the Vancouver General Hospital was moved to the same location; and five years after that, i t was decided to locate the 96 University of British Columbia there as well. Although the sanitary regul-ations pertaining to the subdivision were the most stringent in the city to that date, the subsoil on the northern flank of the Burrard Peninsula could 97 not hold the septic tank discharges. The sewage flowed freely through the glacial sediment underground along the face of the impermeable marine clays toward False Creek where i t emerged to the surface along the stream valleys. 98 A dysentry epidemic was ascribed to this discharge and with the cooperation of the Federal and Provincial governments, the city embarked on a bond issue to construct trunk sewer extensions in 1912. During this same period, Mount Pleasant, the earliest subdivision south 99 of False Creek was also transformed into a streetcar suburb. Several 83 developers commenced investments.in walk-up tenements;•these structures and many small detached, bungalows ..housed, small businessmen, and thousands of tradesmen, employed in constructing the.surrounding suburbs.. Of the 751 heads of households l i v i n g in Mount Pleasant in 1901., 40. per. cent were tradesmen, 22 per cent labourers, 12 per cent managers and professionals and the remaining 26 per cent were unspecified.1*""^ The two remaining suburbs, Grandview and Kitsilano, made concerted efforts through advertising to attract families with social standing, but without major municipal improvements they were less successful than Fair-view i 1 ^ 1 The primary capital in Grandview came from England while that of 102 Kitsilano came from Germany. Because at this time the West End was almost ful l y occupied the competition to create another high-status area was strong. Even with its•considerable advantages Fairview floundered in a situation that must have been painfully familiar to the ambitious British Columbians; poorly drained subsoil and the C.P.R. with i t s large land grants in the West and i t s strong financing. The well'conceived programs for trunk sewers were not sufficient to make Fairview competitive with the C.P.R. subdivision of Shaughnessy which opened up in 1911 the same year the city constructed 103 Fairview's trunk extension. The Western sector remained the area of high status residences while the British Columbians failed to establish in the East or Southeast a comparable area. The "mossbacks" had been successful in concentrating within the Eastern sector.important civic institutions, but after 1912 their a b i l i t y to shape the direction of high-income residential growth was ended. Expansion of economic opportunities in the early 1900.'s had attracted many small and new investors and with this new capital the separate interests of British Columbians waned and they were absorbed into the middle and working classes. Class Conflict . The landscape developments that followed'on'the'Burrard Peninsula are to be understood more in terms of basic differences in social b e l i e f s , particularly p o l i t i c a l doctrines , between the men of South Vancouver and Point Grey than mere economic competition of land developers. The role of social interaction and basic beliefs in the development of sectors can be demonstrated by an examination of three case studies: the secession of Point Grey from South Vancouver, the social isolation of South Vancouver men from Vancouver's "society", and the disparagement of organized labour for Canadian patriotism in World War I. By 1910 South Vancouver had become predominantly a working-class 104 suburb. Without capital a labourer who came to Vancouver m the boom after 1909 had two choices for a place of residence close to the centres of employment: downtown and along the waterfront. He could find accommodation by renting tenements or cabins in Strathcona or in Mount P l e a s a n t T h e l i v i n g conditions of these areas were squalid and unhealthy; the municipal reports at the end of 1911 described the environ-ments: "Many live in two-room tenement cabins that have practically no light or ventilation. Some cabins have no baths: those that have charge a dollar for three b a t h i n g s " . D u r i n g the boom, however, the savings of three or four months' wages produced capital sufficient for a labourer to 107 relocate. Many labourers purchased lots in South Vancouver. This sub-division offered several advantages : relative to Vancouver City suburbs like Grandview, South Vancouver's property values and annual taxes were low. Perhaps of equal advantage was the streetcar extension into South Vancouver. As early as 1909. streetcar lines had been pushed southward along Main Street to 39th Avenue , along Fraser Street to 49th Avenue, and 85 108 along Victoria Street. to . 1+lst Avenue .. Evidence of the extent to which South. Vancouver he came the'. selected residence, of the labourer, and artisan can be. found in the city. directories.• from- the years 1900'. through 1912.. A labour editor for the British Columbia Federationist ascribed this concentrat-ion -to the presence in South Vancouver of good schools; to i t s being a "peaceable", "dry town" with no questionable neighbourhoods; and to i t s -offering inexpensive building materials from nearby lumber yards, accessibility to employment downtown, and absence of taxes on land improve-+ 109. ments . The attraction of large numbers of labourers to South Vancouver led to strong ties between labour theory and municipal policies . That tradesmen occupied offices in early municipal government is recorded in the hist o r i c a l accounts of a contemporary municipal clerk. "South Vancouver became the home of the industrial classes and the reeves and councils of the d i s t r i c t were drawn from this class. Pound (reeve between 1909 and 1913) was a printer, his father and brother were printers. Mr. Pound stood in well with the unions and prided himself on his union card"."''"'"0 The municipality's f i r s t Councils were dominated by men from areas in the British Isles where U t i l i t a r i a n varieties of unionism were popular at the end of the century."^ '"'""'" Brewer, the f i r s t reeve, was from Cornwall; Rae, his successor, was from Ireland. Whether there were direct relationships between these reeves and British Utilitarians is in doubt but there is clear evidence of two or their policies which were unmistakenly U t i l i t a r i a n : the 1897 single-tax system whereby no taxes were placed on land improvements and "pay as you go" for 112 those improvements made in the municipality. These overly cautious urban policies.proved to be unacceptable to a group of voters in the western part of the municipality. There was open 86 objection to the link between.labour•and .municipal government.. .Further, the western group was anxious to change the municipal.tax.structure and to.co-operate . with . the C.P.R. in the subdivision of their holdings at.Shaughnessy Heights. This predominantly managerial and professional minority occupying the high ground of Kerrisdale and what is now Marpole precipitated 113 secession, and the creation of the Municipality of Point Grey. A profile of these objecting voters is given by the 1909 Directory which l i s t s the occupations of household heads for Kerrisdale. Excluding farmers these were: three labourers, twenty-three managers of businesses and professionals, 114 and six unclassified persons. Several land developers were among the managers and professionals. The most important among them was Alvo von Alveii'Slebe.n. He, lik e several others, had built up capital in the land development of Vancouver City and then on speculation had purchased provincial lots in Point Grey.11'' According to von Alvensleben sound suburban development was based on British "liberalism", a comprehensive municipal policy for land improvement that would produce a naturalistic environment with adequate street and sanitary f a c i l i t i e s as well as park open spaces. 1 1^ If these were to be obtained i n South Vancouver, municipal government had to be extracted from the interests of labour and socialists. Given the union threat to the power of management in Vancouver's industries in 1907 and 1908, and given the numerical superiority of labour interests in South Vancouver the best strategy for realizing the goals of the dissident 117 voters was secession. This was accomplished in 1908. The secession which was reported to be amiable led to further social segregation and more pronounced differences in the landscapes of the southwestern and south-eastern sectors of the peninsula. In f u l l control of i t s urban destiny, the Municipality of Point Grey •87 proceeded, to. establish policies ..that attracted, to. i t s ..substantial .resident-i a l investments . by ..the C .P ,R. . and the main portion of . the middle class that developed.during the economic boom after. World War.I. Residential develop-ment in Kerrisdale commenced in 1909 and in Shaughnessy and West Point Grey in 1912. Slow at f i r s t , residential construction expanded rapidly. By-1929.the population of Point Grey was only ten thousand less than the 118 forty thousand of South Vancouver and in the assessed value of property and improvements Point Grey surpassed South Vancouver. "The 1929 assessment role shows a total of $30,252,574" for South Vancouver whereas the total 119 for Point Grey was twice that amount. Figures on the assessed value of permits indicate the range of economic segregation in Point Grey and South Vancouver; for example, the average value of building permits in Point Grey in 1922 was $3,115 as contrasted with the average in South Vancouver of $620. 1 2 0 The 1921 Census of Canada indicates the extent of segregation was not limited to economic conditions. Of South Vancouver's 32,267 residents in 1921, there were 46 per cent Canadian-born, 45 per cent British-born, and 9 per cent born outside Canada and the British Isles. Of Point Grey's total population, 57 per cent were Canadian-born, while only 31 per cent 121 were British-born, and ten per cent, foreign born, In the examination of social interaction and sector development, another level can be investigated. Through the analysis of residential addresses of socially prominent .families i t can be demonstrated that the residents of South Vancouver were not integrated with the formal social groupings of Vancouver City such as the Canadian Club, Terminal City Club and Georgia Club. The residents of Point Grey, on the other hand, were closely tied to formal social organizations. A set of three maps was 88 prepared, to. demonstrate.. the pattern of membership in Vancouver's social clubs. (Map -8) •. These data, were developed from social directories that . specified, the c r i t e r i a for club membership. The 1908. and 1927.data were based.on the c r i t e r i a that the families. l i s t e d were members of one or more clubs, the l i s t s of which were included in the publications. In the case of the 1931 directory, the c r i t e r i a were the subjective evaluation of the directory editors whose job i t was to know who was " i n " and "not i n " the social l i f e of the city. It can also be demonstrated that the suburbaniz-ation of social clubs that proceeded between 1908 and 1931 was entirely confined to the western sector (Map 7). Although these map data do not describe the distribution of separate social institutions and association memberships for South Vancouver, one can refer to the earlier discussion of the profile of social patterns in unions and social clubs as reported in labour newspapers to document their separateness from Vancouver's social clubs. There is one notable exception to the general tendency for the residents of South Vancouver to be socially isolated from Vancouver society. Records of the Greater Vancouver Horticultural Society document the close and cordial interaction between working-class families, professional members 122 of gardening unions, and prominent members of Point Grey's Middle class. However, garden associations were an exception. Clearly at the level of day-to-day social l i f e there was an abiding division between the men of South Vancouver and Point Grey. Final evidence of differences in beliefs that underlay the growth of residential areas on the Burrard Peninsula can be documented in the history of conscription during World War I. The belief of the labour organization was that "material wealth must be conscripted before manpower is con-These maps demonstrate the degree of social segregation in Victorian Vancouver and the confinement of the middle class to the west and southwestern sectors particularly to the West End and Shaughnessy. Although the c r i t e r i a for listings in the social directories varied with each publication, listings up to 1931 were selective and based on an evaluation of social status. After this date listings could be "acquired" and did not necessarily reflect on a family's social position in the middle class. This change was i t s e l f a signal of waning early social beliefs and organization. 89 T O O scripted-' There was a real fear.that military conscription would.he. followed, by.industrial conscription :that would be used, by.management to . curtail unions. The management class viewed.labour's position as essentially pro-German and ruinous to both the Dominion and to their capital invest-ments. The conflicts between management and labour reached a turning point in 1918. Phillips reports on the h o s t i l i t y : "The tension on the labour scene was increased further by a wholly new issue. On April l6th and May 21st (1918), the federal cabinet issued orders-in-council regarding censorship, sedition and.anti-loafing. It became i l l e g a l to express adverse opinion on the causes or motives of the war, on the actions of a l l i e d countries, or to weaken or detract from the war effort. Almost immediately labour bodies throughout the province protested. The office of the Socialist Party in Vancouver was raided and the Federationist was very nearly shut down".125 A more serious issue was created when union organizer and draft*dodger Goodwin was shot on Vancouver Island by Dominion police who were patrolling for draft dodgers. " . . . . the story broke in Vancouver that Goodwin had been shot in the back with a soft-nose or 'dum-dum' bullet"." 1" 2^ It was widely believed among the socialists and labour groups that Goodwin had been deliberately shot for his labour activities and his opposition to conscript-ion. On the belief that Goodwin had died a martyr, Vancouver Labour unions coordinated a series of strikes which were again interpreted by the middle class as pro-German and Bolshevik. A number of city businessmen organized a raid on the Vancouver Labour Temple, destroying records and furnishings 127 and making two unionists kiss the Union Jack. The conflicts continued through to 1919 when in June a general strike was called in Vancouver and' police raided the union office and homes of union leaders in South Vancouver. This s t r i f e between working class and middle class produced dramatic geographical segregation; i t practically established Cambie Street as a 90 "national" boundary line.. As a matter, of allegiance to one's cause -country- or the working class -• one had to li v e on the proper side of Cambie. In summary, then, the social, conditions underlying the growth of residential suburbs on the Burrard Peninsula were characterized by conflicts between labour and management classes. It took until 1929 for compromises to be created and the two suburbs to amalgamate with Vancouver. Before then the characteristic pattern of residential growth had developed into two separate class sectors. Similar geographical effects were produced by racial conflicts, some case examples of which now follow. Racial Conflict There were no accounts of conflicts between "Orientals" and other settlers before 1884, even though as early as 1878 there were unsuccessful attempts to create legislation discriminating against "Oriental" immigration 129 into British Columbia. An abrupt increase of Chinese moving into 130 Vancouver at the end of railway construction precipitated conflicts. These conflicts involved to some extent the middle class , whose actions were channelled through women's organizations in the church and through p o l i t i c a l 131 action in the Provincial Assembly and Federal Parliament. But, more decisively, the conflicts involved the labour unions who channelled their actions through the "Lib-Labs" in the Provincial Assembly and through an 132 independent organization, the Asiatic Exclusion League. In 1886 the Provincial Government requested financial aid from the Federal Governments for the "thousands of Chinese starving" in Vancouver and Victoria. Further the Asiatic Exclusion League called for a halt to the immigration of any Asian labour that might "come into competition with 133 free Anglo-Saxon labour". This l a t t e r proposal was considered unconstit-utional by the Supreme Court of Canada; however, the head tax of $50 per 91 , 134 Chinese immigrant was increased to. $300,. Other legislative deterrents included the exclusion of Chinese from Provincial elections in 1894 and 135 from municipal elections in I896. These measures reduced but did not stop completely the attraction of Chinese labour to Vancouver. Furthermore, the head tax, since i t had been levied only on the Chinese,' created a greater demand for other inexpensive labour. Between January and October in 1907, 8,125 Japanese arrived i n the province, the majority concentrating in I36 Vancouver. Similarly, but over a more extended period of time, between 137 1904 and 1908 an estimated five thousand Sikhs came from India. With few signs O f immigration abating and with labour unrest that accompanied the economic slump of 1907, the Asiatic Exclusion League called a meeting in September 1907 that led to wholesale physical destruction of private property in minority areas (Map 5)- The attack by the rioters, most of whom were labourers, was also directed against the Japanese but that attack was less destructive. The Chinese protested by a staged sit-down strike. The "street" politics of these conflicts assumed international importance and in 1908 the Federal Government signed agreements which limited Japanese 139 immigration. This and similar agreements in subsequent years virtually i4o eliminated Asian immigration until after World War II. There were significant geographical consequences of these street con-frontations between labour and Asians. The curtailment of Asian immigration resulted in the majority of this group being segregated and confined in the l 4 l East End within a few blocks of the downtown. . Investments similar to 142 those m most British cities might have resulted in working-class tenements in the East End. Instead there was a displacement of Anglo Saxons from the East End, leaving the minorities ' quarters over stores and in old frame houses. Densities were high. First there was the direct movement, described in a previous section to.Mount Pleasant and then.to.South.Vancouver. There was also a lateral extensionj not :to.the west of Mount Pleasant which was already being claimed by.the middle class, but to the east (Map 5). In a right flanking movement the working class expanded from Mount Pleasant along the high ground north and east into Grandview (Map 6). By 1930 Asian and.Italian groups had by and large replaced Anglo-Saxon labour groups in 145 Strathcona. Thus the struggle of the working class not only socially and geographically separated i t from the middle class but also from the ethnic minorities. In summary, t e r r i t o r i a l growth of residences demonstrates a close relationship between inteK^group s t r i f e and the residential development into three distinctive sectors radiating outward from the sites i n i t i a l l y occupied by the founding groups. It was only the British Columbians who failed to sustain t e r r i t o r i a l growth within the sector they i n i t i a l l y occupied. By 1929 the local landscapes within the middle class primarily in Point Grey, the working class of South and East Vancouver and the ethnic minorities of the East End had developed surprising contrasts (Maps 1 and 2). . SOCIAL BELIEFS AND LOCAL LANDSCAPE VARIATIONS There are visual differences in the local landscapes of each sector, differences in the appearance of street and park open spaces and the arrangements of gardens and dwellings. These variations can be shown to be associated with the basic beliefs of the middle and working classes , but there are insufficient data to analyse the minority areas. The records of municipal and civic bodies, Vancouver's English l i t e r a t i , local newspapers and eye-witness accounts are the primary sources available. Both local and 9 3 more general social histories, provide secondary sources, of data, on beliefs and landscape developments. The data were organized into case examples that demonstrate local landscape differences and groups variations in values present in early Vancouver. These include: Cl) individualism, (2) civic consciousness, and ' ( 3 T man's relationship to nature. The Ritual of Individualism "The sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number is self-protection" ."^ So wrote the Victorian M i l l . His remark is an appropriate introduction to the liberty theme of Vancouver's development of land. Evidence for strong beliefs is to be found in recorded thoughts of men from the middle-class sector: "Our creed locally and so worked out by consistent members of the Vancouver Canadian Club, consists in seeking the highest good of the race by working to make .... the Empire the greatest that ever has been, the greatest not alone in wealth and power, but greatest in that in i t is to-be found the . highest average of comfort and happiness to the individual..." Such were the remarks of the President of the Canadian Club 1 9 0 7 - 1 9 0 8 , Eastern Canadian emigrant and "West Ender". A v i s i t i n g English p o l i t i c i a n , Vivian, whose appearance in Vancouver was one of the highlights in the history of the Canadian Club, received "rounding applause and cheers" from club members when he t o l d them " i t is not the size of your territory that is ultimately going to decide your place upon nations: i t is the individual". Ownership in private property was one expression of individualism as well as a means to individual wealth, comfort and p o l i t i c a l power. This belief was true even in labour-dominated South Vancouver. While one finds in the labour and soci a l i s t newspapers few references to individualism but many to "cementing the working class" or "class solidarity", the party 9h platforms .of moderate. "Lib-Labs" consistently included, policies...that can be interpreted.as representing beliefs in.individualism. For :instance.in Vancouver's 1926 election the labour candidate,'. Deptford, completely rejected terraced housing and supported' the more costly policy of single, detached dwellings on 33-foot lots as a solution to the housing c r i s i s . Another labour candidate, D. Lefeaux, strongly defended the necessity of private ownership and detached family h o m e s . B u t , the trust in real property as the basis for the individual right of holding office in municipal government was not supported by a l l in South Vancouver. The socialist candidates running for federal and provincial elections argued on a platform 151 for the abolishment of land grants and the nationalization of land. Even some "Lib-Lab" candidates in South Vancouver in 1926 campaigned on a plat-form to abolish property ownership as a qualification to hold public office 152 in the city. Thus, with exception of organized socialists in South Vancouver, belief in private'ownership of real property as capital security for the individual was the general rule. As one "mossback" humorously put i t in an address in the city, "Everyone in Vancouver is busy outside .... taking up dollars; but he need not be in a hurry because you can pick up 153 dollars anywhere around here in the dirt (property)", The belief in land as a lever for individual comfort and happiness is further represented in provincial statutes and corporate practices and 15k in provincial legislation in the Land Act and the Municipal Act. These were designed to regulate the tenure of land and the size of legal parcel. The regular sizes in the grid pattern were combined with simplified legal processes to make easy the transfer of land t i t l e s (Map 9). Once the land was granted or sold, however, the actual practices of subdivision and resale which in the end resulted in land improvements and home construction MAP 9 THE GEOGRAPHICAL EXPRESSIONS OP INDIVIDUALISM: THE WEST END, 1912 The wooden frame single residence on the ubiquitous small lot was a distinctive feature in the landscape of early Vancouver. This reproduction of an early cadastral map of the West End demonstrates that whether the land use was commercial, residential, or industrial, the tenure was by small lots. The small lot prevailed in the triangle-blocks at street junctions as i t prevailed everywhere but for the narrow foreshore and reclaimed land along the shoreline of the peninsulas. While walk-up apart-ments appeared in limited numbers in the West End, tenements were generally absent from the Vancouver Peninsula. 95' differed, widely. • The' range . of these differences . and t h e i r . geographi cal impact can be. -understood through' an examination o f four case studies': large land companies, small private", companies.'.,'.cooperative bui l d i n g companies , and the "urban homesteader". Shaughnessy The largest land company operating i n Vancouver was the C.P.R. and Shaughnessy Heights was i t s most elaborate subdivision (Maps i and 10).. Shaughnessy Heights provided i t s residents with a d i s t i n c t i v e s o c i a l and aesthetic environment with a choice of styles and reasonable f i n a n c i a l terms that appealed to the individualism of the middle class and e l i t e s . The C.P.R. had a t r a d i t i o n of concern for architecture, landscaping and f i n a n c i a l "know how" and these experiences were applied to Shaughnessy.^'5'' More than $1,000,000 was spent i n creating the appropriate suburb conditions before construction began; t h i s included rep l o t t i n g of layouts, grading boulevards, paving and curbing, i n s t a l l i n g basic u t i l i t i e s and creating a un i f i e d landscape design (Map 10).^^ A r e s t r i c t i v e covenant was obtained from the p r o v i n c i a l government that excluded both commercial and multi-dwelling units. Although there was one holding company, other contractors and i n d i v i d u a l architects participated. Transferring a land t i t l e was remarkably simple. "You would t e l l Harry Forrest, land agent f o r the C.P.R., to put down John Jones for l o t s so and so. He would make a note with a lead p e n c i l on his record and John Jones , on the strength of that , but with nothing i n w r i t i n g , would b u i l d a couple of houses on the l o t s and when completed, and perhaps sold i n • about 90 days time, would come i n and pay for the l o t s through money' raised', perhaps by a .mortgage, a discount of 10 per 157 cent for cash being allowed". The replotted contour street layout gave individuals a choice of l o t ILLUSTRATION 3 THE SHAUGHNESSY LANDSCAPE, 19lH-193fc A view of the Circle and i t s as symmetrical park open space which functioned as an ornamental garden symbolizing not only the status of the adjacent residents hut their acceptance of civic authority and belief in an ho l i s t i c city. An early view of the offset inter-sections and contour streets , two features of the Shaughnessy land-scape that give the pedestrian the potential of seri a l vision. As the border hedges and street orna-mentation developed this potential was increased greatly. Villas patterned after the romantic half-timber motif of British Columbia's f i r s t influential architect, Maclure. Note the informal ornamental garden. This motif and other West Coast v i l l a s inspired the romanticism of house form in companies like Vancouver Free Homes, a co-operative firm that specialized in bungalow building in South Vancouver during the same period. IAP 10 POINT GREY'S EARLY LANDSCAPE 1908-1928 Point Grey's Shaughnessy Heights appears to be the most successful subdivision built during Vancouver's early period. With an individualism moderated by ci v i c authoritarianism, and with a strong disposition toward environmentalism, the middle class created a residential landscape that was characterized by wide streets, streets that were often replotted from the original survey to create geomorphic patterns, boulevards and " c i r c l e s . " In one of the f i r s t instances of residential zoning in Canada, Point Grey systematically integrated park open space with residences and confined commercial and industrial land use. .... . i ii ii 'ir ji i: j j; :i j'- 1 T m «ft it IL .jsaragijii ?H'?<f:T 30- jr •» Hwyijiwtf ^ 1 I i in 526, * fill -•*-*»T*:-:itln.:i• :1 i ~ ti- _'_ " 2 • f*r-.it,t l.,i,„.i., rt,' A th, t .jfrnti'ii -/'Hunt Ont /I' 96 shape and size:.the smallest lot was .16 . acre,.. i t sold for $1,500. in 1919; and the largest was .1.1 acre ,.. i t . sold. the '• same year for $10,000. With.these easy terms old Shaughnessy' was developed.between 1912 and 1925,' most sales and construction being completed after 1919. The consequence of the C.P.R.'s operations was to create a land- ^ scape with a dominant architectural theme which allowed the individualism of the owner to be expressed. There emerged on the West Coast the f i r s t distinctive regional design, the "half timber", with i t s broad roof over-159 hang and vertical proportioning. Although the financial arrangements were easy, the $6,000. construction cost minimum and the exclusive landscape plan attracted a select group of men, with acquired "tastes", with an heritage of, or aspirations for status. They created in most instances " v i l l a s " isolated behind walls and hedges, and with gardens surrounding them. The dominant architectural theme was Maclure's "half timber" English Colonial; but, other examples of the "Colonial" were also constructed: "popinjay"; "sophisticated Italian" and "Spanish"; there was a variety on the Colonial theme. A pedestrian would be sensitive to more than high walls and isolated v i l l a s in Shaughnessy: the street layout produced serial vision. The unexpected views through gateways on the walls and the random lines of sight afforded by the road intersections in the contour street pattern, combined to make this area more aesthetically stimulating than any other suburb. While individualism expressed i t s e l f in Shaughnessy's architectural variation on Colonial themes, this visual expression was often hidden behind walls and, in contrast, there was a common symmetrical character' to a l l the open spaces. In South Vancouver individualism was expressed, independent of public open.space. 97 The Urban "Homesteader".. Considering eye-witness accounts.and the . limited, local histories ..available ,.. i t . is . evident that home construction in South.Vancouver was by.and large undertaken.by individuals' who, as money became available, undertook to construct, with the cooperation of the family members and co-workers, their own homes. An example of a Welsh streetcar conductor w i l l demonstrate this general process of land development. 1^ The conductor arrived from a village in south Wales in 1910 and rented a cabin in Mount Pleasant. He obtained a job in the streetcar barns which by 1911 paid him $70 a month. In 1912 he purchased two lots on East 43rd Street for $200 down. On one of these lots he erected the f i r s t part of a bungalow whose design was taken from Hodgson's Practical Bungalows and  Cottages, 1^ 1 In i t s f i r s t phase of construction he obtained, in return for his own labour on other houses and for cash wages, the assistance of fellow members of the British Columbia Electric Company. After 1913, as more cash became' available, the second floor of the house was completed, then the bedroom was added. The siding was finished one year later. In 1916 the surrounding land including the second lot was cleared of stumps and a retaining wall between the two lots constructed. It took four years to completely develop the land to a point where the house accommodated his family of three children and where the vegetable and flower garden behind the house was productive. He, along with a neighbour on one side, planted mountain ash on the street right-of-way adjacent to his property. In 1920 he sold the second lot and a house was constructed on i t . Many small houses, each modelled on one of several American and Canadian copy books, were built through similar processes. They produced distinctive local landscapes.in South.Vancouver. In areas where this process predominated great variety in local landscapes resulted. Due to the ILLUSTRATION h DIFFERENCES OF OPEN SPACES IN POINT GREY AND SOUTH VANCOUVER, c.1930 This Old Point Grey home is a vivid demonstration of the deep set backs and the integration of private ornamental garden and public open space - two dominant features of this middle class sector. While not a l l front gardens were as symmetrical as this, most were given to as much ornamentation. Boundary, between open spaces designated Point Grey and South Vancouver. In the foreground the deep set back of Point Grey and in the background the shallow set back of South Vancouver. A contemporary view of a Ken-sington back yard with shallow set backs; the men of South Vancouver maximized the back yard space which functioned as a vegetable and cut-flower garden. Gardens of this sector were not integrated with the public open space of the street. MAP 11 "OLD VANCOUVER CITY": THE GRID PATTERN IN THE EAST END, c. 1912 While the grid pattern was the basis of "Old Vancouver's" organization of open spaces throughout the cit y , the British Columbians who controlled the fi r s t Councils saw that i t s adaption in East Vancouver was of high standard. In spite of i t s f l e x i b i l i t y in this area, i t s extension to a crescent on a promontory, its variable lot sizes, alley accesses and nearness to park open spaces, the ensuing development did not produce land values that were as high as the West End values. The proximity to railways and industries, the transistory nature of the f i r s t residents who were of immigrant working classes, and then the succession of ethnic minorities for whom the detached dwelling and small lot were poorly suited continued to complicate landscape development on the East End. length.of longer.periods ^ bf construction there was variety in.materials and . . . . . . . designs. Because.there was .often.an original purchase .of two or three let s , some of which were resold later, there was along any given.street.a wide range in the age of buildings and depth of set hacks. Because the street right-of-ways were planned individually by owners and not in a coordinated plan, private spaces were seldomly integrated with public open spaces (Map 12). Thus the sense of individual freedom, security and access to municipal office was strong within the middle- and working-class sectors of Vancouver. Variations in the amount of capital possessed and the a b i l i t y to obtain co-operative labour in home construction led to differences between the local landscapes of South Vancouver and Point Grey. The Consciousness of Collectivity There is a sense in which a measure of individualism in residential design resulted from a belief in collective actions among people with low incomes. This working together in associations to build homes was manifest in the operation of cooperative home building companies. In yet another sense the operations of speculative builders. . produced through similarity of home design the visual appearance - of c o l l e c t i v i t y . F i r s t take the case of cooperative building. Cooperative Building Companies. The exact number of cooperative firms is d i f f i c u l t to determine. Their number is not l i k e l y to be large. The most significant cooperative appears to have been Vancouver Free Homes Ltd., 162 a company whose shareholders were both i t s own employees and buyers. The company which is reported to have been based on Californian antecedents was capable of producing a greater variety.of house design than some private companies. Offering architecturally designed residences with low down MAP 12 . SOUTH. VANCQIJVER' S. EARLY LANDSCAPE, 1892-192 8 Not disposed toward civic authoritarianism, but with deep beliefs in individualism and proletarian control of the urban economy, the men of South Vancouver created a landscape characterized by single residential lots sprawled along narrow often badly aligned streets. With.a seeming indifference to the natural environment, these urban groups with their strong. British socialist bias created a landscape in which there was an absence of boulevards, in which the location and amount of park open space were determined solely by. tax defaults, and in which a mixture of residential and commercial landuse was not only tolerated, but actively promoted by the "single tax" system. 99 payments,and the prospect of repayment .through dividends alone,.the company attracted, the individualistic . artisans . for whom . they.. designed.personal homes. "There (were) no hand-me-down.patterns", each bungalow was separately styled in the general patterns that were widespread on the West Coast of the early twentieth century; f l a t roofs with wide overhangs, supporting beams and chimney foundations open to view. The available design themes were oriental pagoda, Swiss chalet, English cottage, colonial bungalow, Mexican patio, Maori whare, and. Indian wigwam. As appropriate as this means of developing land might be in a suburb with a prevalence of low incomes and beliefs in organic class collectivity cooperatives were unable to survive depressions that followed after 1913 and as a result their impact on the local landscapes of South Vancouver is limited. Only in. a few streets like those in the 40-50 blocks between Main and Victoria Streets, along which cooperatives were active, can one distinguish the sophisticated individual designs of bungalows that most often used f i e l d stones and rough timber to produce an integration of the house with the l o t . Through variations in set back and position on the lots , a better integration between private and public open space of streets was achieved along these few streets than in the suburbs like Grandview. These-streets , however, were the exception to the rule in South Vancouver where in more than any other sector of the city the urban homesteader pre-dominated. Small Speculative Companies., A complete record of construction and land development companies in Vancouver does not exist as i t does in the case of Victorian London. The best evidence of speculative activities i s developed from two sources:: advertisements in local newspapers and the announcements of labour demands in the issues of The Wage Earner and i t s 100, , successor, The British Columbia.Federationist.. Considering this evidence as a whole i t can be. concluded.that speculative.building in old Vancouver. City.was largely the result .of small private developers that competed wholly or in conjunction with other developers the f u l l process of subdivision land improvement, financing, construction, and sale of buildings. While the records of the Bank of Montreal reveal the- existence of large companies , like the Vancouver Improvement Company which in 1898 owned l6 3 1,167 lots and held $50,000. in home mortgages, the speculative companies seem to have been smaller after 1900. Boam again gives some details of 16k Von Alvensleben in Kitsilano and Killman in Grandview. The records of the latt e r are the most complete. Killman's company turned over $270,000 in land improvements during a nine-month period of activities in 1911. His investments were concentrated in Grandview where in 1911 he had built and sold 184 bungalows of four to six rooms. He employed two architects and'was able to build an average of one house per day when the demand was high. His financing terms were not unlike those of Shaughnessy with ten per cent demanded as a down payment and the balance to be repaid over seven years. The effects of these operations upon local landscapes like those of Grandview and Kitsilano were to produce an appearance of collectivity or unity in society within the area dominated by the company, an area which was never more than two or three residential blocks. The unity was created by similarities in the bungalow designs, the materials used and the fact that they were completed over a short period of.time. The bungalows which were sited with a shallow set back established by the municipal by-laws were designed on two floors of wooden frame construction, with a high basement 101. partly above ground accentuating vertical proportions. Those who purchased these dwellings were ,'by. the terms of financing, likely'to he basically similar in income and occupation. Most'were small businessmen and artisans who could afford a down payment on a completed home and who could command a credit over a seven-year period. There was also an impact on the street and park open spaces. The 30-foot lots were largely f i l l e d up by the bungalows and the proximity of dwellings of similar designs placed close to the street rights-of-way had the effect of sharply defining street and park open spaces. Without set backs and a company policy for boulevard tree planting, there was a lack of integration between private and public open spaces (Map 11). Thus the relation between social b e l i e f and landscape in early Vancouver was not straightforward in a l l cases. There were cooperative actions of the working class that produced an element of individualism in South Vancouver and individual free competition that produced an element of unity in Grandview and Kitsilano. Civic Authoritarianism Civic authoritarianism as i t is used here denotes a basic acceptance of apodictric orders and threats of legal punishment, and an aversion to consultative and persuasive methods of coordinating urban behaviour and building the urban landscape. In a sense this acceptance is a denial of strong beliefs in individualism - in authoritarian societies the individual is united to a hierarchic civic body, "the public", by zealous obedience. There are recorded comments about patriotism and loyalty to local government that describe the various beliefs early group leaders held toward author-itarianism. There are also observations on the events in which different groups have collectively and openly disobeyed municipal by-laws and' challenged police authority in Vancouver. Some of these data were 102 described in the section on sector,development and they., could.be. cited again at this point. But,:with.respect.to the variations in.local land-scapes, no data on authoritarian beliefs are more relevant than those inter-preted from various civic regulations and taxation systems established under the Provincial Municipal Act and applied in the three p o l i t i c a l l y discrete sections of the Vancouver and Burrard Peninsulas. South Vancouver Policy. The changes in beliefs about civic authorit-arianism in the working-class sector are described by the changes in civic policies and taxation in South Vancouver. In the hope that rapid develop-ment of land would follow, South Vancouver created in 189T the "single tax" system — taxing of land and not man-made improvements."'"^'' As a necessary corollary to low taxation the public investments in roads, parks, and services were also minimal. Between 1893 and 1905 only one $35»000 debenture was advanced, while in 1909 the debentures totalled $450,000 and in 1910 $400,000; this increase must be seen against a background of large 166 increases of population and building starts, A policy of "cooperative p o l l labour" for municipal improvements resulted in some road construction; however, with exception of education, other services were not developed unti l the end of the d e c a d e . M a s s i v e civic investment and control were again averted by the contract with the streetcar company whose corporate responsibility i t became to maintain the roads along the track system in South Vancouver. There are some cases that, at f i r s t hand, appear to suggest labour and union acceptance of civic authoritarianism. The 1909 election was lost by Reeve Rae, one of the municipal leaders who argued against municipal investments and direct civic participation in land improvements and service institutions. But this cannot be interpreted as a sudden change in belief 103 toward civic authority: there were complications. The failure of Rae was, in the opinion of some,, as much.the.result .of the'. attack on his.moral l68 turpitude by.the Women's Aid as.it was disbelief in his civic philosophy. After, the defeat of Rae and secession of Point Grey,- South Vancouver advanced several debentures and embarked on what seems to be an ambitious public works program. Again at closer inspection this change cannot be taken as evidence that there was a substantial shift of values toward civic authorit-arianism. On the contrary, the public improvement of local landscapes was an attempt to increase the circulation of real income and increase individual capital gains more than i t was a bending toward civic inter-,..169 vention. The continuance of the single tax system, concurrent with the expansion of uncoordinated public works financed on borrowed funds, led South 170 Vancouver into serious deep financial debt. While municipal debt was not uncommon in British Columbia about the time of World War I, the situation was made.worse in South Vancouver by a public improvement program that was more consumptive of wage labour and less productive of permanent capital improvements. There was a sharp decline of the municipal assessment from $43,815,311 to $31,048,732 between 19l6 and 1918. In 1918 the Provincial Government assumed control of municipal, expenditures by appoint-ing a Commission to act in l i e u of the reeve and councillors. The Commission, unt i l 1923, applied the most forceful methods of control in South Vancouver's history; the single tax was abolished and tax sales were commenced in cases of tax arrears. The use of this kind of civic power not only meant that the municipality managed to meet i t s financial oblig-ations but also that in 1923., the f i r s t year self-government was returned, South Vancouver could carry out a renewed program of permanent civic 104 improvement.. These experiences had an impact on the "Lib-Labs" in local government.. The'Municipal elections fought by.labour after 1923. indicate that there was a growing acceptance of civic authoritarianism. While there were no reports in the newspapers suggesting strong labour support for the single tax system there were, on the other hand, several reports of labour candidates supporting amalgamation with Vancouver City whose government taxed improvements and policed tax failures. By 1929, when municipal assets compared favourably with any other part of the greater city, South 171 Vancouver amalgamated with the other two municipalities. For the south-east sector the event marked a division between an earlier time when the working class generally rejected civic authoritarianism and the second third of the twentieth century when labour and union leaders accepted civic power as a solution for building the urban landscape. r The geographical consequences of attitudes toward civic powers are found in the pattern of park and playground locations. Before amalgamation there were no budgets for the acquisition of parks. Further, there was no rational plan for integrating park open space with residential areas. The location of the city parks was not based on the park user, but rather on the location of properties on which there were taxes owing. These latter locations normally were in the less viable residential areas. One can also point to the lack of integration between street and private open spaces that was obtained in early South Vancouver's local landscapes. What was significant was the home and the back-garden, not the public open space.of streets and parks. It was not merely that income was invested in private property at the sacrifice of public space, nor was i t the rejection of civic symbolism in public buildings, statues, and systematic landscaping. Their rejection of a collective public was expressed in their lack of interest in beautification of front lawns. . There is .evidence.of this in the 172 Bartholomew Report, in local gardening magazines and in the records of the gardening clubs documenting the many attractive private gardens in South Vancouver. Few of these gardens, however, could be viewed from the public right-of-way: they were secluded by fences that surrounded the back yards. The front yard was generally a grass lawn, although i t s use as a vegetable garden was not unknown, particularly in the recession before and during World War I. As i t has been noted, some shrubs and trees were planted and this individual planting was often extended to the side of the roadway, neighbours sometimes cooperating in a design of evenly spaced trees of the same variety — mountain ash, poplar, or maple. Point Grey and West End Policy. There is no doubt that Point Grey built with a concept of i t s collective "destiny" and that civic authority was applied to regulate individual actions and landscape expression. When The C.P.R. advertised i t s Shaughnessy subdivision in 1919 the caption in the 173 newspaper was. "A City's Soul Lies in i t s Homes". This summarized the assumptions Point Grey held about i t s landscape. Residential space was not merely a physical territory in which men lived but a visible and tangible symbol of an encompassing c i v i l i z a t i o n of which they were an important part. Landscape was an expression of belief in the greatness of British Victorian destiny, "You are part of a world movement which w i l l go on for hundreds of years. When you lay out your streets, when you erect your buildings please make your lots larger with this in view. Build with a concept of your destiny". 1 7 1 1 Subdivision controls with legal restrictions on dwellings, minimum home costs, and with emphasis on public spaces and controlled landscape design were the means for transforming these values and expectations into 106 geographical reality. These were.not the only ways: from its.secession the municipality maintained a policy .of acquisition and.development of open spaces related to, not only incidental to, subdivision development. By 1928, $1+00,000 of the municipal tax revenue had been spent on a parks program, not counting the annual costs of the upkeep. Included with the maintenance costs were the expenses of boulevard landscaping that were an integral part of the suburb's t r a f f i c plans for King Edward Avenue, Oak and Granville streets. Perhaps the $50,000 by-law for the purchase of L i t t l e Mountain Park on the boundary between South Vancouver and Point Grey is the clearest indication that, in the question of.private space, versus public open space, Point Grey put emphasis on public open space. The by-law which narrowly passed in South 1 7f^ Vancouver passed in Point Grey by a majority of over twelve to one. Subjugation of the individual's freedom to construct buildings and design gardens to the collective sanctions of the municipality was carried further in Point Grey's zoning by-laws. In 1922 the municipality passed its f i r s t zoning regulations, which became part of the Town Planning Act in 177 1927- No other municipality in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia regulated the development of i t s landscape more than Point Grey. A comparison of this by-law with that of Vancouver City demonstrates the greater civic authority that was characteristic of Point Grey. There were only seven classifications of land-use zoning: unlike Vancouver, there were no provisions for six-storey multiple dwellings, six-storey commercial and "I vPi general businesses. There were other differences that drew comment from Bartholomew: "In the residence districts in Point Grey the front yard regul-ation is 2k feet while for Vancouver i t is only 20 feet. The side^yard regulation in Point Grey calls for 5 feet, but may be reduced to 3 feet for lots less than 40 feet, in Vancouver, while.the side-yard.regulation has a maximum width of 5 feet, i t need not be.greater than 10 per cent of the site width". 1 7 9 Point Grey transformed i t s "13 square miles of forests and stumps.... into one of the most outstanding and desirable residential districts of l8o Canada". In this transformation one must consider, in addition to the beliefs in civic authoritarianism, the previous reference to Vancouver's largest land developer, the C.P.R. From the beginning Point Grey received l 8 l the encouragement, cooperation and financial support from the C.P.R. The economic ins t a b i l i t y that plagued most municipalities after World War I had less effect on Point Grey because of the C.P.R. While South Vancouver lost i t s p o l i t i c a l independence because of this bankruptcy, Point Grey not only survived as an independent self-governing body, but i t experimented with public investment and regulation of land use. Tax revenue from C.P.R. land accounted for about one-third of the 182 total municipal revenue at the end of World War I. The company did not f a i l to pay i t s taxes, contributing in one year alone $183,888 to the 183 municipality. During the worst of times money was advanced to the municipality. Further, to provide inexpensive public open space adjacent to subdivisions, the C.P.R. donated property and arranged for leases at minimal costs: i t donated three acres on which a community centre was to be erected; Cricket fields on 15th Avenue, lawn bowling grounds at Selkirk and 26th, the Vancouver Tennis Club and the Shaughnessy Golf Club were a l l 184 developed with the financial assistance of the company. Clearly the spi r i t of Point Grey was supported by the corporate s p i r i t of the C.P.R. In summary, the meaning of public power and public open space differed in Point Grey and South Vancouver at the turn of the century. For South 108 Vancouver, private apace and individual happiness were considered more important than public comfortsafety, and long-range costs. Municipal improvements were seen to be a means to individual capital gain; l i t t l e money was .--.spent on road and park improvements and those amounts that were expended resulted in uncoordinated programs with l i t t l e long-range impact. For Point Grey, on the other hand, public open space including deep set backs became expressions of beliefs in the collective society of Vancouver and in i t s destiny as a component in a world-wide empire. These beliefs and the financial support of the C.P.R. created in Vancouver a striking pattern of broad avenues and open parks integrated with single-family dwellings. By the late 1920's there were indications that the basic beliefs in South Vancouver had changed. The "Lib-Labs" expounding accept-ance of civic power and cooperation with the management class that dominated the central city led the municipality to p o l i t i c a l amalgamation with Point Grey and Vancouver City. South Vancouver brought to amalgamation a land-scape that, in i t s disregard for public open space, contrasted with the open spaces of the other two municipalities. Further contrasts can be found in the sector variations in open space designs and the presence or absence of naturalism. Man's Relationship to Nature Social beliefs emphasizing nature's influence on man's spiritual and material well-being are varied among social groups in Vancouver. Rich new interpretations of beliefs emphasizing man's dominance over nature were furnished during the Victorian Age in the industrial cities of Great Britain and in the New World. In Vancouver, where the rain forest and shore lines were transformed into streets and buildings within the l i f e span of one man, i t may be expected that many had reason to 109 believe that, through technology, .man could subjugate nature. On closer examination the doctrine that human w i l l and rationality can dominate nature does not appear to have been accepted by everyone. Examples from the middle class are suggested in the literature of the Vancouver novelist Ethel Wilson, and further examples from other groups come to light with an examination of various municipal policies. F i r s t , Wilson's work w i l l be reviewed with the intent to discover i t s underlying philosophy about nature and man. Literature of the Middle Class. Of Wilson's novels, The Innocent Traveller is the most authentic in that i t portrays the l i f e she lived and understood herself, that of a middle-class West End family at the turn of the century. In this novel the sea gull represents nature and an analysis of the relationships between the sea gull and society gives insight l86 into Wilson's underlying beliefs about nature and man. Sea gulls f l y into the city from the Pacific Ocean. They f l y over the streets and rest in the city parks. Although they may be chased by dogs the sea gulls only ris e , wheel bri e f l y and settle again in the park — they are not permanently influenced by other natural elements. Wilson gives no t r a i t of emotion-alism to the sea gu l l ; "the big white sea gull has no heart of love, he is 1 A T beautiful, strong, calculating and rapacious". The sea gull is not completely understood — Wilson cannot explain why the sea gulls pass so much time close to man because they come into the city without searching 188 for food and when they are not threatened by Pacific storms. From this look at her literary imagery i t may be concluded that Wilson saw man and nature l i v i n g close together, although nature was at times indifferent to man and the laws operating in nature were not entirely i n t e l l i g i b l e . But in Wilson's book the sea gull also influences man. "Wheeling 110 aboye the t r a f f i c the sea g u l l 1 si .mewing cries disturb" . Vancouver? "remindr-i PiQ ing men.of past events, other.places and forgotten feelings". "When a west wind catches the sea gulls "there (.is) an exhileration produced in those who (watch)" .-^ O rphus n a t u r e was viewed as acting positively on the human s p i r i t , evoking warm emotions and memories. Considering then the examples from Wilson i t seems that the l i t e r a t i thought that the designs of nature and not solely the designs of man influenced s p i r i t u a l well-being. Certainly i f one looks into the broader but less literary writings in horticultural magazines and books there are further examples of this ^ 1 Q 1 philosophy. One might be inclined to use Wilson's novel of a working-class family, 192 Tuesday and Wednesday, to document that group's beliefs about nature. But, since Wilson had no direct experience in this class, her perceptions of i t do not provide material useful for this study. However, with regard to middle-class views again, i t is interesting to note in Tuesday and Wednesday that Wilson uses the l i f e of a gardener to portray Vancouver's working class. This supports the claim that Wilson is very conscious of nature. She might well have chosen a railway worker or a stevedore. The naturalistic assumptions in Wilson's literature are similar to views revealed in early Vancouver's Parks Commissions whose elected majority consistently came from the middle class of the West End. Park Policies. Policies of early Park Commissions are described in 193 Minutes of the Vancouver Board of Park Commissions. Although these documents do not record the actual debates on park issues they do provide a complete account of submissions to and decisions of the Commissions. The edited notes of the minutes suggest that outside the general operations of the Commissions, the majority of policy decisions concerned two themes: I l l the design and.functions of Stanley.Park, and the design of street.right-10l|. of-ways throughout the city.-Since 1889? in a long series of decisions, the Commissions have kept 195 commercialism in Stanley Park to a minimum. Since 190^ a l l building standards have been controlled; in 1906 the use of the roadways for commercial purposes was prohibited. Again, in 1910 the Board legislated against the use of commercial advertising including the advertisements on the concessions i t controlled. Mechanization was also rejected: in 1905 a proposal for a speedway was turned down; in 1911 a proposal for an electric scenic railway around the park was similarly dismissed but " l i v e -music" was encouraged so long as "no charge be made and the selections were limited to religious, national and patriotic airs". Included among other proposals for Stanley Park that the Board turned down before 1929 were: "motor boat races", an "old English cab", a " r i f l e range", "grain elevators", a "navy torpedo", and a "howitzer". These were too "mechanical" or "war-like" in the view of the Board. The policies of the Board actively sought to create a naturalistic design in the park. In 1912 the landscape architect Mawson was retained to make plans and submit reports on the park design and in 1913 Mawson presented a detailed informal layout for the Brockton Point section of the park. The Board was successful in blocking proposals for more formal Japanese tea gardens in 1920 and 1926, but unsuccessful in attempting to have the formal Georgian design of the Royal Canadian Navy building on Deadman's Island changed to a more naturalistic design theme. Since 1918 the Board's policy has been to conserve a landscape authenticity and to restr i c t planting to native trees. A plan to plant dogwood and arbutus was advanced in 1929, and later a proposal by the California Chapter of the Western Writer's Association to 112 plant red-woods was rejected. While Stanley Park was .sustained.as a manifestation of an immutable nature, the Board pursued different policies for the street right-of-ways throughout the city. Long before the 1928 planning reports with their proposals for street beautification, the Parks Board had been arguing for a centralized systematic boulevard planting program with costs assigned to property owners on the basis of street frontage. The argument was f i r s t made in 1909 when the Board passed a resolution that boulevards be maintained 196 in a "systematic and uniform way". The next year the Council, which retained the responsibility for roadway engineering and the apportionment 197 of the annual budget, met with the Board to negotiate the matter. The Board pressed for a separate parks and boulevard tax levy; the Council was not in agreement. In the same year the Board asked for the cooperation of the Council in placing sidewalks next to the curb in i t s ongoing improvement program so that more space could be available for public ornamentation. Again the Council was unsympathetic. The Board took the matter to the 198 Council once more in 1911 but the Council again turned i t away, those members from outside the West End and Fairview leading the arguments against the Board. The 1912 move by the Board, the third move in its struggle with the Council, was stalled by a real-estate recession and 199 declining municipal revenues. Following World War I the Council f i n a l l y responded to the pressure from the Board; in a small concession i t set a $.25 per foot frontage tax for municipal boulevard development. 2 0 0 There are no records that explain the s p l i t policy of "natural designs" for Stanley Park and the formal ornamentation of the civic space along streets. But, from World War I on, Board policies encouraged the develop-113 ment of uniform screens of ornamental trees along street right-of-ways throughout the city. The parks policy of Point Grey, already referred to in a previous section, was similar to Vancouver's: there was a park acquisition program, a tendency toward naturalistic designs, and an aversion to commercialism within public open space. The naturalistic designs appear to have been even more favoured in Point Grey than in Vancouver: the King Edward boulevard for 201 instance was from the beginning planted with an uneven screen of trees. South Vancouver, in contrast, had no systematic park development program, and a street improvement program which did not include ornamental planting and which by other standards was less than comprehensive. The actions of South Vancouver's civic bodies suggest that there were underlying beliefs that nature played a neutral role in the public improvement of general livi n g conditions. This is not to say thaton an individual basis certain families were not avid gardeners or universally disinterested in the natural designs of public open space adjacent to their residences. But at the level of civic policy, the disinterest in landscape information, the absence of both a parks policy and an integrated street plan indicate that as determinants of human betterment other factors were more important than these. Street Layout. Officials in South Vancouver were indifferent to an integrated street layout and this reflects their relative indifference to the physical environment. Street improvement programs were used to expand local 202 employment rather than to develop public amenities. Without a detailed and comprehensive street plan to coordinate local improvements, the road right-of-ways could not be properly aligned and at several points, streets 203 and property lines overlapped. The absence of a municipal base map with accurate cadastral and geodetic information led to confused development. In the 1909. municipal election contested by. Rae and Pound, arguments presented for and against joining the Vancouver Water. Board could not be accurately debated for no one was certain whether the higher elevation was near Central 20k Park or L i t t l e Mountain. It was only in the amalgamation studies in-.the late 1920's that an accurate survey and base map for the Municipality were , 205 prepared. The Bartholomew proposals for a regional transportation plan indicate the degree of contrast among South Vancouver, Point Grey and Vancouver. These proposals included corrections in the then existing road layouts that would integrate the t r a f f i c flows in the three separate municipalities. There were understandable corrections to eliminate jogs and dead ends occurring at boundaries between the municipalities. As well, corrections were made for streets within the municipalities. While no recommendations were made for Point Grey, fifteen were made for Old Vancouver City and twenty-one for South Vancouver, with some corrections involving two or more Intersections in the lat t e r case. 2 0^ The contrast in street pattern is sharpened when i t is recounted that the actual miles of developed streets was slightly greater 207 in Old Vancouver than in South Vancouver. In summary, an examination of parks and street layout policies or the absence of such policies in Old Vancouver, Point Grey and South Vancouver, exposes differences in underlying assumptions about the relationships of man to nature. The middle-class sector tended to create policies which assumed that the "designs of nature" influenced man's spiritual well-being and that a harmony between nature and man was an important step toward social improvement. On the other hand, South Vancouver's history documents a disregard of public open space in municipal policies and hence demonstrates indirectly that the working-class sector saw nature playing a more neutral role in social 115 improvement. These differences.in belief are also shown in regard to the growth of town!planning. Physical Planning. A close.relationship between civic.leaders in Old Vancouver and Point Grey and the rise of planning legislation as a lever for the improvement of li v i n g conditions can be demonstrated. With problems of ' Canadian urban development during.the early 1910's a new movement emerged. Through the operations of the Federal Government's Commission of Conservation. the desirability of town and country planning legislation for the regulation of physical growth and for the "happiness of future generations" was impressed upon the provinces. In 1914 Mr. T. Adams, a planner who had worked with Mawson in Britain, organized at Toronto the Sixth National 209 Conference on City Planning. This American organization meeting in Canada attracted voluntary representatives from each province. Mayor Owen 210 of Vancouver was the British Columbian delegate. Owen's interest in planning was representative of broader interests in the middle class. For instance, leading European planners and politicians who supported planning were invited to present their views to the Canadian Club: in 1910 the Honourable Mr. Henry Vivian, M.P., explained British experience and a few years later both Thomas Mawson and Thomas Adams outlined the theory behind 211 planning. In the history of this club, the planners' addresses were noted as some of the "highlights" in the f i r s t f i f t y years. According to Frank Buck, founding member of the Town Planning Institute of Canada, the Canadian Club played a significant role in establishing physical planning 212 policy in Vancouver. In 1911, the year after Vivian's presentation to the Canadian Club, there was an attempt to introduce town planning l e g i s l a t -213 ion; but, i t was not un t i l 1920 that changes in the Municipal Act 214 permitted zoning legislation. Within two years Point Grey passed the 116 215 f i r s t zoning by-law in Canada. In 1925.the Town Planning Act of British Columbia was passed and Vancouver'. City .and Point Grey established Planning Commissions. Civic leadership by.residents of Point Grey like Buck who founded the British Columbia Branch of the Town Planning Institute of Canada and Paton who promoted physical planning in his Point Grey Gazette created 217 support for planning among the middle class. And between 1922 and 1929 the operations of Council planning committees and then Planning Commissions influenced landscape changes. The influence was particularly evident in Point Grey where zoning legislation contained commercial sprawl and a park 218 plan created an integrated system of naturalistic parks and boulevards. In South Vancouver there were only a few "Lib-Labs" who actively supported the planning movement and i t was not unti l the question of amalgam-ation with Vancouver City in 1928 that the working class population 219 consented to the use of physical planning. The contrast is clear: the civic leaders of Point Grey and Vancouver must be counted as nation-wide leaders i n the rise of town planning. The convictions they held about the importance of the natural environment to human betterment met with relatively quick concensus from the middle class. However, only after the "Lib-Labs" and the Conservatives led South Vancouver to see the advantages of amalgamation with Vancouver and it s municipal planning policy, was there concensus from the working class. Unionists and some socialist p o l i t i c a l parties even then did not accept town planning legislation as a lever for human betterment and d i f f i c u l t y was encountered in obtaining effective Labour representation on the new Vancouver City Planning Commission. 2 2 0 Differences in the beliefs about the significance of man's physical surroundings contributed to two other features of local landscapes. F i r s t , 117 there are .fewer, signs of commercialism and industry in Point Grey,..where by zoning commercialism was largely contained along 12th Ayenue, at Kerrisdale, 221 Marpole and .Dunbar, whereas in .South. Vancouver, industry, commerce and residence were mixed. Second, there are contrasts in the visual appearance of public open space. In Point Grey and Vancouver there were naturalistic ^ designs at some street intersections and in major parks; and there was a scattering of more formal design along boulevards, particularly in the West End, Kitsilano and Point Grey. In South Vancouver the open spaces were l e f t vacant, unplanted and soon became overgrown and l i t t e r e d . In summary, the social beliefs about nature that are revealed in literary imagery, municipal parks policies,, street layouts, and in physical planning are found to be associated with the degree of naturalism in the local landscape of Vancouver. These beliefs and those that concern man's relationship to man have contributed to the creation of distinctive arrange-ments : of physical objects and open spaces in two of the social sectors of Vancouver, that of the middle class in the west and southwest, and that of the working class in the southeast. THE "VICTORIANNESS" OF EARLY VANCOUVER The above Chapter has been organized into three basic parts. The f i r s t part described Vancouver's founding groups. It considered their origins, some of their social beliefs and the land they transformed into an urban landscape. The second part established the nature of social conflict and the t e r r i t o r i a l growth of group residential areas into.sectors. Finally, there was an investigation of the interrelationships of beliefs and local landscapes in the two. sectors of the' city, for which data, are available. Details analysed included, social beliefs about society, civic authority 118 and nature. An attempt was made to demonstrate that variations in these three beliefs influenced the character of Vancouver.'s .local landscapes in the f i r s t t h i r d of the twentieth century. With these origins of Vancouver's society and landscape established i t is now possible to assess the geographical validity of a symbolic event made out to be of fundamental importance oy local historians. This event was the arrival at Vancouver in 1887 of the f i r s t regular continental passenger train, the headlight of which bore a portrait of Queen Victoria. But, to what extent were the origins of Vancouver's society and landscape Victorian? The answer to this question is not straightforward. We can now conclude that there were multiple origins of social groups and several distinct landscapes in Vancouver. There are major d i f f i c u l t i e s in the investigations of social beliefs and their geographical manifestation - the d i f f i c u l t y of classifying; the identification of documentary material representing their social beliefs ; the complex interaction of beli e f , social organization, p o l i t i c a l structure and landscape development; and f i n a l l y , the validity of social belief as a significant influence on landscape change. However in this study the association between beliefs and landscape have been described and this is an important level of demonstration. The development of Vancouver between 1886 and 1929 can be compared with British cities during the Victorian period. It is true that members of Vancouver's founding groups came from diverse social and p o l i t i c a l locales in Asia, Europe, and North. America; but, there was a predominance from working-class Britain and middle-class "British." Canada. These "British" elements demonstrated definite sets of social beliefs -usually expressed in the landscape, through social organizations and p o l i t i c a l action. 119 Apparently those men and "women who emigrated to Vancouver did form new groups in several instances; but, they were l i t t l e inclined to create different landscapes, many features were copies of landscapes in Victorian Britain. Cer-tainly the new migrants were presented with the challenge of a new "Imperial City" that was to be b u i l t during the height of Victorian Britain and that occupied a site of magnificent natural grandeur. Consider what might have been created with the breadth of cultural experience and with such oppor-tunities of time and place. Compare f i r s t the regional landscapes of British cities in the nine-teenth century and Vancouver's landscape between the last two decades of the nineteenth and the f i r s t three decades of the twentieth centuries . "The dominant geographical differentiation was the sector pattern. This pattern was well developed in Vancouver by the second decade of the twentieth century. To the west lay the residential areas of the middle-class Anglo-Saxon groups ; to the southeast and fareast the working-class groups and fi n a l l y in the inner East End the working-class groups of mixed ethnic ori gin. Even the underlying factors contributing to the sector pattern appear to be similar to other British-Victorian c i t i e s . It was inter-group s t r i f e particularly between class groups holding different beliefs that was associated with these patterns. [Compare the landscapes occupied by the same social class in Victorian Britain and early Vancouver. Regardless of the different natural environ-ments , broadly similar local landscapes were created by corresponding classes. Vancouver's middle-class suburbs were transformed into urban landscapes like those of middle-class areas of British cities - landscapes with contouring residential streets, with more public open space relative to- other social sectors , and with, street and park open, spaces, integrated with isolated. T i l l as and sli g h t l y smaller bungalows-by- naturalis t i c and picturesque landscaping. There seem, among the middle classes, to be comparable beliefs in man's, harmonious, relationship with nature, the dominance of the individual in a society tempered with an h o l i s t i c view of the city and mild civic authoritarianism. There are similarities between the working-class neighbourhoods. An outstanding landscape feature of the working-class sector of South Vancouver appears to have been the small lot and the small detached dwelling. In this regard Vancouver may be compared to British cities , especially to London, a city that had fewer tenements than the industrial cities of the Midlands. There are similarities. The non-aligned grid pattern, the absence of planned park open space and a lack of integration between public open spaces and isolated residences appeared in working-class areas of both British cities and Vancouver. Working-class beliefs in Britain and Vancouver have been inclined toward utilitarianism, have been based on strong family ties and class solidarity, and have placed less importance on the role of nature as a determinant and expression of their condition than they did on control of economic production and distribution. Vancouver commenced i t s separate growth at the time when British reforms in urban government and planning were at their nineteenth-century heights. For some reason Vancouver civic leaders were not able to follow these reforms until well into the twentieth century. In fact, Vancouver seems to have needlessly retraced some steps in developing policies for controlling landscape changes. Vancouver trade and labour leaders refused to abandon the u t i l i t a r i a n and spend-thrift policies abandoned by British borough councils in the middle of the nineteenth century. Furthermore, 121 trade and labour leaders seem, to haye virtually ignored the acceptance of physical planning that B r i t i s h labour had supported, at the turn of the century. It was not u n t i l the end of the third decade in the twentieth century that Vancouver labour leaders gave support to physical planning. Further, there was not a single municipal government for the three sectors u n t i l 1929-If , i n the contemporary period, there are fundamental issues and conflicting views about land use zoning, freeway locations, neighbourhood rehabilitations and street beautification , much perspective can be gained from close examination of analogous conflicts in early Vancouver and contemporary Britain. Above a l l i t should not be assumed that the present generation has abandoned a l l the different social belief and ideas about local landscapes that underlay early conflicts. Deep beliefs do not necessarily die when new legislation and new social organizations are created. The next chapter w i l l analyse some fundamental recent landscape conflicts and w i l l attempt to show the degree to which they reflect Vancouver's Victorian heritage. 122 REFERENCES'. "*"S.'. Le acock, My Discovery of-the West- (Boston; Kale, Cushman and F l i n t , 1937), P?. 171-172.. 2 Ibid. 3 ' Several unsuccessful attempts were made to. identify the principles involved in syndicates mentioned in Bartholomew's historical study. H. Bartholomew, A Plan for the City of Vancouver, British Columbia (/Vancouver: Wrigley Printing Company, 1929), p. 21 , No identification was possible in the Vancouver Land Registry Office, Register of Absolute Fees, Volumes 3-11, the f i l e that covered the period between I 8 7 I and I887. Likewise, a search of the Sessional Papers British Columbia (Victoria: Richard Wolfenden Government Printer) for 188U to 1886 did not give information. While records of Oppenheimer's land holdings are not detailed in the family history i t is reported that in 1886 David and Isaac Oppenheimer were major property holders in the East End, Flora Oppenheimer "Oppenheimer of Vancouver" (Unpublished notes, Northwest History Room, Vancouver Public Library, 1 9 3 6 ) , p. 3. N?he c r i t e r i a for a "severe conflict" were that i t involved a recorded public demonstration or that the issues were debated outside the city in the Provincial Assembly or the Federal Parliament. The c r i t e r i a for his t o r i c a l continuance were that the conflict extended over a period of three or more years and that i t has been interpreted by historians. ^For a review of typologies based on "social circles" "groups" and "social classes" and employing direct f i e l d observations see G.J. McCall and L. Simmons, Issues in Participant Observation (Reading: Addison - Wesley, . 1969) , pp. 57-60. The subjectivity of this typology might have been controlled by securing a second and t h i r d classification from newspaper reports; but, this would have involved far too much from other trained researches to be feasible. 6 Each person interviewed was presented with a l i s t of the three major conflicts and the four-fold division of founding groups. No pattern of responses derived from this procedure suggested that the typology was not a general representation of the city's condition in the early period. It was noted that some elected and appointed civic leaders gave less emphasis to class conflict and gardeners gave recognition of i t s significance. On. the other hand, gardeners played, down, the r a c i a l conflict while civic leaders gave i t greater recognition. The designation "British Columbian" received recognition equal to the term "East Enders". Because in the present period "East Ender" has a different connotation i t was decided to use the term "British Columbian". . The dearogatory term "North. American Chinese" originated in Pre-Confederation British Columbia. It was applied to a l l Canadians because some had become known for their thriftiness. W.S. Avid (editor-in-chief), A Dictionary of Cahadianisms and Historical Principles (Toronto: W.J. Gage, 1967) , p. 514. 123 g Vancouver Club Clipping Docket, Vancouver. City. Archives, "Dairy of Campbell Sweeny, August 1, 1887 to December 25? 1909". Sweeny himself was a branch manager of an Eastern Canadian. Bank. . His records of business transactions reveal the presence of other branch offices. Further Sweeny's personal account of the 1892 location for the Bank of Montreal office documents the strong influence of the CPR and Van Horne whose intervention, Sweeny believed, led to the decision to locate at Dunsmuir and Granville. 9 Boam, British Columbia, Its History, People, Commerce, Industry and  Resources (London: Sells, 1912). "^Boam, whose survey is the most detailed economic study of early Vancouver does not specify exact c r i t e r i a for the entries of companies. He states only that they are "major firms". The introduction indicates the survey was undertaken with the British investment market in mind and i t is therefore reasonable to expect a bias toward Vancouver's British companies. "'""Hr'. Sage "Vancouver: The Rise of a City", The Dalhousie Review, Vol. IXVII, Wo. 1 (April 1937), PP- 51-52. "'"^Vancouver Club Clipping Docket, loc. c i t . Sweeny came to Vancouver from Halifax in 1887 and founded the Vancouver Club in 1890. Only one of the twelve founding members' names appeared in city records in 1886. 13 Canadian Club Clipping Docket No. 1, Vancouver City Archives. Notes in this docket by D.A. McGregor ascribe the founding of the Canadian Club to two ex-residents of Hamilton, S. Livingston and C. Nichol. "^The E l i t e Directory of Vancouver 1908-1909 (Vancouver: Thompson, 1908). Memberships for eight social clubs are given. Those l i s t s were described as " a l l persons properly recognized as constituting society". See the Preface. "''^ This observation is based on the records of several meetings of the club. See for instance the oration, toasts and toast replies in "First Annual Banquet" Proceedings of Canadian Club of Vancouver 1910-1911 (Vancouver: News-Advertiser, 1912), p. 73 "^The E l i t e Directory, op. c i t . , pp. 107-108. There are 103 members of the American Club, several of whom are l i s t e d in other clubs as well. 17 For the c r i t e r i a employed in 1909 cf. ante footnote lk. The 1927 c r i t e r i a are more broadly based, they include membership in fraternal clubs and those organizations advancing education, religion and welfare. No labour or union organizations is l i s t e d . l8 H. Bartholomew,, op. c i t . , pp.. 31 cf. Greater Vancouver population estimates of 125,000 for 1909 and 270,000 for 1927. 19 British Columbia Federationist, October 3, 1913, p. 7-Census of Canada 1921, Vol. I (Ottawa: Kings Printer, 1921) p. 5^0, Table 27. 12k 21 Cf. A.H. Lewis, South Vancouver. Past'and Present (Vancouver: Western, 1920)... A total of 32 out of kk South Vancouver c i v i l .leaders and prominent "boosters" is identified by place,of residence.held prior to South Vancouver; 16 had lived in the British Isles but outside S.E. England, eight had lived in Eastern Canada, three had liyed in S.E. England, two had lived in unspecified locations in England and one had lived in Australia. 22 For an eye witness account of the move from Yale to "Yaletown" at the south end of Howe Street see The Sunday Province, July 2k, 1927, p. 7- Mr. Langley recounts the 1887 move. Cf. Victoria Daily Colonist, February 10, I887, p. k. The location of the workshop and the railway workers' housing was influenced by the Vancouver City Council who granted to the C.P.R. tax exemptions for lopating adjacent to the business area. See, Bylaws  of the City of Vancouver, B.C. 1913 (Vancouver: A.H. Timms, 1913), p. ^95, Bylaw No. 33. 23 P. P h i l l i p s , No Power Greater (Vancouver: British Columbia Federation of Labour, Boag Foundation, 1967), p. 31. 2k Ibid. 2 5 I b i d . 26 M. Robin, The Company Province (in press). This party became centred on Smith, a miner from northern England. 2 7P. P h i l l i p s , loc. c i t . 28 Ibid., p. 32. 29 The use of the term "lib-lab ' in Vancouver labour politics is of interest for i t is the same term employed in Britain during Chamberlain's period to describe labour leaders who collaborated with liberals. Thus the use of "lib-lab" in Vancouver supports the argument that Vancouver labour politics bore the imprint of British experience. 30 The lib-lab candidates for municipal elections in South Vancouver supported annexation with Vancouver and town planning. See the programs of McDonald and Smith in 1925, Labour Statesman, January 8, 1926, p. 1. 31 For an indication of the socialists' social patterns see Western  Clarion, May 12, 1903 and, for the lib-labs see the British Columbia  Federationist, September lk, 1912. 32 Personal interviews during August 1966 with H. Pritchett, Burnaby, who was a labour leader prior to 19kl and S. Wyman, Vancouver who was a labour representative on the Vancouver Planning Commission in the early 1930's, 33 P. P h i l l i p s , op. c i t . , p. 51. 3k Ibid., p. 91. 3 5 I b i d . , p. 106. ^ I b i d . 37 . No t y p i c a l l y Japanese family names are l i s t e d by Bo am op. c i t . nor i n the early s o c i a l directories cf. ante: footnote, 14.. The B r i t i s h Columbia Federationist, October 3, 1913, p. 7-39 . F. Walhouse, The Influence of Minority Ethnic Groups on the Cultural Geography of Vancouver" CUnpublished M.A. E i e s i s , University.of B r i t i s h Columbia, 19611, p. 234. ^ S e s s i o n a l Papers B r i t i s h Columbia 1886", op. c i t . , p. 347. 41 F. Walhouse, op. c i t . , p. 239 and W. King, Report of the Royal  Commission on Methods by which Oriental Labourers have been Induced to  come to Canada (Ottawa: The Queens P r i n t e r , 1908) . 42 Walhouse, op. c i t . . , pp. 234-242. 1 + 3 I b i d . , p. 267. 44 R.E. Wynne, "American Labour Leaders and the Vancouver'Anti-Oriental Riots", Washington State H i s t o r i c a l Society, Vol. 57, No. 4 (October, I966) , pp. 173-179. The role of the Chinese Benevolent Assoc-i a t i o n i n a c o n f l i c t with the Council i s described. 45 . The three Chinese language newspapers and the subgroups with which they were associated have reported as: one, The Chinese Times , and the Christian Freemasons Society; two, The New Republic and the Kuo Tang Conservative Group; and three, The Chinese Voice and the l i b e r a l group. See Walhouse, op. c i t . , p. 267. 46 T.R. Loosemore "The B r i t i s h Columbia Labour Movement and P o l i t i c a l Action 1879-1906". (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1954), p. 19-F. Walhouse, op. c i t . , p. 234. 48 Sessional Papers B r i t i s h Columbia 1886, op. c i t . , pp. 458-459. F. Walhouse, op. c i t . , p. 222. "^The following paragraph was pre'cised from F. Walhouse, Ibid. , pp. 270-290. 5 1 I b i _ d . , pp. 300-304. There is. a number of short a r t i c l e s and a few manuscripts, on Vancouver s o c i a l h i s t o r i e s , the most d e f i n i t i v e of which i s I. Howard, Vancouver's Syehskar ( V i c t o r i a : Morriss P r i n t i n g , 1970], 126 53 R.H. Alexander? "Reminiscences of the Early Days of British Columbia", Proceedings of the. Canadian Club Vancouver 1910-11, op. c i t . , pp. 9-17. J Ibid. , p. 9. 5 5 I b i d . , p. 13. ^Alexander's account of residential patterns was compared with the Fire  Map of Vancouver British Columbia 1889 CSan Francisco: Dakin, November, 1889). No detail on occupance was presented. It was noted however that details were given for the Moodyville M i l l and that residences were integrated. 57 R. Alexander, loc. c i t . 5 8 I b i d . 59 Personal interview with the Honourable H.H. Stevens, Vancouver, M.P. c. 1912. The information was obtained August, 1966. ^°F. Howay, "Early Settlement on Burrard Inlet" British Columbia  Historical Quarterly, Vol. 1 (April, 1937) pp. 101+-105. Ibid. 62 W. Sage, op. c i t . , p. 106. Of the East Enders mentioned as being prominent, Oppenheimer, Alexander and Boultbee were included. The f i r s t two were Pre-Confederation British Columbians. 63 See city charter signees in The Founders of Vancouver (Vancouver: City Archives, I856) p. 7-Ibid. 6 5 I b i d . , p. 3. ^ B r i t i s h Columbia Gazette, September, 1886 (Victoria Government Printer, 1886) p. 333-6 7 J b i d . , July, 1887, p. 2^0. /TO Ibid., p. 306. ^ 9 I b i d . , February, 1886, p. \l and p. U60. 70 For an assessment of the role of "site" in early settlement see F. Howay, op.cit. , pp. 101-102 and D. Kerr "Vancouver - A Study in Urban Geography" (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Toronto, 19^3), p. 22. 71 See P. Oberlander "History of Town Planning in British Columbia", Royal Architectural Institute of Canada, Serial No.. 392, Vol. 35 (November, 1958), p. 1^0. 127 72 An examination of Map 3 reyeals that the intersecting g r i d l i n e s often, are located near abrupt breaks i n the slope. One s i g n i f i c a n t exception i s the intersection of Kingsway and Main Streets. I t may be.noted that t h i s i s the location of a concentration of union h a l l s , and s o c i a l i s t organiz-ations . The concurrence of street focus and the concentration of working-class i n s t i t u t i o n s make the location an i d e a l "labour landmark". 73 Daily World, July 11, 1890, p. 4. Note for instance the absence of reference to 'View" i n the advertisement description of CPR r e s i d e n t i a l property on English Bay. 74 This suggestion was f i r s t made by A. Rogatnik, architectural h i s t o r i a n , University of B r i t i s h Columbia. Preliminary f i e l d reconnaissance i n the West Point Grey and McKenzie Heights d i s t r i c t s tended to support the claim. D e f i n i t e l y homes that have no v i s i b l e signs of having early designs altered and that have potential views very frequently do not integrate " £ Ibid. "view" advantages into home designs H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , p. 21. 76n 77 W. Sage, "Vancouver", B r i t i s h Columbia Journal of Commerce Year  Book 1946 (Vancouver, 1946), p. 106. 7ft Vancouver Telephone Directory 1905, Northwest History Room Vancouver Public Library. The three prominent "East Enders" previously noted cf. ante footnote 62 were l i s t e d but only Alexander was s t i l l a resident of the East End. Other important B r i t i s h Columbians, Oppenheimer and Rand had also moved t h e i r place of residence to the West. 79 W. Sage, l o c . c i t . fin Debates of the House of. Commons 1904 (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r , 1904) Vol. 1, p. 704: See the entry on November 17, 1903. 8l There i s some suggestion the c o n f l i c t went deeper. Not only was the issue over the location of the post o f f i c e but as w e l l the more general issue of the C.P.R.'s interest and that of the "working man". See the Daily  World, June 11, 1890, p. 4. 8? T)ebates of the House of Commons, loc . c i t . 83 In the November, 1903 debates, I b i d . , i t i s disclosed that the C.P.R. owned property adjacent to the proposed s i t e of Granville and the C.P.R. also had options on the s i t e i t s e l f , the Government stating that the option was intended to influence the building of public i n s t i t u t i o n s . 84 W. Sage, op. c i t . , p. 109.. 8 5 I b i d . Sladen, op. c i t . , p. 379• 128 87 See Vancouver Club Clipping Docket ?.pp.'cit., Vancouver-Club;. Historical Notes., and List of Members, jyiay 31, 1936, p. 11. The .quotation is taken from the 1891 notes. 88 Attention is here directed to the function of social directories as institutions governing social beliefs, a function perhaps more important in newly established cities than the more obvious one of arbitrating social class, o q M. Richler (editor), Canadian Writing Today (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1970) p. 19. Wilson is discussed in the introduction. See p. 19• 9°R.J. McDougall, "Vancouver Real Estate for Twenty-Five lears" British  Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 6 (June, 1911), p. 60k. 91 Lithograph of Vancouver, 1898. Federal Archives Map Room, Ottawa. 92 D. Rome, "The Oppenheimers of British Columbia", Jewish Western  Bulletin, Centenary Issue (June 30, 1958), p. 9. 93 W. Sage, op. c i t . , p. 106. 9^  n Boam, op. c i t . , p. 87-I 96T 9^R.J. McDougall, op. c i t . , p. 607. W. Sage, loc. c i t . 97 City of Vancouver Annual Report 1910 (Vancouver: 1911) p- 92. 98 Ibid. See also Burrard Peninsula Joint Sewage Committee, Lea Report  of 1913 (Vancouver City Printing Office, 1913). 9 9 D a i l y World, 2k July, 1890, p. 3. 1 0°These data were compiled from the Vancouver City Directory 1901« Vol. VIII (Vancouver: Henderson Publishing Company Ltd., 1901). "^^It should be noted that the Western end of Fairview was part of the District Lot 526 that had been ceded to the C.P.R. in 1886. Most of this property was subdivided and auctioned in July, 1890. The main buyers included Rand and Oppenheimer. Daily World, July 31, 1890, p. k. 102 W. Sage, op. c i t . , p. 108 and Boam, op. c i t . , pp. 207-208. 103 W. Sage, op. c i t . , p. 112. "*"°^ A.H. Lewis, op. c i t . , p. 18 and R.J. McDougall, op. c i t . , p. 605-^^This observation is based on a review of advertisements in the News Advertiser, January to December, 1909'.. 129 ^Vancouver. Board of . School Trustees , Ninth. Annual,Report. (Vancouver: Municipal Printing Office, 1911), p. 59- " 107 Vanppuyer Daily World, September 2, 1909., P« 1^ -10 8 H. Bartholomew, op_. c i t . , see map p. 88. 109 British Columbia Federationist, December 27, 1912, p. 12. 11(^A,H. Lewis, op. c i t . , p. 18. 1 1 1 D e t a i l e d data on origins of populations are d i f f i c u l t to assemble. For general data describing emigration from Northern England during this period see Wilbur S. Shepperson, British Emigration to North America (Oxford: Blackwell and Matt, 1957). 112 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . South Vancouver's Municipal policies are described in pp. 307-311. 113 •^Ibid. , p. 307. 114 Vancouver and North Vancouver Directory 1909, Vol. XVI (Vancouver: Henderson, 1909). 11''For an account of von Alvenslebin's belief about nature and man see notes in British Columbia Magazine, Vol. I (December, 1911), pp. 1303 -1312. Also see inside cover Ibid. October issue for an indication of the scale of West Point Grey subdivisions. 1 1 ^ C f . tape recorded interview with von Alvenslebin, Photographic Archives, Vancouver Public Library, n.d. 117 H. Bartholomew, loc. c i t . 118 Those data are interpolated from the logarithmic graph, Ibid, p. 30. 119 Vancouver Bureau of Civic Research, "Amalgamation", Informed •••Git i z en- ship, Bulletin No. 12 (1926), See table. 120 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , p. 32. 121 Census of Canada 1921, Vol. I (Ottawa: Kings Printer, 1921), p. 540, Table 27-122 A Dickson, "B.C. Professional Gardeners Association", Gardening in  British Columbia, Vol. I, No. 1 (February, 1927), p. 10. Cf. recorded minutes of the Greater Vancouver Horticultural Society, January 8, 1925, Personal Notes of A. Dickson, Secretary of the Society. The professional gardeners association was organized and actively encouraged by Laidler and Dickson, the former being the Society's President and a prominent resident of Point Grey. 130 . 12 \^ "T?. Phillips ,•'op. . c i t . , p. 68. 124 . Ibid. , p. 73. 125 ^Ihid. , p. 72.. Ibid.  1 2 7 I h i d . , p. 73V "*"2^Ihid. , p. 83. 129 , F. Walhouse, bp. c i t . , p. 242. 13°rbid. , p. 234. 131 R.E. Wynne, "American Labour Leaders and the Vancouver Anti-Oriental Riots", Washington State Historical Society, Vol. 57, No. k (October, 1966}, p. 173. Ibid. 133 Sessional Papers British Columbia 1886, op. c i t . , p. 3^7• 1 3^rbid. , p. 349. • 135 F. Walhouse, loc. c i t . ^3^R. Wynne, loc. c i t . 137 F. Walhouse, op. c i t . , p. 300. -1 ^jQ R. Wynne, op. c i t . , pp. 178-179. The speakers and crowd composition are described. 139 W. Sage, op. c i t . , p. 112. / Ibid. 1 ^ 1 F . Walhouse, op. c i t . , pp. 234-242. 142 Cf. developments in British Cities, Chapter II. 143 For a geographical analysis of the growth of tenements in the West End see A. McAfee, "Residence on the Margin of the Central Business D i s t r i c t " , (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University. of • B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967). 144 . Evidence for the displacement from the East End of Anglo Saxon working class by the Asian minority is- found in Vancouver City, street directories.-Compare, for instance, Keefer Street from ?<?ain to Campbell in. the years 1901. and 1922. See, B.C. Gazetteer:'and Directory 1901,Vol. 8 (Vancouver; Henderson and Company, 1901-1, PP • 5 86-5 87 an d Gfe ater Van couver Directory-' 1922 ,Vol. 29 (Vancouver: Henderson and Company, 1922J., pp. 255-258. 131 145 For a discussion of the displacement of ethnic groups from Strath-cona see, D. Gale,. "The Impact of Residential Succession on Urban Retail Structure: The Italians in Vancouver (Unpublished Honours Essay, Simon Fraser University, 1968). A comparison of. residents on Richards and Seymour streets near the C.P.R. round house for the'years 1906 and 1915 suggests, business enterprises displaced Anglo Saxon workers in this area. See the Greater Vancouver Directory 19 06, Vol. 13 (Vancouver: Henderson and Company, 1 9 0 6 ) , pp. I 6 8 - I 8 3 and Greater Vancouver Director 1915.Vol« 22 (Vancouver: Henderson and Company, 1915) , pp. 352-364. l l | 6J.S. M i l l , 'On Liberty (New York: Applet on-Century Croft, 1 9 4 7 ) , P- 12. 147 Proceedings of the Canadian Club, 1906-1908, op. c i t . , p. 2 . 14 8 H. Vivian, "Working Mens Homes and the Garden City Movement in England", Proceedings of the Canadian Club, 1909-1910, op. c i t . , pp. 103-104. 149 , Labour Statesman, October 2 2 , 1926, p. 1. ^"^Labour Statesman, December 9, 1927, P- 1. 151p^ P h i l l i p s , op. c i t . , p. 31. 152 Labour Statesman, January 8 , 1926, p. 1. 153 R.D. Grant, "The Future of Vancouver and Why", Proceedings of the.  Canadian Club of Vancouver, 1909-1910, on. c i t . , p. 65. 154 J P. P h i l l i p s , op. c i t . , pp. 108-109. 155 y^S.M. Oliver (ed. ) "How the C.P.R. Helps Beautify Canada", The Garden  Beautiful, Vol. 7, No. 2 (July, 1938) , pp. 6-8. For the influence of Van Home on the design policies of the C.P.R. see W. Vaughan, S i r William Van  Home (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1926) . Vancouver Sun, November 9, 1919, p. 32. 157 J.P. Nicholls , Real Estate Values in Vancouver: A Reminiscence (Vancouver: City Archives, 1 9 5 9 ) , p. 33. 15 8 Vancouver Sun, loc. c i t . 159 ^R. Lort, "Samuel Maclure MRAIC, 1860-1929" , Royal Architectural Institute  of Canada Journal, Serial Number 389, Vol. 35 , No. 1 (November, 1 9 5 8 ) , pp. 114-115. ^^Persomal Interviews with S. Wybourn, Vancouver, August, 1966. 1^ 1F.T. Hodgson, Practical Bungalows and Cottages for Town and Country (Chicago: F. Drake and Company, 1912), 1 ^ 2 F . Pemberty, "Vancouver, A City of Beautiful Homes", The British  Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 12 CDecember, 1911) , p. 1313. 132 l63 Vancouver.Club Clipping Docket,."Diary of Campbell Sweeny", op.cit. , p. 18. 164 Boam, op. c i t . , p. 191. 165 H. Bartholomew, pp. c i t . , p. 307.. l 6 6 r b i d . See Chart No. 1, p. 30.. -1 /T 7 A. Lewis, op. c i t . , p. 6. l 6 8 I b i d . , p. 14. l69 Ibid. , p. 16. The confusion over municipal expenses, the charges of nepotism and of municipal socialism in 1915 developed to the point where they became national newspaper headlines, The Daily Province, March 6, 1915? p. 2. 170 A. Lewis, op. c i t . , pp. 16 - 18. 171 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , p. 311. In. the period immediately preceding amalgamation the assets of South Vancouver were consistently less than the other two municipalities. See Vancouver Bureau of Civic Research, Bulletin No. 12, "The Union Plebiscite", Vancouver (December 4, 1926), p. 2. 172 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . Note photographs, pp. 353-354. 173 Vancouver Sun, November 9, 1919, p. 32. 174 R. Grant, op. c i t . , p. 72. ITS H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , p. 179- See also J. Paton, "The Story of Point Grey", British Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 7 (July, 1911), p. 736. 1 7 6 I b i d . 1 T T I b i d . , p. 297-1 T 8 I b i d . , p. 235-1 7 9 I b i d . 1 8 0 I b i d . , p. 297. l8"LVancouver Sun, loc. c i t . Ibid. Ibid. 133 iQk Ibid. , The Kexrisdale Community ..Centre was never ..built on the land donated by.the .C.P.R. l85 E. Wilson, The Innocent Traveller (Toronto: Macmillan Company, i960). 186 Ibid., for Wilson's own remarks on the symbolism, see p. v i i . l 8 7 I b i d . , p. 260. l 8 8 I b i d . , p. 259. 1 8 9 I b i d . , p. 26l. 1 9 0 I b i d . , p. 263. 191 See for instance the f i r s t book published on Vancouver gardens, E. Fewster, My Garden Dreams (Toronto: Graphic Publishers, Ltd., 1926). 192 E. Wilson, "Tuesday and Wednesday", The Equations of Love (London: Macmillan and Company Ltd., 1952), pp. 2-132. 193 Board of Parks Commissioners, Minutes 1881-1966 (Vancouver: Parks Board Office). 194 P. Stroyan, "Notes Taken from Minutes, Board of Park Commissioners". (Vancouver: Parks Board Offices, I9U8) mimeograph and "Notes Taken from Park Board Minutes 1948-1958" (Vancouver: Park Board Office, 1962) mimeo-graph. ^9^The following details on policy have been precised from P. Stroyan, loc. c i t . 1 9^P. Stroyan, 1948, op. c i t . , p. 6. 1 9 7 I b i d . , p. 8. 1 9 8 I b i d . , p. 12. 1 9 9 I b i d . , p. 13-14. 2 0 0 I b i d . , p. 22. 201 Interview with F. Buck, Vancouver, August, 1966. 202 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , pp. 325-343. 203 Ibid. The majority of mis-alignments noted were.located within the municipality, not adjacent to inter-municipality boundaries. 204. _ . _ _,, A. Lewis, op. c i t . , p. 14. 134 Bartholomew,.op. c i t . , p. 314.. 2 0 ^ C f . K. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , pp. 63-67 and pp.. 317-335-2° 7Ibid. , Plate. 8. 208 Canadian Club Clipping Docket 1 (Vancouver CityArchives) Notes by McGregor, p. l6. 2 0 9 F . Buck, "Some Early Pioneers of the Town and Rural Planning Movement in Canada" (.Vancouver: City Planning Commission, n.d.) mimeograph. Noted the contributions of S i r Clifford Sifton, Buck, Adams and Owens. See also, Commission of Conservation Canada, Report of the Sixth Annual  Meeting (Toronto: Bryant Press, 1915), PP- 232-302. Ibid. 211 Canadian Club Clipping Docket 1, loc. c i t . 212 Interview with E. Buck. See footnote 201. 213 A.- Walker, "Town Planning in Vancouver", The Municipal Review of  Canada (June, 1935), pp. 5-6. 214 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , pp. 297-298. 215 F. Buck, "Some Early Pioneers of the Town and Rural Planning Movement in Canada", op. c i t . , p. 6. 2l6 ;Ibid. , pp. 6-7-Ibid. 2 l 8A. Walker, op. c i t . 219 s Labour Statesman, January 8, 1926, p. 1. Town-Planning was included in the labour municipal election program. See also, Labour Statesman, March 11, 1927, p. 1. 220 Interview with S. Wybourn. See footnote l60. 221 These non-residential land uses were interpolated from the Point Grey Zoning Plan in H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , Plate 55 and Vancouver City  Directory, 1926 Vol. 33 (Vancouver: British Columbia Directories Ltd.,, 1926) CHAPTER IV THE GROWTH OP MODERN VANCOUVER, 1930-1969: THE TRANSFORMATION OF LANDSCAPE Through, the'middle of the twentieth: century, Vancouver's landscape was dramatically transformed. The classic radially patterned streetcar suburbs which had spread from the dominant core on the Vancouver Peninsula into the Burrard Peninsula in the f i r s t decades of the century were slowly fleshed out. Different buildings and landscape designs for which there were few parallels in the Victorian succession appeared. Due, in part, to the modest capital investments during the Depression and World War II, the most pronounced changes did not take place un t i l after 1950. During the i n i t i a l decades of slow growth, there were changes in social organizations and in the compositions of public boards. For a short period of time the number of labour members on the boards increased. Then after 1935, when the ward system of municipal elections was abolished, there was an increase in the relative number of managers and professionals from the Western sector. It i s contended here that the importance of these social and p o l i t i c a l changes was not manifest until the 1950's and 1960's, .due to the slow attrition of public o f f i c i a l s who represented the labour and socialist interests and to the modest land investments before these decades. The quickened pace of change during the 1960's was not without sharp conflicts which have stalled some developments. Two questions arise from these changes and conflicts. Are there manifest connections between the social organizat-ions , beliefs , and the urban landscape that c l a r i f y the mid-century transformation of Vancouver's landscape? And to what degree have the founding groups and their social beliefs continued to influence recent .136 public policy, and landscape, change? ... To. answer.these questions the.record of landscape.change can.he.compared with the record of major changes in social organization'and measures.of contemporary social beliefs. The data for describing the middle years come from minute books and municipal reports, in the case of landscape changes;1 from newspapers, interviews and observ-ations and from participation in voluntary social groups, in the case of social organization. These sources are supplemented by'statistical analyses of sample questionnaires in the case.of social beliefs. A MID-CENTURY SURVEY OF CHANGE The Pace of Landscape Change A record of the total annual building activity in Vancouver is a good index of slow growth in the Depression and Wartime Years < The data presented in Figure 2 represent the annual dollar value of a l l permits for residential, industrial, commercial and institutional construction."'" The graph should be used with some reserve because the construction costs for 2 similar buildings have varied since 1930. There was a sudden decrease in additions to buildings after 1930. Not un t i l after World War II did annual changes compare favourably with those of 1930. Between 19^5 and i960, there were two building peaks: one in 19^8 and the other in 1956. However, i t was after i960 that a pronounced upward change i n building additions i s most marked. To-this record of building activity was added an investigation of open space•changes. The dollar values of.streets and lanes were the f i r s t data examined. Records of the values.. (Table 2). indicate. a change of pace that is similar to.changes.in building.activities. There was f i r s t a period when extensions of streets and lanes into.new or under-serviced land were minimal. 137 FIGURE 2 ANNUAL VALUE OF BUILDING PERMITS VANCOUVER 1930-1968 1 2 0 1 0 0 -8 0 in c o E 6 0 -J 4 0 -2 0 I I I ' * » 1 9 3 0 »--| — r - i - T ~i— r - ' -1 9 4 0 1 9 5 0 I 9 6 0 1 9 7 0 Source: Annual Report , City of "Vancouver, 1930-1967. Then, after 19^6, values reached t h e i r previous peak of 1930. After a second period of only moderate expenditures there was a marked upward trend i n values at the end of the 1950's. The second record of changes i n open spaces was obtained from the annual expenditures for park acquisitions (Table 3). It. i s apparent from the c a p i t a l expenditures f o r new park land that changes i n park space correspond with changes i n additions to street and lane open space. There were no increases in. park open space between 1934 and 1944... Then after. World War I I , the purchase of new park space increased at an uneven rate. Only after the decade of the 1950's did expenditures reach levels comparable to the 1930 value. TABLE I I ANNUAL EXPENDITURES.. FOR . CONSTRUCTION AND IMPROVEMENT TO. STREETS. AND..LANES: VANCOUVER, 1930-68* •.' Year E x p e n d i t u r e Year E x p e n d i t u r e 1930 942,118 1950 1,512,426 1931 908,293 1951 3,120,304 1932' 917,686 1952 2,469,101 1933 98 ,713 1953 2,675,684 1934 40,158 1954 2 ,105,158 1935 47 ,041 1955 1,725,736 1936 51,141 1956 1,043,064 1937 89,801 1957 1,788,265 1938 103,538 1958 1,035,253 1939 67,868 1959 2,091,7^ 6 1940 64,312 I960 2,764,561 1941 87,065 1961 1 ,637,597 1942 76,5te9 1962 3 ,005,648 1943 51,205 1963 2,503,801 1944 90,642 1964 2,287,549 1945 110,649 1965 2,158,001 1946 194,933 1966 1947 731,846 1967 1948 958,194 1968 1949 836,570 * E x p e n d i t u r e s i n d o l l a r s from c a p i t a l and o p e r a t i n g f u n d s . Source : C i t y o f Vancouver , Annual Reports 1930-1965. 138 The pace of landscape change indicates, a .mid-century pattern of modest development in the f i r s t two decades after 1930 and a more rapid and, in part, sporadic change in the recent decades. In fact, the most dramatic changes in private and public buildings and open spaces have been undertaken during the decade of the 1960's. I f these records showed the relative amount of change in the various sectors of the ci t y , some areas would no doubt assume more significance than others. But the nature of the city's accounting procedures places a serious limitation on examining locational trends in development. One exception to this limitation is the record of park maintenance expenditures. Trends in Public Park Maintenance. Annual reports publish the operating costs for separate parks after 1929; but the interpretation of these data can be hazardous . Investments in the maintenance of park gardens and lawns, beaches, and playing fields are made on a rotating basis so that the expenses for any one year would be biased toward those specific parks which were re-landscaped during that particular year. Therefore, the analysis of these records requires aggregating data over a period of several years. There have been minor changes in accounting but during the years between 1939 and I969 comparable records are available for: 1929, 1931, 1933, 1938, 1947, 1950, 1957, and 1958.5 Compiling the expend-itures per park for these years permitted place-to-place comparisons. To examine this information a series of three maps was prepared. The f i r s t task was to demonstrate variations in total expenditures for each of the twenty-two local areas delineated in Chapter I. These variations are presented in Map 13. This general picture indicates that there were no pronounced differences in expenditures between the Western and Eastern sectors. This pattern may be influenced by variations in park acreages. MAP 13 Vancouver City Parks EXPENDITURE IN LOCAL AREAS 1929-1958 Systematic analysis of public expenditures on parks i s limited. Because of variations in accounting procedures, comparable data are available for only 8 years: 1929, 1931, 1933, 1938, 1947, 1950, 1957 and 1958. This map was prepared from the maintenance expenditures recorded in the annual reports and office records of the Board for these 8 years. The data for a l l the parks located in each local area were totalled and mapped. There is an unavoidable bias for the local areas flanking English Bay (See Note, Map 15). Discrimination against the East-side parks cannot be verified by this analysis. . TABLE.Ill ANNUAL EXPENDITURES.. FOR. NEW, PARK, ACQUISITIONS! • IN" VANCOUVER-,. 1930-1969* Year Expenditure . Year 'Expenditure 1930 402,092 . 1950 . •l4,094 1931 22,150 1951 107,383 1932 51,326 1952 77,750 1933 2,319 1953 ' 75,885 1934 N i l 1954 92,396 1935 11 1955 72,289 1936 11 1956 178,786 1937 it 1957 391,414 1938 n 1958 244,219 1939 it 1959 944,684 1940 11 I960 . 311,463 1941 ti 1 9 6 l 189,936 1942 ti 1962 200,255 1943 it 1963 213,796 1944 11 1964 166,714 1945 66,500 1965 393,132 1946 N i l 1966 480,651 1947 120,831 1967 2,945,366 1948 75,846 1968 417,515 1949 1,511 1969 324,4o6 *Expenditures in dollars. Source: Parks 1930-1969, Annual Reports 139 To portray the effects,of the.relative size, and. location of parks the total expenditures.for each•park,site were delineated.in Map-lh.in three dimensions with.the dollar values.measured on the vertical scale. The heavy expenditures for the one thousand .acres of Stanley Park are the most striking conclusion from an examination of this map. Since this park i s adjacent to.the West End which, in-this period, was occupied by a relatively dense population of mixed occupation, age and income groups, there seems to be no outstanding disparity in maintenance expenditures between sectors. Neither of these maps takes into account the possible influence of variations in the intensity of park use. The best approximation of the intensity of park use in different sector's is given in the variations of dollar expenditures per park areas.^ These variations are presented in Map 15. Again the conclusion i s that there are no outstanding disparities of maintenance expenditures between sectors. The major discrepancies between the Eastern and Western sectors can be accounted for on the basis of the lower population of Arbutus Ridge, Oakridge and Killarney or on the basis of beach parks having a greater attraction than inland parks. Thus the only municipal records that allow systematic examination of locational trends in municipal investments in the landscape f a i l to demon-strate significant variations among sectors. If further analysis can demonstrate that the Parks Board during this time was dominated by middle-class groups from the Western sector, then these trends can be interpreted as evidence of middle-class beliefs in civic consciousness and in man's essential harmony with nature. Before this analysis of social and p o l i t i c a l organization may be.introduced, however, further comments.on the character of landscape are required. MAP 1^  EXPENDITURES PER PARK: VANCOUVER CITY, 1929-1958 Visual comparisons of expenditures on each park site reveal sector variations most of which can be accounted for by either the slower population growth in local areas along the south flanks of the Burrard Peninsula or by the extra cost of lifeguarding along the shores of English Bay. Stanley Park represents the outstanding expenditures in maintenance but these costs likely accrue not from local users but from city-wide and out-of-city users. Dollars per park -ac re 0 - 5 0 0 501-1000 1001-2000 2001-4000 >4000 ENGLISH BAY KITSILANO UNIVERSITY ENDOWMENT LANDS D U N B A R -S O U T H L A N D S A R B U T U S R I D G E F A I R V I E W MOUNT PLEASANT L I T T L E M O U N T A I N C E D A R C O T T A G E RILEY PARK-KENSINGTON HASTINGS EAST RENFREW-COLLINGWOOD O A K R I D G E V I C T O R I A -I F R A S E R V I E W K I L L A R N E Y 2 co SFU 69184 MAP 15 EXPENDITURE PER PARK-ACRE: VANCOUVER CITY, 1929-1958 An i n d i c a t i o n o f v a r i a t i o n s i n the degree o f maintenance at each park can be obtained by c a l c u l a t i n g the expenditures i n r e l a t i o n to park space. The map above was prepared by computing the t o t a l number o f park-acres f o r each l o c a l area and d i v i d i n g the t o t a l expenditures f o r each l o c a l area i n t o these f i g u r e s . Not a l l labour costs appearing i n these data are r e f l e c t e d i n the q u a l i t y o f open space; the cost i n c l u d e s p l a y s u p e r v i s i o n and l i f e g u a r d i n g . Depending on the length o f the swimming season , the expenditures f o r the l o c a l areas around E n g l i s h Bay can be b i a s e d by an estimated 20% t o 50%. I f t h i s b i a s i s accounted f o r , the map cannot be s a i d t o document d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against the Ea s t - s i d e parks. 140 . The Character of Landscape Changes. If the thesis that social belief s influence urban landscape •. change holds , then, i t ..must be. demonstrated, that the conflicts associated, with the rapid developments.. during the decades .after. World War II were connected with fundamental differences.in social beliefs. To demonstrate this the investig-ation must turn from the comparative analysis of annual reports to the method of case studies. Five cases are examined. While the connections between geographical expression, social organizations and beliefs associated with each case.are examined, the emphasis varies from one type of change to another. The examples include: a residential subdivision in Fraserview, the Arbutus Shopping Centre proposal, the False Creek Park conflict, the tree-removal conflicts in the West End and Kitsilano, and f i n a l l y the Harbour Park proposal for apartment towers. Fraserview. Single detached residences, a dominant feature of the landscapes at the beginning of the century, continued to be of importance during the contemporary period. New subdivisions were developed in the Western and Southeastern sectors, particularly in the Southlands, Oakridge, Killarney and Fraserview areas (Map 2). A distinctive feature of the new subdivisions is their tendency toward the contour street pattern so typical of the earlier prestige Shaughnessy Heights subdivision. The f i r s t of these new subdivisions, Fraserview, opened in 1950.. The Fraserview subdivision was the creation of the Federal crown corporation, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Of the four hundred f i f t y . acres, developed, 12 per. cent had to.be expropriated from original 7 residences of the area. The one thousand one hundred.detached dwellings g were positioned well back on :lots that averaged, forty-five feet in frontage. The lots.were replotted from: the original grid layout to a new contour and MAP 16 FRASERVIEW,.. SUBDIVISION 1950-Source: Vancouver City Section Map, 1954 Referred to by some as the "workingman1s Shaughnessy Heights Fraserview represented not only a beautiful garden setting for working class families but, as a result of conflicts between ratepayers' associations and governments, a symbol of "middle class exploitation." In the process of flushing-out the residential areas of the Burrard Peninsulas during the decades after World War II these contour-street .sub-divisions pre-dominated in both the West and East-side. Thus, the early differences between the two sectors have been reduced during the modern period. 141 c i r c l e l a y o u t (Map 16). So complete was t h e . i n t e g r a t i o n o f wooden.bungalows w i t h . t h e s t r e e t , and park © p e n . s p a c e s . t h a t the s u b d i v i s i o n w a s . d e s c r i b e d by. some as " the w o r k i n g - m a n 1 s . S h a u g h n e s s y " . 9 This image appears a c c u r a t e . The 196l census i n d i c a t e s t h a t 40.8 p e r . c e n t o f the l a b o u r f o r c e r e s i d e n t i n the area was employed i n p r i m a r y , craf tsmen and l a b o u r e r occupat ions w h i l e o n l y 14.6 per cent was employed i n m a n a g e r i a l and p r o f e s s i o n a l o c c u p a t i o n s . " ^ C o n f l i c t s entangled the s u b d i v i s i o n f rom' the b e g i n n i n g . The o r i g i n a l r e s i d e n t s o r g a n i z e d t o prevent the e x p r o p r i a t i o n o f t h e i r p r o p e r t i e s but t h e i r e f f o r t s were unsuccessful."'""'" The C o u n c i l supported the F e d e r a l 12 Government program and demanded the r a p i d comple t ion o f the s u b d i v i s i o n . However, i t was the c o n f l i c t s subsequent t o the o c c u p a t i o n o f the s u b d i v i s i o n t h a t m a n i f e s t e d " c l a s s " o v e r t o n e s . C o n f l i c t grew out o f the q u e s t i o n o f des ign and b u i l d i n g s t a n d a r d s . The P l a n n i n g Commission, supported by the A r c h i t e c t u r a l I n s t i t u t e o f B r i t i s h Columbia and the Vancouver R e a l E s t a t e B o a r d , charged t h a t F r a s e r v i e w would be " a slum i n f i v e y e a r s " because o f the " l o w - c o s t " des ign and m a t e r i a l s 13 the M u n i c i p a l and F e d e r a l Governments had p e r m i t t e d . A consequence o f these and o ther c o n f l i c t s was the o r g a n i z a t i o n of F r a s e r v i e w r e s i d e n t s i n t o a home a s s o c i a t i o n t h a t c o u l d r e s i s t the apparent t h r e a t s from p r o f e s s i o n a l and management c l a s s e s , whether the t h r e a t came from the C o u n c i l , the F e d e r a l Government, the P l a n n i n g Commission o r the R e a l E s t a t e B o a r d . The c o n f l i c t s between the F r a s e r v i e w A s s o c i a t i o n , the C o u n c i l and the F e d e r a l Government c o n t i n u e d i n t o . t h e decade o f the s i x t i e s . A c c o r d i n g t o the a s s o c i a t i o n ' s e x e c u t i v e and newspaper c l i p p i n g s , c o n f l i c t i n v o l v e d , the t h r e e groups i n a s e r i e s o f p u b l i c m e e t i n g s , i s suances .of e v i c t i o n n o t i c e s , mass p i c k e t s , correspondence w i t h the Governor G e n e r a l , p a r l i a m e n t a r y debate and cour t 14 a c t i o n . On the s u r f a c e , the c o n f l i c t s appear t o be based on f i n a n c i a l •ih2. matters : the, association argued, for lower., rents , mortgage interest rates. and assessments.1^ Under the' surface, the differences, seem.to he.connected with beliefs about "class interest". As reported in the press and confirmed by the executive of the assocation, the majority.of the association believed the higher rents, interest and assessments were a direct result of the reluctance of both the Council and the Federal Government "to cross real l 6 estate interests by placing low-cost properties on the market". The executive also believed that the working-man's attempt to control his residential area was betrayed by the Liberal Party. The association's 17 charge was debated by socialists and.liberals in the Federal Parliament. In describing the social conflicts associated with the development, the positive meanings that working-class families attached to Fraserview should 18 not be overlooked. The new subdivision was opened in January, 1950 (Map 16) and the f i r s t family to occupy a new home was reported to have moved from 19 Gore Avenue. Some detail on this family serves to demonstrate the social characteristics and meaning the subdivision had for residents who,came to occupy i t . The family head was a milkman, a unionist who was a veteran of the Saskatoon Light Infantry. The press reported what the milkman's wife thought of the Fraserview bungalow: "It's heaven; I love these wide windows; 20 i t w i l l be a beautiful view in the summer". There are other examples of loyalty and appreciation for Fraserview, but the connections that are important to emphasize are the creation of a subdivision similar to Shaughnessy in the Old South. Vancouver, sector, the occupation of this sub-division by.labour groups, and the attempts of these groups to.change the . subdivision in the face of what they saw as the "class" and "national" interests of City Council and.the'Liberal Party. The assumptions of."class interests" and the many conflicts revealed in this case study are perhaps ILLUSTRATION 5 Money by-laws , private donations and commercial investments during the 1950's and 1960's produced a variety of civic comm nity and shopping centres in a l l sectors of the city. These developments have in common the low profile of two and three storey central buildings and a ring park or parking space. These developments tend to reduce the distinctive appearances of landscapes on the West-side and East-side of the city. less pronounced.in other subdivision developments. of the mid-century. Arbutus :Centre.. Another.distinctive.feature of the.contemporary land-scape is . a particular configuration of buildings and open, space.commonly called, a centre, whereas the cities. of Victorian England had circles and places at intersections in the nineteenth century, in Vancouver changes in transportation, merchandizing and provision of civic services had to be awaited before similar functions developed. The contemporary centres take the form of a cluster of buildings encircled by open space, in some cases parking in other parks (Illustration 5). No less than ten community centres have 2 1 2 2 been built since World War II. The Civic Museum and Oakridge shopping 23 centre are examples of other developments in the West Side. But no development created the intensity of conflicts connected with proposals to develop a shopping centre in the midst of an established residential 2k neighbourhood near Arbutus Ridge area. In March, 1968, the Council considered a motion to rezone 39.^ 7 acres 25 of vacant land for this shopping centre. A public hearing was called where 26 no less than thirty-nine briefs were heard. Four were in support of the centre , thirty-five were not. Western sector merchants and home associations constituted the majority of the opposition. There were some city-wide organizations opposing the change, among them the Community Arts Council, 27 Vancouver School Board, and the Community Planning Association of Canada. Most briefs asserted the large-scale commercialism was not appropriate to the naturalistic residential character of Point Grey. There were no briefs from labour or socialist organizations•or from the Vancouver Central Council of Ratepayers' Associations. The application was turned down. In September, 1969, the developers renewed attempts.and a second 28 hearing was held. The briefs heard at this time were similar to those of -Ihk. 1968-, both. In .total number, and- on the basis ,of their representation. As a consequence,of this.meeting, the.Council.appointed,a special.committee,to and adjustments in the developers' plans, no approval of the centre has been given up to the present. The land near Arbutus Ridge remains empty. The Arbutus case demonstrates.something more than the fact that conflict can impede development and leave idle land in the city. It can be interpreted as reflecting a basic difference between the middle-class voluntary organizations, the technical bodies that advised the Council to r a t i f y the development and the labour groups who did not participate in the conflict. It seems that the middle class.likes commercial growth and shopping conven-ience only i f they do not disturb the naturalness of their neighbourhood. It also seems that labour groups are not greatly concerned with the commercial development of the West-Side. False Creek Park. Typical of the conflicts over open spaces was the Council's proposal to convert the twenty-two acres of False Creek Park into a municipal service yard. The Council, concerned about the costs of maintaining the service yards then in operation, wanted to locate a main service yard on the site of the False Creek Park and to replace the park with 30 another (illustration 6). To the majority of the Council, the proposal had many points to recommend i t : The park site occupied a f i l l area that was level and close to the districts in which the demands for municipal services were great. On May 21, i960, the Council voted to take the False Creek Park 31 from the Parks Board. This announcement led to the immediate organization of voluntary groups which opposed, the decision and which f e l t their interests were not adequately represented, on:,the Council. The conflict was essentially between seven thousand five hundred.residents of the Eastern sector including the proposal. 29. In.spite,of the operations .of this committee 145 two.thousand children.and the Parks Board on the one side,. and the City 32 Council with i t s technical advisors on the other. While most of the opposition did come from the Grandview Ratepayers' Association, the Vancouver Central Council of Ratepayers' Association, and the Labour Council the groups from the Eastern sector were joined by two city-wide organiz-ations: the Vancouver Housing Association, and the Parent-Teacher*s Council, "I wish city council would make up its mind on where it wants its works yards and • recreation areas ..." AN EDITORIAL CARTOON ON SOCIAL CONFLICT OVER PARK OPEN SPATE AT FALSE CREEK, I 9 6 0 . Source: Vancouver Sun, June 4, i960. The Eastern sector had a strong case. In the Central Business District they had lost Larwill Park which had been leased as a bus terminal after 34 World War II: in Strathcona, Oppenheimer Park had become an industrial 35 subdivision; and in Strathcona also, MacLean Park was scheduled to become 36 the city's f i r s t public housing project. The Eastern groups charged that the Council discriminated against their sector, that i t s decision increased •ih6. industrial and.storage space . at . the'. cost .of:park space . in . the': East.. The . Council countered with, a . denial of : discrimination'and argued'., that the . location.of '.the yard on' False Creek., would. benefit ..every tax-paying citizen 37 by. reducing maintenance operating costs. The Eastern sector was not likely.to sway the Council by.itself; with the Parks Board on i t s side,, i t stood a better chance. The Board, retaining counsel, determined that the municipality had no judicial grounds for taking 38 back or controlling any land designated as public park. • Their findings were similar to Council's own legal advice and the matter was dropped on July 6, 1961. 3 9 The issue over False Creek Park demonstrated two dominant trends of the growth decades in the mid-century. It showed that there was a measure of coordinated reaction among the socialist and labour groups when the Council proposed a major change in park space in the Eastern sector. It also indicated that the Council, on the advice of i t s technical experts, proposed changes aimed at greater municipal efficiency only to find the proposals unacceptable to a large number of different groups. Tree Removal in the West End and Kitsilano. During the past eighty years the Parks Board and local residents have participated in many projects to plant trees along boulevards in residential areas (illustration 8 ) . ^ This started in the l890's in the West End and was expanded through the original city of Vancouver and Point Grey. By 1951, the Parks Board was faced with.the removal of boulevard trees in residential areas. The Parks Board on request of the City Engineering Department had been replacing older trees, usually poplar and maple,.with birch trees which were less damaging to .municipal services. In.addition, others were removed on.request.of residents who thought older trees caused extra work and damage to private 147 43 lawns, sheltered molesters , and eliminated sunlight. At the same time other residents were organizing -voluntary groups to preserve trees in the West End. These groups argued that older trees should be preserved for reasons for their beauty, their symbolism of man in harmony with nature, and what newspaper accounts described as their "civic solidarity and national patriotism . These conflicts over tree removals were largely confined to the West 45 End and Kitsilano, two areas once bastions of the middle, class, now occupied by residents with mixed ethnic, occupational, and age characteristics. Those who urged preservation of trees and believed older trees represented man's closeness to nature and love of city and nation were younger in age and in professional or management occupations. Those who believed the streets should be safe and inexpensive to maintain were usually older and 46 in wage-earning occupations. From this, i t may be inferred that the groups for and against the retention of older trees reflected the bias of the middle and working classes discussed in Chapter III. The Harbour Park Towers. Since the revision of the zoning by-laws in 1956 many towers have been constructed in Vancouver with l i t t l e public comment.^ But in some instances there has been opposition. Four examples during the last decade are: the Dominion Bank Tower and Project 200 in the Central Business Dist r i c t ; the apartment tower at the south entrance to the Burrard Bridge; and, the Harbour Park Development in the West End.''1 This latter project can serve to demonstrate the connections among towers, social organizations and social beliefs. There has been a series of public hearings concerning the development along Coal Harbour at the entrance to Stanley Park. In 19'6"3j the Council, despite community protests, rezoned the Coal Harbour site to permit develop-ILLUSTRATION 7 THE TRANSFORMATION OP THE MID-CENTURY LANDSCAPE: TOWERS, 1970 Growth during the mid century was predominantly confined to the late 1950's and the 1960's and was controlled by the major changes in zoning and development by-laws of 1952 and 1956. These institutional changes produced distinctive features of the modern period, the office and apartment towers, most of which are confined to the Vancouver Peninsula and the West-side. West End Apartments June 1971 West End Offices June 1971 Strathcona Public Housing June 1971 -148 52 ment of apartment towers. Construction did not proceed because the developers became bankrupt.. .Subsequently, half the site:was,consolidated with the.adjacent Bayshore Inn and.new.investors submitted, proposals for the 53' ' remaining area.that included, plans for an hotel tower. Public hearings to deal with amendments to the zoning.attracted, large audiences and resulted 54 in over thirty submissions by.voluntary groups and individuals. Opposing the construction of apartment and hotel towers were community-and p o l i t i c a l organizations including the New Democratic Party, the Arts Council, Save Our Parks Association, the Vancouver Central Council of Ratepayers' Association, and the Community Planning Association of Canada.^ At f i r s t glance i t seems that there is l i t t l e difference in the nature of the beliefs that underlie the group protests.. The charges that are repeated include the assertion that the natural beauty of Stanley Park should not be infringed upon by commercialism, that "class" interests are exploiting the public, and that development w i l l strangle the t r a f f i c flow at the north entrance to the C.B.D. But, a closer examination shows a connection between these unsubstantiated charges and the beliefs of the voluntary groups. The Arts Council and the Save Our Parks Association, with strong leadership from the Western sector, based their arguments on beliefs about the "sacredness" of Stanley Park and natural beauty. This is an example of l i b e r a l attitudes toward nature. The socialist alderman and his supporters were against the development because i t represented exploitation by a privileged " c l a s s " . ^ In 1968, the socialist's motion to investigate the low assessments.on the land 57 was defeated. But, these groups opposed the tower project through other 58 actions: they raised the issue in . the Federal Government;. they.campaigned 59 against i t in the Municipal and Provincial elections; and they camped overnight on the site to draw public attention.^ The placards they ILLUSTRATION 8 IMPEDED LANDSCAPE DEVELOPMENT RESULTING FROM SOCIAL CONFLICT Looking East from the entrance to Stanley Park at the proposed site of the Harbour Park Tower project, June 1971. In both these examples the proposals have had the support of the N.P.A. and the Technical Planning Board but have been repeatedly opposed by voluntary groups that express diverse social belief. 149 raised-in opposition summarized.their protest:.one read "Stop Privilege" 6l another, . "The West End is , for.People" '. . . For'. the' socialist groups , the basis of the opposition was objection to exploitation by a privileged class, not beliefs about man's harmony with:• nature .. Opposition that charged, "privileged class" did not come solely from the socialist groups. Similar charges.came from the Community Planning Association of Canada which traditionally claims to represent "public interests" and from the West End and Downtown Ratepayers' Association which 62 was dominated by an executive with conservative a f f i l i a t i o n s . As of 1971» the Non-Partisan Association aldermen and the executive of the Vancouver Board of Trade s t i l l supported the development, but the opposition had pressed to the point where Council called for a referendum to determine whether the city would expropriate the site. The case reported is the most recent conflict over landscape change. Without asserting any prediction as to the outcome, some conclusions may be drawn. It is clear that the middle-class groups from the Western sector and the soc i a l i s t groups representing the Eastern sector both attach significant meaning to landscape proposals on the Vancouver Peninsula. It also seems that the majority of Council, i t s technical advisors and the executives of the Board of Trade accept the development of high-rise buildings at the entrance to Stanley Park because of alleged economic benefits, and that they are opposed by voluntary groups from a l l sectors of the city. Finally, i t may also be concluded that objections to development dif f e r ; the middle-class opposition is associated.with.beliefs about man's.relationship to nature,. and the socialist and labour objections are associated.with beliefs about "class" interests and privilege in society. In summary, these case studies', show the dynamic nature of alignments 150 . among groups . on major.issues.. The alignments . differ, given, the locales of the specific , issues. involved:Labour • and', socialist' organizations .generally limit their . concern to. the . Vancouver..Peninsula and the Eastern . sector; while the organizations representing the values'of the middle class, such as the Arts Council, normally concern themselves. with. changes'. in the Western sector and the Vancouver. Peninsula. Landscape changes can involve a conflict of wills "between the Council and i t s committees on the one hand, and diverse voluntary groups on the other. This stems from the fact that the Technical Planning Board recommends landscape changes that are unacceptable to large numbers of voluntary groups. Further, these case studies reinforce the theme of the association of contrasting beliefs and landscape changes. For the labour-dominated Fraser-view Ratepayers' Association, the Fraserview subdivision represented the domination of landscape change by the middle class, and for members of the New Democratic Party, the Coal Harbour Development represented control by the middle class. In a similar way, ornamental street open spaces seemed to be viewed as symbols of man's harmony with nature and civic solidarity by the Arts Council, and Parks Board representing the middle class. The underlying associations between differing social beliefs and land-scape changes in the contemporary period seem to be similar to those dominant in the earlier Victorian period. To account for the continuity of these associations, the case studies, must be placed in the context of the dominant social and p o l i t i c a l changes, of the past forty years and more evidence of contemporary social beliefs must be presented. SOCIAL.CHANGE AMD'. BELIEFS Depression and the Rise of Urban Radicalism The most significant factor.shaping the -underlying social processes of the recent past was the economic.depression of the 1930's. A.record of economic activities is given, in a simple graph that portrays a comparison in manufacturing data among three major Canadian cities (Figure 3). The economic depression commenced almost immediately after the amalgamation of Vancouver was completed; the city did not recover from the depression unti l after the beginning of World War II. FIGURE 3 ECONOMIC DEPRESSIONS 1000-o o o • .100-Q Q < U l I 10 _ MONTREAL TORONTO VANCOUVER SFU 69164 1930 1940 1950 I960 Changes in the Value Added by Manufacturing Data Source: Dominion Bureau of Sta t i s t i c s , Census of Canada, 1927-1961. The complete impact of economic depression on the transformation .of Vancouver's landscape goes ..beyond what i s immediately obvious. It i s obvious that there are correlates between the rate of change-described i n 152 . the.value of building permits.and expenditures.for park acquisition. For instance, during the worst;of the-, depression years, expenditures. on park acquisitions were reduced.to.zero. But not so obvious is the interplay between.the depression of the 1930's and the rise of radicalism in civic government. The p o l i t i c a l details .of this development and i t s repercussions help to account for the beliefs of p o l i t i c a l leaders and the landscapes their actions created. The necessity that Vancouver maintain economic security in the f i r s t decade after amalgamation influenced the traditional pattern of social organization. The depression was so severe that Vancouver could not f u l f i l l 6k i t s responsibilities assigned by the Charter. Both Provincial and Federal financial aid were required, and even then the city's unemployed claimed 6s that health and welfare benefits were inadequate. Conditions lik e these made i t easier for the expansion of radical labour and socialist groups and the accession of these to new p o l i t i c a l power. A vivi d idea of the importance new radical social groups had in Vancouver is gained from the 1936 election. The socialists won three out of eight Council seats, two out of nine School Board seats, and two out of seven Parks Board seat s . ^ One year later the socialists became associated with militant factions which "under predomin-antly communist leadership .... organized demonstrations" in Vancouver. Demonstrations turned into riots in which thirty-nine persons were injured, 68 $30,000. in property damages sustained, and twenty-two labourers arrested. Obviously the power of the socialist labour groups persisted through the 1930's and participated.in civic.decision making. But they. met .strong opposition. The Counter-Thrust of Revisionism • A new elite.among Vancouver's.middle class emerged in response to 153 increasing solidarity among-labour and.socialist groups and open, violence associated with.it.. They organized.a.voluntary group called.the.Non-Partisan Association (N.P.A.). .The N.P.A. drew.from.the executives .of the provincial Conservative.and Liberal parties-for i t s leadership and only in 69 -name.was i t non-partisan. No.document of the N.P.A. seems to have asserted an anti-socialist position but its.operations are correlated with the removal of socialists and labour representatives from municipal govern-ment. From 1939 to 1968, three hundred f i f t y out of four hundred candidates 70 with N.P.A. sponsorship won elected office and after 1954, the socialists 71 stopped formally sponsoring candidates in Vancouver elections. The dispatch with which the N.P.A. could control municipal government was aided by the demise of ward representation and i t s replacement by city-wide 72 elections in 1934. The impact of the N.P.A. majority on landscape change can be gleaned from the record of municipal legislation implemented in recent decades. The approval of two reports i s . particularly important: the by-laws governing building and land development, and the restructure of 73 civic government. The major by-law change came in 1956; i t s significance has been noted in the f i r s t part of this chapter. The changes in civic 74 government came four years earlier in 1952. Open Civic Government by Citizens. From 1930 to 1952, Vancouver was governed by an elected Council composed of a mayor and eight aldermen. The Council was advised by three staff o f f i c i a l s : the Comptroller, the Corpor-ation Counsel, and the Engineer. The Council operated through eight Standing Committees which comprised, elected members, and through a.number of c i v i c boards and commissions which,consisted of both.elected and.staff members. The Boards included.Assessment Appeals , Park Commissions, School 75 Trustees, and the Zoning By-law Board .of Appeal. A key.commission with 7fi regard'to .advice.on landscape,change.was.the Town.Planning,Commission. It.was composed .of fi v e .ex-pfficio .members representing', the c i v i c boards and nine citizens who were appointed.by the.Council.. Thus •,"prior to 1952,. the advice.on landscape.change was brought to.the Council from c i v i c bodies on which there was considerable c i t i z e n representation. But by 1952 the arrangement proved to be so inadequate a basis for directing the rapid growth of the decade that the Council commissioned the 77 Spence Sales Report on c i v i c government. On the•recommendations of t h i s report, there were fundamental changes i n c i v i c i n s t i t u t i o n s . Closed Civ i c Government by Experts. From 1952 onwards, municipal government has operated through three elected bodies: the Board of School Trustees, which i s of l i t t l e significance to t h i s study; the Board of Parks and Recreation, which has maintained a responsiveness to elected members; and the City Council. The City adopted a Board of Administration system of government featuring technical expertise. Council was able to function with fewer Standing Committees and with a greater number pf c i v i c advisory groups. In terms of landscape change, the official-dominated Technical Planning Board and citizen-dominated Town Planning Commission came into being, the l a t t e r consisting of nine citizens appointed by the 79 Council and s i x others representing the Council and other c i v i c boards. A new professional group, the City Planning Department, executes the " s t a f f " duties of planning and the chief duty of the c i t i z e n advisory group i s l i m i t e d to considering and reporting any development plan, any proposal 80 for changes i n by-laws.on any development permits. The c i t i z e n advisory group has no power to advance i t s own plan nor to I n i t i a t e landscape change;.it merely reports.to.Council .after the fact of proposals already formulated by other c i v i c groups composed of "experts". 155 The Technical Planning-Board which advises the'. Council has the greatest potential power to direct.landscape.development.. This.is.apparent from an 8l examination.of its.membership.and a description of i t s . d u t i e s . . The Board i s composed, of the two.Commissioners, the Comptroller, the'Engineer, the Director of the Planning Department,.the Corporation Counsel, the Supervisor, the Property and'Insurance Administrator, the Building Inspector, the Health O f f i c e r , and the Superintendents. of Parks and Schools. The members hold o f f i c e only by virtue of t h e i r respective s t a f f appointments. The functions of the Board are to develop a masterplan and advise on a l l planning matters, including zoning by-law changes. The second important advisory group, the Board of Administration, i s composed of two appointed s t a f f members with proven administrative a b i l i t y 82 and extensive municipal service. The potential power of the two commiss-ioners i s delineated by three operations through which they serve the 83 Council. The single most important operation i s the execution of the Council's p o l i c i e s through the overseeing of the various c i t y departments including the Planning Department. A second operation performed by the commissioners concerns the control of information: The commissioners maintain l i a i s o n with c i v i c boards, handle a l l l e t t e r s of intent for the Council including the actual terms of reference i n t r a f f i c , recreation and planning consultants contracts. F i n a l l y , the commissioners' power follows from the fact that they recommend to the Council the appointment or removal of c i t y department heads and.supervisors. These potential powers of the."expert" c i v i c groups are not ."ultimate": . Qk . the Council has rejected. their.advice on many.occasions. The question i s not of ultimate power but rather..of "apparent" power. The present arrange-ment of c i v i c groups permits.the operation of the two " s t a f f " Boards to be private: to.. themselves'. and' p o t e n t i a l l y . to'-: the twoStanding. Committees ;of 85 elected, o f f i c i a l s , the Civic.Development and Finance.Committees. . . The only public.meetings of the.Board of.Administration are.those i n which tenders are c a l l e d . 8 ^ The result has been, that development of c i v i c land-scape policy has been removed, from-.the area, of c i t i z e n , p o l i t i c s to government by experts. This has not gone unnoticed, by. c i v i c groups whose values d i f f e r from those of the bureaucracy. Some observations based on p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n voluntary groups attempting to assert changes i n the landscape (Appendix A) are i n s t r u c t i v e . The h o s t i l i t y to changes proposed by Council has increased. Briefs of voluntary groups presented to Council often charge that the "experts" are i n possession of "secret masterplans" and are inaccessible to c i t i z e n s at large and are not based upon cl e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d community goals. This assumption underlies the labour-inclined Central Council of Ratepayers' Association, the t r a d i t i o n a l l y middle-class-inclined Community Arts Council, and the more pu b l i c - i n c l i n e d Community Planning Association of Canada. Many of the b r i e f s argue that there i s a-natural disposition toward the Western sector of the c i t y because most elected and'appointed c i v i c o f f i c i a l s l i v e there. When t h i s allegation was checked against the results of the data collected during the interviews with the forty-eight c i v i c leaders and c i t y s t a f f , i t was found to be unsubstantiated. Of the forty-eight interviewed, forty-four believed that the o f f i c i a l s acted on behalf of a l l sectors of the c i t y . Because the two key c i v i c boards de  facto and de .jure conduct.the' operations of landscape change i n camera, the aims, i n t e n t , and motives.that underlie t h e i r advice to.Council must be imputed, from the consequences .of :their .advice and, accordingly, whether or not there may be a natural disposition i n favour of the Western sector 157 is largely a matter..of belief.. There remains,.however, the. question of changes', in .the', residential' areas ..of: civic .leaders. This .question: is answerable.. Changing Residences ..of Civic Leaders. The geographical concentration of civic leaders can be.documented.by.a series, of maps portraying the changing residences of members of three civic bodies: the City Council, the Board of Parks and Recreation, and the Planning Commission. In preparing these maps, the residential addresses of elected representatives or appointees on the civic boards were determined from city directories. An analysis was made for the points in time in which the rate of landscape change turned direction, or in which new social alignments took effect. This resulted in collecting data in four periods. First was the period between amalgamation in 1929 to the commencement of city-wide representation and the operations of the NPA in 1936. Following this were times dominated by the special problems of WW II, rapid industrialization, housing shortages, and low municipal budgets, between 1937 and 19^6. Next, was a period of adaptation to post-war conditions of increased population pressure and high municipal expenditures. This period ended in 1956, when major new by-laws began to control an accelerating development and when many other proposals became blocked. The year I966 was the f i n a l year for which these data were collected. To make comparisons through time, the data were aggregated by the procedures outlined in Chapter I. With these data i t became possible to obtain the percentage of voting power possessed by the residents of each local area who held civic office during each period. Rather.clear patterns of p o l i t i c a l representation on.the. City Council emerge from a comparison of maps drawn using these data (Map 17). Before 1 9 2 8 - 3 6 T 4 \ MAP 17 Vancouver City CHANGING PATTERNS OF REPRESENTATION ON CITY COUNCIL 1928-1966 Percent Counc i l Members 0 1-3 4 -8 9 -12 1 3 - 2 0 Changes in the locus of municipal power can be systematically analyzed. Here a "unit of power" is defined as one vote on the City Council for a duration of one year. By recording the units of power at the residential addresses of Council members holding office during each designated period, and by aggre-gating these sub totals of power into local areas, data on power are calculated for each local area for each period. To make comparisons between periods, maps were prepared that show the percentage of governmental power each local area pos-sessed out of the total power available during the period. The maps demonstrate an increasing concentration of power in the West-side. For the contemporary social beliefs of this concentration see Tables 5 and 8 . 158 1936', i t . appears there was no concentration ,of .power. in either, the Western or the Eastern . sectors -— Shaughnessy in. the west and--Hastings-East' in.the east', sent • the highest.numbers of.representatives to Council.during this period. The next ten.years was a.period in which there was no important concentration of power in either.the Western or the Eastern sector; by the period'19^7 to 1956, however, a concentration of p o l i t i c a l power in Kerrisdale and Shaughnessy in the Western sector was marked: this trend was accelerated by the period 1957 to 1966. By this time, five of the local areas i n the Eastern sector had no representation, while Kerrisdale and Shaughnessy remained the dominant concentrations in the Western sectors, with minor or lesser concentrations apparent in Kitsilano and Oakridge. When these data are compared with the data on.the Parks Board member-ship, a slightly different pattern emerges (Map 18). Through time, the Eastern sector has actually gained in the percentage of voting power i t s residents controlled on the Parks Board. In the period 19^7 to 1956, there was a more balanced distribution than in the period 1928 to 1936. However, even with this better balance, i t must s t i l l be concluded that the Western sector had more power on the Board during the period 1957 to 1966. Although the membership of the Planning Commission is determined by appointment rather than election, the data do not differ in important ways from those previously analysed (Map 19). The Western sector has consistently controlled more seats on the Planning Commission than the Eastern sector. With the start of unitary government,.there was a re-distribution of power which gave.to. the Eastern sector power.greater than i t previously held. Through the period 19^7 to 1956,- and'on into the period ending in 1966, power.on the Planning Commission was re-entrenched in the Western sector. In this l a t t e r period, only two out of ten local areas in the Eastern sector 1928-36 M A P 18 Vancouver City CHANGING PATTERNS OF REPRESENTATION PARKS BOARD 1928-1966 Percent Board Members 0 1-4 5-9 10 -18 1 9 - 3 0 Governmental power influencing changes in park open space is vested in the p o l i t i c a l l y subordinate but legally discreet Board of Parks and Recreation. The systematic analysis of power possessed by this elected body is similar to the analysis summarized in the explanation of Map 17. While the locus of this power is based in the West-Side, the concentration is not great and is not a recent development. But, throughout the twentieth century the West-Side has dominated the Board. SFU 69179 1928-36 3 0 x MAP 19 Vancouver City CHANGING PATTERNS OF REPRESENTATION PLANNING COMMISSION 1928-1966 Percent Commiss ion Members 0 I - 5 6 -10 I I - 16 1 7 - 2 3 r The Planning Commission, with membership based on representatives from Council and the Parks Board as well as representation at large, has advisory power in matters of landscape development. The analysis of this power follows that of Maps 17 and 18. Again the general trends of the twentieth century have meant that the early concentration of power in the West-side has gradually increased so that by the last designated period the locus was confined in the south-west, 1957-66 159 had representation on the Planning Commission. . These maps.portray an increasing-concentration of civic.leaders in.the Western sector. But the maps-answer, one.question only to.raise'another question. Is the nature of landscape, change influenced, by.the.concentration of civic representatives in one sector of the city? To answer this question, i t i s useful to return to.the model of society outlined in Chapter II and to a f u l l e r examination of contemporary beliefs. Contemporary Social Beliefs The model of society given in Chapter II assumed that men l i v e in different worlds of social objects, li k e voluntary groups; physical objects, like buildings and streets; and abstract objects, like social beliefs. It was also assumed that the actions of men were guided by meanings assigned to these three classes of objects and that meanings were a result of on-going interaction among the three objects. Evidence has been presented hereindicating that while civic leaders who shape the landscape li v e mainly in the middle-class Western sector of the city, the conflicts about the landscape involve many city-wide formal civic groups and voluntary organiz-ations. I f , in the contemporary period, significant differences in the social beliefs between sectors can be demonstrated, these differences in belief would seem to halp c l a r i f y the bases of conflict. To c l a r i f y this a comparison was made of three sample areas that represent the major sectors of Vancouver described in Chapter III and outlined in Map 20,. These are:.Fraserview in South Vancouver, Grandview in the East End, and Dunbar in.Point Grey. In each of these areas questionnaires were administered to.members of ratepayers' associations so as to.systematically identify social beliefs,'beliefs about society, nature and time. MAP 20 . VANCOUVER CITY, MEASURING CONTEMPORARY BELIEFS: SECTORS AND SAMPLE AREAS Note the relation between the three historic sectors of the city referred to in Chapter III (p. 207) 3 1 1 ( 1 t n e location of sample areas. For an explanation of sampling procedures, see Appendix B, p. h. l6o . The', summary'.of ranked, preferences'., for . contemporary belief s in.each area.is presented.in.Table IV. But before- these mean .scores.can.be. . interpreted, i t is necessary .to..test. for significant differences'. among them. These proceedings detailed, in Appendix B, page 116, reveal certain significant regularities in each:sector. TABLE IV CONTEMPORARY SOCIAL BELIEFS-> VANCOUVER, 1969* A. Beliefs about Man and Society: Mean Value of Ranked Preferences for A l l Items Grandview . Fraservie-w Dunbar Ind. Col. Lin. Ind. Col. Lin. Ind. Col. Lin. mean 13.50 12.30 . 10.67 12.85 12.8.0 10.35 lk M 12.00 9-55 (n=20) B. Beliefs about Man and Nature: Mean Value of Ranked Preferences for A l l Items Grandvie-w Fraserview Dunbar Sub j . With Over Sub j . With Over Sub.]. With Over mean 8.U5 9-60 12.09 9.30 8.70 12.00 8.55 11.10 10.35 (n=20) C. Beliefs about Time: Mean Value of Ranked Preferences for A l l Items Past Pres. Fut. Past -Pres. Fut. Past Pres. Fut, mean 8.00 9.50 .12.52 8.20 . 9-75 12.05 7-55 9-80 12.65 (n=20) *For a definition of preferences see Appendix B, p. Ind. = individualism Subj. = subjugation to nature . Pres. = Present Col. = collaterality With. = harmony with nature .  :Fut.. = Future Lin. = l i n e a l i t y Over = domination over nature 161 Social Beliefs in Dunbar. There is a consensus in Dunbar about social beliefs (Table V). The underlying dominant beliefs in this sector are, f i r s t , individualism/; second, a mixture of harmony with nature'and, to a lesser extent, domination over nature; and f i n a l l y , a futuristic disposition toward time. On the other hand, the sector is less inclined toward beliefs in abstract concepts of society like "class", toward beliefs that nature subjugates man, or toward beliefs that past experiences represent important standards for present behaviour. TABLE V BELIEF PREFERENCES* DUNBAR SECTOR Beliefs. Preferences A. Man IND. ^  COL. >^  LIN. B. Nature WITH > OVER >> SUB J. C. Time FUT. ^  PRES.> PAST *">" means "preferred to" "^' means "preferred to by a significant magnitude" Social Beliefs in Fraseryiew. There is a consensus about beliefs amoni the residents of Fraserview as revealed in Table VI. There are manifest preferences for beliefs about man as an individual but also, and only slightly less, as a member of an immediate social group like his family, his "class" and his neighbours. Other dominant beliefs include man's domination over nature and man's assumption that his destiny l i e s in the future. I f the least preferred beliefs are noted, they would include, once again, beliefs in abstract concepts of man like mankind and "nation", and 162 in the -value of the past.. With, regard to the beliefs about nature, there is l i t t l e distinction made between man harmonizing with nature and man's subjugation to nature. In -view of the strong belief in man's dominance over nature the absence of marked preference between harmony and subjugation to nature may be interpreted as relative indifference to nature, as long as i t is dominated by man. TABLE VI BELIEF PREFERENCES* FRASERVIEW SECTOR Beliefs Preferences A. Man IND. > COL. LIN. B. Nature OVER SUBJ.> WITH C. Time FUT. PRES.^ PAST *">" means "preferred to" "^" means "preferred to by a significant magnitude" Social Beliefs in Grandview. The profile of Grandview social beliefs (Table VII) corresponds with the profiles on the other two sectors in a general way. The dominant beliefs are associated with individualism and the immediate social group (class, family, congregation) in the case of society; man's domination over nature; and the future. The least preferred beliefs are associated with assumptions about abstract nation or mankind, assumptions about man's subjugation to nature, and the importance of the past to human l i f e . 163 TABLE VII BELIEF PREFERENCES* GRANDVIEW- SECTOR Beliefs Preferences A. Man IND. > COL. LIN. B. Nature OVER > WITH ^ SUBJ. C. Time FUT. > PRES.^ PAST *">" means "preferred to" ">" means "preferred to by a significant magnitude In summary, there are general agreements in each sector as to what are the preferred social beliefs associated with man, nature and time. Recall-ing that the social model described in Chapter II assumes human action is , in part, based on social b e l i e f s , i t is therefore reasonable to expect a tendency toward uniform actions from residents of each sector. Whether actions of each sector are lik e l y to be conflictive or integrative w i l l in part depend on whether there are significant between-sector differences in social beliefs. Between-Sector Variations in Social Beliefs There are significant variations between sectors vis-a-vis beliefs about man and nature. Beliefs about time do not vary significantly. The visual data in Figures k, 5, and 6, plus Table VIII allow conclusion to be drawn about Vancouver social beliefs. The overall conclusion is that there are more significant between-sector similarities than differences. That is to say, of 27 possible preferences for beliefs, 18 are similar and 9 are significantly different., 16k It. is reasonable to . conclude/.therefore ,.. that there is.likely.to.be.. concordance: among the three..sectors in the majority of actions affecting urban landscape change.. Nonetheless, in 9 out of 27 beliefs there are significant' differences ..between, sectors which demonstrate some basic differences in social beliefs between.residents in the three sectors. Such differences might be expected.to.result in conflictive social process. Take the important beliefs about man'.s harmony with nature. In this case, there are significant differences among the three sectors. Dunbar shows the most inclination toward this harmony with nature and'Fraserview the least. Grandview stands somewhere between the two. One might reasonably expect that street and park open space w i l l tend to be viewed as "natural" space by Dunbar and less so by Grandview and'Fraserview, both of which are more inclined to view open space for i t s u t i l i t y . Indeed this supports conclusions about differences in reactions between Point Grey and the other sectors'discussed in earlier sections. One further example, man's relationship to society, illustrates marked variation between sectors. In any major landscape development requiring concensus of a l l sectors, beliefs about "social cause"or"class", interests are c r i t i c a l . The sector least inclined to accept this assumption is Dunbar, while the sectors with the strongest inclination toward this belief are Grandview and Fraserview. From these differences, one might infer that Fraserview and Grandview are naturally disposed to view municipal action as a.function of "class" movements, and not as the function of isolated individual land developers or p o l i t i c a l leaders. This same inference may be.drawn from the evidence.that Dunbar is significantly more disposed toward individualism than are the other, two'. sectors. Once again this .supports the evidence presented in the earlier.section. 165 TABLE VIII BETWEEN-SECTOR DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL BELIEFS': . '•• ' VANCOUVER, 1969 Beliefs Differences'. Differences between Sectors Man Individualism' C o l l a t e r a l l y Dunbar vs. Fraserview Dunbar vs. Grandview Fraserview vs. Grandview" 3 Dunbar vs. Fraserview^ Dunbar vs. Grandview , Fraserview vs. Grandview" Lineality Dunbar vs, Dunbar vs , Fraserview Grandview Fraserview vs. Grandview" Nature Subjugation Dunbar vs. Fraserview-Dunbar vs. Grandview , Grandview vs. Fraserview" Harmony Dunbar vs. Fraserview Dunbar vs. Grandview Grandview vs. Fraserview Domination Dunbar vs. Fraserview Dunbar vs. Grandview Grandview vs. Fraserview" There were no significant differences for beliefs about time. 2„. Significant beyond p. ^  .05. Not significant at p. < .05. 166 F i g . 4 Bel iefs About Man and Society Means sfu 71071 167 F i g . 5 Beliefs About Man and Nature 14 12-A 10 8 -Dunbar — — Fraserview Grandview Difference Between Means Not Significant /\ = Mean Preference Score N = 2 0 > c H CD C <zz 30 H X m O < m m o c: m m s fu 7 1 0 7 0 168 F i g . 6 B e l i e f s About T ime 14-12 10 8 -"0 > CO —i -o m co rn c m Dunbar Fraserview Grandview >t = Mean Preference Score N = 2 0 s fu 7 1 0 6 8 169 In..sum, .the tests. for contemporary social beliefs reveal that - in the majority,of beliefs examined.there are.no significant differences among the three.sectors.that were.delineated.in.early Vancouver. . However, there are significant variations that parallel.those documented.in the historical analysis of the Victorian and mid-century periods. Considering the nine significant.differences, the most outstanding conclusion to be drawn is that the social beliefs of the West Side sector, in which the majority of civic leaders are located, are significantly different from the remaining two sectors in eight out of the nine cases. Furthermore, in Grandview and Fraserview, from which fewer civic leaders are drawn, there i s only one case out of a total of 27 alternative preferences where there is a significant difference. 1 7 0 REFERENCES 1T Dominion Bureau of. Statistics , .Building Permits.' Issued in; Canada, 1 9 6 1 (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1 9 6 2 ) , p. 21 . 2 Dominion Bureau of Statistics, The Construction Industry of Canada (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1 9 4 5 ) , p. 3 6 ' . ' A rough measure of this variation is given by the national index of permits that had a base of 100 in 1926. Between 1930 and 1933, this index dropped from 1 5 0 . 2 to 1 3 - 9 . The index rose after that and has since had a new base established. While variations in this index suggest the annual dollar values of building should be system-at i c a l l y weighted to reduce the bias of inflation and deflation, there seems to be no objective procedure that would take into account the counter-bias of changing labour efficiency and advances in technology. It seems, therefore , the vest overall measure of change is the simple annual value of building permits. But i f the figures on buildings deleted from the land-scape are examined, a more refined picture of net change is given. For instance, the number of buildings demolished increased from 4 2 5 in I96I to 684 in 1963: Building Reports for the Years I961 and 1963, Building Depart-ment , City of Vancouver. 3 There are limits to the interpretation of these data that are more confining than those noted in the case of building values. I f one attempts to record the total capital improvements to the city's streets and side-walks, i t is necessary to consider several different items in the city's annual financial statements including street naming, pole removal, wooden block and gravel refurbishing and numerous local improvement by-laws. Different accounting procedures preclude, a completely unbiased record of a l l these actual changes. The data having the most consistent accounting procedures are dollar values for improvements in streets and lanes. In general, these data represent only the dollar value of streets and lanes built in previously undeveloped land. 4 With the abolition of ward government, the Annual Reports stopped recording expenditures on the basis of local areas. ^The data for these years were collected directly from the accounting f i l e s of the Parks Board, these being the sources that specified the.complete breakdown of maintenance costs for each park.. ^Even i f i t i s assumed that the intensity of use is a simple function of the number of persons v i s i t i n g a park for a day, i t is impossible to determine this effect. There is no record that portrays trends in v i s i t s during this period. Debates of the House of Commons, Session 1 9 5 1 , Vol. IV (Ottawa: Queen's Printer) p. 3817 and 3 8 i 8 . See. also the reports of the City Council Public Meeting in the News.Herald, February 1 , 1949 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 8 I b i d . 171 Q .' Vancouver Sun, October'. 8, 1953- (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). . . . . . . "^L. B e l l , Metropolitan Vancouver: An Overview, for Social Planners (Vancouver: Community.Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, 1965), p. ko... "'""'"For reports of the opposition to replotting, see Province, February 12, 19^9 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 12 Vancouver Sun, November 30, 19^9 , p. 12. See headline, "Report on Council Debate". 13 News Herald, December 17, 1949, p. 1. 14 Personal communication with Mr. Alex Watson, an executive officer of the Fraserview Association from 1964 to 1971 in August of 1966. 1^Province, November 21, 1964 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). Ibid. 17 Debates of the House of Commons, Session 1 9 6 k , Vol. VII (Ottawa: Queen's Printer), p. 7227. 18 Province, January k, 1950 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 19 Vancouver Sun, January 12, 1950, p. 7-20 Province, January 12, 1950 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 21 Board of Parks and Recreation. Parks 1968 Annual Report (Vancouver, 1969), p. 26. 22 Personal communications with Mr. Cooper, Director, Bloedel Conservat-ory, May, 1971, and Mr. Murray James, Committee Clerk, City Clerk's Office, May, 1971. 23 Vancouver Sun, March 14, 1953, p. 2. 24 Ibid. 25 City of Vancouver, Council Minute Book (Vol. 99, Vancouver, 1968) , p. 99-26 Ibid., pp. 100-101, 2 7 I b i d . 28 City-of Vancouver, Council. Minute . Book . (Vol. 101., Vancouver, 1969), pp. 69k and 705,' . " • • • • 29 . ^rbid. 30 Vancouver. Sun, May 3, i960 '(Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 31 Vancouver Sun, May 21, 1960,.p. 25. 32 Vancouver Sun, June h, i960 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 33 J J I b i d . 3H Board of Parks and Recreation. Parks 19^6 Annual Report (Vancouver, 19^7), p. 9. 35 Vancouver Sun, June h-, i960 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 36 Vancouver Sun, May 30, i960 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 3 7Province, July 12, i960, p. 3. 38 Vancouver Sun, July 6, i960 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 39 ^ Vancouver Sun, January 22, 1961, p. 21. ^Town Planning Commission, The Appearance of the City (Vancouver, October, 19^7), p. 25. Tree planting was controlled after 1912 by the "Boulevard and Shade Trees"By-Law Number 9^0. It was amended in 1917-K ^Vancouver Sun, April 26, 1952 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). Board of Parks and Recreation. Parks 19^9 Annual Report (Vancouver, 1950), p. 6. ^Vancouver Sun, April 26, 1952 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). hk Ibid. 5^ ^Ibid. A number of studies in.Canadian social s t r a t i f i c a t i o n verify that occupation i s an acceptable indicator of social class and group attitudes. See J. Porter, Vertical Mosaic (Toronto: University.of Toronto Press, 1965) Newspaper-interviews and city directories provide data on the social back-grounds of these two groups. 173 1+7 Based, on f i e l d observations in 1970. ' . 1+8 Planning Department,: General 'Explanatory Memorandum' Zoning and  Development By-law Number. 3575 (Vancouver, 1963) , pp. 7 - 8 . Planning Department,. Zoning-arid Development By-law Number '2575 (Amended to By-law 4139) , C V a n c o u v e r , 1 9 6 4 ) , p. 92., ^Technical Planning Board, Proposed Revisions to Apartment Zoning Regulations, Report No. k (Vancouver, 1965). For a comparison of the number of apartment towers erected between 1956 and i960 and earlier periods, see di agrams p. 1 2 . 51 Clippings on a l l these developments are catalogued in the Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library. 52 Council Minute Book (Vol. 9 9 , 1 9 6 8 ) , op. c i t . , p. 682. See note on review of Harbour Park Development in Alderman Rankin's motion. ''^Personal communication with Dr. W. Hardwick, Vancouver City Alderman, May, 1 9 7 1 -^Council Minute Book (Vol. 1 0 1 , 1969) , op. c i t . , p. 5 9 1 . 5 5 J b i d . ^^There was also opposition to the project from The Electors Assoc-iation Movement aldermen after their election in 1966: Personal communication with Alderman Hardwick,.May 1971-5^Cf. footnote 5 2 . 5 8 Vancouver Sun, February 1 0 , 1971 (Clipping: Northwest Room Vancouver Public Library). 59 1 Vancouver Sun, January 2 2 , 1971 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 60 Province, Saturday, December 5 , 1970 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library) . 6 l I b i d . 62 Both members of the executive are reported to have been active members of the N.P.A.: Personal communication with.the City Clerk, May 1971 and Alderman Hardwick, April 1 9 7 1 -^^This referendum failed, to.give support for expropriation. ^ C i t y of Vancouver, City.of Vancouver Annual Report,.1936 (Vancouver, 19371 p.. 6 . A r e l i e f loan of $ 1 7 7 ' , 2 5 9 . 7 3 from the'. Provincial Government was not large enough to balance -expenditures on welfare. 6s P. Phillips ,• No. Power Greater.. (Vancouver: B.C..Federation of Labour, 1967), p. 118.' •66 The Province, January,-1937 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 67 Phillips , op. c i t . 6 8 I b i d . , p. 119• 60 J. Taylor manuscript on "Civic Parties and the Depression in Vancouver", Special Collections Library, University of British Columbia. 70 Vancouver Sun., June 6, 1967» p. 6. Historical account of the rise of the N.P.A., edited by J. Taylor. T 1 I b i d . 7 2 I b i d . 73 General Explanatory Memorandum Zoning and Development By-law  Number 3575, op . c i t . , pp . 1-2 . 1 Ibid., p. 2. 75 Spence Sales and Bland, "Spence Sales and Bland Report" (Vancouver, July, 1950, mimeographed). ^A. Walker, "Town Planning in Vancouver", The Municipal Review of  Canada, Vol. XXXI (June, 1935), pp. 5-6. 77 "Spence Sales and Bland Report", loc. c i t . 78 City of Vancouver, City of Vancouver Administrative Manual (Vancouver, 1965), Section I, Part I, 5. ^ I b i d . , Section I, Part I, 3, (b). 80 Ibid., Section I, Part I, 11, (b). 8l Ibid. , Section I, Part I, 1^, (a) and (b). 82 Ibid., Section I, Part I, 15, (a) and (b). Ibid. 81+ Two examples of landscape proposals supported.by.the Technical Planning Board and not by.the Council include the proposal for a freeway through the Chinatown.district, 1967, and the Arbutus Shopping Centre proposal, 1968. 85 City of Vancouver. Administrative Manual, op. c i t . , Section I, Part I, 5, (b). Ibid., Section I, Part I, 15, (c), (v). The unsubstantiated, assertion that these plans were in existence was widespread in a l l the voluntary organizations in which the author participated. CHAPTER V RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT. . Nearly a century of change in Vancouver's landscape .has- been studied. The importance of social beliefs and organizations cannot be reduced, as has been demonstrated, to a quantitative equation. Yet there are regularities among certain b e l i e f s , organizations and landscape changes. Furhter, there are similarities between the interrelations of beliefs and landscapes in early Vancouver and the general picture of the Victorian cultural succession in British c i t i e s . To stress these regularities where they are observed does not preclude the presence of significant i r r e g u l a r i -ties between beliefs men hold and the manner in which they transform the landscape, nor does i t preclude the existence of differences between the cultural processes that obtain in Vancouver and in British nineteenth-century c i t i e s . To interpret the beliefs and describe the associations of diverse people building the Vancouver landscape is to exemplify a process which transformed the many regions of the New World settled by British peoples in the nineteenth century. Thus in this context, the geographical study of Vancouver can become enlightening. The verification of regularities between social beliefs and their geographical expressions, in this sense, may be the most important contribution of this geographical study to social policy. The thesis that there are correlations between social beliefs and urban landscape change has not been proved i n a s t a t i s t i c a l sense: i t has been c l a r i f i e d and certain regularities have been demonstrated to exist in Vancouver. These regularities, by the rules of s c i e n t i f i c research, are only more acceptable statements of tendency than they were before. But 177 Those who interpret the urbanization of Western Canada and those who must participate in issues of ongoing urban development-in Vancouver may find these statements, of tendency more useful than mere speculations. To start this retrospect, consider the' conclusion regarding the founding groups that i n i t i a t e d the development of the' early period. This study of social conditions demonstrates there were deep h o s t i l i t i e s among the geographically segregated groups of new migrants. They did not comprise a quiescent, law-abiding society, as has been inferred in other geographic studies of Vancouver. In their social patterns, p o l i t i c a l power, p o l i t i c a l doctrines , and. municipal policies for land development the new migrants expressed different assumptions about man's relationship with man and with nature. On the basis of recurrent intergroup conflicts , four founding groups were identified and described in general terms: the original British Columbians, the Eastern-Canadian dominated middle class, the B r i t i s h -oriented working class, and the more loosely associated ethnic minorities, each occupying distinctive sectors. Basic relations among the groups changed in some.cases. ,. The British Columbians were absorbed into the other three groups. Restrictions were placed on immigration for some ethnic subgroups, and hence there was less pressure for expansion. Social h o s t i l i t y against Asian minorities became so acute that they lost their municipal franchise and therefore their capacity to influence landscape policy. The dichotomy between the working-class and middle-class populations which had established suburbs on the high ground along the Burrard Peninsula became so severe in the f i r s t decade of the twentieth, century that the middle-class group seceded and embarked on a municipal program that created a distinctive landscape on the West Side of the peninsula. On the East Side, the working-class "rump" municipality. 178 continued, with., i t s early policies . .Manifest regularities between beliefs and landscape changes, are found in a comparison between the middle class in the West Side and the working class in the East Side. The Point Grey landscape was characterized by systematic set backs, large "builders'" residences, front gardens, boulevards, contour-street layouts, localized commercialism, and an integration of park open space with detached dwellings. These characteristics were correlated with preferred beliefs about man (civic authoritarianism, patriotism, and individualism! and about nature (man's essential harmony with nature). In contrast, South Vancouver's landscape was characterized by irregularities in set backs, smaller, jerry-b u i l t bungalows, back gardens, mis-aligned gridiron street patterns, scattered commercialism, and the absence of planned park open space. Correlated with these characteristics were distinctive beliefs about man (preferences for concepts like "class" and kinship or the autonomy of the individual in civic affairs) and about nature (man's indifference to our subjugation of nature). By 1930, the wide gulf that had separated the beliefs of Point Grey and South Vancouver narrowed and the two municipalities amalgamated with Vancouver City. This amalgamation, which was based on a consensus in physical planning, brought to a close the f i r s t period of landscape change and opened the way to a new period. The development from one cultural period into another is never a sudden and dramatic change in social b e l i e f and landscape, but a phase of transition. The emergence of Vancouver into the modern twentieth-century period was even less sudden than most transitions. The Great Depression and World-War II were major deterrents to development during this century The greatest changes occurred in the 1950's and 1960's. In retrospect, 179 this particular timing in landscape change had remarkable effects. The majority: of changes were undertaken through the encompassing controls of the 1956 Zoning and Development By-laws: Under these and other street improvement by-laws , reformed civ i c institutions have reduced the differences between the East Side and the West Side. The characteristic buildings of the modern period - centres, landscaped open spaces and to a lesser extent towers - have been b u i l t in a l l sectors of the city and are not associated with any particular social group. To achieve this transformation, the early tradition of citizens' advice on change gave way in large measure to advice from technical and financial experts. Not a l l advice received by the Council met the consensus in landscape changes desired by voluntary groups. Variations in group beliefs about man's relationship to man and to nature underlie the conflict over landscape changes. Where there seem to be common beliefs and avilable investment capital, the conditions for landscape change are good. Where voluntary group interests in landscape change contradict the proposals of the technical experts , change is most d i f f i c u l t . In the case studies of recent public issues about landscape change, various types of change involving conflict among different voluntary groups and civic bodies were described. Those cases included: apartment towers, a shopping centre, tree ornamentation, park open space, and a residential sub-division. Each case highlighted the role of voluntary groups in influencing or impeding changes proposed by the Council. What beliefs underlie the actions of these voluntary groups? What are the antecedents of these groups and their beliefs? Here Is the numb of the process by which the mid-century landscape is being re-shaped. Some groups such as the N.P.A. take their origins from the revisionism of the Depression years. Like the abolition of ward' i 8 o representation and the concentration of power in .financial and technical advice,'. they, reflect the fear of urban radicalism. Other, voluntary groups such as the Labour Council and the Vancouver Central Council of Ratepayers , the Arts Council, the Board of Trade , and the Save Our Parks Association have th e i r antecedents i n early social organizations. These and other voluntary associations teach their members assumptions about man and nature that reflect the beliefs of the founding groups. Understanding voluntary organizations provides clues as to how people respond of landscape changes. The s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of contemporary beliefs in ratepayers' assoc-iations in Point Grey, South Vancouver, and East" Vancouver confirmed the general trend toward a consensus in beliefs and yet a persistence of deep dichotomies in particular beliefs was also evident. Preferences for certain beliefs about man and nature differentiate Point Grey from South Vancouver and East Vancouver. These fundamental differences are consistent with different expectations from the landscape expressed by voluntary groups drawing support from these areas. One can even f i x the preferences for beliefs that are associated "with Point Grey's disposition toward "natural-ness" in landscape design and South Vancouver's tendency to interpret landscape developments as rewards for a "privileged class". Thus, Chapter IV demonstrated that contemporary geographical patterns of social organiz-ations and beliefs are i n some cases consistent with the early patterns. What problems and prospects do these residual beliefs hold for future landscape change? There i s f i r s t of a l l the problem of who decides the location and character of change: Whose beliefs shall be expressed in the landscape? The quest for economy, social order, and physical development is a major theme of current municipal policies. The technical advisors are j u s t i f i e d in the name of public efficiency and-rational.development, .but how shall efficiency and rationalism be . defined in . conjunction with, landscape., changes that are interpreted, differently by,various groups? Can urban leaders who liv e predominantly in one area and who predominantly participate in a selection of voluntary groups make decisions for change in a l l areas of the city? The attraction of city-wide representation in municipal government operates in many Canadian cities because in greater unity there is greater strength. But unity about landscape change is l i k e l y to be much more d i f f i c u l t in Vancouver unless there is representation from East and South Vancouver when plans are being conceived. It is not li k e l y that those of socialist and labour sentiment in East and South Vancouver w i l l abandon their beliefs in class privilege and accept, for example', non-union employment in municipal developments simply because they are elected by the city as a whole. Nor for the sake of symbolism in civic unity w i l l N.P.A. civic leaders with real-estate investments or deep beliefs in naturalism compromise their incomes or their commitments to public service in order to placate demands for public ownership. Through the years of recent growth, the conflicts between the Council and voluntary groups have often impeded change. Those who make policy today may not survive these conflicts. New voluntary groups have emerged and have successfully supported candidates for civic boards."^" Some of these new civic leaders well know the wide range of beliefs and aspirations in different areas of the city and have been less influenced by the class con-f l i c t s and revisionism of the Depression years. Before these new leaders can make the institutional changes necessary to reduce conflicts and facilitate.the expression of diverse social beliefs in the landscape, they w i l l have to.provide convincing landscape symbolism 182 around.which.a widespread.consensus can.he.formed. Common social.beliefs and the beliefs of voluntary groups ..must. come into . a stable . relationship. But•the' articulation of a.stable.relationship is particularly d i f f i c u l t in Vancouver today because the form of municipal government does, not c a l l upon most individuals to participate in decisions about landscape change, and because so much of the population has recently arrived and knows l i t t l e of either civic or voluntary group traditions of the city. Consider the recent steps taken to increase this citizen participation: the City Planning Commission's Composite Committee annual programs for 2 public education in physical planning, and the C.M.H.C.'s program on the Teacher and the City conducted in the late 1960's. In these attempts to develop citizen articulation of future landscape changes, the programs influence very few people and then only for a short period of time. Consider as well the attempts by municipal and university researchers to systematically describe belief variations among civic leaders and attitudes toward physical planning. Again, these studies only survey small samples of contemporary differences. No harm is done using these surveys of beliefs and attitudes as guides for future change so long as these are not taken for substitutes of more complete accounts of why groups and individuals have these perspect-ives and of how enduring they have been. These accounts can only be rendered by knowing the social history of groups and individuals and the record of past'interpretations of landscape change. It has been shown here that people participate in decisions to change the landscape mainly on the basis of the meanings they assign to.the' proposal. In periods of rapid change, participating persons have to.give.meaning to a variety.of changes.which they may never, have directly experienced.before.. Voluntary groups give meaning to proposals for change by depicting for their participating members new kinds of'buildings and open, spaces, and by comparing these proposed changes with similar developments: taken from the groups' past experiences. The interpretations of some voluntary groups are guided by more accurate records of the past and better analysts than other groups. As the case studies demonstrate, the interpretations of change can be extremely varied. Differences in interpretations are important factors accounting for social conflict and impeded development. With the increase in the participation of voluntary groups during recent decades comes a need for accurate know-ledge of the historical geography of Vancouver and i t s social context. With this knowledge come the human s k i l l s needed for landscape change in the twentieth century. On this educational fulcrum, involving nothing less than major curriculum changes in public education, hinge the problems of future landscape change. On the city's institutional capacity to adapt to new social conditions hinges the prospect for a landscape more expressive of the rich variety in Vancouver social beliefs. 18U REFERENCES. "'"Two: major civic parties emerged, as major municipal forces in the late l Q60's: The Committee of Progress Electors and the Electors Action Movement. 2 The Composite Committee is an appointed advisory group that assists the Planning Commission to exercise i t s function of citizen education in physical planning. For an indication of the educational program, see the "Minutes" of the General Meeting of Monday, May 10, 1971, City H a l l , Vancouver. ^In the 1960's, the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation financed a series of seminars and workshops conducted through the services of the University of British Columbia Extension Department and with the assistance of British Columbia Teachers Federation. The aim of the program was to introduce a wide variety of urban studies to social studies teachers in the province. ^See Vancouver City Planning Department, "An Evaluation of Attitudes Towards the Environment", An Invitational Workshop, January 9, 1969 (mimeograph), and B. Blitz et al. , "Attitudes and Characteristics: N.P.A. , T.E.A.M. and C.O.P.E." (Student paper), A p r i l , 1969, Department of P o l i t i c a l Science, University of Bri t i s h Columbia (mimeograph). 185 B1BL.I.Q GRAPHY. A. B O O K S : Aesthetics Berrall, J.S. The Garden. New York: Viking Press, 1966. Chadwick, G.F. 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New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,1947. . Utilitarianism. New .York: E.P. Dutton and Co., 1910. Parsons, T., et a l . Towards a General Theory of Action. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951. Porter, J. Vertical Mosaic. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965. Reissman, L. The Urban Process. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1964. Saarinen, T. Perception of Drought Hazard on the Great Plains. University of Chicago, Department of Geography Research Series, No. 106 (1966). Sapir, E. "Language, an Introduction to the Study of Speech," Culture and  Consciousness. Edited by G. Levitas. New York: George Bra z i l l e r , 1967, pp. 152-155. Sauer, C. Land and Life. Edited by J. Leighly. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967. Sorre, M. Rencontres de l a geographie et de l a sociologie. Paris: Marcel Riviere, 1957. Stamp, L.D. (ed.). A Glossary of Geographical Terms. London: Longmans, Green and Co. , 1961. Wagner, P. and M. Mikesell (eds.). Readings in Cultural Geography. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962. Zollschow, G. and W. Hirsh. Explorations in Social Change. Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1964. 191 Measurement Blalock, H. Social Statistics. New York: McGraw-Hill Books, i960. Edwards, A.C. Techniques of Attitude Scale Construction. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1957. McCall, G.J. and J.L. Simmons (eds.). Issues in Participant Observation: A Text and Reader. Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 1969. • '. Murray, H. Thematic Apperception Test Manual. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1940. Thurstone, L. The Measurement of Values. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959. Williams, J. S t a t i s t i c a l Analysis. Toronto: Olivetti-Underwood Programma 101, 1969. B. PUBLICATIONS AND REPORTS Publications of Governments Bartholomew, H. and Associates. A Plan for the City - of Vancouver, British  Columbia. Vancouver: Wrigley Printing Ltd., 1929. Board of Park Commissioners. The Pioneers of Burrard Inlet, Granville, Hastings, Moodyville, North Arm, Fraser' River, 1886; Our City is"Their  Monument. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1952. Board of Parks and Recreation. Minutes, Board of Park Commissioners. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1929-1966. Parks 1946. Annual Report. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1947. . Parks 1949. Annual Report. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1950. . Parks I968. Annual Report. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1969• Buck, F. "Some Early Pioneers of the Town and Rural Planning Movement in Canada." Vancouver: Town Planning Commission, City of Vancouver (Mimeographed), (no date) City of Vancouver. Bylaws of the City of Vancouver, B.C., 1913. Vancouver: A.-H. Timms, 1913. . City of Vancouver Administrative Manual. Vancouver, 1965. 192 City of Vancouver. City of Vancouver Annual Report, 1910. Vancouver, 1911. City of Vancouver Annual Report, 1929. Vancouver, 1930. City of Vancouver Annual Report, 1936. Vancouver, 1937. City of Vancouver, B.C. 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Report' of the Royal Commission on Methods by Which Oriental Labourers Have Been Induced to Come to Canada. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1908. Planning Department. "An Evaluation of Attitudes Towards the Environment." An Invitational Workshop. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, Jan. 9, 1969. (Mimeographed). . General Explanatory Memorandum Zoning and Development By-Law Number 3575 • Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1963. Zoning and Development By-Law Number 3575 (Amended to By-Law 1*139) . Vancouver: City of Vancouver, I96U, 193 Province of British Columbia. British Columbia Gazette, September, 1886. Victoria: Government Printer, 1886. . Register of Absolute Fees . Volumes 3-11. Vancouver: Vancouver Land Registry. . Sessional Papers, British Columbia. Victoria: Richard Wolfenden Government Printer, 1884-1886. Spence, Sales and Bland. "Spence, Sales and Bland Report." Vancouver: City of Vancouver, July, 1950. (Mimeographed). Stroyan, P. "Notes Taken From Minutes, Board of Park Commissioners." . Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1948. (Mimeographed). . "Notes Taken From Park Board Minutes 1948-1958." Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1962. (Mimeographed). Technical Planning Board. Proposed Revisions to Apartment Zoning Regulations. Report No. 4. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1965. . "Vancouver City Preliminary Report on a Proposed Development Plan for Parks, 1959-1976." Vancouver: City of Vancouver, June 3, I960. (Mimeographed). Town Planning Commission. The Appearance of the City. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, Oct.,1947. . Vancouver B.C. Zoning Diagram. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1942. (Folded out document). Vancouver Board of School Trustees. Ninth Annual Report. Vancouver: Municipal Printing Office, 1911. Publications of Other Organizations B e l l , L. Metropolitan Vancouver: An Overview for Social Planners. Vancouver: Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, 1965. Burrard Peninsula Joint Sewerage Committee. Lea Report of 1913. Vancouver: Vancouver City Printing Office, 1913. Nicolls , J.P. Real Estate Values in Vancouver: A Reminiscence. Vancouver: City Archives , April, 195k~. Vancouver Bureau of Civic Research. "Amalgamation," Informed Citizenship. Bulletin No. 12. Vancouver Ti Vancouver Bureau of Civic Research, Nov. 13, 1926. . "The Civic Centre Site," Informed Citizenship. Bulletin No. 5. Vancouver: Vancouver Bureau of Civic Research, Nov. 2, 1925. 19V Vancouver. Bureau of* Civic Research. "Planning and the Citizen," Informed  Citizenship. Bulletin Wo. 8. Vancouver: Vancouver Bureau of Civic Research, March 13,' 1926',.; m e Union Plebiscite... Bulletin No. 12. Vancouver: Vancouver. Bureau of Civic Research, Dec. k, 1926. Vancouver. Board of Trade. Vancouver: Herald Printing and Publishing Co., 1888. Vancouver Central Council of Ratepayers' Association. "Brief to Private B i l l s Committee, British Columbia Legislature, Victoria, British Columbia." 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A.M. and C.O.P.E." Student paper. Department of. P o l i t i c a l Science, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, A p r i l , 1969. (Mimeographed). Buttimer, A. "Some Contemporary Interpretations and Historical Precedents of Social Geography." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, Seattle, I96U. Cardney, J. "Aesthetic Preferences and Personality." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1952. "Diary of Colonel Sweeny, August 1, 1887 to December 25, 1909." Vancouver Club Clipping Docket, Vancouver City Archives. Gale, D. "The Impact of Cultural Change In the Business Thoroughfare." Unpublished Honours B.A. thesis, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, 1968. Kerr, D. "Vancouver - A Study in Urban Geography." Unpublished Master's thesis, University of Toronto, 1943. Loosemore, T.R. "The British Columbia Labour Movement and P o l i t i c a l Action l879-1906," Unpublished Master's thesis, University of British Columbia, 1954. McAfee, A. "Residence on the Margin of the Central Business D i s t r i c t . " Un-published Master's thesis, University of British Columbia, 1967. Oppenheimer, F. "Oppenheimer of Vancouver." Unpublished notes. Vancouver, Northwest History Room, Vancouver Public Library, 1936. Taylor, J. Documents on the basis of a M.A. thesis in P o l i t i c a l Science. Rare Documents. University of British Columbia Library, Vancouver. (Typed manuscript). Thompson, G. "Early Vancouver." Paper read at a seminar of the Central Mortgage and Housing Studies Project, Extension Department, University of British Columbia, Oct. 24, 1968. Walhouse, F. "The Influence of Minority Ethnic Groups on the Cultural Geography of Vancouver." Unpublished Master's thesis, University of British Columbia, 1961. 196 F. PERIODICALS Periodicals: Aesthetics Gardening in British Columbia. Vancouver: Garden Publishing Co. Vol. l,No.-l (February, 1927). Ireland, W. "First Impressions ," British Columbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. lk and 15 (19501, pp. 85-90. Kates, R.W. "The Pursuit of Beauty in the Environment ," Landscape , Vol. XV, No.'2 (Winter, 1966-67] , pp. 21-25'. Lort, R. "Samuel Maclure M.R.A.I.C. 1860-1929 ," Royal Architectural Institute  of Canada Journal, Vol. 35, Serial No. 392 (April, 1958), pp. rU-115. Nitschke, G. "Ma' The Japanese Sense of 'Place'," Architectural Design (March, 1966) , pp. 116-155-Oberlander, P. "History of Town Planning in British Columbia," Royal Architectural Institute of Canada, Vol. 35, Serial No. 392 (April, 1958), pp. 110-113. Thiel, P. "A Sequence-Experience Notation," Town Planning Review, Vol. XXXII, No. I (April, 1961), pp. 33-52. Periodicals: History British Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 10 (Oct., 1911). Collins , P. Thomas Cooper, the Chartist: Byron and the 'Poets of the Poor'. Nottingham Byron Lecture Series, 1969- Nottingham: Hawthornes Ltd., 1969-Cornford, J. "The Transformation of Conservatism in the Late Nineteenth Century," Victorian Studies, Vol. VII, No. 1 (Sept., 1963), pp. 35-66. Dyos, H.J. "The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century: A Review of Some Recent Writing," Victorian Studies , Vol. IX, No. 3 (March, 1966) , pp. 225-2kk. . "The Speculative Builders and Developers of Victorian London," Victorian Studies, Vol. XI, Supplement (Summer, 1968) , pp. 6U1-689. Howay, F.W. "Early Settlement on Burrard Inlet," British Columbia Historical  Quarterly, Vol. 1 (Jan., 1937), PP- 101-llU. Matthews , J.S. "The Founders o f Vancouver," Vancouver Historical Journal, Vancouver: City. Archives , City Hall, Vol. VI (Sept., 1966) , pp. 22-23. McDougall, R.J. "Vancouver Real Estate'for Twenty-Five Years," British  Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 6 (June, 1911), pp. 597-607.. Paton, J.A. "The Story of Point Grey," British Columbia Magazine, Vol. VEI, No. 7 (July, 1911), p. 736-197 Penberthy, F. "Alv.o. von Alvensleben," British Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 12 (Dec. 11, 1911), pp. 1303-1312. "Vancouver, A City of Beautiful Homes," British Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 12 (Dec, 1911), pp. 1313-1316. Rome, D. "The Oppenheimers of British Columbia," Jewish Western Bulletin, Centenary Issue, Vol. XXVI (June 30, 1958), p. 9. Sage, W. "Vancouver, 60 Years of Progress," British Columbia Journal of  Commerce Year Book 1946. Vancouver (1946), pp. 97-115. Walker, A. "Town Planning in Vancouver," The Municipal Review of Canada, Vol. XXXI, No. 4 (June, 1935), pp. 5-10. Ward, D. "The Emergence of Central Immigrant Ghettos in American Cities," . Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 58, No. 2 (June, 1968), pp. 343-359. Wynne,R.E. "American Labour Leaders and the Vancouver Anti-Oriental Riots," Washington State Historical Society, Vol. 57, No. 4 (Oct., 1966), pp. 172-180. Periodicalsy Social Science Best, G. "The Scottish Victorian City," Victorian Studies, Vol. XI, No. 3 (March, 1968), pp. 329-358. Burton, I. et a l . "The Perception of Natural Hazards in Resource Management," Natural .Resources Journal, Vol. I l l , No. 3 (Jan., 1964), pp. 4l2-44l. Chappell, J.E., Jr. Letter to the editor, Problems of Communism. Vol. 15, No. 2 (March-April, 1966), pp. 79-80. . "Marxism and Geography," Problems, of Communism, Vol. 14, No. 6 (Nov.-Dec, I965), pp. 12-22. Cornish, V. "Apparent Magnitude in Natural Scenery and i t s Determining Causes," Geographical Journal, Vol. LXV, No. 5 (Nov., 1925), pp. 427-433. . "Harmonies of Scenery: An Outline of Aesthetic Geography,"- . Geography, Vol. l4, Part 4 (Spring, 1928), pp. 275-283. Cronbach, L. "Coefficient Alpha and the Internal Structure of Tests," Psychometrika, Vol. 16 (1951), pp. 297-334. Davidoff, P. and T. Reiner. "A Choice Theory of Planning," Journal of the  American Institute of Planners, Vol. 28, No. 2 (May, 1962) , pp. 103-115. Dickinson, R.E. "Landscape and Society," Scottish Geographical Magazine, Vol. LV, No. 1 (Jan., 1939), pp. 1-15. 198 Feldmen, A.S. and C. T i l l y . "The Interaction of Social and Physical Space," American Sociological Review, Vol. XXV., No. 6 (Dec , 1960-1., pp. 877-88V. Firey, W. "Sentiment, and Symbolism as Ecological Variables ," American  Sociological Review,. Vol. X, No. 2 (April, 19^5), pp. l'U0-lU8. Gilmore, H. "The Old New Orleans and the New; A Case for Ecology," American  Sociological Review, Vol. IX, No. k (Aug., 19^ 1 , pp. 385-39^. Horowitz, G. "Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada," Canadian Journal of Economic and P o l i t i c a l Science, Vol. XXXII, No. 2 (May, I966I, pp. Il|l-l63. Kates, R. "Stimulus and Symbol: The View, from the Bridge," The Journal of  Social Issues, Vol. XXII, No. h (Oct., 19661, pp. 21-28. Lowenthal, D. and H. Prince. "The English Landscape," Geographical Review, Vol. LIV, No. 3 (June, 196h), pp. 309-3^7. . "English Landscape Tastes," The Geographical Review, Vol. LV, No. 2 (April, 1965) , pp. 186-222. Newcomb, R.M. "Twelve Working Approaches to Historical Geography," Yearbook, Association of Pacific Coast Geographers, Vol. 31 (1969) , pp. 27-30. Petersen, W. "The Ideological Origins of Britain's New Towns," Journal of American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXXIV, No. 3 (.May, 1968) , pp. 160-170. Scholte, B. "Epistemic Paradigms, Some Problems in Cross-Cultural Research on Social Anthropological History and Theory," American Anthropologist, Vol. 68, No. 5 (Oct., 1966), pp. 1192-1201. Simmons, J. "Urban Geography," The Canadian Geographer, Vol. XIV, No. h (1967) , pp. 3i+l-356. Sonnenfeld, J. "Variable Values in Landscape; An Inquiry into the Nature of Environmental Necessity," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. XXII, No. h (Oct. , 1966) , pp. 71-83. Szava-Kovats, E. "The Present State of Landscape Theory and Its Main Philosophical Problems," Soviet Geography: Review and Translation, Vol. VII, No. 7 (Sept., 1966), pp. kO-W. Vance, J.E. "Housing the Worker: Determinative and Contingent Ties in Nine-teenth Century Birmingham^' Economic Geography, Vol. XLIII, No. 2 (April, 1967) , pp. 95-127. . "Housing the Worker: The' Employment Linkage as a Force in Urban Structure^1 Economic Geography,Vol.XLII,No.4 (Oct. ,1966) . pp. 294-325. Ward, D. "The Emergence of Central Immigrant Ghettos in American Cities," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 58, No. 2(1968) ,pp. 31+3-359. Watson, J. "Four Approaches to Cultural Change: A Systematic Assessment," Social Forces, Vol. XXXII, No. 2 (Dec, 1953), pp. 137-1^5. 199 G. MAPS AND ATLASES "City of Vancouver, B.C., Canada, 1908." Vancouver":1 Vancouver Tourist Association, 1908. Insurance Plan of Vancouver, British Columbia. Vol. I, 85 maps, reprinted A p r i l , 1913 (sheets updated) and Vol. II, 120 maps, reprinted March, 1920 (sheets updated). Chas. E. Goad Co., C i v i l Engineers, Toronto, Montreal.) Winnipeg and Vancouver, and London, England. "I898 Lithograph of Vancouver." Ottawa: Federal Archives Map Room. Mayhew, B.W. "Local Areas of Vancouver, B.C." Vancouver: United Community Services of the Greater Vancouver Area, Research Department, 1967-"Point Grey." Corporation of Point Grey, B.C., 1942. "Street Car Tracks Growth by Decade," in Bartholomew and Associates. A Plan  for the City of Vancouver, British Columbia. Vancouver: Wrigley Printing Ltd., 1930. Vancouver, British Columbia. 20 maps (Scale 50'=l"). San Francisco, California"?' Dakin Publishing Co., Nov., 1889. These comprise f i r e insurance data. APPENDIX A .PARTICIPATION IN.VANCOUVER.ORGANIZATIONS. During the research.for this, participation in a selection of Vancouver organizations permitted direct observation of municipal and voluntary organizations whose activities were directed toward changing the landscape. These included the following: TABLE A Number 2. Organization Vancouver City Planning Department Community Planning Association of Canada Vancouver Arts Council Vancouver Area United Community Service The Vancouver Central Council of Ratepayers' Associations Dunbar Homeowners' Association Fraserview Rate-Payers ' Association City Council Role Consultant Vancouver Executive Executive Civic Committee Housing Committee Member Guest at selected meetings Participator at two meetings Observer at several meetings Observer at selected meetings and hearings Duration of  Participation 1965 (6 months) 1965 - 1968 1966 - 1967 I966 - 1969 1966 - 1970 1967 1967 - 1970 1967 - 1970 APPENDIX B VERIFICATION OF DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL BELIEFS This appendix presents ..the .details on the instrument used to verify the existence or non-existence .of different social beliefs in the contempor ary populations of three sectors of Vancouver. The topics under consider-ation are the following: the instrument, coding, sampling, data gathering, methods of analysis and instrument limitations. The results of the analysi and their interpretations are included in Chapter IV. No really i n f a l l i b l e test for social beliefs exists but the tests which are of greatest depth and applicability are, without doubt, those given during individual interviews of long and repeated sessions by experienced psychologists. There are several tests that could qualify in this respect. Of those examined, Murphy's T.A.T.Thurstone's Temperament 2 3 4 Schedule, Stouffer's Schedule, and Clyde Kluckhohn's Value-Orientation Schema a l l had features to recommend them. However, after a review of the problem and consultations with psychologists , i t was decided to adopt the Florence Kluckhohn and Fred Strodtbeck test.'' The reason . for this choice rests on the importance that this test attaches to those social beliefs associated with urban landscape: beliefs of time, man-nature relationships, H. Murray, Thematic Apperception Test Manual (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1943). 2 L. Thurstone, The Measurement, of Values (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959). T. Parsons, et a l . Towards a General^ Theory of Action (Cambridge: Harvard University Press , 195'l)~ pp • Wl"49~6'. " ~ " ^Ibid., pp. 409-410.. ^F. Kluckhohn. and F. Strodtbeck, Variations in Value Orientations (Evanston; Row Peterson and Co., 196l). 202 and social existence. The Kluckhohn' and- Strodtbeck'Instrument 1consists.of a :questionnaire that generates. data, on the background^ o f informants, and on. their beliefs as they are revealed'in specific contexts or spheres of behaviour related to major social institutions. That is , for instance , beliefs about time are tested in the context of the "economic-occupational, the religious, the intellectual-aesthetic, the recreational, the p o l i t i c a l , and the familial" situations. There are five separate social beliefs (or values) and a classification of variations on each defined in the Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck construct. These are set out in the following table: TABLE A VALUE ORIENTATIONS Orientation Postulated Range of Variation E v i l Neutral Mixed Good HUMAN NATURE Mutable Immutable Mut able Immut able Mut ab le Immut abl e MAN/NATURE Subjugation to Nature Harmony with Nature Mastery over Nature TIME Past Present Future ACTIVITY Being Being-in-Becoming Doing RELATIONAL Lineality Collaterality Individualism At this point, i t is necessary to describe more fu l l y these values, the success with which they were measured by the original instrument, and their relationship to the verification of hypotheses on sector differences in beliefs. The f i r s t orientation, innate 'human nature / proved to. be. d i f f i c u l t for Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck to order and' control. The finer' distinctions revealed in the questions also'proved'to be "derivatives of inter-relation-203 ships "between the human nature and other, of the orientations"."'". Thus, the actual function of this orientation'- cannot' be understood u n t i l complex s t a t i s t i c a l analyses'are developed and-the construct i t s e l f is adjusted in the light of new findings. Because of the poor results obtained in the original instrument, this belief, was not included in the adapted instrument employed in the present work. The identification and measurement of the three-part variation in man's relation to nature: Sub jugation-to-Nature, Harmony -with-Nature, and Mastery-over-Nature are of obvious importance in this study, and the variation was investigated to the fullest extent possible with the tests. The same importance is attached to time. The variations in this value were classified as Past, Present, and Future. The thi r d orientation of activity f e l l into a classification of Being, Being-in-Becoming, and Doing. This orientation, say Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, centres solely on the problem of the nature of man's mode of self-expression in activity. A Being orientation i s preference for spontaneous expression of what is conceived to be given in the human personality: a preference for activities 2 that are reflective, playful, and party-like. This preference differs from the Being-in-Becoming orientation that "has as i t s goal the development of a l l aspects of the s e l f as an integrated whole". The last class of activity, Doing, is distinct from the f i r s t two; i t refers to "the kind of activity which results in accomplishments that are measurable by standards 1 I b i d . , p. 103. 2Ibid. , p. .17. 3Ibid. 204 . conceived, to be. external to the acting individual'1''.. The .relation'.of' this orientation to.meanings groups assign to iandscapes seem obvious. f Those groups preferring Doing activity are l i k e l y to.respond more positively to, proposals involving the display of civic achievements in public open space, exhibitions, monumental skyscrapers and municipal buildings. The last orientation accounted for in the construct , the Relational value, deals with assumptions about the nature of man's social existence. Like most other orientations, i t is ordered into three classes : Individualistic, emphasizing individual autonomy and leeways for individuality; Collaterality, emphasizing the individual as, and only as, a part of a small group — the family, neighbours, "ethnic" or "class" group; and Linearity, emphasizing the organic wholeness of mankind, the continuity of men produced by commonality of biological and cultural t r a i t s . Again, this value is of importance to an understanding of group response to changes in the land-scape. Those with their strong preference for linearity might be expected to support public ownership and civic authoritarianism for the sake of the "people" or the general public. Others , with Collateral preferences, might be expected to place greater value on locally controlled open space and zoning standards. The individualistic oriented groups, might be expected to respond to policies maintaining private home ownership and to reject, to a greater extent, public investment i n streets and parks. Thus, four out of five values in the instrument are applicable to this study. But before the instrument can be. used, the original questionnaire must be changed so that the component questions f i t the normal l i f e experiences of Canadian urban householders while at the same time maintaining the references to the 205 spheres .of behaviour and the basic principles of coding specified in the original instrument. Coding the Four Basic Values Through a number of pilot tests:, a revised .questionnaire was developed. Using the original instrument as a guide, the writer devised new sets of questions relevant to the Vancouver population for each of the values and comparable spheres of behaviour. The pil o t questionnaire was given to two research assistants who were residents of Vancouver, when there was dis-agreement as to the relevance or the ambiguity of the questions on the part of the two assistants, new questions were inserted. This process was repeated un t i l a set of questions was developed that met the agreement of both assistants. For each of the four values measured, the number of spheres of behaviour from which problems were created was equal to the number in the original instrument. The values and situations in which the problems were set are presented in the following Table B: 206. TABLE B CODING. THE'. VALUES Value 1. Man-Nature 2. Time 3. Activity k. Relativity a b c a e a b c a; e a b c a e a b c a e f Generalized Sphere of Behaviour Property loss Pacing conditions of natural resources Use of farmland Belief in control Length of l i f e Child training Expectation about change (20-^0 years old) Expectation about, change ( hO years old) Philosophy of l i f e Urban renewal Job choice Ways of l i v i n g Care of business Housework Non-working time Public transportation Help in misfortune Family work relationships Choice of delegate Wage work Inheritance 207 For : each, of 'the' problems identified, in .the previous, table ,'. the .question-naire presents.three possible solutions, each of which represents a variation of the value being-measured. (Table Al. The'.questionnaire asks informants to.rank the solutions - in order of preference;' the ranked prefer-ences are summed for each value. The details on the problem and alternative solutions are contained in the completed questionnaire (Annex l ) . Thus the revised instrument met the conditions of relevant questions and consistency with the basic coding of the original instrument. The background information measured in the questionnaire involved coding that must be described. In the original instrument, the background information was a key component, given the aim of that study to describe within-culture value variations. In the present study, values as described by the construct are taken as "given" and the aim is to verify the existence of their differences within three sectors of Vancouver's landscape. So as to maximize the usefulness of the data in future studies and to describe the comparisons between the sample populations and the total population of the sample areas, detailed information was collected using the Local Areas  of Vancouver study as a guide. In the revised instrument, the coding for each sample was identical to that of the Vancouver study. Additional information was included and the details of i t s coding are presented on the following page (Table C) . For the detailed questions relating to each of the previous categories, see the complete questionnaire (Annex l ) . With the instrument described and i t s coding specified, attention is now directed'to the sampling procedures. Sampling Sampling procedures entailed, three phases : determining the size', of the sample, selecting a sample area in each sector, and selecting a sample TABLE C 208 CODING. BACKGROUND. INFORMATION' :Charact e r i s t i c 1. Local area of residence 2. Length of residence in area Ueilni.ti.on' One of the sample areas , Grandview,-Fraserview or Dunbar, described in Local Areas of  Vancouver, '1961... Number of years of residence in local area defined in 1. 3. Owner occupancy k. Unemployment index^ 5.' Occupation index -o. Mean family income 7- F e r t i l i t y ratio 8. Families with children' 9- Past residential environments The percentages of dwelling units which are owned or are being purchased by the family currently occupying the unit. The percentage of population "looking for work in the week preceding the interview". The percentage of persons in the labour force who are engaged in professional or managerial type occupations. The total earnings of a l l wage earners in the sample divided by the number of wage earnings in the sample. The figures shown in thousands of dollars per year. The number of children Ok years of age, per 1000 females in the 20-H4 year age group. The simple percentage of the number of families with children between the years 0-18. The class of environment in which the main part of the respondent's l i f e was lived. The classes were given as : Cl) metropolitan city centre (.2) metropolitan suburb (3) small city (h) larger town (5) village, and (6) farmstead or ranch "*"B. Mayhew, Local Areas of Vancouver (Vancouver: Research Department United Community Service of Greater Vancouver, 1967) , p. 10.. 2 Ibid.  3 Ibid. ^Ibid.  5Ibid. 209 p o p u l a t i o n r e s i d i n g - w i t h i n ..each i sample a r e a . The sample s i z e o f any p e r s o n a l i t y . o r va lue score can be s m a l l . Edwards r e p o r t s , t h a t c o r r e l a t i o n s as h i g h as .99 have been o b t a i n e d i n d e p e n d e n t l y from, two groups o f f i f t e e n in formants e a c h . 1 In the s tudy by-Kluckhohn and S t r o d t b e c k , the sample 2 s i z e was a l s o s m a l l . Sampling f o r s i m i l a r purposes from f i v e p o p u l a t i o n s , not from three as i s the case f o r t h i s s t u d y , they worked w i t h twenty a d u l t s from each p o p u l a t i o n . The sampl ing i n the present s tudy was based on the Kluckhohn and St rodtbeck e x p e r i e n c e . B l o c k e d random samples o f twenty households were s e l e c t e d i n each o f the three urban sec tors t h a t the h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s r e v e a l e d as b e i n g d i f f e r e n t i a t e d on the b a s i s o f s o c i a l b e l i e f and l a n d s c a p e . The s e l e c t i o n o f sample areas i n each s e c t o r was a l s o based upon the r e s u l t s o f the h i s t o r i c a l s t u d y . U s i n g the a r e a l u n i t s e s t a b l i s h e d i n the U n i t e d Community S e r v i c e s ' l o c a l a r e a , s t u d y , a b l o c k e d sample o f t h r e e r e s i d e n t i a l areas was s e l e c t e d so t h a t each o f the once p o l i t i c a l l y d i s c r e e t m u n i c i p a l i t i e s was r e p r e s e n t e d , and the s o c i a l and economic rank o f the sample a r e a was i n g e n e r a l accordance w i t h i t s h i s t o r i c a l p o s i t i o n i n the c i t y ' s development (Map 20, Chapter I V ) . Because K i t s i l a n o , F a i r v i e w , the West E n d , and the C . B . D . , were a l l known t o c o n t a i n extremely heterogeneous p o p u l a t i o n s , these i n n e r areas were l e f t u n c l a s s i f i e d . T h u s , based on a s o c i a l and economic h i e r a r c h y o f l o c a l a r e a s , i n the E a s t - s i d e o f " O l d Vancouver C i t y " a l o w - r a n k i n g area was s e l e c t e d , i n the south-eas t o r " O l d A. Edwards , Techniques . o f A t t i t u d e Sca le C o n s t r u c t i o n (New Y o r k : A p p l e t o n - C e n t u r y - C r o f t s . I n c ., 19571» P- 95-2 Kluckhohn and S t r o d t b e c k , op» c i t « , p p . 1(A-106.. 210 South. Vancouyer" a middle-ranking'area, was selected', and in the west or "Old Point Grey" a high-ranking area, was • selected. The sample areas produced, by these steps were : in the east,. Grandyiew-Woodiands ; in the south-east, Fraserview-Victoria; and, in the west, Dunbar-Southlands. The identification of the sample population in each sample area was established from the membership records of ratepayers ' associations. The reason for this is that these assocations have h i s t o r i c a l l y been important pressure groups through which the citizens at large attempt to influence the urban landscape. From the Vancouver Council Clerk ten associations that had had sporadic activities in the past were identified. The secretaries of these associations were contacted and from them information on membership records was obtained. A review of these records indicated that the most complete data in each sample area were found in the Grandview Ratepayers' and Tenants' Association located in Grandview, the Fraserview Ratepayers' Association in Fraserview-Vic tori a, and the Dunbar Ratepayers' Association in Dunbar-Southlands. The Dunbar association's records on membership l i s t e d 980 persons. From this l i s t , a random sample of twenty householders, who confirmed by telephone their willingness to cooperate, was selected. There were no refusals to participate. The membership records of the Fraserview association were less structured than those of Dunbar: a total of 58O different names was identified from attendance l i s t s from seven meetings of the association that had been held between 1965 and 1968. By drawing names at random from this total of 580 and confirming willingness to co-operate on a survey through telephone c a l l s , another sample of twenty house-holders was obtained. To obtain this sample, i t was necessary to use twenty-seven names from'the l i s t : , four persons refused to participate or were temporarily out of town, and three persons were no longer 'living'in the area. The Grandview records also consisted, of attendance records of past . meetings. Over the period between 1966 and 1968 two large meetings were attended by 210 persons who signed, their names. The' same random sample and telephone confirmation procedure was employed but in this case an Italian-speaking research assistant made the telephone calls.' After twenty-two persons were contacted, a random sample of twenty households was selected. Two persons refused to participate. In spite of the several blocking procedures, the samples in each area were found to be roughly comparable with the averages for the sample area. The social and economic characteristics l i s t e d in the Local Areas of  Vancouver Study, are tabled below: 212 TABLE JJ COMPARISONS WITH.RATEPAYER. SAMPLES AND POPULATION.CHARACTERISTICS OF SAMPLE AREAS Characteristic Area. % Sample % Grandview Owner occupancy Unemployment Mean family income Occupation index Families with children Fraserview Owner occupancy Unemployment Mean family income Occupation index Families with children Dunbar Owner occupancy Un employment Mean family income Occupation index Families with children *Figures in thousands of dollars. A runs test was completed for the sample and total population data in a l l three sectors."'" For each sector, r=6 andN=10. These results indicate that there are no significant differences (p^.05) between the sample and total population data. It is therefore possible to say with some confidence that the sample data and the total population data are identical for purposes of this study. 65.0 9.6 10.0 64.0 75.0 k.6 6.6* 15.0 80.0 60.0 k.8 5.1* 1U.0 74.0 80.0 5.3 6.0* 15.0 80.0 92.0 2.1 6.7* k$.0 6k. 0 91.0 1.0 7.8* kk.o 70.0 H. Blalock, Social Statistics CNew York: McGraw-Hill Books , I960}., p. 193. 213 Data Gathering . Because .of their possible effects .upon-the data:, three aspects of data gathering require special description: the length, of the gathering period, the employment of f i e l d assistants, and f i n a l l y the setting and the time sequence of the interviews. A l l data were gathered between December, 1967, and September, 1968. While this i s a lengthy period, i t should be reported that there were no major changes in civic a f f a i r s , no elections, nor money by-laws that might otherwise influence the dispositions of the samples. A l l samples did encounter throughout the period one dominating civic issue: Council's debate on a proposed freeway that, i f accepted, would extend from the downtown through any one or perhaps a l l three areas. Two conditions led to the employment of two f i e l d assistants. F i r s t , there was the desire to complete the interviews in as short a time as possible. Second, there was a need to provide a person of Italian heritage and language s k i l l in the Grandview area, where some of the population were known to speak only Italian. Steps were taken to decrease the bias that would result from having more than one interviewer. Both assistants were senior university students who had participated in the construction of the questionnaire i t s e l f . Both had had previous experience in social surveys conducted for the Vancouver City Planning Department, and both read and were examined on the procedures for interviewing outlined in the Census  of Canada Manual for Enumerators. Finally, there was a control of the alloc-ation of interviewers: the Italian-speaking assistant interviewed the f u l l twenty sample population in Grandview and one half of the Fraserview sample, selected at random. The other assistant completed the remaining half of the Fraserview sample and a l l the'Dunbar sample. 2lh . The' interviews^ which.were scheduled by-telephone were conducted, in the residence of the informanteach. Informant deciding which room. The . duration of interviews varied between.one and two hours, and in most cases interviews were undertaken in the early evening. The informants were the household heads — those who claimed to be the major deci s i on-makers in ci v i c , neighbourhood, and home matters. There were four parts to each interview, each part was conducted in the same sequence (Table E ) . TABLE E SEQUENCE IN INTERVIEW 1. Household head's background information. 2. Choice of coloured slides on local landscape. 3. Questionnaire on social beliefs. h. Questionnaire on household gardening. Parts 2 and h produced data related to landscape studies but not related to a verification in social-belief differences. They are planned as part of ongoing research and are not presented nor analysed in this study. The questions from Part 1 were asked and the answers placed directly on the interviewer's sheet. Part 3 was completed by presenting the sets of problems and alternative solutions typewritten on white 8% x 11 bonded paper. Each question was introduced to the informant and then the informant was asked to read the alternative solutions and decide the following: (1) Which do you agree with best? (2) . Which do you agree with, second best? (3] Which do you think most other.people in Vancouver agree with best? 215 The answers were recorded, on a tabulation sheet'. • When, informants were hesitant, the interviewer, waited', three', ;minutes. and then told the informant to give his " f i r s t impression" as the answer. In concluding this discussion of data gathering, i t should be pointed out that the third question above does not directly relate to verifying the hypothesis under consideration; rather, i t relates to personal perception, and i t is included here'.to f a c i l i t a t e future comparative studies. No data produced by this question were analysed. I f there is bias in the Fraserview data that results from using two interviewers, i t is minimal. The correlation between the mean scores of the two interviewers in the Fraserview sample was .98 (p^.05). Methods of Analysis The methods of analysis follow those developed in the Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck instrument. There are four basic steps: (1) Testing for r e l i a b i l i t y in the questionnaire, (2) Ranking of alternative b e l i e f preferences, (3) Testing for sector regularities in beliefs , and (U) Testing for between-sector differences in belief. Questionnaire Reliability The f i r s t task i s to demonstrate whether the questionnaire produces -accurate and dependable information; that i s , whether the answers to the questions y i e l d interpretable statements about group differences in beliefs. The preferred method to find out the internal r e l i a b i l i t y of non-dichotomous answers is the Coefficient Alpha Test devised by Cronbach."'" L.. Cronbach, "Coefficient Alpha and the Internal Structure of Tests", Psychometrika, Vol. 16 (1951) , pp. 297-33H. 216 The results, of :applying this . test to. the ; dat a. are presented, in Table P. TABLE E Social. Belief Scores Coefficient Alpha Man and Society .8207* Man and Nature .7504* Time •7304* Activity .3981 *Coefficients of Alpha .65 are significant for data on mean scores for group attitudes and values. Personal communication with R. Cop, Associate Professor of Psychology, Simon Eraser University. This s t a t i s t i c a l analysis demonstrates that the data on a l l beliefs excluding beliefs about activity are reliable. Therefore the data related to beliefs about man, nature and time present accurate information from which may be interpreted group differences and similarities. Because of low r e l i a b i l i t y of the data on activity further analysis of this information is not useful in this study. Ranking Belief Preferences Before s t a t i s t i c a l analysis can be undertaken, the data collected using the 60 questionnaires must be aggregated and ranked. The method of ranking can be c l a r i f i e d by returning to the questionnaire. What respondents actually gave as answers to each question were their preferred alternatives of three p o s s i b i l i t i e s . In a hypothetical example,' one can designate the alternatives as A, B, and C. This being the case,'the respondents would perforce give as their answer one of the following-preferential patterns (where ">" means "is preferred to"): 217 C l ) A>3>C . (2) A>C>B (3) B>A>C (k).B>C>A C5) C>B>A C6) C>A>B To quantify these preferences, the respondents' answers were f i r s t weighted (the most preferred as numerical 3, the next as numerical 2, and the least preferred as numerical l ) . For instance, in the possible preferential patterns above, the ranking for row (l) would be: A=3, B=2 , C=l. Next, these indices of ranked preference were aggregated across the questions related to the five behaviour spheres. This aggregation within sectors for each respondent gives the total weighted preferences for each belief. These tabulations are shown in Tables G, H, and I. A summation of these tables, giving the means for each belief preference, is presented in Chapter IV. Sector Regularities in Beliefs The next step employed two tests for regularities in the mean belief preferences for each sector. A one-way analysis of variance"'" was used to determine whether there were variations in preferences for each of the three sectors. The results of these tests are given in Tables J , K, and L. It can be seen that in each case the results were significant beyond pg . 05 ; therefore, i t is possible to conclude that for each sector there is a non-chance ordering of preferences. A two-tailed, test for the differ-For details on the test employed, see J. Williams , S t a t i s t i c a l  Analysis (Olivetti-Underwood Corp. , 1965) , p. 208., code 6.10.. 218 TABLE G SOCIAL BELIEFS ABOUT MAN AND NATURE: WEIGHTED PREFERENCES Grandview Sector Fraserview Sector Dunbar Sector Preferences Preferences Preferences Respondent Subj. With Over Subj. With Over Subj. With Ove 1 7 11 12 10 8 12 9 12 9 2 10 11 9 6 11 13 9 6 15 3 9 9 12 9 9 12 6 9 15 4 9 11 10 5 11 14 10 7 13 5 9 10 11 10 9 11 9 6 15 6 6 9 15 7 8 15 10 6 14 7 13 8 9 8 9 12 7 8 15 8 10 10 10 9 8 13 9 14 7 9 13 6 11 6 9 15 11 14 5 10 10 12 8 6 9 15 8 13 9 11 6 13 11 13 6 11 5 14 11 12 10 9 11 9 8 13 6 11 13 13 5 14 11 14 9 7 10 11 9 14 10 8 12 9 12 9 10 13 7 15 7 8 15 9 7 14 10 11 9 16 10 5 15 13 6 11 10 11 9 17 8 7 15 11 7 12 9 14 7 18 7 8 15 14 9 7 8 13 9 19 5 12 13 9 12 9 6 lh 10 20 5 11 14 9 7 14 9 15 6 Mean 8.45 9.60 12.09 9.30 8.70 12.00 8.55 11.10 10, Subj. = Subjugation to nature. With = Harmony with nature. Over = Domination over nature. TABLE R 219 SOCIAL BELIEFS .ABOUT..TIME;. WEIGHTED PREFERENCES Grandview;.-Sector' Fraserview Sector Dunbar Sector Preferences Preferences. Preferences Respondent. Past Present Future • Past . Present .'Future Past Present Future 1 6 11 13 7 10 . 13 10 9 11 2 12 6 12 7 11 12 9 12 9 3 9 8 13 12 6 12 6 11 13 1+ 8 8 14 9 8 13 6 11 13 5 8 12 10 6 11 13 7 8 15 6 7 10 13 7 9 14 8 13 9 7 6 12 12 12 6 12 6 11 13 8 7 10 13 8 8 14 8 12 10 9 6 10 lk 8 13 9 11 10 9 10 10 -9 11 9 8 13 8 8 14 11 9 8 13 10 11 9 6 9 15 12 11 8 11 8 13 9 6 11 13 13 9 8 13 6 12 12 6 9 15 lk 9 14 7 9 9 12 8 8 lk 15 8 8 lk 6 11 13 7 8 15 16 7 10 13 7 9 14 12 6 12 17 6 9 15 9 8 13 6 11 13 18 6 11 13 10 9 11 8 9 13 19 8 8 14 9 12 9 6 11 13 20 8 10 12 5 11 lk 7 9 14 Mean 8.00 9-50 12.52 8.20 9-75 12.05 7-55 9.80 12.65 220 TABLE I . SOCIAL BELIEFS ABOUT MAN AND SOCIETX: WEIGHTED PREFERENCES Grandview Sector Fraserview Sector Dunbar Sector Preferences Preferences Preferences Respondent Ind. Col. Lin. Ind. Col. Lin.. Ind. Col. Lin. 1 14 15 7 16 10 10 13 11 12 2 14 8 14 16 8 12 14 12 10 3 14 11 11 14 14 8 16 12 8 1+ 12 14 10 12 14 10 15 14 7 5 15 15 6 11 17 8 14 12 10 6 17 11 8 10 14 12 16 11 9 7 15 11 10 11 12 13 15 11 10 8 12 9 15 16 10 10 16 13 7 9 16 10 10 15 11 10 11 13 12 10 11 12 13 11 13 12 14 12 10 11 15 14 7 15 13 8 12 11 13 12 16 10 10 15 12 9 18 8 10 13 12 15 9 12 16 8 15 12 9 14 12 13 11 10 13 13 16 11 9 15 10 13 13 14 13 9 10 16 10 16 9 14 13 10 16 10 13 10 13 17 15 13 8 12 13 11 17 13 6 18 8 12 16 11 13 12 17 12 7 19 15 11 10 15 13 8 15 14 7 20 9 15 12 11 11 14 12 12 12 Mean 13.50 12.30 .10.67 12.85 12.80 .10.35 14.45 12.00 9-55 Ind. Col. Lin. = Individualism = C o l l a t e r a l l y = Lineality TABLE J ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF J M E A N BELIEF PREFERENCES OF MAN AND SOCIETY (individualism, Collaterality and Lineality) Sector Source of Variation Sum of Squares d.f. Mean Square F Ratio Grandview Between Within Total 60.30 361.70 422.00 2 57 59 30.15 6.35 4.751 Fraserview Between Within Total 81.70 254.30 336.00 2 57 59 40.85 4.46 9.162 Dunbar Between Within Total 240.10 221.90 462.00 2 57 59 120.05 3.89 30 . 822 X F = 2,57 3.15; p£.05 2 F 2,57 7.76; p^.001 TABLE K ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF MEAN BELIEF PREFERENCES OF MAN AND NATURE (Subjugation, Harmony, and Domination) Sector Source of Variation Sum of Squares d.f. Mean Square F Ratio Grandview Between Within Total 143.03 319.56 462.60 2 57 59 71.52 5.51 12.99* Fraserview Between Within Total 123.60 306.4o 430.00 2 57 59 61.80 5-38 11.50* Dunbar Between Within Total 68.70 439.30 508.00 2 57 59 34.35 7-71 4.46* F = 7.78; p^.001 F 2 5 T = 3.15; P^.05 222. TABLE'L •. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF MEAN BELIEF: PREFERENCES, OF TIME (Past,. Present and Future) Source of Sum o f Mean Sector . Variation Squares. d.f.. Square F Ratio Grandview Between 218.61 2 109.30 34.79* Within 182.23 57 3.14 Total 4oo. 85 59 Fraserview Between 150.10 2 75-05 20.38* Within 209.90 57 3.68 • Total 360.00. 59 Dunbar Between 26l.30 2 130.65 37-48* Within 198.70 57 3.49 Total 460.00 59 % 5 7 = 7.78; p^.001 ences between sample means is' appropriate for elaborating simple effects in this situation. The students " t " was used. 1 The results of these tests are given in Tables M, N, and 0. With the following exceptions, the results of a l l tests were significant (p<.05): Grandview: Not significant, Ind. vs. Col. Fraserview: Not significant, Ind. vs. Col. Fraserview: Not significant, Subj. vs. With. Dunbar: Not significant, Over vs. With. The combined results. for the one—way analysis of variance and Student " t " tests are summarized in Tables IV, ,V, andvi in Chapter IV. Between-Sector Differencesi in Social Beliefs With., these details of within-sector regularities established, i t is possible to question whether the three sectors are differentiated on the 'H. Blalock, op. c i t . , p. 172.'. : • 223 basis of' certain preferences f o r s o c i a l b e l i e f s . To.obtain a general picture of differences , the.mean preferences f o r each, sector (Table i y Chapter. TV} were plotted' on graphs portraying b e l i e f s about anan, nature, and time (Figures IV, V, and VI i n Chapter IV). More two-tailed tests for differences between sample means are u t i l i z e d to evaluate between-sector differences i n b e l i e f s . Those differences that were v e r i f i e d as si g n i f i c a n t beyond p .05 are l a i d out i n Table VIII i n Chapter IV, where the findings of t h i s s t a t i s t i c a l analysis are also presented. TABLE M DIFFERENCE OF MEANS TESTS FOR PAIRED-PREFERENCES: BELIEFS ABOUT MAN AND SOCIETY Sector Pairs of Preferences V Grandview 1) L i n . vs . Col. 2) Ind. vs. Col. 3-9 1 .46 4:. 001 £.20 Fraserview 3) Ind. vs. Col. 1+) Col. vs . L i n . 1.96 5.33 £.10 £.001 Dunbar 5) Ind. vs. Col. 6) Lin. vs.:Col. 3.57 6.0 £.001 £.001 TABLE N DIFFERENCES OF MEANS TESTS FOR PAIRED-PREFERENCES BELIEFS ABOUT MAN AND NATURE Sector Pairs of Preferences " t " "p" Grandview 1) Subj. vs. with. 2) ¥ith vs. over 2.0 1+.72 £.05 £.001. Fraserview 3) Subj. vs. with. 1+1 Subj. vs-. over 1.15 1+.66 £.20. . £.001 Dunbar 5 ). Subj . vs . over 6) With, vs . over 3.16 1.96 <.01 £.10 224 T A B L E 0 D I F F E R E N C E S " O F M E A N S . T E S T S . F O R P A I R E D T - P R E F E R E N C E S : B E L I E F S A B O U T T I M E Sector' Pairs of Preferences "t". V ' Grandview l ) Past vs. Present 3.64 .001 2) Pres. vs. Future 7.33 .001 Fraserview 3) Past vs. Present 3.40 .01 4) Pres. vs. Future 5.04 .001 Dunbar 5) Past vs. Present 5.50 . .001 6) Pres. vs. Future 6.44 .001 Further Comments on Instrument Limitations In general the limitations of using this instrument"to measure contemporary beliefs are similar to these outlined in the original design; 1 these are:the validity of the preference scores as representations of social beliefs in the "real world"; cross-cultural comparisons; defensive and distorted responses ; and, f i n a l l y circular reasoning. A l l the controls the original design included to minimize these limits were also used in 2 this study. The original design did not contain a separate validity test; but, i t was a refinement of a l l the anthropological models of value and belief systems , and i t did maximize the spheres of behaviour or the context in which the beliefs were measured. As well as testing in the same number of behaviour spheres (Table B l , the present study also tested for internal r e l i a b i l i t y with unreliable data excluded before further analysis. The original test was designed to f i t a situation of five different cultures. As well, Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck devised alternative Kluckhohn' and Strodtbeck, op. c i t . , pp. 91-102..'. 2 This involved the use of an Italian speaking interviewer in the Italian Grandview area. 225 solutions to r e f l e c t universal thought patterns and at the same time, the varied context of the s o c i a l and physical environments of the American South West Region. The Vancouver Study i s concerned v i t h fewer hypothetic-a l l y different "subcultures" and the questions related to each b e l i e f were a l l re-phrased then pre-tested so that they f i t the r e a l i t i e s of Canadian urban l i f e . Therefore, the l i m i t s that are inevitable i n a l l cross-c u l t u r a l studies are l i k e l y to be fewer i n the present study than i n the o r i g i n a l . The present test attempted to minimize distorted responses by avoiding defensiveness where i t might be expected i n referring to s p e c i f i c religions and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , and by using third-person phrasing of questions. In spite of this- a small fraction of informants did hesitate to give t h e i r answers. A l l informants did complete the questionnaire without becoming overly h o s t i l e . I t therefore seems that the controls were to some extent successful i n reducing distorted answers. There i s some truth that studies which attempt to explain human a c t i v i t i e s on the basis of underlying b e l i e f s are g u i l t y of c i r c u l a r reasoning. As Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck indicate, there i s "an inevitable c i r c u l a r i t y i n a l l thought processes and most especially i n s c i e n t i f i c procedures". 1 The best control of t h i s l i m i t a t i o n i s to conceptualize the problem and design the test so that there i s a definite separation between the data measuring b e l i e f s and the data measuring geographical expressions of human a c t i v i t y . The tests to measure the landscape prefer-ences and gardening a c t i v i t i e s referred to i n the sections above were completely separated from the questionnaire on b e l i e f s . Only the data from Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, op. ci t . , , p. 97-the questionnaire on beliefs were used. to. account for some selected aspects of contemporary landscape change, and therefore the danger of circular explanations was lessened. ANNEX I THE QUESTIONNAIRE The f i e l d questionnaire consisted of four parts .* Household head background information, Choice of coloured slides on local landscapes, Questionnaire on social beliefs, and Questionnaire on gardening. Household Head Background Information a. In what local area i s the informant a resident? b. How many years has he (the informant) been a resident in that area? c. Does he own the house iniwhich he is a resident? d. Was he looking for work last week? e. Is he retired? f. What is his occupation? g. What is the average income of the whole family for the last year? h. What is the sex of the household head? i . What relatives and'children make up the family group? j . What was the size of the community in which he has spent the majority of - his l i f e . k. If the answer to the above question i s a community above 1,000,000 did he reside in the central core of the area? 1. How many years beyond primary level (gr. v i i i ) did he successfully com-plete in schooling? * The questions dealing with gardening and the choice of landscape prefer-ences were not used in this study and therefore have been omitted from this annex. Questionnaire on Social Beliefs In relation to the following 22 hypothetical situations, ask the infor-mant : Which do you agree with best? Which do you agree with second best? Which do you think most other people in Vancouver agree with best? 229 1. Habitat Choice. A. Some people would mainly consider the visual appearance of (Visual)* the street, the surrounding gardens and buildings, and the view from the property. To them the question of who lives in the area is not i n i t i a l l y important. (Social) Other people would find some neighbours quite unacceptable because of the way they l i v e . For this group the question of who lives in an area plays a more important part. (Cultural) S t i l l other people would decide on a place of residence primarily because they are sentimentally inclined and at-tached to some areas and some- houses more than others. In spite of some areas looking nicer this group would prefer an area associated with the traditions of their family, their friends or the community at•large. 2. Job Choice. A. One boss was a s t r i c t and f a i r enough man, and he gave (Doing) somewhat higher wages than most men, but he was the kind of boss who insisted that men work hard, stick on the job. He did not lik e i t when a worker sometimes just knocked off work for a while to go on a t r i p or to have a day or so of relaxation, and he thought i t was right not to take a worker who did this back on the job. B. The other paid just average wages but he was not so firm. (Being) He understood that a worker would sometimes just not turn up, he would be off on a t r i p or having a l i t t l e fun for a day or two. When his men did this he would take them back.without saying too much. 3. Public Transportation. A. There are some communities where i t is mainly the older (Lineality) more recognized leaders of important families who decide on plans. Everybody usually accepts what they say without much discussion since i t is they who are used to deciding such things, i t is they who have had the most experience. (Collaterality) B. There are some communities where most people have a part in making the plans. Lots of different people talk but nothing is done u n t i l almost a l l the groups come to agree as to what is best. * Brackets indicate belief preferences 230 C. There are some communities where everyone holds to his (individualism) own opinion and the matter of public transport is decided by a vote. They do what the largest number want even though there are s t i l l a very great number of people who disagree and object to the action. k. Child Training, (Past) Some people say that children should always be taught well the traditions of the past, the ways of our parents and grandparents. They believe the old ways are best and that i t i s when children do not follow them too much that things go wrong. (Present) Some people say that children should be taught some of the old traditions but i t is wrong to insist that they stick to these ways. These people believe that i t is necessary for children always to learn about and take on whatever !of the new ways w i l l best help them to get along in the world today. (Future) Some people believe that children should not be taught much about past traditions, except as, for instance, an interesting story of what has gone on before. These people believe that the world goes along best when child-ren are taught the things that w i l l make them want to find out for themselves new ways of doing things to replace the old. 5. Property Loss. A. (Subject to Nature) (Over Nature) (With Nature) Some people said you just can't blame a man when things like this happen. There are so many things that can and do happen, tenants move and do not always take care of the property and the city grows leaving some areas stagnant, and you can do almost nothing to prevent such losses. We a l l have to learn to take the bad with the good. Some people say that i t was probably the man's own fault that he lost the property. He probably didn't use his head to prevent the losses. They said that i t is usually the case-that men who keep up with new business ideas and really set themselves to i t almost always find a way to keep going. Some people say that i t was probably because the man had not lived his l i f e right, had not done things in the right way to keep harmony with himself and the forces of change. 231 6. Expectations About Change (20-4-0 Age Group). A. The f i r s t said: I expect my family to be better off in (Future) the future than the family of my father and mother or relatives, i f we work hard and plan right. Things in this province usually get better for people who really  try. B. The second one said: I don't know whether my family w i l l (Present) be better off, the same or worse than the family of my mother and father or relatives. Things always go up and down even i f people do work hard, so one can never really  t e l l how things w i l l be. C. The third one said: I expect my family to be about the (Past) same as the family of my mother and father and relatives. The best way is to work hard and plan ways to keep up  things as they have been in the past. 7. Expectations About Change (UO-up Age Group). A. One said: I really expect my children to have more than (Future) I have had i f they work hard and plan right. There are always good chances for people who try. B. The second one said: I don't know whether my children w i l l (Present) be better off, worse off or just the same. Things always go up and down even i f one works hard, so we can't really  t e l l . C. The third one said: I expect my children to have just (Past) about the same as I had or bring things back as they were once. It i s their job to work hard and find ways to keep things going as they have been in the past. 8. Facing Conditions, (With Nature) God and the people a l l work together a l l the time; whether the conditions which make for a good salmon run are good or bad depends upon whether people themselves do a l l the  proper things to keep themselves in harmony with their God and with the forces of nature. (Over Nature) God does not directly use his power to control a l l the con-ditions which affect our forests and sea resources. It is up to the people themselves to figure out the ways con-ditions change and try hard to find the ways of control- ling them. 232 C. Just how God w i l l use his power over a l l the conditions (Subject to which affect the provincial resources cannot be known by-Nature ) man. It is useless for people to think they can change conditions very much for a very long period. The best way i s to take conditions as they come and do as well as one can. 9. Help in Misfortune. fcbllaterality) Would i t be best i f he depended mostly on his brothers and  sisters or other relatives to help "him as much as each could? (individualism) Would i t be best for him to try to raise the money on his  own, not from his family, from people who are neither relatives or employers? (Lineality) Would i t be best for him to go to his boss or to an older important relative or friend who is used to managing things in his own group, and ask him to help out unti l other things get better? 10. Family-Work Relations. (individualism) In some communities i t is usually expected that each of the separate families, husband, wife and children, w i l l look after his own business separate from a l l others and not be responsible for the others. (Collaterality) (Lineality) B. In some communities i t i s usually expected that the close  relatives of the families w i l l work together and talk over among themselves the way to care for whatever problem comes up. When a boss is needed they usually choose one person, not necessarily the oldest able person, to manage things. C. In some communities i t i s usually expected that the families which are closely related to each other w i l l work together and have the oldest able person be respon-sible for and take'charge of most important things. 11. Choice of Delegate, (Collaterality) A. Is i t best that a meeting be called and everyone discuss things u n t i l almost everyone agrees, so that when a vote is taken almost a l l people would be agreed on the same person? 233 B. Is i t best that the older important leaders take the main (Lineality) responsibility for deciding who should represent the people since they are the ones who have had long exper-ience in such matters? C. Is i t best that a meeting be called, names be put up, and (individualism) a vote be taken and then send the man who gets the majority of votes, even i f there are many people who are s t i l l against this man? 12. Use of Farms, (With Nature) A. One man put in his crops, worked hard and set himself to li v i n g in the right and proper ways. He fe l t that i t is the way a man works hard and tries to keep himself in har-mony with the forces of nature that has the most effect on conditions and the success of his farm. (Subject to Nature) One man put in his crops . Afterwards he worked on them sufficiently but did not do more than was necessary to keep them going along. He f e l t that i t was mainly depen-'dent on weather conditions how they would turn out, and  that nothing extra that people would do changed this much. (Over Nature) One man put in his crops and then worked'on them a lot of time and made use of a l l the new f e r t i l i s e r s and machinery that he could find out about. He f e l t that by doing this he would in most years prevent many of the effects of bad conditions. 13. Philosophy of Life, (Present) Some people believe i t is best to give most attention to what i s happening now in the present. They say that the past has gone and the future is much too uncertain to count on. Things do change, but i t i s sometimes for the better and sometimes for the worse, so in the long run i t is about the same. These people believe the best way to li v e is to keep those of the old ways one can or that one likes but to be ready to accept the new ways which w i l l help to make l i f e easier and better. (Past) Some people think that the ways of the past, of traditions, were the most right and the best, and as changes come things get worse. These people think the best way to l i v e i s to work hard to keep up the old ways and try to bring them back when they are lost. 234 C. Some people believe that i t is almost always the ways of (Future) the future, the ways which are s t i l l to come which w i l l be best. And they say that even though there are sometimes small setbacks, change brings improvements in the long run. These people think the best way to l i v e i s to look a long time ahead, work hard, and to give up many things now so that the future w i l l be better. lk. Wage Work. (individualism) A. One way is working on one's own as an individual. In this case the man is pretty much his own boss. He decides most things himself and how he gets along in his own business. He only has to take care of himself and he doesn't expect others to look out for him. (Collaterality) B. One way is working in a group of men where a l l men work together without there being one main boss. Every man has something to say in the decisions that are made, and a l l the men can count on each other. C. One way is working for an owner, a big boss, or a man who (Lineality) has been running things for a long time. In this case, the men do not take part in deciding how the business w i l l be run, but they know that they can depend on the boss to help them in many ways. 15. Belief in Control. A. One man said: Man has-never controlled wind, rain and (Subject to other natural conditions and probably never w i l l . There Nature) have always been good and bad times. That is the way i t isv and i f you are wise you w i l l take i t as i t comes and do the best you can. B. The second man said: Man believes that i t is his job to (Over. Uature) find ways to overcome the weather and other conditions just as he has overcome so many things. Man may some day even overcome droughts and hurricanes. C. The third man said: Man helps conditions and keeps things (With Nature) going by working in close harmony with the forces of nature. It is when he does the right things, lives in the proper way, that a l l goes well. 235 16. Ceremonial Innovation. A. Some people were really pleased because of the changes in (Future) church services. They f e l t the new ways were better than old ways, and they liked to keep everything, even religious ceremonies, moving ahead. B. Some people were unhappy because of the change. They fel t (Past) that religious ceremonies should be kept exactly in every way as-they have been in the past. C. Some people f e l t that the old ways for church services (Present) were best, but you can't just hang on to them. It makes l i f e easier just to accept some changes as they come along. 17. Ways of Living. One said: What I care about most i s accomplishing things, getting things done just as well or better than other people do them. I like to see results and I think they are worth working for. B. The other said: What I care about most i s to be l e f t a-(Being) lone to think and act in the ways that best suit what I really am. If I don't always get much done but can enjoy l i f e as I go along that i s the best way. (Doing) A. 18, Inheritance, A. In some 1families i t i s usually expected that the oldest (Lineality) able person w i l l take charge of and manage the inheritance for the family. (individualism) B. In other families i t is usually expected that each of the sons and daughters w i l l prefer to take his or her own share of the inheritance and run his or her own business completely separate from a l l the others. (Collaterality) C. In some families i t is usually expected that a l l the sons and daughters w i l l keep their inheritance together and work together and decide among themselves who is best able to manage i t , not necessarily the eldest, when a leader is needed. 236 19. Care of Business. A. One man kept his business going a l l right, but didn't work (Being) in the shop more than he had to. He wanted to have extra time to v i s i t with friends, to go on t r i p s , and enjoy l i f e . This was the way he liked best. B. One man liked to work in his shop and was always putting (Doing) in extra time and work keeping his shop clean and his customers happy. Because he did this extra work he did not have much time l e f t to be with friends or to go on trips or to enjoy himself in other ways. But this was the way.he really likedbest. 20. Length of Life. (Over Nature) One said: It is already true that people lik e doctors and others are finding the way to add many years to the lives of most men by discovering new medicines, by studying foods and by doing other such things as vaccinations. If people w i l l pay attention to a l l these new things they w i l l almost always l i v e longer. B. The second one said: I really do not believe that there (Subject to is much human beings themselves can do to make the lives Nature) of men and women longer. It is my belief that every person has a set time to l i v e and when that time comes i t just comes. (With Nature) The third one said: I believe that there is a plan to l i f e which works to keep a l l l i v i n g things moving together and i f a man w i l l learn to l i v e his whole l i f e in accord with that plan he w i l l l i v e longer than other men." 21. Urban Renewal. A. "- Some say that the decision as to which areas whould be (Past) renewed f i r s t should be made just li k e a l l other decisions about the city have been made in the past. B. Others want to work out a really good long range plan (Future) ahead of time so that federal moneys can be used im-mediately upon their becoming available. C. S t i l l others want to have the Federal Government provide (Present) them with a lump sum of money which could be used piecemeal on a day-to-day basis renewing parts of the city as opportunities arise. 237 22. Housework. A. One said that she was willing to work as hard as the (Being) average, hut that she didn't l i k e to spend a lot of time doing the kind of extra things in her house or.taking up extra things outside lik e church or club work. Instead she liked to have time free to enjoy v i s i t i n g with people or to go on trips or to just talk with whoever was around. B. The other women said she liked best of a l l to find extra (Doing) things to work on which were of interest to her, for example, knitting and sewing. She said she was happiest when kept busy when getting lots done. 23. Non-Working Time. A. One man spends most of his time learning or trying out (Doing) things which w i l l help him in his work. B. One man spends most of his time talking, t e l l i n g stories, (Being) singing, drinking and so on with his friends. 

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