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The impact of social belief on landscape change: a geographical study of Vancouver Gibson, Edward Mark Walter 1971

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THE IMPACT OF SOCIAL BELIEF. ON LANDSCAPE CHANGE,: A GEOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF VANCOUVER  EDWARD MARK WALTER GIBSON M.A. U n i v e r s i t y o f Western Ontario, 1963 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of Geography  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming t o the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY; OF BRITISH. COLUMBIA September, 1971  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s  in p a r t i a l  f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I agree the L i b r a r y  s h a l l make i t f r e e l y  that  a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y .  I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e  copying o f t h i s  thesis  f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  It  i s understood that c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n  o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my written  permission.  Edward M.' ¥ . - Gibson  Department o f  Geography  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada  Date  A p r i l 12, 1972  ABSTRACT The landscapes of Western Canadian c i t i e s r e f l e c t a d i s t i n c t i v e blend of s o c i a l b e l i e f s and municipal p o l i c i e s derived from the founding groups whose o r i g i n s were i n the l a s t decades of the nineteenth century.  This  study i n v e s t i g a t e s , w i t h i n Vancouver, the extent of order between s o c i a l b e l i e f s and the man-made landscapes observed i n the period between 1886 and 1929; the persistence of these b e l i e f s and landscapes i n the period between 1929 and 1970; and the process of change through the intervening years. To compensate f o r the l i m i t e d documented s o c i a l h i s t o r y of Vancouver, the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of e a r l y b e l i e f s and landscapes was guided by a t h e o r e t i c a l model o f V i c t o r i a n s o c i e t y and landscape emphasizing the c o n f l i c t i v e nature of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i n B r i t i s h c i t i e s . In Vancouver, economic, class and r a c i a l c o n f l i c t contributed t o the s o c i a l segregation of the c i t y i n t o four major groups w i t h i n d i s t i n c t i v e sectors.  Although there i s no absolute order i n r e l a t i o n s between b e l i e f s  and landscapes, close associations are demonstrated between b e l i e f s  about  nature and s o c i e t y , and l o c a l landscape, as defined by s t r e e t l a y o u t s , park design and housing o r i e n t a t i o n s . D i v e r s i t y of landscape was maintained i n the e a r l y period when the sectors tended t o be p o l i t i c a l l y d i s c r e t e .  In the modern period p o l i t i c a l  c o n t r o l has been i n c r e a s i n g l y confined t o the western s e c t o r , and recent landscape changes have tended t o r e f l e c t the b e l i e f s of these e l i t e and middle-class groups.  Nevertheless the persistence o f b e l i e f s about s o c i e t y  and nature i d e n t i f i e d i n the e a r l y period was corroborated by the s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of survey data. Further, f i v e case studies of recent p u b l i c issues concerning landscape  changes i l l u s t r a t e d the legacy of the d i s t i n c t i v e o r i g i n s and the p e r s i s tence of inter-group c o n f l i c t i n the p o l i t i c a l processes  controlling  landscape change. The a n a l y s i s o f changing landscapes  and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f "beliefs  were based upon a r c h i v a l m a t e r i a l such as c i t y r e p o r t s , club  proceedings,  d i a r i e s , maps, and interviews as w e l l as f i e l d observations.  The i d e n t i f i c -  a t i o n o f contemporary s o c i a l b e l i e f s and landscape c o n f l i c t s was based upon p a r t i c i p a n t observation i n c i v i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s , interviews with c i v i c leaders and a systematic a n a l y s i s of data produced by the a p p l i c a t i o n of the Kluckhohn-Strodtbeck v a l u e - o r i e n t a t i o n t e s t . Some i m p l i c a t i o n s of the study's findings f o r geographical research and urban p o l i c y are explored.  iy  TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION  PAGE 1  The Problem  1  The Methods and L i m i t a t i o n s  3  The Developmental Approach  3  The Use o f T h e o r e t i c a l Models  k  Methods i n Perspective  5  Vancouver's Landscape Formation  6  Procedures and Measurements  9  Measuring Change  9  S e l e c t i n g A r e a l Units o f Analysis  10  Reconstructing Past B e l i e f s  11  Contemporary B e l i e f s and P a r t i c i p a n t Observation  12  Contemporary B e l i e f s and the Unstructured Questionnaire  •  Contemporary B e l i e f s and the Structured Questionnaire  lk  Landscape C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and Description  15  Summary II.  13  17  MODEL FOR VIEWING SOCIAL BELIEFS AND THE VANCOUVER LANDSCAPE  20  GENERAL MODELS OF URBAN SOCIETY AND LANDSCAPE  22  S o c i a l Models i n Urban Geography  22  The I n t e r a c t i o n Model o f Society  23  S o c i a l B e l i e f s Related t o Urban Society  2k  Models o f Urban Landscapes  25  Local Landscapes  26  Regional Landscapes  27  V  CHAPTER  PAGE  A PERSPECTIVE OF URBAN LIFE AND. LANDSCAPE IK BRITISH CITIES OF THE VICTORIAN AGE B r i t i s h - V i c t o r i a n Society  29  S o c i a l Organization  30  Social Beliefs -  3k  V i c t o r i a n Urban Landscapes  ^1 kl  Local Landscapes  k"J  Regional Landscapes SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS III.  29  EARLY VANCOUVER, 1886-19293  51 THE ORIGINS OF LANDSCAPE  FOUNDING PEOPLES AND THE LAND THEY ENCOUNTERED  62 62  A Typology o f Founding Groups  62  The Eastern Canadians and the Middle Class  6k  The B r i t i s h and the Working Class  67  The Ethnic M i n o r i t i e s  69  The B r i t i s h Columbians  72  Landforms and the Survey System  75  SOCIAL CONFLICT AND SECTOR PATTERNS  78  C o n f l i c t s i n Land Investment and L i f e Styles  78  Class C o n f l i c t  8k  Racial Conflict  90  SOCIAL BELIEFS AND LOCAL LANDSCAPE VARIATIONS The R i t u a l o f I n d i v i d u a l i s m  92 93  Shaughnessy  95  The Urban "Homesteader"  97  yi CHAPTER  PAGE The Consciousness o f C o l l e c t i v i t y .  98  Cooperative B u i l d i n g Companies  98  Small Speculative Companies  99  Civic Authoritarianism South Vancouver P o l i c y  102  Point Grey and West End P o l i c y  105  Man's Relationship t o Nature  IV;  101  108  L i t e r a t u r e o f the Middle Class  109.  Park P o l i c i e s  110  Street Layout  113  P h y s i c a l Planning  115  THE "VICTORTANNESS" OF EARLY VANCOUVER  111  THE GROWTH OF MODERN VANCOUVER, 1950-1969: THE TRANSFORMATION OF LANDSCAPE  136  A MID-CENTURY SURVEY OF CHANGE  136  The Pace o f Landscape Change  136  Trends i n P u b l i c Park Maintenance  138  The Character o f Landscape Changes  lUO  Fraserview  lUO  The Arbutus Centre  ik3  False Creek Park  ikh  Tree Removal i n the West End and K i t s i l a n o  lh6  The Harbour Park Towers  ihj  SOCIAL CHANGE AND BELIEFS Depression and the Rise o f Urban Radicalism  151 151  vii CHAPTER.  PAGE The Counter-Thrust o f Revisionism Open C i v i c Government by C i t i z e n s  153  Closed C i v i c Government by Experts  15^  Changing Residences o f C i v i c Leaders  157  Contemporary S o c i a l B e l i e f s  159  S o c i a l B e l i e f s i n Dunbar  l6l  S o c i a l B e l i e f s i n Fraserview  l6l  S o c i a l B e l i e f s i n Grandview Between-Sector V a r i a t i o n s i n S o c i a l B e l i e f s V.  152  162 163  RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT  177  BIBLIOGRAPHY  185  APPENDIX A;PARTICIPATION IN ORGANIZATIONS  200  APPENDIX B:VERIFICATION OF DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL BELIEFS  201  yi.ii  LIST OF TABLES" TABLE I. II.  AFTER PAGE Ethnic Origins o f Business Managers.: Vancouver, 1912 Annual Expenditures f o r Construction and Improvement t o Streets and Lanes : Vancouver, 1930-1968  III.  V. VT. VII. VIII.  137  Annual Expenditures f o r New Park A c q u i s i t i o n s : Vancouver 1930-1969  IV.  6k  138  Contemporary S o c i a l B e l i e f s : Vancouver, 1969  159  B e l i e f Preferences: Dunbar Sector  160  B e l i e f Preferences: Fraserview Sector  161  B e l i e f Preferences: Grandview Sector  162  Between-Sector Differences i n S o c i a l B e l i e f s : Vancouver, 1969  16k  ix  LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE  AFTER RAGE  1.  A Model of Local Landscape  25  2.  Annual Value of Building R e m i t s : Vancouver, 1930^1968  136  3.  Economic Depressions  150  k.  B e l i e f s About Man and Society: Vancouver, 1968  165  5.  B e l i e f s About Man and Nature: Vancouver, 1968  166  6.  B e l i e f s About Time: Vancouver, 1968  l6j  LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS". ILLUSTRATION 1.  West End R e s i d e n t i a l Space c. 1905.  2.  East End R e s i d e n t i a l Space,1890-1910 .  3.  The Shaughnessy Landscape, 191^-193^  k.  Differences o f Open Spaces i n Point Grey and South Vancouver c. 1930  5.  The Transformation o f the Mid-Century Landscape Centres, 1970  6.  An E d i t o r i a l Cartoon on the S o c i a l C o n f l i c t Ove Park Open Space at False Creek, i960  7.  The Transformation o f the Mid-Century Landscape Towers , 1970  8.  Impeded Landscape Development R e s u l t i n g From Social Conflict  LIST OF MAPS MAP 1.  AFTER PAGE Vancouver C i t y . T e r r i t o r i a l Expansion, 1886-1968  7  2.. Vancouver City. Local Areas  10  3.  The Symbolic E c o l o g i c a l Model o f Urban Landscapes  27  k.  Kensington Park, the Middle Class Landscape, 1850  kk  5.  Vancouver Peninsula, 1890: Residential Spaces o f Founding Groups  65  6.  Vancouver and Suburbs: Landforms and the Original Survey  76  7.  Vancouver and Suburbs: Changes i n Locations o f Social Clubs  80  8.  Residences o f S o c i a l l y Prominent Families, 1908-1931  88  9.  The Geographic Expressions o f Individualism: The West End, 1912  9k  10.  Point Grey's Early Landscape, 1908-1928  95  11.  Old Vancouver City: The Grid Pattern i n the East End, 1912  97  12.  South Vancouver's Early Landscape, 1892-1928  98  13.  Expenditures i n Local Areas" : Vancouver City Parks, 1929-1958  138  lk.  Expenditures Per Part.: Vancouver C i t y , 1929-1959 '  139  15.  Expenditures Per P ark-Ac re : Vancouver C i t y , 1929-1959  139  16.  Fraserview Subdivision, 1950  1*10  17.  Changing Patterns o f Representation on City Council, 19281966  18.  Changing Patterns o f Representation: Parks Board, I928-I966  19.  Changing Patterns, o f Representation: Planning Commission, I928-I966  20.. Measuring Contemporary B e l i e f s : Sectors and Sample Areas  157 158  158 159  xii ACKNOWLEDGMENT This study was supported by two grants, a Fellowship from the Canadian Council on Urban and Regional Research and a President's Research Grant from Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y . The idea o f i n v e s t i g a t i n g the impact o f s o c i a l b e l i e f s on urban landscape change o r i g i n a t e d while I undertook a course program i n the Graduate Faculty at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia between 1963 and 1965.  The  f a c u l t y t o whom I am most indebted f o r guidance and encouragement during t h i s period includes:  Dr. P. Oberlander, of the School of Community and  Regional Planning; Dr. C. Verner, of the Centre f o r Continuing Education; Dr. L. Tiger o f the Department of Anthropology and Sociology as w e l l as Drs. D. Hooson, M. Melton and D. Ward o f the Geography Department.  Similar  thanks go t o other f a c u l t y . Suggestions from Dr. R. H o r s f a l l and Professor A. MacPherson o f the Geography Department, Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y were valuable i n s e l e c t i n g the methods o f s t a t i s t i c a l analysis and w r i t i n g the manuscript. I also owe a profound debt to my d o c t o r a l committee: Dr. J . Chapman for h i s assistance i n methodology; Dr. K. Sandu f o r h i s suggestions i n h i s t o r i o g r a p h y ; Professor B. Wiesman f o r h i s help i n documenting the h i s t o r y o f Vancouver; Dr. L. Robinson f o r h i s c a r e f u l review of m a t e r i a l at a l l stages o f preparation; and, most deservedly, Dr. W. Hardwick, my supervisor, whose s p i r i t of free i n t e l l e c t u a l enquiry and good counsel are no doubt responsible f o r the completion o f t h i s study. F i n a l l y , I wish t o express my gratitude t o those who helped i n the preparation o f the f i n a l manuscript: t o the Cartography s e c t i o n and s t a f f of the Geography Department at Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y , e s p e c i a l l y t o  xiii Miss Shankland who typed most of the copy; and, to my wife who the bibliography and a s s i s t e d i n the e d i t i n g .  organized  THE.IMPACT OF SOCIAL BELIEF.ON LANDSCAPE CHANGE: A GEOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF VANCOUVER CHAPTER.I INTRODUCTION '. The Problem What are the geographical consequences o f s o c i a l b e l i e f s ?  Do b e l i e f s ,  or judgements beyond the competence o f science, play a part i n the dynamics of urban landscape change?  The t h e s i s argued i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n i s that  s o c i a l b e l i e f s p l a y an important r o l e i n urban landscape change and that correlates between landscapes and s o c i a l b e l i e f s can be demonstrated i n a Canadian c i t y .  The landscape i n v e s t i g a t e d i s that of Vancouver, B r i t i s h  Columbia, but the approach i s applicable t o other c i t i e s whose i n s t i t u t i o n s and landscapes were i n i t i a l l y developed i n the second h a l f of the nineteenth century. Published research on the s o c i a l b e l i e f s o f men who b u i l d urban landscapes i s rare.  Far more i s known about the geographical growth of  Vancouver as an economic e n t i t y than about the b e l i e f s men h e l d about one another and the s t r e e t s , parks and gardens that were created as the landscape o f the c i t y was pieced together."'"  As y e t , no geographical study  has addressed i t s e l f t o the problems of t o what extent and i n what manner s o c i a l b e l i e f s i n f l u e n c e d the development of landscapes i n urban i n d u s t r i a l societies. From an examination of experiences i n contemporary l i f e , unsubstanti a t e d judgements about nature and society, seem t o be i n v o l v e d i n i n t e r p r e t ations about landscape development;. I f a resident o f the "wrong side of the t r a c k s " i n a large Canadian city.were asked to. explain the differences  i n the landscape on h i s side and the other side o f the c i t y , he might t u r n 2 t o h i s mental map  and note wide "boulevards , front lawn gardens , clean  s t r e e t s and scenic views on the other side i n contrast t o the narrow, i r r e g u l a r uncurbed s t r e e t s , and the small bungalows set beside f a c t o r i e s and shops on h i s s i d e .  He might r e c a l l that i t i s on the other side o f  the tracks where Council members, people who appear on the s o c i a l pages o f l o c a l newspapers and d i r e c t o r s o f large corporations l i v e .  To t h i s he  might add that the landscape on h i s part o f the c i t y appears depressed because the c i t y government encourages the l o c a t i o n o f parks on the other s i d e , while i t promotes f o r h i s side the construction o f freeways and industry.  I f he were t o examine maps and tables showing a c t u a l municipal  expenditures on parks and roads, and i f he were t o read the c i t y administr a t i o n manual, the c i t y charter and annual r e p o r t s , he would be l e s s s a t i s f i e d with h i s conclusion.  He would see that differences i n urban  landscapes are not simply a consequence o f p u b l i c funds or p o l i t i c a l power How a government designs and maintains a landscape seems t o be connected with deep b e l i e f s about s o c i e t y , with suspicion about others and f e e l i n g s of self-awareness i n c i v i c leaders and common c i t i z e n s . For example, i n the f i r s t h a l f o f the twentieth century there were c o n f l i c t s over the removal o f trees that had been planted i n Vancouver's West End during the l a s t decades o f the nineteenth century.  Some  residents objected t o the trees on the grounds that some, p a r t i c u l a r l y maple and poplar t r e e s , added e x t r a cost t o s t r e e t and u t i l i t y maintenance C i t y a c t i o n t o remove the trees followed. a c t i o n among other r e s i d e n t s .  This a c t i o n l e d t o counter  Some organized i n t o groups t o prevent the  removal claiming that the c i t y was d i s c r i m i n a t i n g against those who b e l i e v e d deeply i n the r o l e o f nature and the "Canadian" meaning o f the  3 maple l e a f .  The c i t y denied the d i s c r i m i n a t i o n charge by claiming the  removal had been made s o l e l y on economic grounds.  For some the trees had  symbolic associations with c u l t u r a l b e l i e f s that placed l e s s value on u t i l i t y , cost and p u b l i c safety than on man's place i n nature and love of nation.  Put more g e n e r a l l y , men  i n t e r p r e t i n d i f f e r e n t ways the l a n d -  scapes they b u i l d and l i v e i n . The differences i n meaning men  assign to landscapes have posed  questions of f a r greater economic s i g n i f i c a n c e than s t r e e t ornamentation. Men have d i f f e r e d i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s they place on parks , s t r e e t p l a n s , c i v i c a r c h i t e c t u r e and freeways.  Indeed, urban landscapes are  b u i l t through a s o c i a l process centred upon the assignment of meanings to the geographical patterns created.  One  can take the examples presented  here and search one's own experience to document the consequences of meaning and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n human a c t i v i t i e s having expression.  geographical  A f u l l e r understanding of the dynamic process of  transforming  landscapes w i l l therefore e n t a i l an examination of the b e l i e f s of men divergent s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s who  of  a f f e c t or are a f f e c t e d by p h y s i c a l changes.  The Methods and L i m i t a t i o n s This study assumes a p o s i t i o n between modern s c i e n t i f i c urban geography and the more subjective concerns of c u l t u r a l geography. one may  From t h i s p o s i t i o n  reasonably examine human actions and t h e i r geographical  consequences.  But the problems of employing both the more subjective methods of h i s t o r y and the more objective methods o f science need c l a r i f i c a t i o n .  F i r s t to be  c l a r i f i e d i s the developmental approach. The Developmental Approach.  Studies that deal with c u l t u r a l and land-  scape change have been c a l l e d developmental or "process" s t u d i e s . 3 Geographers such as Ward  k  and H a r r i s  have employed t h i s method to describe  k  the r o l e of " s o c i a l movements" and " c u l t u r a l l a g s " i n the formation of manmade landscapes.  The method attempts t o trace the connections between  components o f landscape and most other events o f a time p e r i o d , assuming that a l l events are a part o f the dominant ongoing processes. The method also assumes that p r e v a i l i n g processes are the r e s u l t o f a c t u a l p o l i c i e s and creeds, o f b e l i e f s that are widely h e l d i n a given time period. Some geographers have drawn a t t e n t i o n t o the l i m i t a t i o n s of the developmental approach.  Newcomb- has s p e c i f i c a l l y noted that b e l i e f s are  not c o n s i s t e n t l y impressed on the land.'' of Glacken seem p e r t i n e n t . ^  I n t h i s regard, some observations  Of the various kinds of human a c t i v i t i e s having  an impress on the l a n d , Glacken suggests that those actions i n v o l v i n g c r e a t i v e design r e f l e c t s o c i a l b e l i e f s most c o n s i s t e n t l y .  "In gardens",  he says, "one can almost see the embodiment of ideas i n landscape." Indeed, the assumptions o f Glacken seem t o be e m p i r i c a l l y v e r i f i e d by g Lowenthal and P r i n c e .  Lowenthal and Prince have described the c o r r e l a t i o n s  between E n g l i s h b e l i e f s i n naturalism and antiquarianism and the c o n t i n u i t y of the forest preservations and d i s t i n c t i v e s t y l e s o f E n g l i s h hedgerows and architecture.  Other developmental studies by Y i Fu Tuan have demonstrated  the r o l e of r e l i g i o u s and cosmological b e l i e f s i n the formation of Chinese 9  landscapes.  The study can b e n e f i t from another approach, the use o f a_  p r i o r i models. The Use o f T h e o r e t i c a l Models.  Of various models applicable t o  geographical s t u d i e s , a c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n has been made between conceptual models that represent selected aspects of geographical r e a l i t y i n mathema t i c a l and i n v e r b a l forms."^  I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o f i n d a mathematical model  that can represent changing b e l i e f s and t h e i r consequences f o r urban l a n d -  5  scape.  The fact that past "beliefs can only be i n f e r r e d from c e r t a i n a r t i -  f a c t s , records of p o l i c i e s and s o c i a l organizations l i m i t s the usefulness of mathematical models i n h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s . models are valuable i n h i s t o r i c a l s t u d i e s . value, consider the fundamentally  On the other hand, v e r b a l  As an i l l u s t r a t i o n of t h e i r  d i f f e r e n t meanings that have been  associated with the V i c t o r i a n c u l t u r a l succession o f which Vancouver i s thought t o be a part.  Useful background to a c u l t u r a l study of Vancouver  would include a v e r b a l model of the landscape and s o c i a l processes dominant during t h i s period.  Such a t h e o r e t i c a l p i c t u r e of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  elements of s o c i e t y and landscape would provide a standard against which the actual events i n the c r e a t i o n o f Vancouver's landscape can be compared. Methods i n Perspective.  There are hazards i n using mixed methods; not  the l e a s t of the complications concerns the w r i t t e n format of the study.  The  p r i n c i p l e of u n i t y and wholeness i n an argument could be jeopardized i f the language of d e s c r i p t i v e n a r r a t i v e that i s e s s e n t i a l t o developmental studies i s mixed with the more mathematical language necessary t o the s c i e n t i f i c method.  This danger has been reduced by c o n f i n i n g much of the r i g i d p r o t o c o l  of method and measurement to appendices.  Further, when operational d e f i n i t -  ions of b e l i e f s which r e s u l t from questionnaires are mixed w i t h d e f i n i t i o n s that are i m p l i e d i n the works of past l i t e r a t i and recorded p o l i c i e s , lack of i n t e r n a l consistency i n concept would be expected.  One can only i n a  general way compare the b e l i e f s of the past w i t h those of contemporary society that have been measured by questionnaires.  There i s a d e f i n i t e l i m i t  to the s c i e n t i f i c measurement of changes i n s o c i a l b e l i e f s , p a r t i c u l a r l y when b e l i e f s have been i d e n t i f i e d by d i f f e r e n t procedures.  This i s not t o  conclude that developmental methods should neglect the more rigorous  6 measurement of s o c i a l b e l i e f s i f such measurement i s f e a s i b l e .  I t i s con-  ceivable that future geographical studies might use methods and measurements s i m i l a r to those of t h i s study; and, i n t h i s event, rigorous comparisons of changing b e l i e f s and landscapes would be p o s s i b l e . To conclude t h i s evaluation of methods, a short comment on the nature of c u l t u r a l geography i s relevant.  C u l t u r a l geographers have feared the  bias that seems involved i n analysing s o c i a l conditions close at hand c e r t a i n l y , p r e - i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s with deep h i s t o r i c a l roots have been studied more than North American i n d u s t r i a l cities."^""'"  While a new  generation  of economic geographers has awakened i n t e r e s t i n the unsuspected richness of the modern North American c i t y , no equivalent movement i s yet v i s i b l e i n c u l t u r a l geography.  The more recent c i t i e s of Western Canada are v i r g i n  t e r r i t o r i e s that beckon to c u l t u r a l goegraphers.  Such t e r r i t o r i e s can be  entered with more understanding and ease i f c u l t u r a l studies take advantage 12  of a_ p r i o r i constructs of s o c i e t y and landscapes. U n t i l now general problems and approaches have been introduced.  Some  c l a r i t y i n perspective w i l l be gained i f the founding and transformation  of  Vancouver's landscape are condensed to a few paragraphs at t h i s p o i n t . Vancouver's Landscape Formation In 19719  -_ "•  Vancouver City occupies about f o r t y - f i v e square m i l e s .  Details  of landscape do not show on standard maps of the c i t y , and house and park designs may be only i n f e r r e d from a i r photographs.  Further landscape has  not been i n t e r p r e t e d i n any major c u l t u r a l study, and consequently the human thoughts that most l i k e l y motivated the construction of s t r e e t s and b u i l d i n g s are d i f f i c u l t to a s c e r t a i n .  Yet, the landscape's formation can be t r a c e d ,  i n b r i e f , through v i s i t s to the c i t y ' s i n s t i t u t i o n s and f i e l d t r i p s to  3,  ENGLISH  BAY Hastings Townsite Reserved  1861  Joined city 1911 From U.E.L.  ;:.^ji^Di^^:j:j^^:i!ff::Hancouver M i ^ ^ i ^ i ^ ^ ^ a t y 6th April 1886 :':::::::lAfe:':^^'"''''':X|:r:v:-.  1937  :  \  :  ::::::  :  :  :  :  D.O.L. 301 Joined city 1911  UNIVERSITY ENDOWMENT  m  King Edward  IANDS  From U.E.L. 1952  i  mm  I  Ave  29fh Ave.  1  '••'y>  o  Ex-municipality of ™jftt::w*^: : :-':Vii'x: :  :  Incorporated as a Joined city 1929  ri^ie^jfiunicipality of South Vancouver  • .  jSjSJ&porated  MAP  1  VANCOUVER  TERRITORIAL  1892.  Joined  city  CITY  EXPANSION 1886-1968:  Municipal Units and Major Symbolic  Place Names  : : : : : : C P R Land Grant  : : : : : : :  The l a n d s c a p e development o f the s m a l l e r Vancouver and l a r g e r B u r r a r d P e n i n s u l a s was c o n c u r r e n t w i t h f i r s t the emergence o f p o l i t i c a l l y d i s c r e t e m u n i c i p a l i t i e s and then t h e i r g r a d u a l a c c r e t i o n i n t o a s i n g l e c i t y . Landscape developments have i n v o l v e d c o n f l i c t s w h i c h have s e p a r a t e d the " W e s t - s i d e " f r o m the ' " E a s t - s i d e " o r the "West E n d " from the " E a s t E n d " . These c o n f l i c t s can be t r a c e d t o the s o c i a l b e l i e f s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f the f o u n d i n g groups t h a t o b t a i n e d m u n i c i p a l c h a r t e r s at the end o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y .  1929  7  suburbs.  13  Indeed, the substantive questions i n . t h i s study, the a p p l i c a t i o n  of methods, and the reasons f o r using c e r t a i n procedures emerged from l i v i n g i n the suburbs on the Burrard Peninsula, v i s i t s t o the P u b l i c L i b r a r y , and attending p u b l i c meetings of the C i t y Council and other l o c a l organizations . The f i r s t r e a l perspective of the landscape's  development and i t s  connections with s o c i a l b e l i e f s came while reviewing s e v e r a l hundred o l d photographs and some e a r l y a t l a s e s of Vancouver i n the l i b r a r y ' s archives. Some things about the p i c t u r e s and maps cuaght the eye because they were seen w i t h i n an hour of having read from c i t y newspapers and d i r e c t o r i e s of the period around the t u r n of the century. The photographs depicted the West End as a r e s i d e n t i a l area with s u b s t a n t i a l two- and three-storey v i l l a s of mixed l a t e V i c t o r i a n s t y l e s that seem so c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of B r i t i s h c i t i e s ; and, the East End as an area of small cabins mixed with shops, o f f i c e s , and railway yards (Map l ) .  The atlases  gave more information, not only on the construction and f u n c t i o n of b u i l d i n g s , but also on d e t a i l s of persons occupying them.  For those f a m i l i a r with  nineteenth-century E n g l i s h and Canadian l i t e r a t u r e , many landscape a r t i f a c t s of e a r l y Vancouver seem f i t t i n g t o a c i t y that was located on the " A l l Red Route", the communication system of the B r i t i s h Empire'. i n the i l l u s t r a t i o n s seem awry.  Even so, some things  For one t h i n g , although there were no v i l l a s  revealed i n the East End, men l i v i n g there were reported to be managers of business and e l e c t e d representatives on c i t y c o u n c i l s .  For another t h i n g ,  there was a pronounced homogeneity- of Anglo-Saxon managerial and p r o f e s s i o n a l occupations i n the West End, and an equally pronounced mixture of ethnic names and occupations i n the East End.  Another d i s j u n c t i o n between the i l l u s t r a t i o n s  8 of the landscape and the w r i t t e n documents of the time was that the names of some important East End business p r o p r i e t o r s d i d not appear i n the West End s o c i a l club d i r e c t o r i e s . Clues as t o why these anomalies e x i s t e d were found i n many subsequent readings of d i r e c t o r i e s , d i a r i e s , newspapers, and c i t y r e p o r t s .  But, i t  was c l e a r that t o r e a l l y understand e a r l y Vancouver one had t o appreciate the c i t y ' s c u l t u r a l m i l i e u and to do t h i s Vancouver's a r c h i v a l documents had to be seen against the background of nineteenth century B r i t i s h urban culture.  Thus, the e a r l y Vancouver landscape and i t s connections  with  B r i t i s h and British-Canadian s o c i a l b e l i e f s had to be reconstructed as a p r e r e q u i s i t e t o the analysis of landscape changes. Changes i n landscape a f t e r 1929 dependence on imagination.  were studied by methods with l e s s  In many cases the transformation of the landscape  could be observed at f i r s t hand, and s o c i a l b e l i e f s could be recorded at p u b l i c meetings and i n t e r v i e w s , as w e l l as t e s t e d by questionnaires. Many f i e l d t r i p s along the length of the Burrard Peninsula between. 1966  and 1970  were made.  Each traverse r e s u l t e d i n a common observation.  The s t r i k i n g t h i n g was that older (pre-1930) s t r e e t s and b u i l d i n g s were noticeably d i f f e r e n t i n the West- and E a s t - s i d e s ; y e t , more recent s t r e e t s and b u i l d i n g s were i n c l i n e d to be s i m i l a r i n appearance.  In both sectors  there are now contour s t r e e t s , coordinated street;ornamentation, deep set backs, detached dwellings of comparable s i z e s , and large blocks of vacant land.  Even so i n p u b l i c meetings, i n the 1967 meetings concerning downtown  freeways, f o r example, b r i e f s were heard i n which voluntary groups s t a t e d c o n f l i c t i n g b e l i e f s and reasoning f o r and against the freeway.  The  expressed  views provided some evidence that East-West d i v i s i o n s i n s o c i a l b e l i e f persisted.  9  These impressions as t o how the modern landscape of Vancouver  was  affected by divergent s o c i a l b e l i e f s were turned i n t o substantiated propos i t i o n s by c o l l a t i n g the rate and character of landscape development w i t h changes i n s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , c i v i c government, and with s t a t i s t i c a l l y v e r i f i e d differences i n b e l i e f s about man and nature. Procedures and Measurements I t i s c l e a r that the analysis of change i n s o c i a l b e l i e f and landscape change demands a v a r i e t y of procedures, operational d e f i n i t i o n s , and measures.  Operational d e f i n i t i o n s that are i n t e g r a l t o the t h e o r e t i c a l  models of B r i t i s h - V i c t o r i a n society and landscape, are contained i n Chapter I I and a complete account of the s t a t i s t i c a l e x p l o r a t i o n of contemporary s o c i a l b e l i e f s i s given i n Appendix B.  Seven other t o p i c s of procedure  and measurement are as f o l l o w s . Measuring Change.  The systematic analysis of change i s undertaken  by two procedures: comparisons of geographical d i s t r i b u t i o n s i n successive time i n t e r v a l s , and comparisons of rates of change i n v i t a l socio-economic indices.  A simple measure of change concerns the number and the l o c a t i o n s  of Vancouver's s o c i a l clubs.  These are important because membership i n  them implies acceptance of c e r t a i n b e l i e f s and o b j e c t i v e s .  Maps were  prepared t o demonstrate the number, s i z e and l o c a t i o n of s o c i a l clubs i n a time s e r i e s .  In a d d i t i o n , maps were constructed t o show changes i n the  d i s t r i b u t i o n of memberships i n s o c i a l clubs. Formal governmental "power" i s measured by d e f i n i n g "unit of power" as one voting membership i n c i v i c bodies f o r one year and by aggregating these u n i t s t o l o c a l areas on the basis of the member's residence at d i f f e r e n t time i n t e r v a l s .  Again, i n d i c e s of p u b l i c expenditure on acres of parks i n  10  d i f f e r e n t l o c a l areas were devised f o r successive time i n t e r v a l s .  Relative  changes were determined f o r d i f f e r e n t periods by comparing the percentages of "power" and expenditures of each l o c a l area i n r e l a t i o n t o the mean f o r the e n t i r e c i t y . The rates of change i n the c i t y ' s i n d u s t r i a l and population growth i n r e l a t i o n t o other Canadian c i t i e s were recorded by p l o t t i n g cumulative frequencies on semi-logarithmic  graphs.  These procedures make necessary  a d e t a i l e d consideration of the a r e a l u n i t s t o be employed i n the study. S e l e c t i n g the A r e a l Units of A n a l y s i s .  A key problem, common t o a l l  h i s t o r i c a l - g e o g r a p h i c a l studies of urban s o c i e t y , i s that of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and d e l i n e a t i o n of a r e a l u n i t s that are s t a t i s t i c a l l y convenient and meanlU  i n g f u l through d i f f e r e n t phases o f urban change.  In view of the.  necessity t o make comparisons between l o c a l areas through time and t o v e r i f y the existence or non-existence of past s o c i a l b e l i e f s i n parts of the contemporary c i t y three c r i t e r i a f o r the a r e a l u n i t s were established. F i r s t , the u n i t s had t o maintain a l o c a l l y recognized status as an integrated s o c i a l e n t i t y over extended lengths of time.  Second, they had t o be  v i s u a l l y d i s t i n c t i v e i n general landscape forms and configurations of open spaces; i n d e t a i l they had t o possess s i m i l a r l o t s i z e , set backs, and s t y l e s of b u i l d i n g s .  T h i r d , they had t o be coincident with s t a t i s t i c a l  areas of comparable s i z e .  The a r e a l u n i t s that s a t i s f i e d these minimum  c r i t e r i a best were the twenty-two l o c a l areas i d e n t i f i e d and delineated by the Research Department of the United Community Services of the Greater Vancouver Area i n 1967 (Map 2 ) . ^ 1  This set o f u n i t s , d i f f e r e n t i a t e d on the  basis of m u l t i - c r i t e r i a , also provided an e x i s t i n g bank of geographical and s o c i a l indices that f a c i l i t a t e d drawing g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s on the basis of  MAP 2 . VANCOUVER CITY LOCAL AREAS Carter. Mayhew I967I  SFU  69174  The m u l t i - c r i t e r i a r e g i o n a l ! z a t i o n o f Vancouver based on the 1967 research of the United Community Service i s the most v i a b l e set o f a r e a l units f o r developmental s t u d i e s . Based on a combination o f homogeneity i n settlement p a t t e r n , period o f development, topography as w e l l as dominant s o c i o economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and service hinterlands , " l o c a l areas" provide a ready source o f data on which to base h i s t o r i c a l studies and from which to draw samples f o r more e m p i r i c a l analyses o f contemporary b e l i e f s and landscapes.  11 samples taken from separate areas.  The use of these u n i t s produced  evidence of group power and p u b l i c landscape investment that i s impressive. They also proved to be a reasonable basis f o r sampling the r e s i d e n t i a l populations and measuring city-wide differences i n s o c i a l b e l i e f s .  This  l a t t e r task was accomplished by using the f o l l o w i n g procedures. Reconstructing Fast B e l i e f s .  H i s t o r i a n s and those geographers who have  studied past b e l i e f s and past landscapes have documented s o c i a l b e l i e f s of s o c i e t y at large by i n t e r p r e t i n g the record of l i t e r a t i : novels , poems, d i a r i e s , correspondence, and other documents. t i o n s i n using t h i s procedure i n t h i s study.  There are three main l i m i t a F i r s t , the h i s t o r y of Vancouver  society covers a r e l a t i v e l y short time span and i t s l i t e r a t i are l i m i t e d . ^ 1  Second, the S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s L i b r a r y at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia does not index i t s f i l e s of correspondence i n the subjects of urban development, philosophy or landscape d e s c r i p t i o n . from the nature of c i v i c body minutes.  The t h i r d l i m i t a t i o n a r i s e s  What may on the surface appear as  sound evidence of value judgements about landscape change becomes weaker on closer investigation.  For example, the minutes of the Vancouver Board of  Parks and Recreation and the Planning Commission normally record only the agenda items, motions and v o t i n g r e s u l t s : they leave aside the associated debates i n which the more straightforward evidence of value judgements might be expected. weakness.  I t was possible i n some landscape c o n f l i c t s to overcome t h i s  In three instances the background debates could be reconstructed  by cross-checking newspaper statements about the motions made by members of the c i v i c bodies w i t h r e c o l l e c t i o n s obtained from personal interviews of members who had taken part i n the meetings.  Thus while the. i n f e r e n t i a l  evidence commonly employed by historians, and geographers i s used i n t h i s  12 study i t i s sometimes strengthened by cross-checks. evidence about past b e l i e f s are used.  Two other sources of  Three tape-recorded statements by  persons who were i n f l u e n t i a l i n landscape change are employed: one tape of Alvo  von Alvensleben, a major land developer; another o f Mr. Frank Buck, a  founder of landscaping design and the planning movement i n B r i t i s h  Columbia;  and a t h i r d o f Mr. Walter Torry, an active labour leader i n Vancouver i n  17 the f i r s t decades of the twentieth century.  F i n a l l y use i s made of the  r h e t o r i c i n addresses t o s o c i a l clubs such as the Canadian Club and i n the o f f i c i a l p e t i t i o n s submitted to'the Government by q u a s i - c i v i c bodies such as l o c a l ratepayers' a s s o c i a t i o n s .  These data on past b e l i e f s are presented  i n the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f e a r l y Vancouver i n Chapter I I I , and i n the more contemporary analysis of change i n Chapter IV. Contemporary B e l i e f s and P a r t i c i p a n t Observation.  To explore the  parameters of b e l i e f s associated with ongoing landscape change and t o understand more f u l l y how d i f f e r e n t meanings of landscapes are formulated by l8  human groups the methods of p a r t i c i p a n t observation were employed. methods have been much used i n s o c i a l science.  These  For i n s t a n c e , many of the  seminal works i n the s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n of h o s p i t a l s , f a c t o r i e s , c u l t s and urban p o l i t i c a l groups have been undertaken by s c i e n t i f i c observers who have a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n these organizations and who have d i l i g e n t l y gathered the e m p i r i c a l data f o r s o c i o l o g y , ethnology, and other sciences. P a r t i c i p a n t observation i s an i n t e n t i o n a l l y f l e x i b l e procedure that maximizes discovery and d e s c r i p t i o n o f group o r g a n i z a t i o n and s o c i a l belief.  I t i s a procedure that r e j e c t s preconceived hypotheses and a_  p r i o r i s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n of concepts, measures and data.  Although t h i s  procedure produces only q u a l i t a t i v e data and therefore presents problems  13 of r e l i a b i l i t y , i t has the important advantage of producing background information on the s o c i a l s e t t i n g i n which the "idea" of the urban landscape becomes transformed by human a c t i o n i n t o the r e a l i t y of b u i l d i n g s and open spaces.  I t brings a broader perspective to questions about landscape  formations and associated data.  Over a period of three years from 1966  to  1969 the author became a member of a number of organizations whose a c t i v i t i e s were aimed at i n f l u e n c i n g various landscape developments i n Vancouver.  A l i s t of these organizations and d e t a i l s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n are  found i n Appendix A.  Through t h i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n d i r e c t observations were  made on the ongoing processes by which the landscape became meaningful to new r e c r u i t s to the associations and through informal conversations with long-standing members a p i c t u r e of how they had come to view the landscape was also reconstructed.  Beyond the substantive data produced, p a r t i c i p a n t  observation proved to be an important a i d i n discovering new f a c t o r s and data.  During the many debates i n general and executive meetings references  were made t o past c o n f l i c t s ; major issues i n landscape development, groups and key f i g u r e s involved were mentioned.  Many of these were more f u l l y  i n v e s t i g a t e d through analysis of committee minutes and newspaper reports. Where p o s s i b l e these were cross-checked leaders.  during interviews with c i v i c  More d e t a i l s of these interviews are given i n the next s e c t i o n .  Contemporary B e l i e f s and the Unstructured Questionnaire.  An u n s t r u c t -  ured interview was used to develop more information on s o c i a l b e l i e f s the h i s t o r y of landscape change.  and  A sample of f o r t y - e i g h t c i v i c leaders and  municipal supervisors was taken; t h i s involved two steps.  With the a i d of  the s e c r e t a r i e s of c i v i c bodies a l i s t of seventy-five l i v i n g members of past and present planning commissions and parks boards was made.  Of t h i s  Ik  l i s t t h i r t y - e i g h t consented, to. interviews.  These interviews, disclosed, the  names o f twelve gardeners and engineers thought t o be i n f l u e n t i a l i n b u i l d i n g Vancouver's landscape.. Of these, ten. consented t o . i n t e r v i e w s .  In t h i s  second series' o f interviews information was c o l l e c t e d on the f o l l o w i n g : f a m i l i a l , educational and occupational experiences, date o f a r r i v a l and r e s i d e n t i a l moves w i t h i n the c i t y , reading h a b i t s , p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l . .  19  and p o l i t i c a l l i f e and f i n a l l y e v a l u a t i v e comments about l o c a l areas.  These  procedures produced data on the b e l i e f s men h e l d during e a r l i e r landscape conflicts.  This information i s presented i n the h i s t o r i c a l  contained i n Chapters I I I and IV.  background  In measuring contemporary b e l i e f s more  q u a n t i t a t i v e data were developed. Contemporary B e l i e f s and the Structured Questionnaire. . An adapted version o f a value measuring test o r i g i n a l l y used by Kluckhohn and Strodt20  beck was a p p l i e d to a t o t a l sample o f s i x t y Vancouver householders.  The  sample was blocked t o obtain an equal number o f informants from the three sectors of Vancouver t h a t had c o n f l i c t i n g b e l i e f s and c o n t r a s t i n g landscapes i n the e a r l y p e r i o d . Point Grey. B.  These sectors are the East End, South Vancouver and  D e t a i l s of these sampling procedures are contained i n Appendix  This t e s t produced q u a n t i t a t i v e data on three b a s i c b e l i e f s that are  c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the development o f urban landscapes i n a l l s o c i e t i e s . These are judgements about the character of man-nature r e l a t i o n s , man-society r e l a t i o n s and the modality o f time - the l a s t being o f concern because the budget p r a c t i c e s o f p u b l i c investments e n t a i l e i t h e r payments i n the present f o r landscape changes., i n the future or landscape changes i n the present f o r payments.in the future.. The use o f a general scheme representing human value systems to quantify the b e l i e f s o f s p e c i f i c human groups i s reviewed i n Appen-  15 dix B along with d e t a i l s on t e s t c o n s t r u c t i o n , the interview i t s e l f and s t a t i s t i c a l measures.  In Chapter IV the data from these t e s t s are g r a p h i c a l l y  summarized and i n t e r p r e t e d .  From these i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s conclusions are  drawn about the differences and s i m i l a r i t i e s i n values between the c i t y ' s h i s t o r i c a l l y defined sectors and whether or not these conditions p a r a l l e l those of e a r l i e r times.  The apparent p r e c i s i o n of measuring b e l i e f s by  q u a n t i t a t i v e scores stands i n contrast with the procedures employed t o describe landscape change, the l a s t t o p i c considered i n t h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n . Landscape C l a s s i f i c a t i o n and D e s c r i p t i o n . considered at r e g i o n a l and l o c a l scales.  Urban landscapes can be  I t i s none the l e s s important t o  summarize the difference between the two scales i n a consideration o f procedures.  I f one views a city-wide region from a distant h i l l , the  panorama o f urbanized land before one i s what i s meant by a r e g i o n a l landscape.  Within the panorama the place-to-place p h y s i c a l differences i n the  c i t y can be seen.  With l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y one notes the various sections of the  c i t y - the i n d u s t r i a l , commercial, r e c r e a t i o n a l and r e s i d e n t i a l areas.  Upon  closer i n s p e c t i o n one can also d i s t i n g u i s h q u a l i t a t i v e differences i n r e s i d e n t i a l areas.  In t h i s sense r e g i o n a l landscapes are l i k e a i r photographs  and land use maps o f urban regions f o r i n both o f these the t r a i n e d observer can i n t e r p r e t the q u a l i t y and quantity of the man-made environment. Where v i s i o n i s more confined the view d i f f e r s b a s i c a l l y .  The configur-  a t i o n of b u i l d i n g s , determined by municipal by-laws (or t h e i r lack) and ornamental vegetation, determined by h o r t i c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s , demarcate urban open space.  The term l o c a l landscape i s used t o express t h i s "view'" .  of open space. To describe landscape change, information was c o l l e c t e d from a number of  16  sources: photographs, newspaper etchings , a t l a s e s and maps.  Early l i t h o -  graphic etchings, e s p e c i a l l y those of land development companies can he i n gross e r r o r , hut by c o l l a t i n g b u i l d i n g s and s t r e e t s i n accurate f i r e a t l a s e s with those i n newspaper etchings, authentic p i c t u r e s of Vancouver can be obtained f o r the l a s t decade of the nineteenth century.  The most valuable  source of information i s the photographic c o l l e c t i o n of the Vancouver P u b l i c Library. 1910  These photographs provide observations on the landscape between  and i960 , with the exception of the s t r e e t s and b u i l d i n g s of South  Vancouver.  Information on the more recent p e r i o d was supplemented by 35mm  photographs taken i n the f i e l d during 1969  and by current a i r photographs.  Considering the secondary m a t e r i a l , three important works must be mentioned.  The most valuable of these i s Harland Bartholomew's 1929 A Plan 21  for the C i t y of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia.  This work i s the best s i n g l e  record of landscape changes and contains many u s e f u l maps.  In a d d i t i o n , i t  presents a s e l e c t i o n of photographs o f l o c a l landscapes i n each of the three important sectors of the c i t y .  The work also contains covering l e t t e r s ,  zoning r e g u l a t i o n s , by-laws and p u b l i c statements by c i v i c leaders a l l of which i n d i c a t e what to look f o r i n photographs of the period.  A second source,  p a r t i c u l a r l y valuable f o r m a t e r i a l i n the l a t e nineteenth century i s D. 22  Sladen's On the Cars and Off published i n 1895-  I t s good geographical and  s o c i o l o g i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n , supported with e x c e l l e n t photographs of the c i t y , makes i t a s i g n i f i c a n t document f o r h i s t o r i c a l geography.  The l a s t work that  must be emphasized i s a 19^3 Master of Arts t h e s i s by D. K e r r , Vancouver - A 23  Study i n Urban Geography.  This study discusses the p h y s i c a l conditions  encountered by b u i l d e r s i n the d i f f e r e n t l o c a l areas, and also provides background information on dates of development.  The sketch map of r e s i d e n t i a l  areas on the Vancouver Peninsula c. 1890 was p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l ; i t was refined, with. new.material and eniployed i n the analysis o f Chapter IP. In the' same chapter, and i n Chapter I I I other descriptions o f landscape change are presented i n v e r b a l and photographic forms. Summary S o c i a l b e l i e f s are demonstrated t o play an important r o l e i n urban landscape change o f Vancouver, Canada.  B r i t i s h s o c i a l b e l i e f s are p a r t i -  c u l a r l y important because the people who e s t a b l i s h e d Vancouver i n the l a t e nineteenth century were p r i m a r i l y o f British-Canadian and B r i t i s h o r i g i n and therefore possessed V i c t o r i a n s o c i a l b e l i e f s .  To examine these b e l i e f s  and t h e i r impact on the urban landscape has r e q u i r e d a wider number o f approaches and procedures f o r measurement than are- usual i n geographical studies o f c u l t u r e .  This use o f broad approaches has been j u s t i f i e d by  s e v e r a l B r i t i s h u n i v e r s i t i e s and the V i c t o r i a n Studies Association i n Ontario. In the next chapter a model f o r viewing s o c i a l b e l i e f s and urban l a n d scape i s presented, with p a r t i c u l a r reference t o B r i t i s h c i t i e s during the V i c t o r i a n period.  This i s followed i n Chapter I I I by a d e t a i l e d discussion  of the founding groups o f Vancouver, t h e i r d i f f e r e n t b e l i e f s and the l a n d scapes they created. Through t h i s , the predominant " V i c t o r i a n " b l e n d o f b e l i e f s and landscape i s documented.  The question o f whether or not these  b e l i e f s and landscapes have p e r s i s t e d i n t o the present p e r i o d i s explored i n Chapter IV.  This chapter comprises an analysis o f s e l e c t e d issues regarding  landscape change along w i t h an a p p l i c a t i o n o f s t r u c t u r e d questionnaires i n the d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l sectors that had been i d e n t i f i e d , i n Chapter I I I .  18  PREFERENCES The "bibliography contains references t o the main works of the geography of Vancouver. A t t e n t i o n can be c a l l e d t o three recent s t u d i e s . See c i t e d , W. Hardwick, R. L e i g h , and J . Wolforth. 2  To the extent that mental maps are v e r b a l i z e d by residents , they reveal that men. often o r i e n t themselves t o the p h y s i c a l environment by p o i n t i n g to "sides" and "ends" o f the urban landscape i n the main c a r d i n a l ' d i r e c t i o n s . Map 1 demonstrates these v e r b a l expressions as they have been employed throughout the p e r i o d o f Vancouver's t e r r i t o r i a l expansion. 3  D. Ward, "The Emergence o f C e n t r a l Immigrant Ghettos i n American C i t i e s " , Annals o f the A s s o c i a t i o n of American Geographers, V o l . 58, No. 2 (1968) , pp. 3i+3-359. k  C. H a r r i s , The S e i g n e u r i a l System m E a r l y Canada: A Geographical Study (Quebec: Les Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s L a v a l , 1966).. ^R.M. Newcomb, "Twelve Working Approaches to H i s t o r i c a l Geography". Yearbook, A s s o c i a t i o n o f P a c i f i c Coast Geographers, V o l . 31 (1969), PP27-30. ^For other p e r t i n e n t comments, see S.K. Langer, Mind: An Essay On Human F e e l i n g (Baltimore: John Hopkin Press, 1967), pp. 73-100. C. J . Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1967), P- IX. g D. Lowenthal and H. P r i n c e , "The E n g l i s h Landscape", Geographical Review, V o l . LIV (196U), pp. 309-3^7; D. Lowenthal and H. P r i n c e , "English Landscape Tastes", Geographical Review, V o l . LV (1965), pp. 86-223. ^ Y i ' Fu Tuan, China (World's&Landscapes S e r i e s , Chicago: Aldine P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1970). "^R.J. Chorley and P. Haggett, e d i t o r s , Socio-Economic Models i n Geography (London: Methuen and Co., 1967), pp. 1-22. ''"'"P. Wagner and M. M i k e s e l l , e d i t o r s , Readings i n C u l t u r a l Geography (Chicago: The U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago Press, 1962), p. 22. 12  For a discussion o f the advantages o f a p r i o r i constructs i n geographical research, see R.J. Chorley and P. Hagget op. c i t . , pp. 22-2513 References are not given i n support of t h i s overview of the c i t y ; these d e t a i l s are repeated i n Chapters I I I and IV where footnotes are also recorded. lk  See P.M. Hauser, e d i t o r , Handbook f o r S o c i a l Research m Urban Areas ( P a r i s : UNESCO, 1965),-pp. 36-38 f o r a d i s c u s s i o n of c r i t e r i a f o r d e l i n e a t i o n of urban l o c a l ^ a r e a s f o r h i s t o r i c a l analysis of s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environments.  1?  "^B.W. Mayhew, Local Areas of. Vancouver, B.C. (Vancouver, United Community Services of the Greater Vancouver Area, Research Department, I967). "^E. Wilson, The-Innocent T r a v e l l e r (Toronto: MacMillan Co. o f Canada, L t d . , i960) and Equations of Love (London: MacMillan and Co. L t d . , 1952). Wilson's novels on s o c i a l l i f e of e a r l y Vancouver are among the l i m i t e d l i t e r a t u r e a v a i l a b l e . A few prose romances and poems of Vancouver have appeared but no attempts have been made to capture the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g features of Vancouver society and to r e l a t e them to the p h y s i c a l environment excepting the accounts of Mrs. Wilson. See D. Pacey, E t h e l Wilson (New York: Twayne, 1967), p. 2k. 17  The tape recording of Mr. A l v m von Alvensleben i s l o c a t e d i n the archives of the Vancouver P u b l i c L i b r a r y and those of Mr. Frank Buck and Mr. Walter Torry are l o c a t e d i n the Department of Geography, Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y , Burnaby. l8  The most comprehensive text on observer p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a procedure f o r e x p l o r i n g a n d ' v e r i f y i n g theory i s G.J. McCall and J.L. Simmons, e d i t o r s , Issues i n P a r t i c i p a n t Observation: A Text and Reader (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley P u b l i s h i n g Company, I969): see i n p a r t i c u l a r Chapter I , pp. 1-27. 19  Two sources were used as guides i n conducting unstructured questionnaires: Longness, The L i f e H i s t o r y i n A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Science (Toronto: H o l t , Rinehart and Winston, I965); and the i n t r o d u c t o r y chapter i n J . D o l l a r d , Caste and Class i n a Southern Town (Garden C i t y , New York: Doubleday L t d . , 19^9). 20  F. Kluckhohn and F. Strodtbeck, V a r i a t i o n s i n Value Orientations (Evanston: Row Peterson and Co., 1961). Other measures of b e l i e f s evaluated but found to be l e s s s a t i s f a c t o r y include procedures i n the f o l l o w i n g books: H.. Murray, Thematic Apperception Test Manual (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 19^3); A.C. Edwards, Techniques of A t t i t u d e Scale Construction (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1957); and L. Thurstone, The Measurement of Values (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago P r e s s , 1959). 21  A Plan f o r the C i t y of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia (Vancouver: Bartholomew and A s s o c i a t e s , Wrigley P r i n t i n g L t d . , 1929). 22  D. Sladen, On the Cars and Off (New York: Warwick House, 1895). D. K e r r , "Vancouver—A Study i n Urban Geography" (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto, 19^-3). Kerr's map, although based on the I889 f i r e a t l a s of Vancouver, was r e v i s e d using information from the C i t y Archivist. 2k  L. Madden, How to F i n d Out About the V i c t o r i a n P e r i o d (Toronto: Pergamon Press, 1970), p.2.  CHAPTER I I MODELS FOR VIEWING SOCIAL BELIEFS AND THE VANCOUVER LANDSCAPE The b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l account of landscape change i n Vancouver, contained i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n , conveyed some sense of the connections between s o c i a l b e l i e f s and landscape.  But, t h i s account was only a n a r r a t i v e ;  what i s needed t o evaluate the hypothesis that s o c i a l b e l i e f s are important factors i n f l u e n c i n g landscape change, i s a more t h e o r e t i c a l p i c t u r e of urban society and urban landscape. One way to understanding the establishment of Vancouver i s t o see i t as a process produced through migration and borrowing from nineteenth century B r i t i s h urban s o c i e t y .  This method of understanding the r e l a t i o n s h i p  between s o c i a l b e l i e f s and urban landscape change implies no ethnocentrism. As the analysis of t h i s study w i l l show, the transformation of Vancouver's landscape was undertaken by i n d i v i d u a l s whose o r i g i n s can be t r a c e d to diverse parts of the globe. of b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r i e s  For instance, home designs and the organization  were s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by experiences i n the  United States of America.  However, the B r i t i s h Canadians and the B r i t i s h  were the dominant groups and the pervasive influences underlying the c i t y ' s formal and informal s o c i a l organizations were those derived from experiences of B r i t i s h V i c t o r i a n c i t i e s .  What B r i t i s h V i c t o r i a n c i t i e s were, thousands  of migrants sought to have Vancouver become. The model of B r i t i s h V i c t o r i a n c i t i e s , the evolving s o c i e t i e s and landscapes, i s a f a c t reasonably w e l l documented by h i s t o r i c a l and geograp h i c a l studies.  These studies are more than v a l u a b l e , f o r the documented  s o c i a l h i s t o r y of Vancouver i s r a t h e r l i m i t e d .  The c i t y ' s documents on  21 s o c i a l h i s t o r y are only now being s y s t e m a t i c a l l y c o l l e c t e d and c l a s s i f i e d . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of s o c i a l organization and b e l i e f s by q u a l i f i e d h i s t o r i a n s are rare.  The s i t u a t i o n i s not much b e t t e r i n geographical studies.  Thus,  f o r assembling a good deal of evidence on s o c i a l b e l i e f s and landscape change i n Vancouver, l i t e r a t u r e on B r i t i s h V i c t o r i a n c i t i e s i s a b a s i s f o r a u s e f u l model. Our model of B r i t i s h c i t i e s during the V i c t o r i a n period i s based on selected secondary sources.  The- d i f f e r e n t biases inherent i n the use of  diverse secondary sources can be reduced i f basic perspectives on s o c i a l b e l i e f s and urban landscapes are always kept i n mind.  To be e f f e c t i v e the  model must describe r e l a t i o n s h i p s between s o c i a l b e l i e f s and landscapes. I t must show how b e l i e f s are formulated and how they could influence urban landscape change. The questions t h i s chapter asks are i n order: What i s a model o f urban society that connects b e l i e f s men h o l d with the changes they make i n the landscape?  How can the urban landscape be broken down and i t s components l a b e l l e d  so that s i g n i f i c a n t changes can be recorded through time?  What are the  dynamic connections between B r i t i s h s o c i a l b e l i e f s and urban landscapes during the V i c t o r i a n period?  What are some of the r a m i f i c a t i o n s of these connections  for understanding Vancouver's growth and development? GENERAL MODELS OF URBAN SOCIETY AND LANDSCAPE S o c i a l Models i n Urban Geography To be u s e f u l i n urban geography, a s o c i a l model must describe: s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s , that i s both voluntary and formally c o n s t i t u t e d human groups; and b e l i e f s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those b e l i e f s that are associated w i t h human a c t i v i t i e s that modify the landscape."'"  22 To make p l a i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p s among human a c t i o n , b e l i e f s and s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , some e x p l i c i t assumptions are required.  I t i s possible to  assume that the modality of human a c t i v i t y i s i n t e g r a t i v e and f u n c t i o n a l or  2 that i t i s d i s i n t e g r a t i v e and c o n f l i c t i v e .  In one assumption the motives  of human a c t i v i t y are characterized by harmony and the maintenance o f e x i s t i n g s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n ; while i n the other, a c t i v i t y i s characterized by fear and the threat of a d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l organization.  Most geographers  assume only the former, but there i s no l o g i c a l reason f o r t h i s .  Both  c o n f l i c t i v e and f u n c t i o n a l assumptions may be u s e f u l l y employed. The s o c i o l o g i s t Lockwood w r i t e s , " C o n f l i c t i s better grasped w i t h i n a normative f u n c t i o n a l i s t framework: there (being) no way o f seeing how some c o n f l i c t i s associated with change and other not, except i n r e l a t i o n to such a framework." There i s l i t t l e doubt that geographical l i t e r a t u r e on Vancouver has  k been based mainly on assumptions of f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s .  With t h i s  r e s t r i c t i o n , studies have concluded that the main f a c t o r s a f f e c t i n g Vancouver patterns are " a b i l i t y t o pay r e n t " and "work-residence distance". In c o n t r a s t , f a c t o r s of " h o s t i l i t y i n inter-group f e e l i n g " and "group i d e n t i t y and a l i e n a t i o n " may also operate.  But, without assumptions that  these f a c t o r s may be important, research i s not l i k e l y t o assemble evidence supporting t h e i r geographical  consequences.''  For t h i s reason t h i s study assumes that one of the important f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c i n g landscape change i s group c o n f l i c t .  This i s not t o say that  other f a c t o r s are negated, but rather that the question o f s o c i a l c o n f l i c t i s thoroughly  explored.  The I n t e r a c t i o n Model of Society.  The s o c i a l model that seems most  appropriate i n the l i g h t of the above comments i s the symbolic i n t e r a c t i o n model  23 described, by Blumer..^. The i n t e r a c t i o n model, depicts.people engaged, i n a process o f ongoing a c t i v i t i e s i n which, they fonrrulate: actions i n r e l a t i o n t o one  another, t o abstract  ideas, and t o the p h y s i c a l environment.. In h i s  i d e a l i z e d norms o f human a c t i o n , Blumer views men as l i v i n g i n "worlds" o f s o c i a l objects l i k e ratepayers' associations , o r c o u n c i l s ; p h y s i c a l  objects,  l i k e houses, s t r e e t s , or shore l i n e s ; and abstract objects, l i k e p o l i t i c a l 7  doctrines  or b a s i c concepts o f "man", "time", " c a u s a l i t y " o r "goodness".  Abstract objects are the equivalents t o s o c i a l b e l i e f s .  To these three kinds  o f objects men assign meanings and, on the basis o f meanings , men act. the model i s s t a t i c t o t h i s point.  But  Blumer adds a dynamic component by  a s s e r t i n g that meanings are formed and re-formed by ongoing s o c i a l i n t e r Q actions. ation.  The p i v o t a l p o s i t i o n i n i n t e r a c t i o n i s f i l l e d by s o c i a l organizBlumer w r i t e s , "This general process should be seen, o f course, i n  the d i f f e r e n t i a t e d character which i t n e c e s s a r i l y has by v i r t u e o f the  fact  that people c l u s t e r i n d i f f e r e n t groups , belong to d i f f e r e n t associations and occupy d i f f e r e n t p o s i t i o n s " . ^ Thus f o r a given s o c i e t y and a given time p e r i o d , the i n t e r a c t i o n model provides s u i t a b l e terms for describing the role o f s o c i a l b e l i e f s i n man's modification  o f the landscape.  But the role played by b e l i e f s may be i n t e r -  preted only as part o f a t o t a l i n t e r a c t i o n among b e l i e f s , s o c i a l and the p h y s i c a l environment.  organization,  Therefore, the simple hypothesis that s o c i a l  b e l i e f s correlate with landscape.change becomes compounded, and the study must also examine the r o l e o f s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n i n landscape change. Before t h i s dynamic .model may be u t i l i z e d t o demonstrate how an urban landscape changes, f u r t h e r comment on s o c i a l b e l i e f s h e l d i n modern urban  2h ... societies  .  .  . 10  is required.  S o c i a l B e l i e f s R e l a t e d t o Urban S o c i e t y .  B e l i e f s r e l a t e d t o man's  m o d i f i c a t i o n o f l a n d s c a p e s are c r u c i a l i n c u l t u r a l geography.  A discus-  s i o n o f s o c i a l b e l i e f s w h i c h have been s y s t e m a t i c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d i n u r b a n societies  i s p r e s e n t e d i n Appendix B .  I n c o n s i d e r i n g t h i s or o t h e r  clas-  s i f i c a t i o n s o f s o c i a l b e l i e f s , i t i s apparent t h a t a l l b e l i e f s a r e not e q u a l l y i m p o r t a n t t o l a n d s c a p e change. nature.  It  R e f l e c t on b e l i e f s about human  i s l i k e l y t h a t i d e a s about i n n a t e "goodness" o r " e v i l "  more c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s t h a n t o a c t i v i t i e s d i r e c t l y a f f e c t the landscape.  are  that  There are however, t h r e e b e l i e f s t h a t  s t u d i e s c l e a r l y demonstrate t o be r e l a t e d t o changing t h e l a n d s c a p e : about man, n a t u r e , and t i m e . most o b v i o u s .  The s i g n i f i c a n c e o f b e l i e f s  past beliefs  about n a t u r e  is  Whether i t i s b e l i e v e d t h a t n a t u r e dominates man, t h a t man  dominates n a t u r e , o r t h a t man l i v e s i n harmony w i t h n a t u r e i s b a s i c i n many s t u d i e s o f u r b a n societies."'""'"  Background on the r o l e o f t h i s  i s not needed i n t h i s s t u d y , but the same i s not t r u e f o r b e l i e f s  belief about  man. Ideas about man's r e l a t i o n s h i p t o man have o n l y been o f concern even i n p o l i t i c a l geography.  secondary  Y e t , c o n c u r r e n t w i t h the growth o f  i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s , t h e r e has been an i n c r e a s e  i n t h e number o f  political  d o c t r i n e s w h i c h p r o v i d e a l t e r n a t i v e g u i d e s f o r men's r e l a t i o n s h i p t o  other 12  men and which i n t u r n shape human a c t i v i t i e s t h a t have g e o g r a p h i c a l i m p a c t . In the one e x t r e m e , deep b e l i e f s i n i n d i v i d u a l i s m are l i k e l y t o produce u n c o o r d i n a t e d s e p a r a t e a c t i v i t i e s each c o n f i n e d t o a s m a l l a r e a o f l a n d . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , a deep b e l i e f i n the o r g a n i c c o l l e c t i v i t y o f man i s t o l e a d t o l a r g e p u b l i c works i n c l u d i n g r e s i d e n t i a l developments t h a t  likely are  25. more coordinated, and extended, i n scale.. To. complete, t h i s ..evaluation .of bel i e f s i n -urban society, comments on the concept o f time are needed. Many b e l i e f s about time are r e l a t e d to' a group's preference f o r f i n a n cing urban development.. Some men believe i n the "pay as you go" philosophy, others i n the "buy now, pay l a t e r " philosophy.  B e l i e f s about time have been  studied by Chapin who views them i n association with the p o l i t i c a l factors 13 influencing urban planning.  The public statements o f group leaders may be  expected t o r e f l e c t or be intended t o influence the b e l i e f s o f group members. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y so where the group association i s voluntary. In summary, our model o f society emphasizes the r e a l i t y o f c o n f l i c t i n group i n t e r a c t i o n and asserts that b e l i e f s associated with urban landscape change are best understood i n the context o f s o c i a l organization and i n f e r r e d from statements by group leaders.  At this point a model o f urban landscapes  may be introduced. Models o f Urban Landscapes This study concerns landscapes not merely with regard to t h e i r symbolic role i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n but as well with regard to the changing patterns o f natural and man-made physical forms comprising a c i t y .  Urban landscapes may be  viewed at two levels o f s c a l e : l o c a l landscape and regional landscape.  The  former may be defined as a view, with a range o f k^O feet or l e s s , that i s enclosed and r e s t r i c t e d i n range by t r e e s , landforms and buildings which ob1k s t r u c t the horizon.  Local landscapes may be represented i n three-dimensional  diagrams or photographs.  A regional landscape may be defined as a view, with  a range beyond U50 feet,. bounded by the horizon, the sky and the side r e s t r i c tions o f sight f o r the'viewer.  A regional landscape anay be represented i n a i r  photographs  Each o f these two models o f landscapes can.be  and land-use maps.  broken down into component concepts.  Local Landscapes . Local landscapes, are i d e a l i z e d i n . p h y s i c a l objects: b u i l d i n g s , bridges , w a l l s , .fences, s c u l p t u r e s , lanclforms. ox  vegetation  p a t t e r n s , the c o l l e c t i v e configurations of which, demarcate. open spaces: roads, walks, gardens, boulevards, squares and vacant land.  The a r c h i t e c t  T h i e l has d e t a i l e d a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n .of p h y s i c a l objects based on t h e i r geometric p r o p e r t i e s . T h e  c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s u s e f u l i n developing  descriptions of l o c a l spaces.  F i r s t , he distinguishes  systematic  three-dimensional  i s o l a t e d forms p o s i t i o n e d i n a l a r g e r space that they themselves demarcate; f o r instance, separate b u i l d i n g s surrounded by gardens.  Second, he refers  to surfaces or two-dimensional plane forms c o n s i s t i n g o f a l a r g e r continuous w a l l or many b u i l d i n g s w i t h no space seen between them; f o r instance , the facades of houses and trees along the sides o f a s t r e e t .  T h i r d and l a s t , he  points out screens or a s e r i e s o f c l o s e l y spaced objects between which can be seen more d i s t a n t i s o l a t e d forms and surfaces; f o r i n s t a n c e , trees separately spaced along a boulevard FIGURE 1  (Figure I ) .  side and under p o s i t i o n s Source: P. T h i e l "A Sequence r- Experience Notation" Town Planning Review, V o l . XXXII, No. 1 ( A p r i l , 196l) , pp. 33-52.  27  Regional Landscapes.  Regional landscapes. are synonymous with..what  C a r l Sauer. defines as. the c u l t u r a l landscape; that i s , a geographical area characterized, by works o f s o c i e t y . " ^  In h i s concept,. Sauer emphasizes, the  p h y s i c a l r e c o r d o f the form-of population d i s t r i b u t i o n and housing, i n c l u d i n g "the types o f structures man b u i l d s and t h e i r grouping ... i n t o c i t i e s i n 17  various plans".  But the models o f urban i n d u s t r i a l landscapes currently  employed i n geography are based not only on Sauer~s work but also on the work o f the s o c i o l o g i s t Burgess and the economist Hoyt o f the Chicago 18  School.  According t o Burgess, the n a t u r a l landscape under the influence  o f an i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y undergoes changes which i d e a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e the landscape i n t o concentric rings. CMap 3 ) . " ^ If,.however, one i s o l a t e s the r e s i d e n t i a l l a n d use from commercial a n d ' i n d u s t r i a l , the most pronounced order i s often not concentric rings but r a d i a l sectors.  I t i s the sector  theory o f Hoyt t h a t Jones emphasizes i n h i s d e s c r i p t i o n o f the Western 20  city.  But Jones and other geographers concur t h a t the r i n g and sector 21  models are not mutually e x c l u s i v e . The dynamics o f s e c t o r and concentric landscape change are described 22  i n the c l a s s i c a l theories o f symbolic ecology (Map 3).  In the i n c i p i e n t  stages, d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l groups compete w i t h one another f o r r e s i d e n t i a l areas and w i t h i n d u s t r i a l , commercial and administrative a c t i v i t i e s that also seek c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n s .  In Canadian c i t i e s those groups w i t h the highest  s o c i a l status and a b i l i t y to pay anchor the r e s i d e n t i a l areas by occupying the most c u l t u r a l l y valued s i t e s next to the c i t y centre. Alongside these groups and also adjacent to the centre, groups with l i m i t e d status concentrate.  In t u r n , those groups with.the l e a s t s o c i a l status l o c a t e i n the  remaining sectors to complete. t h e ' f i r s t r i n g o f r e s i d e n t i a l areas. At t h i s stage i n development, only the outside flank remains open to the r e s i d e n t i a l  28,  Map 3 THE  SYMBOLIC ECOLOGICAL MODEL OF URBAN LANDSCAPES  2. Higher dost residential area 3. Middle d a n residential area 4.lower clats residential area  Source: Adapted from A. Boskoff, The Sociology o f Urban Regions (New York: Appleton - Century - C r o f t s , 1962) p. 112 expansion o f the founding groups.  Some groups increase i n population more  r a p i d l y than others i n c r e a s e , and t h i s uneven population growth r e s u l t s i n d i f f e r e n t types o f landscape  change.  I f lower-status groups expand more  r a p i d l y , they may move l a t e r a l l y i n t o the adjacent sectors and thereby block the expansion o f upper-status groups.  I n these cases, upper-status groups  "leap frog" over lower-status groups and continue t h e i r growth i n l i n e with t h e i r o r i g i n a l sector.  Near the c i t y centre the landscape patterns may  change when some groups " f i l t e r " i n t o r e s i d e n t i a l areas p r e v i o u s l y e s t a b l i s h e d by other groups.  The' f a c t o r s o f " a b i l i t y t o pay r e n t " and  "personal income" are given only secondary importance i n theories o f symbolic ecology; the "prime movers" are f e e l i n g s o f group i d e n t i t y and inter-group h o s t i l i t y .  As a consequence o f t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p between  s o c i a l groups and landscape p a t t e r n s , there Is the general expectation that  any change i n group s o c i a l status or r e l a t i v e population s i z e w i l l he r e f l e c t e d i n the patterns of sectors and concentric r i n g s i n the r e g i o n a l landscape. Models of l o c a l and r e g i o n a l landscapes present terms and h y p o t h e t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s that may he applied to a c t u a l cases to describe urban landscape and t o c l a r i f y i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . The changing character of l o c a l landscape i s accounted f o r as changes i n the configuration of open spaces; that i s , i n r e l a t i o n to i s o l a t e d objects,- screens, surfaces.  and  The outward expansion of concentric r i n g s or sectors of  r e s i d e n t i a l areas and the s h i f t s from sectors t o concentric rings or v i c e versa describe changes i n landscapes at the r e g i o n a l scale.  These land-  scape models depict landscapes i n such a way that the rate of change can be meaaured by r e l a t i v e numbers of d i f f e r e n t types of open spaces, landscape objects and s i z e s of sectors. I t can now be concluded that urban landscapes are best viewed at two s c a l e s : a r e g i o n a l scale that emphasizes segregation based on s o c i a l organization and b e l i e f s ; and, a l o c a l scale that emphsizes configurations of open space and man-made objects as a r t i f a c t s . In summary, t h i s s e c t i o n of the study has presented models of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , b e l i e f s , and urban landscapes.  With these i n mind, the way i s  now c l e a r to construct a t h e o r e t i c a l model of B r i t i s h s o c i e t y and landscape 23 between the f i r s t decade of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.A PERSPECTIVE OF URBAN LIFE AND LANDSCAPE IN EKITISH CITIES OF THE VICTORIAN AGE B r i t i s h - V i c t o r i a n Society In b u i l d i n g a model of the V i c t o r i a n Age, a period during which human  . , .. ,„ i/Ui  30  •  society underwent some of its, most profound changes, a number of i n d i v i d u a l 2k studies i s of consequence. with considerable b e n e f i t .  ' As a. Briggs *s : V i c t o r ! ah ; Git ies may - he read When i t comes to urban growth he generalizes 25  w e l l on the meaning of the period to B r i t a i n and i t s colonies. of value i s Dyos's review of h i s t o r i e s and geographies nineteenth century. how  Also  of c i t i e s i n the  From the perspectives of different writers Dyos reviews  Anglo-Saxon societies were transformed by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . ^  In  that Briggs and Dyos have concentrated t h e i r studies on the V i c t o r i a n c i t y t h e i r interpretations provide a reasonable basis on which to develop a t h e o r e t i c a l model. S o c i a l Organization. to Asa Briggs, was  The B r i t i s h - V i c t o r i a n s o c i a l organization, according  reshaped by three technological changes: the 27 railway, iron production and energy production based on steam and gas. The reorganization was "impressive i n scale but l i m i t e d i n v i s i o n , creating  new  fundamentally  28 opportunities but also providing massive new problems." In the changeover from water to steam power there was  growth of aggregate urban population.  a consequent  What had been mere communities  adjacent to m i l l s and shops became large c i t i e s .  There was  with urbanization a s p l i t t i n g of society i n t o many new  concurrent  forms of associat-  ions: the two most c r u c i a l groupings being the possessors of c a p i t a l and 29 the p r o l e t a r i a t .  By the end of the nineteenth century the dominance of  the landed e l i t e had given way.  In the r e s h u f f l i n g of s o c i a l prestige and  status the t r a d i t i o n a l c r i t e r i a of family lineage and land also gave way to new  standards of material wealth and economic power vested i n merchants,  30 manufacturers and l a t e r i i n financiers . Another repercussion of the declining influence of aristocracy was the challenge for economic and p o l i t i c a l power by the working class.  The  31 r i s e of the working class as a power b l o c can be. t r a c e d i n l e g i s l a t i v e changes that recognized the l e g a l status of trade unions.  In 1825  Parliament gave r e c o g n i t i o n t o trade unions ; b u t , not to t h e i r t a c t i c s nor 31 procedures. S t r i k e s were i l l e g a l and there w:as no l e g a l p r o t e c t i o n given to union members w i t h i n t h e i r own a s s o c i a t i o n . From t h i s t t i m e u n t i l 1875 deep f e a r t h a t s o c i a l reorganization might r e s t r a i n trade dominated s o c i a l 32  interactions.  Classes remained separate, with the working class by  large outside the p o l i t i c a l process.  By 1872  and  unions o f s k i l l e d artisans  had banded together t o advocate acceptable programs and Parliament had recognized the l e g a l r i g h t s o o f union members against acts o f union leaders and the freedom of contract and c o l l e c t i v e bargaining between unions  and  33  i n d u s t r i a l management. While these changes i n s o c i a l organization were t a k i n g place there were acts of violence i n open spaces of new towns that accentuated the d i f f e r ences i n i n t e r e s t s separating management from the r i s i n g working c l a s s .  An  example can be quoted from Briggs : ...on 16 August (1819) thousands of workers... gathered peacef u l l y i n St. Peter's F i e l d t o l i s t e n t o o r a t o r H u n t — t h e i r i n j u n c t i o n s were c l e a n l i n e s s , s o b r i e t y , order and p e a c e — t h e magistrate scared o f an u p r i s i n g , employed the l o c a l yeomanry to arrest him. When the forces of theyyeomanry proved inadequate, they c a l l e d i n regular cavalry t o disperse the crowds. A savage struggle followed i n which eleven people were k i l l e d and over hOO wounded. Within^a few days the damning term "Peterloo" had been coined. The open space o f St. Peter's F i e l d became the symbol of the struggle f o r power by the working c l a s s .  Despite t h i s and s i m i l a r instances o f i n t e r -  class v i o l e n c e , c i v i l war and r e v o l u t i o n which p r e v a i l e d i n t h e i i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g nations o f Europe never took place i n England nor i t s colonies.  Anglo-  Saxon s o c i e t i e s evolved through a l e g i s l a t i v e process and what became known as the " V i c t o r i a n compromise".  32 There were associations .of.men.other than those handing together to improve working c o n d i t i o n s ; these were voluntary organizations covering a wider range o f s p e c i a l i z e d . i n t e r e s t s than had been p o s s i b l e i n the small towns.  The a s s o c i a t i o n s , aided by the focus o f a t t e n t i o n on l o c a l issues  and the stimulus to competitive r i v a l r y provided i n l o c a l newspapers, developed a r t i c u l a t e opinions on and s k i l l s i n a c t i v i t i e s l i k e gardening, music, poetry, s o c i a l reform, t r a v e l , discovery, games, and r e l i g i o u s 36 studies.  Some o f these group a c t i v i t i e s followed b o l d and novel courses  of a c t i o n and i n the new c i t i e s genuine municipal pride grew from group competition i n s p o r t s , a r t f u l r e s i d e n t i a l gardening, and from progress i n urban reform. England's s o c i a l reorganization had important  consequences on formal  government and on changes i n the p h y s i c a l environments o f c i t i e s . Old government organizations were d i s s o l v e d and new municipal boroughs were created.  I t was the Municipal Reform Act o f 1835 by which Parliament 37  d i r e c t e d the form o f new municipal government.  This Act e s t a b l i s h e d  procedures f o r the a p p l i c a t i o n and granting o f municipal c h a r t e r s , the basis o f representation and the functions.  Councils were t o be e l e c t e d by  ratepayers who q u a l i f i e d by owning property and being o f f i c i a l l y l i s t e d w i t h i n one o f the borough w a r d s — t h e p o l i t i c a l u n i t s i n t o which the boroughs were divided so as t o obtain a r e a l representation. A fundamental weakness i n the new government organization l i m i t e d the impact on the landscape the Act otherwise might have produced.  Put simply,  i f the Council was t o do more than merely placate the demands made by r a d i c a l urban groups f o r p o l i t i c a l representation the borough had t o appeal d i r e c t l y t o Parliament.  Only Parliament could l e g i s l a t e t o the boroughs the  33  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f p r o v i d i n g services and p h y s i c a l improvement.  38  Services  and p u b l i c works up to.1835' had been performed.by.Improvement Commissions 39  appointed by Parliament.  These o l i g a r c h i c a l arrangements worked w e l l  even w i t h the new town councils i n some areas.  But, i n others notably i n  kO working-class areas they proved to be extremely i n e f f e c t i v e .  Several  h i s t o r i a n s have concluded that the d i f f i c u l t y of t r a n s f e r r i n g the responsibi l i t i e s f o r improvements from the Commission to the Council was caused by the vested i n t e r e s t s o f the Commissioners i n p o l i t i c a l and economic assoc.  .  iations.  Ul Whether t h i s be true o r not i s a matter o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , but  evidence o f tardiness i n Councils assuming r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i s not l a c k i n g . For i n s t a n c e , t h i r t e e n years a f t e r the Act was passed there were s t i l l t h i r t y towns where l o c a l councils had no powers t o d r a i n the l a n d , b u i l d h2  the roads, or make other improvements.  Further, there were sixty-two new  charter towns w i t h c o u n c i l s but w i t h no l o c a l a u t h o r i t y o f any k i n d c a r r y i n g h3  out improvements. The c i t y which i s thought t o have l e d i n improvements by municipal hh  governments was Birmingham.  By an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of i t s development one  can b e t t e r understand the process o f fashioning formal organizations to c o n t r o l p u b l i c landscapes.  In 1838 Birmingham was incorporated but i t was  not u n t i l a f t e r the middle o f the century that t h e i C o u n c i l took over the h5  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f p h y s i c a l improvement.  The problem the c i t y met was not  only the entrenchment o f the Commissioners but as w e l l the b e l i e f s o f the C o u n c i l l o r s most o f whom were nominally l i b e r a l s . o r r a d i c a l s .  In the  i n i t i a l Councils caution p r e v a i l e d and expenses were minimized; the tradesmen representatives with u t i l i t a r i a n philosophies not only wished to break away from what they saw as the extravagance o f the Commissioners but were themselves s t r u g g l i n g t o expand t h e i r own small businesses  and trades.  By  the late.1850's there were strong reactions to the p o l i c i e s o f the Council and c o a l i t i o n s of the middle and the working classes put i n t o o f f i c e men l i k e Chamberlain who had more organic views o f s o c i e t y , seeing as they d i d l o c a l government as a l e v e r to improve the p h y s i c a l environment thereby leavening t h e l l i v e s o f the poor. expertise o f the management classes.  They also had behind themtthe f i n a n c i a l In t h i s s i t u a t i o n o f compromise  between the working and middle classes , and o f an expanding l o c a l economic base, Birmingham i s s a i d t o have l e d the world i n b u i l d i n g i t s urban landscape.  The l i s t o f improvements i t undertook i s impressive.  In 1853  a s i t e was acquired f o r a City H a l l , and i n l 8 6 l andlmprovement Act produced notable changes i n the condition of s t r e e t s and a l i m i t e d improvement to park open space.  More impressive progress was undertaken i n the  I87C s; p r i o r t o the n a t i o n a l Health Act i n l875» p r i v a t e gas companies were purchased and a year a f t e r the Health Act p r i v a t e water companies supplying the c i t y were acquired.  In the same p e r i o d , the Birmingham Council used the  Artisan's and Labourer's Dwellings Improvement Act to renew the p h y s i c a l environment o f one o f the poorest wards i n the c i t y .  A l l o f these landscape  changes happened i n a s s o c i a t i o n with fundamental changes i n B r i t i s h s o c i a l beliefs. S o c i a l B e l i e f s „ To f u l l y discuss the important s o c i a l b e l i e f s o f the V i c t o r i a n Age i s a complex and lengthy task t h a t could involve the analysis o f many and v a r i e d b e l i e f s .  D i f f e r e n t researchers would l i k e l y include  d i f f e r e n t sets o f b e l i e f s asbbeing c r u c i a l t o the understanding of why landscapes o f B r i t i s h c i t i e s appeared as they d i d i n the V i c t o r i a n period. Whatever the set that may be devised, i t would probably ignore the dynamics o f landscape transformation i f i t were not t o note b e l i e f s men h e l d toward other men, nature and time. m  t h i s model.  These are the s o c i a l b e l i e f s that are emphasized  35 There axe varied sources that provide evidence o f these s o c i a l "beliefs. There axe indications-' of • beliefs- revealed, i n p o l i t i c a l creeds l i k e the I838 Peoples Charter.  Another source o f evidence i s contained i n the s o c i a l percep-  tions o f Victorian l i t e r a t i .  P h i l i p Collins i s one modern w r i t e r who has i n t e r -  na preted the Victorian l i t e r a t u r e o f the uneducated  and working class.  clear from Collins's research that working-class l i t e r a r y imagery  It i s  concerned  man's relationships with man, the supernatural, future and morality.  It i s  equally clear that when compared with middle-class imagery, working-class ature neglected man's aesthetic, moral or medicinal relations to nature.  literThis  evidence suggests that the working class was r e l a t i v e l y i n d i f f e r e n t to nature. From less l i t e r a r y p u b l i c a t i o n s , l i k e Booth's survey, there i s evidence t h a t , i n spite o f what must have been dramatic s o c i a l upheavals - migration to the c i t y , c h i l d labour, female labour - the fundamental s o c i a l unit was not communal l i f e , and not i n d i v i d u a l l i f e , but rather the l i f e of the conjugal f a m i l y . ^  The ma-  j o r i t y o f people therefoxe accepted a view o f man not as an i s o l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l , not as a c o l l e c t i v e member o f society at large but as a c o l l e c t i v e member ofaa family group.  Regarding the consciousness o f time there are only  r a t i o n a l deductions that can be made from the w e l l documented fact that f o r most people l i f e was short ^  working days were long and hard and i f one  were noteemployed there were preoccupations with obtaining food or overcoming i l l n e s s .  In these conditions, i t i s l o g i c a l to assume that f o r most  the modality o f time was not the past, nor the future, but the present. Considering this type o f evidence, i t does not mean that as measured i n r e l a t i o n to a set of standards the mass o f Victorians believed deeply: that a clean natural s e t t i n g was irrelevant to the human condition; that individuals and c o l l e c t i v e humanity did not matter; nor that they were only attracted t o the experiences o f the present.  However the evidence gives some weight t o  36 the .suggestion that those who were not i n possession of the wealth, and comforts, o f landed aristocracy or -upper middle class, believed they were better 1  o f f i n minimal accommodation close to work., i n a family s o c i a l unit and concerned with.the present than i n any o f the alternatives open to them.  Evidence  of t h i s type does not always agree'with the verdict o f the l i t e r a t i . Before assessing these v a r i e d reports i t should be r e c a l l e d that i n d u s t r i a l growth i n the nineteenth century created a new,  larger and  different l i t e r a t i than had existed i n the eighteenth century.  The  . l i t e r a t i , consisted of men  from widely different s o c i a l  new  52 backgrounds.  Thus comments on the Victorian men of l e t t e r s underscore a s i t u a t i o n i n which a group o f professionals i n the middle class had interests i n and were close to the l i v e s of men i n very different s o c i a l conditions. Although t h e i r interpretations o f Victorian people were less than s c i e n t i f i c , many published works o f the l i t e r a t i became the bases f o r the philosophies and strategies o f p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l e l i t e . Landed gentry were guided 53 5^ 55 by conservative writers l i k e Burke, Kingsley and Ruskin; professional men  and managers by the l i b e r a l writings o f M i l l , ^ S m i t h ^ A r n o l d , ^ 59  and by Howard;  while labour organizations were guided by u t i l i t a r i a n  writers l i k e Bentham  and s o c i a l i s t writers l i k e Morris ,  Marx,  and  Engels. ^ Victorian b e l i e f s about man's relationship t o nature- are among those most thoroughly researched. ship can be i d e n t i f i e d .  Three important variations on t h i s r e l a t i o n -  Conservative s o c i a l philosophers emphasized the  immutability o f nature and the necessity of l i v i n g close to nature i n order that man attain happiness and goodness. Ruskin has his i d e a l men t r u s t i n g i n "the nobleness of human nature, the majesty o f i t s . f a c u l t i e s , 6k the fullness of i t s mercy and the joy o f i t s love". By the end o f the  37 century conservative beliefs, about .man' s ..sub j ugation to. nature had been modified-b-ut  they, were often, notably d i f f e r e n t from the' t y p i c a l views. of  the nineteenth-century l i b e r a l . ^ . The l i b e r a l b e l i e f was that -.man through his  i n t e l l e c t could understand nature and through a harmony with i t improve  his  life.  Wordsworth's creed was that "Nature never d i d betray the heart  that loved her;" he had a m y s t i c a l f a i t h i n n a t u r e . ^  Although l e s s  m y s t i c a l , Arnold's f a i t h i n nature was q u a l i f i e d by s c i e n t i f i c s c e p t i c i s m ; but the imagery i n i n f l u e n t i a l works l i k e "Self-dependence" and many others reveals h i s b e l i e f i n the necessary harmony between nature and culture. S o c i a l i s t w r i t e r s w i t h the exception o f Unwin and Shaw were i n d i f f e r e n t to nature. determinants  For them, economic i n s t i t u t i o n s not nature were the main o f the human c o n d i t i o n . ^ I t i s a l s o true that Howard f o r a  long time could not obtain support from the Fabians i n h i s "garden c i t y " plan t o improve the l i f e of the working class by l o c a t i n g them i n a more 6Q  " n a t u r a l " community.  Again, those who have analysed the b e l i e f s about  the n a t u r a l environment i n the works o f Marx and Engels have concluded that 70 b e l i e f s about man's subjugation by nature play no part i n Marxism. Another b e l i e f which n o v e l i s t s , h i s t o r i a n s and p o l i t i c a l philosophers have documented concerns the V i c t o r i a n ' s views o f man and the extent t o which an i n d i v i d u a l i s b a s i c a l l y responsible t o h i m s e l f , h i s s o c i a l group or the' c o l l e c t i v i t y o f man.  Burke's eighteenths-century w r i t i n g s i n f l u e n c e d 71  the conservative creed i n the nineteenth century.  E s s e n t i a l l y the  conservative b e l i e f was th.at class structure was immutable and e f f o r t s t o a l t e r the power o f s o c i a l groups would only harm a l l groups.  The nineteenth-  century conservative believed, as Burke, d i d that man was a part of' an organic whole that operated on the p r i n c i p l e o f "interdependence and thus  38 the cooperation between.the rich.and the poor".  72  More emphatically  than Burke ,.Carlyle "propounded, an organic,.a dynamic view.of society, an  73 evolutionary explanation of the dread cataclysms  shaping human h i s t o r y " .  The l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t also viewed society from the point of evolution but t h i s i s the only point that l i b e r a l views of society had i n common with conservative thought..  L i b e r a l views included the idea of a necessary  connection between the supremacy of B r i t i s h industry and the t r a d i t i o n a l b e l i e f s p e c u l i a r to B r i t a i n . most imperative.  Of these i n d i v i d u a l freedom was  Writers l i k e Adam Smith  among the  and others created an elaborate  theory, which became a B r i t i s h i n s t i t u t i o n , based on the b e l i e f that "the r a t i o n a l action of free i n d i v i d u a l judgement i n buying and s e l l i n g would  75 produce maximal s a t i s f a c t i o n of human wants".  The b e l i e f i n i n d i v i d u a l  pursuit of private interest became the fundamental a r t i c l e not only of middle-class writers but those purporting to speak for the working c l a s s . Individual l i b e r t y became the r a l l y i n g cry beyond the mere economic spheres of behaviour, i n a r t , nonconformist  r e l i g i o n , and, as w i l l be demonstrated,  i n man's expression on the landscape.  I f one had to select one voice that  represented B r i t i s h l i b e r a l i s m at the middle of the century i t would be J.S. Mill,  whose book On Liberty represents best the V i c t o r i a n l i b e r a l 7ft  intellect.  But b e l i e f s i n individualism were also the prerogatives of  some trade unions and reform groups. was  As Buckley says "Individual hedonism"  a central concept i n u t i l i t a r i a n i s m " .  ' p r a c t i c a l ' of philosophers,worked  The Benthamites ,the most  earnestly f o r 'the greatest happiness of  the greatest number' yet they continued rather than countermanded the c l a s s i c a l economist's acceptance of aggressive i n d u s t r i a l i s m and the  77 natural law of i n d i v i d u a l enterprise.  Toward the end of the nineteenth 7ft  century there was  a basic s h i f t i n the b e l i e f s of l i b e r a l s .  Liberal  39 t h e o r i s t s . l i k e T.H.  Green defined, individualism f i r s t .of a l l by demand  for broader and deeper.state.intervention  i n a l l s o c i a l processes.  They  believed.that s e l f - h e l p and i n d i v i d u a l freedom were possible only f o r those not poverty stricken and not uneducated.  State intervention was  c a l l e d for  to create these optimum conditions i n the s o c i a l and physical environment. S o c i a l i s t t h e o r i s t s held b e l i e f s about man  that emphasized man's 79  bonds to his peers i n the system of resource e x p l o i t a t i o n .  The  social  relations that had to be controlled before the human condition could be improved were the class r e l a t i o n s h i p s . u n i o n i s t s , i t was  For working-class r a d i c a l s and  trade  through the s o l i d a r i t y , t r u s t and c o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t of the  working class that men  could be rescued from i n d i v i d u a l a l i e n a t i o n that  was  a natural outcome of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n There are few V i c t o r i a n writings i n which b e l i e f s about time are more than scanty a l l u s i o n s . century  It i s obvious that the conservative thought of the  consistently dwelt on the past, revered medieval values  and  i n s t i t u t i o n s and rejected the "hedonism" of the i n d u s t r i a l society.  Carlyle  awoke the i n t e r e s t of the English i n t e l l e c t to the mysteries of the hero80 king leader of feudal times.  Buckley quotes Carlyle's Past Present (18U3)  and Frederick the Great (I858-I865) as evidence of Carlyle's b e l i e f that to struggle forward necessarily consisted of turning back to the past, for guidance.  There i s a strong suggestion that the l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t  of time primarily i n the sense of a progressive present.  The  conceived  industrial  changes had produced deep differences between the past and the present there were reasons to be optimistic about continued progress.  and  In Young's  assessment, late V i c t o r i a n l i b e r a l thought included the idea of a constantly improving present with i n t e l l e c t u a l man c o n t r o l l i n g change and 8l improving human well-being. Toward the end of the period there were  ho changes.in l i b e r a l b e l i e f s and i t was .the l i b e r a l i n t e l l e c t u a l s  and  progressive professional men  for  that provided the greatest.support  visionary reforms l i k e those advanced, i n Howard's garden, c i t i e s .  When the  l i b e r a l - i n t e l l e c t "fought for the f u l l protection of factory workers or for a preliminary version of the welfare  state, the l i n k i s ... to the  82 twentieth century  liberals".  The representation of V i c t o r i a n society depicted i n t h i s  heuristic  model demonstrates a broad range of s o c i a l organization and fragmented, often c o n f l i c t i n g b e l i e f s that changed through a span of a century. understand the nature of s o c i a l conditions during this  To  succession,  concepts, r e l a t i o n s , and sequences of events were both p a r t i c u l a r i z e d  and  generalized. But, i n the high V i c t o r i a n period, near the turn of the century,  the  general organization of B r i t i s h society comprised three dominant groups, each of which possessed b e l i e f s associated with landscape change. may  These  be summarized i n a simple matrix: Nature  Society  Time  Conservative  Subjugated to  Organic  Past'  Liberal .  Harmony with  Individualistic  Future  Socialist  Indifferent  Individualistic/ Organic  Present  Like a l l generalizations there are important exceptions which w i l l be dealt with i n applying the model of .Victorian b e l i e f s to the Vancouver landscape. Such was history.  the surface of society interpreted i n B r i t i s h s o c i a l  The s o c i a l conditions abstracted i n this model underlie, i n  various degrees, the landscapes created during the period.  1*1 Victorian Urban Landscapes Local Landscapes; •• Amain- concern--about--'urban •'"lands cape i s i t s . l o c a l expression  i n terms of open space , buildings and the' natural objects  landforms and vegetation.  Of these, progressive  were among the most s i g n i f i c a n t i n the nineteenth  of  developments i n open space century.  As c i t i e s grew,  open spaces changed i n t h e i r number, d i s t r i b u t i o n and design.  In describ-  ing these changes i t i s h e l p f u l to distinguish between speculative processes that unintentionally produced vacant land and planning processes that i n t e n t i o n a l l y produced r e s i d e n t i a l squares, landscape gardens, parks street  and  right-of-ways.  B r i t i s h c i t i e s were commercial metropolises  with i n d i v i d u a l  opportunities i n speculative free enterprise that were numerous and Do  diverse.  From the time of the French wars i n 1815,  up areas into the countryside factor for investors.  the spread of b u i l t -  accelerated and became almost a calculable  There were d i f f e r e n t kinds of land investments.  Some investors would make down payments for i n d i v i d u a l lots on which they intended to b u i l d and l i v e or b u i l d and s e l l .  In the other extreme large  estate developers would purchase large a g r i c u l t u r a l f i e l d holdings , subdivide them, then develop and market upwards to four and five hundred dwelling units.  I f , because e i t h e r financing f a i l e d or market conditions  changed and development did not take place, open spaces of f i e l d s or wooded areas would be l e f t on the edges of c i t i e s .  In the beginning of the  century these open spaces could be temporarily leased to tradesmen for garden plots but as the built-up area extended outward from the i n d u s t r i a l areas and workers' homes i n the centre, vacant land became too remote to be u t i l i z e d as garden.^  It may  be debated whether or not these speculative  processes produced any p o s i t i v e s o c i a l effects or not; but, there i s no  1+2 . doubt.that the eye .of a Victorian-pedestrian walking on the periphery of the c i t y would be met with open spaces, separating buildings along s t r e e t s . The process of creating planned, open space slowly developed from a l i m i t e d and private.enterprise at the beginning of the century to a more widespread public a c t i v i t y .at the end.  Although London's Hyde Park was  open to the public i n 1635;, almost two hundred years passed before St. James Park i n 1828 was designed s p e c i f i c a l l y as an urban open space f o r public use.  This park was an exception; even after.the 1833 Report of  the Select Committee on Public Works recommended the creation of public parks for the working c l a s s , the actual number of parks was l i m i t e d and  88 t h e i r locations mainly confined to middle-class estate developments. From the eighteenth century r e s i d e n t i a l squares had been created and  89 maintained by l o c a l subscription i n these estates.  The a v a i l a b i l i t y of  park open space i n working-class areas of London had to await l e g i s l a t i v e 90 changes which i n 1887 gave control of parks to the London County Council. There were other changes that influenced the a v a i l a b i l i t y • o f urban open space. Street layouts changed.  Over the span of the century there was a  t r a n s i t i o n from the eighteenth-century layout of g r i d patterns superimposed with diagonal roads.that linked crescents and c i r c l e s to a more n a t u r a l i s t i c .asymmetrical pattern of curving, oval, and closed-up streets 91 following the contours of landforms. By the turn of the century, T.H. Maw's on and P. Geddes had introduced "inter-connected green ways" as the 92 main roads joining suburbs with c i t y centres.  The g r i d pattern never  completely waned and new developments toward the end of the century used t h i s pattern and created r e s i d e n t i a l areas based on uniformally narrow 93 streets with minimal setbacks allowable under municipal by-laws. There  0  U3 i s evidence that during the 60's and 70's many operations o f c i v i c improvement demolished o l d property.near  city.centres.and widened.streets  so as to  produce main a r t e r i a l roads. Like the street layouts the design arrangements of physical objects i n private and public open space became more n a t u r a l i s t i c .  The formal patterns  of evenly spaced vegetation screens i n parks and along streets were removed i n several cases and replaced with informal arrangements r e f e r r e d to as the "picturesque".  This arrangement o f objects followed the work of the 95  architect Kent: i t was an i m i t a t i o n of landscape painting.  The dominant  theme i n landscaping became the broken textures and the varied shapes one found i n an i d e a l i z e d natural s e t t i n g .  A f t e r the 1810 edition of Price's  book on gardening the trend toward integrating buildings with the surrounding open spaces through the a r t f u l use of terraces, fountains and vegetation 96 screens placed close to surfaces became widespread.  The momentum of the  picturesque continued u n t i l the end o f the century at which time i t was challenged as the dominant pattern of open space by the need f o r organized sport areas design.  ( p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r I887) and by a change i n public taste f o r  The style changes developed i n two opposite d i r e c t i o n s : there was  a trend toward more formality i n private gardens and along public street right-of-ways  and i n contrast a trend toward the more complete naturalism  of J e k y l l and Robinson i n large municipal parks and i n some private 97 gardens. Urban b u i l d i n g s , with t h e i r main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s determined by a mixture of: the organization of b u i l d i n g and development companies, the increased acceptance o f r e s i d e n t i a l a r c h i t e c t s , government regulations, and new materials , established the f i n a l important scapes.  elements i n l o c a l land-  The size o f the development and the nature of i t s corporate  kh.  organization had important e f f e c t s . .Developments.of large firms tended to he. of better, q u a l i t y ; they ..were most often, better financed; therefore, i n spite of minor economic depressions,  development took place over an  uninterrupted period and the buildings attained some i n t e g r i t y of. s t y l e , 98  and material. designers who  Large firms also had resources which allowed the use of worked to integrate s i t e plans with housing styles and they  completed street and sanitation l i n e s with curbs as well as public landscaping, the costs of which were c a r r i e d i n the purchase p r i c e of the 99  completed residence.  On the other hand, i f the developer merely sub-  divided and sold a l o t to an i n d i v i d u a l or to a partnership of a b r i c k l a y e r and carpenter for instance, houses were completed over a much longer period of time; there was  no guarantee of b u i l d i n g materials complementing one  another nor of the s i t e plan complementing the .residence.  The design of  each house whether b u i l t by the owner or by small firms for speculation  was  taken from a number of technical copy books that were r e a d i l y available a f t e r 1Q50  Thus the geographical  processes d i f f e r e d .  expression of these two real-estate  There were more open spaces with better q u a l i t y i n •  design i n subdivisions developed by large firms while there were fewer open spaces and l e s s integration of materials and design i n subdivisions developed by many d i f f e r e n t b u i l d e r s . The a c t i v i t i e s of larger firms were directed toward both the middle and working classes, the l a t t e r market being more important a f t e r the municipal by-law changes of the lS^O's and the Health Act of example of the middle-class  1875.  1  0  1  An  subdivision created by the large developer w i l l  102 kind of l o1c8a5l6 was landscape produced. Park estate bindicate u i l t by the Blake around a development of Kensington f i f t y acres.  ^5 •MAP 1+ KENSINGTON PARK ESTATE, I856  Source: H.J. Dyos , "The Speculative Builders and Developers of Victorian London," Victorian Studies , Vol. X I , Supplement (Summer, 1968) The street layout'followed the circumference of a central crescent to the one side of-which was a chapel surrounded by an asymmetrical space (Map k).  grassy open  Going away from the crescent and beyond the chapel was a  l o c a l park with the trees and flower beds arranged i n a picturesque design. With l i m i t e d numbers of detached residences that had the deepest set backs when found adjacent to the crescent and with semi-detached units regularly spaced a l l o f which had modest set backs, the development contained a balance o f housing.  The balance was continued on the periphery of the  development where terrace houses with uniform shallow set backs and.with the same b u i l d i n g heights presented to the pedestrian curving open spaces of the street defined by a monotonous surface of facades. d e t a i l e d record of vegetation screens.  There i s no  U6 There were many other subdivisions l i k e Kensington Park.but a f t e r the l880's the middle class f o r whom t h i s kind of development had taken.place was  increasingly located on the growing edge of the c i t y where access to the  c i t y centre was  available by street, cars.  In these more distant, middle-  class suburbs there were more detached units with deeper set backs creating between the streets and the house facades private gardens i n the n a t u r a l i s t i c 103 style of J e k y l l and Robinson.  These private open spaces were often  separated from the public roadway by vegetation  screens or i r o n picket  fences, neither of which obstructed the view of the buildings from the street.  In these cases buildings were often designed by architects  who  belonged to either the A r c h i t e c t u r a l Association or the I n s t i t u t e of B r i t i s h A r c h i t e c t s , and who design philosophies  consciously designed residences  i n r e l a t i o n to  that were a r t i c u l a t e d at professional meetings and i n  10^ journals.  While there were several concurrent dominating design  philosophies, the most established was  the ''eclectic" school which  "copied"  designs based on Baroque, Spanish, Morrish, O r i e n t a l , Gothic and Italianate themes.  A second philosophy was  designed Gothic r e v i v a l s .  that inspired by Pugin who  The t h i r d school was  arian" school that consciously gave expression  exclusively  the so-called " l a t i t u d to what was  thought to be  the most distinguishing s p i r i t of B r i t i s h i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ; the r e j e c t i o n of t r a d i t i o n a l standards and pursuit of i n d i v i d u a l freedom. In contrast to these middle-class  developments, large land development  companies engaged i n subdividing land on the edge of the c i t y adjacent to streetcars and inter-urban railway l i n e s .  In these cases the l o t s were  small and the set backs as shallow as by-laws allowed.  Only seldom did  companies themselves engage i n building and marketing the residences Lots continued to be sold to individuals who  completed construction  ?~®^ and  s o l d the housing unit or remained as the permanent resident.  During the  same time redevelopment i n the centre "undertaken by large and small b u i l d i n g companies produced entire subdivisions o f walk-up tenements and back-toback housing except i n London's East End where, according to H a l l , the 107 detached workers' cabins maintained t h e i r dominance.  This l a t t e r process  produced l o c a l landscapes with a minimum of open spaces and i s o l a t e d objects and a r e p e t i t i o n o f surfaces. During the second h a l f o f the nineteenth century the a c t i v i t i e s of l a r g e r companies dominated the construction of more and more r e s i d e n t i a l 108 areas.  Dyos's study o f London i s the best record o f these changes.  Small firms b u i l d i n g one t o two houses a year p e r s i s t e d throughout the period but t h e i r o v e r a l l influence diminished.  While they accounted f o r  one-half the b u i l d i n g firms i n 18^5 t h e i r number was a f t e r 1885.  reduced t o one-third  When the variations i n b u i l d i n g companies reached t h i s  dimension, they can be s a i d to be i n f l u e n t i a l i n d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g regional landscapes.  There were other processes that were more s i g n i f i c a n t as  agents o f regional landscape d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . Regional Landscapes.  What i s most c h a r a c t e r i s t i c about B r i t i s h urban  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the Victorian Age i s the dominant control exercised by the  railway, the s t r e e t c a r , and the s t r i f e between the middle and working  classes. To the Victorian both the railway and the c i t y were symbols o f man's improvement of the natural environment  and the destruction of the t r a d i t i o n a l  standards and. powers o f the landed gentry. together and made possible t h e i r growth.  The railways l i n k e d new  cities  The f i r s t impetus to b u i l d them 109  came from the proprietors o f mines and i n d u s t r i e s .  But, once these f i r s t  l i n e s were l a i d to the f a c t o r i e s , s t a t i o n s , and warehouses the foundation  e x i s t e d on w h i c h l o c a l and suburban e x t e n s i o n s p a s s e n g e r service.'''"'"  U s u a l l y the l i n e s  0  c o u l d be c o n s t r u c t e d  cut t h r o u g h t h e w o r k i n g - c l a s s  r e s i d e n t i a l areas t h a t were l o c a t e d a d j a c e n t t o the f a c t o r i e s heads  for  and mine  The r a i l w a y l i n e s w i t h t h e i r a t t e n d a n t work shops r a d i a t i n g out  from t h e  centre o f the  c i t y i n a sector separated other sectors  d i f f e r i n g l a n d uses and o f t e n c r e a t e d a b u f f e r z o n e .  Briggs  of  generalizes  on t h e i n f l u e n c e o f the r a i l w a y : "Suppose y o u a r r i v e d at a V i c t o r i a n r a i l w a y s t a t i o n , key b u i l d i n g o f the age, y o u r i m p r e s s i o n s o f t h e c i t y w o r l d beyond t h e w a i t i n g room and the new s t a t i o n h o t e l w o u l d be determined n o t o n l y byy o u r mood o r y o u r company b u t as l i k e l y as n o t by the d i r e c t i o n i n w h i c h y o u f i r s t d e c i d e d t o go. Very q u i c k l y , w i t h i n a few y a r d s o f the s t a t i o n , y o u might f i n d y o u r s e l f among the w o r k shops and warehouses ' o n t h e wrong s i d e o f the t r a c k . ' For m i l e s beyond t h e r e might s t r e t c h . . . l o n g rows o f u g l y w o r k i n g c l a s s houses i n b r i c k o r stone . . . I f y o u were more f o r t u n a t e , y o u might move i n s t e a d t o w a r d t h e crowded ' c i t y c e n t r e ' w i t h i t s c o v e r e d m a r k e t s , i t s busy e x c h a n g e s , i t s r e s t o r e d (?) p a r i s h c h u r c h , i t s massive c i t y c h a p e l , i t s i m p o s i n g town h a l l ^ - ^ - , i t s c l u s t e r o f b a n k s , i t s t h e a t r e s and i t s p u b l i c houses From t h i s  description i t  appears t h a t c o m m e r c i a l , f i n a n c i a l , s o c i a l  and r e t a i l i n g a c t i v i t i e s were m a i n l y c o n c e n t r a t e d i n t h e V i c t o r i a n c i t y c e n t r e ; b u t i t seems p r o b a b l e t h a t n e i g h b o r h o o d shops were a l s o f o u n d o u t s i d e the  centre.  The c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s  o f l a n d use are t h e main i n f l u e n c e s  and t h e r a d i a l s e c t o r s  o f the r a i l w a y on r e g i o n a l  landscapes.  The b u i l d i n g o f i n t r a - u r b a n r a i l w a y and s t r e e t c a r l i n e s w h i c h o f t e n r e s u l t e d not f r o m monetary p r o f i t m o t i v e n o r from p u b l i c need b u t  from  c o m p e t i t i o n f o r p r e s t i g e between companies a l s o c o n t r i b u t e d t o the  sector  113 differentiation.  They d e t e r m i n e d w h i c h areas on t h e p e r i p h e r y o f  development w o u l d have q u i c k access t o t h e c e n t r e o f the c i t y and hence w h i c h s e c t o r s w o u l d have comparative advantages as r e s i d e n t i a l a r e a s . t h e r a i l w a y s and the s t r e e t c a r t e n d e d t o accommodate t h e i n t e r e s t s o f  Both the  llU middle c l a s s f i r s t .  As t h e s e groups moved t o the s u b u r b s , t h e i r  former  49 r e s i d e n t i a l areas i n the i n n e r . c i t y .were o f t e n . . r e o c c u p i e d . b y groups.  lower-income  Thus superimposed.upon the s e c t o r p a t t e r n , a p a t t e r n ,of  r i n g s was d e v e l o p e d .  concentric  C l o s e t o . t h e c e n t r e lower s o c i a l and.economic  groups  o c c u p i e d the e a r l i e r V i c t o r i a n h o u s i n g u n i t s ; and c l o s e t o the b u i l t - u p edge o f the c i t y t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l and management l a t e - V i c t o r i a n , residences."'""'"''  groups o c c u p i e d the m i d - and  The t r e n d t o w a r d c o n c e n t r i c  r i n g s was  later  d i m i n i s h e d by government a c t i o n when.the r a i l w a y s were c o m p e l l e d t o workmen's f a r e s i n 1883  offer  and when ..a n o t i c e a b l e movement o f the w o r k i n g c l a s s  t o the d i s t a n t suburbs became apparent."'""'"^  A f t e r t h e t u r n o f the  century  the s t r e e t c a r l i n e s s t r e t c h e d out s i x t e e n and t w e n t y m i l e s from the  city  c e n t r e and a d j a c e n t t o t h e i r main s t a t i o n s t o p s neighbourhood s h o p s ,  churches  117 and c l u b s were b u i l t .  W h i l e the s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n o f t h e s e a c t i v i t i e s was  a p p a r e n t , the dominant t r e n d i n s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n remained l i m i t e d t o residential activities. suburbs a c c e l e r a t e d  The s h i f t o f urban r e s i d e n t i a l areas t o  to the p o i n t that  cities  the  l i k e Birmingham, Leeds,  B r a d f o r d and London a l l l o s t p o p u l a t i o n s i n the i n n e r wards i n the  second  118 h a l f o f the century. movement t o the  There were a l s o s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s u n d e r l y i n g the  suburbs.  The r e a c t i o n s  o f u r b a n groups d i f f e r i n g i n r e l i g i o n and s o c i a l  were s t r o n g and o f t e n v i o l e n t i n B r i t i s h s o c i e t y ; i c a l s e g r e g a t i o n became r i g i d .  status  and i n t h i s way g e o g r a p h -  I n t e r - g r o u p s t r i f e i s r e p o r t e d t o have been  p r i m a r i l y b a s e d on c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s ,  a l t h o u g h Jones documents the  ence o f r e l i g i o u s c o n f l i c t as the main f a c t o r i n the g e o g r a p h i c a l  existsegreg-  119 ation of Belfast. The B r i t i s h Census measures c l a s s on the b a s i s o f o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s b u t as the concept i s employed by Jones and s o c i o l o g i s t s  120  l i k e G l a s s , more t h a n o c c u p a t i o n i s i n v o l v e d . Group d i f f e r e n c e s  Jones p u t s i t t h i s way.  d e t e r m i n i n g s e g r e g a t i o n were based on a b s t r a c t i o n s  of  121 one l i v e s , what he does, what he owns rather than what he i s " .  "how  From what has been, s a i d about the differences.in the conditions of l i v i n g , the role of c l a s s . i n creating and maintaining stood i n general terms.  To understand how  segregation can be under-  these conditions influenced the  landscape, the details of one c i t y can be more thoroughly  inspected.  The differences between the detached houses and terraces of London's wealthy West End and the two-storey labourers' cottages of the more i n d u s t r i a l East End were apparent i n the descriptions of London as early 122 as 1662.  By the l890's Booth's s o c i a l survey empirically v e r i f i e d the 123  de facto segregation of London's poor i n the East End.  In spite of the  introduction of new p o l i t i c a l theories, technological changes as well as f i n a n c i a l and l e g i s l a t i v e actions by government, any one of which had  the  p o t e n t i a l of a l t e r i n g the s o c i a l segregation, the basic pattern persisted 12k  through the century. The differences between the two groups were often reinforced by r i o t s p a r t i c u l a r l y during economic depressions. There are reports of such r i o t s i n the streets and parks of London during 1866  and  125 I867.  But the worst of open s t r i f e took place i n the l880's.  description of "Bloody Monday" 8 February, 1866 November, 1887,  In the  and "Bloody Sunday" 13  Briggs lays bare the deep association between r e s i d e n t i a l  areas and class struggle. "The r i o t s of Trafalgar Square i n 1886 and 1887 were r i o t s of London's unemployed and the animosity which they aroused were animosities against the propertied and p r i v i l e g e d people, of London. The East End met the West End i n a struggle which was far more meaningful than Chesteron's Battle of Notting H i l l ' l ^ o It i s not only the v i t a l memories of these struggles symbolized i n place names that maintained segregation, one has to also look at other factors for a complete account. s t r i f e between the classes was  But i t must be emphasized that the s o c i a l a strong obstacle, an impasse, which acted  51 t o f o r e s t a l l the programs t h a t were a t t e m p t e d i n i m p r o v i n g the p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s i n the E a s t E n d . Briggs cites  a dozen o r so accounts and r e p o r t s t o s u p p o r t h i s c l a i m  t h a t throughout the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e r e was a c o n t i n u i t y o f  segreg-  127 ation.  From t h i s e v i d e n c e , he draws the f o l l o w i n g c o n c l u s i o n s about  the c o n t r a s t s between the E a s t and West s e c t o r s o f London: " T o p o g r a p h i c a l l y , even t h e wayward growth o f the E a s t h a d c o n t r a s t e d w i t h t h e r e l a t i v e o r d e r l i n e s s o f the W e s t , the a l l e y w i t h the s q u a r e , the t h i c k e t w i t h t h e g a r d e n , t h e r a i l w a y embankment w i t h the mews. A l t h o u g h t h e r e was p o v e r t y i n the West E n d ; w i t h i n the r e g i o n o f B e l g r a v e S q u a r e , f o r e x a m p l e , i t was h i d d e n f r o m v i e w ^ n , the E a s t E n d ' i t was o p e n , o m n i p r e s e n t and d o m i n a t i n g " . Comments o f t h i s k i n d can be f o u n d i n h i s t o r i c a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l s t u d i e s of B r i t i s h cities  d u r i n g the V i c t o r i a n P e r i o d .  be mentioned h e r e ; London and B e l f a s t  However, no more s t u d i e s need  are s u f f i c i e n t e x e m p l i f i c a t i o n s  of  the a s s o c i a t i o n s between s o c i a l s t r i f e and the c i t y - w i d e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n o f B r i t i s h - V i c t o r i a n urban l a n d s c a p e s .  It  f o l l o w s from t h e s e examples  that  o t h e r c i t i e s e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h e B r i t i s h Empire d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d , a d rem. Vancouver, w i l l manifest s i m i l a r t r e n d s . SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The b e g i n n i n g o f t h i s  chapter described the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  and l a n d s c a p e models o f use i n urban geography.  of social  The s o c i a l model adopted  emphasizes c o n f l i c t i n s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n s and a s s e r t s t h a t  beliefs  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h urban l a n d s c a p e s are b e s t u n d e r s t o o d i n the c o n t e x t social organizations.  of  W h i l e the l i s t o f i m p o r t a n t s o c i a l b e l i e f s was by  no means complete,- t h r e e p a r t i c u l a r b e l i e f s were documented t o be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the c r e a t i o n o f urban l a n d s c a p e s . about n a t u r e , man, and t i m e .  closely  These were man's  beliefs  At t h e ' l o c a l s c a l e , v a r i a t i o n s o f these  b e l i e f s were stated to.be closely associated with., various arrangements o f b u i l d i n g s , landforms, and vegetation and with the open spaces that these arrangements demarcate.  Differences i n these b e l i e f s were also shown to be  associated at the regional scale with s o c i a l segregation and sector development. The second part o f t h i s chapter b r i e f l y presented some general statements about the Victorian c i t i e s o f B r i t a i n .  The s o c i a l organization of  Victorian B r i t a i n between the f i r s t decades o f the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was characterized by three divisions : a landed upper class with e s s e n t i a l l y conservative b e l i e f s , a professional and moneyed middle class with l i b e r a l b e l i e f s and a trade and labour working class with s o c i a l i s t viewpoints.  As w e l l , there was an ongoing interaction o f informal and  formal associations o f men.  Voluntary organizations, through a mixture  of inter-group s t r i f e and cooperation, influenced the reorganization o f municipal i n s t i t u t i o n s and brought into being elected l o c a l government, which i n turn transformed the Victorian landscape.  I t follows that s o c i a l  c o n f l i c t and cooperation among formal and informal organizations with f e r i n g b e l i e f s were important i n the Victorian  dif-  factors accounting f o r the sectional patterns  city.  Within each sector there were correlates between l o c a l landscapes and the s o c i a l b e l i e f s o f the Victorians who occupied them.  The model d i d not  prove that variations i n s o c i a l b e l i e f s "caused" variations o f l o c a l landscape; i t demonstrated, rather, that there tended to be patterns o f association.  In general, working-class groups viewed nature as something  that was e i t h e r neutral or subjugated to man's w i l l ; they placed value on man's present a c t i v i t i e s ; and they defined s o c i a l existence i n terms o f abstract ideas o f both "class" and individualism.  These b e l i e f s were  associated, i n working-class sectors with, an absence of planned open space and c i v i c a r c h i t e c t u r a l symbolism.  Near the' city, centre the working-class  sectors contained small street open spaces that were defined by surfaces o f terrace housing and tenements but on the outer e-dges of the sectors, i s o l a t e d cottages with back gardens and with no planned integration with the p u b l i c street were the p r e v a i l i n g features. class was  In contrast, the middle  comprised of conservatives and l i b e r a l s .  The former b e l i e v e d i n  an organic society controlled to some extent by an immutable nature and'in the value of man's past experiences.  The l i b e r a l s placed great reliance on  individualism, on the need f o r man to live' i n harmony with nature, and on a trust i n a constantly improving present.  Corresponding to these b e l i e f s ,  middle-class sectors featured more open space with the conscious landscape design of n a t u r a l i s t i c themes.  Whether t h e i r residences were early  Victorian terrace houses or late Victorian v i l l a s , there was  an integration  with adjacent public streets. A complete model o f Victorian society and landscape cannot be described from the mass of documents and interpretations available. described an h e u r i s t i c model of the B r i t i s h - V i c t o r i a n c i t y .  This chapter has The main aim  has been to give the Victorian succession some f l u i d i t y , to a r t i c u l a t e i t s complexity and t o account f o r , i n verbal terms , i t s general blend of b e l i e f s and landscapes.  It has been shown that to understand the transformation of  Vancouver's landscape i t i s necessary to understand the c u l t u r a l m i l i e u of British-Victorian cities.  Thus the model serves to direct the research,  observations, and interpretations of Vancouver's landscape and the s o c i a l conditions with which i t s development i s related.  54  REFERENCES "*"R.E. Pahl, "Sociological.Models'in.Geography". Socio-economic Models i n Geography. R.J. Chorley.and P. Haggett, editors (London: Methuen, 1967) , p. 240.. 2  I b i d . , pp. 230-232.  . Loekwood, "Social Integration and System Integration", i n G. Z o l l schow and W. Hirsh, Explorations i n S o c i a l Change (Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n , 1965), pp. 244. k C.J. Wolforth, Residential Location and Place of Work, Vancouver, B.C. (Vancouver: Tantalus Research L t d . , 1965). See pp. 10-11 f o r references to postulated factors influencing r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n . ^For an assessment of the methodological aspects of deducing r e l a t i o n ships between the physical distance separating groups and the positions of the groups on a t h e o r e t i c a l s o c i o l o g i c a l continuum, see A.S. Feldman and C. T i l l y , "The Interaction o f Social and Physical Space", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Reviewj Vol. XXV. No. 6 (December, i960), pp. 8 7 7 - 8 8 4 . -  ^H. Blumer, Symbolic Interactionism (Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall Inc., 1969), PP. 78-89. ^ I b i d . , pp. 10-12. Q I b i d . , p. 13. I b i d . , p. 21. "^For descriptions of urban group i n t e r a c t i o n , s o c i a l b e l i e f s , and landscapes, see both M. Sorre, Rencontres de l a geographie et de l a sociologie (Paris: Marcel R i v i e r e , 1957)> pp. 87-89, and P. Chombart de Lauwe, L'espace s o c i a l dans une grande c i t e (Vol. I o f Paris et 1'agglomeration parisienne. Paris: Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s , 1952). These accounts have not been given emphasis i n this study because they tend to deal with s t a t i c landscapes and, i n the case of the l a t t e r account, because the methods employed have been much c r i t i c i z e d . See A. Buttimer, "Some Contemporary Interpretations and H i s t o r i c a l Precedents o f Social Geography" (Unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Washington, 1964), pp. 175-176. 9  "'""'"See, f o r instance, R. Kates, "Stimulus and Symbol: The View from the Bridge," The Journal o f Social Issues, V o l . XXII, No. 4 (October, 1966), pp. 21-28. 12 To the extent that geographers have employed the concept o f ideology, they have depended upon the wider meaning of a set o f b e l i e f s , sentiments, and values rather than the narrower meaning of a s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l philosophical view o f s o c i a l and physical phenomena as i n "Marxist ideology", For an example o f how one geographer has employed the.narrower concept, c f . i n Jan 0. Brock and J . Webb, A Geography of Mankind, Chapter 7> "Ideologies and the P o l i t i c a l Order" (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1968), pp. 153-182.  55 S. Chapin, J r . , Urban Landuse Planning (jJrbana: University of I l l i n o i s Press, I965I, pp. 6l-62.. "^P. T h i e l , "A Sequence-Experience Notation", Town Planning Review, Vol. XXXII, No. 1 CApril, 1 9 6 l l , pp. 33-52. Ibid.  1 5  l6 C. Sauer, "The Morphology o f Landscape", Land and L i f e . J . Leighly, editor (.Berkeley: University o f C a l i f o r n i a Press , I967I, pp. 321-322 and pp. 3^1-3^. 1 T  I b i d . , pp. 3^2-3^3.  18 For an assessment of the use of these models i n urban geography, see B.J. Garner, "Models o f Urban Geography and Settlement Location", Chorley and Haggett, e d i t o r s , op. c i t . , pp. 338-3^3. 1 9  I b i d . , p. 339-  20 E. Jones, Towns and Cities (London: Oxford University Press, I966I,  pp. ii+o-iin. 2 1  I b i d . , pp. lOli-li+2.  22 L. Reissman, The Urban Process (Glencoe: The Free Press, I96U). For an assessment o f ecological theories of urban i n d u s t r i a l landscapes, see pp. 93-121. This description o f s o c i a l groups and t h e i r geographical growth presented here i s generalized from case studies from Eastern Canada. The attraction o f c i t y centres i s at variance with the normative models o f American c i t i e s . See L. Alonso, Location and Land Use: Toward a General Theorywpf Land Rent (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, I96I+). 23 The span of years included i n studies o f the Victorian Age varies. The span covered i n this model follows the suggestions i n H.J. Dyos , The Study o f Urban History (New York: St. Martins Press, 1968) , p. 187. The period runs from the l 8 l 0 ' s to World War I . 2k  The increasing and widespread interest i n Victorian culture i s manifested i n the recently established p e r i o d i c a l , Victorian Studies. 25 A. Briggs , Victorian Cities (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books L t d . , 1968). ^H.J. Dyos, "The Growth o f Cities i n the Nineteenth Century: A Review of Some Recent Writing", V i c t o r i a n Studies, Vol. IX, No. 3 (March, 1966) , pp. 225-2^1*. 2  27 Briggs, op_. c i t . , p. 16. Ibid. 29 G.M. Young, Victorian England: P o r t r a i t o f an Age (London: Oxford University Press, 1936') , p. 22.  56 30  r b i a . , p. 1U6.  31  r b i d . , p. 122,.  32 33 A. Briggs, The'Age o f Improvement (London: Longmans Green and Co. Ltd. , 1959) , p. U09. 34 ° Ibid. , p. 210. G.B. Kauvar and G.C.Sorensen, The Victorian Mind (New York: Putnam's Sons, 1969), p. 535  G.P.  36  Briggs, Victorian C i t i e s , p. 24.  37 Briggs, Age o f Improvement, p. 2773 8  I b i d . , p. 45.  3 9  I b i d . , p. 46. Ibid.  ^Ibid. 42 Ibid. , pp. 277-278. ^ Ibid. 3  44 Young, op. c i t . , p. 125. ^ B r i g g s , V i c t o r i a n Cities , p. 208, ^ T b i d . , pp. 204-20547 ' i b i d . , pp. 184-240. 48 Other b e l i e f s that were thought to be of value i n understanding the motives behind the changes i n the physical environment o f Victorian C i t i e s were materialism and deism. Because the l i t e r a t u r e on Victorianism does not i s o l a t e and analyse these values separately, there was i n s u f f i c i e n t evidence o f t h e i r importance to use them i n a geographical study. 49 P. Collins , Thomas Cooper, The Chartist: Byron and the 'Poets, o f the Poor' (Nottingham Byron Lecture S e r i e s , 1969. Nottingham: Hawthorne L t d . , 1969) ^Two major works documenting the s o c i a l conditions o f London's East End are c i t e d by Briggs i n Victorian Cities : C. Booth, L i f e and Labour of the People i n London, A Study of Town L i f e (..17 vols. , London : MacMillan and Company, 1902-31 and G. Lonsbury, Looking Backwards and Forwards (Glasgow: Blackie and Son, 1935). Both these accounts stress the importance of the family unit i n tenement slums. For accounts o f f a i l u r e s i n attempts to communize households see M.W". F l i n n (ed.) Report on the Sanitary Conditions o f the Labouring Population of Great B r i t a i n  57 18^3- by ..Edwin Chadwick (Edinburgh: University. Press, 1965). "^Tbid. , pp. 219-^253. For instance. i n Liverpool i n 181+0 the average age of the deceased for gentry and professional men was 35 years and'that of labourers, mechanics, and servants.was 15 years, p. 225> For estimates of the workday see p. 336.  52 W. Petersen, "The Ideological Origins of B r i t a i n ' s New Towns", Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. XXXIV, No. 3 (May, 1968), p. 166.  53 J.H. Buckley, The V i c t o r i a n Mind (New York: Random House Inc., 1951), p. 18. Buckley emphasizes the role of Burkean-Tory democracy which was carried into the nineteenth century by - Coleridge. Hence the English i n t e l l e c t of the nineteenth century displayed the transcendental German ideas of c o l l e c t i v e humanity. ^See Buckley, op. c i t . , pp. llU-115; Briggs, V i c t o r i a n C i t i e s , p. 75; and Petersen, op. c i t . , p. l6k. A l l three of these writers document Kingsley's influence upon Anglican and Roman Catholicism. Paradoxically his speeches and essays supported on the one hand the master-servant relationship of feudal socialism, and the reform of society through the public improvement of man's physical state, clean water, a i r arid lodging, on the other. ^ P e t e r s e n , op_. c i t . , p. 165. Ruskin was more i n f l u e n t i a l than Kingsley. According to Petersen his extensive influence can be i n f e r r e d . from two essays defending his views: one by J.A. Hobson, the l e f t l i b e r a l author, and the other by P. Geddes. Both point out that h i s ideas were superior to the main body of nineteenth century economic theory. s6 J.S. M i l l wrote two books of influence: On Liberty (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,19^7) and U t i l i t a r i a n i s m (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., 1910). Many attempts at municipal reform i n the mid-nineteenth century used M i l l as t h e i r spokesman i n parliament. See Briggs, Victorian C i t i e s , p. 331•  57 W.H. M c N e i l l , The Rise of the West (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963), p.. 108. According to McNeill, Adam Smith's "philosophy of l a i s s e r - f a i r e became a fundamental a r t i c l e of the l i b e r a l creed i n the midnineteenth century". r O  For the significance of Arnold's main work, Culture and Anarchy, see Petersen, op . c i t . , Footnote No. kk, p. 170.  59  ,  \  F.J. Osborn (Ed.),. Garden C i t i e s of To-Morrow by Ebenezer Howard (London: Faber and Faber. Ltd., i960). In the Preface by Osborn an excerpt from the Fabian News (December, 1898), condemning Howard's plan i s quoted. Osborn also presents details of the membership and executive of his organi z a t i o n , the Garden City Association. It i s evident that i t was the professional and management classes that supported and broadcast Howard's new town plann. See p. 12.  58 ^ F o r an interpretation o f i t s influence see Buckley, op. c i t . , pp. 23-2k and 35- For assessments . o f i t s . declining influence see pp. 197-198. ^"Petersen, op. c i t . p .  l6h.  62  . For an assessment o f the influence o f K a r l Marx on the union and working-class pressure groups o f B r i t a i n see. H. Collins and C. Abramsky, Karl Marx and the British. Labour Movement (London: MacMillan and Company Ltd., I965I pp. 286-287. In summary, Marx influenced the union to assume p o l i t i c a l control that, was independent o f the l i b e r a l middle class. Morris's S o c i a l i s t League, formed i n I885, was based on the p r i n c i p l e s Marx had advanced when he met with English union leaders i n 186U. 6^  For evidence supporting the notion that Engel's writings influenced B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s m see Collins and Abramsky, op. c i t . , p. 303.. ^Quoted from Ruskin's  "St. George's Company", i n Petersen, op. c i t . , p. 163.  6s Cf. J . Cornford, "The Transformation of Conservatism i n the Late Nineteenth Century", Victorian Studies, Vol. VII, No. 1 (September, 1963), pp. 35-66. 66 Quoted i n Petersen, op. c i t . , p. 163. 67  Ibid.  See also Buckley, op. c i t . , p. 102.  ^ P e t e r s e n , op. c i t . , p. l 6 l and G. Cole, Chartists' P o r t r a i t s (New York: St. Martins Press, 1965) , p. 259- Note the reasons f o r the c h a r t i s t s ' rejection o f the iSkf Land Society. 69 See above, footnote 59-  70 Cf. J . Chappell, "Marxism and Geography", Problems o f Communism, Vol. XEV, No. 6 (November-December, 1965), pp. 12-22 and the l e t t e r t o the e d i t o r i n Vol. XV, No. 2 (March-April, 1966) , pp. 79-80.  71  Buckley, op. c i t . , p. 18 and p. 75; also Petersen, op. c i t . , p. 165.  72 Petersen, l o c . c i t .  73 Buckley, op. c i t . , p. 35lk McNeill, op. c i t . , pp. 800,. 801,  1  7 5  Ibia.  76  Buckley, op. cit.., p. 9k and pp. 188-198. I b i d . , p. lk9. •j g Peterseu, op. c i t . , p. 165. 7 7  79  .  ,  Briggs, V i c t o r i a n C i t i e s , pp. 104-105,  59 80 Buckley, op_. c i t . , .p.- 19 and pp.. 34-40. ^Young, op. c i t . , p. 113'.' 82 Petersen, op. c i t . , p. I65. Do  H.J. Dyos, "The Speculative Builders and Developers of V i c t o r i a n London", V i c t o r i a n Studies j Vol. XI, Supplement (Summer, 1968), p. 644. Ibid., p. 645. 8 5  8f  I b i d . , p. 660. ^ F l i n n , op_. c i t . , p . 335 •  ^G.F. Chadwick, The Park and the Town (New York: Praeger, 1966), reviewed by Mr. Crook i n V i c t o r i a n Studies, Vol. XI, No. 2 (December, 1967), p. 242. 8  8 8  Ibid.  8 9  Ibid.  9  °Ibid.  9 1  Ibid.  92 Ibid. y  93 Jones , op_. c i t . , p . 5&. /94 D.J. Olsen, Town Planning i n London (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964), pp. '97-180. Olsen reports that the f i l e s f o r Belford and Founding Hospital estates contain references to many private and public renewal projects involving road widening. ^ E n c y c l o p e d i a o f World A r t , Vol. XI (New York: McGraw H i l l Book Co.,  1966), p. 338. 96 * I b i d . , p. 339.  97 Chadwick, l o c . c i t . The n a t u r a l i s t i c styles originated by Robinson and refined by J e k y l l made no attempt to be i d e a l p i c t u r e s . They avoided the use of anything but indigenous vegetation and the l i n e s one might f i n d i n nature. There was. a. greater emphasis on grass openings-with n a t u r a l l y arranged flowers, but the design retained the use of vegetation screens around buildings and along roadways. See J.S. B e r r a l l , The Garden (New York: Viking Press, 1966), pp. 276-28O.  6o g Q  D y o s , " S p e c u l a t i v e B u i l d e r s and D e v e l o p e r s " , p . 668- and O l s e n , l o c . cit. Judgements about t h e g e o g r a p h i c a l e f f e c t s o f l a r g e b u i l d i n g companies must be b a s e d . o n the e v i d e n c e o f a v e r y l i m i t e d , number .of d e t a i l e d case histories. One i s a g a i n f o r c e d t o use the f i l e s on t h e B e d f o r d and Founding Hospital estates. 99 Olsen, l o c . c i t .  and C h a d w i c k , l o c .  cit.  " ^ ^ D y o s , " S p e c u l a t i v e B u i l d e r s and D e v e l o p e r s " , p . 6 6 l . J o n e s , op_. c i t . ' , p . 5 6 . The e f f e c t s o f t h e s e a c t s were t o s t a n d a r d i z e c o n s t r u c t i o n t e c h n i q u e s and m a t e r i a l s t h e r e b y making the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f l o w - c o s t h o u s i n g much more p r o f i t a b l e . The sudden r i s e o f b u i l d i n g s o c i e t i e s . i n the l 8 7 0 ' s t h a t f i n a n c e d l o w - c o s t h o u s i n g l i k e l y had an e f f e c t upon the i n c r e a s e i n w o r k i n g - c l a s s h o u s i n g d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d b u t D y o s , op_. c i t . , p . 665 h e s i t a t e s t o draw c o n c l u s i o n s on the l i m i t e d e v i d e n c e . 102  D y o s , " S p e c u l a t i v e B u i l d e r s and D e v e l o p e r s " , p p . 6 4 6 - 6 4 7 and p . 658. The f o l l o w i n g p a r a g r a p h has been summarized from D y o s ' s a n a l y s i s . 103 Chadwick, op_. c i t . , p . 242. Chadwick r e p o r t s t h a t suburban houses o f t h i s p e r i o d a l s o were d e s i g n e d w i t h the more g e o m e t r i c s t y l e s by Sedding and B l o m f i e l d . However, c r o s s - c h e c k i n g i n the l i t e r a t u r e f a i l e d t o add f u r t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n or d e s c r i p t i o n o f g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the gardens. ^" " \j. Sumerson, V i c t o r i a n A r c h i t e c t u r e (New Y o r k : Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1970) , p p . 6 - 7 . (  1 0 5  1 0  >i  I b i d . , pp. 8-9.  ^Dyos,  " S p e c u l a t i v e B u i l d e r s and D e v e l o p e r s " , p p . 676 and 6 7 8 .  "^Olsen, loc. cit. H i l l , 1 9 6 6 ) , p . 38.  and P . H a l l , The W o r l d C i t i e s  (New Y o r k : McGraw  10 8 D y o s , " S p e c u l a t i v e B u i l d e r s and D e v e l o p e r s " , p p . 6 4 2 - 6 9 0 . J . R . K e l l e t t , The Impact o f R a i l w a y s on V i c t o r i a n C i t i e s ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1967) r e v i e w e d by D . J . O l s e n i n V i c t o r i a n S t u d i e s , V o l . X I I I , N o . 2 (December, 1 9 6 9 ) , p p . 217-219. 1 0 9  Ibid. Ibid. 112 113  Briggs , V i c t o r i a n C i t i e s , . p Kellett, loc.  .26 .  cit.  ^ I b i d . and D. Ward, " A Comparative H i s t o r i c a l Geography o f S t r e e t C a r Suburbs i n B o s t o n , M a s s . and L e e d s , 1850-1920"., A n n a l s o f A s s o c i a t i o n o f American G e o g r a p h e r s , V o l . 5 4 , N o . 4 (December, 1 9 6 4 ) , p p . 477-489. 1 1  61 Briggs, Yictorian Cities..,'p. 27, Briggs emph.asi.zes the role of the streetcar and. t r a i n i n t h i s process.'twit Jones's Belfast study documents the origins of slum growth, i n the inner r i n g p r i o r to extensive streetcar construction. Jones , op. c i t . , pp. 135-138. "'""'"^Briggs , Victorian C i t i e s , p. 15 and Kellet , l o c . c i t . There were parliamentary trams with workingmen's fares operating i n London before the 1883 l e g i s l a t i o n . 117 Cf. H.J. Dyos, Victorian Suburb (Leicester: University Press, 1966), p. 155 and pp. 148-153118 Briggs, Victorian C i t i e s , p. 27. 119 The reports of inter-group s t r i f e are documented i n a number of sources. Strong supporting evidence that the nature of the s t r i f e was e s s e n t i a l l y based on class perception can be found i n the committee minutes of the Belford and Founding Hospital estates, quoted in Olsen, op. c i t . , pp. 97-180. See also Jones, op_. c i t . , pp. 121-129. 120 Jones , op. c i t . , p. 121 and R. Glass , London: Aspects of Change (London: MacGibbon and Kee, 1964). For an assessment of Mrs. Glass's use of s o c i o l o g i c a l concepts i n urban h i s t o r y see Dyos "Growth o f Cities i n Nineteenth Century", p. 234. 121 Jones, op. c i t . , pp. 123-124. "*" Hall, op22  c i t . , pp.  38 and  40.  123 Ibid. , p. 40 and F l i n n , l o c . c i t . Ibid. 125 Briggs, Victorian Cities , p. 1 2 6  I b i d . , p.  329.  127 Ibid.. , p. Ibid.  315.  328.  CHAPTER III  EARLY VANCOUVER, 1886-1929; THE ORIGINS OF LANDSCAPE Six years after the amalgamation of Vancouver City, Point Grey and South Vancouver i n 1929 Stephen Leacock v i s i t e d what he c a l l e d the "wonder city".  "Here i s a c i t y indeed, busy and bright with a shopping d i s t r i c t ....  as crowded and as crooked as Regent Street or the Rue de l a Paix"."'"  Leacock  was one of many v i s i t o r s who was struck by the rapid progress Vancouver had made i n f i f t y years, passing i n population older and larger c i t i e s . did a l o t f o r Montreal, but man didn't add to i t .  "God  Quebec i s h i s t o r i c a l and  has a majesty of s i t u a t i o n , but a l o t of i t i s squalid:- Toronto i s a v i l l a g e and always w i l l be, i f i t spreads out one hundred miles: the p r a i r i e c i t i e s i n t h e i r i s o l a t i o n and extension - f i l l i n houses and they w i l l be wonderful - but, Vancouver  i s wonderful right  now".  2  Within the short time i t had taken the c i t y to reach a l e v e l of urban development  evoking such description, Vancouver's society and landscape had  c r y s t a l l i z e d ; the main groups and s o c i a l b e l i e f s that had influenced the city's institutions Victorian  and created i t s landscape were similar to those of  England. FOUNDING PEOPLES AND THE LAND THEY ENCOUNTERED  A Typology of Founding Groups In the nineteenth century Vancouver's population comprised four major s o c i a l groups, as i d e n t i f i e d i n terms of c o n f l i c t i v e interaction public issues.  on major  They were segregated i n various parts of the c i t y (Map 5).  Several sources of data were taken into account i n c l a s s i f y i n g the urban s e t t l e r s : census records, land t i t l e s , c i t y d i r e c t o r i e s ,  s o c i a l club  r e g i s t e r s , personal d i a r i e s , commercial surveys and c i t y newspapers.  63 Together these are sources . from which.the.social p r o f i l e s . o f the groups can be., described. decade and i t was  No single source, was  founding  complete ..over., the span of a  therefore impossible to systematically c l a s s i f y each  person or household i n Vancouver, on the basis of consistent c r i t e r i a . example, i t was of b i r t h .  not u n t i l 1921  For  that census publications recorded the place  P r i o r to the l880's d i s t r i c t l o t t i t l e s c l e a r l y indicate the  names of i n d i v i d u a l l e g a l owners; but, the increasing number of syndicated land companies a f t e r 1886  makes d i f f i c u l t the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the personal 3  backgrounds of land owners.  Information  on family name, r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t -  ion and occupation i s contained i n the annual c i t y directories j but the sheer volume of these data precluded t h e i r complete analysis , although d i r e c t o r i e s were used on a s e l e c t i v e b a s i s .  The data from s o c i a l club  registers , commercial surveys and personal diaries were useful i n drawing detailed p r o f i l e s of the middle c l a s s ; but, the incomplete records of early unions and s o c i a l i s t p o l i t i c a l organizations made more d i f f i c u l t the drawing of corresponding  p r o f i l e s . f o r the working class.  It was  c i t y newspapers that  provided the most complete and viable material for c l a s s i f y i n g the important groups and rounding out t h e i r p r o f i l e s . Newspaper reports l a b e l l e d many d i f f e r e n t groups: for instance, "East Enders", "West Enders", "Labour", "Artisans", " C a p i t a l i s t s " , "Imperialists", "Orientals", "Native Sons and Daughters of B r i t i s h Columbia", and scores of other s o c i a l organizations.  As the newspaper accounts reported the day-to-  day s o c i a l interactions and landscape changes, the basic i n t e r r e l a t i o n s among groups could be reconstructed.  S o c i a l interactions were revealed i n the many  c o n f l i c t s and s t r i f e s that recurred.  I f consideration i s given to the  absolute number of persons involved, as well as to the' frequency and severity of the s t r i f e s i t can be seen that three major c o n f l i c t s divided the found-  61+ k mg  residents into loose associations having some h i s t o r i c a l continuance.  These c o n f l i c t s concerned land investment, class and r a c i a l differences. The following founding groups have been i d e n t i f i e d : ( l ) the middle class dominated by Eastern Canadians, (2) dominated by the B r i t i s h , (3)  organized s o c i a l i s t s and unions  ethnic minorities and (1+)  the B r i t i s h  Columbians whose importance as a d i s t i n c t i v e s o c i a l divison declined a f t e r 1900.  Before these groups can be detailed i n s o c i a l p r o f i l e s , some  comment on the merits and demerits of t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s required.  The  method of c l a s s i f y i n g groups of people by analysing recurring s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s offers d i s t i n c t advantages, for the resultant typology should more closely r e f l e c t the day-to-day r e a l i t i e s of Vancouver's society.''  But there  i s also a d e f i n i t e disadvantage i n that the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i s p a r t i a l l y based on subjective interpretations.  To control the s u b j e c t i v i t y , the  typology was evaluated during forty-eight unstructured interviews with c i v i c leaders, gardeners and engineers, who were important figures i n the c i t y ' s development.^  Thus, while no pretence i s made that the selected typology  represents the t o t a l i t y of conditions of early Vancouver, i t i s f e l t that the s o c i a l groups described below come well within the range of group experiences which were ongoing with the development  of Vancouver's landscape.  The Eastern Canadians and the Middle Class Those who s e t t l e d and invested i n the land and businesses of the West End and the western sections of what i s now the central business d i s t r i c t 7  consitute one of the most s i g n i f i c a n t founding groups (Map 5) •  Referred to  by some as "North American Chinese" and by others simply as "West Enders", they were dominated by immigrants from Eastern Canada.  But t h i s designation  does not refer to a l l those who migrated from Eastern Canada, rather to those who  came after the Canadian P a c i f i c Railway (C.P.R.) had received i t s  EAST  VANCOUVER  Note: The flow lines indicate the direction of founding group expansion. A comparison o f Vancouver City Directories for the 1890's and 1920's w i l l document s p e c i f i c cases of familie migrating from the Eastern Canadian and Organized Labour areas to Point Grey and South Vancouver respectively. MAP  VANCOUVER  5  Residential  Spaces  of  PENINSULA  Founding  1890:  Groups  Sources: Kerr 1943 and Holiday Supplement to Vancouver Daily and Weekly World 1890 Base  map  92G/6o  from  a n d /6b,  National A S.E..  Topographic R.C E.  1961  Series.  1:25.000 sheets  65 Vancouver land grants, and to those who assumed professional and business managerial r o l e s .  The most powerful were associated with the railway, but  there were many other businesses with c a p i t a l and directorships from Eastern g  Canada, including banks, commercial and land development companies.  The  middle class was by no means e n t i r e l y composed of Eastern Canadians, and indications of the range of ethnic background can be deduced from Boam's  9 1912 commercial survey of Vancouver. TABLE I ETHNIC ORIGINS OF BUSINESS MANAGERS: VANCOUVER, 1912 Origins  Percentage  England  2h  Eastern Canada  17  United States  17  Scotland  17  P r a i r i e Provinces and Northwest T e r r i t o r i e s Ireland  5  Elsewhere  10  Total  100  Note: Data based on 50% sample of a l l enixi.es i n H. Boam, B r i t i s h Columbia, i t s h i s t o r y , people, commerce, industry, and resources, ed. A. Brown (London, England: Sells Ltd., 1912).  Although these figures suggest that business management was dominated by immigrants from the B r i t i s h Isles  i n f a c t , i t was the C.P.R. and the  Eastern Canadians who controlled the greatest land holdings, banking resources, and i n d u s t r i a l employment.  11  Further, the majority of managers  and professionals irrespective o f ethnic.origin was assimilated, into.the Eastern Canadian patterns of r e s i d e n t i a l location (Map -3) and s o c i a l i z a t i o n . Within a few.years of a r r i v i n g in.the c i t y , Eastern Canadians founded a number, of s o c i a l clubs. modelled, i n t h e i r constitutions a f t e r those already > i n existence i n Eastern Canada.  For example, Campbell Sweeny moved from  Halifax to establish a branch of the Bank o f Montreal i n Vancouver i n 1887 12 and'organized the Vancouver Club i n  I89O.  Likewise, Stuart Livingstone  and Cameron Nichol moved from Hamilton, Ontario and entered into business i n Vancouver, establishing a Vancouver branch of the Canadian Club i n 13 1906,  Many s i m i l a r clubs and societies were established by 1908.  In most  lh  cases, membership was by i n v i t a t i o n .  And although the s p e c i f i c purposes  of the clubs ranged over a number of topics of concern, they acted to structure s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n among t h e i r members by selecting topics for group discussion and public address, by organizing v a r i e t i e s of entertainment and coordinating home visits.-- I t seems from the early records of the Canadian Club that several members were recent B r i t i s h immigrants who supported the club's aims f o r building a Canadianism that was l o y a l to the B r i t i s h Empire. '' 1  From the absence of newspaper reports on serious con-  f l i c t s between Canadian and B r i t i s h commercial i n t e r e s t s , i t can also be i n f e r r e d that there were easy relationships between these two subgroups. Likewise, although there was a separate American Club of 103 members i n 1908, most members were also l i s t e d as being participants i n other clubs l i k e the Vancouver and Georgia Clubs i n which there were large representations of those from Eastern Canada."^  Certainly both American and B r i t i s h  professionals and businessmen chose the West End and Point Grey as t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l areas (Map 5).  67 Some estimations of the .number..of families constituting the core of the middle class can be. made from the . t o t a l number ..of families. l i s t e d , i n the social registers.  The two!best estimates can be.made for the years 1909.  and 1927j since the c r i t e r i a f o r membership i n these years were the most 17 e x p l i c i t and comparable 1,100  i n the published d i r e c t o r i e s .  There were about  households l i s t e d i n 1909 and approximately 1,600 households i n 1927.  Given the population estimates f o r Vancouver i n these years, i t i s apparent that t h i s group must have been less s i g n i f i c a n t i n population size than 18 other groups, the largest of which was the working c l a s s . The B r i t i s h and.the Working Class It i s true that the B r i t i s h played an important role i n the c i t y ' s developing managerial and professional class.  But, the contribution of the  B r i t i s h l i e s much more i n shaping the thought and actions of the working class on the Burrard and Vancouver peninsulas.  I t i s evident that the  working class was composed o f many B r i t i s h immigrants.  In a 1913 church  survey of labour housing i n East End households, the B r i t i s h accounted for 30 per cent of the 5,295 persons interviewed, Italians f o r 18 per cent, and 19 Canadian-born only f o r 9 per cent. In South Vancouver, a predominantly working-class suburb, the 1921 census figures reveal a similar p i c t u r e , although by t h i s time i n the suburbs Canadian-born members of the working class were more numerous (Map  l).  Of South Vancouver's population, h6 per cent were Canadian-born, 4-5 per 20 cent were British-born, and 9 per cent were born elsewhere.  There i s  evidence supporting the statement that the majority of u n s k i l l e d labour and craftsmen from the B r i t i s h Isles originated i n the r u r a l areas of Wales, Cornwall, Scotland, Ireland and northwestern England.  This observation i s  corroborated by the few detailed studies that reveal the o r i g i n o f early  68  populations and by.first-hand-witnesses.  21  .The appearance,of a.separately  organized, group .of labour and s o c i a l i s t s . t h a t took place with.the  arrival  of the unionized railway workers provided.identifiable leadership.  As new  labour groups arrived, they took up residence south and west of the o r i g i n a l labourers' "rancherie" near Hastings M i l l establishing Yaletown on False 22 •  Creek east o f Granville Street (Map 5 ) . To construct a p r o f i l e of the working class and to describe the role of the B r i t i s h within i t , i t i s necessary to account f o r an important d i v i s i o n within the class between moderate and m i l i t a n t organizations.  These  unions and p o l i t i c a l parties became, l i k e the s o c i a l clubs of the middle c l a s s , the basic units of s o c i a l i z a t i o n .  Differences f i r s t emerged as early  as 1 8 9 8 when a railway worker, Arthur Hamilton, established i n Vancouver the S o c i a l i s t Labour Party, a m i l i t a n t wing of the Marxian S o c i a l i s t s i n the 23  United States.  This party amalgamated with other s o c i a l i s t groups i n the  2k province to form the United S o c i a l i s t Labour Party. The expanded party maintained i t s interest i n Marxist international working-class theory, a 25  theory many workers and unionists could not accept.  To counteract t h i s 26  b e l i e f i n internationalism, the Vancouver Labour Party was founded.  This  party advocated public ownership of u t i l i t i e s and transportation, p o l i t i c a l  27 l i b e r a l i s m , a b o l i t i o n o f the land grant system, and anti-orientalism.  The  Marxists i n contrast, opposed "anti-orientalism" and " p o l i t i c a l l i b e r a l i s m " ; as well they generally neglected urban a f f a i r s i n favour of action i n the 28  P r o v i n c i a l Assembly and the Federal Parliament. of these two subgroups i n dominating  While the r e l a t i v e power  the working class o f Vancouver varied  i n the f i r s t quarter of the twentieth century, and while militancy never 29  disappeared, i t was the "lib-Labs",  the moderate faction supported by  the B r i t i s h labour leaders that came to be v i r t u a l l y unchallenged i n the  69 1920's As d i f f e r e n t as these two working-class organizations might have been 31 in p o l i t i c a l doctrines, they shared common s o c i a l interactions. elements i n this s o c i a l i z a t i o n included: p o l i t i c a l addresses card games, dances, p i c n i c s , and flower shows.  and  Important debates,  Meetings were commonly i n  South Vancouver's Municipal H a l l and A g r i c u l t u r a l E x h i b i t i o n Building, churches, and private residences.  Personal accounts  document the importance  of the family and fellow workers i n cooperative improvements of private dwellings and the vegetable and flower gardens located behind the small 32 bungalows. years.  Union and s o c i a l i s t organization memberships varied over the  However, l i k e the core of the Eastern Canadians' impact on the  middle c l a s s , t h e i r impact on the working class was  pervasive.  There are no records of aggregate memberships u n t i l the Vancouver Trades and Labour Congress became an umbrella organization for most important unions.  By 1912,  this organization included more than seven thousand members 33  with unspecified numbers s t i l l outside the Council.  I t climbed to twenty  3k thousand i n 1925-  An indication of the size of the hard core of the  working class comes from the attendance estimates for labour parades. 1932,  In  s i x t y - f i v e labour and s o c i a l i s t associations organized a parade of  f i f t e e n thousand sympathizers.  This was 35 the early decades of the century.  the largest parade estimate for  Thus, while militancy was a constant threat, B r i t i s h workers c e r t a i n l y tended to influence the labour movement i n the direction of moderation and even massive unemployment during the depression was met with only a loose 36 association of s i x t y - f i v e d i f f e r e n t organizations. The Ethnic M i n o r i t i e s The t h i r d group of founding peoples was  also loosely organized and had  l i t t l e i n common among themselves apart from t h e i r minimal positions i n the c i t y ' s municipal government and t h e i r low s o c i a l standing that i s evidenced i n t h e i r notable absence from the c i t y ' s s o c i a l r e g i s t e r i e s and  37 managerial positions i n large firms. Details on the composition  of the minorities were reported i n a 1913  38 survey undertaken by a Vancouver church.  The household survey included  a 100 per cent coverage of an area i n the East End defined by Gore and Campbell avenues, east and west and Cordova Street and False Creek, north and south (.Map 5)-  The survey reported forty-two different ethnic groups.  In order of t h e i r populations the s i g n i f i c a n t groups were:  Italians  (1,000),  English (814), Canadians (704), Scots (608) , Americans (353), Swedish (192), I r i s h (150), Chinese (135), Russians (130).  Considering the contemporary  newspaper reports of s o c i a l s t r i f e , f o u r sub-groups stand out:  Chinese,  I t a l i a n s , Japanese and Sikhs. The Chinese f i r s t immigrated to the c i t y during the Gold Rush i n the 39  mid-nineteenth century.  They o r i g i n a l l y "squatted" outside the Granville  town s i t e on the t i d a l marshes of False Creek on the opposite side of the isthmus to Vancouver Peninsula from the Hastings M i l l and i t s "rancherie" (Map  5).  As the C.P.R. neared completion  to Port Moody, this community was  added to by what o f f i c i a l reports describe as thousands of single male labourers  4o in destitute conditions.  The Pender Street Chinese community ..was  firmly  established and Chinese labour became associated with restaurant, laundry and domestic services since there were concerted e f f o r t s by the P r o v i n c i a l Government and unions to r e s t r i c t t h e i r employment i n construction, logg41 ing, and the railway.  The abrupt release of Chinese from labour contracts  in 1884 and 1885 l e d to l e g i s l a t i o n that, i n e f f e c t , minimized further immigration  and that eliminated the voting right of the Chinese population  i n Vancouver.  42  As a consequence of these conditions there was  handicap to normal family formation.  The subgroup organized i t s e l f into a  number of male-dominated f r a t e r n a l organizations. emerge ( l 8 8 ) Q  5  the Benevolent  a serious  One of the f i r s t to  Association, soon became the most represent-  43 ative and encompassing.  Only i n times of direct threat from outside the  44 community did the Chinese subgroup attain s o l i d a r i t y .  An indication of  the loose organization of the Pender Street community comes from the Chinese press which i s separated into three papers, each with a different p o l i t i c a l 45 view r e f l e c t i n g the varied interests of the many f r a t e r n i t i e s .  Chinese  s o c i a l patterns segregated them from the middle and working classes.  As  well as t h e i r willingness to work at minimum wages objections were made with regard to Chinese dietary habits , crowded all-male open sleeping  46 rooms, opium smoking, gambling, p r o s t i t u t i o n and b u r i a l customs. The Chinese population was 3,559 i n 1901 and by 1921 had reached 13,111: these 47 populations were the largest of any Asian minority. I t a l i a n s constituted part of the labour force from the beginning of and the C.P.R. s p e c i f i c a l l y outlawed the employment of Chinese on the the C.P.R. construction when an agreement between the P r o v i n c i a l Government  48  :e Workers took up residence i n the low lying and less costly accommodation i n the East End (Map 5). h9 extension from Port Moody and Vancouver.  The I t a l i a n community has always maintained a balance between male and female populations, with the extended family and the Catholic Church dominating the forms of s o c i a l organization.  In the i n i t i a l period the  I t a l i a n population remained small; by 1901 there were only 203 persons claimed I t a l i a n as t h e i r mother tongue. reached 2,256 and i n 1921  who  Ten years l a t e r this figure had  i t was reduced to 1,590: only 799 persons l i s t e d  I t a l y as a b i r t h place that year.  A minority of s i m i l a r population size  was  72 the Japanese.. The Japanese government promoted emigrationbto. Vancouver by. arranging small loans for l o c a l Japanese b u s i n e s s e s . ^  The Japanese who  a f t e r 190k  were not subject to immigration r e s t r i c t i o n s f i l l e d jobs previously dominated by Chinese.  Between 1901  t o t a l of h,2k6.  and 1911  t h e i r population more than doubled to a  During this period'.-they moved into vacant shops and the  adjacent housing units on the East-side of downtown.  A second Japanese  r e s i d e n t i a l area accommodating artisans and small businessmen developed i n Mount Pleasant (Maps 2 and 5).  The Japanese immigration  continued u n t i l  A ' 1921  when the population reached 8,328 persons; a f t e r t h i s the sub-  group population became more stable. The Sikhs emigrated from the Punjab to Vancouver, taking advantage of the fact they were c i t i z e n s of the B r i t i s h Empire and of the labour shortage i n the f i r s t  decade of the century.  Of the five thousand immi-  grants many entered lumber and construction occupations.  Their dwellings  were close to the sawmills along the shores of False Creek and l a t e r the Fraser Fiver i n South Vancouver (Map  5).  These diverse minorities have been i n c o n f l i c t with other groups.  How-  ever accurate descriptions of t h e i r interactions are not available; there are 52 few English language records on minority s o c i a l h i s t o r i e s . the minorities have p e r s i s t e d i n the East End of Vancouver.  Nevertheless, They have been  more persistent than another group which occupied the East End before  1886.  The B r i t i s h Columbians These people comprised individuals of different ethnic and s o c i a l positions who had i n common a f r o n t i e r experience which preceded corporate and municipal i n s t i t u t i o n s i n Vancouver.  The most u s e f u l document i s the  73 recorded, reminiscences .of R.K.. Alexander, manager of Hastings M i l l  and  53 early c i v i c leader.  B r i t i s h Columbians who  referred, to. themselves. as  "mossbacks" had a d i s t i n c t i v e pattern of informal and mutually dependent  54 social relationships.  Regardless' of station i n l i f e "almost everyone  was  known by some nickname; the only storekeeper was Portuguese Joe, otherwise  55 Joe Fernandez".  But of t h i s group, the nickname of "Gassy Jack", other-  wise Jack Deighton, has become the most famous and i s preserved i n the place name "Gas Town". well.  Informality was r e f l e c t e d i n r e s i d e n t i a l patterns as  The "rancherie" f o r m i l l hands was located at the intersection of  Heatley Avenue and the shore l i n e , a short distance from the residence of the m i l l manager.^ Alexander's accounts describe as w e l l the f r o n t i e r - l i k e morals of the B r i t i s h Columbians.  "Our m i l l hands were l a r g e l y composed of runaway  s a i l o r s of Indians .... Everyone i n (those) days understood and spoke Chinook: s e l l i n g whiskey to Indians was  a somewhat common offence .... as  everyone concerned understood Chinook the proceedings of the Court were  57 often carried on i n that jargon ...."  Again Alexander gives evidence of  the coarse language used i n the places of entertainment and of the heavy drinking which he claims could be so common that the m i l l would "shut down  58 for a couple of days".  The amusements and recreation of the B r i t i s h  Columbians also involved them with the nearby Chinese community on Pender 59 Street.  y  The B r i t i s h Columbians had purchased East End properties and because they controlled access to.the :Burrard Inlet they could exert influence on the evolving patterns of" land use.. The Hastings M i l l Company was ished there i n 1865.^°  establ-  Other.important properties of the East-side were  also granted by the Crown p r i o r to the a r r i v a l of the C.P.R.  What i s now  Strathcona, f o r instance,. was granted., to. two, individuals , Robert .Burnaby and Henry PeringPellew.Creacy.•  In-contrast only one.large.holding was  granted.before 1886 i n the.West E n d . A l l these large holdings were subdivided and sold, many.to.land speculators and developers who arrived i n Vancouver.in  a n t i c i p a t i o n o f the' railway extension from Port Moody. I t  would be incorrect to c a l l these speculators "mossbacks"; but, with t h e i r land investments primarily i n the east .and with t h e i r common economic competitor, the C.P.R. whose land investments were more t o the west, these speculators remained closely associated with the pre-Confederation B r i t i s h Columbians.^  2  Business associations i n Vancouver-based corporations reinforced t i e s among B r i t i s h Columbians: f o r example, the i n t e r l o c k i n g investment and Isaac Oppenheimer.  of David  The Oppenheimers were present i n Granville before  the signing of the Charter i n 1886.  1  According to David Oppenheimer s 1  family biography, experience i n p r o v i n c i a l development since the l860's l e d the Oppenheimers to heavily invest i n the future of the C.P.R.'s terminal city.  While the C.P.R. was negotiating f o r Vancouver land grants, the  Oppenheimers were assembling i n the East End land holdings that are reported to have been the largest along the Burrard Inlet p r i o r to the C.P.R. land Migrants (Map 5).  Near the centre of the East End holdings at the i n t e r -  section of Columbia and Powell Street, piers and wholesale warehouses were established i n 1886 by the Vancouver Wharfage and Storage Company Limited; Oppenheimer was the major p r i n c i p a l and three of the f i v e trustees were B r i t i s h Columbians.^  A year l a t e r Oppenheimer, two other B r i t i s h Columbians  and one u n i d e n t i f i e d p r i n c i p a l launched the Vancouver Brick and T i l e Company Limited.^'''  The Vancouver Herald P r i n t i n g and Publishing Company Limited  was established with Oppenheimer and three of the four other trustees,  British. Columbians.  Another, B r i t i s h Columbian, CD.  Rand, played a  s i m i l a r role that created i n 1886 The -Vancouver. Gas Company Limited and a large heavy construction company, both of which had trusteeships that were 69 50 per cent B r i t i s h Columbian.  I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the B r i t i s h  Columbians appear to have concentrated t h e i r investments  i n those businesses  d i r e c t l y related to landscape development: gas and l i g h t i n g  utilities,  sewer, and drainage, and heavy construction. With this concentration of corporate control i n the i n i t i a l stages of landscape b u i l d i n g and with t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n municipal government the B r i t i s h Columbians were capable of challenging the C.P.R. and the Eastern Canadians. To conclude, the designation B r i t i s h Columbian refers to a group of i n i t i a l s e t t l e r s who p r i o r to 1886 shared common l i f e styles or vested economic interests i n the land holdings and businesses east of the Granville town s i t e . In summary, considering the magnitude of differences among the founding groups and t h e i r segregation on the Vancouver Peninsula, one would not be surprised at the appearance of c o n f l i c t among them.  The most s t r i k i n g  c o n f l i c t s came to a head soon a f t e r the C.P.R. track reached the c i t y . As newcomers arrived they were assimilated into the s o c i a l patterns of the founding groups.  As the four groups were forced to expand t h e i r r e s i d -  e n t i a l areas they not only confronted each other but also competed for the most desirable land for b u i l d i n g homes and businesses. Landforms and the Survey System In the c l a s s i c a l model of urban growth various s o c i a l classes compete for the most c u l t u r a l l y valued s i t e s .  This process has been i n evidence i n  Vancouver since the a r r i v a l of the C.P.R. Vancouver occupies two peninsulas , the smaller Vancouver and the main  76 Burrard peninsulas , l y i n g between..the .mouth..of- the Fraser. River, i n the . :  south.and the Burrard Inlet.in.the north.(Map 6).. The present landforms were b u i l t up from a long process of marine and g l a c i a l depositions which have been, eroded, and reshaped.by.the' s h i f t i n g channel of the Fraser River and slope erosion of l e s s e r streams.  The lowlands separating the  two  peninsulas, the False Creek and S t i l l Creek depressions , were once occupied by the g l a c i a l Fraser.  The lowlands are therefore very poorly drained.  The highest ground i n the c i t y i s found on the central ridges of the two peninsulas.  These ridges are traversed by northsouth saddles, producing  a series of h i l l s or " l i t t l e mountains".  The high ground on the northern  ridge runs east from Stanley Park, through the West End, Grandview-Woodlands, and Hastings East to Vancouver Heights where i t r i s e s from the Burrard shore l i n e to over 350 feet above sea l e v e l .  On the Burrard Peninsula the high  ground runs from West Point Grey, through Dunbar Heights, along the Arbutus Ridge, Shaughnessy Heights, L i t t l e Mountain, and between the  Collingwood  and K i l l a r n e y d i s t r i c t s on the eastern boundary of the c i t y (Map  6).  In the i n i t i a l stages of European settlement low-lying areas of the shore l i n e were occupied f i r s t .  Lumber and shipping a c t i v i t i e s of the  B r i t i s h Columbians during the l860's were located along Burrard I n l e t , 70 False Creek, and the north arm of the Fraser River.  Even by the beginning  of the 1900's the r e s i d e n t i a l areas, with the exception of the West End, continued to be concentrated i n the low ground behind the shore l i n e i n the Strathcona area, i n what i s now the central business d i s t r i c t , and i n Marpole.  With the increased mobility resulting from the extension of the  streetcars between 1900  and 1909.the flanks of the two ridges, which were  r e l a t i v e l y free from fog and i n d u s t r i a l p o l l u t i o n , became desired r e s i d e n t i a l s i t e s . During the twentieth century the separation of residences  MAP 6 VANCOUVER AND SUBURBS ; LANDFORMS AND THE ORIGINAL SURVEY  The variety o f directions that established the base lines f o r the 1859 land survey created major avenue i n t e r s e c t i o n s . I t was not these man-made features that became the s i g n i f i c a n t landmarks i n the city's s o c i a l geography, i t was the high ground that aligned the two peninsulas. In the expansion of r e s i d e n t i a l areas, Dunbar Heights, Shaughnessy Heights, L i t t l e Mountain, South H i l l , Mount Pleasant and Grandview became i d e n t i f i e d with p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l groups.  from the i n d u s t r i a l areas continued; i n d u s t r i a l and.commercial a c t i v i t i e s remained, concentrated.along Burrard Inlet,.False Creek.and the.north.arm  of  the Fraser. River while r e s i d e n t i a l areas were extended, onto. the flanks of the ridges of the Burrard Peninsula. The o r i g i n a l survey and land r e g i s t r a t i o n system also had consequences  71 for the c i t y ' s landscape development.  Land developers used the o r i g i n a l  survey maps of Colonel Moody completed between 1859 and I863.  His survey  provided for a street plan that was a variant on the V i c t o r i a n plans of Great B r i t a i n .  G r i d and diagonal road patterns focussed on certain points  as they did i n the mid V i c t o r i a n suburban plans l i k e those of Kensington Park, London (Maps k and 6 ) . The Moody survey and plans f o r the Burrard and Vancouver peninsulas created two features of p o t e n t i a l interest to land developers: the points of i n t e r s e c t i n g base l i n e s and the areas where the rectangular street pattern sloped over the flanks of the two dominant ridges.  Subsequent  development seldom took advantage of the intersecting base l i n e s to create d i s t i n c t i v e "places" and "landmarks" by which urban groups could gain  72 s p e c i a l l o c a t i o n a l recognition.  Few,  i f any, r e s i d e n t i a l areas take thei  names from the intersections but many areas take t h e i r names from landforms the words "Heights", "Mount", " H i l l ( s ) " , "Mountain" and "View" are common (Map 6 ) .  Residential areas on.the flanks of ridges were not o r i g i n a l l y of  s p e c i a l value as view property, even though "View" was part of the place name; the expression "view l o t " was not common i n advertisements  before  73 1930.  Nevertheless, the higher, better drained and p o l l u t i o n - f r e e lands 74  were most desired.  These s i t e s became desired locations i n the land  development competition among founding groups.  The discussion has  now  reached the stage where details of this competition and the t e r r i t o r i a l  78 growth, of r e s i d e n t i a l areas may he,investigated.  SOCIAL CONFLICT AND.SECTOR PATTERNS The documentation of inter-group s t r i f e and r e s i d e n t i a l development i n Vancouver begins with economic competition.  Later r a c i a l and class c o n f l i c t s  contributed to s o c i a l segregation and sector development. The i n i t i a l c o n f l i c t developed between the B r i t i s h Columbians, who had heavy investments  i n the East End, and the Eastern Canadians , who  invested primarily i n the West End.  Racial c o n f l i c t and the development  of ethnic ghettos coincided with the competition between Eastern Canadians and B r i t i s h Columbians.  In p a r t i c u l a r i t took the form of open h o s t i l i t i e s  between militant labour and Asian minorities.  Class c o n f l i c t was associated  with development of the increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n of union and labour groups i n the p o l i t i c a l process.  The labour groups expanded r a p i d l y , p a r t i c u l a r l y  i n the f i r s t decade of this century and spread from t h e i r Strathcona and Yaletown origins into South Vancouver. Conflict i n Land Investment and L i f e Styles To protect t h e i r land investments the B r i t i s h Columbians had combined in business syndicates which assembled various lands between the West End and the Hastings town s i t e . C.P.R.  In 1885  They then commenced negotiations with the  agreements were made that traded one-third of the l o t s i n  these subdivisions i n return for the C.P.R. 's promise to develop some of  75 its  f a c i l i t i e s near the holdings of the B r i t i s h Columbians.  The company  b u i l t i t s main piers , the railway terminal and o f f i c e s , including i t s r e a l estate o f f i c e i n this area.  Their h o t e l was  opened on the ridge at  Georgia and Granville Streets; moreover managers of the C.P.R. and other Eastern Canadian interests selected as t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l area West Georgia  77 which became known as "Blue Blood A l l e y " .  In this process separate  79 r e s i d e n t i a l areas f o r i n f l u e n t i a l f a m i l i e s , of the Eastern Canadians were created, on high ground in.the West End while the low'land.at.Strathcona remained a r e s i d e n t i a l core for the B r i t i s h Columbians u n t i l the turn of the 78 century.  The increasing importance  of the West End as a f i r s t - c l a s s  r e s i d e n t i a l area had consequences f o r the' d i r e c t i o n o f growth of the central business d i s t r i c t ; but, before the d r i f t of shops, and o f f i c e s away from Water and Main Streets can be explained, another i n f l u e n t i a l factor must be mentioned. The l o c a t i o n a l decisions f o r main public buildings l i k e the Post Office were additional land use c o n f l i c t s .  The "East Enders" l e d by Oppenheimer  and the "West Enders" l e d primarily by the C.P.R. executives had competed i n bids to influence the Federal Government i n i t s decision on a post o f f i c e 79 location.  This economic c o n f l i c t was played out i n s o c i a l club meetings, 80 i n investors' o f f i c e s , i n Parliament, and on the e d i t o r i a l pages o f 8l  The News Advertiser;  the East Enders pressing for a location near Main or  Yaletown on the Vancouver Peninsula and the C.P.R. for a location near i t s terminal.  In the face of parliamentary and l o c a l newspaper c r i t i c i s m , the  Federal Government i n 1903 decided to relocate the Post Office from the East End to a s i t e next to the C.P.R.'s property on Hastings west of Granville Street.  8 2  The relocation o f the Post Office was c r i t i c a l i n the development o f the central business d i s t r i c t and the f i n a l decline of Strathcona as a 83 high-status r e s i d e n t i a l area.  As the economic expansion of Vancouver  proceeded a f t e r 1903., new r e t a i l and commercial growth was added i n the west while the east was forced to adapt i t s buildings to other uses.  Woodward's  Store established o r i g i n a l l y . i n 1892 at the corner of Georgia and Main was relocated at i t s present s i t e of Hastings and Abbott i n 1903., the year the  80 Post Office location was  decided.  84  ' Dayid Spencer Ltd. which l a t e r became Qr  Eaton's located i n 1907 i n a large department store at Cambie and Hastings. The only s i g n i f i c a n t r e t a i l centre to move from the East End before the Post Office decision was the Hudson's ,Bay Company; however, i t should be pointed out that when the Hudson's. Bay moved from Cordova to Granville and Georgia i n 1893  i t was not a department s t o r e , i t was  a tea room and mail-  order o f f i c e . ^ In the i n i t i a l  c o n f l i c t over land investments  the Eastern Canadians had  made s t r i k i n g gains: the downtown commercial investment  commenced i t s  gradual move into the western sector and the West End replaced the East End as a high-status r e s i d e n t i a l area.  To more f u l l y understand the  reasons  behind the West End becoming the unchallenged prime r e s i d e n t i a l area one must investigate the differences between the s o c i a l patterns of the B r i t i s h Columbians and the Eastern Canadians. There were s o c i o l o g i c a l t i e s between the West Enders and the central business d i s t r i c t which provided s o c i a l clubs, shops, and restaurants, v i s i t s which conferred s o c i a l status and provided access to broad avenues f o r promenading.  Mention has already been made of the numerous s o c i a l clubs  established by Eastern Canadians.  I t i s evident from the records o f the  Vancouver Club, that the club s i t e chosen i n 1891, the corner of Hornby and Hastings, "was  an extremely  convenient l o c a t i o n , being close to the business  centre and the residences of many of the members".  In f a c t , most of the  clubs l i s t e d i n the f i r s t authentic S o c i a l Registry were located between major commercial buildings and early West End residences (.Map  7).  S o c i a l v i s i t s were a part of Victorian Vancouver's middle-class l i f e style imported from Eastern Canada and each family, registered i n The E l i t e Directory of Vancouver 1908-1909 designated the times at which i t would "be  ILLUSTRATION 1  The ronda was an Important part of " v i l l a " form o f the .middle . class Victorian culture i n which the "at home" and the promenade were popular.  Not a l l West End homes were v i l l a s , but a l l had verandas and most had what were f o r Victorian c i t i e s deep set backs from the side w a l l .  Even with the development o f border hedges v i l l a s were integrated with street open space by means o f elevated verandas. Street cars which were extended into the West End after t h e i r development in the East End d i d not appear to detract from the s i g n i f i c ance o f the street as an arena of s o c i a l i z a t i o n .  HASTINGS EAST  WEST  POINT  GREY  KITSILANO  MOUNT PLEASANT  FAIRVIEW  CEDAR UNIVERSITY  COTTAGE  >-  ENDOWMENT  ARBUTUSN RIDGE  LANDS  RENFREW-  CO CO  LITTLE  RILEY  COLLINGWOOD  PARK-  KENSINGTON  MOUNTAIN  - DUNBARSOUTHLANDS  VICTORIAFRASERVIEW  KILLARNEY  MAP 7 VANCOUVER AND SUBURBS: CHANGES IN LOCATIONS OF SOCIAL CLUBS During the twentieth century, the s o c i a l clubs which were an important aspect o f early middle class organization and which were predominantly located on the western-side of the Central Business D i s t r i c t , spread into the West-side, the 'Old Point Grey' municipality.  V  Early C l u b s - 1 9 0 8 *  T  C l u b s - 1 931 **  •  Contemporary clubs ***  •  C l u b s w i t h separate c l u b b u i l d i n g s  ®  C l u b s m e e t i n g at the h o m e of chief e x e c u t i v e  *  From 1908 Social  Register  **  From Who's Who in B.C.. 1931  * **  From card index of 1967 Social at Vancouver Public Library  Clubs  81 88 at home".  I f not "at home"., i t seems the women, of t h i s class were making  the " s o c i a l rounds",. "being seen" i n the Hudson's . Bay Tea Room, at a club meeting - there were over forty clubs l i s t e d by 1927, - promenading or watching the street from the parlour.  Ethel Wilson i s the most acclaimed 89  observer of Vancouver's Victorian society.  Topaz, the heroine of  Wilson's The Innocent T r a v e l l e r , portrays the middle-class l i f e style of the West Enders.  It was  very important  for Topaz to v i s i t , to p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y  in. many clubs, to have tea at the Hudson's Bay Company and to observe from her veranda who  among her friends was  going where and wearing what.  I t i s evident that these s o c i a l patterns would not be e a s i l y in the East End.  The chief disadvantage  been the proximity of two  expressed-*/  of the East End appears to have  already established land uses which c o n f l i c t e d  with the l i f e s t y l e of the Eastern Canadians, p a r t i c u l a r l y that of the women: the presence of heavy p o l l u t i o n industries along the Burrard Inlet  and  False Creek, and the settlement of minority groups whose s o c i a l behaviour was  considered incompatible with the more urbane Eastern Canadian middle  class.  It i s evident from newspapers that women's organizations and s o c i a l  clubs spoke out against the drinking and promiscuity of the m i l l hands and against a host of s o c i a l customs followed by the By 1901  Chinese.  the West End was mostly developed and included the c i t y ' s  90 best homes,  whereas Strathcona and the central business  district  contained  concentrations of Asian and I t a l i a n minorities and organized labour.  By the  time the landscape of the Vancouver Peninsula was b u i l t up, the sector pattern had been already established and, i n i t s creation, c o n f l i c t s i n s o c i a l patterns had been i n f l u e n t i a l factors.  The ensuing development on the  adjacent  Burrard Peninsula at f i r s t suggested that the orientation of the sectors might be altered.  ILLUSTRATION 2 EAST END RESIDENTIAL SPACE,  1890-1910  I n d u s t r y competed w i t h V i c t o r i a n l a d i e s f o r the s t r e e t open spaces o f t h e E a s t End where t h e 30' l o t and minimum set hack predominated.  G r a n d v i e w , a suburb i n t h e E a s t End d e v e l o p e d by one o f t h e l a r g e r b u i l d e r s c.1910, c o n t i n u e d t h e p a t t e r n o f l o t s i z e and s e t back. The u n i f o r m i t y i n the l a n d scape r e f l e c t s as much t h e p a r t i c u l a r operations of speculati v e b u i l d i n g companies as i t does the s o c i a l b e l i e f s about c o l l e c t ive society characteristic o f e a r l y Grandview.  U n i f o r m i t y i n house form s h a r p l y d e f i n e d t h e park open spaces w h i c h the O l d Vancouver C o u n c i l developed i n the E a s t E n d . Used p r i m a r i l y as p l a y s p a c e , s e v e r a l o f t h e s e parks were t o be e l i m i n a t e d by t h e m i d d l e o f the c e n t u r y .  82 Following the success of the West Enders the B r i t i s h Columbians turned with.some optimism to.the high grounds south.and east of False Creek, where 91 they, concentrated.investment..  With.their interests advanced on.the .  municipal council by Mayor Oppenheimer and some c o u n c i l l o r s , the B r i t i s h Columbians i n i t i a t e d impressive municipal improvement programs on the 92 Burrard Peninsula, i n p a r t i c u l a r i n Mount Pleasant and Fairview. A r a p i d growth i n population followed the construction of bridges and l a t e r the streeet93 cars.  he In 1910 v i s i t o r s to the c i t y reported that Fairview r i v a l e d the West  End formed i n some respects as the most attractive suburb i n the c i t y ,  9h  Fairview "contained many handsome buildings to which well kept gardens were attached". '' 9  The municipal programs i n Fairview were exemplary for the time:  neighbourhood parks, sewers, sidewalks and streets p a r a l l e l e d private investment;  i n 1905  the high school was moved from the downtown to the centre  of Fairview; a year l a t e r the Vancouver General Hospital was moved to the same l o c a t i o n ; and five years a f t e r that, i t was  decided to locate the  96 University of B r i t i s h Columbia there as w e l l .  Although the sanitary regul-  ations pertaining to the subdivision were the most stringent i n the c i t y to that date, the subsoil on the northern flank of the Burrard Peninsula could 97 not hold the septic tank discharges.  The sewage flowed f r e e l y through the  g l a c i a l sediment underground along the face of the impermeable marine clays toward False Creek where i t emerged to the surface along the stream v a l l e y s . 98 A dysentry epidemic was  ascribed to this discharge  and with the cooperation  of the Federal and P r o v i n c i a l governments, the c i t y embarked on a bond issue to construct trunk sewer extensions i n 1912. During t h i s same period, Mount Pleasant, the e a r l i e s t subdivision south 99 of False Creek was also transformed into a streetcar suburb. Several  83 developers commenced investments.in walk-up tenements;•these structures and many small detached, bungalows ..housed, small businessmen, and thousands of tradesmen, employed i n constructing the.surrounding suburbs.. Of the  751  heads of households l i v i n g i n Mount Pleasant i n 1901., 40. per. cent were tradesmen, 22 per cent labourers, 12 per cent managers and professionals and the remaining 26 per cent were unspecified. *""^ 1  The two remaining suburbs, Grandview and K i t s i l a n o , made concerted e f f o r t s through advertising to attract families with s o c i a l standing, but without major municipal improvements they were less successful than F a i r view i ^ 1  1  The primary c a p i t a l i n Grandview came from England while that of 102  K i t s i l a n o came from Germany.  Because at this time the West End was  f u l l y occupied the competition to create another high-status area was  almost strong.  Even with its•considerable advantages Fairview floundered i n a s i t u a t i o n that must have been p a i n f u l l y f a m i l i a r to the ambitious B r i t i s h Columbians; poorly drained subsoil and the C.P.R. with i t s large land grants i n the West and i t s strong financing. The well'conceived programs for trunk sewers were not s u f f i c i e n t to make Fairview competitive with the C.P.R. subdivision of Shaughnessy which opened up i n 1911 the same year the c i t y constructed 103 Fairview's trunk extension.  The Western sector remained the area of high  status residences while the B r i t i s h Columbians f a i l e d to establish i n the East or Southeast  a comparable area.  The "mossbacks" had been successful  i n concentrating within the Eastern sector.important c i v i c i n s t i t u t i o n s , but a f t e r 1912 t h e i r a b i l i t y to shape the direction of high-income r e s i d e n t i a l growth was  ended.  Expansion of economic opportunities i n the  early 1900.'s had attracted many small and new  investors and with t h i s  new  c a p i t a l the separate interests of B r i t i s h Columbians waned and they were absorbed into the middle and working classes.  Class Conflict . The landscape developments that followed'on'the'Burrard Peninsula are to be understood more i n terms o f basic differences i n s o c i a l b e l i e f s , p a r t i c u l a r l y p o l i t i c a l doctrines , between the men of South Vancouver and Point Grey than mere economic competition o f land developers.  The role o f  s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and basic b e l i e f s i n the development of sectors can be demonstrated by an examination of three case studies: the secession o f Point Grey from South Vancouver, the s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n o f South Vancouver men from Vancouver's "society", and the disparagement of organized labour for Canadian patriotism i n World War I. By 1910 South Vancouver had become predominantly a working-class 104 suburb.  Without capital a labourer who came t o Vancouver m  the  boom a f t e r 1909 had two choices f o r a place o f residence close to the centres o f employment: downtown and along the waterfront.  He could f i n d  accommodation by renting tenements or cabins i n Strathcona or i n Mount PleasantThe  l i v i n g conditions of these areas were squalid and  unhealthy; the municipal reports at the end o f 1911 described the environments: "Many l i v e i n two-room tenement cabins that have p r a c t i c a l l y no l i g h t or v e n t i l a t i o n .  Some cabins have no baths: those that have charge  a d o l l a r f o r three b a t h i n g s " . D u r i n g the boom, however, the savings of three or four months' wages produced c a p i t a l s u f f i c i e n t f o r a labourer to 107 relocate.  Many labourers purchased l o t s i n South Vancouver.  This sub-  d i v i s i o n offered several advantages : r e l a t i v e t o Vancouver City suburbs l i k e Grandview, South Vancouver's property values and annual taxes were low.  Perhaps o f equal advantage was the streetcar extension into South  Vancouver.  As early as 1909. streetcar l i n e s had been pushed southward  along Main Street to 39th Avenue , along Fraser Street to 49th Avenue, and  85 108 along V i c t o r i a Street. to . 1+lst Avenue ..  Evidence o f the extent to which  South. Vancouver he came the'. selected residence, of the labourer, and artisan can be. found i n the city. directories.• from- the years 1900'. through 1912.. A labour editor for the B r i t i s h Columbia Federationist ascribed t h i s concentration -to the presence i n South Vancouver o f good schools; to i t s being a "peaceable", "dry town" with no questionable neighbourhoods; and to i t s o f f e r i n g inexpensive b u i l d i n g materials from nearby lumber yards, a c c e s s i b i l i t y to employment downtown, and absence of taxes on land improvements 109. . +  The a t t r a c t i o n of large numbers of labourers to South Vancouver l e d to strong t i e s between labour theory and municipal p o l i c i e s . That tradesmen occupied o f f i c e s i n early municipal government i s recorded i n the h i s t o r i c a l accounts of a contemporary municipal clerk.  "South Vancouver became the  home o f the i n d u s t r i a l classes and the reeves and councils o f the d i s t r i c t were drawn from this class.  Pound (reeve between 1909 and 1913) was a  p r i n t e r , his father and brother were p r i n t e r s .  Mr. Pound stood i n well  with the unions and prided himself on his union card"."''"'"  0  The municipality's  f i r s t Councils were dominated by men from areas i n the B r i t i s h Isles where U t i l i t a r i a n v a r i e t i e s of unionism were popular at the end o f the century."^'"'""'" Brewer, the f i r s t reeve, was from Cornwall; Rae, his successor, was from Ireland.  Whether there were direct relationships between these reeves and  B r i t i s h U t i l i t a r i a n s i s i n doubt but there i s clear evidence of two or t h e i r p o l i c i e s which were unmistakenly U t i l i t a r i a n : the 1897 single-tax system whereby no taxes were placed on land improvements and "pay as you go" f o r 112 those improvements made i n the municipality. These overly cautious urban policies.proved to be unacceptable to a group of voters i n the western part of the municipality. There was open  86 objection to the l i n k between.labour•and .municipal government.. .Further, the western group was  anxious to change the municipal.tax.structure and  to.co-  operate . with . the C.P.R. i n the subdivision of t h e i r holdings at.Shaughnessy Heights.  This predominantly managerial and professional minority occupying  the high ground of Kerrisdale and what i s now Marpole p r e c i p i t a t e d 113 secession, and the creation of the Municipality of Point Grey. p r o f i l e of these objecting voters i s given by the 1909 the occupations  of household heads for Kerrisdale.  Directory which l i s t s  Excluding farmers these  were: three labourers, twenty-three managers of businesses 114 and s i x u n c l a s s i f i e d persons. managers and professionals. Alveii'Slebe.n.  A  Several land developers  and professionals, were among the  The most important among them was  Alvo  von  He, l i k e several others, had b u i l t up c a p i t a l i n the land  development of Vancouver City and then on speculation had purchased p r o v i n c i a l l o t s i n Point Grey. '' 11  According to von Alvensleben  sound  suburban development was based on B r i t i s h " l i b e r a l i s m " , a comprehensive municipal p o l i c y for land improvement that would produce a n a t u r a l i s t i c environment with adequate street and sanitary f a c i l i t i e s as well as park open s p a c e s . ^ 11  I f these were to be obtained i n South Vancouver, municipal  government had to be extracted from the i n t e r e s t s of labour and  socialists.  Given the union threat to the power of management i n Vancouver's industries i n 1907  and 1908,  and given the numerical  s u p e r i o r i t y of labour i n t e r e s t s  i n South Vancouver the best strategy f o r r e a l i z i n g the goals of the dissident 117 voters was was  secession.  This was  accomplished i n 1908.  The secession which  reported to be amiable l e d to further s o c i a l segregation and more  pronounced differences i n the landscapes of the southwestern and  south-  eastern sectors of the peninsula. In f u l l control of i t s urban destiny, the Municipality of Point Grey  •87 proceeded, to. establish p o l i c i e s ..that attracted, to. i t s ..substantial .residenti a l investments . by ..the C .P ,R. . and the main portion of . the middle class that developed.during the economic boom after. World War.I.  Residential develop-  ment i n Kerrisdale commenced i n 1909 and i n Shaughnessy and West Point Grey i n 1912.  Slow at f i r s t , r e s i d e n t i a l construction expanded r a p i d l y .  By-  1929.the population o f Point Grey was only ten thousand less than the 118 forty thousand of South Vancouver  and i n the assessed value of property  and improvements Point Grey surpassed South Vancouver.  "The 1929 assessment  role shows a t o t a l of $30,252,574" for South Vancouver whereas the t o t a l 119 for Point Grey was twice that amount.  Figures on the assessed value  of permits indicate the range of economic segregation i n Point Grey and South Vancouver; for example, the average value of b u i l d i n g permits i n Point Grey i n 1922 was $3,115 as contrasted with the average i n South Vancouver of $ 6 2 0 .  120  The 1921 Census of Canada indicates the extent o f segregation was not l i m i t e d to economic conditions.  Of South Vancouver's 32,267 residents i n  1921, there were 46 per cent Canadian-born, 45 per cent British-born, and 9 per cent born outside Canada and the B r i t i s h I s l e s .  Of Point Grey's  t o t a l population, 57 per cent were Canadian-born, while only 31 per cent 121 were British-born, and ten per cent, foreign born, In the examination of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n and sector development, another l e v e l can be investigated.  Through the analysis of r e s i d e n t i a l  addresses o f s o c i a l l y prominent .families i t can be demonstrated that the residents o f South Vancouver were not integrated with the formal s o c i a l groupings of Vancouver City such as the Canadian Club, Terminal City Club and Georgia Club.  The residents of Point Grey, on the other hand, were  closely t i e d to formal s o c i a l organizations.  A set of three maps was  88 prepared, to. demonstrate.. the pattern of membership i n Vancouver's s o c i a l clubs. (Map -8) •. These data, were developed from s o c i a l d i r e c t o r i e s that . specified, the c r i t e r i a f o r club membership.  The 1908. and 1927.data were  based.on the c r i t e r i a that the families. l i s t e d were members of one or more clubs, the l i s t s of which were included i n the publications. of the 1931  In the case  directory, the c r i t e r i a were the subjective evaluation of the  directory editors whose job i t was s o c i a l l i f e of the c i t y .  to know who  was  " i n " and "not i n " the  It can also be demonstrated that the suburbaniz-  ation of s o c i a l clubs that proceeded between 1908 confined to the western sector (Map  7).  and 1931 was  Although these map  entirely  data do not  describe the d i s t r i b u t i o n of separate s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s and association memberships for South Vancouver, one  can refer to the e a r l i e r discussion of  the p r o f i l e of s o c i a l patterns i n unions and s o c i a l clubs as reported i n labour newspapers to document t h e i r separateness from Vancouver's s o c i a l clubs. There i s one notable exception to the general tendency f o r the residents of South Vancouver to be s o c i a l l y i s o l a t e d from Vancouver society. Records of the Greater Vancouver H o r t i c u l t u r a l Society document the close and c o r d i a l i n t e r a c t i o n between working-class f a m i l i e s , professional members 122 of gardening unions, and prominent members of Point Grey's Middle c l a s s . However, garden associations were an exception. day-to-day s o c i a l l i f e there was  Clearly at the l e v e l of  an abiding d i v i s i o n between the men  of  South Vancouver and Point Grey. F i n a l evidence of differences i n b e l i e f s that underlay the growth of r e s i d e n t i a l areas on the Burrard Peninsula can be documented i n the h i s t o r y of conscription during World War was  I.  The b e l i e f of the labour  organization  that "material wealth must be conscripted before manpower i s con-  These maps demonstrate the degree of s o c i a l segregation i n Victorian Vancouver and the confinement o f the middle class to the west and southwestern sectors p a r t i c u l a r l y to the West End and Shaughnessy. Although the c r i t e r i a for l i s t i n g s i n the s o c i a l directories varied with each publication, l i s t i n g s up to 1931 were selective and based on an evaluation of s o c i a l status. After this date l i s t i n g s could be "acquired" and d i d not necessarily r e f l e c t on a family's s o c i a l position i n the middle class. This change was i t s e l f a signal o f waning early s o c i a l b e l i e f s and organization.  89 scripted-'  TOO  There was  a r e a l fear.that m i l i t a r y conscription would.he.  followed, b y . i n d u s t r i a l conscription that would be used, by.management to :  . c u r t a i l unions.  The management class viewed.labour's p o s i t i o n as e s s e n t i a l l y  pro-German and ruinous to both the Dominion and to t h e i r c a p i t a l investments.  The  point i n 1918.  c o n f l i c t s between management and labour reached a turning P h i l l i p s reports on the h o s t i l i t y :  "The tension on the labour scene was increased further by a wholly new issue. On A p r i l l 6 t h and May 21st (1918), the federal cabinet issued orders-in-council regarding censorship, sedition and.anti-loafing. I t became i l l e g a l to express adverse opinion on the causes or motives of the war, on the actions of a l l i e d countries, or to weaken or detract from the war e f f o r t . Almost immediately labour bodies throughout the province protested. The o f f i c e of the S o c i a l i s t Party i n Vancouver was raided and the Federationist was very nearly shut down". 125  A more serious issue was Goodwin was  created when union organizer and  shot on Vancouver Island by Dominion p o l i c e who  for draft dodgers.  draft*dodger  were p a t r o l l i n g  " . . . . the story broke i n Vancouver that Goodwin had been  shot i n the back with a soft-nose or 'dum-dum' bullet"." " ^ 1  2  I t was  widely  believed among the s o c i a l i s t s and labour groups that Goodwin had been deliberately shot for his labour a c t i v i t i e s and his opposition to conscription.  On the b e l i e f that Goodwin had died a martyr, Vancouver Labour unions  coordinated a series of s t r i k e s which were again interpreted by the middle class as pro-German and Bolshevik.  A number of c i t y businessmen  organized  a r a i d on the Vancouver Labour Temple, destroying records and furnishings 127 and making two unionists k i s s the Union Jack.  The c o n f l i c t s  through to 1919  c a l l e d i n Vancouver and'  when i n June a general s t r i k e was  continued  p o l i c e raided the union o f f i c e and homes of union leaders i n South Vancouver. This s t r i f e between working class and middle class produced dramatic geographical  segregation; i t p r a c t i c a l l y established Cambie Street as a  90 "national" boundary l i n e . . As a matter, of allegiance to one's cause country- or the working class -• one had to l i v e on the proper side of Cambie. In summary, then, the social, conditions underlying the growth of r e s i d e n t i a l suburbs on the Burrard Peninsula were characterized by c o n f l i c t s between labour and management classes.  It took u n t i l 1929  for compromises to be  created and the two suburbs to amalgamate with Vancouver.  Before then the  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c pattern of r e s i d e n t i a l growth had developed into two class sectors.  S i m i l a r geographical effects were produced by  c o n f l i c t s , some case examples of which now  separate  racial  follow.  Racial Conflict There were no accounts o f c o n f l i c t s between "Orientals" and other s e t t l e r s before 1884, even though as early as 1878 there were unsuccessful attempts to create l e g i s l a t i o n discriminating against "Oriental"  immigration  129 into B r i t i s h Columbia.  An abrupt increase of Chinese moving into 130  Vancouver at the end of railway construction p r e c i p i t a t e d c o n f l i c t s . These c o n f l i c t s involved to some extent the middle class , whose actions were channelled through women's organizations i n the church and through p o l i t i c a l 131 action i n the P r o v i n c i a l Assembly and Federal Parliament. d e c i s i v e l y , the c o n f l i c t s involved the labour unions who  But, more channelled t h e i r  actions through the "Lib-Labs" i n the P r o v i n c i a l Assembly and through an 132 independent organization, the A s i a t i c Exclusion League. In 1886 the P r o v i n c i a l Government requested f i n a n c i a l a i d from the Federal Governments for the "thousands of Chinese starving" i n Vancouver and V i c t o r i a . the immigration  Further the A s i a t i c Exclusion League c a l l e d for a halt to of any Asian labour that might "come i n t o competition with 133  free Anglo-Saxon labour".  This l a t t e r proposal was  considered unconstit-  utional by the Supreme Court of Canada; however, the head tax of $50 per  91  , Chinese immigrant was  134  increased to. $300,.  Other l e g i s l a t i v e deterrents  included the exclusion of Chinese from P r o v i n c i a l elections i n 1894  and  135 from municipal elections i n I896.  These measures reduced but d i d not  stop completely the attraction of Chinese labour to Vancouver.  Furthermore,  the head tax, since i t had been l e v i e d only on the Chinese,' created a greater demand f o r other inexpensive labour. 1907,  8,125  Between January and October i n  Japanese arrived i n the province, the majority concentrating i n  I36 Vancouver.  S i m i l a r l y , but over a more extended period of time, between  137 1904  and 1908 an estimated five thousand Sikhs came from India.  signs O f immigration  With few  abating and with labour unrest that accompanied the  economic slump of 1907,  the A s i a t i c Exclusion League c a l l e d a meeting i n  September 1907 that l e d to wholesale physical destruction of private property i n minority areas (Map whom were labourers, was was less destructive.  5)-  The attack by the r i o t e r s , most of  also d i r e c t e d against the Japanese but that attack  The Chinese protested by a staged sit-down  strike.  The "street" p o l i t i c s of these c o n f l i c t s assumed international importance and i n 1908 the Federal Government signed agreements which l i m i t e d Japanese 139 immigration.  This and s i m i l a r agreements i n subsequent years v i r t u a l l y i4o  eliminated Asian immigration  u n t i l a f t e r World War I I .  There were s i g n i f i c a n t geographical consequences of these street confrontations between labour and Asians.  The curtailment of Asian  immigration  resulted i n the majority o f this group being segregated and confined i n the l4l East End within a few blocks of the downtown. . Investments s i m i l a r to 142 those m  most B r i t i s h c i t i e s  i n the East End.  might have r e s u l t e d i n working-class  Instead there was  a displacement  tenements  of Anglo Saxons from  the East End, leaving the minorities ' quarters over stores and i n o l d frame houses.  Densities were high.  F i r s t there was the direct movement, described  i n a previous section to.Mount Pleasant and then.to.South.Vancouver. There was also a l a t e r a l extensionj not to.the west of Mount Pleasant which :  was already being claimed by.the middle c l a s s , but to the east (Map 5). In a right flanking movement the working class expanded from Mount Pleasant along the high ground north and east into Grandview  (Map 6).  By 1930 Asian  and.Italian groups had by and large replaced Anglo-Saxon labour groups i n 145 Strathcona.  Thus the struggle of the working class not only s o c i a l l y and  geographically separated i t from the middle class but also from the ethnic minorities. In summary, t e r r i t o r i a l growth of residences demonstrates a close relationship between inteK^group s t r i f e and the r e s i d e n t i a l development  into  three d i s t i n c t i v e sectors radiating outward from the sites i n i t i a l l y occupied by the founding groups.  I t was only the B r i t i s h Columbians  who  f a i l e d to sustain t e r r i t o r i a l growth within the sector they i n i t i a l l y occupied.  By 1929 the l o c a l landscapes within the middle class primarily  i n Point Grey, the working class of South and East Vancouver and the ethnic minorities of the East End had developed surprising contrasts (Maps 1 and 2). . SOCIAL BELIEFS AND LOCAL LANDSCAPE VARIATIONS There are v i s u a l differences i n the l o c a l landscapes of each sector, differences i n the appearance of street and park open spaces and the arrangements of gardens and dwellings.  These variations can be shown to be  associated with the basic b e l i e f s of the middle and working classes , but there are i n s u f f i c i e n t data to analyse the minority areas.  The records of  municipal and c i v i c bodies, Vancouver's English l i t e r a t i , l o c a l newspapers and eye-witness accounts are the primary sources available.  Both l o c a l and  93  more general s o c i a l histories, provide secondary sources, of data, on b e l i e f s and landscape developments.  The data were organized into case examples  that  demonstrate l o c a l landscape differences and groups variations i n values present i n early Vancouver.  These include: Cl) individualism, (2) c i v i c  consciousness, a n d ' ( 3 T man's relationship to nature. The Ritual of Individualism "The sole end for which mankind are warranted, i n d i v i d u a l l y or c o l l e c t i v e l y i n i n t e r f e r i n g with the l i b e r t y o f action of any of t h e i r number i s s e l f - p r o t e c t i o n " . " ^  So wrote the Victorian M i l l .  His remark i s  an appropriate introduction to the l i b e r t y theme o f Vancouver's of land.  development  Evidence f o r strong b e l i e f s i s to be found i n recorded thoughts  of men from the middle-class sector: "Our creed l o c a l l y and so worked out by consistent members o f the Vancouver Canadian Club, consists i n seeking the highest good of the race by working to make .... the Empire the greatest that ever has been, the greatest not alone i n wealth and power, but greatest i n that i n i t i s to-be found the . highest average of comfort and happiness to the i n d i v i d u a l . . . " Such were the remarks of the President of the Canadian Club 1 9 0 7 - 1 9 0 8 , Eastern Canadian emigrant and "West Ender".  A v i s i t i n g English p o l i t i c i a n ,  Vivian, whose appearance i n Vancouver was one of the highlights i n the history o f the Canadian Club, received "rounding applause and cheers" from club members when he t o l d them " i t i s not the size of your t e r r i t o r y that i s ultimately going to decide your place upon nations: i t i s the i n d i v i d u a l " . Ownership i n private property was one expression of individualism as well as a means to i n d i v i d u a l wealth, comfort and p o l i t i c a l power. b e l i e f was true even i n labour-dominated South Vancouver.  This  While one finds  i n the labour and s o c i a l i s t newspapers few references to individualism but many to "cementing the working class" or "class s o l i d a r i t y " , the party  9h platforms .of moderate. "Lib-Labs" consistently included, policies...that can be interpreted.as representing b e l i e f s in.individualism.  For instance.in :  Vancouver's 1926 e l e c t i o n the labour candidate,'. Deptford, completely rejected terraced housing and supported' the more costly p o l i c y of s i n g l e , detached dwellings on 33-foot l o t s as a solution to the housing c r i s i s . Another labour candidate, D . Lefeaux, strongly defended the necessity of private ownership and detached family h o m e s . B u t , the t r u s t i n r e a l property  as the basis for the i n d i v i d u a l right o f holding o f f i c e i n municipal  government was not supported by a l l i n South Vancouver.  The s o c i a l i s t  candidates running for federal and p r o v i n c i a l elections argued on a platform 151 for the abolishment of land grants and the n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of land. some "Lib-Lab"  Even  candidates i n South Vancouver i n 1926 campaigned on a p l a t -  form to abolish property ownership as a q u a l i f i c a t i o n to hold public o f f i c e 152 i n the c i t y .  Thus, with exception o f organized s o c i a l i s t s i n South  Vancouver, b e l i e f i n private'ownership of r e a l property as c a p i t a l security for the i n d i v i d u a l was the general r u l e .  As one "mossback" humorously put  i t i n an address i n the c i t y , "Everyone i n Vancouver i s busy outside .... taking up d o l l a r s ; but he need not be i n a hurry because you can pick up 153 dollars anywhere around here i n the d i r t  (property)",  The b e l i e f i n land as a lever for i n d i v i d u a l comfort and happiness i s further represented  i n p r o v i n c i a l statutes and corporate practices and 15k  i n p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n i n the Land Act and the Municipal Act.  These  were designed to regulate the tenure of land and the s i z e of l e g a l p a r c e l . The regular sizes i n the g r i d pattern were combined with s i m p l i f i e d l e g a l processes to make easy the transfer of land t i t l e s (Map 9).  Once the land  was granted or sold, however, the actual practices of subdivision and resale which i n the end resulted i n land improvements and home construction  MAP 9  THE GEOGRAPHICAL EXPRESSIONS OP INDIVIDUALISM: THE WEST END,  1912  The wooden frame single residence on the ubiquitous small l o t was a d i s t i n c t i v e feature i n the landscape o f early Vancouver. This reproduction of an early cadastral map o f the West End demonstrates that whether the land use was commercial, r e s i d e n t i a l , or i n d u s t r i a l , the tenure was by small l o t s . The small l o t prevailed i n the triangle-blocks at street junctions as i t prevailed everywhere but f o r the narrow foreshore and reclaimed land along the shoreline o f the peninsulas. While walk-up apartments appeared i n l i m i t e d numbers i n the West End, tenements were generally absent from the Vancouver Peninsula.  95' differed,  widely. • The' range . of these differences . and t h e i r . geographi cal  impact can be. -understood through' an examination o f f o u r case studies': large land companies, small private", companies.'.,'.cooperative b u i l d i n g companies , and the "urban homesteader". Shaughnessy The l a r g e s t l a n d company operating i n Vancouver was the C.P.R. and Shaughnessy Heights was i t s most elaborate s u b d i v i s i o n (Maps i and 10).. Shaughnessy Heights provided i t s residents w i t h a d i s t i n c t i v e s o c i a l and aesthetic environment with a choice o f s t y l e s and reasonable f i n a n c i a l terms t h a t appealed t o the i n d i v i d u a l i s m o f the middle class and e l i t e s . The C.P.R. had a t r a d i t i o n o f concern f o r a r c h i t e c t u r e , landscaping and f i n a n c i a l "know how" and these experiences were applied t o Shaughnessy.^' '' 5  More than $1,000,000 was spent i n c r e a t i n g the appropriate suburb conditions before construction began; t h i s i n c l u d e d r e p l o t t i n g o f l a y o u t s , grading boulevards, paving and curbing, i n s t a l l i n g b a s i c u t i l i t i e s and creating a u n i f i e d landscape design (Map 10).^^  A r e s t r i c t i v e covenant was obtained  from the p r o v i n c i a l government that excluded both commercial and m u l t i dwelling u n i t s .  Although there was one h o l d i n g company, other contractors  and i n d i v i d u a l a r c h i t e c t s p a r t i c i p a t e d . remarkably simple.  Transferring a l a n d t i t l e was  "You would t e l l Harry F o r r e s t , land agent f o r the C.P.R.,  to put down John Jones f o r l o t s so and so.  He would make a note w i t h a l e a d  p e n c i l on h i s r e c o r d and John Jones , on the strength o f that , but with nothing i n w r i t i n g , would b u i l d a couple o f houses on the l o t s and when completed, and perhaps s o l d i n • about 90 days time, would come i n and pay f o r the l o t s through money' raised', perhaps by a .mortgage, a discount o f 10 per 157 cent f o r cash being allowed". The r e p l o t t e d contour s t r e e t layout gave i n d i v i d u a l s a choice o f l o t  ILLUSTRATION 3 THE SHAUGHNESSY LANDSCAPE,  19lH-193fc  A view o f the C i r c l e and i t s as symmetrical park open space which functioned as an ornamental garden symbolizing not only the status o f the adjacent residents hut t h e i r acceptance of c i v i c authority and b e l i e f i n an h o l i s t i c c i t y .  An early view o f the o f f s e t i n t e r sections and contour streets , two features o f the Shaughnessy landscape that give the pedestrian the p o t e n t i a l of s e r i a l v i s i o n . As the border hedges and street ornamentation developed this p o t e n t i a l was increased greatly.  V i l l a s patterned a f t e r the romantic half-timber motif o f B r i t i s h Columbia's f i r s t i n f l u e n t i a l architect, Maclure. Note the informal ornamental garden. This motif and other West Coast v i l l a s inspired the romanticism of house form i n companies l i k e Vancouver Free Homes, a co-operative f i r m that s p e c i a l i z e d i n bungalow b u i l d i n g i n South Vancouver during the same period.  IAP 10  POINT GREY'S EARLY LANDSCAPE  1908-1928  Point Grey's Shaughnessy Heights appears to be the most successful subdivision b u i l t during Vancouver's early period. With an individualism moderated by c i v i c authoritarianism, and with a strong d i s p o s i t i o n toward environmentalism, the middle class created a r e s i d e n t i a l landscape that was characterized by wide streets, streets that were often replotted from the o r i g i n a l survey to create geomorphic patterns, boulevards and " c i r c l e s . " In one of the f i r s t instances of r e s i d e n t i a l zoning i n Canada, Point Grey systematically integrated park open space with residences and confined commercial and i n d u s t r i a l land use. .... .  i ii  ii  'ir ji i:  j j; :i j'-  1  m  T  «ft it  IL  .jsaragijii 30- jr  •» Hwyijiwtf  ^  Ii  • f*r-.it,t  l.,i,„.i.,  rt,' A  th, t .jfrnti'ii  Ont  * -•*-*»T*:-:itln.:i• :1 i ~ ti- _'_  fill "  11  2  in  -/'Hunt  ?H ?'<:T f 526,  /I'  96 shape and size:.the smallest l o t was .16 . acre,.. i t sold for $1,500. i n 1919; and the largest was .1.1 acre ,.. i t . sold. the '• same year for $10,000.  With.these  easy terms o l d Shaughnessy' was developed.between 1912 and 1925,' most sales and construction being completed a f t e r 1919. The consequence of the C.P.R.'s operations was to create a land-  ^  scape with a dominant a r c h i t e c t u r a l theme which allowed the individualism of the owner to be expressed.  There emerged on the West Coast the f i r s t  d i s t i n c t i v e regional design, the "half timber", with i t s broad roof over159 hang and v e r t i c a l proportioning.  Although the f i n a n c i a l arrangements  were easy, the $6,000. construction cost minimum and the exclusive landscape plan attracted a select group of men, with acquired "tastes", with an heritage o f , or aspirations f o r status.  They created i n most instances  " v i l l a s " i s o l a t e d behind walls and hedges, and with gardens surrounding them.  The dominant a r c h i t e c t u r a l theme was Maclure's "half timber"  English C o l o n i a l ; but, other examples of the "Colonial" were also constructed: "popinjay"; "sophisticated I t a l i a n " and "Spanish"; there was a variety on the Colonial theme.  A pedestrian would be sensitive to more than high  walls and i s o l a t e d v i l l a s i n Shaughnessy: the street layout produced vision.  serial  The unexpected views through gateways on the walls and the random  l i n e s of sight afforded by the road intersections i n the contour street pattern, combined to make this area more a e s t h e t i c a l l y stimulating than any other suburb.  While individualism expressed i t s e l f i n Shaughnessy's  a r c h i t e c t u r a l v a r i a t i o n on Colonial themes, this v i s u a l expression was often hidden behind walls and, i n contrast, there was a common symmetrical character' to a l l the open spaces.  In South Vancouver individualism was  expressed, independent o f public open.space.  97 The Urban "Homesteader".. Considering eye-witness  accounts.and the .  limited, l o c a l h i s t o r i e s ..available ,.. i t . i s . evident that home construction i n South.Vancouver was by.and large undertaken.by individuals' who,  as money  became a v a i l a b l e , undertook to construct, with the cooperation of the family members and co-workers, t h e i r own homes.  An example of a Welsh streetcar  conductor w i l l demonstrate this general process of land development. ^ 1  The  conductor arrived from a v i l l a g e i n south Wales i n 1910 and rented a cabin i n Mount Pleasant.  He obtained a job i n the streetcar barns which by  paid him $70 a month. for $200 down.  1911  In 1912 he purchased two l o t s on East 43rd Street  On one of these l o t s he erected the f i r s t part of a  bungalow whose design was taken from Hodgson's P r a c t i c a l Bungalows and Cottages, ^ 1  his  1  In i t s f i r s t phase of construction he obtained, i n return f o r  own labour on other houses and for cash wages, the assistance of fellow  members of the B r i t i s h Columbia E l e c t r i c Company.  A f t e r 1913, as more cash  became' a v a i l a b l e , the second f l o o r of the house was bedroom was  added.  The siding was  completed, then the  f i n i s h e d one year l a t e r .  surrounding land including the second l o t was  In 1916  the  cleared of stumps and a  retaining wall between the two l o t s constructed.  I t took four years to  completely develop the land to a point where the house accommodated his family of three children and where the vegetable and flower garden behind the house was productive.  He, along with a neighbour on one side, planted  mountain ash on the street right-of-way adjacent to his property. he sold the second l o t and a house was  In 1920  constructed on i t .  Many small houses, each modelled on one of several American and Canadian copy books, were b u i l t through s i m i l a r processes. d i s t i n c t i v e l o c a l landscapes.in South.Vancouver.  They produced  In areas where t h i s  process predominated great variety i n l o c a l landscapes resulted.  Due to the  ILLUSTRATION h DIFFERENCES OF OPEN SPACES IN POINT GREY AND SOUTH VANCOUVER, c.1930  This Old Point Grey home i s a v i v i d demonstration of the deep set backs and the integration of private ornamental garden and public open space - two dominant features of t h i s middle class sector. While not a l l front gardens were as symmetrical as t h i s , most were given to as much ornamentation.  Boundary, between open spaces designated Point Grey and South Vancouver. In the foreground the deep set back of Point Grey and i n the background the shallow set back of South Vancouver.  A contemporary view of a Kensington back yard with shallow set backs; the men of South Vancouver maximized the back yard space which functioned as a vegetable and cut-flower garden. Gardens of t h i s sector were not integrated with the public open space of the street.  MAP 11 "OLD VANCOUVER CITY": THE GRID PATTERN IN THE EAST END, c. 1912  While the g r i d pattern was the basis o f "Old Vancouver's" organization o f open spaces throughout the c i t y , the B r i t i s h Columbians who controlled the f i r s t Councils saw that i t s adaption i n East Vancouver was o f high standard. In spite of i t s f l e x i b i l i t y i n this area, i t s extension to a crescent on a promontory, i t s variable l o t s i z e s , a l l e y accesses and nearness to park open spaces, the ensuing development did not produce land values that were as high as the West End values. The proximity to railways and i n d u s t r i e s , the transistory nature o f the f i r s t residents who were o f immigrant working c l a s s e s , and then the succession o f ethnic minorities for whom the detached dwelling and small l o t were poorly s u i t e d continued to complicate landscape development on the East End.  length.of longer.periods ^bf construction there was variety in.materials and .  designs.  .  .  .  .  .  .  Because.there was .often.an o r i g i n a l purchase .of two or three l e t s ,  some of which were resold l a t e r , there was  along any given.street.a wide  range i n the age of buildings and depth of set hacks.  Because the street  right-of-ways were planned i n d i v i d u a l l y by owners and not i n a coordinated plan, private spaces were seldomly integrated with public open spaces (Map  12). Thus the sense of i n d i v i d u a l freedom, security and access to municipal  o f f i c e was  strong within the middle- and working-class sectors of Vancouver.  Variations i n the amount of c a p i t a l possessed and the a b i l i t y to obtain cooperative labour i n home construction l e d to differences between the l o c a l landscapes of South Vancouver and Point Grey. The Consciousness of C o l l e c t i v i t y There i s a sense i n which a measure of individualism i n r e s i d e n t i a l design resulted from a b e l i e f i n c o l l e c t i v e actions among people with low incomes.  This working together i n associations to b u i l d homes was  i n the operation of cooperative home b u i l d i n g companies.  In yet another  sense the operations of speculative builders. . produced through of home design the v i s u a l appearance - of c o l l e c t i v i t y .  manifest  similarity  F i r s t take the case  of cooperative b u i l d i n g . Cooperative Building Companies. i s d i f f i c u l t to determine.  The exact number of cooperative firms  Their number i s not l i k e l y to be large.  The  most s i g n i f i c a n t cooperative appears to have been Vancouver Free Homes Ltd., 162 a company whose shareholders were both i t s own employees and buyers. company which i s reported to have been based on Californian antecedents capable of producing a greater variety.of house design than some private companies.  Offering a r c h i t e c t u r a l l y designed residences with low down  The was  MAP 12 . SOUTH. VANCQIJVER' S. EARLY LANDSCAPE, 1892-192 8  Not disposed toward c i v i c authoritarianism, but with deep b e l i e f s i n individualism and proletarian control o f the urban economy, the men o f South Vancouver created a landscape characterized by single r e s i d e n t i a l l o t s sprawled along narrow often badly aligned streets. With.a seeming indifference t o the natural environment, these urban groups with t h e i r strong. B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s t bias created a landscape i n which there was an absence o f boulevards, i n which the location and amount of park open space were determined solely by. tax defaults, and i n which a mixture of r e s i d e n t i a l and commercial landuse was not only tolerated, but a c t i v e l y promoted by the "single tax" system.  99 payments,and the prospect of repayment .through dividends alone,.the company attracted, the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c . artisans . for whom . they.. designed.personal homes.  "There (were) no hand-me-down.patterns", each bungalow was  separately s t y l e d i n the general patterns that were widespread on the West Coast of the early twentieth century; f l a t roofs with wide overhangs, supporting beams and chimney foundations open to view.  The available design  themes were o r i e n t a l pagoda, Swiss chalet, English cottage, c o l o n i a l bungalow, Mexican p a t i o , Maori whare, and. Indian wigwam. As appropriate as t h i s means of developing land might be i n a suburb with a prevalence of low incomes and b e l i e f s i n organic class c o l l e c t i v i t y cooperatives were unable to survive depressions that followed a f t e r  1913  and as a result t h e i r impact on the l o c a l landscapes of South Vancouver is limited.  Only in. a few streets l i k e those i n the 40-50 blocks between  Main and V i c t o r i a Streets, along which cooperatives were active, can one distinguish the sophisticated i n d i v i d u a l designs of bungalows that most often used f i e l d stones and rough timber to produce an integration of the house with the l o t . Through variations i n set back and position on the l o t s , a better integration between private and public open space of streets was  achieved along these few streets than i n the suburbs l i k e Grandview.  These-streets , however, were the exception to the rule i n South Vancouver where i n more than any other sector of the c i t y the urban homesteader predominated. Small Speculative Companies., A complete record of construction and land development companies i n Vancouver does not exist as i t does i n the case of V i c t o r i a n London.  The best evidence of speculative a c t i v i t i e s i s  developed from two sources: advertisements i n l o c a l newspapers and the :  announcements of labour demands i n the issues of The Wage Earner and i t s  100, , successor, The B r i t i s h Columbia.Federationist.. Considering t h i s evidence as a whole i t can be. concluded.that speculative.building i n o l d Vancouver. City.was l a r g e l y the result .of small private developers that competed wholly or i n conjunction with other developers the f u l l process of subdivision land improvement, financing, construction, and sale of buildings.  While  the records of the Bank of Montreal reveal the- existence of large companies , l i k e the Vancouver Improvement Company which i n 1898 owned l6 3 l o t s and held $50,000. i n home mortgages, the speculative companies  1,167  seem to have been smaller after 1900.  Boam again gives some details of  16k Von Alvensleben i n K i t s i l a n o and Killman i n Grandview. the l a t t e r are the most complete.  The records of  Killman's company turned over $270,000  i n land improvements during a nine-month period of a c t i v i t i e s i n 1911. His investments were concentrated i n Grandview where i n 1911 he had b u i l t and sold 184 bungalows of four to s i x rooms.  He employed two architects  and'was able to b u i l d an average of one house per day when the demand was high.  His financing terms were not unlike those of Shaughnessy with ten  per cent demanded as a down payment and the balance to be repaid over seven years. The effects of these operations upon l o c a l landscapes l i k e those of Grandview and K i t s i l a n o were to produce an appearance of c o l l e c t i v i t y or unity i n society within the area dominated by the company, an area which was never more than two or three r e s i d e n t i a l blocks.  The unity was  created by  s i m i l a r i t i e s i n the bungalow designs, the materials used and the fact that they were completed over a short period of.time.  The bungalows which were  s i t e d with a shallow set back established by the municipal by-laws were designed on two floors of wooden frame construction, with a high basement  101. p a r t l y above ground accentuating  v e r t i c a l proportions.  Those who purchased  these dwellings were ,'by. the terms o f financing, l i k e l y ' t o he b a s i c a l l y s i m i l a r i n income and occupation.  Most'were small businessmen and artisans  who could a f f o r d a down payment on a completed home and who could command a credit over a seven-year period. park open spaces.  There was also an impact on the street and  The 30-foot l o t s were l a r g e l y f i l l e d up by the bungalows  and the proximity o f dwellings  o f s i m i l a r designs placed close t o the street  rights-of-way had the e f f e c t o f sharply defining street and park open spaces. Without set backs and a company p o l i c y f o r boulevard tree planting, there was a lack o f integration between private and public open spaces (Map 11). Thus the r e l a t i o n between s o c i a l b e l i e f and landscape i n early Vancouver was not straightforward i n a l l cases.  There were  cooperative  actions o f the working class that produced an element o f individualism i n South Vancouver and i n d i v i d u a l free competition  that produced an element o f  unity i n Grandview and K i t s i l a n o . Civic  Authoritarianism Civic authoritarianism as i t i s used here denotes a basic acceptance  o f a p o d i c t r i c orders and threats o f l e g a l punishment, and an aversion t o consultative and persuasive  methods o f coordinating urban behaviour and  b u i l d i n g the urban landscape.  In a sense t h i s acceptance i s a denial o f  strong b e l i e f s i n individualism - i n authoritarian societies the i n d i v i d u a l i s united to a h i e r a r c h i c c i v i c body, "the p u b l i c " , by zealous obedience. There are recorded comments about patriotism and l o y a l t y to l o c a l government that describe the various b e l i e f s early group leaders held toward authoritarianism.  There are also observations  on the events i n which different  groups have c o l l e c t i v e l y and openly disobeyed municipal by-laws and' challenged p o l i c e authority i n Vancouver.  Some o f these data were  102 described i n the section on sector,development and they., could.be. c i t e d again at this point.  But,:with.respect.to  the variations i n . l o c a l land-  scapes, no data on authoritarian b e l i e f s are more relevant than those i n t e r preted from various c i v i c regulations and taxation systems established under the P r o v i n c i a l Municipal Act and applied i n the three p o l i t i c a l l y discrete sections of the Vancouver and Burrard South Vancouver P o l i c y .  The  Peninsulas.  changes i n b e l i e f s about c i v i c authorit-  arianism i n the working-class sector are described by the changes i n c i v i c p o l i c i e s and taxation i n South Vancouver.  In the hope that rapid develop-  ment of land would follow, South Vancouver created i n 189T system —  the "single tax"  taxing of land and not man-made improvements."'"^''  As a necessary  corollary to low taxation the public investments i n roads, parks, and services were also minimal. debenture was i n 1910  Between 1893  advanced, while i n 1909  and 1905  only one $35»000  the debentures t o t a l l e d $450,000 and  $400,000; t h i s increase must be seen against a background of large 166  increases of population and b u i l d i n g s t a r t s , p o l l labour" for municipal  A p o l i c y of  "cooperative  improvements resulted i n some road construction;  however, with exception of education, other services were not developed u n t i l the end of the d e c a d e . M a s s i v e c i v i c investment and control were again averted by the contract with the streetcar company whose corporate r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i t became to maintain the roads along the track system i n South Vancouver. There are some cases that, at f i r s t hand, appear to suggest labour union acceptance of c i v i c authoritarianism. Reeve Rae, one of the municipal leaders who  The 1909  e l e c t i o n was  argued against  and  l o s t by  municipal  investments and direct c i v i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n land improvements and service institutions.  But this cannot be interpreted as a sudden change i n b e l i e f  103 toward c i v i c authority: there were complications.  The f a i l u r e of Rae  was,  in the opinion of some,, as much.the.result .of the'. attack on his.moral l68 turpitude by.the Women's A i d a s . i t was d i s b e l i e f i n h i s c i v i c philosophy. After, the defeat of Rae and secession of Point Grey,- South Vancouver advanced several debentures and embarked on what seems to be an ambitious public works program.  Again at closer inspection this change cannot be taken as  evidence that there was a substantial s h i f t o f values toward c i v i c authoritarianism.  On the contrary, the public improvement of l o c a l landscapes was  an attempt to increase the c i r c u l a t i o n of r e a l income and increase i n d i v i d u a l c a p i t a l gains more than i t was a bending toward c i v i c i n t e r ,..169 vention. The continuance of the single tax system, concurrent with the expansion of uncoordinated public works financed on borrowed funds, l e d South 170 Vancouver into serious deep f i n a n c i a l debt.  While municipal debt was  not uncommon i n B r i t i s h Columbia about the time of World War I , the s i t u a t i o n was made.worse i n South Vancouver by a public improvement program that was more consumptive of wage labour and less productive of permanent c a p i t a l improvements.  There was a sharp decline of the municipal assessment  from $43,815,311 to $31,048,732 between 19l6 and 1918.  In 1918 the  P r o v i n c i a l Government assumed control of municipal, expenditures by appointing a Commission to act i n l i e u of the reeve and c o u n c i l l o r s .  The  Commission, u n t i l 1923, applied the most f o r c e f u l methods of control i n South Vancouver's h i s t o r y ; the single tax was abolished and tax sales were commenced i n cases of tax arrears.  The use of this kind of c i v i c power  not only meant that the municipality managed to meet i t s f i n a n c i a l o b l i g ations but also that i n 1923., the f i r s t year self-government was returned, South Vancouver could carry out a renewed program of permanent c i v i c  104 improvement.. These experiences had an impact on the "Lib-Labs" i n l o c a l government.. The'Municipal elections fought by.labour a f t e r 1923. indicate that there was a growing acceptance of c i v i c authoritarianism. While there were no reports i n the newspapers suggesting strong labour support f o r the single tax system there were, on the other hand, several reports of labour candidates supporting amalgamation with Vancouver City whose government taxed improvements and policed tax f a i l u r e s .  By 1929, when municipal assets  compared favourably with any other part of the greater c i t y , South 171 Vancouver amalgamated with the other two m u n i c i p a l i t i e s .  For the south-  east sector the event marked a d i v i s i o n between an e a r l i e r time when the working class generally rejected c i v i c authoritarianism and the second t h i r d of the twentieth century when labour and union leaders accepted c i v i c power as a solution for building the urban landscape. r  The geographical consequences of attitudes toward c i v i c powers are found i n the pattern of park and playground locations. there were no budgets for the a c q u i s i t i o n of parks.  Before amalgamation  Further, there was no  r a t i o n a l plan f o r integrating park open space with r e s i d e n t i a l areas.  The  location of the c i t y parks was not based on the park user, but rather on the location of properties on which there were taxes owing.  These l a t t e r  locations normally were i n the less viable r e s i d e n t i a l areas.  One can also  point to the lack of integration between street and private open spaces that was obtained i n early South Vancouver's l o c a l landscapes.  What was  s i g n i f i c a n t was the home and the back-garden, not the public open space.of streets and parks.  I t was not merely that income was invested i n private  property at the s a c r i f i c e of public space, nor was i t the r e j e c t i o n of c i v i c symbolism i n public b u i l d i n g s , statues, and systematic landscaping.  Their  r e j e c t i o n of a c o l l e c t i v e public was expressed i n t h e i r lack of interest  i n b e a u t i f i c a t i o n of front lawns. . There i s .evidence.of this i n the  172 Bartholomew Report, i n l o c a l gardening magazines  and i n the records of the  gardening clubs documenting the many a t t r a c t i v e private gardens i n South Vancouver.  Few  right-of-way:  of these gardens, however, could be viewed from the public  they were secluded by fences that surrounded the back yards.  The front yard was garden was World War  generally a grass lawn, although i t s use as a vegetable  not unknown, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the recession before and I.  during  As i t has been noted, some shrubs and trees were planted  this i n d i v i d u a l planting was  often extended to the side of the roadway,  neighbours sometimes cooperating same v a r i e t y —  and  i n a design of evenly spaced trees of the  mountain ash, poplar, or maple.  Point Grey and West End P o l i c y .  There i s no doubt that Point Grey  b u i l t with a concept of i t s c o l l e c t i v e "destiny" and that c i v i c authority was applied to regulate i n d i v i d u a l actions and landscape expression. When The C.P.R. advertised i t s Shaughnessy subdivision i n 1919  the caption i n the  173 newspaper was. "A City's Soul Lies i n i t s Homes". assumptions Point Grey held about i t s landscape. merely a physical t e r r i t o r y i n which men  This summarized the Residential space was  not  l i v e d but a v i s i b l e and tangible  symbol of an encompassing c i v i l i z a t i o n of which they were an important part. Landscape was  an expression of b e l i e f i n the greatness of B r i t i s h V i c t o r i a n  destiny, "You  are part of a world movement which w i l l go on for hundreds of  years.  When you lay out your s t r e e t s , when you erect your buildings please  make your l o t s larger with t h i s i n view. destiny".  B u i l d with a concept of your  1711  Subdivision controls with l e g a l r e s t r i c t i o n s on dwellings, minimum home costs, and with emphasis on public spaces and controlled landscape design were the means for transforming  these values and expectations  into  106 geographical r e a l i t y .  These were.not the only ways: from its.secession the  municipality maintained a p o l i c y .of a c q u i s i t i o n and.development  of open  spaces r e l a t e d t o , not only i n c i d e n t a l t o , subdivision development.  By  1928, $1+00,000 of the municipal tax revenue had been spent on a parks program, not counting the annual costs of the upkeep.  Included with the  maintenance costs were the expenses of boulevard landscaping that were an i n t e g r a l part of the suburb's t r a f f i c plans f o r King Edward Avenue, Oak and Granville streets. Perhaps the $50,000 by-law f o r the purchase of L i t t l e Mountain Park on the boundary between South Vancouver and Point Grey i s the clearest i n d i c a t i o n that, i n the question of.private space, versus public open space, Point Grey put emphasis on public open space.  The by-law which narrowly passed i n South 1 7f^  Vancouver passed i n Point Grey by a majority of over twelve to one. Subjugation of the individual's freedom to construct buildings and design gardens to the c o l l e c t i v e sanctions of the municipality was further i n Point Grey's zoning by-laws.  carried  In 1922 the municipality passed i t s  f i r s t zoning regulations, which became part of the Town Planning Act i n 177 1927-  No other municipality i n the Lower Mainland of B r i t i s h Columbia  regulated the development of i t s landscape more than Point Grey.  A  comparison of this by-law with that of Vancouver City demonstrates the greater c i v i c authority that was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Point Grey.  There were  only seven c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of land-use zoning: unlike Vancouver, there were no provisions f o r six-storey multiple dwellings, six-storey commercial and "I  general businesses.  vPi  There were other differences that drew comment from  Bartholomew: "In the residence d i s t r i c t s i n Point Grey the front yard regulation i s 2k feet while f o r Vancouver i t i s only 20 feet.  The side^yard  regulation i n Point Grey c a l l s for 5 feet, but may be reduced to 3 feet f o r  lots less than 40 feet, i n Vancouver, while.the side-yard.regulation has a maximum width of 5 f e e t , i t need not be.greater than 10 per cent of the site width".  1 7 9  Point Grey transformed i t s "13 square miles of forests and stumps.... into one of the most outstanding and desirable r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t s of  l8o Canada".  In t h i s transformation one must consider, i n addition to the  b e l i e f s i n c i v i c authoritarianism, the previous reference to Vancouver's largest land developer, the C.P.R.  From the beginning Point Grey received  l8l the encouragement, cooperation and f i n a n c i a l support from the C.P.R. The economic i n s t a b i l i t y that plagued most municipalities after World War I had less effect on Point Grey because of the C.P.R.  While South Vancouver  lost i t s p o l i t i c a l independence because of t h i s bankruptcy, Point Grey not only survived as an independent self-governing body, but i t experimented with public investment and regulation of land use. Tax revenue from C.P.R. land accounted for about one-third of the  182 t o t a l municipal revenue at the end of World War I.  The company d i d not  f a i l to pay i t s taxes, contributing i n one year alone $183,888 to the  183 municipality.  During the worst of times money was advanced to the  municipality.  Further, to provide inexpensive public open space adjacent  to subdivisions, the C.P.R. donated property and arranged f o r leases at minimal costs: i t donated three acres on which a community centre was t o be erected; Cricket f i e l d s on 15th Avenue, lawn bowling grounds at Selkirk and 26th, the Vancouver Tennis Club and the Shaughnessy Golf Club were a l l  184 developed with the f i n a n c i a l assistance of the company.  Clearly the  s p i r i t of Point Grey was supported by the corporate s p i r i t of the C.P.R. In summary, the meaning of public power and public open space d i f f e r e d i n Point Grey and South Vancouver at the turn of the century.  For South  108 Vancouver, private apace and i n d i v i d u a l happiness were considered more important than public c o m f o r t s a f e t y , and long-range costs.  Municipal  improvements were seen to be a means to i n d i v i d u a l c a p i t a l gain; l i t t l e money was .--.spent on road and park improvements and those amounts that were expended resulted i n uncoordinated programs with l i t t l e long-range  impact.  For Point Grey, on the other hand, public open space including deep set backs became expressions o f b e l i e f s i n the c o l l e c t i v e society of Vancouver and i n i t s destiny as a component i n a world-wide empire.  These b e l i e f s  and the f i n a n c i a l support of the C.P.R. created i n Vancouver a s t r i k i n g pattern of broad avenues and open parks integrated with single-family dwellings.  By the l a t e 1920's there were indications that the basic  b e l i e f s i n South Vancouver had changed.  The "Lib-Labs" expounding accept-  ance of c i v i c power and cooperation with the management class that dominated the central c i t y l e d the municipality to p o l i t i c a l amalgamation with Point Grey and Vancouver City.  South Vancouver brought to amalgamation a land-  scape t h a t , i n i t s disregard for public open space, contrasted with the open spaces of the other two municipalities.  Further contrasts can be found i n  the sector variations i n open space designs and the presence or absence of naturalism. Man's Relationship to Nature S o c i a l b e l i e f s emphasizing nature's influence on man's s p i r i t u a l and material well-being are varied among s o c i a l groups i n Vancouver. Rich new interpretations of b e l i e f s emphasizing man's dominance over nature were furnished during the Victorian Age i n the i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s of  Great B r i t a i n and i n the New World.  In Vancouver, where the rain  forest and shore l i n e s were transformed into streets and buildings within the l i f e span of one man,  i t may be expected that many had reason to  109 believe that, through technology, .man could subjugate nature.  On closer  examination the doctrine that human w i l l and r a t i o n a l i t y can dominate nature does not appear to have been accepted by everyone.  Examples from  the middle class are suggested i n the l i t e r a t u r e of the Vancouver novelist Ethel Wilson, and further examples from other groups come to l i g h t with an examination of various municipal p o l i c i e s .  F i r s t , Wilson's work w i l l be  reviewed with the intent to discover i t s underlying philosophy about nature and man. Literature of the Middle Class.  Of Wilson's novels, The Innocent  T r a v e l l e r i s the most authentic i n that i t portrays the l i f e she l i v e d and understood h e r s e l f , that of a middle-class West End family at the turn of the century.  In this novel the sea g u l l represents nature and an  analysis of the relationships between the sea g u l l and society gives insight l86 into Wilson's underlying b e l i e f s about nature and man.  Sea gulls f l y  into the c i t y from the P a c i f i c Ocean. They f l y over the streets and rest i n the c i t y parks.  Although they may be chased by dogs the sea gulls only  r i s e , wheel b r i e f l y and s e t t l e again i n the park — influenced by other natural elements.  they are not permanently  Wilson gives no t r a i t of emotion-  alism to the sea g u l l ; "the b i g white sea g u l l has no heart of love, he i s 1 A T  b e a u t i f u l , strong, c a l c u l a t i n g and rapacious". completely understood —  The sea g u l l i s not  Wilson cannot explain why the sea gulls pass so  much time close t o man because they come into the c i t y without searching 188 for food and when they are not threatened by P a c i f i c storms.  From t h i s  look at her l i t e r a r y imagery i t may be concluded that Wilson saw man and nature l i v i n g close together, although nature was at times i n d i f f e r e n t to man and the laws operating i n nature were not e n t i r e l y i n t e l l i g i b l e . But i n Wilson's book the sea g u l l also influences man.  "Wheeling  110 aboye the t r a f f i c the sea g u l l si .mewing cries disturb" . Vancouver 1  i  ing men.of past events, other.places and forgotten f e e l i n g s " .  ?  "remindr-  PiQ  "When a  west wind catches the sea gulls "there (.is) an exhileration produced i n those who  (watch)" .-^O  rphus  n a  t u r e was viewed as acting p o s i t i v e l y on the  human s p i r i t , evoking warm emotions and memories.  Considering then the  examples from Wilson i t seems that the l i t e r a t i thought that the designs of nature and not solely the designs of man being.  influenced s p i r i t u a l w e l l -  Certainly i f one looks into the broader but less l i t e r a r y writings  i n h o r t i c u l t u r a l magazines and books there are further examples of t h i s ^ 1 philosophy. 1 Q  One might be i n c l i n e d to use Wilson's novel of a working-class family, 192 Tuesday and Wednesday, to document that group's b e l i e f s about nature. But, since Wilson had no direct experience i n this c l a s s , her perceptions of i t do not provide material useful for this study.  However, with regard  to middle-class views again, i t i s interesting to note i n Tuesday and Wednesday that Wilson uses the l i f e of a gardener to portray Vancouver's working class. nature.  This supports the claim that Wilson i s very conscious of  She might w e l l have chosen a railway worker or a stevedore.  n a t u r a l i s t i c assumptions  The  i n Wilson's l i t e r a t u r e are similar to views  revealed i n early Vancouver's Parks Commissions whose elected majority consistently came from the middle class of the West End. Park P o l i c i e s .  P o l i c i e s of early Park Commissions are described i n 193  Minutes of the Vancouver Board of Park Commissions.  Although these  documents do not record the actual debates on park issues they do provide a complete account of submissions to and decisions of the Commissions. The edited notes of the minutes suggest that outside the general operations of the Commissions, the majority of policy decisions concerned two themes:  Ill the design and.functions of Stanley.Park, and the design of s t r e e t . r i g h t of-ways throughout Since 1889  ?  10l|. the city.-  i n a long series of decisions, the Commissions have kept 195  commercialism i n Stanley Park to a minimum.  Since 190^ a l l building  standards have been controlled; i n 1906 the use of the roadways f o r commercial purposes was prohibited. Again, i n 1910 the Board l e g i s l a t e d against the use of commercial advertising including the advertisements the concessions i t controlled.  on  Mechanization was also rejected: i n 1905  a proposal for a speedway was turned down; i n 1911 a proposal f o r an e l e c t r i c scenic railway around the park was music" was  s i m i l a r l y dismissed but  "live-  encouraged so long as "no charge be made and the selections were  limited to r e l i g i o u s , national and p a t r i o t i c a i r s " . Included among other proposals f o r Stanley Park that the Board turned down before 1929 were: "motor boat races", an "old English cab", a " r i f l e range", "grain elevators", a "navy torpedo", and a "howitzer". too "mechanical" or "war-like" i n the view of the Board.  These were  The p o l i c i e s of  the Board a c t i v e l y sought to create a n a t u r a l i s t i c design i n the park. In 1912 the landscape architect Mawson was retained to make plans and submit reports on the park design and i n 1913 Mawson presented a detailed informal layout for the Brockton Point section of the park.  The Board was  successful i n blocking proposals for more formal Japanese tea gardens i n 1920  and 1926, but unsuccessful i n attempting to have the formal Georgian  design of the Royal Canadian Navy building on Deadman's Island changed to a more n a t u r a l i s t i c design theme.  Since 1918 the Board's p o l i c y has been to  conserve a landscape authenticity and to r e s t r i c t planting to native trees. A plan to plant dogwood and arbutus was  advanced i n 1929, and l a t e r a  proposal by the C a l i f o r n i a Chapter of the Western Writer's Association to  112 plant red-woods was rejected. While Stanley Park was .sustained.as a manifestation of an immutable nature, the Board pursued d i f f e r e n t p o l i c i e s f o r the street right-of-ways throughout the c i t y .  Long before the 1928 planning reports with t h e i r  proposals for street b e a u t i f i c a t i o n , the Parks Board had been arguing f o r a centralized systematic boulevard planting program with costs assigned to property owners on the basis of street frontage.  The argument was f i r s t  made i n 1909 when the Board passed a resolution that boulevards be maintained 196 i n a "systematic and uniform way".  The next year the Council, which  retained the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r roadway engineering and the apportionment 197 of the annual budget, met with the Board to negotiate the matter.  The  Board pressed for a separate parks and boulevard tax levy; the Council was not i n agreement.  In the same year the Board asked f o r the cooperation of  the Council i n placing sidewalks next to the curb i n i t s ongoing improvement program so that more space could be available for public ornamentation. Again the Council was unsympathetic.  The Board took the matter to the 198  Council once more i n 1911 but the Council again turned i t away,  those  members from outside the West End and Fairview leading the arguments against the Board.  The 1912 move by the Board, the t h i r d move i n i t s  struggle with the Council, was s t a l l e d by a real-estate recession and  199 declining municipal revenues.  Following World War I the Council f i n a l l y  responded to the pressure from the Board; i n a small concession i t set a $.25 per foot frontage tax for municipal boulevard development.  200  There are no records that explain the s p l i t policy of "natural designs" for Stanley Park and the formal ornamentation of the c i v i c space along streets.  But, from World War I on, Board p o l i c i e s encouraged the develop-  113 ment of uniform screens of ornamental trees along street right-of-ways throughout the c i t y . The parks policy of Point Grey, already referred to i n a previous section, was  s i m i l a r to Vancouver's: there was  a park acquisition program, a  tendency toward n a t u r a l i s t i c designs, and an aversion to commercialism public open space.  within  The n a t u r a l i s t i c designs appear to have been even more  favoured i n Point Grey than i n Vancouver: the King Edward boulevard f o r  201 instance was from the beginning planted with an uneven screen of trees. South Vancouver, i n contrast, had no systematic park development program, and a street improvement program which did not include ornamental and which by other standards was less than comprehensive.  planting  The actions of  South Vancouver's c i v i c bodies suggest that there were underlying b e l i e f s that nature played a neutral r o l e i n the public improvement of general l i v i n g conditions. This i s not to say thaton an i n d i v i d u a l basis certain families were not avid gardeners or universally disinterested i n the natural designs of public open space adjacent to t h e i r residences.  But at the l e v e l  of c i v i c p o l i c y , the d i s i n t e r e s t i n landscape information, the absence of both a parks p o l i c y and an integrated street plan indicate that as  determinants  of human betterment other factors were more important than these. Street Layout.  O f f i c i a l s i n South Vancouver were i n d i f f e r e n t to an  integrated street layout and t h i s r e f l e c t s t h e i r r e l a t i v e indifference to the physical environment. Street improvement programs were used to expand l o c a l  202 employment rather than to develop public amenities.  Without a detailed  and comprehensive street plan to coordinate l o c a l improvements, the road right-of-ways could not be properly aligned and at several points, streets  203 and property l i n e s overlapped.  The absence of a municipal base map  with  accurate cadastral and geodetic information l e d to confused development.  In  the 1909. municipal  e l e c t i o n contested by. Rae  and Pound, arguments presented  for and against j o i n i n g the Vancouver Water. Board could not be  accurately  debated f o r no one was  near Central  certain whether the higher elevation was 20k  Park or L i t t l e Mountain.  I t was  only i n the amalgamation studies in-.the  l a t e 1920's that an accurate survey and base map  for the Municipality were  , 205 prepared. The Bartholomew proposals  for a regional transportation plan indicate  the degree of contrast among South Vancouver, Point Grey and Vancouver. These proposals  included corrections i n the then e x i s t i n g road layouts that  would integrate the t r a f f i c flows i n the three separate m u n i c i p a l i t i e s .  There  were understandable corrections to eliminate jogs and dead ends occurring at boundaries between the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s .  As w e l l , corrections were made for  streets within the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . While no recommendations were made for Point Grey, f i f t e e n were made f o r Old Vancouver City and twenty-one for South Vancouver, with some corrections i n v o l v i n g two or more Intersections i n the l a t t e r c a s e . ^ 20  The contrast i n street pattern i s sharpened when i t  i s recounted that the actual miles of developed streets was  slightly  greater  207 i n Old Vancouver than i n South Vancouver. In summary, an examination of parks and street layout p o l i c i e s or the absence of such p o l i c i e s i n Old Vancouver, Point Grey and South Vancouver, exposes differences i n underlying assumptions about the relationships of to nature.  The middle-class  man  sector tended to create p o l i c i e s which assumed  that the "designs of nature" influenced man's s p i r i t u a l well-being and that a harmony between nature and man was  an important step toward s o c i a l improvement.  On the other hand, South Vancouver's h i s t o r y documents a disregard of public open space i n municipal p o l i c i e s and hence demonstrates i n d i r e c t l y that the working-class sector saw nature playing a more neutral role i n s o c i a l  115 improvement.  These differences.in b e l i e f are also shown i n regard to the  growth of town!planning. Physical Planning.  A close.relationship between civic.leaders i n Old  Vancouver and Point Grey and the r i s e of planning l e g i s l a t i o n as a lever f o r the improvement of l i v i n g conditions can be demonstrated.  With problems of '  Canadian urban development during.the early 1910's a new movement emerged. Through the operations of the Federal Government's Commission of Conservation. the d e s i r a b i l i t y of town and country planning l e g i s l a t i o n for the regulation of physical growth and for the "happiness of future generations" was impressed upon the provinces.  In 1914 Mr. T. Adams, a planner who had  worked with Mawson i n B r i t a i n , organized at Toronto the Sixth National 209 Conference on City Planning.  This American organization meeting i n  Canada attracted voluntary representatives from each province.  Mayor Owen  210 of Vancouver was the B r i t i s h Columbian delegate.  Owen's interest i n  planning was representative of broader interests i n the middle class. For instance, leading European planners and p o l i t i c i a n s who supported planning were i n v i t e d t o present t h e i r views t o the Canadian Club: i n 1910 the Honourable Mr. Henry V i v i a n , M.P., explained B r i t i s h experience and a few years l a t e r both Thomas Mawson and Thomas Adams outlined the theory behind 211 planning.  In the history of t h i s club, the planners' addresses were  noted as some of the "highlights" i n the f i r s t f i f t y years.  According to  Frank Buck, founding member of the Town Planning Institute of Canada, the Canadian Club played a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n establishing physical planning 212 policy i n Vancouver. In 1911, the year after Vivian's presentation to the Canadian Club, there was an attempt to introduce town planning l e g i s l a t 213 ion;  but, i t was not u n t i l 1920 that changes i n the Municipal Act 214 permitted zoning l e g i s l a t i o n . Within two years Point Grey passed the  116 f i r s t zoning by-law i n Canada.  215  In 1925.the Town Planning Act of B r i t i s h  Columbia was passed and Vancouver'. City .and Point Grey established Planning Commissions.  C i v i c leadership by.residents of Point Grey l i k e Buck who  founded the B r i t i s h Columbia Branch of the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e of Canada and Paton who promoted physical planning i n his Point Grey Gazette created 217 support f o r planning among the middle class.  And between 1922 and 1929  the operations of Council planning committees and then Planning Commissions influenced landscape changes.  The influence was p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n  Point Grey where zoning l e g i s l a t i o n contained commercial sprawl and a park 218 plan created an integrated system of n a t u r a l i s t i c parks and boulevards. In South Vancouver there were only a few "Lib-Labs" who a c t i v e l y supported the planning movement and i t was not u n t i l the question of amalgamation with Vancouver City i n 1928 that the working class population 219 consented to the use of physical planning. The contrast i s clear: the c i v i c leaders of Point Grey and Vancouver must be counted as nation-wide leaders i n the r i s e of town planning.  The  convictions they held about the importance of the natural environment to human betterment met with r e l a t i v e l y quick concensus from the middle  class.  However, only after the "Lib-Labs" and the Conservatives led South Vancouver to see the advantages of amalgamation with Vancouver and i t s municipal planning p o l i c y , was there concensus from the working class.  Unionists and  some s o c i a l i s t p o l i t i c a l parties even then did not accept town planning l e g i s l a t i o n as a lever f o r human betterment  and d i f f i c u l t y was  encountered  i n obtaining e f f e c t i v e Labour representation on the new Vancouver City Planning Commission.  220  Differences i n the b e l i e f s about the significance of man's p h y s i c a l surroundings contributed to two other features of l o c a l landscapes.  First,  117 there are .fewer, signs of commercialism and industry i n Point Grey,..where by zoning commercialism was  l a r g e l y contained along 12th Ayenue, at K e r r i s d a l e ,  221 Marpole and .Dunbar,  whereas i n .South. Vancouver, industry, commerce and  residence were mixed.  Second, there are contrasts i n the v i s u a l appearance  of public open space.  In Point Grey and Vancouver there were n a t u r a l i s t i c  designs at some street intersections and i n major parks; and there was  ^  a  scattering of more formal design along boulevards, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the West End, K i t s i l a n o and Point Grey.  In South Vancouver the open spaces were l e f t  vacant, unplanted and soon became overgrown and l i t t e r e d . In summary, the s o c i a l b e l i e f s about nature that are revealed i n l i t e r a r y imagery, municipal parks p o l i c i e s , , street layouts, and i n physical planning are found to be associated with the degree of naturalism i n the l o c a l landscape of Vancouver.  These b e l i e f s and those that concern man's  relationship to man have contributed to the creation of d i s t i n c t i v e arrangements : of p h y s i c a l objects and open spaces i n two of the s o c i a l sectors of Vancouver, that of the middle class i n the west and southwest, and that of the working class i n the southeast. THE  "VICTORIANNESS" OF EARLY VANCOUVER  The above Chapter has been organized into three basic parts. f i r s t part described Vancouver's founding groups.  It considered  The their  o r i g i n s , some of t h e i r s o c i a l b e l i e f s and the land they transformed into an urban landscape.  The second part established the nature of s o c i a l c o n f l i c t  and the t e r r i t o r i a l growth of group r e s i d e n t i a l areas into.sectors. there was  Finally,  an investigation of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of b e l i e f s and l o c a l  landscapes i n the two. sectors of the' city, f o r which data, are available. Details analysed included, s o c i a l b e l i e f s about society, c i v i c authority  118 and nature.  An attempt was made t o demonstrate that variations i n these three  b e l i e f s influenced the character o f Vancouver.'s .local landscapes i n the f i r s t t h i r d of the twentieth  century.  With these o r i g i n s o f Vancouver's society and landscape established i t is now possible to assess the geographical v a l i d i t y o f a symbolic event made out to be o f fundamental importance oy l o c a l h i s t o r i a n s .  This event  was the a r r i v a l at Vancouver i n 1887 o f the f i r s t regular continental passenger t r a i n , the headlight o f which bore a p o r t r a i t o f Queen V i c t o r i a . But, to what extent were the origins o f Vancouver's society and landscape Victorian?  The answer to t h i s question i s not straightforward.  We can now conclude that there were multiple origins o f s o c i a l groups and several d i s t i n c t landscapes i n Vancouver.  There are major d i f f i c u l t i e s  in the investigations of s o c i a l b e l i e f s and t h e i r geographical  manifestation  - the d i f f i c u l t y o f c l a s s i f y i n g ; the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of documentary material representing t h e i r s o c i a l b e l i e f s ; the complex interaction o f b e l i e f , s o c i a l organization, p o l i t i c a l structure and landscape development; and f i n a l l y , the v a l i d i t y o f s o c i a l b e l i e f as a s i g n i f i c a n t influence on landscape change.  However i n this study the association between b e l i e f s  and landscape have been described and t h i s i s an important l e v e l o f demonstration. The  development of Vancouver between 1886 and 1929 can be compared with  B r i t i s h c i t i e s during the Victorian period.  I t i s true that members o f  Vancouver's founding groups came from diverse s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l locales i n Asia, Europe, and North. America; but, there was a predominance from working-class B r i t a i n and middle-class  "British." Canada.  These " B r i t i s h "  elements demonstrated definite sets of s o c i a l b e l i e f s -usually expressed i n the landscape, through s o c i a l organizations  and p o l i t i c a l action.  119 Apparently those men  and "women who  emigrated to Vancouver did form new  groups i n several instances; but, they were l i t t l e i n c l i n e d to create d i f f e r e n t landscapes, many features were copies of landscapes i n Victorian B r i t a i n . t a i n l y the new migrants were presented with the challenge of a new  Cer-  "Imperial  City" that was to be b u i l t during the height of Victorian B r i t a i n and that occupied a s i t e of magnificent natural grandeur.  Consider what might have  been created with the breadth of c u l t u r a l experience and with such opport u n i t i e s of time and place. Compare f i r s t the regional landscapes of B r i t i s h c i t i e s i n the nineteenth century and Vancouver's landscape between the l a s t two decades of the nineteenth and the f i r s t three decades of the twentieth centuries . dominant geographical d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was the sector pattern.  "The  This pattern  was w e l l developed i n Vancouver by the second decade of the twentieth century.  To the west lay the r e s i d e n t i a l areas of the middle-class Anglo-  Saxon groups ; to the southeast and fareast the working-class groups and f i n a l l y i n the inner East End the working-class groups of mixed ethnic o r i gin. Even the underlying factors contributing to the sector pattern appear to be s i m i l a r to other B r i t i s h - V i c t o r i a n c i t i e s .  I t was  inter-group s t r i f e  p a r t i c u l a r l y between class groups holding different b e l i e f s that was associated with these patterns. [Compare the landscapes occupied by the same s o c i a l class i n Victorian B r i t a i n and early Vancouver.  Regardless of the different natural environ-  ments , broadly s i m i l a r l o c a l landscapes were created by classes.  corresponding  Vancouver's middle-class suburbs were transformed into urban  landscapes l i k e those of middle-class areas of B r i t i s h c i t i e s - landscapes with contouring r e s i d e n t i a l s t r e e t s , with more public open space r e l a t i v e  to- other s o c i a l sectors , and with, street and park open, spaces, integrated with isolated. T i l l as and s l i g h t l y smaller bungalows-by- naturalis t i c picturesque landscaping.  and  There seem, among the middle c l a s s e s , to be  comparable b e l i e f s i n man's, harmonious, relationship with nature, the dominance of the i n d i v i d u a l i n a society tempered with an h o l i s t i c view of the c i t y and mild c i v i c authoritarianism. There are s i m i l a r i t i e s between the working-class neighbourhoods. outstanding landscape  An  feature of the working-class sector of South Vancouver  appears to have been the small l o t and the small detached dwelling.  In t h i s  regard Vancouver may be compared to B r i t i s h c i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y to London, a c i t y that had fewer tenements than the i n d u s t r i a l c i t i e s of the Midlands. There are s i m i l a r i t i e s .  The non-aligned g r i d pattern, the absence of planned  park open space and a lack of integration between public open spaces  and  i s o l a t e d residences appeared i n working-class areas of both B r i t i s h  cities  and Vancouver.  Working-class b e l i e f s i n B r i t a i n and Vancouver have been  i n c l i n e d toward u t i l i t a r i a n i s m , have been based on strong family ties and class s o l i d a r i t y , and have placed less importance on the role of nature as a determinant  and expression of t h e i r condition than they did on control of  economic production and d i s t r i b u t i o n . Vancouver commenced i t s separate growth at the time when B r i t i s h reforms i n urban government and planning were at t h e i r nineteenth-century heights.  For some reason Vancouver c i v i c leaders were not able to follow  these reforms u n t i l well into the twentieth century.  In f a c t , Vancouver  seems to have needlessly retraced some steps i n developing p o l i c i e s f o r c o n t r o l l i n g landscape changes.  Vancouver trade and labour leaders refused  to abandon the u t i l i t a r i a n and spend-thrift p o l i c i e s abandoned by B r i t i s h borough councils i n the middle of the nineteenth century.  Furthermore,  121 trade and labour leaders seem, to haye v i r t u a l l y ignored the acceptance o f physical planning that B r i t i s h labour had supported, at the turn o f the century.  I t was not u n t i l the end o f the t h i r d decade i n the twentieth  century that Vancouver labour leaders gave support t o physical planning. Further, there was not a single municipal government f o r the three sectors u n t i l 1929I f , i n the contemporary period, there are fundamental issues and c o n f l i c t i n g views about land use zoning, freeway l o c a t i o n s , neighbourhood r e h a b i l i t a t i o n s and street b e a u t i f i c a t i o n , much perspective can be gained from close examination  of analogous c o n f l i c t s i n early Vancouver and  contemporary B r i t a i n .  Above a l l i t should not be assumed that the present  generation has abandoned a l l the different s o c i a l b e l i e f and ideas about l o c a l landscapes that underlay early c o n f l i c t s .  Deep b e l i e f s do not  necessarily die when new l e g i s l a t i o n and new s o c i a l organizations are created.  The next chapter w i l l analyse some fundamental recent landscape  c o n f l i c t s and w i l l attempt to show the degree to which they r e f l e c t Vancouver's Victorian heritage.  122 REFERENCES'. "*"S.'. Le acock, My Discovery of-the West- (Boston; Kale, Cushman and F l i n t , 1937), P?. 171-172.. 2  Ibid.  3 ' Several unsuccessful attempts were made to. i d e n t i f y the p r i n c i p l e s involved i n syndicates mentioned i n Bartholomew's h i s t o r i c a l study. H. Bartholomew, A Plan for the City of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia (/Vancouver: Wrigley P r i n t i n g Company, 1929), p. 21, No i d e n t i f i c a t i o n was possible i n the Vancouver Land Registry O f f i c e , Register of Absolute Fees, Volumes 3-11, the f i l e that covered the period between I 8 7 I and I887. Likewise, a search of the Sessional Papers B r i t i s h Columbia ( V i c t o r i a : Richard Wolfenden Government Printer) f o r 188U to 1886 did not give information. While records of Oppenheimer's land holdings are not d e t a i l e d i n the family history i t i s reported that i n 1886 David and Isaac Oppenheimer were major property holders i n the East End, F l o r a Oppenheimer "Oppenheimer of Vancouver" (Unpublished notes, Northwest History Room, Vancouver Public Library, 1 9 3 6 ) , p. 3. N?he c r i t e r i a f o r a "severe c o n f l i c t " were that i t involved a recorded public demonstration or that the issues were debated outside the c i t y i n the P r o v i n c i a l Assembly or the Federal Parliament. The c r i t e r i a for h i s t o r i c a l continuance were that the c o n f l i c t extended over a period of three or more years and that i t has been interpreted by h i s t o r i a n s . ^For a review of typologies based on " s o c i a l c i r c l e s " "groups" and " s o c i a l classes" and employing direct f i e l d observations see G.J. McCall and L. Simmons, Issues i n Participant Observation (Reading: Addison - Wesley, . 1969) , pp. 57-60. The s u b j e c t i v i t y o f t h i s typology might have been controlled by securing a second and t h i r d c l a s s i f i c a t i o n from newspaper reports; but, this would have involved f a r too much from other t r a i n e d researches to be f e a s i b l e . 6 Each person interviewed was presented with a l i s t of the three major c o n f l i c t s and the f o u r - f o l d d i v i s i o n of founding groups. No pattern of responses derived from this procedure suggested that the typology was not a general representation o f the city's condition i n the early period. It was noted that some elected and appointed c i v i c leaders gave less emphasis to class c o n f l i c t and gardeners gave recognition of i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e . On. the other hand, gardeners played, down, the r a c i a l c o n f l i c t while c i v i c leaders gave i t greater recognition. The designation " B r i t i s h Columbian" received recognition equal to the term "East Enders". Because i n the present period "East Ender" has a different connotation i t was decided to use the term " B r i t i s h Columbian". . The dearogatory term "North. American Chinese" originated i n PreConfederation B r i t i s h Columbia. It was applied to a l l Canadians because some had become known f o r t h e i r t h r i f t i n e s s . W.S. Avid ( e d i t o r - i n - c h i e f ) , A Dictionary of Cahadianisms and H i s t o r i c a l Principles (Toronto: W.J. Gage, 1 9 6 7 ) , p. 514.  123  g Vancouver Club Clipping Docket, Vancouver. City. Archives, "Dairy of Campbell Sweeny, August 1, 1887 to December 25 1909". Sweeny himself was a branch manager of an Eastern Canadian. Bank. . His records of business transactions reveal the presence of other branch o f f i c e s . Further Sweeny's personal account of the 1892 location f o r the Bank of Montreal o f f i c e documents the strong influence of the CPR and Van Horne whose intervention, Sweeny believed, l e d to the decision to locate at Dunsmuir and Granville. 9 Boam, B r i t i s h Columbia, Its History, People, Commerce, Industry and Resources (London: S e l l s , 1912). ?  "^Boam, whose survey i s the most detailed economic study of early Vancouver does not specify exact c r i t e r i a f o r the entries of companies. He states only that they are "major firms". The introduction indicates the survey was undertaken with the B r i t i s h investment market i n mind and i t i s therefore reasonable to expect a bias toward Vancouver's B r i t i s h companies. "'""Hr'. Sage "Vancouver: The Rise of a C i t y " , The Dalhousie Review, Vol. IXVII, Wo. 1 ( A p r i l 1937), PP- 51-52.  "'"^Vancouver Club Clipping Docket, l o c . c i t . Sweeny came to Vancouver from Halifax i n 1887 and founded the Vancouver Club i n 1890. Only one of the twelve founding members' names appeared i n c i t y records i n 1886. 13 Canadian Club Clipping Docket No. 1, Vancouver City Archives. Notes i n t h i s docket by D.A. McGregor ascribe the founding of the Canadian Club to two ex-residents of Hamilton, S. Livingston and C. Nichol. "^The E l i t e Directory of Vancouver 1908-1909 (Vancouver: Thompson, 1908). Memberships for eight s o c i a l clubs are given. Those l i s t s were described as " a l l persons properly recognized as constituting society". See the Preface. "''^This observation i s based on the records of several meetings of the club. See f o r instance the oration, toasts and toast replies i n " F i r s t Annual Banquet" Proceedings of Canadian Club of Vancouver 1910-1911 (Vancouver: News-Advertiser, 1912), p. 73 "^The E l i t e Directory, op. c i t . , pp. 107-108. There are 103 members of the American Club, several of whom are l i s t e d i n other clubs as well. 17 For the c r i t e r i a employed i n 1909 c f . ante footnote lk. The 1927 c r i t e r i a are more broadly based, they include membership i n f r a t e r n a l clubs and those organizations advancing education, r e l i g i o n and welfare. No labour or union organizations i s l i s t e d . l8 H. Bartholomew,, op. c i t . , pp.. 31 c f . Greater Vancouver population estimates of 125,000 f o r 1909 and 270,000 f o r 1927. 19 B r i t i s h Columbia Federationist, October 3, 1913, p. 7Census of Canada 1921, V o l . I (Ottawa: Kings P r i n t e r , 1921) p. 5^0, Table 27.  12k 21  Cf. A.H. Lewis, South Vancouver. Past'and Present (Vancouver: Western, 1920)... A t o t a l of 32 out of kk South Vancouver c i v i l .leaders and prominent "boosters" i s i d e n t i f i e d by place,of residence.held p r i o r to South Vancouver; 16 had l i v e d i n the B r i t i s h Isles but outside S.E. England, eight had l i v e d i n Eastern Canada, three had l i y e d i n S.E. England, two had l i v e d i n unspecified locations i n England and one had l i v e d i n A u s t r a l i a . 22 For an eye witness account of the move from Yale to "Yaletown" at the south end of Howe Street see The Sunday Province, July 2k, 1927, p. 7- Mr. Langley recounts the 1887 move. Cf. V i c t o r i a Daily Colonist, February 10, I887, p. k. The location of the workshop and the railway workers' housing was influenced by the Vancouver City Council who granted to the C.P.R. tax exemptions for lopating adjacent to the business area. See, Bylaws of the City of Vancouver, B.C. 1913 (Vancouver: A.H. Timms, 1913), p. ^95, Bylaw No. 33. 23 P. P h i l l i p s , No Power Greater (Vancouver: B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labour, Boag Foundation, 1967), p. 31. 2k  Ibid. 2 5  Ibid.  26 M. Robin, The Company Province ( i n press). on Smith, a miner from northern England. 2 7  This party became centred  P. Phillips, loc. c i t .  28 Ibid., p. 32. 29 The use of the term " l i b - l a b ' i n Vancouver labour p o l i t i c s i s of interest for i t i s the same term employed i n B r i t a i n during Chamberlain's period to describe labour leaders who collaborated with l i b e r a l s . Thus the use of " l i b - l a b " i n Vancouver supports the argument that Vancouver labour p o l i t i c s bore the imprint of B r i t i s h experience. 30 The l i b - l a b candidates for municipal elections i n South Vancouver supported annexation with Vancouver and town planning. See the programs of McDonald and Smith i n 1925, Labour Statesman, January 8, 1926, p. 1. 31 For an indication of the s o c i a l i s t s ' s o c i a l patterns see Western Clarion , May 12, 1903 and, for the l i b - l a b s see the B r i t i s h Columbia Federationist, September lk, 1912. 32 Personal interviews during August 1966 with H. P r i t c h e t t , Burnaby, who was a labour leader p r i o r to 19kl and S. Wyman, Vancouver who was a labour representative on the Vancouver Planning Commission i n the early 1930's, 33 P. P h i l l i p s , op. c i t . , p. 51. 3k  Ibid., p. 91. 3 5  I b i d . , p. 106.  ^Ibid. 37  . No t y p i c a l l y Japanese family names are l i s t e d by Bo am op. c i t . nor i n the e a r l y s o c i a l d i r e c t o r i e s c f . ante: footnote, 14.. The B r i t i s h Columbia F e d e r a t i o n i s t , October 3, 1913, p. 7.  39  F. Walhouse, The Influence o f M i n o r i t y Ethnic Groups on the C u l t u r a l Geography o f Vancouver" CUnpublished M.A. E i e s i s , U n i v e r s i t y . o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 19611, p. 234. ^ S e s s i o n a l Papers B r i t i s h Columbia 1886", op. c i t . , p. 347. 41 F. Walhouse, op. c i t . , p. 239 and W. King, Report o f the Royal Commission on Methods by which O r i e n t a l Labourers have been Induced t o come t o Canada (Ottawa: The Queens P r i n t e r , 1908) . 42  Walhouse, op. c i t . . , pp. 234-242. 1 + 3  I b i d . , p. 267.  44 R.E. Wynne, "American Labour Leaders and the Vancouver'AntiO r i e n t a l R i o t s " , Washington State H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y , V o l . 57, No. 4 (October, I966) , pp. 173-179. The r o l e o f the Chinese Benevolent Associ a t i o n i n a c o n f l i c t w i t h the Council i s described. 45 . The three Chinese language newspapers and the subgroups with which they were associated have reported as: one, The Chinese Times , and the C h r i s t i a n Freemasons S o c i e t y ; two, The New Republic and the Kuo Tang Conservative Group; and t h r e e , The Chinese Voice and the l i b e r a l group. See Walhouse, op. c i t . , p. 267. 46 T.R. Loosemore "The B r i t i s h Columbia Labour Movement and P o l i t i c a l Action 1879-1906". (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1954), p. 19F. Walhouse, op. c i t . , p. 234. 48 Sessional Papers B r i t i s h Columbia 1886, op. c i t . , pp. 458-459. F. Walhouse, op. c i t . , p. 222. "^The f o l l o w i n g paragraph was pre'cised from F. Walhouse, I b i d . , pp. 270-290. 51  I b i _ d . , pp. 300-304.  There is. a number o f short a r t i c l e s and a few manuscripts, on Vancouver s o c i a l h i s t o r i e s , the most d e f i n i t i v e o f which i s I . Howard, Vancouver's Syehskar ( V i c t o r i a : Morriss P r i n t i n g , 1970],  126 53  R.H. Alexander "Reminiscences of the Early Days of B r i t i s h Columbia", Proceedings of the. Canadian Club Vancouver 1910-11, op. c i t . , pp. 9-17. ?  Ibid. , p. 9.  J  I b i d . , p. 13.  5 5  ^Alexander's account of r e s i d e n t i a l patterns was compared with the F i r e Map of Vancouver B r i t i s h Columbia 1889 CSan Francisco: Dakin, November, 1889). No d e t a i l on occupance was presented. I t was noted however that details were given f o r the Moodyville M i l l and that residences were integrated. 57 R. Alexander, l o c . c i t . 5 8  Ibid.  59 Personal interview with the Honourable H.H. Stevens, Vancouver, c. 1912. The information was obtained August, 1966.  M.P.  ^°F. Howay, "Early Settlement on Burrard I n l e t " B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly, V o l . 1 ( A p r i l , 1937) pp. 101+-105. Ibid. 62 W. Sage, op. c i t . , p. 106. Of the East Enders mentioned as being prominent, Oppenheimer, Alexander and Boultbee were included. The f i r s t two were Pre-Confederation B r i t i s h Columbians. 63 See c i t y charter signees i n The Founders of Vancouver (Vancouver: City Archives, I856) p. 7Ibid. 6 5  I b i d . , p. 3.  ^ B r i t i s h Columbia Gazette, September, 1886 ( V i c t o r i a Government P r i n t e r , 1886) p. 3336 7  J b i d . , J u l y , 1887, p. 2^0.  /TO  I b i d . , p. 306. ^ I b i d . , February, 1886, p. \l 9  and p. U60.  70 For an assessment of the r o l e of " s i t e " i n early settlement see F. Howay, op.cit. , pp. 101-102 and D. Kerr "Vancouver - A Study i n Urban Geography" (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of Toronto, 19^3), p. 22. 71 See P. Oberlander "History of Town Planning i n B r i t i s h Columbia", Royal A r c h i t e c t u r a l Institute of Canada, S e r i a l No.. 392, V o l . 35 (November, 1958), p. 1^0.  127 72  An examination of Map 3 reyeals that the i n t e r s e c t i n g g r i d l i n e s often, are located near abrupt breaks i n the slope. One s i g n i f i c a n t exception i s the i n t e r s e c t i o n of Kingsway and Main S t r e e t s . I t may be.noted that t h i s i s the l o c a t i o n of a concentration of union h a l l s , and s o c i a l i s t organizations . The concurrence of s t r e e t focus and the concentration of workingclass i n s t i t u t i o n s make the l o c a t i o n an i d e a l "labour landmark". 73  D a i l y World, J u l y 11, 1890, p. 4. Note f o r instance the absence of reference t o 'View" i n the advertisement d e s c r i p t i o n of CPR r e s i d e n t i a l property on E n g l i s h Bay. 74  This suggestion was f i r s t made by A. Rogatnik, a r c h i t e c t u r a l h i s t o r i a n , U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Preliminary f i e l d reconnaissance i n the West Point Grey and McKenzie Heights d i s t r i c t s tended to support the claim. D e f i n i t e l y homes that have no v i s i b l e signs of having early designs a l t e r e d and that have p o t e n t i a l views very frequently do not integrate "view"" £advantages i n t o home designs H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , p. 76  n  21.  Ibid.  77 W. Sage, "Vancouver", B r i t i s h Columbia Journal of Commerce Year Book 1946 (Vancouver, 1946), p. 106. 7ft  Vancouver Telephone Directory 1905, Northwest History Room Vancouver Public L i b r a r y . The three prominent "East Enders" previously noted c f . ante footnote 62 were l i s t e d but only Alexander was s t i l l a resident of the East End. Other important B r i t i s h Columbians, Oppenheimer and Rand had also moved t h e i r place of residence to the West. 79  W. Sage, l o c . c i t .  fin  Debates of the House of. Commons 1904 (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r , 1904) Vol. 1, p. 704: See the entry on November 17, 1903. 8l  There i s some suggestion the c o n f l i c t went deeper. Not only was the issue over the l o c a t i o n of the post o f f i c e but as w e l l the more general issue of the C.P.R.'s i n t e r e s t and that of the "working man". See the D a i l y World, June 11, 1890, p. 4. 8?  T)ebates of the House of Commons, l o c . c i t . 83  In the November, 1903 debates, I b i d . , i t i s d i s c l o s e d that the C.P.R. owned property adjacent to the proposed s i t e of G r a n v i l l e and the C.P.R. also had options on the s i t e i t s e l f , the Government s t a t i n g that the option was intended to influence the b u i l d i n g of p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s . 84  W. Sage, op. c i t . , p. 8 5  109..  op. c i t . , p. 379• ISladen, bid.  128 87  See Vancouver Club Clipping Docket . p p . ' c i t . , Vancouver-Club;. H i s t o r i c a l Notes., and L i s t of Members, jyiay 31, 1936, p. 11. The .quotation i s taken from the 1891 notes. ?  88 Attention i s here directed to the function of s o c i a l d i r e c t o r i e s as i n s t i t u t i o n s governing s o c i a l b e l i e f s , a function perhaps more important i n newly established c i t i e s than the more obvious one of a r b i t r a t i n g s o c i a l class, oq  M. Richler ( e d i t o r ) , Canadian Writing Today (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1970) p. 19. Wilson i s discussed i n the introduction. See p. 19• °R.J. McDougall, "Vancouver Real Estate f o r Twenty-Five l e a r s " B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 6 (June, 1911), p. 9  60k.  91 Lithograph of Vancouver, 1898.  Federal Archives Map Room, Ottawa.  92 D. Rome, "The Oppenheimers of B r i t i s h Columbia", Jewish Western B u l l e t i n , Centenary Issue (June 30, 1958), p. 9. 93 W. Sage, op. c i t . , p. 106. 9^Boam, op. c i t . , p. 8n79  ^R.J. I McDougall, op. c i t . , p. 607.  96W. T  Sage, l o c . c i t .  97 City of Vancouver Annual Report 1910 (Vancouver: 1911) p- 92.  98 of  1913 9 9  Ibid. See also Burrard Peninsula Joint Sewage Committee, Lea Report (Vancouver City P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1913).  D a i l y World, 2k J u l y , 1890, p. 3.  °These data were compiled from the Vancouver City Directory 1901« Vol. VIII (Vancouver: Henderson Publishing Company Ltd., 1901). 10  " ^ ^ I t should be noted that the Western end of Fairview was part of the D i s t r i c t Lot 526 that had been ceded t o the C.P.R. i n 1886. Most of this property was subdivided and auctioned i n July, 1890. The main buyers included Rand and Oppenheimer. Daily World, July 31, 1890, p. k.  102 W. Sage, op. c i t . , p.  103  108 and Boam,  op. c i t . , pp.  207-208.  W. Sage, op. c i t . , p. 112. "*"°^A.H. Lewis, op. c i t . , p. 18 and R.J. McDougall, op. c i t . , p. 605^ ^ T h i s observation i s based on a review of advertisements i n the News Advertiser, January to December, 1909'..  129 ^Vancouver. Board of . School Trustees , Ninth. Annual,Report. (Vancouver: Municipal P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1911), p. 59" 107 Vanppuyer Daily World, September 2, 1909., P« 1^10 8 H. Bartholomew, op_. c i t . , see map p. 88. 109 B r i t i s h Columbia Federationist, December 27, 1912, p. 12. ^A,H. Lewis, op. c i t . , p. 18. D e t a i l e d data on origins of populations are d i f f i c u l t to assemble. For general data describing emigration from Northern England during t h i s period see Wilbur S. Shepperson, B r i t i s h Emigration to North America (Oxford: Blackwell and Matt, 1957). 112 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . South Vancouver's Municipal p o l i c i e s are described i n pp. 307-311. 113 11(  1 1 1  •^Ibid. , p. 307. 114 Vancouver and North Vancouver Directory 1909, Vol. XVI (Vancouver: Henderson, 1909). ''For an account of von Alvenslebin's b e l i e f about nature and man see notes i n B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine, V o l . I (December, 1911), pp. 1303 1312. Also see inside cover Ibid. October issue for an i n d i c a t i o n of the scale of West Point Grey subdivisions. 11  ^ C f . tape recorded interview with von Alvenslebin, Photographic Archives, Vancouver Public Library, n.d. 1 1  117 H. Bartholomew, l o c . c i t . 118 Those data are interpolated from the logarithmic graph, Ibid, p. 30. 119 Vancouver Bureau of C i v i c Research, "Amalgamation", Informed •••Git i z enship, B u l l e t i n No. 12 (1926), See table. 120 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , p. 32. 121 Census of Canada 1921, V o l . I (Ottawa: Kings P r i n t e r , 1921), p. 540, Table 27122 A Dickson, "B.C. Professional Gardeners Association", Gardening i n B r i t i s h Columbia, V o l . I , No. 1 (February, 1927), p. 10. Cf. recorded minutes of the Greater Vancouver H o r t i c u l t u r a l Society, January 8, 1925, Personal Notes of A. Dickson, Secretary of the Society. The professional gardeners association was organized and a c t i v e l y encouraged by L a i d l e r and Dickson, the former being the Society's President and a prominent resident of Point Grey.  130 . 12 \^ "T?. P h i l l i p s ,•'op. . c i t . , p. 68. 124 . Ibid. , p. 73. 125 ^Ihid. , p. 72.. Ibid. 1 2 7  I h i d . , p. 73V  "*" ^Ihid. , p. 83. 129 , F. Walhouse, bp. c i t . , p. 242. 2  13  °rbid. , p. 234.  131 R.E. Wynne, "American Labour Leaders and the Vancouver Anti-Oriental Riots", Washington State H i s t o r i c a l Society, Vol. 57, No. k (October, 1966}, p. 173. Ibid. 133 Sessional Papers B r i t i s h Columbia 1886, op. c i t . , p. 3^7• 1 3  ^ r b i d . , p. 349. •  135 F. Walhouse, l o c . c i t . ^ ^R. Wynne, l o c . c i t . 3  137 F. Walhouse, op. c i t . , p. 300. -1 ^jQ  are  R. Wynne, op. c i t . , pp. 178-179. described. 139 W. Sage, op. c i t . , p. 112.  The speakers and crowd composition  /  Ibid. ^ F . Walhouse, op. c i t . , pp. 234-242. 142 Cf. developments i n B r i t i s h C i t i e s , Chapter I I . 143 For a geographical analysis o f the growth o f tenements i n the West End see A. McAfee, "Residence on the Margin o f the Central Business D i s t r i c t " , (Unpublished M.A. Thesis, University. of • B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967). 144 . Evidence f o r the displacement from the East End o f Anglo Saxon working class by the Asian minority is- found i n Vancouver City, street directories.Compare, f o r instance, Keefer Street from ?<?ain to Campbell in. the years 1901. and 1922. See, B.C. Gazetteer:'and Directory 1901,Vol. 8 (Vancouver; Henderson and Company, 1901-1, PP • 5 86-5 87 an d Gfe ater Van couver Directory-' 1922 ,Vol. 29 (Vancouver: Henderson and Company, 1922J., pp. 255-258. 1  1  131 145  For a discussion o f the displacement o f ethnic groups from Strathcona see, D. Gale,. "The Impact of Residential Succession on Urban R e t a i l Structure: The I t a l i a n s i n Vancouver (Unpublished Honours Essay, Simon Fraser University, 1968). A comparison of. residents on Richards and Seymour streets near the C.P.R. round house f o r the'years 1906 and 1915 suggests, business enterprises displaced Anglo Saxon workers i n t h i s area. See the Greater Vancouver Directory 19 06, Vol. 13 (Vancouver: Henderson and Company, 1 9 0 6 ) , pp. I 6 8 - I 8 3 and Greater Vancouver Director 1915.Vol« 22 (Vancouver: Henderson and Company, 1 9 1 5 ) , pp. 352-364. l l | 6  J . S . M i l l , 'On Liberty (New York: Applet on-Century Croft, 1 9 4 7 ) , P- 1 2 .  147 Proceedings o f the Canadian Club, 1906-1908, op. c i t . , p. 2 . 14 8 H. V i v i a n , "Working Mens Homes and the Garden City Movement i n England", Proceedings o f the Canadian Club, 1909-1910, op. c i t . , pp. 103-104. 149 , Labour Statesman, October 2 2 , 1926, p. 1. ^"^Labour Statesman, December 9, 1 9 2 7 , P- 1. 151p^  P h i l l i p s , op. c i t . , p. 3 1 .  152 Labour Statesman, January 8 , 1926, p. 1. 153 R.D. Grant, "The Future o f Vancouver and Why", Proceedings o f the. Canadian Club o f Vancouver, 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 1 0, on. c i t . , p. 65. 154 P. P h i l l i p s , op. c i t . , pp. 108-109. 155 ^S.M. Oliver (ed. ) "How the C.P.R. Helps Beautify Canada", The Garden B e a u t i f u l , Vol. 7, No. 2 (July, 1938) , pp. 6-8. For the influence o f Van Home on the design p o l i c i e s o f the C.P.R. see W. Vaughan, S i r William Van Home (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1 9 2 6 ) . J  y  Vancouver Sun, November 9, 1919, p. 32. 157 J.P. Nicholls , Real Estate Values i n Vancouver: A Reminiscence (Vancouver: City Archives, 1 9 5 9 ) , p. 3 3 . 15 8 Vancouver Sun, l o c . c i t . 159 ^R. L o r t , "Samuel Maclure MRAIC, 1860-1929" , Royal Architectural Institute of Canada Journal, S e r i a l Number 3 8 9 , V o l . 3 5 , No. 1 (November, 1 9 5 8 ) , pp. 114-115. ^^Persomal Interviews with S. Wybourn, Vancouver, August, 1 9 6 6 . ^ F . T . Hodgson, P r a c t i c a l Bungalows and Cottages f o r Town and Country (Chicago: F. Drake and Company, 1 9 1 2 ) , 1  1  ^ F . Pemberty, "Vancouver, A City o f Beautiful Homes", The B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 12 CDecember, 1 9 1 1 ) , p. 1313. 1  2  132  l63  Vancouver.Club Clipping Docket,."Diary of Campbell Sweeny", op.cit. ,  p. 18. 164 Boam, op. c i t . , p. 191. 165 H. Bartholomew, pp. c i t . , p. 307.. l 6 6  -1 l 6 8  rbid. /T  See Chart No. 1, p. 30..  7  A. Lewis, op. c i t . , p. 6. I b i d . , p. 14.  l69 Ibid. , p. 16. The confusion over municipal expenses, the charges of nepotism and of municipal socialism i n 1915 developed to the point where they became national newspaper headlines, The Daily Province, March 6, 1915? p. 2. 170 A. Lewis, op. c i t . , pp. 16 - 18. 171 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , p. 311. In. the period immediately preceding amalgamation the assets of South Vancouver were consistently less than the other two municipalities. See Vancouver Bureau of C i v i c Research, B u l l e t i n No. 12, "The Union P l e b i s c i t e " , Vancouver (December 4, 1926), p. 2. 172 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . Note photographs, pp. 353-354. 173 Vancouver Sun, November 9, 1919, p. 32. 174 R. Grant, op. c i t . , p. 72. ITS H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , p. 179See also J . Paton, "The Story of Point Grey", B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 7 (July, 1911), p. 736. 1 7 6  Ibid.  1 T T  I b i d . , p. 297-  1 T 8  I b i d . , p. 235-  1 7 9  Ibid.  1 8 0  I b i d . , p. 297.  l8  " Vancouver Sun, l o c . c i t . L  Ibid. Ibid.  133 iQk  Ibid. , The Kexrisdale Community ..Centre was never ..built on the land donated by.the .C.P.R. l85 E. Wilson, The Innocent T r a v e l l e r (Toronto: Macmillan Company, i960). 186 Ibid., f o r Wilson's own remarks on the symbolism, see p. v i i . l 8 7  I b i d . , p. 260.  l 8 8  I b i d . , p. 259.  1 8 9  I b i d . , p. 26l.  I b i d . , p. 263. 191 See for instance the f i r s t book published on Vancouver gardens, E. Fewster, My Garden Dreams (Toronto: Graphic Publishers, Ltd., 1926). 192 E. Wilson, "Tuesday and Wednesday", The Equations of Love (London: Macmillan and Company Ltd., 1952), pp. 2-132. 193 Board of Parks Commissioners, Minutes 1881-1966 (Vancouver: Parks Board O f f i c e ) . 194 P. Stroyan, "Notes Taken from Minutes, Board of Park Commissioners". (Vancouver: Parks Board O f f i c e s , I9U8) mimeograph and "Notes Taken from Park Board Minutes 1948-1958" (Vancouver: Park Board O f f i c e , 1962) mimeograph. ^ ^The following d e t a i l s on p o l i c y have been precised from P. Stroyan, loc. c i t . 1 9 0  9  19  ^P.  Stroyan, 1948, op. c i t . , p. 6.  1 9 7  I b i d . , p. 8.  1 9 8  I b i d . , p. 12.  1 9 9  I b i d . , p. 13-14.  2 0 0  I b i d . , p. 22.  201 Interview with F. Buck, Vancouver, August, 1966. 202 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , pp. 325-343. 203 Ibid. The majority of mis-alignments noted were.located within the municipality, not adjacent to inter-municipality boundaries. 204. _ . _ _,, A. Lewis, op. c i t . , p. 14.  134 Bartholomew,.op. 2 0  2  c i t . , p. 314..  ^ C f . K. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , pp. 63-67 and pp.. 317-335-  ° Ibid. , Plate. 8. 7  208 Canadian Club Clipping Docket 1 (Vancouver C i t y A r c h i v e s ) Notes by McGregor, p. l 6 . F . Buck, "Some Early Pioneers o f the Town and Rural Planning Movement i n Canada" (.Vancouver: City Planning Commission, n.d.) mimeograph. Noted the contributions of S i r C l i f f o r d S i f t o n , Buck, Adams and Owens. See also, Commission of Conservation Canada, Report of the Sixth Annual Meeting (Toronto: Bryant Press, 1915), PP- 232-302. 2 0 9  Ibid. 211 Canadian Club Clipping Docket 1, l o c . c i t . 212 Interview with E. Buck.  See footnote 201.  213 A.- Walker, "Town Planning i n Vancouver", The Municipal Review of Canada (June, 1935), pp. 5-6. 214 H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , pp. 297-298. 215 F. Buck, "Some Early Pioneers of the Town and Rural Planning Movement i n Canada", op. c i t . , p. 6. 2l6 ;Ibid. , pp. 6-7Ibid. A . Walker, op. c i t . 219 s Labour Statesman, January 8, 1926, p. 1. Town-Planning was included in the labour municipal election program. See a l s o , Labour Statesman, March 11, 1927, p. 1. 220 Interview with S. Wybourn. See footnote l60. 221 These non-residential land uses were i n t e r p o l a t e d from the Point Grey Zoning Plan i n H. Bartholomew, op. c i t . , Plate 55 and Vancouver City Directory, 1926 Vol. 33 (Vancouver: B r i t i s h Columbia Directories Ltd.,, 1926) 2 l 8  CHAPTER IV THE GROWTH OP MODERN VANCOUVER, 1930-1969: THE TRANSFORMATION OF LANDSCAPE Through, the'middle o f the twentieth: century, Vancouver's landscape was dramatically transformed.  The c l a s s i c r a d i a l l y patterned streetcar suburbs  which had spread from the dominant core on the Vancouver Peninsula into the Burrard Peninsula i n the f i r s t decades of the century were slowly fleshed out.  Different buildings and landscape designs for which there were few  p a r a l l e l s i n the V i c t o r i a n succession appeared. modest c a p i t a l investments  Due, i n part, t o the  during the Depression and World War I I , the most  pronounced changes d i d not take place u n t i l a f t e r  1950.  During the i n i t i a l decades o f slow growth, there were changes i n s o c i a l organizations and i n the compositions of public boards.  For a short period  of time the number of labour members on the boards increased.  Then a f t e r  1935, when the ward system of municipal elections was abolished, there was an increase i n the r e l a t i v e number of managers and professionals from the Western sector. It i s contended here that the importance  o f these s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l  changes was not manifest u n t i l the 1950's and 1960's, .due t o the slow a t t r i t i o n of public o f f i c i a l s who represented the labour and s o c i a l i s t interests and to the modest land investments before these decades. The quickened pace o f change during the 1960's was not without sharp c o n f l i c t s which have s t a l l e d some developments. and c o n f l i c t s .  Two questions arise from these changes  Are there manifest connections between the s o c i a l organizat-  ions , b e l i e f s , and the urban landscape that c l a r i f y the transformation o f Vancouver's landscape?  mid-century  And to what degree have the  founding groups and t h e i r s o c i a l b e l i e f s continued to influence recent  .136 public policy, and landscape, change? ... To. answer.these questions the.record of landscape.change can.he.compared with the record of major changes i n s o c i a l organization'and measures.of contemporary s o c i a l b e l i e f s . for  The data  describing the middle years come from minute books and municipal reports,  i n the case o f landscape changes; from newspapers, interviews and observ1  ations and from p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n voluntary s o c i a l groups, i n the case of s o c i a l organization. These sources are supplemented b y ' s t a t i s t i c a l analyses of sample questionnaires i n the case.of s o c i a l b e l i e f s .  A MID-CENTURY SURVEY OF CHANGE The Pace of Landscape Change A record o f the t o t a l annual b u i l d i n g a c t i v i t y i n Vancouver i s a good index of slow growth i n the Depression and Wartime Years < The data presented i n Figure 2 represent the annual d o l l a r value of a l l permits f o r r e s i d e n t i a l , i n d u s t r i a l , commercial and i n s t i t u t i o n a l construction."'" The graph should be used with some reserve because the construction costs f o r 2 s i m i l a r buildings have varied since 1930. additions to buildings a f t e r 1930.  There was a sudden decrease i n  Not u n t i l a f t e r World War I I did annual  changes compare favourably with those o f 1930.  Between 19^5 and i960, there  were two b u i l d i n g peaks: one i n 19^8 and the other i n 1956. However, i t was a f t e r i960 that a pronounced upward change i n b u i l d i n g additions i s most marked. To-this record of building a c t i v i t y was added an investigation of open space•changes. examined.  The d o l l a r values of.streets and lanes were the f i r s t data  Records of the values.. (Table 2). indicate. a change of pace that  i s s i m i l a r to.changes.in b u i l d i n g . a c t i v i t i e s .  There was f i r s t a period when  extensions of streets and lanes into.new or under-serviced land were minimal.  137  FIGURE 2 ANNUAL VALUE OF BUILDING PERMITS VANCOUVER  1930-1968  120  100-  8 0  in c o E J  6 0 -  4 0 -  '  * »  I I I  2 0  1930  »--| — r - i - T 1940  ~i—r-'1950  I960  1970  Source: Annual Report , City o f "Vancouver, 1930-1967. Then, a f t e r 19^6, values reached t h e i r previous peak o f 1930.  After a  second period o f only moderate expenditures there was a marked upward trend i n values at the end o f the 1950's.  The second record o f changes i n open  spaces was obtained from the annual expenditures f o r park a c q u i s i t i o n s (Table 3).  It. i s apparent from the c a p i t a l expenditures f o r new park land  that changes i n park space correspond w i t h changes i n additions t o street and lane open space.  There were no increases in. park open space between  1934 and 1944... Then a f t e r . World War I I , the purchase o f new park space increased at an uneven r a t e .  Only a f t e r the decade o f the 1950's d i d  expenditures reach l e v e l s comparable t o the 1930 value.  TABLE I I ANNUAL EXPENDITURES.. FOR . CONSTRUCTION AND IMPROVEMENT TO. STREETS. AND..LANES: VANCOUVER, 1930-68* •.' Year  Expenditure  Year  Expenditure  1930 1931  942,118 908,293  1950 1951  1,512,426 3,120,304  1932' 1933  917,686 98,713  1952 1953  2,469,101 2,675,684  1934 1935  40,158 47,041  1954 1955  2,105,158 1,725,736  1936 1937  51,141 89,801  1956 1957  1,043,064 1,788,265  1938 1939  103,538 67,868  1958 1959  1,035,253 2,091,7^6  1940 1941  64,312 87,065  I960 1961  2,764,561 1,637,597  1942 1943  76,5te9 51,205  1962 1963  3,005,648 2,503,801  1944 1945  90,642 110,649  1964 1965  2,287,549 2,158,001  1946 1947  194,933 731,846  1966 1967  1948 1949  958,194 836,570  1968  * E x p e n d i t u r e s i n d o l l a r s from c a p i t a l and o p e r a t i n g f u n d s . S o u r c e : C i t y o f Vancouver, A n n u a l R e p o r t s 1930-1965.  138 The pace of landscape change indicates, a .mid-century pattern of modest development i n the f i r s t two decades after 1930 and, i n part, sporadic change i n the recent decades.  and a more rapid In f a c t , the most  dramatic changes i n private and public buildings and open spaces have been undertaken  during the decade of the 1960's.  I f these records showed the  r e l a t i v e amount of change i n the various sectors of the c i t y , some areas would no doubt assume more significance than others.  But the nature o f  the city's accounting procedures places a serious l i m i t a t i o n on l o c a t i o n a l trends i n development.  examining  One exception to this l i m i t a t i o n i s  the record of park maintenance expenditures. Trends i n Public Park Maintenance.  Annual reports publish the  operating costs f o r separate parks a f t e r 1929; but the interpretation of these data can be hazardous .  Investments  i n the maintenance of park  gardens and lawns, beaches, and playing f i e l d s are made on a rotating basis so that the expenses f o r any one year would be biased toward those s p e c i f i c parks which were re-landscaped during that p a r t i c u l a r year. Therefore, the analysis of these records requires aggregating data over a period o f several years.  There have been minor changes i n accounting but  during the years between 1939 and I969 comparable records are available f o r : 1929, 1931, 1933, 1938, 1947, 1950, 1957, and 1958.  5  Compiling the expend-  itures per park for these years permitted place-to-place comparisons. To examine this information a series of three maps was prepared. f i r s t task was to demonstrate  variations i n t o t a l expenditures f o r each of the  twenty-two l o c a l areas delineated i n Chapter I. presented i n Map 13.  The  These variations are  This general picture indicates that there were no  pronounced differences i n expenditures between the Western and Eastern sectors.  This pattern may be influenced by variations i n park acreages.  MAP 13  Vancouver City Parks  EXPENDITURE IN LOCAL AREAS 1929-1958 Systematic analysis of public expenditures on parks i s limited. Because of variations i n accounting procedures, comparable data are available f o r only 8 years: 1929, 1931, 1933, 1938, 1947, 1950, 1957 and 1958. This map was prepared from the maintenance expenditures recorded i n the annual reports and o f f i c e records of the Board f o r these 8 years. The data f o r a l l the parks located i n each l o c a l area were totalled and mapped. There i s an unavoidable bias f o r the l o c a l areas flanking English Bay (See Note, Map 15). Discrimination against the East-side parks cannot be v e r i f i e d by this analysis.  . TABLE.Ill ANNUAL EXPENDITURES.. FOR. NEW, PARK, ACQUISITIONS! • IN" VANCOUVER-,. 1930-1969* Year  'Expenditure  Year  Expenditure .  1930 1931  402,092 . 22,150  1950 . 1951  •l4,094 107,383  1932 1933  51,326 2,319  1952 1953 '  77,750 75,885  1934 1935  Nil  1954 1955  92,396 72,289  1936 1937  11  1956 1957  178,786 391,414  1958 1959  244,219 944,684  I960 . 196l  311,463 189,936  1962 1963  200,255 213,796 166,714 393,132  1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943  11  it n it 11  ti ti it  1944 1945  66,500  1964 1965  1946 1947  Nil 120,831  1966 1967  480,651 2,945,366  1948 1949  75,846 1,511  1968 1969  417,515 324,4o6  11  *Expenditures i n dollars. Source: Parks 1930-1969, Annual Reports  139 To portray the e f f e c t s , o f t h e . r e l a t i v e size, and. l o c a t i o n o f parks the t o t a l expenditures.for each•park,site were delineated.in Map-lh.in three dimensions with.the d o l l a r values.measured on the v e r t i c a l scale.  The  heavy expenditures f o r the one thousand .acres of Stanley Park are the most s t r i k i n g conclusion from an examination  of t h i s map.  Since t h i s park i s  adjacent to.the West End which, i n - t h i s period, was occupied by a r e l a t i v e l y dense population of mixed occupation, age and income groups, there seems to be no outstanding d i s p a r i t y i n maintenance expenditures between sectors. Neither of these maps takes into account the possible influence o f variations i n the i n t e n s i t y of park use.  The best approximation of the  i n t e n s i t y of park use i n d i f f e r e n t sector's i s given i n the variations of d o l l a r expenditures per park areas.^ 15.  These variations are presented i n Map  Again the conclusion i s that there are no outstanding d i s p a r i t i e s o f  maintenance expenditures between sectors.  The major discrepancies between  the Eastern and Western sectors can be accounted for on the basis of the lower population of Arbutus Ridge, Oakridge  and K i l l a r n e y or on the basis  of beach parks having a greater a t t r a c t i o n than inland parks. Thus the only municipal records that allow systematic examination of l o c a t i o n a l trends i n municipal investments  i n the landscape f a i l to demon-  strate s i g n i f i c a n t variations among sectors.  I f further analysis can  demonstrate that the Parks Board during t h i s time was dominated by middleclass groups from the Western sector, then these trends can be interpreted as evidence of middle-class b e l i e f s i n c i v i c consciousness and i n man's e s s e n t i a l harmony with nature.  Before t h i s analysis of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l  organization may be.introduced, however, further comments.on the character of landscape are required.  MAP 1^  EXPENDITURES PER PARK: VANCOUVER CITY, 1929-1958  Visual comparisons of expenditures on each park s i t e reveal sector variations most of which can be accounted for by either the slower population growth i n l o c a l areas along the south flanks of the Burrard Peninsula or by the extra cost of lifeguarding along the shores of English Bay. Stanley Park represents the outstanding expenditures i n maintenance but these costs l i k e l y accrue not from l o c a l users but from city-wide and out-of-city users.  Dollars per p a r k - a c r e 0-500 501-1000 1001-2000 2001-4000 >4000 ENGLISH  BAY HASTINGS EAST  KITSILANO  MOUNT PLEASANT  F A I R V I E W  UNIVERSITY  C  C  E  D  A  R  O  T  T  A  G  2 E  ENDOWMENT  RENFREW-  LANDS  A  R  B  U  T  U  S L I T T L E  R I D G E  S  O  D  U  N  B  A  R  -  U  T  H  L  A  N  D  M  O  R  I  U  N  T  A  I  N  COLLINGWOOD  RILEY P A R K KENSINGTON  S  O  A  K  D  G  E  V I C T O R I A -  I F R A S E R V I E W  K I L L A R N E Y  SFU 69184  MAP 15 EXPENDITURE PER PARK-ACRE: VANCOUVER CITY, 1929-1958 An i n d i c a t i o n o f v a r i a t i o n s i n t h e degree o f maintenance a t each p a r k can be o b t a i n e d b y c a l c u l a t i n g t h e e x p e n d i t u r e s i n r e l a t i o n t o p a r k space. The map above was p r e p a r e d by computing t h e t o t a l number o f p a r k - a c r e s f o r each l o c a l a r e a and d i v i d i n g t h e t o t a l e x p e n d i t u r e s f o r each l o c a l a r e a i n t o these f i g u r e s . Not a l l l a b o u r c o s t s a p p e a r i n g i n t h e s e d a t a are r e f l e c t e d i n t h e q u a l i t y o f open s p a c e ; t h e cost i n c l u d e s p l a y s u p e r v i s i o n and l i f e g u a r d i n g . Depending on the l e n g t h o f t h e swimming season , t h e e x p e n d i t u r e s f o r t h e l o c a l areas around E n g l i s h Bay can be b i a s e d by an e s t i m a t e d 20% t o 50%. I f t h i s b i a s i s accounted f o r , t h e map cannot be s a i d t o document d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t t h e E a s t - s i d e parks.  co  140 . The Character  of Landscape Changes.  I f the thesis that s o c i a l b e l i e f s influence urban landscape •. change holds , then, i t ..must be. demonstrated, that the c o n f l i c t s associated, with the rapid developments.. during the decades .after. World War fundamental differences.in s o c i a l b e l i e f s .  II were connected with  To demonstrate this the  investig-  ation must turn from the comparative analysis of annual reports to the method of case studies. between geographical  Five cases are examined.  While the connections  expression, s o c i a l organizations and b e l i e f s  associated  with each case.are examined, the emphasis varies from one type of change to another.  The examples include: a r e s i d e n t i a l subdivision i n Fraserview,  the Arbutus Shopping Centre proposal, the False Creek Park c o n f l i c t , the t r e e removal c o n f l i c t s i n the West End and K i t s i l a n o , and f i n a l l y the Harbour Park proposal for apartment towers. Fraserview.  Single detached residences, a dominant feature of the  landscapes at the beginning of the century, continued to be of importance during the contemporary period.  New  subdivisions were developed i n the  Western and Southeastern sectors, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Southlands, Oakridge, Killarney  and Fraserview areas (Map  2).  A d i s t i n c t i v e feature of the  new  subdivisions i s t h e i r tendency toward the contour street pattern so t y p i c a l of the e a r l i e r prestige Shaughnessy Heights subdivision. new  The f i r s t of these  subdivisions, Fraserview, opened i n 1950.. The Fraserview subdivision was  the creation of the Federal crown  corporation, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation.  Of the four hundred  f i f t y . acres, developed, 12 per. cent had to.be expropriated from o r i g i n a l  7 residences of the area.  The one thousand one hundred.detached dwellings  g were positioned well back o n l o t s that averaged, f o r t y - f i v e feet i n frontage. :  The lots.were  replotted from the o r i g i n a l g r i d layout to a new :  contour and  MAP  16  FRASERVIEW,.. SUBDIVISION 1950-  Source: Vancouver City Section Map,  1954  Referred to by some as the "workingman s Shaughnessy Heights Fraserview represented not only a b e a u t i f u l garden s e t t i n g f o r working class families but, as a r e s u l t of c o n f l i c t s between ratepayers' associations and governments, a symbol of "middle class e x p l o i t a t i o n . " In the process of flushingout the r e s i d e n t i a l areas of the Burrard Peninsulas during the decades after World War II these contour-street .subdivisions pre-dominated i n both the West and East-side. Thus, the early differences between the two sectors have been reduced during the modern period. 1  141 c i r c l e l a y o u t (Map 16).  So complete was  t h e . i n t e g r a t i o n o f wooden.bungalows  w i t h . t h e s t r e e t , and p a r k © p e n . s p a c e s . t h a t some as " t h e w o r k i n g - m a n s . S h a u g h n e s s y " . 1  t h e s u b d i v i s i o n w a s . d e s c r i b e d by. T h i s image appears a c c u r a t e .  9  The  196l census i n d i c a t e s t h a t 40.8 p e r . c e n t o f the l a b o u r f o r c e r e s i d e n t i n the a r e a was employed i n p r i m a r y , c r a f t s m e n and l a b o u r e r o c c u p a t i o n s w h i l e o n l y 14.6 p e r cent was employed i n m a n a g e r i a l and p r o f e s s i o n a l  occupations."^  C o n f l i c t s e n t a n g l e d the s u b d i v i s i o n f r o m ' t h e b e g i n n i n g .  The o r i g i n a l  r e s i d e n t s o r g a n i z e d t o p r e v e n t the e x p r o p r i a t i o n o f t h e i r p r o p e r t i e s b u t t h e i r e f f o r t s were unsuccessful."'""'"  The C o u n c i l s u p p o r t e d the F e d e r a l 12  Government program and demanded the r a p i d c o m p l e t i o n o f the s u b d i v i s i o n . However, i t was the c o n f l i c t s subsequent t o t h e o c c u p a t i o n o f the s u b d i v i s i o n that manifested " c l a s s "  overtones.  C o n f l i c t grew out o f the q u e s t i o n o f d e s i g n and b u i l d i n g  standards.  The P l a n n i n g Commission, s u p p o r t e d by t h e A r c h i t e c t u r a l I n s t i t u t e  of B r i t i s h  Columbia and the Vancouver R e a l E s t a t e B o a r d , charged t h a t F r a s e r v i e w w o u l d be " a slum i n f i v e y e a r s " because o f the  " l o w - c o s t " d e s i g n and m a t e r i a l s 13  the M u n i c i p a l and F e d e r a l Governments had p e r m i t t e d .  A consequence  of  t h e s e and o t h e r c o n f l i c t s was the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f F r a s e r v i e w r e s i d e n t s a home a s s o c i a t i o n t h a t c o u l d r e s i s t the apparent t h r e a t s and management c l a s s e s ,  whether the t h r e a t  into  from p r o f e s s i o n a l  came from the C o u n c i l , the F e d e r a l  Government, t h e P l a n n i n g Commission o r the R e a l E s t a t e B o a r d .  The  conflicts  between the F r a s e r v i e w A s s o c i a t i o n , the C o u n c i l and the F e d e r a l Government c o n t i n u e d i n t o . t h e decade o f the s i x t i e s .  A c c o r d i n g t o the  association's  e x e c u t i v e and newspaper c l i p p i n g s , c o n f l i c t i n v o l v e d , the t h r e e groups i n a series  o f p u b l i c m e e t i n g s , i s s u a n c e s .of e v i c t i o n n o t i c e s , mass p i c k e t s ,  correspondence w i t h the Governor G e n e r a l , p a r l i a m e n t a r y debate and c o u r t 14 action.  On the s u r f a c e , the c o n f l i c t s appear t o be b a s e d on f i n a n c i a l  •ih2.  matters : the, association argued, for lower., rents , mortgage i n t e r e s t rates. and assessments. ^ 1  Under the' surface, the differences, seem.to he.connected with  b e l i e f s about "class i n t e r e s t " . As reported i n the press and confirmed by the executive of the assocation, the majority.of the association believed the higher rents, i n t e r e s t and assessments were a direct r e s u l t o f the reluctance of both the Council and the Federal Government "to cross r e a l  l6 estate i n t e r e s t s by placing low-cost properties on the market".  The  executive also believed that the working-man's attempt to control his r e s i d e n t i a l area was betrayed by the L i b e r a l Party.  The association's 17  charge was debated by s o c i a l i s t s and.liberals i n the Federal Parliament. In describing the s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s associated with the development, the positive meanings that working-class families attached to Fraserview should not be overlooked.  18 The new subdivision was opened i n January, 1950 (Map 16)  and the f i r s t family to occupy a new home was reported to have moved from 19 Gore Avenue.  Some d e t a i l on t h i s family serves to demonstrate the s o c i a l  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and meaning the subdivision had for residents who,came to occupy i t .  The family head was a milkman, a unionist who was a veteran of  the Saskatoon Light Infantry.  The press reported what the milkman's wife  thought of the Fraserview bungalow: "It's heaven; I love these wide windows; 20 i t w i l l be a b e a u t i f u l view i n the summer".  There are other examples of  l o y a l t y and appreciation for Fraserview, but the connections that are important to emphasize are the creation o f a subdivision s i m i l a r to Shaughnessy i n the Old South. Vancouver, sector, the occupation  of t h i s sub-  d i v i s i o n by.labour groups, and the attempts of these groups to.change the . subdivision i n the face of what they saw as the "class" and "national" interests o f City Council and.the'Liberal Party.  The assumptions of."class  i n t e r e s t s " and the many c o n f l i c t s revealed i n this case study are perhaps  ILLUSTRATION 5  Money by-laws , private donations and commercial investments during the 1950's and 1960's produced a variety o f c i v i c comm n i t y and shopping centres i n a l l sectors o f the c i t y . These developments have i n common the low p r o f i l e of two and three storey central buildings and a r i n g park or parking space. These developments tend to reduce the d i s t i n c t i v e appearances o f landscapes on the West-side and East-side o f the c i t y .  less pronounced.in other subdivision developments. of the mid-century. Arbutus :Centre.. Another.distinctive.feature of the.contemporary landscape i s . a p a r t i c u l a r configuration of buildings and open, space.commonly called, a centre,  whereas the c i t i e s . of V i c t o r i a n England had c i r c l e s and  places at intersections i n the nineteenth century, i n Vancouver  changes  i n transportation, merchandizing and provision of c i v i c services had to be awaited before s i m i l a r functions developed.  The contemporary centres take the  form of a cluster o f buildings encircled by open space, i n some cases parking i n other parks ( I l l u s t r a t i o n 5). 21  been b u i l t since World War I I .  No less than ten community centres have 22  The Civic Museum  and Oakridge shopping 23  centre are examples o f other developments i n the West Side.  But no  development created the i n t e n s i t y of c o n f l i c t s connected with proposals to develop a shopping centre i n the midst of an established r e s i d e n t i a l  2k neighbourhood near Arbutus Ridge area. In March, 1968, the Council considered a motion to rezone 39.^7 acres 25 of vacant land for this shopping centre. A public hearing was c a l l e d where 26  no less than thirty-nine b r i e f s were heard. centre , t h i r t y - f i v e were not.  Four were i n support of the  Western sector merchants and home associations  constituted the majority of the opposition.  There were some city-wide  organizations opposing the change, among them the Community Arts Council, 27 Vancouver School Board, and the Community Planning Association of Canada. Most b r i e f s asserted the large-scale commercialism was not appropriate to the n a t u r a l i s t i c r e s i d e n t i a l character of Point Grey.  There were no b r i e f s  from labour or s o c i a l i s t organizations•or from the Vancouver Central Council o f Ratepayers' Associations.  The application was turned down.  In September, 1969, the developers renewed attempts.and a second hearing was held.  28  The b r i e f s heard at t h i s time were s i m i l a r to those of  -Ihk. 1968-, both. In .total number, and- on the basis ,of t h e i r representation. consequence,of this.meeting, the.Council.appointed,a  As a  special.committee,to  the proposal. 29. In.spite,of the operations .of t h i s committee and adjustments i n the developers' plans, no approval of the centre has been given up to the present.  The land near Arbutus Ridge remains empty.  The Arbutus case demonstrates.something more than the fact that c o n f l i c t can impede development and leave i d l e land i n the c i t y .  I t can be interpreted  as r e f l e c t i n g a basic difference between the middle-class voluntary organizations, the technical bodies that advised the Council to r a t i f y the development and the labour groups who  did not p a r t i c i p a t e i n the c o n f l i c t .  It seems that the middle c l a s s . l i k e s commercial growth and shopping convenience only i f they do not disturb the naturalness of t h e i r neighbourhood.  It  also seems that labour groups are not greatly concerned with the commercial development of the West-Side. False Creek Park.  Typical of the c o n f l i c t s over open spaces was  the  Council's proposal to convert the twenty-two acres of False Creek Park into a municipal service yard.  The Council, concerned about the costs of  maintaining the service yards then i n operation, wanted to locate a main service yard on the s i t e of the False Creek Park and to replace the park with 30 another  ( i l l u s t r a t i o n 6).  To the majority of the Council, the proposal  had many points to recommend i t : The park s i t e occupied a f i l l area that was l e v e l and close to the d i s t r i c t s i n which the demands for municipal services were great.  On May  21, i960, the Council voted to take the False Creek Park 31  from the Parks Board.  This announcement l e d to the immediate organization  of voluntary groups which opposed, the decision and which f e l t t h e i r interests were not adequately represented, on ,the Council. :  between seven thousand five hundred.residents  The c o n f l i c t was  essentially  of the Eastern sector including  145  two.thousand children.and the Parks Board on the one side,. and the City  32 Council with i t s technical advisors on the other.  While most of the  opposition did come from the Grandview Ratepayers' Association, the Vancouver Central Council o f Ratepayers' Association, and the Labour Council the groups from the Eastern sector were joined by two city-wide organizations: the Vancouver Housing Association, and the Parent-Teacher*s Council,  "I wish city council would make up its mind on where it wants its works yards and • recreation areas ..." AN EDITORIAL CARTOON ON SOCIAL CONFLICT OVER PARK OPEN SPATE AT FALSE CREEK, I 9 6 0 . Source: Vancouver Sun, June 4, i960. The Eastern sector had a strong case.  In the Central Business D i s t r i c t  they had l o s t L a r w i l l Park which had been leased as a bus terminal after World War II: subdivision;  34  35  in Strathcona, and i n Strathcona  Oppenheimer Park had become an i n d u s t r i a l also, MacLean Park was scheduled to become 36  the c i t y ' s f i r s t public housing project.  The Eastern groups charged that  the Council discriminated against t h e i r sector, that i t s decision increased  •ih6. i n d u s t r i a l and.storage space . at . the'. cost .of park space . i n . the': East.. The . :  Council countered with, a . denial of discrimination'and argued'., that the . :  location.of '.the yard on' False Creek., would. benefit ..every tax-paying  citizen  37 by. reducing maintenance operating costs. The Eastern sector was  not l i k e l y . t o sway the Council b y . i t s e l f ; with  the Parks Board on i t s side,, i t stood a better chance.  The Board, retaining  counsel, determined that the municipality had no j u d i c i a l grounds for taking 38 back or c o n t r o l l i n g any land designated were s i m i l a r to Council's own July 6, 1961.  as public park. •  Their findings  l e g a l advice and the matter was  dropped on  39  The issue over False Creek Park demonstrated two growth decades i n the mid-century.  dominant trends of the  I t showed that there was  a measure of  coordinated reaction among the s o c i a l i s t and labour groups when the Council proposed a major change i n park space i n the Eastern sector.  It also  indicated that the Council, on the advice of i t s technical experts, proposed changes aimed at greater municipal e f f i c i e n c y only to f i n d the proposals  unacceptable to a large number of d i f f e r e n t groups.  Tree Removal i n the West End and K i t s i l a n o . During the past eighty years the Parks Board and l o c a l residents have p a r t i c i p a t e d i n many projects to plant trees along boulevards i n r e s i d e n t i a l areas ( i l l u s t r a t i o n This started i n the l890's i n the West End and was o r i g i n a l c i t y of Vancouver and Point Grey.  8).^  expanded through the  By 1951,  the Parks Board was  faced with.the removal of boulevard trees i n r e s i d e n t i a l areas.  The Parks  Board on request of the City Engineering Department had been replacing older trees, usually poplar and maple,.with b i r c h trees which were less damaging to .municipal services. residents who  In.addition, others were removed on.request.of  thought older trees caused extra work and damage to private  147 lawns, sheltered molesters , and eliminated sunlight.  43  At the same time  other residents were organizing -voluntary groups to preserve trees i n the West End.  These groups argued that older trees should be preserved  reasons f o r t h e i r beauty, t h e i r symbolism of man  for  i n harmony with nature, and  what newspaper accounts described as t h e i r " c i v i c s o l i d a r i t y and national patriotism . These c o n f l i c t s over tree removals were largely confined to the West 45 End and K i t s i l a n o ,  two  areas once bastions of the middle, c l a s s ,  now  occupied by residents with mixed ethnic, occupational, and age  characteristics.  Those who  represented  urged preservation of trees and believed older trees  man's closeness to nature and love of c i t y and nation were younger i n age and i n professional or management occupations. streets should be safe and inexpensive 46 i n wage-earning occupations.  Those who  believed the  to maintain were usually older and  From t h i s , i t may be i n f e r r e d that the  groups f o r and against the retention of older trees r e f l e c t e d the bias of the middle and working classes discussed i n Chapter I I I . The Harbour Park Towers. i n 1956  Since the revision of the zoning by-laws  many towers have been constructed i n Vancouver with l i t t l e public  comment.^  But i n some instances there has been opposition.  Four examples  during the l a s t decade are: the Dominion Bank Tower and Project 200 i n the Central Business D i s t r i c t ; the apartment tower at the south entrance to the Burrard Bridge; and, the Harbour Park Development i n the West End.''  1  This  l a t t e r project can serve to demonstrate the connections among towers, s o c i a l organizations  and s o c i a l b e l i e f s .  There has been a series of public hearings concerning along Coal Harbour at the entrance to Stanley Park.  the development  In 19'6"3j the Council,  despite community protests, rezoned the Coal Harbour s i t e to permit develop-  ILLUSTRATION 7 THE TRANSFORMATION OP THE MID-CENTURY LANDSCAPE: TOWERS, 1970  Growth during the mid century was predominantly confined to the l a t e 1950's and the 1960's and was c o n t r o l l e d by the major changes i n zoning and development by-laws o f 1952 and 1956. These i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes produced d i s t i n c t i v e features o f the modern period, the o f f i c e and apartment towers, most of which are confined to the Vancouver Peninsula and the West-side.  West End Apartments June 1971  Strathcona Public Housing June 1971  West End Offices June 1971  -148 ment of apartment towers.  52  Construction did not proceed because the  developers became bankrupt.. .Subsequently, h a l f the with the.adjacent  site:was,consolidated  Bayshore Inn and.new.investors submitted, proposals  remaining area.that  included, plans for an hotel tower.  for the  53' ' Public hearings to  deal with amendments to the zoning.attracted, large audiences and resulted 54 i n over t h i r t y submissions by.voluntary  groups and i n d i v i d u a l s .  Opposing  the construction of apartment and hotel towers were community-and p o l i t i c a l organizations including the New  Democratic Party, the Arts Council, Save Our  Parks Association, the Vancouver Central Council of Ratepayers' Association, and the Community Planning Association of Canada.^ At f i r s t glance i t seems that there i s l i t t l e difference i n the nature of the b e l i e f s that underlie the group protests..  The  charges that are  repeated include the assertion that the natural beauty of Stanley Park should not be i n f r i n g e d upon by commercialism, that " c l a s s " interests are e x p l o i t i n g the p u b l i c , and that development w i l l strangle the t r a f f i c flow at the north entrance to the C.B.D. these unsubstantiated  But, a closer examination shows a connection between  charges and the b e l i e f s of the voluntary groups.  The  Arts Council and the Save Our Parks Association, with strong leadership from the Western sector, based t h e i r arguments on b e l i e f s about the "sacredness" of Stanley Park and natural beauty.  This i s an example of l i b e r a l attitudes  toward nature. The s o c i a l i s t alderman and his supporters were against the development because i t represented exploitation by a p r i v i l e g e d " c l a s s " . ^ In 1968,  the s o c i a l i s t ' s motion to investigate the low assessments.on the land 57  was  defeated.  But, these groups opposed the tower project through other 58 actions: they raised the issue i n . the Federal Government;. they.campaigned 59 against i t i n the Municipal and P r o v i n c i a l elections; overnight on the s i t e to draw public a t t e n t i o n . ^  and they camped  The placards they  ILLUSTRATION 8 IMPEDED LANDSCAPE DEVELOPMENT RESULTING FROM SOCIAL CONFLICT  Looking East from the entrance to Stanley Park at the proposed s i t e of the Harbour Park Tower project, June 1971.  In both these examples the proposals have had the support of the N.P.A. and the Technical Planning Board but have been repeatedly opposed by voluntary groups that express diverse s o c i a l b e l i e f .  149 r a i s e d - i n opposition summarized.their protest:.one read "Stop P r i v i l e g e " 6l another, . "The West End i s , for.People" '. . basis of the opposition was  . For'. the' s o c i a l i s t groups , the  objection to e x p l o i t a t i o n by a p r i v i l e g e d c l a s s ,  not b e l i e f s about man's harmony with:• nature .. Opposition that charged, " p r i v i l e g e d c l a s s " did not come s o l e l y from the s o c i a l i s t groups.  Similar charges.came from the Community Planning  Association of Canada which t r a d i t i o n a l l y claims to represent  "public  i n t e r e s t s " and from the West End and Downtown Ratepayers' Association which 62 was  dominated by an executive with conservative a f f i l i a t i o n s .  As of  1971»  the Non-Partisan Association aldermen and the executive of the Vancouver Board of Trade s t i l l supported the development, but the opposition  had  pressed to the point where Council c a l l e d for a referendum to determine whether the c i t y would expropriate the s i t e . The case reported i s the most recent c o n f l i c t over landscape change. Without asserting any prediction as to the outcome, some conclusions be drawn.  I t i s clear that the middle-class  may  groups from the Western sector  and the s o c i a l i s t groups representing the Eastern sector both attach s i g n i f i c a n t meaning to landscape proposals  on the Vancouver Peninsula.  It  also seems that the majority of Council, i t s technical advisors and the executives of the Board of Trade accept the development of high-rise buildings at the entrance to Stanley Park because of alleged economic b e n e f i t s , and that they are opposed by voluntary groups from a l l sectors of the c i t y . i t may  Finally,  also be concluded that objections to development d i f f e r ; the middle-  class opposition i s associated.with.beliefs about man's.relationship nature,. and the s o c i a l i s t and labour objections are associated.with  to beliefs  about " c l a s s " interests and p r i v i l e g e i n society. In summary, these case studies', show the dynamic nature of alignments  150 . among groups . on major.issues.. The alignments . d i f f e r , given, the locales of the s p e c i f i c , issues. involved:Labour • and', s o c i a l i s t ' organizations .generally l i m i t t h e i r . concern to. the . Vancouver..Peninsula and the Eastern . sector; while the organizations representing the values'of the middle c l a s s , such as the Arts Council, normally concern themselves. with. changes'. i n the Western sector and the Vancouver. Peninsula.  Landscape changes can involve a c o n f l i c t  of w i l l s "between the Council and i t s committees voluntary groups on the other.  on the one hand, and diverse  This stems from the fact that the Technical  Planning Board recommends landscape changes that are unacceptable to large numbers of voluntary groups. Further, these case studies reinforce the theme of the association of contrasting b e l i e f s and landscape changes.  For the labour-dominated Fraser-  view Ratepayers' Association, the Fraserview subdivision represented the domination of landscape change by the middle c l a s s , and for members of the New Democratic Party, the Coal Harbour Development represented control by the middle c l a s s .  In a similar way, ornamental street open spaces seemed  to be viewed as symbols of man's harmony with nature and c i v i c s o l i d a r i t y by the Arts Council, and Parks Board representing the middle c l a s s . The underlying associations between d i f f e r i n g s o c i a l b e l i e f s and landscape changes i n the contemporary period seem to be s i m i l a r to those dominant i n the e a r l i e r V i c t o r i a n period.  To account for the continuity of  these associations, the case studies, must be placed i n the context of the dominant s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l changes, of the past forty years and more evidence of contemporary  s o c i a l b e l i e f s must be presented.  SOCIAL.CHANGE AMD'. BELIEFS Depression and the Rise o f Urban Radicalism The most s i g n i f i c a n t  factor.shaping the -underlying s o c i a l processes  of the recent past was the economic.depression of the 1930's.  A.record of  economic a c t i v i t i e s i s given, i n a simple graph that portrays a comparison i n manufacturing data among three major Canadian c i t i e s (Figure 3). The economic depression commenced almost immediately a f t e r the amalgamation of Vancouver was completed; the c i t y did not recover from the depression u n t i l a f t e r the beginning of World War I I .  FIGURE 3  ECONOMIC DEPRESSIONS  _ MONTREAL  1000-  TORONTO  o o o  VANCOUVER  • .100Q Q < Ul  I 10  1930  1940  SFU 69164 1950 I960  Changes i n the Value Added by Manufacturing Data Source: Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Census o f Canada, 1927-1961. The complete impact of economic depression on the transformation .of Vancouver's  landscape goes ..beyond what i s immediately obvious.  It i s  obvious that there are correlates between the rate of change-described i n  152 . the.value of building permits.and expenditures.for park a c q u i s i t i o n .  For  instance, during the worst;of the-, depression years, expenditures. on park acquisitions were reduced.to.zero.  But not so obvious i s the interplay  between.the depression of the 1930's and the r i s e of radicalism i n c i v i c government.  The p o l i t i c a l details .of t h i s development and i t s repercussions  help to account for the b e l i e f s of p o l i t i c a l leaders and the landscapes t h e i r actions created. The necessity that Vancouver maintain economic security i n the f i r s t decade a f t e r amalgamation influenced the t r a d i t i o n a l pattern of s o c i a l organization.  The depression was so severe that Vancouver could not  fulfill  6k i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s assigned by the Charter.  Both P r o v i n c i a l and Federal  f i n a n c i a l a i d were required, and even then the c i t y ' s unemployed claimed 6s that health and welfare benefits were inadequate.  Conditions l i k e these  made i t easier f o r the expansion of r a d i c a l labour and s o c i a l i s t groups and the accession of these to new p o l i t i c a l power. new  A v i v i d idea of the importance  r a d i c a l s o c i a l groups had i n Vancouver i s gained from the 1936  election.  The s o c i a l i s t s won three out of eight Council seats, two out of nine School Board seats, and two out of seven Parks Board s e a t s . ^  One year l a t e r the  s o c i a l i s t s became associated with m i l i t a n t factions which "under predominantly communist leadership .... organized demonstrations"  i n Vancouver.  Demonstrations turned into r i o t s i n which thirty-nine persons were injured, 68 $30,000. i n property damages sustained, and twenty-two labourers arrested. Obviously the power of the s o c i a l i s t labour groups persisted through the 1930's and p a r t i c i p a t e d . i n c i v i c . d e c i s i o n making.  But they. met .strong  opposition. The Counter-Thrust  of Revisionism •  A new elite.among Vancouver's.middle class emerged i n response to  153 increasing s o l i d a r i t y among-labour and.socialist groups and open, violence associated with.it.. They organized.a.voluntary group called.the.NonPartisan Association (N.P.A.). .The N.P.A. drew.from.the executives .of the p r o v i n c i a l Conservative.and L i b e r a l p a r t i e s - f o r i t s leadership and only i n name.was i t non-partisan.  69  No.document of the N.P.A. seems to have  asserted an a n t i - s o c i a l i s t p o s i t i o n but its.operations are correlated with the removal of s o c i a l i s t s and labour representatives from municipal ment.  govern-  From 1939 to 1968, three hundred f i f t y out of four hundred candidates 70  with N.P.A. sponsorship won  elected o f f i c e  and a f t e r 1954, the s o c i a l i s t s 71  stopped formally sponsoring candidates i n Vancouver elections.  The  dispatch with which the N.P.A. could control municipal government was by the demise of ward representation and i t s replacement 72 elections i n 1934.  aided  by city-wide  The impact of the N.P.A. majority on landscape change  can be gleaned from the record of municipal l e g i s l a t i o n implemented i n recent decades.  The approval of two reports i s . p a r t i c u l a r l y  important:  the by-laws governing b u i l d i n g and land development, and the restructure of 73 c i v i c government. The major by-law change came i n 1956; i t s significance has been noted i n the f i r s t part of this chapter. The changes i n c i v i c 74 government came four years e a r l i e r i n 1952. Open C i v i c Government by C i t i z e n s .  From 1930 to 1952, Vancouver was  governed by an elected Council composed of a mayor and eight aldermen. Council was  advised by three s t a f f o f f i c i a l s : the Comptroller, the  ation Counsel, and the Engineer.  The  Corpor-  The Council operated through eight  Standing Committees which comprised, elected members, and through a.number of c i v i c boards and commissions which,consisted of both.elected and.staff members.  The Boards included.Assessment  Appeals , Park Commissions, School 75 Trustees, and the Zoning By-law Board .of Appeal. A key.commission with  7fi  regard'to .advice.on landscape,change.was.the Town.Planning,Commission. It.was composed .of f i v e . e x - p f f i c i o .members representing', the c i v i c boards and nine c i t i z e n s who were appointed.by  the.Council.. Thus •,"prior t o 1952,.  the advice.on landscape.change was brought to.the Council from c i v i c bodies on which there was considerable c i t i z e n representation. But by 1952 the arrangement proved to be so inadequate a basis f o r d i r e c t i n g the r a p i d growth of the decade that the Council commissioned the 77  Spence Sales Report on c i v i c government.  On the•recommendations of t h i s  r e p o r t , there were fundamental changes i n c i v i c i n s t i t u t i o n s . Closed C i v i c Government by Experts.  From 1952 onwards, municipal  government has operated through three e l e c t e d bodies: the Board of School Trustees, which i s of l i t t l e s i g n i f i c a n c e to t h i s study; the Board of Parks and Recreation, which has maintained a responsiveness to e l e c t e d members; and the C i t y C o u n c i l .  The C i t y adopted a Board of Administration  system of government f e a t u r i n g t e c h n i c a l e x p e r t i s e . Council was able to function w i t h fewer Standing Committees and with a greater number pf c i v i c advisory groups.  In terms of landscape change, the o f f i c i a l - d o m i n a t e d  Technical Planning Board and citizen-dominated Town Planning Commission came i n t o being, the l a t t e r c o n s i s t i n g of nine c i t i z e n s appointed by the 79  Council and s i x others representing the Council and other c i v i c boards. A new p r o f e s s i o n a l group, the C i t y Planning Department, executes the " s t a f f " duties of planning and the c h i e f duty of the c i t i z e n advisory group i s l i m i t e d to considering and r e p o r t i n g any development p l a n , any proposal 80  f o r changes i n by-laws.on any development permits.  The c i t i z e n advisory  group has no power to advance i t s own plan nor to I n i t i a t e  landscape  change;.it merely reports.to.Council .after the f a c t of proposals already formulated by other c i v i c groups composed of "experts".  155  The Technical Planning-Board which advises the'. Council has the greatest p o t e n t i a l power t o direct.landscape.development..  This.is.apparent from an 8l  examination.of its.membership.and a d e s c r i p t i o n o f i t s . d u t i e s .  . The Board  i s composed, o f the two.Commissioners, the Comptroller, the'Engineer, the D i r e c t o r o f the Planning Department,.the Corporation Counsel, the Supervisor, the Property and'Insurance A d m i n i s t r a t o r , the B u i l d i n g Inspector, the Health O f f i c e r , and the Superintendents. o f Parks and Schools.  The members hold  o f f i c e only by v i r t u e o f t h e i r respective s t a f f appointments.  The  functions o f the Board are t o develop a masterplan and advise on a l l planning matters, i n c l u d i n g zoning by-law changes. The second important advisory group, the Board o f A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , i s composed o f two appointed s t a f f members w i t h proven a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a b i l i t y 82  and extensive municipal s e r v i c e .  The p o t e n t i a l power of the two commiss-  ioners i s delineated by three operations through which they serve the 83  Council.  The s i n g l e most important operation i s the execution o f the  Council's p o l i c i e s through the overseeing o f the various c i t y departments i n c l u d i n g the Planning Department.  A second operation performed by the  commissioners concerns the c o n t r o l o f information: The commissioners maintain l i a i s o n w i t h c i v i c boards, handle a l l l e t t e r s o f i n t e n t f o r the Council i n c l u d i n g the a c t u a l terms of reference i n t r a f f i c , r e c r e a t i o n and planning consultants contracts.  F i n a l l y , the commissioners' power follows  from the f a c t that they recommend to the Council the appointment or removal of c i t y department heads and.supervisors. These p o t e n t i a l powers o f the."expert" c i v i c groups are not ."ultimate": .  Qk .  the Council has rejected. t h e i r . a d v i c e on many.occasions. not o f ultimate power but rather..of "apparent" power.  The question i s  The present  arrange-  ment o f c i v i c groups permits.the operation o f the two " s t a f f " Boards t o be  p r i v a t e : to.. themselves'. and' p o t e n t i a l l y . to'-: the twoStanding. Committees ;of 85 elected, o f f i c i a l s , the Civic.Development and Finance.Committees. . . The only public.meetings  o f the.Board of.Administration are.those i n which  tenders are c a l l e d . ^ 8  The r e s u l t has been, that development of c i v i c l a n d -  scape p o l i c y has been removed, from-.the area, of c i t i z e n , p o l i t i c s to government by experts. This has not gone unnoticed, by. c i v i c groups whose values d i f f e r from those o f the bureaucracy.  Some observations based on p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n  voluntary groups attempting t o assert changes i n the landscape (Appendix A) are i n s t r u c t i v e .  The h o s t i l i t y to changes proposed by Council has increased.  B r i e f s o f voluntary groups presented t o Council often charge that the "experts" are i n possession o f "secret masterplans"  and are i n a c c e s s i b l e  to c i t i z e n s at large and are not based upon c l e a r l y a r t i c u l a t e d community goals.  This assumption underlies the l a b o u r - i n c l i n e d Central Council o f  Ratepayers' A s s o c i a t i o n , the t r a d i t i o n a l l y m i d d l e - c l a s s - i n c l i n e d Community Arts C o u n c i l , and the more p u b l i c - i n c l i n e d Community Planning A s s o c i a t i o n of Canada.  Many of the b r i e f s argue that there i s a-natural d i s p o s i t i o n  toward the Western sector o f the c i t y because most e l e c t e d and'appointed c i v i c o f f i c i a l s l i v e there.  When t h i s a l l e g a t i o n was checked against the  r e s u l t s o f the data c o l l e c t e d during the interviews with the f o r t y - e i g h t c i v i c leaders and c i t y s t a f f , i t was found t o be unsubstantiated.  Of the  f o r t y - e i g h t interviewed, f o r t y - f o u r b e l i e v e d that the o f f i c i a l s acted on behalf o f a l l sectors o f the c i t y .  Because the two key c i v i c boards de  facto and de .jure conduct.the' operations o f landscape change i n camera, the aims, i n t e n t , and motives.that underlie t h e i r advice to.Council must be imputed, from the consequences . o f t h e i r .advice and, a c c o r d i n g l y , whether :  or not there may be a n a t u r a l d i s p o s i t i o n i n favour o f the Western sector  157 i s l a r g e l y a matter..of belief..  There remains,.however, the. question of  changes', i n .the', r e s i d e n t i a l ' areas ..of c i v i c .leaders. :  This .question: i s  answerable.. Changing Residences ..of C i v i c Leaders.  The geographical  concentration  of c i v i c leaders can be.documented.by.a series, of maps portraying the changing residences of members of three c i v i c bodies: the City Council, the Board of Parks and Recreation, and the Planning Commission.  In preparing  these maps, the r e s i d e n t i a l addresses of elected representatives or appointees  on the c i v i c boards were determined from c i t y d i r e c t o r i e s .  An  analysis was made for the points i n time i n which the rate of landscape change turned d i r e c t i o n , or i n which new  s o c i a l alignments took e f f e c t .  resulted i n c o l l e c t i n g data i n four periods. amalgamation i n 1929  F i r s t was  This  the period between  to the commencement of city-wide representation and the  operations of the NPA  i n 1936.  s p e c i a l problems o f WW  Following this were times dominated by the  I I , rapid i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , housing shortages,  low municipal budgets, between 1937  and 19^6.  Next, was  and  a period of  adaptation to post-war conditions of increased population pressure and high municipal expenditures.  This period ended i n 1956, when major new by-laws  began to control an accelerating development and when many other proposals became blocked.  The year I966 was  the f i n a l year for which these data were  collected. To make comparisons through time, the data were aggregated by the procedures outlined i n Chapter I.  With these data i t became possible to  obtain the percentage of voting power possessed by the residents of each l o c a l area who held c i v i c o f f i c e during each period. Rather.clear patterns of p o l i t i c a l representation on.the. City Council emerge from a comparison of maps drawn using these data (Map 17).  Before  1 9 2 8 - 3 6  MAP  17  Vancouver City  CHANGING PATTERNS OF REPRESENTATION ON CITY COUNCIL 1928-1966  Percent C o u n c i l  Members  0 1-3 4-8 9-12 13-20  Changes in the locus of municipal power can be systematically analyzed. Here a "unit of power" i s defined as one vote on the City Council for a duration of one year. By recording the units of power at the r e s i d e n t i a l addresses of Council members holding o f f i c e during each designated period, and by aggregating these sub totals of power into l o c a l areas, data on power are calculated for each l o c a l area for each period.  To make comparisons between periods, maps were prepared that show the percentage of governmental power each l o c a l area possessed out of the t o t a l power available during the period. The maps demonstrate an increasing concentration of power in the West-side. For the contemporary s o c i a l b e l i e f s of this concentration see Tables 5 and 8 .  T4\  158 1936', i t . appears there was no concentration ,of .power. i n either, the Western or the Eastern . sectors -— Shaughnessy i n . the west and--Hastings-East' in.the east', sent • the highest.numbers of.representatives to Council.during period.  this  The next ten.years was a.period i n which there was no important  concentration o f power i n either.the Western or the Eastern sector; by the period'19^7 to 1956, however, a concentration o f p o l i t i c a l power i n Kerrisdale and Shaughnessy i n the Western sector was marked: t h i s trend was accelerated by the period 1957 to 1966.  By this time, f i v e o f the l o c a l  areas i n the Eastern sector had no representation, while Kerrisdale and Shaughnessy remained the dominant concentrations with minor or l e s s e r concentrations  i n the Western sectors,  apparent i n K i t s i l a n o and Oakridge.  When these data are compared with the data on.the Parks Board membership, a s l i g h t l y different pattern emerges (Map 18).  Through time, the  Eastern sector has actually gained i n the percentage of voting power i t s residents controlled on the Parks Board. was  In the period 19^7 to 1956,  a more balanced d i s t r i b u t i o n than i n the period 1928 to 1936.  there  However,  even with this better balance, i t must s t i l l be concluded that the Western sector had more power on the Board during the period 1957 to 1966. Although the membership o f the Planning Commission i s determined by appointment rather than e l e c t i o n , the data do not d i f f e r i n important ways from those previously analysed  (Map 19).  The Western sector has consistently  controlled more seats on the Planning Commission than the Eastern sector. With the s t a r t o f unitary government,.there was a r e - d i s t r i b u t i o n of power which gave.to. the Eastern sector power.greater than i t previously held. Through the period 19^7 to 1956,- and'on into the period ending i n 1966, power.on the Planning  Commission was re-entrenched i n the Western sector.  In this l a t t e r period, only two out o f ten l o c a l areas i n the Eastern  sector  1928-36  MAP 18 Vancouver City CHANGING PATTERNS OF REPRESENTATION PARKS BOARD 1928-1966  Percent B o a r d  Members  0 1-4 5-9 10-18 19-30  Governmental power influencing changes in park open space i s vested i n the p o l i t i c a l l y subordinate but l e g a l l y discreet Board of Parks and Recreation. The systematic analysis of power possessed by this elected body i s s i m i l a r to the analysis summarized in the explanation of Map 17. While the locus of this power i s based in the West-Side, the concentration i s not great and i s not a recent development. But, throughout the twentieth century the West-Side has dominated the Board.  SFU 69179  1928-36  MAP  19 Vancouver City  CHANGING PATTERNS OF REPRESENTATION PLANNING COMMISSION 1928-1966 Percent C o m m i s s i o n M e m b e r s 0 I- 5 6-10 I I - 16 17-23  r The Planning Commission, with membership based on representatives from Council and the Parks Board as well as representation at large, has advisory power in matters of landscape development. The analysis of this power follows that of Maps 17 and 18. Again the general trends of the twentieth century have meant that the early concentration of power i n the West-side has gradually increased so that by the l a s t designated period the locus was confined i n the south-west,  1957-66  30x  159 had representation on the Planning  Commission.  . These maps.portray an increasing-concentration Western sector. question.  of civic.leaders in.the  But the maps-answer, one.question only  to.raise'another  Is the nature of landscape, change influenced, by.the.concentration  of c i v i c representatives i n one sector o f the city?  To answer t h i s  question, i t i s useful to return to.the model of society outlined i n Chapter I I and to a f u l l e r examination o f contemporary b e l i e f s . Contemporary S o c i a l B e l i e f s The model o f society given i n Chapter I I assumed that men l i v e i n d i f f e r e n t worlds of s o c i a l objects, l i k e voluntary groups; physical objects, l i k e buildings and s t r e e t s ; and abstract objects, l i k e s o c i a l b e l i e f s . I t was  also assumed that the actions of men were guided by meanings assigned  to these three classes o f objects and that meanings were a result of ongoing i n t e r a c t i o n among the three objects.  Evidence has been presented  hereindicating that while c i v i c leaders who shape the landscape l i v e mainly i n the middle-class Western sector of the c i t y , the c o n f l i c t s about the landscape involve many city-wide formal c i v i c groups and voluntary ations.  organiz-  I f , i n the contemporary period, s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n the  s o c i a l b e l i e f s between sectors can be demonstrated, these differences i n b e l i e f would seem to halp c l a r i f y the bases of c o n f l i c t . To c l a r i f y this a comparison was made of three sample areas that represent  the major sectors of Vancouver described i n Chapter III and  outlined i n Map 20,.  These are:.Fraserview i n South Vancouver, Grandview  i n the East End, and Dunbar in.Point Grey. questionnaires were administered  In each of these areas  to.members of ratepayers' associations so  as to.systematically i d e n t i f y s o c i a l b e l i e f s , ' b e l i e f s about society, nature and time.  MAP 20 . VANCOUVER CITY, MEASURING CONTEMPORARY BELIEFS: SECTORS AND SAMPLE AREAS  Note the r e l a t i o n between the three h i s t o r i c sectors o f the city referred to i n Chapter I I I (p. 207) location o f sample areas. For an explanation o f sampling procedures, see Appendix B, p. h. 3 1 1 ( 1t  n  e  l6o . The', summary'.of ranked, preferences'., for . contemporary b e l i e f s in.each area.is presented.in.Table IV. But before- these mean .scores.can.be. . interpreted, i t i s necessary .to..test. for s i g n i f i c a n t differences'. among them.  These proceedings detailed, i n Appendix B, page 116, reveal  certain  s i g n i f i c a n t r e g u l a r i t i e s i n each:sector. TABLE IV CONTEMPORARY SOCIAL BELIEFS-> VANCOUVER, 1969* A. B e l i e f s about Man and Society: Mean Value of Ranked Preferences f o r A l l Items Ind. mean 13.50 (n=20)  Grandview Col. L i n . 12.30 . 10.67  . Fraservie-w Ind. Col. L i n .  Ind.  12.85 12.8.0  lk M  10.35  Dunbar Col. L i n . 12.00  9-55  B. B e l i e f s about Man and Nature: Mean Value o f Ranked Preferences f o r A l l Items Sub j . mean (n=20)  8.U5  Grandvie-w With Over 9-60  12.09  Fraserview Sub j . With Over  Sub.].  Dunbar With  9.30  8.55  11.10 10.35  8.70  12.00  Over  C. B e l i e f s about Time: Mean Value of Ranked Preferences for A l l Items  mean (n=20)  Past  Pres.  Fut.  8.00  9.50 .12.52  Past  -Pres.  8.20 . 9-75  Fut. 12.05  Past  Pres. Fut,  7-55  9-80 12.65  *For a d e f i n i t i o n of preferences see Appendix B, p. Ind. = individualism Col. = c o l l a t e r a l i t y Lin. = l i n e a l i t y  Subj. = subjugation to nature . Pres. = Present With. = harmony with nature .. :Fut.. = Future Over = domination over nature  161 Social B e l i e f s i n Dunbar. beliefs  There i s a consensus i n Dunbar about s o c i a l  (Table V). The underlying dominant b e l i e f s i n this sector are,  f i r s t , individualism/; second, a mixture o f harmony with nature'and, to a l e s s e r extent, domination over nature; and f i n a l l y , a f u t u r i s t i c toward time.  disposition  On the other hand, the sector i s less i n c l i n e d toward b e l i e f s  i n abstract concepts o f society l i k e " c l a s s " , toward b e l i e f s that nature subjugates man, or toward b e l i e f s that past experiences represent important standards f o r present behaviour.  TABLE V BELIEF PREFERENCES* DUNBAR SECTOR Beliefs.  Preferences  A. Man  IND. ^ COL. >^ LIN.  B. Nature  WITH > OVER >> SUB J .  C. Time  FUT. ^ PRES.> PAST  *">" means "preferred t o " "^' means "preferred to by a s i g n i f i c a n t magnitude" S o c i a l B e l i e f s i n Fraseryiew. the  There i s a consensus about b e l i e f s amoni  residents o f Fraserview as revealed i n Table VI. There are manifest  preferences f o r b e l i e f s about man as an i n d i v i d u a l but also, and only s l i g h t l y l e s s , as a member o f an immediate his "class" and his neighbours.  s o c i a l group l i k e h i s family,  Other dominant b e l i e f s include man's  domination over nature and man's assumption that his destiny l i e s i n the future.  I f the least preferred b e l i e f s are noted, they would include, once  again, b e l i e f s i n abstract concepts of man l i k e mankind and "nation", and  162 in the -value o f the past.. With, regard to the b e l i e f s about nature, there is l i t t l e  d i s t i n c t i o n made between man harmonizing with nature and man's  subjugation t o nature.  In -view o f the strong b e l i e f i n man's dominance  over nature the absence o f marked preference between harmony and subjugation to nature may be interpreted as r e l a t i v e indifference to nature, as long as i t i s dominated by man. TABLE VI BELIEF PREFERENCES* FRASERVIEW SECTOR  Beliefs  Preferences  A. Man  IND. > COL.  LIN.  B. Nature  OVER  SUBJ.> WITH  C. Time  FUT.  PRES.^ PAST  *">" means "preferred t o " "^" means "preferred to by a s i g n i f i c a n t magnitude" S o c i a l B e l i e f s i n Grandview. beliefs  The p r o f i l e o f Grandview s o c i a l  (Table VII) corresponds with the p r o f i l e s on the other two sectors  in a general way.  The dominant b e l i e f s are associated with individualism  and the immediate s o c i a l group (class, family, congregation) i n the case of society; man's domination over nature; and the future.  The least  preferred b e l i e f s are associated with assumptions about abstract nation or mankind, assumptions about man's subjugation to nature, and the importance  o f the past to human l i f e .  163 TABLE VII BELIEF PREFERENCES* GRANDVIEW- SECTOR  Beliefs  Preferences  A. Man  IND. > COL.  LIN.  B. Nature  OVER > WITH ^ SUBJ.  C. Time  FUT. > PRES.^ PAST  *">" means "preferred t o " ">" means "preferred t o by a s i g n i f i c a n t magnitude In summary, there are general agreements i n each sector as to what are the preferred s o c i a l b e l i e f s associated with man, nature and time.  Recall-  ing that the s o c i a l model described i n Chapter II assumes human action i s , in part, based on s o c i a l b e l i e f s , i t i s therefore reasonable to expect a tendency toward uniform actions from residents of each sector.  Whether  actions o f each sector are l i k e l y to be c o n f l i c t i v e or integrative w i l l i n part depend on whether there are s i g n i f i c a n t between-sector differences i n social beliefs. Between-Sector Variations i n S o c i a l  Beliefs  There are s i g n i f i c a n t variations between sectors vis-a-vis about man and nature.  Beliefs  beliefs  about time do not vary s i g n i f i c a n t l y .  The  v i s u a l data i n Figures k, 5, and 6, plus Table VIII allow conclusion to be drawn about Vancouver s o c i a l b e l i e f s . The o v e r a l l conclusion i s that there are more s i g n i f i c a n t betweensector s i m i l a r i t i e s than differences. preferences  That i s to say, of 27 possible  f o r b e l i e f s , 18 are s i m i l a r and 9 are s i g n i f i c a n t l y  different.,  16k It. i s reasonable to . conclude/.therefore ,.. that there i s . l i k e l y . t o . b e . . concordance: among the three..sectors i n the majority of actions a f f e c t i n g urban landscape change.. Nonetheless, i n 9 out of 27 b e l i e f s there are s i g n i f i c a n t ' differences ..between, sectors which demonstrate some basic differences i n s o c i a l b e l i e f s between.residents  i n the three sectors.  Such  differences might be expected.to.result i n c o n f l i c t i v e s o c i a l process. Take the important b e l i e f s about man'.s harmony with nature. there are s i g n i f i c a n t differences among the three sectors.  In t h i s case, Dunbar shows  the most i n c l i n a t i o n toward t h i s harmony with nature and'Fraserview least.  Grandview stands somewhere between the two.  the  One might reasonably  expect that street and park open space w i l l tend to be viewed as "natural" space by Dunbar and less so by Grandview and'Fraserview, both of which are more i n c l i n e d to view open space for i t s u t i l i t y .  Indeed this supports  conclusions about differences i n reactions between Point Grey and the other sectors'discussed i n e a r l i e r sections. One further example, man's relationship to society, i l l u s t r a t e s marked v a r i a t i o n between sectors.  In any major landscape development requiring  concensus of a l l sectors, b e l i e f s about " s o c i a l cause"or"class", interests are c r i t i c a l .  The sector least i n c l i n e d to accept t h i s assumption i s  Dunbar, while the sectors with the strongest i n c l i n a t i o n toward this b e l i e f are Grandview and Fraserview.  From these differences, one might i n f e r that  Fraserview and Grandview are naturally disposed to view municipal action as a.function of "class" movements, and not as the function of i s o l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l land developers or p o l i t i c a l leaders.  This same inference may  be.drawn from the evidence.that Dunbar i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y more disposed toward individualism than are the other, two'. sectors. evidence presented i n the  earlier.section.  Once again t h i s .supports the  165  TABLE VIII BETWEEN-SECTOR DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL BELIEFS': . '•• ' VANCOUVER, 1969 Beliefs Man  Differences'.  Differences between Sectors  Individualism'  Dunbar vs. Fraserview Dunbar vs. Grandview Fraserview vs. Grandview"  Collaterally  Nature  3 Dunbar vs. Fraserview^ Dunbar vs. Grandview , Fraserview vs. Grandview"  Lineality  Dunbar vs, Fraserview Dunbar vs , Grandview Fraserview vs. Grandview"  Subjugation  Dunbar vs. FraserviewDunbar vs. Grandview , Grandview vs. Fraserview"  Harmony  Dunbar vs. Fraserview Dunbar vs. Grandview Grandview vs. Fraserview  Domination  Dunbar vs. Fraserview Dunbar vs. Grandview Grandview vs. Fraserview"  There were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences for b e l i e f s about time.  2„. S i g n i f i c a n t beyond p. ^ .05. Not s i g n i f i c a n t at p. < .05.  166  Fig. 4  Beliefs About  Man  and  Society  Means  sfu  71071  167  Fig. 5  Beliefs About Man and Nature  Dunbar  14 — — 12-  Fraserview Grandview Difference Between Means Not Significant  A  10  /\ = Mean Preference N = 20  8-  >  c  H CD C 30  <zz  H X  O <  m  m m o  sfu  71070  c: m  m  Score  168  Fig. 6  Beliefs  About  Time  Dunbar  14-  Fraserview Grandview  12  10  >t = Mean Preference Score N = 20  8-  "0  > CO  —i  sfu  71068  -o  m  co rn  c m  169 In..sum, .the tests. for contemporary s o c i a l b e l i e f s reveal that - i n the majority,of b e l i e f s examined.there are.no s i g n i f i c a n t differences among the three.sectors.that were.delineated.in.early Vancouver. . However, there are s i g n i f i c a n t variations that parallel.those  documented.in the h i s t o r i c a l  analysis of the V i c t o r i a n and mid-century periods. significant.differences,  Considering the nine  the most outstanding conclusion to be drawn i s that  the s o c i a l b e l i e f s of the West Side sector, i n which the majority of c i v i c leaders are located, are s i g n i f i c a n t l y different from the remaining two sectors i n eight out of the nine cases.  Furthermore, i n Grandview and  Fraserview, from which fewer c i v i c leaders are drawn, there i s only one case out of a t o t a l of 27 alternative preferences where there i s a s i g n i f i c a n t difference.  170  REFERENCES 1 1961  T  Dominion Bureau of. S t a t i s t i c s , .Building Permits.' Issued in; Canada, (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1 9 6 2 ) , p. 2 1 .  2 Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , The Construction Industry of Canada (Ottawa: King's P r i n t e r , 1 9 4 5 ) , p. 3 6 ' . ' A rough measure of this v a r i a t i o n i s given by the national index of permits that had a base of 100 i n 1 9 2 6 . Between 1930 and 1 9 3 3 , this index dropped from 1 5 0 . 2 to 1 3 - 9 . The index rose a f t e r that and has since had a new base established. While variations i n t h i s index suggest the annual d o l l a r values of b u i l d i n g should be systema t i c a l l y weighted to reduce the bias o f i n f l a t i o n and d e f l a t i o n , there seems to be no objective procedure that would take into account the counterbias of changing labour e f f i c i e n c y and advances i n technology. I t seems, therefore , the vest o v e r a l l measure of change i s the simple annual value of b u i l d i n g permits. But i f the figures on buildings deleted from the landscape are examined, a more refined picture of net change i s given. For instance, the number o f buildings demolished increased from 4 2 5 i n I96I to 684 i n 1963: Building Reports for the Years I 9 6 1 and 1963, Building Department , City of Vancouver. 3  There are l i m i t s to the interpretation of these data that are more confining than those noted i n the case o f building values. I f one attempts to record the t o t a l c a p i t a l improvements to the c i t y ' s streets and sidewalks, i t i s necessary to consider several different items i n the c i t y ' s annual f i n a n c i a l statements including street naming, pole removal, wooden block and gravel refurbishing and numerous l o c a l improvement by-laws. Different accounting procedures preclude, a completely unbiased record of a l l these actual changes. The data having the most consistent accounting procedures are d o l l a r values for improvements i n streets and lanes. In general, these data represent only the d o l l a r value of streets and lanes b u i l t i n previously undeveloped land. 4  With the a b o l i t i o n o f ward government, the Annual Reports stopped recording expenditures on the basis of l o c a l areas. ^The data for these years were c o l l e c t e d d i r e c t l y from the accounting f i l e s of the Parks Board, these being the sources that s p e c i f i e d the.complete breakdown of maintenance costs for each park.. ^Even i f i t i s assumed that the i n t e n s i t y of use i s a simple function of the number o f persons v i s i t i n g a park for a day, i t i s impossible to determine this e f f e c t . There i s no record that portrays trends i n v i s i t s during t h i s period. Debates of the House of Commons, Session 1 9 5 1 , V o l . IV (Ottawa: Queen's Printer) p. 3817 and 3 8 i 8 . See. also the reports of the City Council Public Meeting i n the News.Herald, February 1 , 1949 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . 8  Ibid.  171 Q  .' Vancouver Sun, October'. 8, 1953- (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . . . . . . . "^L. B e l l , Metropolitan Vancouver: An Overview, f o r Social Planners (Vancouver: Community.Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, 1965), p. ko... "'""'"For reports of the opposition to r e p l o t t i n g , see Province, February 12, 19^9 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . 12 Vancouver Sun, November 30, 19^9 , p. 12. See headline, "Report on Council Debate". 13 News Herald, December 17, 1949, p. 1. 14 Personal communication with Mr. Alex Watson, an executive o f f i c e r of the Fraserview Association from 1964 to 1971 i n August of 1966. ^Province, November 21, 1964 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . 1  Ibid. 17 Debates o f the House of Commons, Session 1 9 6 k , V o l . VII (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r ) , p. 7227. 18 Province, January k, 1950 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 19 Vancouver Sun, January 12, 1950, p. 720 Province, January 12, 1950 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library). 21 Board o f Parks and Recreation. Parks 1968 Annual Report (Vancouver, 1969), p. 26. 22 Personal communications with Mr. Cooper, Director, Bloedel Conservatory, May, 1971, and Mr. Murray James, Committee Clerk, City Clerk's O f f i c e , May, 1971. 23 Vancouver Sun, March 14, 1953, p. 2. 24 Ibid.  25 C i t y of Vancouver, Council Minute Book (Vol. 99, Vancouver, 1968) , p.  9926 2 7  I b i d . , pp. 100-101,  Ibid.  28  City-of Vancouver, Council. Minute . Book . (Vol. 101., Vancouver, 1969), pp. 69k and 705,' . "• • • • 29 . ^rbid. 30 Vancouver. Sun, May 3, i960 '(Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . 31 Vancouver Sun, May 21, 1960,.p. 25. 32 Vancouver Sun, June h, i960 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . 33 J J  Ibid.  3H Board of Parks and Recreation. Parks 19^6 Annual Report (Vancouver, 19^7), p. 9. 35 Vancouver Sun, June h-, i960 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . 36 Vancouver Sun, May 30, i960 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . 37  P r o v i n c e , July 12, i960, p. 3.  38 Vancouver Sun, July 6, i960 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . 39 ^ Vancouver Sun, January 22, 1961, p. 21. ^Town Planning Commission, The Appearance of the City (Vancouver, October, 19^7), p. 25. Tree planting was controlled a f t e r 1912 by the "Boulevard and Shade Trees"By-Law Number 9^0. It was amended i n 1917K ^Vancouver Sun, A p r i l 26, 1952 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . Board of Parks and Recreation. 1950), p. 6.  Parks 19^9 Annual Report (Vancouver,  ^Vancouver Sun, A p r i l 26, 1952 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) .  hk Ibid. ^5 ^Ibid. A number o f studies in.Canadian s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n v e r i f y that occupation i s an acceptable indicator o f s o c i a l class and group attitudes. See J . Porter, V e r t i c a l Mosaic (Toronto: University.of Toronto Press, 1965) Newspaper-interviews and c i t y directories provide data on the s o c i a l backgrounds of these two groups.  173 1+7  Based, on f i e l d observations i n 1970.'.  1+8  Planning Department,: General 'Explanatory Memorandum' Zoning and Development By-law Number. 3575 (Vancouver, 1 9 6 3 ) , pp. 7 - 8 . Planning Department,. Zoning-arid Development By-law Number '2575 (Amended t o By-law 4 1 3 9 ) , C V a n c o u v e r , 1 9 6 4 ) , p. 92., ^ T e c h n i c a l Planning Board, Proposed Revisions to Apartment Zoning Regulations, Report No. k (Vancouver, 1965). For a comparison o f the number of apartment towers erected between 1 9 5 6 a n d i960 and e a r l i e r periods, see di agrams p. 1 2 . 51  Clippings on a l l these developments are catalogued i n the Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library. 52 Council Minute Book (Vol. 9 9 , 1 9 6 8 ) , op. c i t . , p. 682. S e e note on review o f Harbour Park Development i n Alderman Rankin's motion. ''^Personal communication with Dr. W. Hardwick, Vancouver City Alderman, May, 1 9 7 1 ^ C o u n c i l Minute Book (Vol. 1 0 1 , 1969) , op. c i t . , p. 5 9 1 . 5 5  Jbid.  ^^There was also opposition to the project from The Electors Associ a t i o n Movement aldermen after t h e i r election i n 1966: Personal communication with Alderman Hardwick,.May 1 9 7 1 5  ^ C f . footnote 5 2 .  58  Vancouver Sun, February 1 0 , 1 9 7 1 (Clipping: Northwest Room Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . 59 1 Vancouver Sun, January 2 2 , 1 9 7 1 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . 60  Province, Saturday, December 5 , 1 9 7 0 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public Library) . Ibid. 62 Both members o f the executive are reported to have been active members o f the N.P.A.: Personal communication with.the City Clerk, May 1 9 7 1 and Alderman Hardwick, A p r i l 1 9 7 1 6 l  ^^This referendum f a i l e d , to.give support f o r expropriation. ^ C i t y o f Vancouver, City.of Vancouver Annual Report,.1936 (Vancouver, 19371 p.. 6 . A r e l i e f loan of $ 1 7 7 ' , 2 5 9 . 7 3 from the'. P r o v i n c i a l Government was not large enough to balance -expenditures on welfare.  6s  P. P h i l l i p s ,• No. Power Greater.. (Vancouver: B.C..Federation 1967), p. 118.'  of Labour,  •66 The Province, January,-1937 (Clipping: Northwest Room, Vancouver Public L i b r a r y ) . 67 P h i l l i p s , op. c i t . 6 8  I b i d . , p.  119•  60 J . Taylor manuscript on "Civic Parties and the Depression i n Vancouver", Special Collections L i b r a r y , University of B r i t i s h Columbia. 70 Vancouver Sun., June 6, 1967» p. 6. H i s t o r i c a l account of the r i s e of the N.P.A., edited by J . Taylor. T 1  Ibid.  7 2  Ibid.  73 General Explanatory Memorandum Zoning and Development By-law Number 3575, op . c i t . , pp . 1-2 . I b i d . , p. 2.  1  75 Spence Sales and Bland, "Spence Sales and Bland Report" (Vancouver, J u l y , 1950, mimeographed). ^A. Walker, "Town Planning i n Vancouver", The Municipal Review of Canada, Vol. XXXI (June, 1935), pp. 5-6. 77 "Spence Sales and Bland Report", l o c . c i t . 78  City of Vancouver, City of Vancouver Administrative Manual (Vancouver, 1965), Section I, Part I, 5. ^ I b i d . , Section I, Part I, 3, (b). 80 I b i d . , Section I, Part I, 11, (b). 8l Ibid. , Section I, Part I, 1^,  (a) and (b).  82 Ibid., Section I, Part I, 15, (a) and (b). Ibid.  81+ Two examples of landscape proposals supported.by.the Technical Planning Board and not by.the Council include the proposal for a freeway through the Chinatown.district, 1967, and the Arbutus Shopping Centre proposal, 1968. 85 City of Vancouver. Administrative Manual, op. c i t . , Section I, Part I, 5, (b).  Ibid., Section I, Part I, 15, ( c ) , (v). The unsubstantiated, assertion that these plans were i n existence was widespread i n a l l the voluntary organizations i n which the author participated.  CHAPTER V  RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT. .  Nearly a century of change i n Vancouver's landscape .has- been studied. The importance of s o c i a l b e l i e f s  and organizations cannot be  as has been demonstrated, to a quantitative equation.  reduced,  Yet there are  r e g u l a r i t i e s among certain b e l i e f s , organizations and landscape Furhter, there are s i m i l a r i t i e s between the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s  changes.  of beliefs  and  landscapes i n early Vancouver and the general picture of the Victorian c u l t u r a l succession i n B r i t i s h c i t i e s .  To stress these r e g u l a r i t i e s where  they are observed does not preclude the presence of s i g n i f i c a n t i r r e g u l a r i ties between b e l i e f s men hold and the manner i n which they transform the landscape, nor does i t preclude the existence of differences between the c u l t u r a l processes that obtain i n Vancouver and i n B r i t i s h nineteenthcentury c i t i e s .  To interpret the b e l i e f s and describe the associations of  diverse people b u i l d i n g the Vancouver landscape i s to exemplify a process which transformed the many regions of the New World s e t t l e d by B r i t i s h peoples i n the nineteenth century.  Thus i n this context, the geographical  study of Vancouver can become enlightening.  The v e r i f i c a t i o n of r e g u l a r i t i e s  between s o c i a l b e l i e f s and t h e i r geographical expressions, i n t h i s  sense,  may be the most important contribution o f t h i s geographical study to s o c i a l policy. The thesis that there are correlations between s o c i a l b e l i e f s  and  urban landscape change has not been proved i n a s t a t i s t i c a l sense: i t has been c l a r i f i e d and certain r e g u l a r i t i e s have been demonstrated to exist i n Vancouver.  These r e g u l a r i t i e s , by the rules of s c i e n t i f i c research, are  only more acceptable statements  of tendency than they were before.  But  177 Those who  interpret the urbanization of Western Canada and those who must  p a r t i c i p a t e i n issues of ongoing urban development-in  Vancouver may  find  these statements, of tendency more u s e f u l than mere speculations. To s t a r t t h i s retrospect, consider the' conclusion regarding the founding groups that i n i t i a t e d the development of the' early period.  This  study of s o c i a l conditions demonstrates there were deep h o s t i l i t i e s among the geographically segregated groups of new migrants.  They did not comprise  a quiescent, law-abiding society, as has been i n f e r r e d i n other geographic studies of Vancouver.  In t h e i r s o c i a l patterns, p o l i t i c a l power, p o l i t i c a l  doctrines , and. municipal p o l i c i e s f o r land development the new  migrants  expressed different assumptions about man's relationship with man nature.  and with  On the basis of recurrent intergroup c o n f l i c t s , four founding  groups were i d e n t i f i e d and described i n general terms: the o r i g i n a l B r i t i s h Columbians, the Eastern-Canadian  dominated middle c l a s s , the B r i t i s h -  oriented working c l a s s , and the more loosely associated ethnic m i n o r i t i e s , each occupying d i s t i n c t i v e sectors. Basic relations among the groups changed i n some.cases. ,. The B r i t i s h Columbians were absorbed into the other three groups.  Restrictions were  placed on immigration f o r some ethnic subgroups, and hence there was pressure f o r expansion.  less  Social h o s t i l i t y against Asian minorities became  so acute that they l o s t t h e i r municipal franchise and therefore t h e i r capacity to influence landscape p o l i c y .  The dichotomy between the working-  class and middle-class populations which had established suburbs on the high ground along the Burrard Peninsula became so severe i n the f i r s t decade of the twentieth, century that the middle-class group seceded and embarked on a municipal program that created a d i s t i n c t i v e landscape on the West Side of the peninsula.  On the East Side, the working-class "rump" municipality.  178 continued, with., i t s early p o l i c i e s . .Manifest r e g u l a r i t i e s between b e l i e f s and landscape changes, are found i n a comparison between the middle class i n the West Side and the working class i n the East Side.  The Point Grey  landscape was characterized by systematic set backs, large "builders'" residences, front gardens, boulevards, contour-street layouts, l o c a l i z e d commercialism, and an integration of park open space with detached dwellings. These characteristics were correlated with preferred b e l i e f s about man ( c i v i c authoritarianism, patriotism, and individualism! and about nature (man's e s s e n t i a l harmony with nature). landscape was  In contrast, South Vancouver's  characterized by i r r e g u l a r i t i e s i n set backs, smaller, j e r r y -  b u i l t bungalows, back gardens, mis-aligned gridiron street patterns, scattered commercialism, and the absence of planned park open space. Correlated with these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were d i s t i n c t i v e b e l i e f s about man (preferences for concepts l i k e "class" and kinship or the autonomy of the i n d i v i d u a l i n c i v i c a f f a i r s ) and about nature (man's indifference to our subjugation o f nature). By 1930, the wide gulf that had separated the b e l i e f s o f Point Grey and South Vancouver narrowed and the two municipalities amalgamated with Vancouver City.  This amalgamation, which was based on a consensus i n  physical planning, brought to a close the f i r s t period of landscape change and opened the way to a new period. The development from one c u l t u r a l period into another i s never a sudden and dramatic change i n s o c i a l b e l i e f and landscape, but a phase of transition.  The emergence o f Vancouver into the modern twentieth-century  period was even less sudden than most t r a n s i t i o n s .  The Great Depression  and World War I I were major deterrents to development during this century -  The greatest changes occurred i n the 1950's and 1960's.  In retrospect,  179 t h i s p a r t i c u l a r timing i n landscape change had remarkable e f f e c t s . majority: of changes were undertaken through the encompassing  The  controls o f  the 1956 Zoning and Development By-laws: Under these and other street improvement by-laws , reformed c i v i c i n s t i t u t i o n s have reduced the differences between the East Side and the West Side.  The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c buildings  of the modern period - centres, landscaped open spaces and to a l e s s e r extent towers - have been b u i l t i n a l l sectors of the c i t y and are not associated with any p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l group.  To achieve this transformation,  the early t r a d i t i o n o f c i t i z e n s ' advice on change gave way i n large measure to advice from technical and f i n a n c i a l experts.  Not a l l advice received  by the Council met the consensus i n landscape changes desired by voluntary groups.  Variations i n group b e l i e f s about man's relationship t o man  to nature underlie the c o n f l i c t over landscape changes.  and  Where there  seem to be common b e l i e f s and avilable investment c a p i t a l , the conditions f o r landscape change are good.  Where voluntary group interests i n landscape  change contradict the proposals o f the t e c h n i c a l experts , change i s most difficult. In the case studies of recent p u b l i c issues about landscape change, various types o f change involving c o n f l i c t among different voluntary groups and c i v i c bodies were described. Those cases included: apartment towers, a shopping centre, tree ornamentation, park open space, and a r e s i d e n t i a l subdivision.  Each case highlighted the role o f voluntary groups i n influencing  or impeding changes proposed by the Council. of these voluntary groups? beliefs?  What b e l i e f s underlie the actions  What are the antecedents of these groups and t h e i r  Here Is the numb o f the process by which the mid-century landscape  i s being re-shaped.  Some groups such as the N.P.A. take t h e i r origins from  the revisionism o f the Depression years.  Like the a b o l i t i o n of ward'  i8o representation and the concentration o f power i n .financial and technical advice,'. they, r e f l e c t the fear o f urban radicalism.  Other, voluntary groups  such as the Labour Council and the Vancouver Central Council of Ratepayers , the Arts Council, the Board o f Trade , and the Save Our Parks Association have t h e i r antecedents i n early s o c i a l organizations.  These and other  voluntary associations teach t h e i r members assumptions about man and nature that r e f l e c t the b e l i e f s o f the founding groups.  Understanding voluntary  organizations provides clues as to how people respond o f landscape changes. The s t a t i s t i c a l analysis o f contemporary b e l i e f s i n ratepayers' associations i n Point Grey, South Vancouver, and East" Vancouver confirmed the general trend toward a consensus i n b e l i e f s and yet a persistence o f deep dichotomies i n p a r t i c u l a r b e l i e f s was also evident.  Preferences f o r  certain b e l i e f s about man and nature d i f f e r e n t i a t e Point Grey from South Vancouver and East Vancouver.  These fundamental differences are consistent  with different expectations from the landscape expressed by voluntary groups drawing support from these areas.  One can even f i x the preferences f o r  b e l i e f s that are associated "with Point Grey's disposition toward "naturalness" i n landscape design and South Vancouver's tendency to interpret landscape developments as rewards f o r a " p r i v i l e g e d c l a s s " .  Thus, Chapter  IV demonstrated that contemporary geographical patterns o f s o c i a l organizations and b e l i e f s are i n some cases consistent with the early patterns. What problems and prospects do these residual b e l i e f s hold f o r future landscape change? There i s f i r s t o f a l l the problem o f who decides the location and character of change: Whose b e l i e f s s h a l l be expressed i n the landscape?  The  quest f o r economy, s o c i a l order, and physical development i s a major theme of current municipal p o l i c i e s .  The technical advisors are j u s t i f i e d i n the  name of public e f f i c i e n c y and-rational.development,  .but how s h a l l e f f i c i e n c y  and rationalism be . defined i n . conjunction with, landscape., changes that are interpreted, d i f f e r e n t l y by,various groups?  Can urban leaders who l i v e  predominantly i n one area and who predominantly p a r t i c i p a t e i n a s e l e c t i o n of voluntary groups make decisions for change i n a l l areas of the city? The attraction o f city-wide representation i n municipal government operates i n many Canadian c i t i e s because i n greater unity there i s greater strength. But unity about landscape change i s l i k e l y to be much more d i f f i c u l t i n Vancouver unless there i s representation from East and South Vancouver when plans are being conceived.  I t i s not l i k e l y that those of s o c i a l i s t and  labour sentiment i n East and South Vancouver w i l l abandon t h e i r b e l i e f s i n class p r i v i l e g e and accept, f o r example', non-union employment i n municipal developments simply because they are elected by the c i t y as a whole. Nor for the sake of symbolism i n c i v i c unity w i l l N.P.A. c i v i c leaders with real-estate investments or deep b e l i e f s i n naturalism compromise t h e i r incomes or t h e i r commitments to public service i n order to placate demands for public ownership. Through the years o f recent growth, the c o n f l i c t s between the Council and voluntary groups have often impeded change. today may not survive these c o n f l i c t s . and have successfully supported  Those who make p o l i c y  New voluntary groups have emerged  candidates  for c i v i c boards."^"  Some o f these  new c i v i c leaders well know the wide range of b e l i e f s and aspirations i n d i f f e r e n t areas of the c i t y and have been less influenced by the class conf l i c t s and revisionism of the Depression  years.  Before these new leaders can make the i n s t i t u t i o n a l changes necessary to reduce c o n f l i c t s and f a c i l i t a t e . t h e expression of diverse s o c i a l b e l i e f s i n the landscape, they w i l l have to.provide convincing landscape symbolism  182 around.which.a widespread.consensus  can.he.formed.  Common s o c i a l . b e l i e f s  and the b e l i e f s of voluntary groups ..must. come into . a stable . r e l a t i o n s h i p . But•the' a r t i c u l a t i o n of a.stable.relationship i s p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t i n Vancouver today because the form of municipal government does, not c a l l upon most individuals to p a r t i c i p a t e i n decisions about landscape change, and because so much of the population has recently arrived and knows l i t t l e of either c i v i c or voluntary group t r a d i t i o n s of the c i t y . Consider the recent steps taken to increase t h i s c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n : the City Planning Commission's Composite Committee annual programs f o r 2 public education i n physical planning,  and the C.M.H.C.'s program on the  Teacher and the City conducted i n the l a t e 1960's.  In these attempts to  develop c i t i z e n a r t i c u l a t i o n of future landscape changes, the programs influence very few people and then only for a short period of time.  Consider  as well the attempts by municipal and university researchers to systematically describe b e l i e f variations among c i v i c leaders and attitudes toward physical planning. differences.  Again, these studies only survey small samples of contemporary No harm i s done using these surveys of b e l i e f s and attitudes  as guides for future change so long as these are not taken f o r substitutes of more complete accounts of why groups and individuals have these perspectives and o f how enduring they have been.  These accounts can only be  rendered by knowing the s o c i a l history o f groups and individuals and the record of past'interpretations o f landscape change.  I t has been shown here that  people p a r t i c i p a t e i n decisions to change the landscape mainly on the basis of the meanings they assign to.the' proposal.  In periods o f rapid change,  p a r t i c i p a t i n g persons have to.give.meaning to a variety.of changes.which they may never, have d i r e c t l y experienced.before.. Voluntary groups give meaning to proposals f o r change by depicting for t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i n g members new  kinds of'buildings and open, spaces, and by comparing these proposed changes with s i m i l a r developments: taken from the groups' past experiences.  The  interpretations o f some voluntary groups are guided by more accurate records of the past and better analysts than other groups.  As the case studies  demonstrate, the interpretations o f change can be extremely varied. Differences i n interpretations are important factors accounting f o r s o c i a l c o n f l i c t and impeded development.  With the increase i n the p a r t i c i p a t i o n  of voluntary groups during recent decades comes a need f o r accurate knowledge o f the h i s t o r i c a l geography o f Vancouver and i t s s o c i a l context. With t h i s knowledge come the twentieth century.  the human s k i l l s needed f o r landscape change i n  On this educational fulcrum, involving nothing less  than major curriculum changes i n public education, hinge future landscape change.  the problems o f  On the city's i n s t i t u t i o n a l capacity to adapt to  new s o c i a l conditions hinges the prospect f o r a landscape more expressive of the r i c h variety i n Vancouver s o c i a l b e l i e f s .  18U  REFERENCES. "'"Two: major c i v i c parties emerged, as major municipal forces i n the late l 6 0 ' s : The Committee o f Progress Electors and the Electors Action Movement. Q  2 The Composite Committee i s an appointed advisory group that assists the Planning Commission to exercise i t s function of c i t i z e n education i n physical planning. For an indication o f the educational program, see the "Minutes" o f the General Meeting o f Monday, May 10, 1971, City H a l l , Vancouver. ^In the 1960's, the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation financed a series o f seminars and workshops conducted through the services o f the University o f B r i t i s h Columbia Extension Department and with the assistance of B r i t i s h Columbia Teachers Federation. The aim o f the program was to introduce a wide variety of urban studies t o s o c i a l studies teachers i n the province. ^See Vancouver City Planning Department, "An Evaluation of Attitudes Towards the Environment", An I n v i t a t i o n a l Workshop, January 9, 1969 (mimeograph), and B. B l i t z et a l . , "Attitudes and C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : N.P.A. , T.E.A.M. and C.O.P.E." 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Vancouver C i t y , Its Progress and Industries.  Vancouver:  News-Advertiser, I889. Ostos , Q. Skulamagee; A Story of Early Vancouver. "Publishing House, 1959. Pacey, D.  Ethel Wilson.  New York: Twayne, 1967.  P a c i f i c Coast F i r e Insurance Co. P h i l l i p s , P.  Boston: Christopher  No. Power Greater.  Vancouver: Rose, Cowan and Latta Ltd., 19^0. Vancouver: B.C. Federation of Labour, 1967.  Picken, M. City of Vancouver, Terminus of Canadian P a c i f i c Railway; B r i t i s h Columbia Hand Book. Vancouver: Daily News O f f i c e , I 8 8 7 . Proceedings of the Canadian Club of Vancouver, 1900-1910. Advertiser P r i n t e r s , 1911.  Vancouver: News-  Robinson, N. Blazing the T r a i l Through the Rockies . Vancouver: Advertiser, 191^.  News-  S c h o l e f i e l d , E.-and R. Gosnell. History of B r i t i s h Columbia. Vol. I, Part I I . Vancouver, B r i t i s h .Columbia: B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Association, Vancouver and V i c t o r i a , 1913.  S c h o l e f i e l d , E. and 0 . Stuart, British. Columbia From the E a r l i e s t Times to the Present. . Vancouver: S.J. Clarke. Publishing Co., 1 9 l l + . Sladen, D.  Oh the Cars 'and'Off.  189  New; York: Warwick Rouse, Salisbury Square,  1895•  Smith, K.B. Vancouyer Water Works. Canadian Society, of C i v i l Engineers. Montreal: John Love 1 1 and Son, I889. Turner-Turner, J . Three Years' Hunting and Trapping i n America and the Great North-West. London: Maclure and Co., 1 8 8 8 . Vancouver Daily World.  Vancouver: Vancouver Daily World, 1 8 9 1 .  Vancouver Routes to the Yukon; Vancouyer City the Best Point o f Departure f o r the Yukon. Vancouyer: News-Advertiser, (h© datel . Vaughan, W.  S i r William Van Home.  London: Cassell and Co. L t d . , 1 9 5 2 .  Wild, R.G.  Nine O'clock Gun.  Wilson, E.  Equations of Love.  .  Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1 9 2 6 .  London: Macmillan and Co., 1 9 5 2 .  The Innocent Traveller.  Toronto: Macmillan Co. o f Canada L t d . ,  I960.  S o c i a l Science Theory Alonso, L. Location and Land Use : Toward a_ General Theory of Land Rent. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961+. Blumer, H. 1969.  Symbolic Interactionism.  Englewood C l i f f s : Prentice-Hall Inc.,  Chombart de Lauwe, P. Paris et 1' agglomeration parisienne. Vol. I. L'espace s o c i a l dans une grande c i t e . P a r i s : Presses u n i v e r s i t a i r e s , 1952. Chorley, R.J. and P. Haggett (eds.). London: Methuen and Co., 1967.  Socio-Economic Models i n Geography.  Dollar d, J. Caste and Class i n _a Southern Town. Double day, 19^9-  Garden C i t y , New York:  Hartshorne, R. The Nature of Geography. The Association of American Geographers. Lancaster, Pennsylvania: Science Press P r i n t i n g Co., 1939Hauser, P.M. UNESCO,  (ed. ).  I965.  Handbook f o r Social Research i n Urban Areas.  Paris:  Jacob,. P.E. "The Influence o f Values i n P o l i t i c a l Integration," The Inte'gration of P o l i t i c a l Communities. Edited by P. Jacob and J.V. Tosano. New. York: J.P. Lippincott Co. , 1961+, pp. 209-21+6. Jones, E. ' Towns and C i t i e s .  London: Oxford University Press, 1966.  190 Kates, R. Hazard and Choice Perception i n Flood P l a i n Management. Univers i t y of Chicago, Department of Geography Research Series, Wo. 78 (1962). Kluckhohn, F. and F. Strodtbeck. Variations i n Value Orientations. Evanston: Row Peterson and Co., 196l. Lane, R.  P o l i t i c a l Ideology.  Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : Free Press of Glencoe,  Langness, L.. The L i f e History i n Anthropological Science. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965.  1962.  Toronto, Ontario:  Mannheim, K. Ideology and Utopia. Translated by L. Wirth and E. S h i l s . New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1936. M i l l e r , N. and J . Dollard. Social Learning and Imitation. University Press, 1941. Mill,  J.S. .  On Liberty.  New  Utilitarianism.  York:  Appleton-Century-Crofts,1947.  New .York: E.P. Dutton and Co.,  Parsons, T., et a l . Towards a General Theory of Action. University Press, 1951. Porter, J . Reissman, L.  V e r t i c a l Mosaic.  New Haven: Yale  1910.  Cambridge: Harvard  Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965.  The Urban Process.  Glencoe: The Free Press, 1964.  Saarinen, T. Perception of Drought Hazard on the Great P l a i n s . University of Chicago, Department of Geography Research Series, No. 106 (1966). Sapir, E. "Language, an Introduction to the Study of Speech," Culture and Consciousness. Edited by G. Levitas. New York: George B r a z i l l e r , 1967, pp. 152-155. Sauer, C. Land and L i f e . Edited by J . Leighly. C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1967.  Berkeley: University of  Sorre, M. Rencontres de l a geographie et de l a sociologie. R i v i e r e , 1957. Stamp, L.D. (ed.). A Glossary of Geographical Terms. Green and Co. , 1961.  Paris: Marcel  London: Longmans,  Wagner, P. and M. Mikesell (eds.). Readings i n Cultural Geography. University of Chicago Press, 1962. Zollschow, G. and W. Hirsh. Houghton M i f f l i n , 1964.  Explorations i n S o c i a l Change.  Boston:  Chicago:  191 Measurement Blalock, H.  Social S t a t i s t i c s .  New York: McGraw-Hill Books, i960.  Edwards, A.C. Techniques of Attitude Scale Construction. Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1957.  New York:  McCall, G.J. and J.L. Simmons (eds.). Issues i n Participant Observation: A Text and Reader. Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 1969. • '. Murray, H. Thematic Apperception Test Manual. Harvard University Press, 1940. Thurstone, L. The Measurement of Values. Press, 1959. Williams, J . S t a t i s t i c a l Analysis. 101, 1969.  Cambridge, Massachusetts:  Chicago: University of Chicago  Toronto: Olivetti-Underwood Programma  B. PUBLICATIONS AND REPORTS Publications of Governments Bartholomew, H. and Associates. A Plan f o r the City - of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. Vancouver: Wrigley P r i n t i n g Ltd., 1929. Board of Park Commissioners. The Pioneers of Burrard I n l e t , G r a n v i l l e, Hastings, Moodyville, North Arm, Fraser' River, 1886; Our City i s " T h e i r Monument. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1952. Board of Parks and Recreation. Minutes, Board of Park Commissioners. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1929-1966. Parks 1946.  Annual Report.  Vancouver: City  .  Parks 1949.  Annual Report.  Vancouver: City  .  Parks I968.  Annual Report.  Vancouver: City  of Vancouver, 1947. of Vancouver, 1950. of Vancouver, 1969• Buck, F. "Some Early Pioneers of the Town and Rural Planning Movement i n Canada." Vancouver: Town Planning Commission, City of Vancouver (Mimeographed), (no date) City of Vancouver. Bylaws of the City of Vancouver, B.C., 1913. A.-H. Timms, 1913. .  City of Vancouver Administrative Manual.  Vancouver:  Vancouver, 1965.  192 City of Vancouver.  City of Vancouver Annual Report, 1910.  Vancouver, 1911.  City of Vancouver Annual Report, 1929.  Vancouver, 1930.  City of Vancouver Annual Report, 1936.  Vancouver, 1937.  City of Vancouver, B.C. Council and Committees , 1913. Vancouver: A.H. Timms, 1913. Council Minute Book.  V o l . 99.  Vancouver, 1968.  Council Minute Book.  V o l . 101.  Vancouver, 1969.  Council Minute Book.  V o l . 102.  Vancouver, 1971.  Commission of Conservation. Commission of Conservation Canada, 1915. of the Sixth Annual Meeting. Toronto: Bryant Press, 1915.  Report  Commission of Conservation Canada, 1916. of the Seventh Annual Meeting. Montreal: Federated Press , 1916,  Report  Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s . Building Permits Issued i n Canada, 1961. Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1962. .  Census of Canada, 1901-1961.  Ottawa: Queen's  .  The Construction Industry of Canada.  Printer. Ottawa:  King's P r i n t e r , 19^5. Government of Canada. P r i n t e r , 190k.  Debates of the House of Commons.  Ottawa: King's  . Debates of the House of Commons. Ottawa: Queen's Printer.  Session 1951.  Vol.  IV.  Debates of the House of Commons. Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r .  Session 196U.  Vol.  VII.  King, W. Report' of the Royal Commission on Methods by Which Oriental Labourers Have Been Induced to Come to Canada. Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1908. Planning Department. "An Evaluation of Attitudes Towards the Environment." An I n v i t a t i o n a l Workshop. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, Jan. 9, 1969. (Mimeographed). . General Explanatory Memorandum Zoning and Development By-Law Number 3575 • Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1963. Zoning and Development By-Law Number 3575 (Amended to By-Law 1*139) . Vancouver: City of Vancouver, I96U,  193 Province of B r i t i s h Columbia. B r i t i s h Columbia Gazette, September, V i c t o r i a : Government P r i n t e r , 1886.  1886.  . Register of Absolute Fees . Volumes 3-11. Vancouver: Vancouver Land Registry. . Sessional Papers, B r i t i s h Columbia. Richard Wolfenden Government P r i n t e r , 1884-1886. Spence, Sales and Bland. "Spence, Sales and Bland Report." of Vancouver, July, 1950. (Mimeographed).  Victoria:  Vancouver: City  Stroyan, P. "Notes Taken From Minutes, Board of Park Commissioners." . Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1948. (Mimeographed). . "Notes Taken From Park Board Minutes 1948-1958." City of Vancouver, 1962. (Mimeographed).  Vancouver:  Technical Planning Board. Proposed Revisions to Apartment Zoning Regulations. Report No. 4. Vancouver: City of Vancouver, 1965. . "Vancouver City Preliminary Report on a Proposed Development Plan for Parks, 1959-1976." Vancouver: City of Vancouver, June 3, I960. (Mimeographed). Town Planning Commission. Vancouver, Oct.,1947. of Vancouver, 1942.  The Appearance of the City.  Vancouver: City of  . Vancouver B.C. Zoning Diagram. (Folded out document).  Vancouver Board of School Trustees. Ninth Annual Report. Municipal P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1911.  Vancouver: City Vancouver:  Publications of Other Organizations B e l l , L. Metropolitan Vancouver: An Overview f o r Social Planners. Vancouver: Community Chest and Councils of the Greater Vancouver Area, 1965. Burrard Peninsula Joint Sewerage Committee. Vancouver City P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1913.  Lea Report of 1913.  N i c o l l s , J.P. Real Estate Values i n Vancouver: A Reminiscence. City Archives , April, 195k~.  Vancouver: Vancouver:  Vancouver Bureau of C i v i c Research. "Amalgamation," Informed Citizenship. B u l l e t i n No. 12. Vancouver Ti Vancouver Bureau of C i v i c Research, Nov. 13, 1926.  Citizenship. B u l l e t i n No. 5. Research, Nov. 2, 1925.  . "The C i v i c Centre S i t e , " Informed Vancouver: Vancouver Bureau of C i v i c  19V Vancouver. Bureau of* Civic Research. "Planning and the C i t i z e n , " Informed Citizenship. B u l l e t i n Wo. 8. Vancouver: Vancouver Bureau o f C i v i c Research, March 13,' 1926',.; m e Union Plebiscite... B u l l e t i n No. 12. Vancouver: Vancouver. Bureau o f Civic Research, Dec. k, 1926. Vancouver. 1888.  Board o f Trade.  Vancouver: Herald P r i n t i n g and Publishing Co.,  Vancouver Central Council o f Ratepayers' Association. " B r i e f to Private B i l l s Committee, B r i t i s h Columbia L e g i s l a t u r e , V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia." Vancouver: Vancouver Central Council o f Ratepayers' Association, Jan., 1968. (Mimeographed).  C.  DIRECTORIES  The E l i t e Directory o f Vancouver 1908, 1909 • 1908. Vancouver City Directory. Ltd. , I925-I965.  kO Vols.  — Vancouver City Directory. 30 Vols. Ltd. , 189U-192U. ( t i t l e s vary) Vancouver Telephone Directory 1905. Library. Who's Who i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  Vancouver: Thompson Stai". Co.,  Vancouver: B r i t i s h Columbia Directories Vancouver: Henderson Publishing Co. Northwest History Room, Vancouver Public  9 Vols.  V i c t o r i a : S.M. Carter, 1930-1950.  D. NEWSPAPERS News-Advertiser, 1909News Herald, Feb. 1 - Dec. 17, 19+91  The Province, Sept. 3, 1925 - July 12, i960. "Vancouver, B.C., 1890." Weekly World.  Holiday Supplement to the Vancouver Daily and  Vancouver Daily World, 1909..' Vancouver Sun, Nov. 9, 1919 - August 30 ,. 1969. Western C l a r i o n , May 12,. I9.03..' The World, 1909.  195 E.. .. UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS B l i t z , . B. 'et a l . "Attitudes.and Characteristics N.P.A. , T.E. A.M. and C.O.P.E." Student paper. Department of. P o l i t i c a l Science, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, A p r i l , 1969. (Mimeographed). Buttimer, A. "Some Contemporary Interpretations and H i s t o r i c a l Precedents of S o c i a l Geography." Unpublished Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Washington, Seattle, I96U. Cardney, J . "Aesthetic Preferences and Personality." d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of Chicago, 1952.  Unpublished Ph.D.  "Diary of Colonel Sweeny, August 1, 1887 to December 25, 1909." Club Clipping Docket, Vancouver C i t y Archives.  Vancouver  Gale, D. "The Impact of Cultural Change In the Business Thoroughfare." Unpublished Honours B.A. t h e s i s , Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, 1968. Kerr, D. "Vancouver - A Study i n Urban Geography." t h e s i s , University of Toronto, 1943. Loosemore, T.R. l879-1906," 1954.  Unpublished Master's  "The B r i t i s h Columbia Labour Movement and P o l i t i c a l Action Unpublished Master's t h e s i s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia,  McAfee, A. "Residence on the Margin of the Central Business D i s t r i c t . " published Master's t h e s i s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1967. Oppenheimer, F. "Oppenheimer of Vancouver." Unpublished notes. Northwest History Room, Vancouver Public Library, 1936.  Un-  Vancouver,  Taylor, J . Documents on the basis of a M.A. thesis i n P o l i t i c a l Science. Rare Documents. University of B r i t i s h Columbia Library, Vancouver. (Typed manuscript). Thompson, G. "Early Vancouver." Paper read at a seminar of the Central Mortgage and Housing Studies Project, Extension Department, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Oct. 24, 1968. Walhouse, F. "The Influence of Minority Ethnic Groups on the Cultural Geography of Vancouver." Unpublished Master's t h e s i s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1961.  196 F. Periodicals:  Aesthetics  Gardening i n B r i t i s h Columbia. (February, 1927). Ireland, W.  PERIODICALS  Vancouver: Garden Publishing Co. Vol. l,No.-l  " F i r s t Impressions ," B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly,  Vol. lk and 15 (19501, pp. 85-90.  Kates, R.W. "The Pursuit o f Beauty i n the Environment ," Landscape , Vol. XV, No.'2 (Winter, 1966-67] , pp. 21-25'. L o r t , R. "Samuel Maclure M.R.A.I.C. 1860-1929 ," Royal Architectural Institute of Canada Journal, Vol. 35, S e r i a l No. 392 ( A p r i l , 1958), pp. rU-115. Nitschke, G. "Ma' The Japanese Sense o f 'Place'," Architectural Design (March, 1966) , pp. 116-155Oberlander, P. "History o f Town Planning i n B r i t i s h Columbia," Royal A r c h i t e c t u r a l Institute of Canada, Vol. 35, S e r i a l No. 392 ( A p r i l , 1958),  pp. 110-113. T h i e l , P. "A Sequence-Experience Notation," Town Planning Review, Vol. XXXII, No. I ( A p r i l , 1961), pp. 33-52. Periodicals:  History  B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 10 (Oct., 1911). Collins , P. Thomas Cooper, the Chartist: Byron and the 'Poets o f the Poor'. Nottingham Byron Lecture S e r i e s , 1969- Nottingham: Hawthornes L t d . , 1969Cornford, J . "The Transformation of Conservatism i n the Late Nineteenth Century," Victorian Studies, Vol. VII, No. 1 (Sept., 1963), pp. 35-66. Dyos, H.J. "The Growth o f Cities i n the Nineteenth Century: A Review of Some Recent Writing," Victorian Studies , Vol. IX, No. 3 (March, 1966) , pp. 2252kk.  . "The Speculative Builders and Developers o f Victorian London," Victorian Studies, Vol. XI, Supplement (Summer, 1968) , pp. 6U1-689. Howay, F.W. "Early Settlement on Burrard I n l e t , " B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly, Vol. 1 (Jan., 1937), PP- 101-llU. Matthews , J.S. "The Founders o f Vancouver," Vancouver H i s t o r i c a l Journal, Vancouver: City. Archives , City H a l l , Vol. VI (Sept., 1966) , pp. 22-23. McDougall, R.J. "Vancouver Real Estate'for Twenty-Five Years," B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 6 (June, 1911), pp. 597-607.. Paton, J.A. "The Story o f Point Grey," B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine, Vol. VEI, No. 7 (July, 1911), p. 736-  197 Penberthy, F. "Alv.o. von Alvensleben," B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine, V o l . VII, No. 12 (Dec. 11, 1911), pp. 1303-1312. "Vancouver, A City of Beautiful Homes," B r i t i s h Columbia Magazine, V o l . VII, No. 12 ( D e c , 1911), pp. 1313-1316. Rome, D. "The Oppenheimers of B r i t i s h Columbia," Jewish Western B u l l e t i n , Centenary Issue, V o l . XXVI (June 30, 1958), p. 9. Sage, W. "Vancouver, 60 Years of Progress," B r i t i s h Columbia Journal of Commerce Year Book 1946. Vancouver (1946), pp. 97-115. Walker, A. "Town Planning i n Vancouver," The Municipal Review of Canada, Vol. XXXI, No. 4 (June, 1935), pp. 5-10. Ward, D. "The Emergence of Central Immigrant Ghettos i n American C i t i e s , " . Annals of the Association of American Geographers, V o l . 58, No. 2 (June, 1968), pp. 343-359. Wynne,R.E. "American Labour Leaders and the Vancouver Anti-Oriental Riots," Washington State H i s t o r i c a l Society, V o l . 57, No. 4 (Oct., 1966), pp. 172180. Periodicalsy  Social Science  Best, G. "The Scottish V i c t o r i a n C i t y , " V i c t o r i a n Studies, V o l . XI, No. 3 (March, 1968), pp. 329-358. Burton, I . et a l . "The Perception of Natural Hazards i n Resource Management," Natural .Resources Journal, Vol. I l l , No. 3 (Jan., 1964), pp. 4l2-44l. Chappell, J.E., J r . Letter to the editor, Problems of Communism. No. 2 (March-April, 1966), pp. 79-80.  V o l . 15,  . "Marxism and Geography," Problems, o f Communism, V o l . 14, No. 6 (Nov.-Dec, I965), pp. 12-22. Cornish, V. "Apparent Magnitude i n Natural Scenery and i t s Determining Causes," Geographical Journal, Vol. LXV, No. 5 (Nov., 1925), pp. 427-433. . "Harmonies of Scenery: An Outline of Aesthetic Geography,"- . Geography, V o l . l 4 , Part 4 (Spring, 1928), pp. 275-283. Cronbach, L. "Coefficient Alpha and the Internal Structure of Tests," Psychometrika, V o l . 16 (1951), pp. 297-334. Davidoff, P. and T. Reiner. "A Choice Theory of Planning," Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, V o l . 28, No. 2 (May, 1962) , pp. 103-115. Dickinson, R.E. "Landscape and Society," Scottish Geographical Magazine, Vol. LV, No. 1 (Jan., 1939), pp. 1-15.  198 Feldmen, A.S. and C. T i l l y . "The Interaction o f Social and Physical Space," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, Vol. XXV., No. 6 (Dec , 1960-1., pp. 877-88V. F i r e y , W. "Sentiment, and Symbolism as E c o l o g i c a l Variables ," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review,. Vol. X, No. 2 ( A p r i l , 19^5), pp. l'U0-lU8. Gilmore, H. "The Old New Orleans and the New; A Case f o r Ecology," American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, V o l . IX, No. k (Aug., 1 9 ^ 1 , pp. 385-39^. Horowitz, G. "Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism i n Canada," Canadian Journal o f Economic and P o l i t i c a l Science, Vol. XXXII, No. 2 (May, I966I, pp. Il|l-l63. Kates, R. "Stimulus and Symbol: The View, from the Bridge," The Journal o f Social Issues, Vol. XXII, No. h (Oct., 19661, pp. 21-28. Lowenthal, D. and H. Prince. "The English Landscape," Geographical Review, Vol. LIV, No. 3 (June, 196h), pp. 309-3^7. . "English Landscape Tastes," The Geographical Review, Vol. LV, No. 2 ( A p r i l , 1965) , pp. 186-222. Newcomb, R.M. "Twelve Working Approaches to H i s t o r i c a l Geography," Yearbook, Association o f P a c i f i c Coast Geographers, Vol. 31 (1969) , pp. 27-30. Petersen, W. "The Ideological Origins o f B r i t a i n ' s New Towns," Journal o f American Institute o f Planners, Vol. XXXIV, No. 3 (.May, 1968) , pp. 160-170. Scholte, B. "Epistemic Paradigms, Some Problems i n Cross-Cultural Research on S o c i a l Anthropological History and Theory," American Anthropologist, Vol. 68, No. 5 (Oct., 1966), pp. 1192-1201. Simmons, J . "Urban Geography," The Canadian Geographer, Vol. XIV, No. h (1967) , pp. 3i+l-356. Sonnenfeld, J . "Variable Values i n Landscape; An Inquiry into the Nature o f Environmental Necessity," Journal o f S o c i a l Issues, Vol. XXII, No. h (Oct. , 1966) , pp. 71-83. Szava-Kovats, E. "The Present State o f Landscape Theory and Its Main Philosophical Problems," Soviet Geography: Review and Translation, Vol. VII, No. 7 (Sept., 1966), pp. kO-W. Vance, J.E. "Housing the Worker: Determinative and Contingent Ties i n Nineteenth Century Birmingham^' Economic Geography, Vol. XLIII, No. 2 ( A p r i l , 1967) , pp. 95-127. . "Housing the Worker: The' Employment Linkage as a Force i n Urban Structure^ Economic Geography,Vol.XLII,No.4 (Oct. ,1966) . pp. 294-325. 1  Ward, D. "The Emergence o f Central Immigrant Ghettos i n American C i t i e s , " Annals of the Association o f American Geographers, Vol. 58, No. 2(1968) ,pp. 3 +3-359. 1  Watson, J . "Four Approaches to Cultural Change: A Systematic Assessment," S o c i a l Forces, Vol. XXXII, No. 2 ( D e c , 1953), pp. 137-1^5.  199 G.  MAPS AND ATLASES  "City of Vancouver, B.C., Canada, Association, 1908.  1908." Vancouver":  1  Vancouver Tourist  Insurance Plan of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. Vol. I , 85 maps, reprinted A p r i l , 1913 (sheets updated) and V o l . I I , 120 maps, reprinted March, 1920 (sheets updated). Chas. E. Goad Co., C i v i l Engineers, Toronto, Montreal.) Winnipeg and Vancouver, and London, England.  "I898 Lithograph of Vancouver."  Ottawa: Federal Archives Map Room.  Mayhew, B.W. "Local Areas of Vancouver, B.C." Vancouver: United Community Services of the Greater Vancouver Area, Research Department, 1967"Point Grey."  Corporation of Point Grey, B.C.,  1942.  "Street Car Tracks Growth by Decade," i n Bartholomew and Associates. A Plan for the City of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. Vancouver: Wrigley P r i n t i n g Ltd., 1930. Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. 20 maps (Scale 50'=l"). San Francisco, California"?' Dakin Publishing Co., Nov., 1889. These comprise f i r e insurance data.  APPENDIX A .PARTICIPATION IN.VANCOUVER.ORGANIZATIONS.  During the research.for t h i s , p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a s e l e c t i o n of Vancouver organizations permitted direct observation of municipal and  voluntary  organizations whose a c t i v i t i e s were directed toward changing the landscape. These included the following: TABLE A  Number  2.  Duration of Participation  Organization  Role  Vancouver City Planning Department  Consultant  1965  (6 months)  Community Planning Association of Canada  Vancouver Executive  1965  -  1968  Vancouver Arts Council  Executive Civic Committee  1966  -  1967  Vancouver Area United Community Service  Housing Committee Member  I966 -  1969  The Vancouver Central Council of Ratepayers' Associations  Guest at selected meetings  1966  -  1970  Dunbar Homeowners' Association  Participator at two meetings  1967  Fraserview RatePayers ' Association  Observer at several meetings  1967  -  1970  City Council  Observer at selected meetings and hearings  1967  -  1970  APPENDIX B VERIFICATION OF DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL BELIEFS  This appendix presents ..the .details on the instrument used to v e r i f y the existence or non-existence .of d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l b e l i e f s i n the contempor ary populations of three sectors of Vancouver.  The topics under consider-  ation are the following: the instrument, coding, sampling, data gathering, methods of analysis and instrument l i m i t a t i o n s .  The results of the analysi  and t h e i r interpretations are included i n Chapter IV. No r e a l l y i n f a l l i b l e test f o r s o c i a l b e l i e f s exists but the tests which are of greatest depth and a p p l i c a b i l i t y are, without doubt, those given during i n d i v i d u a l interviews of long and repeated sessions by experienced psychologists. this respect. Schedule,  2  There are several tests that could qualify i n  Of those examined, Murphy's T . A . T . T h u r s t o n e ' s Temperament  Stouffer's Schedule,  3  4 and Clyde Kluckhohn's Value-Orientation  Schema a l l had features to recommend them.  However, after a review of the  problem and consultations with psychologists , i t was decided to adopt the Florence Kluckhohn and Fred Strodtbeck test.''  The reason . f o r t h i s choice  rests on the importance that t h i s test attaches to those s o c i a l b e l i e f s associated with urban landscape: b e l i e f s of time, man-nature r e l a t i o n s h i p s ,  H. Murray, Thematic Apperception Test Manual (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1943). 2 L. Thurstone, The Measurement, of Values (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959). T. Parsons, et a l . Towards a General^ Theory of Action (Cambridge: Harvard University Press , 195'l)~ pp • Wl"49~6'. " ~ " ^Ibid. , pp. 409-410.. ^F. Kluckhohn. and F. Strodtbeck, Variations i n Value Orientations (Evanston; Row Peterson and Co., 196l).  202 and s o c i a l existence. The Kluckhohn' and- Strodtbeck'Instrument consists.of a :questionnaire 1  that generates. data, on the background^ o f informants, and on. t h e i r b e l i e f s as they are revealed'in s p e c i f i c contexts or spheres of behaviour r e l a t e d to major s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s .  That i s , f o r instance , b e l i e f s about time  are tested i n the context of the "economic-occupational, the r e l i g i o u s , the i n t e l l e c t u a l - a e s t h e t i c , the r e c r e a t i o n a l , the p o l i t i c a l , and the familial" situations.  There are f i v e separate s o c i a l b e l i e f s (or values)  and a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of variations on each defined i n the KluckhohnStrodtbeck construct.  These are set out i n the following table:  TABLE A VALUE ORIENTATIONS Orientation  Postulated Range of Variation Good Mut ab le  Evil Mutable  MAN/NATURE  Subjugation to Nature  Harmony with Nature  Mastery over Nature  TIME  Past  Present  Future  ACTIVITY  Being  Being-in-Becoming  Doing  RELATIONAL  Lineality  Collaterality  Individualism  Immutable  Neutral Mut able  Mixed Immut able  HUMAN NATURE  Immut abl e  At t h i s point, i t i s necessary to describe more f u l l y these values, the success with which they were measured by the o r i g i n a l instrument, and t h e i r relationship to the v e r i f i c a t i o n of hypotheses  on sector differences i n  beliefs. The f i r s t orientation, innate 'human nature / proved to. be. d i f f i c u l t f o r Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck to order and' control.  The finer' distinctions  revealed i n the questions also'proved'to be "derivatives of i n t e r - r e l a t i o n -  203 ships "between the human nature and other, of the orientations"."'". Thus, the actual function of t h i s orientation'- cannot' be understood u n t i l complex s t a t i s t i c a l analyses'are developed and-the construct i t s e l f i s adjusted i n the l i g h t o f new findings.  Because of the poor results obtained i n the  o r i g i n a l instrument, t h i s belief, was not included i n the adapted instrument employed i n the present work. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and measurement of the three-part v a r i a t i o n i n man's r e l a t i o n to nature: Sub jugation-to-Nature, Harmony -with-Nature, and Mastery-over-Nature  are o f obvious importance i n this study, and the  variation was investigated to the f u l l e s t extent possible with the t e s t s . The same importance i s attached to time.  The variations i n this value  were c l a s s i f i e d as Past, Present, and Future.  The t h i r d orientation of  a c t i v i t y f e l l into a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Being, Being-in-Becoming, and Doing.  This o r i e n t a t i o n , say Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, centres solely on  the problem of the nature o f man's mode of self-expression i n a c t i v i t y .  A  Being orientation i s preference f o r spontaneous expression o f what i s conceived to be given i n the human personality: a preference for a c t i v i t i e s 2 that are r e f l e c t i v e , p l a y f u l , and p a r t y - l i k e .  This preference d i f f e r s from  the Being-in-Becoming orientation that "has as i t s goal the development o f a l l aspects o f the s e l f as an integrated whole".  The l a s t class of  a c t i v i t y , Doing, i s d i s t i n c t from the f i r s t two; i t refers to "the kind of a c t i v i t y which results i n accomplishments that are measurable by standards 1  I b i d . , p. 103.  2  I b i d . , p. .17.  3  Ibid.  204 .  conceived, to be. external to the acting individual' ''.. 1  The .relation'.of'  this orientation to.meanings groups assign to iandscapes seem obvious. f Those groups preferring Doing a c t i v i t y are l i k e l y to.respond more p o s i t i v e l y to, proposals involving the display of c i v i c achievements  i n public open  space, e x h i b i t i o n s , monumental skyscrapers and municipal buildings.  The  l a s t orientation accounted f o r i n the construct , the Relational value, deals with assumptions  about the nature of man's s o c i a l existence. Like  most other orientations, i t i s ordered into three classes : I n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , emphasizing i n d i v i d u a l autonomy and leeways f o r i n d i v i d u a l i t y ; C o l l a t e r a l i t y , emphasizing the i n d i v i d u a l as, and only as, a part of a small group —  the  family, neighbours, "ethnic" or " c l a s s " group; and L i n e a r i t y , emphasizing the organic wholeness of mankind, the continuity of men produced by commonality of b i o l o g i c a l and c u l t u r a l t r a i t s .  Again, t h i s value i s of  importance to an understanding o f group response to changes i n the landscape.  Those with t h e i r strong preference f o r l i n e a r i t y might be expected  to support public ownership  and c i v i c authoritarianism for the sake of the  "people" or the general public.  Others , with C o l l a t e r a l preferences, might  be expected to place greater value on l o c a l l y controlled open space and zoning standards.  The i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c oriented groups, might be expected to  respond to p o l i c i e s maintaining private home ownership greater extent, p u b l i c investment i n streets and parks.  and to r e j e c t , to a Thus, four out of  five values i n the instrument are applicable to t h i s study.  But before the  instrument can be. used, the o r i g i n a l questionnaire must be changed so that the component questions f i t the normal l i f e experiences of Canadian  urban  householders while at the same time maintaining the references to the  205 spheres .of behaviour and the basic p r i n c i p l e s of coding s p e c i f i e d i n the o r i g i n a l instrument. Coding the Four Basic Values Through a number o f p i l o t tests:, a revised .questionnaire was  developed.  Using the o r i g i n a l instrument as a guide, the w r i t e r devised new sets of questions relevant to the Vancouver population f o r each of the values and comparable spheres of behaviour.  The p i l o t questionnaire was given to two  research assistants who were residents of Vancouver,  when there was dis-  agreement as t o the relevance or the ambiguity o f the questions on the part of the two assistants, new questions were inserted.  This process was  repeated u n t i l a set of questions was developed that met the agreement o f both assistants.  For each of the four values measured, the number of spheres  of behaviour from which problems were created was equal to the number i n the o r i g i n a l instrument.  The values and situations i n which the problems were  set are presented i n the following Table B:  206.  TABLE B CODING. THE'. VALUES  Generalized Sphere of Behaviour  Value 1. Man-Nature  a b c  a  e 2. Time  a b c  a;  e 3. A c t i v i t y  a b c  a  e k. R e l a t i v i t y  a b c  a  e f  Property loss Pacing conditions of natural resources Use of farmland B e l i e f i n control Length of l i f e Child t r a i n i n g Expectation about change (20-^0 years old) Expectation about, change ( hO years old) Philosophy of l i f e Urban renewal Job choice Ways of l i v i n g Care of business Housework Non-working time Public transportation Help i n misfortune Family work relationships Choice of delegate Wage work Inheritance  207 For each, of 'the' problems i d e n t i f i e d , i n .the previous, table ,'. the .question:  naire presents.three possible solutions, each of which represents a v a r i a t i o n of the value being-measured. (Table A l .  The'.questionnaire  asks  informants to.rank the solutions - i n order of preference;' the ranked preferences are summed f o r each value.  The details on the problem and alternative  solutions are contained i n the completed questionnaire (Annex l ) .  Thus the  revised instrument met the conditions of relevant questions and consistency with the basic coding of the o r i g i n a l instrument. The background information measured i n the questionnaire involved coding that must be described. information was  In the o r i g i n a l instrument, the background  a key component, given the aim of that study to describe  within-culture value v a r i a t i o n s .  In the present study, values as described  by the construct are taken as "given" and the aim i s to v e r i f y the existence of t h e i r differences within three sectors of Vancouver's landscape.  So as  to maximize the usefulness of the data i n future studies and to describe the comparisons between the sample populations and the t o t a l population of the sample areas, detailed information was of Vancouver study as a guide.  c o l l e c t e d using the Local Areas  In the revised instrument, the coding f o r  each sample was i d e n t i c a l to that of the Vancouver study.  Additional  information was included and the details of i t s coding are presented on the following page (Table C) . For the detailed questions r e l a t i n g to each of the previous categories, see the complete questionnaire (Annex l ) .  With the instrument  i t s coding s p e c i f i e d , attention i s now directed'to the sampling  described and procedures.  Sampling Sampling procedures entailed, three phases : determining the size', of the sample, s e l e c t i n g a sample area i n each sector, and selecting a sample  208  TABLE C CODING. BACKGROUND. INFORMATION'  :Charact er i s t i c  Ueilni.ti.on'  1. Local area of residence  One of the sample areas , Grandview,-Fraserview or Dunbar, described i n Local Areas of  Vancouver, '1961...  2. Length of residence i n area  Number of years of residence i n l o c a l area defined i n 1.  3. Owner occupancy  The percentages of dwelling units which are owned or are being purchased by the family currently occupying the unit.  k.  The percentage of population "looking f o r work i n the week preceding the interview".  Unemployment index^  5.' Occupation index  -  The percentage of persons i n the labour force who are engaged i n professional or managerial type occupations.  o. Mean family income  The t o t a l earnings of a l l wage earners i n the sample divided by the number of wage earnings i n the sample. The figures shown i n thousands of dollars per year.  7- F e r t i l i t y r a t i o  The number of children Ok years of age, per 1000 females i n the 20-H4 year age group.  8. Families with children'  The simple percentage of the number of families with children between the years 0-18.  9- Past r e s i d e n t i a l environments  The class of environment i n which the main part of the respondent's l i f e was l i v e d . The classes were given as : Cl) metropolitan c i t y centre (.2) metropolitan suburb (3) small c i t y (h) l a r g e r town (5) v i l l a g e , and (6) farmstead or ranch  "*"B. Mayhew, Local Areas of Vancouver (Vancouver: Research Department United Community Service of Greater Vancouver, 1967) , p. 10.. 2 Ibid. 3  Ibid.  ^Ibid. 5  Ibid.  209 p o p u l a t i o n r e s i d i n g - w i t h i n ..each i sample a r e a . p e r s o n a l i t y . o r value score  can be s m a l l .  The sample s i z e o f any  Edwards r e p o r t s , t h a t  correlations  as h i g h as .99 have been o b t a i n e d i n d e p e n d e n t l y from, two groups o f informants e a c h .  1  fifteen  I n the s t u d y b y - K l u c k h o h n and S t r o d t b e c k , t h e sample 2  s i z e was a l s o s m a l l .  Sampling f o r s i m i l a r purposes f r o m f i v e p o p u l a t i o n s ,  not from t h r e e as i s the case f o r t h i s s t u d y , t h e y worked w i t h t w e n t y a d u l t s from each p o p u l a t i o n .  The s a m p l i n g i n the p r e s e n t s t u d y was b a s e d  on t h e Kluckhohn and S t r o d t b e c k e x p e r i e n c e .  B l o c k e d random samples o f  t w e n t y households were s e l e c t e d i n each o f t h e t h r e e urban s e c t o r s  that  the  h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s r e v e a l e d as b e i n g d i f f e r e n t i a t e d on t h e b a s i s o f s o c i a l b e l i e f and l a n d s c a p e . The s e l e c t i o n o f sample a r e a s i n each s e c t o r was a l s o based upon the r e s u l t s o f the h i s t o r i c a l s t u d y . U n i t e d Community S e r v i c e s '  Using the a r e a l u n i t s e s t a b l i s h e d i n the  l o c a l a r e a , s t u d y , a b l o c k e d sample o f t h r e e  r e s i d e n t i a l areas was s e l e c t e d so t h a t each o f the once p o l i t i c a l l y  discreet  m u n i c i p a l i t i e s was r e p r e s e n t e d , and t h e s o c i a l and economic rank o f the sample a r e a was i n g e n e r a l accordance w i t h i t s h i s t o r i c a l p o s i t i o n i n the city's  development (Map 20, C h a p t e r I V ) .  Because K i t s i l a n o , F a i r v i e w , t h e  West E n d , and the C . B . D . , were a l l known t o c o n t a i n e x t r e m e l y p o p u l a t i o n s , t h e s e i n n e r areas were l e f t u n c l a s s i f i e d .  heterogeneous  T h u s , b a s e d on a  s o c i a l and economic h i e r a r c h y o f l o c a l a r e a s , i n t h e E a s t - s i d e o f " O l d Vancouver C i t y " a l o w - r a n k i n g a r e a was s e l e c t e d , i n t h e s o u t h - e a s t A. Edwards , Techniques . o f A t t i t u d e S c a l e A p p l e t o n - C e n t u r y - C r o f t s . I n c . , 19571» P- 95-  or "Old  C o n s t r u c t i o n (New Y o r k :  2 Kluckhohn and S t r o d t b e c k , op» c i t « , p p . 1(A-106..  210 South. Vancouyer" "Old  a middle-ranking'area, was selected', and i n the west or  Point Grey" a high-ranking area, was • selected.  The sample areas  produced, by these steps were : i n the east,. Grandyiew-Woodiands ; i n the south-east, Fraserview-Victoria; and, i n the west, Dunbar-Southlands. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f the sample population i n each sample area was established from the membership records o f ratepayers ' associations.  The  reason f o r t h i s i s that these assocations have h i s t o r i c a l l y been important pressure groups through which the c i t i z e n s at large attempt to influence the urban landscape.  From the Vancouver Council Clerk ten associations that  had had sporadic a c t i v i t i e s i n the past were i d e n t i f i e d .  The secretaries  of these associations were contacted and from them information on membership records was obtained. complete  A review o f these records indicated that the most  data i n each sample area were found i n the Grandview Ratepayers'  and Tenants' Association located i n Grandview, the Fraserview Ratepayers' Association i n Fraserview-Vic t o r i a, Dunbar-Southlands. 980 persons.  and the Dunbar Ratepayers' Association i n  The Dunbar association's records on membership l i s t e d  From t h i s l i s t , a random sample o f twenty householders, who  confirmed by telephone t h e i r willingness to cooperate, was selected. were no refusals to p a r t i c i p a t e .  There  The membership records o f the Fraserview  association were less structured than those o f Dunbar: a t o t a l o f 58O different names was i d e n t i f i e d from attendance l i s t s from seven meetings of the association that had been held between 1965 and 1968.  By drawing  names at random from this t o t a l o f 580 and confirming willingness to cooperate on a survey through telephone c a l l s , another sample of twenty householders was obtained.  To obtain t h i s sample, i t was necessary to use twenty-  seven names from'the l i s t : , four persons refused t o p a r t i c i p a t e or were  temporarily out o f town, and three persons were no longer ' l i v i n g ' i n the area.  The Grandview records also consisted, of attendance records of past .  meetings.  Over the period between 1966 and 1968 two large meetings were  attended by 210 persons who signed, t h e i r names.  The' same random sample and  telephone confirmation procedure was employed but i n t h i s case an I t a l i a n speaking research assistant made the telephone c a l l s . ' A f t e r twenty-two persons were contacted, a random sample of twenty households was  selected.  Two persons refused to p a r t i c i p a t e . In spite of the several blocking procedures, the samples i n each area were found to be roughly comparable with the averages f o r the sample area. The s o c i a l and economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s l i s t e d i n the Local Areas of Vancouver Study, are tabled below:  212 TABLE JJ COMPARISONS WITH.RATEPAYER. SAMPLES AND POPULATION.CHARACTERISTICS OF SAMPLE AREAS  Characteristic  Area. %  Sample %  Grandview Owner occupancy Unemployment Mean family income Occupation index Families with children  65.0  9.6  75.0 k.6 6.6*  10.0 64.0  15.0 80.0  60.0 5.1* 1U.0 74.0  80.0 5.3 6.0* 15.0 80.0  92.0 2.1 6.7*  91.0 1.0 7.8*  k$.0 6k. 0  kk.o  Fraserview Owner occupancy Unemployment Mean family income Occupation index Families with children  k.8  Dunbar Owner occupancy Un employment Mean family income Occupation index Families with children  70.0  *Figures i n thousands o f d o l l a r s . A runs test was completed f o r the sample and t o t a l population data i n a l l three sectors."'" For each sector, r=6 andN=10.  These results indicate that  there are no s i g n i f i c a n t differences (p^.05) between the sample and t o t a l population data.  I t i s therefore possible to say with some confidence that  the sample data and the t o t a l population data are i d e n t i c a l f o r purposes of t h i s study.  H. Blalock, S o c i a l S t a t i s t i c s p. 193.  CNew York: McGraw-Hill Books , I960}.,  213 Data Gathering . Because .of t h e i r possible effects .upon-the data , three aspects of :  data gathering require s p e c i a l description: the length, of the gathering period, the employment of f i e l d a s s i s t a n t s , and f i n a l l y the setting and the time sequence of the interviews. 1967,  and September, 1968.  A l l data were gathered between December,  While t h i s i s a lengthy period, i t should be  reported that there were no major changes i n c i v i c a f f a i r s , no e l e c t i o n s , nor money by-laws that might otherwise influence the dispositions of the samples.  A l l samples did encounter throughout the period one dominating  c i v i c issue: Council's debate on a proposed freeway t h a t , i f accepted, would extend from the downtown through any one or perhaps a l l three Two  conditions l e d to the employment of two f i e l d assistants.  areas. First,  there was the desire to complete the interviews i n as short a time as possible.  Second, there was  a need to provide a person of I t a l i a n heritage  and language s k i l l i n the Grandview area, where some of the population were known to speak only I t a l i a n .  Steps were taken to decrease the bias that  would r e s u l t from having more than one interviewer. senior u n i v e r s i t y students who questionnaire i t s e l f . surveys  Both assistants were  had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the construction of the  Both had had previous experience i n s o c i a l  conducted for the Vancouver City Planning Department, and both read  and were examined on the procedures f o r interviewing outlined i n the Census of Canada Manual for Enumerators.  F i n a l l y , there was  a control o f the a l l o c -  ation of interviewers: the Italian-speaking assistant interviewed the  full  twenty sample population i n Grandview and one h a l f of the Fraserview sample, selected at random.  The other assistant completed the remaining h a l f of the  Fraserview sample and a l l the'Dunbar sample.  2lh . The' interviews^ which.were scheduled by-telephone were conducted, i n the residence of the i n f o r m a n t e a c h . Informant  deciding which room.  The .  duration of interviews v a r i e d between.one and two hours, and i n most cases interviews were undertaken household heads —  i n the early evening.  The informants were the  those who claimed to be the major deci s i on-makers i n  c i v i c , neighbourhood, and home matters.  There were four parts to each  interview, each part was conducted i n the same sequence (Table E ) .  TABLE E SEQUENCE IN INTERVIEW  1. Household head's background information. 2. Choice o f coloured slides on l o c a l landscape. 3. Questionnaire on s o c i a l b e l i e f s . h. Questionnaire on household  gardening.  Parts 2 and h produced data related to landscape studies but not related to a v e r i f i c a t i o n i n s o c i a l - b e l i e f differences.  They are planned as part of  ongoing research and are not presented nor analysed i n this study. The questions from Part 1 were asked and the answers placed d i r e c t l y on the interviewer's sheet.  Part 3 was completed by presenting the sets o f  problems and alternative solutions typewritten on white 8% x 11 bonded paper. was  Each question was introduced to the informant and then the informant  asked to read the alternative solutions and decide the following: (1) Which do you agree with best? (2) . Which do you agree with, second best? (3] Which do you think most other.people i n Vancouver agree with best?  215 The  answers were recorded, on a tabulation sheet'. • When, informants were  h e s i t a n t , the interviewer, waited', three', ;minutes. and then t o l d the informant to give his " f i r s t impression" as the answer.  In concluding this discussion  of data gathering, i t should be pointed out that the t h i r d question above does not d i r e c t l y relate to v e r i f y i n g the hypothesis  under consideration;  rather, i t relates to personal perception, and i t i s included here'.to f a c i l i t a t e future comparative studies. were analysed.  No data produced by t h i s  I f there i s bias i n the Fraserview  using two interviewers, i t i s minimal.  data  question  that results from  The correlation between the mean  scores o f the two interviewers i n the Fraserview  sample was .98 (p^.05).  Methods o f Analysis The methods o f analysis follow those developed i n the KluckhohnStrodtbeck  instrument.  There are four basic steps:  (1) Testing f o r r e l i a b i l i t y i n the questionnaire, (2) Ranking  o f alternative b e l i e f preferences,  (3) Testing for sector r e g u l a r i t i e s i n b e l i e f s , and (U) Testing f o r between-sector differences i n b e l i e f . Questionnaire The  Reliability  f i r s t task i s to demonstrate whether the questionnaire produces  -accurate and dependable information; that i s , whether the answers t o the questions y i e l d interpretable statements about group differences i n beliefs.  The preferred method t o f i n d out the i n t e r n a l r e l i a b i l i t y o f  non-dichotomous answers i s the Coefficient Alpha Test devised by Cronbach."'"  L.. Cronbach, "Coefficient Alpha and the Internal Structure of Tests", Psychometrika, Vol. 16 (1951) , pp. 297-33H.  216 The results, o f a p p l y i n g t h i s . test to. the ; dat a. are presented, i n Table P. :  TABLE E Social. B e l i e f Scores  Coefficient Alpha  Man and Society  .8207*  Man and Nature  .7504*  Time  •7304*  Activity  .3981  *Coefficients o f Alpha .65 are s i g n i f i c a n t f o r data on mean scores for group attitudes and values. Personal communication with R. Cop, Associate Professor o f Psychology, Simon Eraser University.  This s t a t i s t i c a l analysis demonstrates that the data on a l l b e l i e f s excluding b e l i e f s about a c t i v i t y are r e l i a b l e .  Therefore the data r e l a t e d  to b e l i e f s about man, nature and time present accurate information from which may be interpreted group differences and s i m i l a r i t i e s .  Because of  low r e l i a b i l i t y o f the data on a c t i v i t y further analysis o f t h i s information i s not useful i n t h i s  study.  Ranking B e l i e f Preferences Before s t a t i s t i c a l analysis can be undertaken, the data collected using the 60 questionnaires must be aggregated and ranked. ranking can be c l a r i f i e d by returning t o the questionnaire.  The method of What  respondents actually gave as answers to each question were t h e i r preferred alternatives o f three p o s s i b i l i t i e s . In a hypothetical example,' one can designate the alternatives as A, B, and C.  This being the case,'the respondents would perforce give as  t h e i r answer one o f the following-preferential patterns (where ">" means " i s preferred t o " ) :  217 C l ) A>3>C . (2) A>C>B (3) B>A>C (k).B>C>A C5) C>B>A C6) C>A>B To quantify these preferences, the respondents'  answers were f i r s t  weighted (the most preferred as numerical 3, the next as numerical 2, and the least preferred as numerical l ) .  For instance, i n the possible  p r e f e r e n t i a l patterns above, the ranking f o r row ( l ) would be: A=3, B=2 , C=l.  Next, these indices of ranked preference were aggregated across the  questions related to the five behaviour spheres. sectors f o r each respondent belief.  This aggregation within  gives the t o t a l weighted preferences for each  These tabulations are shown i n Tables G, H, and I.  A summation  of these t a b l e s , giving the means f o r each b e l i e f preference, i s presented in Chapter IV. Sector Regularities i n B e l i e f s The next step employed two tests f o r r e g u l a r i t i e s i n the mean b e l i e f preferences f o r each sector.  A one-way analysis o f variance"'" was used to  determine whether there were variations i n preferences for each o f the three sectors.  The results of these tests are given i n Tables J , K, and L.  It can be seen that i n each case the results were s i g n i f i c a n t beyond p g . 0 5 ; therefore, i t i s possible to conclude that f o r each sector there i s a non-chance ordering o f preferences.  A two-tailed, test f o r the d i f f e r -  For details on the test employed, see J . Williams , S t a t i s t i c a l Analysis (Olivetti-Underwood Corp. , 1965) , p. 208., code 6.10..  218 TABLE G SOCIAL BELIEFS ABOUT MAN AND NATURE: WEIGHTED PREFERENCES  Respondent  Grandview Sector Preferences Subj. With Over  Fraserview Sector Preferences Subj. With Over  Dunbar Sector Preferences Subj. With Ove  1 2  7 10  11 11  12 9  10 6  8 11  12 13  9 9  12 6  9 15  3 4  9 9  9 11  12 10  9 5  9 11  12 14  6 10  9 7  15 13  5 6  9 6  10 9  11 15  10 7  9 8  11 15  9 10  6 6  15 14  7 8  13 10  8 10  9 10  8 9  9 8  12 13  7 9  8 14  15 7  9 10  13 10  6 12  11 8  6 6  9 9  15 15  11 8  14 13  5 9  11 12  6 10  13 9  11 11  13 9  6 8  11 13  5 6  14 11  11 13  13 14  5 10  14 8  11 12  14 9  9 12  7 9  10 10  11 13  9 7  15 16  7 10  8 5  15 15  9 13  7 6  14 11  10 10  11 11  9 9  17 18  8 7  7 8  15 15  11 14  7 9  12 7  9 8  14 13  7 9  19 20  5 5  12 11  13 14  9 9  12 7  9 14  6 9  lh 15  10 6  8.70  12.00  Mean  8.45  9.60  12.09  9.30  Subj. = Subjugation to nature. With = Harmony with nature. Over = Domination over nature.  8.55  11.10 10,  219 TABLE R SOCIAL BELIEFS .ABOUT..TIME;. WEIGHTED PREFERENCES  Grandview;.-Sector' Fraserview Sector Preferences Preferences. Respondent. Past Present Future • Past . Present .'Future 1 2  6 12  11 6  13 12  7 7  3 1+  9 8  8 8  13 14  5 6  8 7  12 10  7 8  6 7  9 10  Dunbar Sector Preferences Past Present Future  10 . 11  13 12  10 9  9 12  11 9  12 9  6 8  12 13  6 6  11 11  13 13  10 13  6 7  11 9  13 14  7 8  8 13  15 9  12 10  12 13  12 8  6 8  12 14  6 8  11 12  13 10  6 10  10 -9  lk  11  8 9  13 8  9 13  11 8  10 8  9 14  11 12  9 11  8 8  13 11  10 8  11 13  9 9  6 6  9 11  15 13  13  9 9  8 14  13 7  6 9  12 9  12 12  6 8  9 8  15  lk  15 16  8 7  8 10  lk  13  6 7  11 9  13 14  7 12  8 6  15 12  17 18  6 6  9 11  15 13  9 10  8 9  13 11  6 8  11 9  13 13  19 20  8 8  8 10  14 12  9 5  12 11  9  6 7  11 9  13 14  9-50  12.52  Mean  8.00  8.20  9-75  lk  12.05  7-55  9.80  lk  12.65