UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Urban land development : political process, and the local area: comparative study of Kitsilano and Grandview-Woodlands Jensen, Jens Christian 1974

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c !  Urban Land Development, P o l i t i c a l Comparative Study o f K i t s i l a n o  P r o c e s s , and t h e L o c a l A r e a : and Grandview-Woodlands'  by Jens C h r i s t i a n B.Eng., R o y a l M i l i t a r y  Jensen  C o l l e g e o f Canada,  A t h e s i s submitted i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r t h e d e g r e e of  1968  of  Master of S c i e n c e in  the  S c h o o l o f Community and  We  The  Regional Planning  a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d s t a n d a r d .  University  of B r i t i s h  April,  1974  Columbia  In p r e s e n t i n g an the  advanced degree at Library  I further for  this thesis  shall  the  of  this thesis  written  University  of  permission for  s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may his  f u l f i l m e n t of British  make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e  agree that  by  in partial  representatives.  be  requirements  Columbia,  for reference  the  I t i s understood shall  Head o f my  that  not  be  c  —e->i>-w7^  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a  „4  Q  Columbia  that  thesis  Department  or  publication  allowed without  /C^J/a^/ ' '^^^"^J  for  study.  this  copying or  permission.  Department o f  I agree and  extensive copying of  g r a n t e d by  for f i n a n c i a l gain  the  my  Abstract  The p o l i t i c a l c o n t e x t o f c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n N o r t h A m e r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t s s i n c e World War I I has l a r g e l y been one of failure of non-elites to influence governments at all levels to accommodate t h e i r values and interests. Among c o n c e p t s of government d e s i g n e d t o f a c i l i t a t e the p o l i t i c a l e f f i c a c y c f such groups is t h a t o f d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f some p o w e r s o f m u n i c i p a l government to the " n e i g h b o r h o o d " or l o c a l area level in large cities. M u n i c i p a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n t h e o r y r e s t s on a s s u m p t i o n s t h a t common i n t e r e s t s c a n be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h a definable local area and that p o l i t i c a l processes at that l e v e l r e f l e c t l o c a l p o l i t i c a l v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s . The g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s was t h a t p o l i t i c a l processes in l o c a l areas reflect the d i v e r s i t y of political v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s o f t h e l o c a l a r e a p o p u l a t i o n and t h u s have t h e p o t e n t i a l t o l e g i t i m i z e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g at that level. Review of literature on democratic theory l e d to a postulate that a political process which reflects a constituency's values and interests is pluralistic and is p e r c e i v e d t o be l e g i t i m a t e by p o l i t i c a l actors. It was also postulated that lines o f p o l i t i c a l c l e a v a g e i n the urban land development c o n t r o l i s s u e a r e a , the i s s u e area chosen for this research, would follow s o c i a l class l i n e s . Working hypotheses were c o n s t r u c t e d based on t h e above two postulates and a definition of "legitimacy" of government. The general h y p o t h e s i s was s u s t a i n e d by a l i m i t e d c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d y o f l o c a l area political processes i n the Kitsilano and GrandviewWoodlands l o c a l a r e a s o f V a n c o u v e r , by s t u d y o f one p o l i t i c a l l y s a l i e n t s i t e - s p e c i f i c land development c o n t r o l i s s u e i n e a c h . A c o m b i n a t i o n o f d e c i s i o n a l and r e p u t a t i o n a l t e c h n i q u e s was used to i d e n t i f y i n f l u e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s at the l o c a l area l e v e l and to identify key e v e n t s . A q u a l i f i c a t i o n was o b s e r v e d i n p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s ' perception of l e g i t i m a c y of a hypothetical local area government with some powers i n l a n d development c o n t r o l : t h e e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s was p e r c e i v e d by most tc be an inadequate instrument o f c i t i z e n c o n t r o l of government at t h a t level. I t was c o n c l u d e d t h a t f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h was w a r r a n t e d in means of facilitating p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n at the l o c a l area l e v e l , as e x i s t i n g community c o u n c i l s d i d not perform that f u n c t i o n i n the i s s u e s s t u d i e d .  11  Table  of  Contents  Page Chapter  1  Introduction  I  Citizen  II  Legitimization  1  Participation:  The  as  Focus  IV  O r g a n i z a t i o n of Research  of R e s e a r c h :  The  6  General Hypothesis  Municipal Decentralisation  Introduction  II  Municipal Decentralization  B.  The  C.  Municipal Decentralization Major Assumptions  Neighborhood  Democratic  Introduction  II  Evolution  III  The  Chapter  4  11  Autonomy  11  as a P o l i t i c a l  Theory:  The  Dnit  13  Theory: 14  Responsive  Government  1  16 16  of L i b e r a l  Responsive Political Developing  Democratic  Political  Theory  System  P r o c e s s and  Structure:  Working H y p o t h e s e s  Comparative  II  Selection  III  L i n e s of P o l i t i c a l Cleavage: Working H y p o t h e s i s I L e g i t i m a c y o f L o c a l Area P o l i t i c a l Working H y p o t h e s i s I I  16 25  Community  I  IV  11  Theory  Federalism: Local  I  Theory  11  A.  3  7 9  I  Chapter  1  antidote  III  2  Experience  o f Government:  Decentralization  Chapter  Political  28  Analysis—The Variables  28  of Issue Area  34  Hi  36 Process: 40  Chapter  5  Research  Design  42  I  Introduction  II  Selection  III  Socioeconomic  IV  Political  V  Perceived Legitimacy of E l e c t e d L o c a l A r e a Government  Chapter  6  42  of land  Development I s s u e s  Differentiation  44  F i n d i n g s and  I  Community  Profiles:  II  Political  Process  A.  Kitsilano: for  C.  I  II  Analysis  Vertical  Differentiation  13-Story  47  51  Highrise  Senior Citizens  58  Analysis  7  47  5©  66  Legitimacy of Local E l e c t e d Government  Chapter  46  G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s : Safeway Parking Lot E x t e n s i o n  B„  III  44  Process  Besearch  42  C o n c l u s i o n s and  Area 74 Applications  Conclusions  77 77  A.  Working  Hypothesis I  77  B.  Working  Hypothesis I I  78  C.  The  General Hypothesis  Applications  and  79  F u r t h e r Research  A.  Municipal Decentralization  B.  Community W o r k e r s and  Theory  Community C o u n c i l s  80 80 82  Bibliography  85  Appendix  A  97  Appendix  B  99  .iv  appendix c Appendix D Biographical  Information  acknowledgments  I g r a t e f u l l y acknowledge the c o n s i d e r a b l e amount o f t i m e and effort devoted to guiding this research by my advisors. Professor S.W. Collier o f t h e S c h o o l o f Community and R e g i o n a l P l a n n i n g and P r o f e s s o r A . J . L l o y d o f the S c h o o l o f S o c i a l Work. A s p e c i a l word o f t h a n k s must go t o Dave Todd and J o h n Brouwer, community development workers in K i t s i l a n o and GrandviewWoodlands respectively, for a s s i s t i n g me i n e a r l y f i e l d work. To Heather, my deepest appreciation for encouraging me throughout t h i s work and u n d e r s t a n d i n g why I d i d i t . D e d i c a t e d t o R o b b i e , t h a t h i s g e n e r a t i o n may f i n d the solutions that we c o u l d not.  vi  1  Chapter 1  Introduction  I C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n : The P o l i t i c a l E x p e r i e n c e A comprehensive last  thousand  the  h i s t o r y of  years  citizen  participation  hierarchy.  to  tradition  This  church-state  relationship  began  the  o f western s o c i e t y would note t h a t d u r i n g  middle ages an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s u r v i v a l  subservience  in  and  depended  the  between  on  complete  religious-government the  citizen  t o change w i t h t h e development  and  the  of a r t i s a n ' s  g u i l d s i n c i t i e s t o advance and p r o t e c t t h e i r marketable  skills.  For  affairs  the f i r s t  passed  time i n h i s t o r y c o n t r o l  from  the  church-state  of  to  a  some  public  voluntary,  "private"  important  political  organization. Later,  the  craft  guilds  i n f l u e n c e s i n towns and c i t i e s . more the  diffused,  In a p o l i t i c a l sense, power  t h e e f f e c t on the power s t r u c t u r e was  s i z e of the e l i t e r u l i n g c l a s s merely i n c r e a s e d  artisans, pp.  but  became  urban  land  owners, and merchants  which  some  early  English  include  (Cunningham,  1972,  o f t e n dominated by l o c a l e l i t e s . franchise  did  not  urban c e n t r e s i n the U.S.,  lead  democratic  government  North American s e t t l e m e n t s were  launched was i l l u s o r y : t h e renowned New  the  that  590-592). The s p i r i t of i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s and  in  to  was  England town meeting  The subsequent  was  extensions  of  t o broad d i f f u s i o n of power.  In  f o r example,  participation  in  local  2  politics  became  machinery.  The  restricted  political  to  becoming  bosses,  business  leaders,  municipal  government (Cunningham, 1972,  I t was  exercised  often  at t h i s t i m e ,  voluntary alternative twentieth  means  to  century  late  provide  pp.  historical  as  social  planning  pattern  of  domination  been  1972,  pp.  made  that  people  services.  sought  The  early  a s s o c i a t i o n s were  S i n c e World War of  II,  s o c i a l programs by  unsuccessful  attempts  by n o n - e l i t e s t o c o n t r o l programs (Cunningham,  591-594).  Most p a r t i c i p a n t s i n American urban delinquency  programs  l e a d e r s of c i v i c and  593;  1968,  Collier,  renewal  were  groups  educational,  urban  century,  many  advisory  e l i t e s has p r e v a i l e d , a l t h o u g h g e n e r a l l y have  with  590-592).  u s u a l l y groups of i n f l u e n t i a l businessmen. the  party  partnership  nineteenth  proliferated  urban  in  in  the most s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u e n c e i n  the  associations  involved  businessmen,  and  political p.  In  programs,  p a r t i c i p a n t s was  white  interests—the elite  21).  renewal  the  and  planners,  civic,  (Cunningham, 1972, both  the  function  juvenile  U.S. of  and the  and  business, pp.  592-  Canadian appointed  u s u a l l y t o " s e l l " the program to opponents,  and  to c l o t h e p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s * p l a n s w i t h the d e m o c r a t i c r i t u a l  of  approval T i l and  by  the  van T i l ,  "citizens" 1970,  pp.  (Stenburg, 1972,  pp.  191-192; van  313-316; a l s o : S o m e r v i l l e ,  1968,  p.  6) . The  residents  of  urban  renewal  areas  were u s u a l l y  v i c t i m s , not the b e n e f i c i a r i e s , of " c i v i c  improvement"  1970,  313).  p.  482;  Dennis and  F i s h , 1972,  p.  the  (Smith,  3  The  American  poverty  Economic  Opportunities  political  efficacy  program,  A c t , was of  ushered  intended  non-elites  i n by to  t h e 1964  enhance  the  ("the p o o r " ) — - t h e  o p t i m i s t i c n o t e " o f t h e urban renewal e x p e r i e n c e ,  "sole  according  to  the van T i l ' s — b y "maximum f e a s i b l e p a r t i c i p a t i o n " o f t h e t a r g e t groups  i n at  least  neighborhood l e v e l The  experience  t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e program a t the  (van T i l and van T i l ,  1970, pp.  of the e l e c t e d C i t i z e n s ' Advisory  Model C i t i e s program was t h a t r e l a t i v e l y allowed a  few  responsibility  The  Advisory  the  only  generally  given  city  governments  to  the  significant  impact  of  was  majority  employees—especially  of  i n temporary,  managerial p o s i t i o n s — w e r e ( H a r r i s o n , 1973, pp. The  van  elite  218-224).  "advising"  t h e programs  Model  employment.  The  i n the p r o f e s s i o n a l  drawn from o u t s i d e t h e t a r g e t  T i l ' s g l o o m i l y r e p o r t t h a t many p o v e r t y  groups  holding  have  legal  ended  e f f e c t o f community  areas  programs,  in  stalemates  The r o l e o f t h e poor has e v o l v e d  social  intentions  and  a u t h o r i t y and n o n - e l i t e s  service  to  "organize  They a l s o  t h e poor"  organization  indigenous  t o one  a g e n c i e s which a r e dominated by  middle c l a s s c i v i l s e r v i c e p r o f e s s i o n a l s .  of  in  43-44).  h o l d i n g a veto power.  mobility  C i t y Demonstration  1969, PP.  low-skill  as w i t h t h e urban r e n e w a l programs, between  functions,  Beards d i d e x e r c i s e some a d m i n i s t r a t i v e powers, b u t  Neighborhoods  early  Boards i n t h e  t h e Boards t o e x e r c i s e any i m p o r t a n t p l a n n i n g  Agency a p p o i n t e d by t h e mayor ( A r n s t e i n ,  of  317-318).  leaders  was  to  and  note  that  f a i l e d because the enhance  t h e upward  not t o b u i l d  strong  4  i n d i g e n o u s o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a view s h a r e d Carl  Stenberg.  accommodation American  The r e s u l t  Hallman,  Mogulof,  of  1970, pp.  1970a, p.  Canadian the  with urban In  have o r g a n i z e d t h e m s e l v e s  local  government.  situations, Toronto  impact  renewal  1970,  pp.  1972, pp.  o f most c i t i z e n s  the Trefann Court  urban  from  affected 1972,  improve  their  clients  What for that  pp.  5,  7;  Social  immediate  i s the s i g n i f i c a n c e  protection the  existing  (Head, 1971, p.  against their  growth  of  such  provide  some o f t h e Government  Planning  to  environment—the agencies  in  Council of  pp.  19-20).  a movement i s b e g i n n i n g  disadvantaged  on p u b l i c  in  prcgram  on  1972,  their  to c r i s i s  i n Ottawa  (Committee  1970, p . . 16; C o n n o r ,  and s o c i a l l y  issues—focussing their  residents  that  groups  1  renewal  project  Head, among o t h e r s , a s s e r t s t h a t  among t h e poor  192-193;  i s s u e s i n g e n e r a l has been r e a c t i o n  Metropolitan Toronto, Wilson  318-  r e s i d e n t s of renewal  t o p r o t e c t themselves  and t h e Highway 417 a l i g n m e n t  Productivity,  they  has p a r a l l e l e d  many c i t i e s ,  The o r i e n t a t i o n  although  directly  i n the  on t h e g r o u p s  examples o f p o s t - p r o t e s t power s h a r i n g w i t h a t l e a s t most  and  pluralist  and n o n - e l i t e s  214-218; S t e n b e r g ,  States.  development  Hallman  t h e r e i s no  (van T i l and van T i l ,  areas  urban  Howard  93).  experience  United  of e l i t e s  programs, and l i t t l e  were i n t e n d e d t o b e n e f i t 319;  h a s been t h a t  of the i n t e r e s t s  poverty  by  take  action  "bread  n o t meeting  to  and b u t t e r "  the  needs  of  22; C a r o t a ,  1970, pp.  13-15).  of c i t i z e n s  organizing  themselves  own  government?  groups  f o r m a l government s t r u c t u r e s  reflects  It  is  apparent  frustration  and t h e i n a b i l i t y  of  with many  5  people  to  i n f l u e n c e government through normal c h a n n e l s ( S o c i a l  P l a n n i n g C o u n c i l of M e t r o p o l i t a n T o r o n t o , 1970, 1971,  p.  179;  The  Carota,  continuing  s o c i e t y and centralized  the  1970,  p.  poverty  of  Productivity,  302-309).  Meade,  some  i n a generally affluent  and  narrow  rationality  of  have a l i e n a t e d many low-income people  from urban government (Head, Government  16;  12).  depersonalization  bureaucracies  p.  1971,  1972,  pp.  pp.  16-18;  Committee  12-13; Schaar, 1969,  P a u l Vrooman f e e l s t h a t the f e e l i n g  of  on pp.  helplessness  and l o s s of c o n t r o l of government i s no l o n g e r r e s t r i c t e d t o the urban p o o r — a l l c l a s s e s are a t t e m p t i n g decision-making  structures.  p r o c e s s l i e s i n the  belief  The that  to g a i n some c o n t r o l ever  failure that  mode  p e r m i t s o n l y a c h o i c e among r u l i n g e l i t e s Committee on Government P r o d u c t i v i t y , 1972, A  of  the  of  electoral  participation  (Vrooman, 1972, pp.  p.  3;  13-14).  d i f f e r e n t argument r e s u l t i n g i n a s i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n , i s  made by Levy and Truman t h a t the l o s s of l e g i t i m a c y  is  due  to  l a c k of w e l l - d e f i n e d o p t i o n s and l a c k of e f f i c i e n t communication between  electorate  and  candidates,  thus  avoiding  s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a n a l y s i s made by Vrooman (Levy and Truman, p.  178).  Maurice  Egan,  speaking  the 1971,  on the s o c i a l problems i n  Canadian c i t i e s , senses a dilemma i n t h a t government " f o r and the p e o p l e " may supports  a  not be " e f f e c t i v e ,  efficient,  just"—this  growing c o n c e r n w i t h the p r o c e s s of government,  r e l a t i v e l y l e s s concern w i t h the p o l i c y o u t p u t 127;  and  1970,  and p.  C l a g u e , 1971,  p.  The  of " l e g i t i m a c y " of government i s very much at  concept  32; Zimmerman, 1972,  (Egan,  by  pp 224-225).  6  the  heart  of  pluralism only  as  the  in  long  existing  the  capacity  and  there  i s consensus  and  1969,  that  are  democratic  social  Parry,  legal  p.  of  the  Philip  liberal as  also  belief  problem.  political  considered  on  the  system  institutions  " r i g h t " and  indicated be  in to  "proper"  the  contact on  between t h e  the  1966,  suggestions  11).  decision-making government—a be  most h i g h l y  socioeconomic  p.  more  reflected  exist  writers  process  government  adequately  p.  as  improving  the  283).  Antidote  the  political  a l i e n a t e d — e s p e c i a l l y those  scale—and  Many  in policy  for  means  appropriate  1969,  I I L e g i t i m i z a t i o n o f Government: D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n numerous  253-254;  maintain  most  (Schaar,  the  sense,  b u i l d and  are  of  pp.  this  that  accommodated  legitimacy  (Green, 1969,  Legitimacy,  political  has  government can  structure  127).  a  Green  the feel  will  urban government that  result  wherein l o c a l recognized  (Head, 1971,  in  p.  a  more  Webster,  the  responsive-  desires  therefore  26;  (Kahn,  decentralizing  needs and  and  low  more 1971,  could likely  pp.  2-  3) . Early  arguments  administrative  favoring  centralization  structures—based  nonpartisanship--are  being  on  devalued  as  of  urban  efficiency  and  perceived  submunicipal  c o n t r o l of c e r t a i n p u b l i c s e r v i c e s  Most  decentralization  urban  administrative political for  the  i n nature,  interaction  remoteness of  at the  proposals,  r e s t on the  the  whether  concept  neighborhood  central  city  are  level  needs  for  expressed. political  of as  government  social an  or and  antidote  from  most  7  citizens. of  Most a d v o c a t e s o f d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n c a l l f o r some form  neighborhood  council,  talcing  t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s and  r e s p o n s i v e n e s s o f t h a t group t o t h e a r e a ' s a r t i c l e of f a i t h There  has  interests  are r e f l e c t e d  and  values  of  a  local  i n t h e l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l If this  key  reflects  the d i v e r s i t y  interests,  i s invalid,  legitimize  government  research  i s an  local  of  local  area  process  assumption  m u n i c i p a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n t h e o r y , t h a t l o c a l area  process  an  been l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h on t h e degree t o  involved i n resolving l o c a l i t y issues. in  as  (Schmandt, 1972, p. 5 8 3 ) .  which t h e p o l i t i c a l population  constituents  political  area  political  a r e a government i s n o t going t o  decision-making  at  that  level.  e m p i r i c a l t e s t o f t h a t assumption  This  i n municipal  d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theory.  I l l Focus o f Research: The G e n e r a l  Hypothesis  The f o c u s o f t h i s r e s e a r c h i s on t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p the  nature  of  the  political  process  and  between  t h e d i v e r s i t y of  p o l i t i c a l v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s on s a l i e n t i s s u e a r e a s , the  local  area  level.  Decentralization  m u n i c i p a l government t o t h e l o c a l legitimizing  decision-making  area  rests  of  level  on  some as  a  both  at  powers o f means  the p o l i t i c a l  of  process  reflecting that d i v e r s i t y . The  general  processes v a l u e s and  hypothesis  in local interests  areas of  i s therefore reflect  the  "that  political  the d i v e r s i t y o f p o l i t i c a l  population  and  thus  p o t e n t i a l to l e g i t i m i z e decision-making at that l e v e l " .  have  the  8  The  g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s w i l l be t e s t e d i n t h e i s s u e area of  urban l a n d development c o n t r o l . two reasons. salient  T h i s i s s u e area i s s e l e c t e d f o r  The f i r s t i s t h a t  to  development  recent  control  be  political  issues  are  politically  some (not a l l ) i n s t r u m e n t a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s  a c t i v e a t t h e l o c a l area l e v e l .  probably  such  powers  devolved  to  are  among  local  decentralization  political  The second i s t h a t  of  governments  large of  land  the powers which would  area  restructuring  some  urban the  i n future  areas,  City  as i n the  of  Winnipeg  (Axworthy, 1973, p. 5 ) . The  general  hypothesis  will  be  t e s t e d by a  study of two " l o c a l a r e a s " d e s i g n a t e d by t h e C i t y in  1969  f o r certain  planning  and  K i t s i l a n o and Grandview-Woodlands. because t h e i r p o p u l a t i o n s socioeconomic  terms.  Two  related,  political process.  but  not  differ  i n degree  of  diversity  The a r e a s a r e g u i t e s i m i l a r i n many o t h e r  studied—the  stratum  4 and 6.  and  the  "representativeness" policy  3.  outputs  of  of  accountability  the  of  261-322).  the  the p o l i t i c a l will  be  T h i s does not i m p l y t h a t p r o c e s s i s more congruence  a p o l i t i c a l r e s i d e n t s ' v a l u e s and  pp.  processes".  The reason f o r emphasis on p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s  than  in  i m p o r t a n t , a s p e c t s o f p o l i t i c a l dynamics are  o u t l i n e d i n Chapter important  Vancouver  These two areas a r e s e l e c t e d  key words i n t h e h y p o t h e s i s a r e " p o l i t i c a l  explicitly  1964,  of  administrative purposes—  r e s p e c t s , as w i l l be d e t a i l e d i n Chapters The  comparative  leaders  of  leadership  values  and  the "representativeness"  and  t o c o n s t i t u e n t s (Agger and Swanson,  The work o f r e s e a r c h e r s concerned  with t h e  9  v a l u e congruence q u e s t i o n and (for  example:  0«Hara, 1964; 838).  S i g e l and  w i t h p o l i c y outcomes i s  Friesema,  Bonjean, 1971a, pp.  Their  findings  1965;  important  M c C l c s k y , Hoffman, and  32-35; Rose, 1962,  pp.  837-  must be c o n s i d e r e d b e f o r e a t t e m p t i n g  to  b u i l d an ideology, w i t h r e s p e c t t o p o l i t i c a l d e c e n t r a l i s a t i o n c f m u n i c i p a l government. The  value  of  t h i s work w i l l be i n two a r e a s : i t may  the a t t e n t i o n of r e s e a r c h e r s to a r e l a t i v e l y n e g l e c t e d the d i s c u s s i o n on m u n i c i p a l  d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , and,  a s s i s t those w i t h o p e r a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s i n c i t i z e n in  draw  aspect it  of  should  participation  m u n i c i p a l government, i n c l u d i n g p o l i t i c i a n s , a d m i n i s t r a t o r s ,  and community development workers.  I t s h o u l d be of c o n s i d e r a b l e  i n t e r e s t t o m u n i c i p a l p l a n n e r s who with  people  actively  are more  pursuing  and  locality  more  involved  interests  through  somewhat permanent neighborhood c o u n c i l s or a s s o c i a t i o n s .  IV O r g a n i z a t i o n of Research A  more  theory  complete  comprises  outline  Chapter  of  2.  municipal This  is  decentralization done  difficulties  i n d e s i g n i n g working  hypothesis.  Chapter 3 i s a t r a c i n g of d e m o c r a t i c  emphasis presented  on  hypotheses to t e s t the  p o s t - I n d u s t r i a l Revolution  identify general  theory,  changes.  This  with is  f o r a s p e c i f i c purpose: to o u t l i n e the c u r r e n t concept  and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s diversity  of  political  v a l u e s and  (from the g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s ) . in  to  Chapter  4, u t i l i z i n g  which  "reflects  the  i n t e r e s t s of the p o p u l a t i o n "  Working hypotheses are  the c o n c e p t s and  designed  d e f i n i t i o n s developed  10  in  the  previous  political details  cleavage the  of  a n a l y s i s o f raw  7,  as  to are  chapters,  i n urban  research  specification  respect  two  data  postulating  lines  l a n d development i s s u e s .  design,  needed  plus  including  information.  comprise  6.  Conclusions  h y p o t h e s e s a r e drawn  applications  the  decentralization  theory.  suggested  work  by t h i s  fi  research  direction  for  5  and  f i n d i n g s and  w o r k i n g and g e n e r a l of  Chapter  methodology  Research  Chapter  of  i n Chapter  to  municipal  further  i s a l s o i n c l u d e d i n the f i n a l  with  research  chapter.  11  Chapter 2  M u n i c i p a l D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n Theory  I introduction The  purpose  description  of  Chapter 1, to  the  working  of  this  municipal  chapter  will  be  to  supplement  d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theory  Certain d i f f i c u l t i e s  theory  is  given  i n t e s t i n g hypotheses  identified  for  the in  relating  use i n d e s i g n i n g  the  hypotheses.  I I M u n i c i p a l D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n Theory Henry Schmandt d e s c r i b e s the decentralization  as  being  theory  of  urban  a t the convergence o f two themes i n  s o c i o l o g i c a l and p o l i t i c a l t h e o r y :  federalism  and  and  intergovernmental  relations)  the  (local  Both  autonomy  neighborhood  p l a n n i n g and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t ) (Schmandt, 1972, A.  government  p.  (as a  572).  F e d e r a l i s m : L o c a l Autonomy the  U.S.  and  Canada  have  been,  and  still  are,  concerned w i t h the d i v i s i o n of p o l i t i c a l power between s t a t e s or provinces  and the n a t i o n a l government.  political  and  province  or  m u n i c i p a l and submunicipal delegated i s  administrative state  to  municipal  submunicipal units political  power  (ie:  is  delegated  government,  l e v e l that  involves  At the m u n i c i p a l  delegation  specifying to  officials  It of  whether  level,  from is  the at t h e  power the  responsible  to  power to  a  12  submunicipal  electorate)  or  administrative  ( i e : d e l e g a t i o n of  g r e a t e r d i s c r e t i o n a r y power w i t h i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l p u b l i c to pp.  agency  employees a t t h e l o c a l s e r v i c e o u t l e t l e v e l ) (Crawford, 1954, 48f) . In  administrative  reducing  the  unresponsiveness  though t h i s o f t e n values  of  decentralization,  means  efficiency  of  degrading  the  public  focus  is  bureaucracies,  traditional  and economy o f s c a l e .  cn even  administrative  The r a t i o n a l e f o r  delegating greater administrative d i s c r e t i o n to the o u t l e t l e v e l i s that o f f i c i a l s  a t t h a t l e v e l would tend t o  concentrate  on s m a l l e r a r e a s and would t h e r e f o r e be more r e s p o n s i v e clients;  more  to their  t h i s would r e s u l t i n b e t t e r s e r v i c e and more e f f e c t i v e  programs. I n p o l i t i c a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , t h e f o c u s i s on f a c i l i t a t i n g the i n t e r v e n t i o n  by  decision-making  process  concerned. of  the presently insofar  In t h i s c o n t e x t ,  facilitating  neighborhoods,  as  of  control  neighborhood  over  "local"  developing  political  the  r e s i d e n t s as a p o l i t i c a l f o r c e , and thus citizen  groups  matters  the  public  (Schmandt, 1972, pp.  power  between  enabling  institutions  some  political  structures  and  direct  serving  the  process  and have very  of the  population similar  means o f p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n .  s t r u c t u r e and means o f s e l e c t i n g a  cf  576-577).  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t the a r e a s s t u d i e d should governing  are  in  self-consciousness  I t i s c l e a r t h a t i n c o n d u c t i n g a c o m p a r a t i v e study relationship  i n the  d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i s seen as a means  mobilization and  alienated  local  area  government  The (or  13  other  representative  body)  could  i n f l u e n c e t h e n a t u r e of t h e  p o l i t i c a l process. B.  The Neighborhood  as a P o l i t i c a l  Unit  The neighborhood has been t h e s u b j e c t o f much and  political  conceptualization.  sociological  E a r l y t h e o r e t i c a l work began  with P e r r y ' s "neighborhood u n i t " concept o f t h e neighborhood an  as  a r e a h a v i n g a l l t h e p u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s and a m e n i t i e s r e q u i r e d  by f a m i l i e s , i n t h e v i c i n i t y o f t h e home ( K e l l e r , 1968, p. 8 7 ) . I n the p h y s i c a l "Garden  sense,  City"  i t i s related  concept;  environment  would  enable  participate  i n public  fulfilment  through  interaction  within  to  Ebenezer  sociologically. people  affairs  to and  intense,  know  their  generally  mutually  the neighborhood  Perry  Howard's felt  neighbors,  achieve  supportive  (Schmandt,  this  selfsocial  1972, pp. 573-  57 4) . The neighborhood u n i t concept has been s e v e r e l y and t h e r e i s s t i l l disagreement over the s p a t i a l of s o c i a l networks.  For example,  criticized,  manifestations  B a r r y Wellman f e e l s t h a t urban  society  has become d e s p a t i a l i z e d — m o s t i n t e r a c t i o n t a k i n g p l a c e  within  "selective  concentration  of  communities" interests.  with  little  geographic  He does admit t h a t some f u n c t i o n s  have a l o c a l i t y c o n t e x t ( p r o p e r t y i n t e r e s t s and housing f o r example) (Wellman, 1971, pp. Another the  "natural  ecological  theoretical area"  tenure,  283-285).  approach t o the neighborhood has been  concept—areas  indicated  (human) and p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  by  distinctive  (Schmandt, 1972,  14  pp.  574-575).  This  Alan A l t s c h u l e r Kotler and  historical 27).  in their  proposes  villages  perspective  that  Altschuler  political  for self-rule refers  groups,  results  neighborhood. U.S.  This  Community  Capoccia,  The  purpose  intended  view  only  p.  Programs  associated  of t h i s to  and  an  social  urban  "neighborhoods"  dynamics,  C.  Municipal  The  t h e o r y and  a  that  set  to d e s c r i b e of  Little  (Keller,  1966,  Decentralization rationale  can  of  with the in  p.  the 129;  are  pp.  at that  the  point  planning  or  perceptions  process  in  67-73). Assumptions  both a d m i n i s t r a t i v e two  assumptions:  and that  with a d e f i n a b l e submunicipal  dynamics  the  and  has  a geographic area;  Theory: Major  political  thus l e g i t i m i z e  "neighborhood"  or p o l i t i c a l  b a s e d on  level  is  be c o n c l u d e d o r assumed  supporting  c a n be i d e n t i f i e d  from  1970,  activities  (Zimmerman, 1972,  level,  immobility  in sociological  territory  that  minority  experience  t h e term  differentiation,  decentralization  and  by  a  5-6,  on n e i g h b o r h o o d c o n c e p t s  geographic  interests  pp.  identification  (Altschuler,  w i d e l y used  area.  about  common i n t e r e s t s  group  discussion  illustrate  describes  with  1969,  of r e l a t i v e  towns  therefore  concentrations of  supported  Sometimes i t i s used  sometimes i t  political  is  government—  that  (Kotler,  and  250).  been i n c o n s i s t e n t l y literature.  because  Kotler  were o r i g i n a l l y  and  exists  i n greater  Action  1973,  unity  to e c o l o g i c a l  groups i n urban a r e a s which, these  by M i l t o n  arguments f o r neighborhood  urban neighborhoods  with l o c a l basis  i s adopted  will  p.  225),  reflect  and local  decision-making  o f view o f t h e a r e a  that  the  v a l u e s and process  at  constituency  15  (Schmandt, 1972, pp.  576-577).  The p o t e n t i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s i n r e s e a r c h i n  decentralization  t h e o r y l a y i n s e v e r a l a r e a s suggested by the above o u t l i n e . first  i s t h a t a r e a s b e i n g compared must have very s i m i l a r  and p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s e s and s t r u c t u r e s .  The second i s  The legal  selecting  i s s u e a r e a s p o l i t i c a l l y s a l i e n t t o the l o c a l area p o p u l a t i o n . third  is  p o s t u l a t i n g t h e l i n e s of c l e a v a g e i n each i s s u e a r e a ,  r e l a t i n g t o the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e fourth  is  the  difficult  of  problem  p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s and government. included working  A  in  the  hypotheses.  chapters  on  the  local  community.  A  of d e f i n i n g " l e g i t i m a c y " c f These  c o n s i d e r a t i o n s are  d e m o c r a t i c t h e o r y and d e s i g n of  16  Chapter 3  Democratic Theory: The Responsive Government  I  Introduction The  general  particular  hypothesis  political  calls  process  p o l i t i c a l v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s of  this  characteristic.  of  The  a  the  theory  will  characteristics outlined  of  be a  the  whether  a  diversity  of  The  purpose  the c u r r e n t concept and  identify  of  t h i s guest i s t h a t of l i b e r a l of  "reflects  political  body  testing  of the p o p u l a t i o n " .  chapter i s to o u t l i n e  the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  for  process  which  has  that  t h e o r y which i s a t the f o c u s of  democratic theory.  traced  and  responsive  the  The  evolution  c u r r e n t concept and  political  system  will  be  t o use i n d e v e l o p i n g working hypotheses.  I I E v o l u t i o n o f L i b e r a l Democratic Theory Theories  of  democracy can be t r a c e d back i n human h i s t o r y  at l e a s t as f a r as the e r a of t h e c l a s s i c a l The the  example  of  citizens,  a g o v e r n i n g body open t o  checked  only  by  a  council  c i t i z e n s drawn by l o t from t h e p o p u l a t i o n 590-591).  city-states.  c l a s s i c a l democracy used most o f t e n i s t h a t of  Athenian E c c l e s i a ,  adult  Greek  a l l free of f i v e  male  hundred  (Cunningham, 1972,  pp.  Theory has e v o l v e d from t h a t t i m e t o t h e p r e s e n t ; the  r e s u l t , as i t i s understood i n western n a t i o n s , i s the t h e o r y of l i b e r a l d e m o c r a t i c government. there  is  Frederic  Thayer  g e n e r a l agreement on the broad o u t l i n e  asserts  that  of the t h e o r y ,  17  and  t h a t i t seems e q u a l l y a p p l i c a b l e to a l l w e s t e r n  governments  (Thayer,  1971,  p.  6).  especially  i t s recent  political  systems, i s necessary  change i n N o r t h certainly  be  development  American made  Understanding with  this  theory,  r e s p e c t to North  American  in social  governmental  in  its  context  "democratic"  policy  design  because  will  almost  structures (Greer  and  Kirar,  1964,  p.  70) . David of  Ricci  democratic  Their  and  theory  democracy  that  political society  and  on  the  other  10-11).  early  and  that  Various  twentieth "boss",  the v a l i d i t y  of  theory,  and  American  (Ricci,  1971,  Although democratic  the  he  evolution  to the  be  used  present.  here  for a  theory"  in  (Ricci,  1971,  concepts  the  not  an  political  municipal  events  interest  of  are prime of  system the  as t h e  sought  of  nineteenth  emergence o f  early  a  (Ricci,  government, c a s t doubt  assumptions  scholars  men  the group i s of  electoral  such  liberal  most  collective  through  basic  that  of  the cn  democratic  to r e d e f i n e the  theory  attempting  recast  50-51).  wasn't  theory,  have been f i r s t  and  centuries,  i n American  pp.  century  three assumptions:  i s best represented  political  century  writers*", w i l l  individual  importance,  pp.  nineteenth  nineteenth  were b a s e d  rational,  the  have t r a c e d t h e  description.  Eighteenth  and  from  work, a m p l i f i e d by  broad-brush  1971,  F r e d e r i c k Thayer  the o n l y t h e o r i s t  to  J o s e p h Schumpeter i s g e n e r a l l y c o n s i d e r e d  to give a f u l l  his  1942  p.  52).  e x p o s i t i o n of  new  "process  book C a p i t a l i s m ^ S o c i a l i s m ^ and  Democracy  Schumpeter's  the  to  definition  of  democratic  18  process  i s "...that  political decide  i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangement f o r a r r i v i n g a t  d e c i s i o n s i n which i n d i v i d u a l s  acquire  t h e power  by means o f a c o m p e t i t i v e s t r u g g l e f o r the people's v o t e "  (Schumpeter, 1942, p. political  parties,  269). The t h e o r y accommodates  and  elites  by  adopting  the p o l i t i c a l  compete  actors  f o r power  recognize  interests  of t h e i r reference  1972,  175; L o w i , 1971, p.  p. The  process  individual and  Pluralist  The concept of  system i s t h a t o f a more o r l e s s c o m p e t i t i v e  i n which groups political  pluralism,  a competitive or  " m a r k e t p l a c e " approach t o t h e e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s .  citizen  controls  and  in  which  and  articulate  the  groups  (also:  theory.  individual values  Kirlin  and  influence  Competition  participates  has  never  among p o l i t i c a l a r e presented  60; F r e u n d , 1948, p.  i n the  interests.  only,  by  voting.  been parties  resolved  i n the  i s t o ensure t h a t  t o the v o t e r  ( R i c c i , 1971,  3 4 2 ) . The " p u b l i c i n t e r e s t " remains a competing  The p r i n c i p l e f e a t u r e of t h i s model o f democracy i s  the p l u r a l i s t c o m p e t i t i o n being  one  of  f o r power, periodically  d e s i r e s through t h e e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s  with  the r o l e  indicating (also:  c f the  his political  Kirlin  and  Erie,  theory"  were  p. 175). Some  of  the  weaknesses  in  the  "process  i d e n t i f i e d by 1950. The assumption t h a t t h e e l e c t o r a l had  Erie,  political  nebulous but presumably proper b a l a n c e o f power among  1972,  and  74; Freund, 1948, p. 342).  h i s representatives  meaningful a l t e r n a t i v e s  citizen  arena  and o t h e r group t h e o r i e s never i n c l u d e d t h i s p r e m i s e ,  and t h e i s s u e of  p.  to  greater  power  process  over e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s than any o t h e r  19  form o f power ( i n d u s t r i a l l o b b i e s , because  i t was  f o r example)  The  assumption  that  most  citizens  d e f i n i n g t h e i r own b e s t i n t e r e s t s meant democratic  ethic  i n government  ( R i c c i , 1971, p. are  that  depended  conclusion  that  tolerant  and  (Thayer,  1971, pp.  stable  apathetic  democracy  citizenry—a  6-13;  Corry,  i d e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , the theory  incapable  stability on  a  p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y on t h e p a r t of t h e e l e c t o r a t e . the  attacked  c l e a r even a t t h a t time t h a t t h e v o t e r d i d not  have a v a r i e t y o f m e a n i n g f u l e l e c t o r a l c h o i c e s 61).  was  rests  and  a  lew l e v e l of This  on  puzzling  of  led to  a generally contradiction  1959, p.  85).  was denounced  by  from an some  who  f e l t t h a t i g n o r i n g t h e outcome o f t h e p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s i n f e r r e d that  existing  1971,  p.  policies  and p r a c t i c e s were a p p r o p r i a t e  61). This omission  deomocracy  has  from  comprehensive  (Ricci,  theories  of  been drawn t o t h e r e a d e r ' s a t t e n t i o n i n Chapter  1. David Truman added the concept o f " i n t e r e s t group" process theory more  i n an attempt t o make theory  congruent.  This  concept  and r e a l i t y somewhat  is still  d e m o c r a t i c t h e o r y , as w i l l be d i s c u s s e d  t o the  an i n t e g r a l p a r t of  later  (Ricci,  1971, p.  82) . The  next  phase  i n t h e o r e t i c a l development was marked by  F l o y d Hunter and C. Wright M i l l s ' works o f t h e e a r l y influential respectively. that and  elites  at  the  local  Hunter found i n h i s study  and of  1950's  national Atlanta,  a very few people c o n t r o l l e d t h e c i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l t h a t t h i s e l i t e group d i d not g e n e r a l l y d e r i v e  on  levels Georgia, actions,  their  power  20  from  formal  public positions  ( H u n t e r , 1953,  methodology-the " r e p u t a t i o n a l "key  informants"  "leadership  or  pool",  named who  identified  262-272).  Mills'  technique"—he but  only  1956,  to  pp.  1971, the  can  defined  be  mingling,  in  of  traced  political  community's persons  (Hunter, as  1953,  pp.  the " p o s i t i o n a l  accrue to the i n d i v i d u a l ,  by  the  democratic  "pluralist by  individual  to the  (Mills,  speculative  India point  Polsby,  theory  to  Robert  comprising  live  unit"  He  found  and  because of  in  that  e c o n o m i s t and  yet  more  without  Shepsle,  1972,  "lines  cleavage"  of  sometimes  occupational  and  force.  tribal  associations  was  integrated  survived  as  Whether t h e  a c o l o n i a l administrator  his conceptualization  this thesis  or  who  pluralism  and  exchanges  the  cultural  propounded,  external  two  side,  on  religious,  economic  influenced  by  Dahl,  Furnivall,  (Rabushka and  Such a s o c i e t y , he  an  side  h i s theory  linguistic,  North  scientists  "society  sense.  to  the  Though many p o l i t i c a l  society" as a  political  to  Wolfinger  of J.S.  inter-group  Netherlands  introduced  writings  which  due  and  e s p e c i a l l y when e t h n i c  F u r n i v a l l was  was  1939  orders  unit only  theory  school",  Dahl,  pluralist  F u r n i v a l l based  were p r o n o u n c e d . by  on  v  one  racial,  groupings,  that  impact  international  reflected  only  known  126-127).  birth  social  10-11). an  became not  the  having  interviewing  leaders  p o s i t i o n held  science  pp.  a "plural  elements or  in  major  political  attribute origin  of  other  power d i d  1960's work o f t h e  American  pp.  formal  next  (Ricci,  cycles  ranked  that  identify  of  His  10-11).  The early  by  technique  felt  the  and  81-105).  technique"—consisted  "judges"  followed  pp.  (Rabushka and  will  a  fact in  remain a  Shepsle,  1972,  21  pp.  8-11).  He  occupational that to  the  1972, but  of  groups  57).  and  i s not  This  (Dahl,  Nelson  s e v e r a l grounds. about  hypothesis  that  that  p.  stated  elite  systems  o v e r t i m e , and was  the  be  influenced  inertia,  political  r o l e s are  power-holding.  was  correct,  of the that  politically  and  Shepsle,  later  writings, work  Who  overt  In b r i e f ,  on  categorical  be  charged  found  analysis  He was  faulty  because  issues  with  human b e h a v i o u r  is and  contended  struggles  that  in  leader part  reputation  pluralist  1963,  He  individual  for actual exercise (Polsby,  change  them.  t e c h n i q u e of  activity  was  charged  c o n s e q u e n c e t h a n mere he  theory  further  and  power c h a n g e s  political  Hunter's  self-fulfilling  stratification  analysis.  can  that  was  reputational  since  of g r e a t e r  political  extent  model o f p o l i t i c s  dynamic—actors  because i t accounted  outcomes o f  elitist  social  d i s t r i b u t i o n of  arguing  and  t o be  especially critical  by  the  introductory  nothing  political  tend  i n Dahl's  politics—he would  to  identification,  for  that  Hunter's s i n g l e - p o i n t - i n - t i m e  political  by  (Rabushka  major  the  assumed t h a t  applicable  enhanced  was  277).  community an  his  attacked  He  b e c a u s e H u n t e r had directly  in  ethnic-  h i s p r i n c i p l e tenet  affiliations  concept i s found  1967,  Pclsby  weak;  i n d i v i d u a l s have a number o f  made e x p l i c i t  Governs?  were  t o s o c i e t i e s where  s u c h s o c i e t i e s was  "cross-cutting"  p.  assumed  his theory  associations  stability  which  relevant  did apply  of  pp.  theory power 113-  121) . Robert theory  Dahl  provided  i n his oft-quoted  an  empirical  case study  of  New  basis  for  pluralist  Haven,  Who  Governs?  22  (Dahl,  1961).  issue areas  The key elements are the f o c u s on d e c i s i o n s and  (the " d e c i s i o n a l t e c h n i q u e " ) , the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  a c t u a l and p o t e n t i a l differentiation  power  (the  political  "slack"  concept),  o f p u b l i c and p r i v a t e power s t r u c t u r e s , c o i n i n g  the phrase " p o l i t i c a l s t r a t u m " t o d e s c i b e those  persons  in  "resources"  public  affairs,  and  relating  i n d i v i d u a l and group power-holding 165, 226-228, 271, 279, Criticisms lacking  of  (Zimmerman,  Several  writers  1972,  feel  p..  implied  pp.90-102,  164-  225;  Bicci,  The  p.  same acceptance  competitiveness,  ( R i c c i , 1971i  and  pp.  meaningful  140).  through the e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s  Prewitt,  1970,  208-216;  of  and  limited  appeals  152-157).  choices  presented  pp.  1971,  t h a t p l u r a l i s m a l a Dahl i s n o t h i n g more  participation,  are  (Dahl, 1961,  a r e assumed t c be  ( R i c c i , 1971,  Greer and  implicit  p.  149;  M i r a r , 1964, p.  assumption t h a t a p o l i t i c a l c i t i z e n s are  with t h e i r government criticism  also  " s l a c k " and reflect  ( R i c c i , 1971,  casts  doubt  non-cumulative  on  pp.  Bachrach and B a r a t z  focussed  decision,  1971,  Haven study was  on  expressing  the  heavy  the  d e c i s i o n " — t h e p o l i c y or i s s u e suppressed  view  is  This  political  s a t i s f a c t i o n i f c i t i z e n s don't have p o l i t i c a l  methodology used i n the New  political  166).  concepts of  (Ricci,  68).  satisfied  r e s o u r c e s — p o l i t i c a l i n e r t i a may  which they c o u l d use i f d i s s a t i s f i e d The  156-157,  Dahl's  to  Democratic  David R i c c i f e e l s t h a t the s i n g l e major d e f e c t i n the theory the  to  the p l u r a l i s t t h e o r y of Dahl e t a l were not  r e f e r e n c e groups a p p l y norms  political  active  305).  than p r o c e s s t h e o r y i n d e t a i l . political  of  not  resources p.  166).  also attacked—:  emphasis that  the  on  the "non-  from p u b l i c d e b a t e - - i s  23  as i m p o r t a n t as d e c i s i o n s a c t u a l l y 1963, p.  pp.  163;  632-642,; a l s o :  Key,  1964,  Generally theory  was  political  conflict groups  power  not (lowi,  was  diffused,  the  pluralist  one  of  G r e e r and  Mirar,  does  scientists  are  centred  1967,  p.  What  are  group  liberalism"  The  of p l u r a l i s m , either  1971,  pp.  Bicci,  of  of  1964,  1971,  pluralist  n o t as r e s p o n s i v e , as  Dahl  Even  though  the  internal  74-76).  cr  had  despotism by  the  p.  Scott's  a  hope  sea that  (Scott,  of  to the  statement theory:  system i s  constitutional  equity,  1969,  of  justice,  p.  47;  and  also:.  65).  this  leave  currently  democratic  developing  on i n t e r e s t  groups  pp.  (or T u n n a r d s * according  i n terms of  in  group  politics  responsive  William  and  claimed  organized  of the democratic p o l i t i c a l  the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s  be f o r m u l a t e d  Earatz,  summary o f t h e weakness o f p l u r a l i s t  12; L o w i , 1971,  key f e a t u r e ,  was  egalitarian  comes o u t o f i t a l l "  Where  systems  224-225).  accompanied  good  as  conception  "islands  pluralism social  not pp.  provides a succinct  113;  criticism  system  be  p.  and  57).  i s indicative  membership  1971,  the p o l i t i c a l  1972,  may  Scoble,  (Eachrach  s p e a k i n g , the p r i n c i p l e  that  (Zimmerman,  p.  made  theory?  concepts  ( V e r b a , 1965,  74-76; T u n n a r d , o f what L o w i "partisan  cf  political  p.  1973,  468;  Lowi,  p.  103).  has termed mutual  to Lowi, i s that organized  Political  public  interests.  "interest  adjustment")? policy The  i s to  role  of  government  i s t o ensure a c c e s s of groups to the d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g  p r o c e s s and  to r a t i f y  groups.  t h e agreements  It i s therefore  little  r e a c h e d among  more t h a n a  participating  vulgarized  version  24  of  p l u r a l i s t t h e o r y (Lowi, 1967, p. 12). The  concepts  of  "legitimacy"  u n o r g a n i z e d groups a r e m i s s i n g from political  and  these  responsiveness to  constructions.  The  c o n t e x t o f c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n N o r t h America, as  outlined  in  Chapter  1,  suggests  that  legitimacy  and  r e s p o n s i v e n e s s t o the u n o r g a n i z e d must be ensured i n a p o l i t i c a l process  which  "reflects  the d i v e r s i t y of p o l i t i c a l  i n t e r e s t s of the population"  v a l u e s and  (from the g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s ) .  The  r e c e n t work o f p o l i t i c a l p h i l o s o p h e r s who attempt t o broach t h i s problem i s t h e s u b j e c t o f the next s e c t i o n of t h i s c h a p t e r . While t h e d e m o c r a t i c t h e o r y o u t l i n e d above i s a p p l i c a b l e t o a l l western democracies interpretation  varies  interpretation  has  organized  interest  Madison's  concern  dominance  of  1971, p.  among  stressed groups,  the a  6), i t s detailed  nations.  The  accommodation  thought  i n the F e d e r a l i s t  factions  Head, 1971, p. democratic  (Thayer,  Papers  #10  most  with  the  14). The Canadian i n t e r p r e t a t i o n propose  has  stressed  hypothetical and  interest  and modify proposed p o l i c i e s t o make them a c c e p t a b l e t o  interests  variations  (Whalen,  1960,  pp.  5,  193).  T r a c i n g the  i n t h i s theme and a p p l y i n g t h a t knowledge to d e s i g n  of s p e c i f i c p u b l i c s t r u c t u r e s i n v o l v i n g " c i t i z e n is  highly  (Madison, 1788;  p o l i c i e s , l i s t e n t o r e a c t i o n s from t h e e l e c t o r a t e groups,  of  which can be t r a c e d t o  i n small j u r i s d i c t i o n s  leadership—politicians  American  beyond t h e scope o f t h i s r e s e a r c h .  participation"  The p o i n t i s r a i s e d o n l y  to warn t h e reader t h a t a p p l i c a t i o n o f g e n e r a l d e m o c r a t i c t h e o r y to a s p e c i f i c  political  situation  reguires  further,  careful  25  research,  I I I The Responsive P o l i t i c a l Buckhart  Holzner  System  depicts  the p o l i t i c a l system as p a r t of  the i n t e g r a t i n g mechanisms of s o c i e t y , wherein among  subsystems  are  integrated  power  relations  (Max Weber's " s o c i a l o r d e r on  the b a s i s of i n t e r e s t c o n s t e l l a t i o n s " ) , and v a l u e i n t e g r a t i o n i s based on v a l u e s a s s o c i a t e d  with  In t h i s model, the l e g i t i m a c y nature  of  the  (the  daily  community). reflected legitimacy weakened  the  of  positions.  of government i s determined by the  a  lesser  degree,  the  i f value  differentiation  the  structure  and  ( a l s o : Bonjean, 1971a, p.  on  a  process  high  degree  of  government  differentiation  groups  among  (Holzner, 1967, pp.  59-60).  is  equivaluent  T h i s view i s  necessarily  value to  and  reinforced  by  intergroup linkages  for  example)  the  John  Perucci  the g r e a t e r the number  (or i n s t r u m e n t a l ) o r g a n i z a t i o n s  government,  power  disintegration  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of r e c e n t e m p i r i c a l r e s e a r c h by  and P i l i s u k , and Molt which s u g g e s t s t h a t  (urban  is  of s o c i o - c u l t u r a l unitv^ or on a high  i n t e g r a t i o n , nor  of p o l i t i c a l  not  24).  degree of s o c i o - p e r s o n a l  Walton's  is  power (or p o l i t i c a l ) i n t e g r a t i o n system, t h e  Holzner adds t h a t i n t e g r a t i o n i n s o c i e t y i s net based  operative  meshing of i n s t i t u t i o n a l o p e r a t i o n s and t h e  Presumably, in  defined  r e l a t i o n s h i p between the power r e l a t i o n s system  and t h e . v a l u e system, and t o system  culturally  in a  greater  power the  system  number of  and the denser the "power network", and thus  the more l i k e l y a r e p o l i c y outcomes r e f l e c t i n g the d i v e r s i t y  of  26  positions.  He  concludes  that  broad  participation  p o l i t i c a l system does not' i n d i c a t e d y s f u n c t i o n 326).  Consequently,  decision-making  be  not only  must  increasingly  i n the  (Walton, 1973, p.  t h e power  pluralistic  structure as  in  v a l u e s and  i n t e r e s t s d i v e r s i f y i n t h e community i n o r d e r t o approximate t h e d e m o c r a t i c i d e a l , but t h e p r o c e s s o f d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g i t s e l f must be p e r c e i v e d by t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s as l e g i t i m a t e p.  (Vrooman,  1972,  3; R e i n , 1969, p. 2 3 3 ) . Amitai  Etzioni  has  laid  a  philosophical foundation f o r  p o l i t i c a l l y r e s p o n s i v e and r e s p o n s i b l e government i n The Society  (1968),  He  terms  such  a  system  p o l i t i c a l c o m m u n i t y " — a community which coercive  as  Active  an " a u t h e n t i c  i s self-sufficient  in  ( l e g a l ) power, which can make s i g n i f i c a n t and e f f e c t i v e  decisions  i n resource  allocation,  politically  active  appears  be and i s r e s p o n s i v e t o b a s i c human needs  to  1968, pp.  668-669).  citizens  as  which i s p e r c e i v e d by most  legitimate,  and  which  both  (Etzioni,  T h i s concept i s s u p p o r t e d by A l v i n  Toffler  and R i c h a r d Sennett who argue t h a t t h e p o l i t i c a l system must opened—only  by  bringing  i n angry  minorities  be  and those not  b e n e f i t t i n g from t h e e x i s t i n g e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s a s f u l l p a r t n e r s can people come t o be i n c o n t r o l o f themselves p.  422; S e n n e t t , 1971, p.  (Toffler,  1970,  198). T h i s p r o p o s i t i o n i s c l o s e t o  Rousseau's b e l i e f t h a t freedom i s based on  obedience  to  rules  f o r m u l a t e d i n a d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s s a c c e s s i b l e t o a l l (Hart, 1972, p. The  610) . c u r r e n t concept of r e s p o n s i v e government appears t c be  t h a t o f p l u r a l i s m , e s p e c i a l l y i n t h e form  of  organized  group  27  competition  f o r p u b l i c support,  o v e r l a i d with t h e p e r c e p t i o n of  the c o n s t i t u e n c y t h a t t h e p o l i t i c a l system legitimate of  a  ( P r e s t h u s , 1970, pp.  pluralistic,  legitimate  109-110). political  and  government  are  The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s process  therefore  include: 1.  Competition  among c e n t r e s o f power and i n f l u e n c e  w i t h i n t h e p o l i t i c a l community. 2.  Access t o t h e p o l i t i c a l system f o r both groups and  individuals. 3.  P a r t i c i p a t i o n by i n d i v i d u a l s i n d i f f e r e n t k i n d s of  p o l i t i c a l organizations. 4.  P e r c e p t i o n o f t h e c o n s t i t u e n c y t h a t the  selecting  representatives  and  their  means  activity  of as  legitimate. The working  above  characteristics  hypotheses  research f i n d i n g s .  i n the  next  will  be  chapter,  used and  in in  developing analyzing  28  Chapter  4  P o l i t i c a l P r o c e s s and Community S t r u c t u r e : D e v e l o p i n g Working Hypotheses  I Comparative  Analysis—The  A simple  definition  people  living  3) ; t h e  use  different  of  9).  many  that  "social  units  structural  is  were a l m o s t  the  5). can  relatively rule until  Explanatory be  research  although  the  invaluable  A key  in exploratory  element  variables. the  The  nature of  pluralism  detail  the  of  and  on  what  is  v a r i a b l e i n the  political  exhibited  and  the  in  1968,  being case  process: legitimacy  the of  of  field  pp.  3-  science  communities studied), studies  is  172).  hypothesis  relative the  the  specification  general  p.  different  ( B o n j e a n , 1971a, p.  i n comparative a n a l y s i s i s  dependent  1963,  political  single-community  studies  "that major  in this  c o m p a r i s o n s between  u n i t , depending  rich  (Clark,  p.  function.  in  studies  in social  on  a social  of  be  among g r o u p s  processes  mid-1960*s  the  (Warren,  relationships  propositions  (or o t h e r  perform  is  systems"  performance of  the  more c o n f i d e n t l y b a s e d  definition  and  recent—case  1973,  i n d i v i d u a l s may  relevance"  Comparative a n a l y s i s of p o l i t i c a l communities  (Leissner,  s y s t e m s which  locality  r e s u l t i n g i n the  conglomeration  area"  A more e x a c t i n g  u n i t s and  of  suggests  individuals,  same g e o g r a p h i c  having  addition  definition  "community" i s "a  ways.  of s o c i a l  functions The  of  '«conglomeration" i m p l i e s  in  combination social  i n the  Variables  degree  political  of is of  process  29  as p e r c e i v e d is  by t h e p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s .  the p o l i t i c a l  value  system  The independent  of  t h e community.  s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a b l e s would i d e a l l y be c o n t r o l l e d value;  in  practice,  some  variable  approximate  A l l other  tc  the  same  standardization  is  unavoidable. C l a r k s t u d i e d t h e economic, s o c i a l , and literature  on p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s and d e r i v e d  s i g n i f i c a n t i n community d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g 22).  political  science  t e n major v a r i a b l e s  ( C l a r k , 1968, pp.  17-  These a r e : 1.  I n p u t s t o t h e community: t h e degree of autonomy of  the  community  i n decision-making  affects  the  way  incoming r e s o u r c e s a r e c o n v e r t e d t o o u t p u t s  (the s i z e  of  of  the  budget,  government f u n d i n g , 2.  r e s t r i c t i o n s on  C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of  the n a t i o n a l  society:  major  nations.  Demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e community: age,  size,  growth  occupational U.  senior  etc).  c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s among 3.  use  rate,  ethnicity,  educational  levels,  structure, etc.  Economic f u n c t i o n o f t h e community:  the  economic  base, d i v e r s i t y of employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s , e t c . 5.  Legal-political  elections, city  structure:  manager vs  mayor  ward  vs  at-large  government,  inter-  governmental agreements, e t c . 6.  Integrating  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of  mechanisms: the  political  p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , voluntary 7.  Community  values  the process,  structural such  as  organizations, e t c .  and norms: t h e s e i n f l u e n c e t h e  30  decision-making  process  by  limiting  the  range  of  "acceptable" p o l i c y outputs. 8.  Leadership  backgrounds,  characteristics:  demographic  leaders'  social  characteristics,  values,  interests,etc. 9.  The  "decision-making  interaction  among  structure":  political  actors  the p o l i t i c a l within  the  community i n i n f l u e n c i n g c h o i c e s among a l t e r n a t e g o a l s relating  to  m a i n t a i n i n g o r m o d i f y i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s or  f a c i l i t i e s that  involve  10.  outputs:  Community  the  majority  the a c t u a l  p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s , such as e l e c t i o n  of  community  r e s u l t s of the  results,  budget-  s e t t i n g , program a p p r o v a l s , e t c . C l a r k ' s c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s o c i a l and  political  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f a community a r e p a r a l l e l e d i n  Roland Warren's d i s c u s s i o n social  of  the  f u n c t i o n s of a community.  f u n c t i o n s having l o c a l i t y relevance  The  social  structure  and the  Warren i d e n t i f i e s f i v e (Warren, 1963, pp.  social  9-10):  1.  P r o d u c t i o n - d i s t r i b u t i o n - c o n s u m p t i o n systems  2.  Socialization  3.  Social control  4.  Social participation  5.  Mutual  support  f u n c t i o n b e i n g c o n s i d e r e d i n d e v e l o p i n g and t e s t i n g t h e  general  hypothesis  through  which  i s that  of  social  control—the  process  t h e members o f a community a r e i n f l u e n c e d by the  31  group toward The  conformity  political  social  process  control  control  by  w i t h i t s norms  and  the  is  one  of  integration  family  and  (Warren, several  are  by  1963,  p.  11).  p r o c e s s e s by which  achieved—others  institutions  include  such  as p u b l i c  between  political  schools. In  order  process  and  variables  very  important  municipal control  status  5, 9 0 ) .  legal  concerned  "community  by s e l e c t i n g  status  area  outputs"  public  governments. The  Both  local  land  1973a, p.  also  controls  i n Clark's  "inputs".  the  equally  which  receive  of  areas  T h i s has  in  Vancouver  have e q u a l and  "community  control  no  inputs"  i n that  is  coercive  revenue  powers i n l a n d  i n p o l i c y "output" i n  for  individuals  i s that  programs  and  and  Vancouver's  r i g h t s to tax  have c i t y - a s s i s t e d i n f o r m a t i o n  potential  local  4).  may be r e l e v a n t funds  generally  status.  areas  construction,  With  Milbrath,  development  development  do n o t have s t a t u t o r y  An i n p u t  organizations  example.  as  government i s  power i n l a n d  variable,  several  controlled.  bodies,  by t h e C i t y and which  insofar  selection  area.  constituted  two  be  t h e s i s and  have t h e same l e g a l - p o l i t i c a l  development, both a r e a s l a c k issue  2 of t h i s  To c o n t r o l t h i s  areas i n f a c t  other  should  area,  of the l o c a l  have c o e r c i v e  ( C i t y o f Vancouver,  This  or  Only f o r m a l l y  have been d e s i g n a t e d  similar  local  organization  governments,  should  of the l o c a l  and Warren  (see a l s o : C h a p t e r  been a c c o m p l i s h e d which  and  relationship  structure  by C l a r k  i n Canada.  selected  the  social  suggested  legal  pp.  examine  the  The  1965,  to  some  from  that local senior  centres, f o r  groups  to a c t  32  politically on  which  their  Council in  that  s u r v i v a l depends  context,  i s  p.  24;  groups  have  activities. daily  active similar  areas  i n  from  both  i n  and  7;  The autonomy  Another  the  National of  groups,  input  leadership  1973, p.  both  82).  areas,  to  Both  the  the distribution  to be  (Bonjean, areas  political  i n t h e community  on  area  their  of  city  television.  the relative  fund-source With  local  the funds  information-gathering  literature  and r a d i o  "inputs".  development,  and  are within  t o checking  groups  of  withdraws  1972, p .  variable.  and Babchuk,  distributed  newpapers  in  "visibility"  newspaper  Both  Subject  this  Booth  a community  27-33).  be i n c l u d e d  of  the  i f the city (Apostle,  1972, pp.  will  control  controlled  have  be c o m p r o m i s e d  of welfare,  confirm  1971a,  can  influence,  no  areas  autonomy  of  politically  t h e two a r e a s a r e  coercive  powers  are identical  in  i n lack  land  of policy  "output".  Clark's  "economic  characteristics",  production-distribution-consumption Warren's control  social  i n Vancouver's  economic indicators  base,  and P e t e r  city  and  suburban  i t was n o t  legal-political add  local  1971b,  Orleans  ecology pp.  are  Bonjean zonal  7-9).. that  scale,  were  to controlling  with  Some  in  more  to  difficult  suggests  early  that  work  differences  in political social  the primary o n human  the  characteristics  classification  some  are reflected  whether  structures  some l e g i t i m a c y  areas.  suggests  areas  clear  system  delineation,  a n d human  (Bonjean,  Greer  but  function  synonomous  a r e good by in  ecology  Scott inner  behaviour,  composition, cause.  size,  This  or would  indicators  33  ( G r e e r and O r l e a n s , areas  are  1962, p.  roughly  characterized  equal.  Both  In p o p u l a t i o n s i z e , areas  by a mix o f s i n g l e - f a m i l y ,  some l o w - r i s e a p a r t m e n t s ; arterial  645).  streets;  both  and b o t h  shown on t h e map i n A p p e n d i x  are r e s i d e n t i a l  B (City  areas,  d u p l e x - c o n v e r s i o n s , and  have c o m m e r c i a l  are adjacent  t h e two  land-uses  to i n d u s t r i a l  of  along  areas, as  Vancouver,  1973c,  p.  applied  to  22) . Human political model  ecology analysis  based  discredited,  concepts  (Almy,  on  have  1973, p.  biological  some c o n c e p t s  5;  are s t i l l  in  residential  1964, pp.  City  the  where  "integrating  no  teen  processes of  ( P a h l , 1968, p.  In t h i s r e s p e c t , both  single-family  "invasion"  Both areas  history  areas  home a r e a s  by  which  higher-density  o f each  area  does n o t  were i n c l u d e d w i t h i n t h e  legislative  level  can  In  1886  political  take  and  a  variable  i s related  legal-political  tothe  environment  o r a d m i n i s t r a t i v e powers a r e d e l e g a t e d by  place  associations acting  composition  well vary  mechanisms"  structure.  to submunicipal  voluntary The  by  largely  i n urban a r e a s — t h e  The p o l i t i c a l  differ.  legal-political  that  has  o f V a n c o u v e r b o u n d a r y , a s shown on t h e map i n A p p e n d i x C.  The  law  of  the s u b - s o c i a l  geographers  111,114).  process  uses.  significantly  While  urban  a r e s i m i l a r — b o t h were o r i g i n a l l y now  used  been  i n v a s i o n , s u c c e s s i o n , and.dominance  Reissman,  are  914).  analogies  to d e s c r i b e eccnomic a c t i v i t i e s competition,  rarely  bodies, only in  a  political  integration  through  individuals  legally  informal  o r g a n i z a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l  and be r e f l e c t e d  i n "leadership  at  and/or  fashion.  stratum  characteristics"  may and  34  "decision-making  structure".  researched, p o l i t i c a l generally  taken  The  both  communities  i n t e g r a t i o n at the l o c a l  place  a s s o c i a t i o n s and,  In  by  interaction  area  has  voluntary  more r a r e l y , i n d i v i d u a l s .  above s k e t c h of the v a r i a b l e s i n v o l v e d i n a c o m p a r a t i v e  structure  in  Vancouver's  i s s u e area must comparison  be  local  defined  areas  and  carefully  i n the next s e c t i o n ,  and  d e r i v e d i n the f i n a l s e c t i o n s of t h i s  I I S e l e c t i o n of I s s u e Floyd  Hunter  the  distribution  structure"  which dominated p o l i c y - m a k i n g  found t h a t d e c i s i o n s on p o l i c y were  political  for  a  This variable hypotheses  are  chapter,  c o n c l u d e d t h a t t h e r e was  96-97,  the  Area  studied  "second  social  controlled  working  A t l a n t a and  of  and  suggests that only  of K i t s i l a n o and Grandview-Woodlands.  i s discussed  57,  level  between  study of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s  groups  being  a single  More  recent  influence in  pyramidal  "power  at the c i t y l e v e l .  executed  s t r i n g " p o l i t i c a l actors  214-223).  of  research  through  He  numerous  (Hunter, 1953,  pp.  suggests  that  a c t i v i t y i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n f l u e n c e d by the n a t u r e of  the p o l i t i c a l i s s u e i t s e l f — t h e " i s s u e a r e a " — a n d t h a t a v a r i e t y of  issue  areas  comprehensive pp.  should  be  before  model o f the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s  573-574; Bonjean, 1971a, p.  Theodore Lowi c o n c e p t u a l i z e s power  studied  structures"—each  30;  Ricci,  constructing (Berk e t a l , 1971,  p.  a 1973, 163).  p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s as an "ecology  issue area i s associated  p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s behaving i n a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c way.  of  w i t h a s e t of There may  be  35  overlap  among  process p.  the  i n various  issue  that  the  analysis reveals issue  areas  t h e U.S. The  will  decisional  of great  process  have  (neighborhood example). context  political  in  I t i s most u s e f u l  Canadian  issue  experience  recent low  study  learn  the  Model  o f t h e Don D i s t r i c t  been  i n Toronto,  status,  (Social  103,113-122; Scanning  Planning also:  Vancouver  Grandview-Woodlands that  land  are  politically  Council Apostle, daily weekly  development i s s u e s  programs  that  issues. an a r e a  land In  found  that  issue period  Toronto,  a  generally that  had been o r g a n i z e d  of Metropolitan  in area of  1970, pp.  7; Hepo, 1971, p., 6 0 ) . and  newspapers  the  Kitsilano  confirms  are of great  a c t i v e a t the " l o c a l  the  urban  t o those groups over a  newspapers  in  areas.  and t h a t  1972, p.  this  program, f o r  researchers  proposals,  about  that  process  major  response  time  relations  self-governing  Cities  suggests  organizations  remained o f prime concern  specific  public  political  most r e s i d e n t s ' and t e n a n t s '  had  some  in  immediately  redevelopment  in  I t i s hoped  u n i t s with  have  process  something  i n Vancouver's l o c a l  i n terms o f s o c i o e c o n o m i c  to  political  have  590-591).  to study  d e v e l o p m e n t and r e d e v e l o p m e n t  (Lowi, 1964,  conditions  included in  political  researchers  of  i s to  submunicipal  corporations  of a salient  markedly  "neighborhoods".  been  the  c o n c e r n , such a s race  research  already  and  Other  technique  (Berk e t a l , 1973, pp.  be u s e f u l s i n c e  features  30).  the nature of o b j e c t i v e  purpose o f t h i s  political  groups,  a r e a s may d i f f e r  229-230; B o n j e a n , 1971a, p.  found  in  issue-oriented  concern  area"  and  the assertion to  level.  those While  who other  36  i s s u e a r e a s may  be i m p o r t a n t i n  the  local  area  context,  the  i s s u e area s e l e c t e d f o r t h i s r e s e a r c h i s urban l a n d development.  I l l L i n e s of P o l i t i c a l Cleavage: The  general  l o c a l areas interests  hypothesis  reflect of  the  the  population  "that  and  at  of thus  that  p o l i t i c a l processes i n political  values  and  have t h e p o t e n t i a l t o  level".  In  a  political  i n v o l v i n g l e a d e r s h i p , the h y p o t h e s i s i s r e c a s t to one  leaders r e f l e c t i n g  the  degree  i n t e r e s t s i n t h e community p.,  is  diversity  l e g i t i m i z e decision-making system  Working H y p o t h e s i s I  28).  variables  of  divergence  of  (Bonjean, 1971a, p.  values  of and  24; C l a r k ,  1971,  Referring  t o the p r e v i o u s s e c t i o n on v a r i a b l e s , the  relevant  here  characteristics  the  demographic  cultural The  latter  v a r i a b l e , the d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s s , i s r e l a t e d to  the  above  hypothesis  in  decision-making  and  process.  general  and  are  the sense t h a t the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s i s  p l u r a l i s t i c to the extent that l e a d e r s d i f f e r ( C l a r k , 1968,  p.  Determining  in  the  would be determined  this  and  by  political  research,  values  28) . most p r o b a b l e l i n e s of c l e a v a g e i n v a l u e s  and i n t e r e s t s i n the community i s more d i f f i c u l t .  issues  their  the  extensive  surveying  attitudes. lines  of  cn  Ideally, perception  S i n c e t h i s cannot  political  cleavage  this of  be done i n will  be  p o s t u l a t e d from o t h e r r e s e a r c h . Mack and M c E l r a t h p o s t u l a t e t h a t h i g h l y u r b a n i z e d s o c i e t i e s are  c h a r a c t e r i z e d by  three  broad systems of d i s t r i b u t i o n  d e p r i v a t i o n based on o c c u p a t i o n a l g r o u p i n g s , e t h n i c or  and  migrant-  37  status groupings, specialization  and l i f e s t y l e g r o u p i n g s .  of  labor  I n the f i r s t  i n i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y has r e s u l t e d i n  r e f e r e n c e groups f o r s o c i a l norms and p o l i t i c a l on  occupational groupings;  by  the  education,  and  mutually  tend  to  Class status  reinforcing  behavioural  differentiations  norms.  based  be  i s partially  v a r i a b l e s of income,  Ethnic  temporary  e t h n i c i t y remains r e l e v a n t much l o n g e r pp.  ideology  the o c c u p a t i o n a l s u b c u l t u r e can be a  s u b s t i t u t e f o r community s t r u c t u r e . determined  group,  and  migrant  phenomena,  although  (Hack and M c E l r a t h , 1964,  29-30). H e r b e r t Gans found t h a t s o c i a l networks i n t h e Boston  End  were  defined  (Gans, 1963, pp. Caplow  and  by  a  14-16).  Forman  c o m b i n a t i o n o f c l a s s and e t h n i c A similar  conclusion  most  of  the  The  lower s o c i a l 1971, pp. final  central  dwellers  to  status,  Italian  concentrated  because  of a f a i r l y  geographically  473-474).  dimension, city,  and  small  l i f e s t y l e , seems t o be a continuum family;  young  or  aged  apartment  the suburban f a m i l y groups, except f o r some e t h n i c  and migrant groups c o n c e n t r a t e d class  by  i n T o r o n t o — s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s were d e f i n e d by e t h n i c  people i n t h e community were f i r s t g e n e r a t i o n ,  (Jansen,  a  study  C l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was not a p p a r e n t , perhaps  uniform  from  drawn  (Caplow and Forman, 1950, p. 3 6 6 ) .  A s i m i l a r s o c i a l network was noted i n a  group.  lines  i n t h e i r 1950 study o f r e s i d e n t s o f married  u n i v e r s i t y s t u d e n t s ' housing  communities  was  West  dimension  near t h e c i t y c e n t r e .  There  is  i n h e r e n t h e r e — f r o m low o r working c l a s s t o  middle c l a s s (Hack and M c E l r a t h ,  1964, p. 3 1 ) .  38  The  r e l a t i o n s h i p between  values  social  structure  community,  even  though  it  is  h i g h l y s e g r e g a t e d from o t h e r urban 173-474).  A  recent  relationships  vary  s o c i a l l y and  groups  between  ethnic  no or  (Jansen,  religious  1971,  pp.  residents  of  significant  affiliations  ethno-religious  1971,  political  groups  pp.  36, 55).  attitudes  and  It  appears  that  McLemore, 1967,  p.  in  e t h n i c or r e l i g i o u s group c o h e s i o n  are  structure  at  the  between  groups  r e s i d e n t i a l area pp.  political  l o c a l area l e v e l may  r e s i d e n t i a l selection patterns. educational  tend  (Duncan and  90-92).  are  to  a l s o Gans, 1968, found  p.  Duncan, 1965,  111;  Rex,  1968,  social  that  pp.  occupational  i n s e l e c t i o n of 493-503; K e l l e r ,  l e v i t t o w n e r s t h a t people style  and  child-rearing  (Gans, 1967, p.  pp.  154-181;  219-221).  William social  i n t e r a c t i o n between n e i g h b o r s , r e s i d e n t s were of s i m i l a r  socio-  status  common l i f e  syles  even  t o t h e i r own  and  i n suburbs c h a r a c t e r i z e d by low  economic  that  and  be found i n c o n s i d e r i n g  concentrate  Gans r e p o r t s i n The  similar  values  I t i s known  g e n e r a l l y p r e f e r n e i g h b o r s whose l i f e practices  (Enoch  178).  A more d i r e c t l i n k  Whyte  do  consensus  not n e c e s s a r i l y the cause or consequence of the other  1968,  and  some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n (Laumann  Segal,  and  within  economically  statistically  p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s , a l t h o u g h a few indicate  values  s u r v e y of w h i t e , n a t i v e - b o r n  D e t r o i t i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e r e are  and  political  i s c o m p l e x — t h e T o r o n t o I t a l i a n community study r e f e r r e d  to above s t a t e s t h a t p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and the  and  and  tended t o s h a r e p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s and  (Whyte, 1957,  pp.  310-344).  Timothy  have  Almy's  39  recent  of  electoral  statement—residential  location i s  class  analysis  considerations  The  Webbers  c l a s s continuum aspatial intense of  middle  37-44). class  oriented"  If are  Michelson  oriented"  1970,  p.  ranging  perception  the  on  working  also  elite  (Webber and  Alford  a  from  the  continuum  on  i s on  intellectual  to  115;  based  population  space,  the  buying  and  The  that  subsequent  the  property  available  effect  tax  low-cost  was  housing  (Social  1970,  p.  a l s o : Bepo,  to  part  Webber,  as  upper  class  "home  and  Scoble,  development i s s u e s .  differentiation,  area  on  adjacent  pp.  63,  I i s s e t i n the  It i s postulated as  differentiation  the  middle-class houses i n  the  development  in  housing,  i n rent  and  working c l a s s people  i s more s i g n i f i c a n t l y  interest  other, In  were r e f l e c t e d  C o u n c i l of  population,  that  delapidated  values  needed by  1971,  found  to each  activity?  to commercial  land  Planning  Working h y p o t h e s i s  local  similar  increases  scarce 10;  in political  renovating  higher  more  and  in close proximity  Study, r e s e a r c h e r s  District.  value  of  describes  classes live  District  were  the  by  d i f f e r e n c e s manifested  T o r o n t o Don  in  use  n e t w o r k s and  "community  different  people  and  the  Whyte's  1204-1205).  these  and  that  "working c l a s s l o c a l s "  (Michelson,  pp.  partly  least  postulated  perception  call  at  914).  i n perception  they  confirms  p  localism in social  pp.  1968,  have  community  what  1967,  (Almy, 1973,  behaviour  Metropolitan  the became  Toronto,  67).  context  that c l a s s  of  than  is  land  differentiation  i n d i c a t e d by associated  urban  socioeconomic with  political  ethno-religious  40  differentiation. degree of local  Working  pluralism  area  level  differentiation  exhibited  current  i n the  local  capacity belief  in  of that  the  f o r the  institutions  the  criteria  distinct  that  from  political decision  governing  be  or  politically  24-25; S e e l e y , integration level, local  t e s t s of area  participants  p.  "legitimacy"  in  involves  the  and  maintain  institutions  are  second  degree to  i s the  f o r themselves.  which  The  are may  voluntary  the  third  include  the most  which  includes  morally  proper  (as  accepting  with is  1969,  the  only  a  the  (Bonjean,  associations  local different  coercive somewhat  area  at  of the  persons elected  local  limited  those  a  pp.  political  powers  government  from  that  1971a,  to a h y p o t h e t i c a l  some a  is  degree t h a t  context  the  283).  when o c c u p y i n g  positions In  p.  government  to  must a p p l y  This  real-life  act  public  364).  government  of  legitimate  legitimacy  somewhat  to c r e a t e  legitimacy  appointed  development c o n t r o l . information—a  The  influence  through  the  socioeconomic  first  repugnant)(Schaar,  i s only  1956,  at  c o r r e c t even t h o u g h some e f f e c t s o f  view o f t h e  political  The  institutions  as  morally  system  "real"  valued the  decision may  political  "appropriate",  A narrow  with  are  degree of  d e f i n i t i o n s of  system  society.  process  the  Process:  science.  political  existing  appropriate  the  "that  population".  three  political  the  wtih  area  I i s therefore:  political  Area P o l i t i c a l  Schaar i d e n t i f i e s  use  i n the  i s associated  IV L e g i t i m a c y o f L o c a l Working H y p o t h e s i s I I John  hypothesis  may  area  elected in piece  land of  attract  active  and  i n f l u e n t i a l i n voluntary organizations. life  local  legitimacy  area of  hypothetical  government  such  in  governing  In the absence of  Vancouver, structures  real-  the perception will  be  e l e c t e d l o c a l a r e a government with c o e r c i v e  of  of a  powers  as noted above. Working h y p o t h e s i s at  the  issues  local perceive  government  with  area the  I I i s therefore "that  political  actors  l e v e l c u r r e n t l y a c t i v e i n l a n d developmentlegitimacy  powers  of  an  elected  i n t h a t i s s u e area t o be  local  area  significantly  g r e a t e r than t h a t of the e x i s t i n g C i t y government system".  42  Chapter 5 Research Design  I Introduction The  two  chapter  working  require  hypotheses  four  sets  formulated  of  in  the  preceding  information for testing.  Both  hypotheses are t o be t e s t e d i n the c o n t e x t of a l a n d development i s s u e — t h e s p e c i f i c i s s u e must be d e f i n e d f o r each The of  f i r s t hypothesis internal  areas,  and  i n c l u d e s two elements: the r e l a t i v e  degree  relative  p o l i t i c a l process  respect  area.  socioeconomic the  determining  local  of  differentiatiion  between  each.  The  second  hypothesis  requires  the p e r c e p t i o n of each a r e a ' s p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s  to  the l e g i t i m a c y of an e l e c t e d l o c a l area  present  City  government.  The  with  government, to  that  of  methodology used t c s a t i s f y  i n f o r m a t i o n r e g u i r e m e n t s i s o u t l i n e d i n the of the  two  degree of p l u r a l i s m e x h i b i t e d i n the  with c o e r c i v e powers i n land development, compared the  the  following  sections  chapter.  I I S e l e c t i o n of Land Development In selected.  each  local  area,  I n order t o  equivalent  significance  following c r i t e r i a 1.  The  an the  land issue local  development having area  issue  was  approximately  population,  the  were a p p l i e d : i s s u e must have been p o l i t i c a l l y s a l i e n t t o at  l e a s t one 2.  one  select to  Issues  group of persons r e s i d e n t i n the l o c a l  area.  P o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y a t the l o c a l area l e v e l had  to  43  be  overt t o the extent of some a c t i v i t y being  carried  out i n p u b l i c . 3.  The land development i s s u e had to be r e l a t e d to  specific 4.  s i t e w i t h i n the l o c a l  The  land  area.  development i s s u e had to be a s p e c i f i c  p r o p o s a l f o r a l t e r e d use of land residential  p a r t o f the l o c a l  5.  The p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y  to  be  concentrated  to f i n d  the  a  persons  in  a  predominately  area.  at the l o c a l area l e v e l had  i n the l a s t two years involved,  and  (to be able  before  memories  faded)-. 6.  The  political  process  had t o have reached  form o f r e s o l u t i o n by the date of f i e l d 7.  The l e g a l c o e r c i v e power i n the  research.  land  development  i s s u e had t o l a y with t h e same body i n each 8.  The  participants  identified,  at  some  case.  the l o c a l area l e v e l , once  had to be w i l l i n g  to be i n t e r v i e w e d and to  d i s c u s s the i s s u e with the r e s e a r c h e r . The methods: Key  specific "key  informants  i s s u e s were s e l e c t e d by a combination  i n f o r m a n t s " and published accounts  the  area c o u n c i l  two  o f the i s s u e .  were the community development workers a s s o c i a t e d  with the area c o u n c i l i n each l o c a l included  of  local annual  area.  Published  accounts  area weekly newspapers, the Vancouver Sun, and  special  reports,  minutes of meetings and s t a f f r e p o r t s .  and  City  Council  44  I I I Socioeconomic  Differentiation  The r e l a t i v e degree o f s o c i a l c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n each local  area i n v o l v e s using socioeconomic  s t a t u s as an  indicator.  I t was hoped t h a t 1971 census m a t e r i a l on income, e d u c a t i o n , and o c c u p a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a t the census t r a c t available case.  for  this  purpose.  housing,  age s t r u c t u r e , mother tongue, and household  of  Vancouver,  area  has  population,  structure.  been  to  T h i s comprised  r e p o r t s of t h e  c o u n c i l s i n K i t s i l a n o and Grandview-  Woodlands, and s o c i a l s e r v i c e research  agencies. prevent  a  The  effect  substantial  on  relative  T h i s i s not a  degree  of  grave  internal  problem  vertical  this  degree  q u a n t i f i c a t i o n o f the r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s i n s o f a r as t h i s i s concerned.  be  was r e s o l v e d t o a s a t i s f a c t o r y degree by use of  r e s u l t s of o t h e r r e c e n t r e s e a r c h . City  would  U n f o r t u n a t e l y * t h i s was not the  The o n l y 1971 data a v a i l a b l e i s on  The problem  level  because  of  variable only  the  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of  two  l o c a l areas was r e q u i r e d .  IV P o l i t i c a l  Process  The n a t u r e o f the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s  was  determined  c o m b i n a t i o n of r e p u t a t i o n a l and d e c i s i o n a l t e c h n i q u e s . task  of  identifying  completed, the identify  "key  those  the  specific  informants"  residents  or  above  area  specific  was used  to  land  were  groups who  p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e and i n f l u e n t i a l a t the l o c a l the  area  development i s s u e b e i n g s t u d i e d .  establish  the  first  a  When the  l a n d development i s s u e was  noted  local  by  set  of  asked had level This  interviews.  to been in list Each  45  interviewee where  was  asked t h e same q u e s t i o n , and t h e l i s t  applicable.  sample—the  The  list  of  sample  interviewees  depending on t h e r e s p o n s e s o f (Kadushin,  1972, pp.  was  therefore had  were  questionnaire.  Each  conducted  the f i r s t  was  a  highly  asked  surrounding  and r e a s o n s f o r d e c i s i o n s made by h i m s e l f The  questioning during the interview  on  to describe  activity  i f applicable).  when no  structured  political  group,  emphasis  list  list.  without  interviewee with  on  Interviewing terminated  f u r t h e r c o n t a c t s remained on t h e expanded Interviews  "snowball"  t h e p o t e n t i a l t o grow,  t h e people  272-273).  a  extended  researcher  the  the  circumstances (and h i s  f o l l o w e d t h e l i n e of  i n t h e manner  suggested  by  Robert Dahl t o determine who made t h e d e c i s i o n s i n the p o l i t i c a l process  and  why the d e c i s i o n s were necessary  interviewee's goals was  paid  to  (Dahl, 1960, p.  attention  coalition-building  support,  process.  This  e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i d e n t i t y and i n t e r e s t s of l e a d e r s and  the degree o f  pluralism  ( C l a r k , 1971, p. other  26). P a r t i c u l a r  t h e nature o f t h e c o m p e t i t i o n f o r p u b l i c  i n t e r - g r o u p b a r g a i n i n g , and procedure  for attaining the  exhibited  i n the p o l i t i c a l  process  5 4 ) . Where n a r r a t i v e s were not congruent with  interviewees'  accounts,  to determine t h e c o r r e c t e d  r e t u r n telephone  c a l l s were made  accounts.  P u b l i s h e d m a t e r i a l s were used t o p r o v i d e s p e c i f i c dates key  events  and  similar  less subjective information.  i n c l u d e d both area c o u n c i l s ' reports  and  minutes  specific  events.  of  files.  City  meetings,  and  of  Vancouver  of  Sources staff  newspaper accounts o f  46  L e a d e r s o f g r o u p s were a s k e d funds, than  if  their  their  against  The area  membership.  perception  the  statutory type that the  of  was  Elected  respondent's  The  qualifications  the  by  source  sources  was  of  other  cross-checked  (area c o u n c i l  by  Area  annual  area  use  was  interviewee  put  including on  his  question  would  issues  a  have  of  the  you  feel  more a p p r o p r i a t e  than  followed:  would be  local  described  which  in  l e v e l f o r making s u c h noted  elected  briefly  government  question  government  of  of a s t r u c t u r e d  development c o n t r o l The  Government  legitimacy  researcher  local  Council  answer  Local  relative  consideration.  City  information  determined  elected  a l o c a l area  present  funded  where a v a i l a b l e  the  power i n l a n d  under such  of  interview.  hypothetical  their  f o r example) .  Legitimacy  government  during  This  material  reports,  V Perceived  identify  a c t i v i t i e s were b e i n g  written  financial  to  "Do  decisions?".  any  reply.  conditions  The or  47  Chapter 6  Research  I  Community  Profiles:  Information  Vertical  gathered  Woodlands and K i t s i l a n o other The  researchers  of  each.  Other  on  the  local  areas  the  areas  areas  interpretations  on  the  differentiation is  of Grandview-  amount o f 1971 c e n s u s  t h e two  information with  the  comprises both  socioeconomic  unfamiliar  Differentiation  and a l i m i t e d  i n t e n t i s t o compare  degree  F i n d i n g s and A n a l y s i s  material.  basis  of  the  i n the population of  included  to  give  sketch  of  general  a  of  the  reader community  characteristics. About 27,000 p e r s o n s l i v e was one o f t h e f i r s t century.  settled  i n Grandview-Woodlands.  i n Vancouver i n the l a t e  Most o f t h e homes were c o n s t r u c t e d  prior  as was t h e F a l s e C r e e k i n d u s t r i a l  area  side  C o u n c i l , 1972, p.  the  (Grandview-Woodlands post-World  influx  of  Area  War I I p e r i o d ,  immigrants,  chiefly  great  exodus o f t h e o r i g i n a l  Park  Area R e s o u r c e s C o u n c i l ,  numbers area.  of The  established Council,  and  serves some  i n Canadian  1972, p.  2).  area  has  Italian,  Anglo-Saxon 1965, p.  P o r t u g e s e and I n d i a n area  immigrants,  the  abutting  as  a  t o t h e 1920's  the area's 2).  permanent  life  The I t a l i a n  west During  a  great  correspondingly  population  (Woodland  More r e c e n t l y , l a r g e  i m m i g r a n t s have s e t t l e d  relocate urban  3).  nineteenth  absorbed  and a  The a r e a  residence  elsewhere  after  i n the  for  many  becoming  (Grandview-Woodlands community, c o m p r i s i n g  Area about  48  35%  of the  Victoria The cost  p o p u l a t i o n i n 1-961, i s c o n c e n t r a t e d  chief  Vancouver  attractions and  area  to the  to i t s r e s i d e n t s are  central business C o u n c i l , 1972,  (Woodland  and  Park A r e a  low-  district p.  p o p u l a t i o n as b e i n g  in occupational s k i l l s ,  conditions  2).  of A  predominately  relatively  low  Resources C o u n c i l ,  in 1965,  2) . The  are is  proximity  the  c h a r a c t e r i z e d the  l o w - i n c o m e , low  p.  of  (Grandview-Woodlands A r e a  study  housing  of  D r i v e , c l o s e t o Nanaimo S t r e e t .  housing  1965  i n areas east  1971  census r e v e a l e d  primary  t h a t about  family households  (where t h e  a l s o head o f t h e f a m i l y o c c u p y i n g  stock  i s approximately  dwellings  a  80%  of  apartments. occupied the  equally  (includes About  (Statistics  Greater  Vancouver  the  divided  very  few  the s i n g l e  Canada,  65%  1973;  Area,  between (City  and Clark  conversion and  of Vancouver,  area",  dwelling). between  attached  Commercial 1973b, pp.  a  A  to  newly-arrived  because of i t s l o w - c o s t business o f low  district.  and  In s o c i o e c o n o m i c  income, e d u c a t i o n  and  housing  single  family  dwellings)  and  owner-  large  portion  somewhat as  of of  designated  smaller  area  "apartment  area"  41).  immigrants  housing  The  Nanaimo i s  designated  I n summary, G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s i s attractive  household  Community S e r v i c e s  1973).  16,  households  f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s are  United  and  a l l  head o f t h e  G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s between C o m m e r c i a l and a "duplex  of  an  area and  proximity terms,  of  Vancouver  low-income to  i t is  occupational status.  the  people central  predominately  49  Kitsilano respects.  is  similar  Both  are  Woodland's 27,000 to  industrial  district  histories  are  dwelling  arterial  Both  streets  the  late  have  (Kitsilano  and  16, 4 1 ) .  These  Appendix  and  and  as  in  dwellings  also  areas  characteristics  differs  dwellings  roughly  ( C i t y of Vancouver, are i l l u s t r a t e d  on  is  are  single  map  pp. in  to  balance  being  r a t i o i n the s i n g l e  family  that  of  the  Grandview-Woodlands.  t o G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s ' 35%,  as  opposed  non-family  households  Vancouver  weighted  toward  Community  is  Area,  due  to  the  the a r e a ' s demographic  (United  1973). two  The  Community age  age  predominance  of  and  in  20 t o 34  compared  university  to  the  family  student-young  households of the  Kitsilano and o v e r  Area,  of  professional  65  1973),  households  concentration  predominance  structure.  Services  structure  groups  G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s , w i t h an a s s o c i a t e d parents,  of  S e r v i c e s of the G r e a t e r Vancouver the  significant of the  50%,  elderly  p. and  1973b,  the  one  About  aged  1972,  third  family,  the ownership equal  about  parallel  This  twentieth  "apartment"  characteristics  (United  single-family  early  These  is  settlement  from Grandview-Woodlands t o a  in Kitsilano However,  Greater  an  concentrations along  designated  housing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s — o n l y  apartments.  are  equally  b o t h have  Their  were s e t t l e d  commercial  are  C.  Kitsilano degree  several  Area Resources A s s o c i a t i o n ,  are  conversion"  district  nineteenth  retail  Both  boundary.  similar—both  Parts of K i t s i l a n o  "duplex  34,000.  one  in  i n population—Grandview-  business  abutting  in  equal  Kitsilano's  central  also  areas  centuries.  4).  the  Grandview-Woodlands  roughly  to  proximate  to  in  of middlethe  retired  groups  in  50  Kitsilano. Another  significant  ethnic composition. speaking The  ethnic  d i f f e r e n c e between the two areas i s i n  The o n l y  significantly  large  non-English  group i n K i t s i l a n o i s a s m a l l Greek community.  t o t a l non-English  s p e a k i n g group i n K i t s i l a n o comprised  than 20% o f t h e t o t a l area p o p u l a t i o n  i n 1971, compared  less  t o 45%  i n Grandview-Wcodlands ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1973). The  Kitsilano  population  i n c l u d e s a broad spread o f income  and e d u c a t i o n a l groups, and because o f the i n f l u e n c e associated  with  U.B.C. ,  ( K i t s i l a n o Area  Resources  Appendix  A  4).  and  Vancouver i s a t t a c h e d  Association, of  relevant  Kitsilano  to  significantly  statistics other  greater  structure  characteristics. significantly The  and The  significant  differences  Grandview-Woodlands  in  spread  household  population  is  more d i v e r s e i n e t h n i c terms than i s K i t s i l a n o ' s .  the area,  Process  significant  i n the e a s t e r l y  the a r e a of the s p e c i f i c l a n d development  i s s u e chosen f o r study i n t h i s  II P o l i t i c a l  of  than i s  with a g r e a t e r  Grandview-Woodlands I t a l i a n community, t h e most  of  areas  i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by  e t h n i c group i n t h a t l o c a l a r e a , i s c o n c e n t r a t e d part  comparing  socioeconomic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n  This i s associated  1  age  local  1967a,  as Appendix D.  Grandview-Woodlands . in  groups  1972; Mayhew,  In c o n c l u s i o n , t h e K i t s i l a n o p o p u l a t i o n a  people  a broad spread i n o c c u p a t i o n a l  summary  Grandview-Woodlands  of  research.  51  The  political  described  here  process  in  the  in  each  of  the  proposals  and  interests  p o l i t i c a l process. account  is  except  of  as  from i n t e r v i e w s , news  identify  various  are  stories,  the " s n o w b a l l  to  not  six  in  January and  Kitsilano. March, 1974.  was  warmly  and  retail Streets.  political  because  the the  garnered  other  sources  Interviews  were  c a r r i e d out between  Each i n t e r v i e w l a s t e d from o n e - h a l f  received  being by  5,  Grandview-Woodlands  about  one  hour.  to The  a l l i n t e r v i e w e e s , and a l l describe  and  explain  probed.  Grandview-Woodlands: Safeway P a r k i n g L o t  Extension  l a n d development i s s u e s e l e c t e d f o r t h i s l o c a l area i s  requested outlet The  at  In 1960,  Canada  and o b t a i n e d a development permit t o b u i l d a the  i n t e r s e c t i o n of  Safeway l o t was  Charles  spot-zoned from C1  s e r v i n g day-to-day needs of t h e immediate (retail  point  in  the Safeway s t o r e p a r k i n g l o t e x t e n s i o n i s s u e . Safeway  the  sample" method d e s c r i b e d i n Chapter  t h e i r r o l e s and a c t i o n s i n the e v e n t s being  The  is  chapter.  seemed t o make a genuine e f f o r t t o f u l l y  A.  of  participants in  petitions,  two h o u r s , w i t h the most t y p i c a l researcher  the  referenced  a t o t a l of f i v e people were i n t e r v i e w e d and  merits  an amalgam of the i n f o r m a t i o n  mentioned i n the p r e c e d i n g Using  the  Sources  written  The  from a p h y s i c a l or s o c i a l p l a n n i n g  of view are not c o n s i d e r e d values  areas  c o n t e x t of a s p e c i f i c l a n d development  i s s u e i d e n t i f i e d as s p e c i f i e d i n Chapter 5. development  local  and (retail  neighborhood)  Nanaimo stores to  C2  s t o r e s and b u s i n e s s s e r v i n g day-to-day needs bf s e v e r a l  52  neighborhoods i e : a l a r g e d i s t r i c t was  then  and  still  an  KS1  the  s t o r e was  to  attract  (single  i s surrounded  more  the  Hastings  nearby  and  problems  i n the  Safeway  i n the  in  City  i n the  In January;, p a r k i n g l o t so proposed  as  but  no  Canada  t h a t the lot  would  was  after  The  notice property  of  by  the  and  Woodlands  decided  opposite  side  area of  Grandview-Woodlands  Nanaimo was  were r e c e i v e d  frcm  to  parking the  extend  its  l o t , and  the  block  bounded This  h o u s e s owned by  had  been  by  would  Safeway.  City's Technical  to  Area  have the  Council  their  The  Planning sent  to  of  the  by  the and  development  r e s i d e n t s i n the  its strictest boundary  heard  community  done even t h o u g h t h e s t o r e i s not local  parking  owners.  (Michael Clague) c o n t a c t  was  at  problem  Streets.  application  and  taken.  original  the  Grandview-Woodlands  application worker  considered  1970  and  The  applied  Charles  was  C o m m e r c i a l and  store.  occupy a l l of  Kamloops, and  later,  congestion  o f C h a r l e s and  a c t i o n was  in  effect  In  Traffic  complaints  s t o r e , the  The  store.  1st and  Safeway  years  traffic  the  area  that  removal of s i x d i l a p i d a t e d  neighboring  This  area,  parking  application Board  Council  1972,  Nanaimo, W i l l i a m , involve  around  stores at  as e v e n more c u s t o m e r s came t o  individuals  operation. and  store area  dwellings  About f i v e  parking  immediate  The  family  Kamloops S t r e e t s were c l o s e d .  worsened  discussed  zone.  streets  city).  single  to a d i s c o u n t  customers;  problems developed 1971,  by  family dwelling)  converted  of the  within  the  definition,  street  Hastings-Sunrise.  store  Grandview-  being  (Nanaimo) The  area.  on  the  between  reason  for  53  intervening, Woodlands  as  cited  Area  result  the  parking  that  the  to the to  the  was  as  the  was  across  street  March,  Safeway a p p l i c a t i o n ,  Council  the  r e f e r r e d the  raised  help  working  of  concerns  Carlo  more  built  parking in  referred i t  more c u s t o m e r s store  and/or  The  person  a d e s i r e to  That  actively  individual  l o t and  had  lived  lived  in  the  area.  to  Board approved  City  Council  i n the  Augusti  area.  students  and  general  the  In  area  the  Area  a brief petition  arguing  Carlo  store  project in  with team  Community Community  i n physical planning  involvement  U.B.C., was  City  Commission  of the  Council's  the  because  August,  "Venture  involvement  The  from  drafting  organized  refusal.  T h i s p r o j e c t , the  P r o j e c t by  local  Planning  O p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r Youth  complemented  Information  policy  i n the  in  1960.  a p p l i c a t i o n t o the C i t y recommended  was  accessible  area.  the T e c h n i c a l P l a n n i n g  members o f an  members, p l a n n i n g planning  existing  opposition  of the  indicating  Carlo Augusti.  a petition  Collaboration", Planning  store  opposed  i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t some r e s i d e n t s were o p p o s e d .  which i n J u l y , 1972, August  b a s i s of t h i s  residential  those  but  organization i n  would t h e r e f o r e a t t r a c t  s t o r e was  1972,  no  Grandview-  so.  m e r e l y make the  from t h e  s i n c e the  were  was  the  s e v e r a l r e s i d e n t s who  The  adjacent  extension  there  t o do  of  l e a d i n g to f u r t h e r expansion  oppose t h e  In  that there  willing  would  by  the area  president  a r e s p o n s e by  leader  the  was  customer,  l o t into  regarded  or  then  extension.  extension  area,  parking  able  lot  motoring  the  Council,  Hastings-Sunrise The  by  of two  of the  i n researching f o r the  campaign and  team City  opposition.  managed  to  get  54  about  fifteen  C o u n c i l met Carlo Council  signatures  i n August, Augusti's  meeting;  application In  was  the  long-time  Movement  (TEAM)  lot  Once a g a i n property  the to  in  1973,  Carlo  urging  them  Technical  "broad  Planning  proposed  to  so  do i n the  the  application  but  the  the  City  matter.  most o f  a l d e r m e n , who by The  held  Electors*  The  the the  Action  a t an on  n o t i c e s to  Technical  to  the  householders  in  During  expansion  the  Area C o u n c i l  Planning  r e f e r r e d i t to C i t y  of  the  issue.  adjacent  opposition  reasons f o r the  the  the  spring  monthly  The  to  of  meeting  Area  need  and  Council maintain  area.  opposition  because  Board s e n t  to extend  first application.  because of a p e r c e i v e d  t h e a p p l i c a t i o n i n December,  C o u n c i l meeting  at  1972,  to the  changes.  spoke  a stand  Again,  perhaps  of  member v i s i t e d  to take  the  (NPA)  identical  to e x p l a i n the  Augusti  support"  unaware o f  fall  some i n d i v i d u a l s e x p r e s s e d  of the  not  spoke on  were d e f e a t e d  A Safeway s t a f f  show p l a n s  petition  a substantial majority.  i n the  Association  manner  immediate area  decided  election  by  City  a p p l i c a t i o n again,  Canada Safeway a p p l i e d a g a i n  a  owners and  proposal.  the  the  before  candidates. 1973,  the  to consider  Council  Council seats,  April,  days r e m a i n i n g  delegations  by  Non-Partisan of  parking  refused  few  presented  other  municipal  majority  In  1972,  wife  no  i n the  lack  itself.  1973,  generated of  Board  Council.  perhaps by  the  resident  approved Council  because first  opinion  the  approved  they  were  a p p l i c a t i o n and voiced  at  the  55  The r e s i d e n t s the  were n o t aware  application  decision letter  at  reached to  their  them,  December  several  application.  the  hearing  date f o r During  December,  an o p p o r t u n i t y  was s e t  1973,  and  residents  i n the  organized  by C a r l o A u g u s t i and h i s  parking  lot  extension.  The  traffic  congestion  parking capacity the  .  store i t s e l f ,  cease,  and  night-time  Safeway  the  him w i t h t h e  m e r i t s of the  night-time February; the  and t h e  premises.  first  shortly  customers*  The  s o l u t i o n to in  increased  group, of  the  should  be  the  of  parking off-street  supply  t o p a r k on t h e  reason  expansion;  for  the  effort earlier  to  Safeway  lot.  switch to  the  had  impressed  practice  cf in  new s t o r e manager a l l o w e d e m p l o y e e s  to park  cn  that  p r i o r to  his  trucks  of  meeting  reason  may be t h a t A u g u s t i and some o f  t h e y had been h a r a s s e d  complaints  cars,  objective  of  the C o u n c i l  to  Safeway  d r i v e w a y s o f t h o s e most etc).  were  a p p l i c a t i o n was b e i n g  after  a number  i n favor  public relations  A further felt  1974,  in  and  1974.  wife,  unloading  u n l o a d i n g was s t o p p e d  h i s neighbors the  Safeway  request,  The f i r s t  lay  a three-fold  researcher:  the  argued  a  was c o n d i t i o n a l : no e x p a n s i o n  employees  Carlo Augusti offered  sent  two g r o u p s .  t h a t the  The s u p p o r t  to  the  present a b r i e f  5 February,  switch  problem  consider  owners  to  January,  s t o r e a r e a formed  n o t e d — C a r l o A u g u s t i now f e l t and  at  to  When news o f  property  C o u n c i l agreed  briefs  was  meeting.  adjacent  Council requesting  opposing the  that Council  Augusti's  police trucks  active raised  processed  in a  by  (selective  about  opposing  the  when  vandalism  illegally  frequently  petition,  Safeway  parked  blocking  the  application,  s i g n e d by a b o u t  one  56  hundred  people l i v i n g  expansion. area  and  They  former  petition  the  g r o u p viewed  this  Augusti's  Council  the  choice  Several  other  parking  lot  meeting.  of  Joe  opposing  people  extension an  The  the  leader  as  the  a r e s i d e n t of present  F e r r a r a to  help  from  Safeway s t o r e b u t  the (at  should  argument t o C i t y Notre  of  being  the the  opposing  motivated at  not  the  Council. High  by  February  within  the  c l o s e to the  store  worker  (and  a  1972), w o r k i n g  member  closely  in  drafting a brief  the  Area C o u n c i l ' s  with  approval,  chose to remain p u b l i c l y  The should  customers, eventually  argument not  be  leading  o f t h e OFY  opposing  of  extended to  and  although  a  some  because  team  school  distance  petition to  development Augusti  assisted  body  get  petitions.  helping  This  local  was  in  Ferrara done  itself  with still  issue.  group  was  this  would  expansion  f u r t h e r encroachment i n the  both  community  that  the  Ferrara's  further  they  presenting  were a b l e  extension.  n e u t r a l on  Joe  lived  Area C o u n c i l ,  the  and  group r a i s e d a  Services  the  Finding  leader,  r e s i d e n t s signed  Neighborhood  former  allowed.  that  Grandview-Woodlands  among r e s i d e n t s l i v i n g  Some  felt  individual,  School,  The  John B r o u w e r ,  be  That  Commercial).  signatures.  store  articulate  and  ten  the  them i n o r g a n i z i n g  Dame R e g i o n a l  Adanac  c l o s e to  aggressive,  at  lot  of  chairman, to  spokesman  living  teacher  about  favor  d e s i r e to remain inconspicuous  without  approached  area  Andy L i v i n g s t o n e ,  Parks Board  February  in  meeting.  themselves  an  immediate a r e a ,  persuaded  Vancouver  at  Carlo  i n the  of  that  the  parking  attract the  residential  store, area.  more and The  57  problem  of  on-street  group's o p i n i o n was refused;  the  unloading;  (neighborhood  parking  was  identified.  t h a t the p a r k i n g l o t a p p l i c a t i o n  store  and  employee  should  that  the  continue  Safeway  commercial)  to  to  lot  prevent  use  be  residents  some  viewed  friction Carlo  between  fiugusti's  should  only  part.  However,  Carlo  the  exclusive.  Both  switch  of  factions—some objective  that  as a  work  on  A u g u s t i and Joe F e r r a r a both  groups  wanted  objectives on-site  p a r k i n g , permanent c e s s a t i o n o f n i g h t - t i m e u n l o a d i n g , assurance  C1  change.  two  s t a t e d t h a t they d i d n ' t f e e l t h a t each o t h e r ' s mutually  to  f u r t h e r s t o r e or p a r k i n g  c a p i t u l a t i o n t o p r e s s u r e and/or s l i c k p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s Safeway's  be  day-time  downzoned  l o t e x p a n s i o n without a p u b l i c h e a r i n g f o r zoning There was  The  were  employee and  some  t h e r e would be no f u r t h e r expansion of s t o r e or  parking l o t . On 5 F e b r u a r y , presented Council. a  their  1974,  Andy  r e s p e c t i v e arguments and  and  Joe  Ferrara  p e t i t i o n s before  City  A number of r e s i d e n t s from each group were p r e s e n t  show  of s u p p o r t .  C o u n c i l ' s subsequent d e c i s i o n was  the p a r k i n g l o t t o be extended and staff  Livingstone  to  downzone  the  to  instruct  Safeway p r o p e r t i e s t o C1  City  in  to allow planning  (neighborhood  commercial). The zoning  n a r r a t i v e ends here. change  C i t y s t a f f are  implementing  a t t h e i r customary pace, Safeway i s p r e p a r i n g  the to  expand i t s p a r k i n g l o t , and n e i t h e r group of p a r t i c i p a n t s a t  the  l o c a l area l e v e l a r e d o i n g more than keeping  the  proceedings.  a wary eye  on  58  B.  K i t s i l a n o : 13-Story H i g h r i s e  The  land  proposed  thirteen  intersection the  development  of  was  story  sponsored  City  apartment  the  zoning  Technical  Design  July,  refuse  structure  Board  three  story  contacted building  The been  in  Panel.  to the C i t y  to  a t the  citizens*  Canadian build  a  The b u i l d i n g  housing  project  by t h e p r o v i n c i a l  and use o f t h e b u i l d i n g bylaws,  first  but  area,  in  Beard  that  to the  the p r o j e c t Planning  on  Board  incompatibility  i n which t h e t a l l e s t Technical  faced  approved  the a p p l i c a t i o n  the T e c h n i c a l  The  went t o t h e  buildings are  Planning  a r c h i t e c t , vho r e f u s e d  Board  to scale the  stories.  indication  ("KARA" h e r e a f t e r )  Planning  referred  that  satisfied  because t h e b u i l d i n g  because of a r c h i t e c t u r a l  developer's  was  the a p p l i c a t i o n  The T e c h n i c a l  walkup a p a r t m e n t s .  down t o t h r e e  application  of the Royal  financed  i s the  On 8 May, 1973,  The D e s i g n P a n e l c o n s i d e r e d  surrounding  the  made  citizens  in Kitsilano.  f o rapproval  mid-June  the a p p l i c a t i o n the  applied  and p a r t i a l l y  1973, and recommended  with  Society  senior  and b u i l d i n g  Planning  project  civic  f o r senior  building  dividend  more t h a n one s t r e e t .  the  for Kitsilano  governments.  Although the  Citizens  Avenue and Maple S t r e e t .  by t h e L e g i o n  federal  selected  No. 178 B u i l d i n g  t o be a l i m i t e d  and  highrise  ("the L e g i o n " h e r e a f t e r )  thirteen  9  7th  Shalom B r a n c h  Legion  on  story  issue  f o r Senior  in Kitsilano  the  community  the second  Kitsilano  that  an  application  Area R e s o u r c e s  had  Association  w o r k e r , Dave  Todd,  heard  week o f J u l y ,  1973.  A KARA  of  the  bulletin  59  was p r i n t e d newspaper  on 19 J u l y Around  m e e t i n g t o be h e l d  and d i s t r i b u t e d i n K i t s i l a n o w i t h  Kitsilano.  KARA  on 26 J u l y .  At t h a t  Todd, two v i e w s were e x p r e s s e d in  favor  called  of the project  Technical  Design  application. refused the  Planning  by p e r s o n s  The Board  Board  by Dave  attending—some A second  proposed  met on 27  recommendation felt  that  s o l e l y on t h e b a s i s  were  meeting  was  structure  to  the  July  and  refuse  the  Legion not  be  of a r c h i t e c t u r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s ,  as  satisfied  project  received  the  The a p p l i c a t i o n was s e n t  should  building  and  zoning  back t o t h e D e s i g n  Panel  i t s reconsideration. Several  meeting  in  developer's needed  site  the  different Kitsilano,  a  pensioner  o f the proposed Her  i s  covering  most o f t h e s i t e  block  living  needed  the  to  chaired  f o r the living  citizens  the  Dave  Todd.  project  elderly.  A  badly  views  was t h a t  and  a  a  badly  Mrs. G e r t r u d e  provide  Shelagh  argued  unsuitable  of  structure  fewer  units but  enjoyed  against housing  highrise  favor  housing f o r the  Day, a l s o  strongly  be t h e f i r s t  in  three-story  a i r circulation  area.  the s i t e ,  and would  that  low-cost  would n o t o n l y and  as  The  i n an a p a r t m e n t b u i l d i n g n e x t t o  b e c a u s e t h e h i g h r i s e would be an senior  by  a t t h e 2 August  h i g h r i s e , spoke s t r o n g l y  o f t h e immediate  close  were e x p r e s s e d  defended  argument  elderly  residents  again  facility  project.  would  opinions  representative  housing  Campbell, the  information  meeting, c h a i r e d  and some o p p o s e d .  Panel's  requirements. for  an  f o r 2 August.  The the  advertised  KARA' s  a  ty the resident  the p r o j e c t form  for  i n t h a t area of  60  Kitsilano  and would  Jacques  Khouri,  Committee  ("WBCC" h e r e a f t e r ) , s p o k e a g a i n s t t h e p r o j e c t  same g r o u n d s . meeting  therefore representing  I t was d e c i d e d  of a l l interested  Corporation  At  this  organizing  parties  time,  August,  opposition  Campbell  the  Design  the developer,  city  ( C e n t r a l Mortgage  and  Centre  Panel  with Shelagh  provided  f o r the  reaffirmed their  a strong  Bay i n WBCC  on 4 t h Avenue.  The a p p l i c a t i o n  with  proper  petition.  began  Her argument  were b a d l y  needs.  She  on t h e  be made t o a r r a n g e a  working  S p a c e was  to the proposal.  proposal.  the  Citizens*  original  was r e t u r n e d  reaffirmation  of  to the their  recommendation.  Mrs.  units  institution  Information  T e c h n i c a l P l a n n i n g Board adverse  Broadway  including  Dave Todd began  a p r o t e s t group.  6  West  precedent.  (CMHC) ) .  o r g a n i z e r s i n t h e KARA On  the  undesirable  t h a t attempts  g o v e r n m e n t , and t h e f i n a n c i n g Housing  s e t an  to was  a group  unchanged:  campaigned  the  Most o f h e r s u p p o r t  made h e r f e e l i n g s  immediate  came from  known t o t h e L e g i o n  housing  and t h e h i g h r i s e was  because o f l i g h t  in  i n favor of the  the low-cost  needed by s e n i o r c i t i z e n s ,  use o f t h e s i t e  She  organize  and a i r c i r c u l a t i o n area  other  to  senior  raise  a  citizens.  t o encourage  them  to  proceed.  A m e e t i n g was a r r a n g e d  f o r 15 A u g u s t i n a c c o r d a n c e  decision  made a t KARA's 2 August m e e t i n g .  Shelagh  Day, Mrs. C a m p b e l l ,  Harcourt,  with t h e  Participants included  Dave Todd, J a c q u e s K h o u r i ,  a CMHC r e p r e s e n t a t i v e ,  and  the Legion's  Alderman  architect.  61  There  was  no  indication  representatives Alderman  Harcourt  discussions, building  and  and  intervention refuse  Mrs.  that  the  failed  part  project  that  on C i t y C o u n c i l ' s  called  Campbell  did  not  Jacques  to form a u n i t e d  be  the  Legion's  left  part  Khouri,  opposition  and  her  Day, d e s c r i b i n g  that  would r e m a i n  concentrated  on  Their  deliberate  Maple  proposal,  the the  desire  issues  opposition  present  His herself  ("KCC"  Kitsilano,  that  area  and  t o Khouri,  had  and a l o n g  involved  WBCC i n o t h e r the  not  motion as t h e  hereafter)  independent.  t o become  according  to  of  in  decision  t o strengthen  were  WBCC's members a t t h e t i m e l i v e d  Broadway and MacDonald a r e a  can  16 A u g u s t .  those  under WBCC l e a d e r s h i p .  stated  a l l of  day,  urged  o f t h e " K i t s i l a n o C i t i z e n s ' Committee"  Virtually  Council  supporters  leader  her group  with  grounds).  t h e WBCC l e a d e r ,  no s u p p o r t , and S h e l a g h  further  potential f o r  though  a meeting f o r t h e next  attend,  for  compliance  little  (even  and CMHC  reconsidered.  a common g r o u n d  any p e r m i t on g e n e r a l  Day  o f t h e Legion  would  find  bylaws  Shelagh  received  the  to  stated  zoning  virtually  evident.  on  i n the  previously  West Broadway.  in  t h e 7 t h and  was b a s e d  on two f a c t o r s :  parts  K i t s i l a n o , and  unprecedented  of  construction  of the  highrise.  The August,  Technical  and c o n s i d e r e d  to t h e h i g h r i s e . be  Planning  approved  Design Panel,  Board  met  the  t h e Design Panel's  The B o a r d  and, b e c a u s e  still of  felt the  following  reaffirmed  that t h e lack  day, 17 opposition  project  o f agreement  r e f e r r e d t h e a p p l i c a t i o n to C i t y C o u n c i l  should with the for  i t s  62  mid-September Shelagh a petition  meeting. Day a n d t h e KCC began  of opposition  She  also  wrote  Todd  assisted  letters  t o present a t the City to City  i n these  to prepare a b r i e f  staff  an  independent  stopping  opposition  There  Day f e l t  political  motive  trying  undermining  theclaim  inactive, and  to  in  being  t h e WBCC  of  that  campaign  the project.  KARA,  that  "representative"  prepared  a  brief  meeting.  some  friction  Day's d e c i s i o n  Khouri  build  at  was  prejudiced  that to  Council  t o e x p r e s s h e r v i e w s ; Dave  activities.  between Day and K h o u r i : K h o u r i f e l t  and r a i s e d  a  t o mount  the chances c f  had  an  ulterior  coalition-—perhaps  time  leaderless  o f t h e community.  and  raised  a  and  Khouri  petition  in  Kitsilano.  At views  the  Council  were a p p a r e n t .  petition,  v  City  i n mid-September,  S h e l a g h Day p r e s e n t e d t h e KCC  s u p p o r t e d by t h e p r e s e n c e o f a b o u t  WBCC  position  about  one  heard.  meeting  was  hundred  presented  by  supporters.  C o u n c i l approved  fifty  the three brief  and  members.  The  Jacgues K h o u r i , backed  Mrs. Campbell's  the Legion a p p l i c a t i o n  up by  petition  was  by a s i x t o f o u r  vote,  After  t h e September  meeting  of Council,  KCC  both determined t o persevere i n t h e i r  of  forcing  the developer t o halt  t h e WBCC and t h e  activity  the project.  i n the  However,  and t h e WBCC b r o k e away f r o m KARA  assistance  with  The WBCC e s t a b l i s h e d  Day's  group  information  centre  Nathan  .Karmel,  intensified. close a  to  t h e KARA  community  and  centre,  organizer  the  In  sponsored  hopes Khcuri  friction t h e i r own addition, by t h e  63  Neighborhood S e r v i c e s KARA,  began  focus  Association  working  with  and  WBCC.  WBCC  a confrontation  called  a  public  petition  signed  CMHC's b r a n c h number The  of  by  about  organizations  continue.  Karmel  go  to  Victoria  since  organized  This  to  that  put  done  and  City  Council  hinting plans  that  the  A  to the project  Day  on of  and  the  Nathan  provincial  funding  25 O c t o b e r ,  severely  on  i n c l u d i n g Day's KCC.  Shelagh  MLA's,  meeting—a  secretary.  resistance  area  Jacques  and p r e s s u r e  regional  Rosemary Brown, t h e B u r r a r d criticizing  people  pressure  on  spent  organization.  the Council  the p r o v i n c i a l share  was  with  group  f o r 12 O c t o b e r .  were r e p r e s e n t e d ,  that  the  that  s i x hundred  I t was r e s o l v e d  government t o r e f u s e project.  with  manager and t h e L e g i o n ' s  p a r t i c i p a n t s agreed  should  CMHC, and  meeting  K h o u r i spoke on h i s g r o u p ' s a c t i o n  connected  WBCC's campaign now began t o  on t h e f i n a n c i n g i n s t i t u t i o n ,  October o r g a n i z i n g  loosely  f o r the  Norman L e v i and  released  a  statement  f o r i t s d e c i s i o n and  t h e p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n m e n t would r e v i e w  its  funding  f o r the project.  Nathan  Karmel  and  Jacques  organizations  i n Kitsilano to  Most,  twenty,  about  Khouri urged  support  in  i t s campaign.  d i d e n d o r s e WBCC's s t a n d ,  and a v e r y few  (the K i t s i l a n o R a t e p a y e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n However, ensuing  none  political  Jacques demonstration intended  of  these  included)  were  opposed.  g r o u p s became a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d  i n the  activity.  Khouri at  WBCC  a number o f c i v i c  and  the  Nathan  CMHC  appearance before  Karmel  branch  were  office  City Council.  working  on  a  i n V a n c o u v e r and an  S h e l a g h Day  and  Dave  64  Todd  found  sessions  themselves  and f e l t  enhance  that they  WBCC's  organizing  of  excluded  were  A  demonstration the  from s t r a t e g y  being  credibility.  the  Employees  being  was  manipulated  WBCC  public  called  fcr  to  Printed  demonstrators  instructions  for  instructions  {switchboard  1^H£2^I^E  on  jamming,  instructions  were p r i n t e d  Sun, causing  thereafter.  one  to  disrupt  i n the  the  and CMHC roles,.  distributed,  CMHC  operations  The f o l l o w i n g  day,  d a i l y Wasserraan c o l u m n  K h o u r i some embarassment form  of  a  for  November.  observer were  to  but  in  the  gaining  television  the  interview  refused  p e t i t i o n and b r i e f ,  these  Jacques  putting  him  week.  November.  The  at  branch  CMHC t o o k office  members and CMHC's o p e r a t i o n s manager.  t o demands citizens*  to  Bob F o r d , hold  a  cooperating  disagreed occasions.  was  were d i s r u p t e d  meeting  next  picketted  with  the  day,  22  by WBCC and KCC  to a  met w i t h K h o u r i b u t  Day,  the  KCC,  with Jacques  fell on  the  KARA,  into  KARA,  Khouri,  S h e l a g h Day w i t h d r e w from t h e group  p l a c e cn t h e  degree.  refused  developer  The  to  yield  and  the  groups.  Shelagh  her  meeting 20  That e v e n i n g , C i t y C o u n c i l  The d e m o n s t r a t i o n  branch  passive  example).  K h o u r i p e r m i s s i o n to p r e s e n t the off  be  how  for  g r o u p some p u b l i c i t y i n shortly  solely  Greater Vancouver R e g i o n a l D i s t r i c t  were p r e s e n t i n what a p p e a r e d  including  planning  the  of  Dave  WBCC,  and  political  disuse.  merit  and  Dave the  WBCC  Todd now Nathan  Karmel.  a c t i v i t y and t h e Todd  and  without a chairman since J u l y ,  name o f  Nathan  campaign  on  finally  ceased  Karmel  numerous elected  65  a  new  leader  i n November (Gavin Perryman) but d i d not t a k e a  p u b l i c stand on t h e developed The  issue.  Privately,  considerable  friction  between the KARA and t h e WBCC l e a d e r s . focus  of p o l i t i c a l  a c t i v i t y on both KARA and WBCC's  p a r t s h i f t e d t o t h e upcoming debate on the g e n e r a l downzoning o f K i t s i l a n o to exclude h i g h r i s e s . in  WBCC maintained  some  pressure  t h e form o f l e t t e r s and r e g u e s t e d meetings w i t h CMHC and i n  reminding t h e p r o v i n c i a l earlier  statements  g e n e r a l meeting tactics  be  on  government provincial  about  Levi  funding.  and Brown's  At the February  o f t h e WBCC, i t was r e s o l v e d t h a t  used  t o stop  any and  a l l  t h e two h i g h r i s e s then proposed f o r  K i t s i l a n o , i n c l u d i n g the one a t 7 t h and Maple. The p r e s s u r e on the p r o v i n c i a l government- t o funding its  a p p a r e n t l y was e f f e c t i v e .  funding  to a  arrangement.  This  federal  g i v e n by a s i x t o f i v e vote meeting.  City  sharing  uneventful  5  March  The WBCC d i d n o t s w i t c h t h e i r f o c u s from CMHC back t o  Audain,  a t 7 t h and Maple.  On  7  March,  WBCC  met  with  t h e p r o v i n c e ' s housing a d v i s e r , t o d i s c u s s t h e  two h i g h r i s e b u i l d i n g s proposed  informed  cost  C o u n c i l a p p r o v a l , which was  at Council's  C o u n c i l s o l e l y f o r t h a t meeting. Michael  The L e g i o n d e c i d e d to change  government-legion  required  withdraw i t s  f o r K i t s i l a n o , i n c l u d i n g t h e one  Alderman H a r c o u r t , p r e s e n t  t h e group  that  a t the  meeting,  b u i l d i n g and development p e r m i t s had  been i s s u e d t o t h e L e g i o n f o r i t s p r o j e c t . The WBCC  p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y on t h i s i s s u e may not be over  yet—  i s c o n t i n u i n g i t s campaign t o s t o p the p r o j e c t by p r e s s u r e  on t h e L e g i o n , h a r a s s i n g t h e L e g i o n  Shalom  Branch  president's  66  construction pressure local  company  on CMHC.  at i t s  other  construction  I t i s apparent t h a t  t h e WECC  sites,  i s the only  a r e a group s t i l l a c t i v e i n t h i s s p e c i f i c i s s u e .  concentrated campaign  i t s a c t i v i t y on the downzoning debate  f o r l o c a l area planning  for Kitsilano.  and  KARA has  and on the WBCC has been  somewhat l e s s a c t i v e i n those two a r e a s . C.  Analysis  One  task i n v o l v e d i n t e s t i n g working  determine  the r e l a t i v e  degree  studied.  criteria  As  suggested  used t o determine  competition  level  i n Chapter  t h e degree  27, t h e  and p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f  organizations.  f i r s t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s competition  in  that  more  than  one p o s i t i o n i n the r e s p e c t i v e i s s u e s was  articulated.  involved  only  I n Grandview-Hoodlands,  one p o l i t i c a l parking  second  switched  round,  that  f a v o r o f the o p p o s i t e  person  a  the i n i t i a l  position—that  of  l o t extension.  Carlo  I n the  to p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n  p o s i t i o n , and was a b l e t c b u i l d a s t r o n g e r  s u p p o r t group than he had p r e v i o u s l y . found  by d i f f e r e n t groups  C o m p e t i t i o n i n both l o c a l a r e a s was e v i d e n t  A u g u s t i i n o p p o s i t i o n t o the  new  The former s u p p o r t e r s  of  l e a d e r i n Joe F e r r a r a , and campaigned i n  o p p o s i t i o n t o the p r o p o s a l . and  page  political  public support.  Augusti  3,  among c e n t r e s o f i n f l u e n c e , a c c e s s t o the  for  phase  i n r e s o l v i n g the  include:  individuals i n different p o l i t i c a l  politically  i s to  of p l u r a l i s m  system f o r both groups and i n d i v i d u a l s ,  The  I  of pluralism exhibited i n the  p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s a t the l o c a l a r e a issues  hypothesis  The d i f f e r e n c e i n p o l i t i c a l  value  i n t e r e s t of the two groups on the i s s u e was n o t so g r e a t as  67  to  prevent  Augusti  f r o m t a k i n g what a p p e a r s t o  stand.  Leaders  of  pursuit  of  same  expanding traffic  the its  and  on  solution  c o n d i t i o n s on  In  on  Augusti's  the  wider.  elderly  part and  and  of  the  form Day  those  Mrs.  Campbell.  considerable support Khouri's  WBCC were t h e  Council  had  was  In  not  both  and  Day  three  local  areas,  t h e r e was  Grandview-Woodlands,  signatures  for  petitions  arguments t o C i t y the  housing  of and  and  the  most  the  site.  their  groups  opposed  able  although  for  to  muster  Day's KCC  after  to  the  and City  The d i f f e r e n c e  interests  in  the  great.  In  urged  the  use  p r o j e c t i n September.  support.  their  i n f a v o r of  t o be  active  i n terms o f v a l u e s  l o t with  is  felt  were  petitions,  short-  positions  diametrically  only groups s t i l l  approved the  between K h o u r i  All  for their  was  Jacques Khouri were  their  unloading).  political  h i g h r i s e was  of a  solution  parking  need f o r l o w - c o s t  and  in  expedient  the  for residential  t o e a c h o t h e r and  of  an  Campbell's stand  because  Shelagh  to  in  frcm  neighborhood  of a long-term  night-time  of  store  difference  (extending  range  Mrs.  architectural  views  one  opposite  were b o t h  the  the  major  (downzoning) o p p o s e d  were s i m i l a r  issue  preventing  The  an  that they  relieving  because of the p e r c e i v e d  suitable The  and  employee p a r k i n g  considerably  the  objective:  problem.  Kitsilano,  project  felt  o b j e c t i v e s a p p e a r s t o be  Ferrara's part  term  groups  operations  parking  respective  both  be  Area  and  both  open  both factions  Council; also.  C o u n c i l to take a  public competition  Carlo  p u b l i c stand  factions  for  sought  publicly  presented  Augusti  publicly  on  the  issue.  In  68  Kitsilano, keener.  the  competitive  struggle  At v a r i o u s times, both  public  meetings  to  rally  f o r public  t h e KCC and WECC l e a d e r s  support  Activity  included  t o form a u n i t e d f r o n t  Petition-raising also  observed  and  at  for  organizations. appeals  at  public  i n the Kitsilano  least  their  one  of  The p o l i t i c a l  by  WBCC  Access  KCC i n h o l d i n g  the  tc  individual of  them  in  a  the  political  process.  and t h e i r  delegation  few a c t i v e  area  before  the local  group, p l u s reserves, appear  political Each his area  activity  area.  public  be  political  system.  councils,  a  petition,  T h i s took meetings.  at the local  t h e form  to  access  the  and  the  area  two  on t h e b a s i s door t o  appearing  door as  found  a in  some show o f s u p p o r t of a p e t i t i o n large  by e a c h  financial  t o t h e media d i d n o t  significant  impact  in  the  level.  the leaders interviewed i t s funding  from  Significantly or  local  t o have a c c e s s t o  The same p a t t e r n was  by d e v e l o p i n g  second  I n both  participants solely  Council.  prerequisites  g r o u p was from  the  Grandview-Woodlands,  memberships,  activity of  in  because o f t h e  i s  supporters going  was a s s u r e d  large  to  raising City  Kitsilano—access in  In  l e a d e r s were a c t i v e  small  process  p u b l i c meetings t o  i n d i v i d u a l s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s appeared  political  meetings  political influence.  characteristic of a pluralistic areas,  the  C o u n c i l were  activity  their  respective  presentation to City  t o have b e e n more c o m p e t i t i v e  strengthen  called  leadership.  i s judged  and  was  WBCC  case.  under  Kitsilano  both  support  source,  was a s k e d  how i n d e p e n d e n t  i f applicable.  G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s Area  Only  the  C o u n c i l and KARA,  69  have any e x t e r n a l Council grant  funding  information and  centre  a l l other  worker  involved  full-time  s e r v i c e agencies.  grants  from  community KARA  paid  Vancouver.  worker  working  Centre, Also,  Centre  a s an a r e a issues.  groups opposing  the respective  giving  of  a  political  the Secretary  Services  faction  i s a covert  Grandview-Woodlands  a type of c o a l i t i o n  The  fact  that  development  political  A l Stusiak,  party  Council  City  of the a c t i o n  dominated  merits  public  both  a  workers, view  leader  president  of  probable  "inadverdently" would  that  approved  the  second  have been d i f f e r e n t .  the  t o one  is  taken,  group  formed  o f t h e Grandviewthe  was TEAM-dominated I f t h e Area  i t s activity  the  activity.  by t h e i n f l u e n c e o f i t s TEAM l e a d e r s h i p ,  quite  sense,  and F e r r a r a ' s  round, o f t h a t  scrutiny.  cases,  worked w i t h t h e  In  I f that  the then  i s also  that  d i d net take  t h e community  Area C o u n c i l  with  at t h e  workers  action.  i n t h e second  had one  (which  applications.  Woodlands A r e a C o u n c i l , and  and KARA  council)  by  o f S t a t e , and  and l o o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d  However, i n  resource,  community  i s funded  Council  to function  of State  s t u d i e d , a r e f u n d e d by  The  community  1973,  i n c l u d i n g the  Neighborhood  Grandview-Woodlands Area  Area  Vancouver  interaction studied.  organization's  been  of  by a S e c r e t a r y  process  i n the area  s t a n d s on t h e r e s p e c t i v e  round  staff,  City  a t t h e time o f the p o l i t i c a l  time c l a i m e d  the  a  The KARA P l a n n i n g  t h e Urban D e s i g n of  by  service  i n the p o l i t i c a l  social  City  The G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s  i s funded  i t s multi-lingual  grant.  the  support.  after  application  The worker worked  TEAM  civic  i n the second Council  were  i t would  have  City in  Council December,  with  a group  70  opposing C i t y to a s s i s t their  Council's  a challenge  resource  even t h o u g h have  decision;  to City Council,  from  both  they  Council  would  sides.  The Area C o u n c i l  body on t h a t  after  was  l e a d e r l e s s and v e r y  formally  maintained  a  seating  a  two left  both  behaviour  pattern  WBCC,  The l a p s e  without  who  planning  had  in  November,  very  similar  No-public  of a c t i v i t y  significant excluded  meetings.  throughout  the exception  on  Day's  to that was  part  Day  and  maintained  on t h i s  Todd  public  stand  political in  on  the  activity permitting  is  the  c o u n c i l s d i d not  issues  or attempt  either  Those  involvement  of  Council  accessibility  to integrate  significant.  the  helping  neutrality  p r o c e s s a p p e a r s t o have been  the area  with  December  o f t h e Grandview-Woodlands Area  groups t o the p o l i t i c a l that  taken,  issue.  of  The f a c t  of the  its earlier  i t s public  t h e K i t s i l a n o Area Resources A s s o c i a t i o n ,  equal.  KARA  work  in  from  at  However,  1973,  stand  and  activity  to  KARA  i n v o l v e m e n t , a s K a r m e l was  both  KARA  the a c t i v i t y  With  area  because  Dave Todd and Nathan K a r m e l c a r r i e d on t h e i r  groups. Todd  again,  appears  weak, p o l i t i c a l l y .  leader  Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l . but  withdrawn  issue.  A s i m i l a r a n a l y s i s o f KARA i s f r u s t r a t e d time  have  i n d e p e n d e n t l y , b u t i t s p u b l i c image was l a r g e l y one  of a n e u t r a l  the  wished n o t  f a c t i o n s or a s s i s t e d Augusti  he had s w i t c h e d  acted  i f t h e Area  roughly take  a  the l o c a l  organizations' their  community  w o r k e r s w i t h one f a c t i o n i n d i c a t e s t h e i r  i n t e r e s t i n the i s s u e s ,  but  activity  probing  the reason f o r lack  scope o f t h i s  research.  This  of other  point  will  i s beyond  be d i s c u s s e d  the  further i n  71  the  final  chapter.  The is  third  characteristic  participation  organizations. characterized groups. be  The  In by  of  proximity  both  a strong  below.  residence  Safeway  store  petition-signers  in  areas,  February  other  both  to  the  Augusti  parking  Joe  except  f o r F e r r a r a who  at the  store.  His r o l e  from  the  help  them.  but  was  that  person  of leader  lived  He  only  previously  to  was  live one  of  functioned  i n a manner  In from and  area.  g r o u p ' s spokesman same a r e a .  area  adjacent  similar  of  The  distributed  to  area  at  a  to  the  request  the s t o r e  to  to  Livingstone,  and " b r i e f  d r a f t i n g than  was.  Mrs.  street  had  its The  involved  Campbell  from  four blocks  away.  become  site.  immediate  responding i n the  is  his supporters  i n the  i n the  level  street  similarly  much more a c t i v e i n o r g a n i z i n g  the  distance  Ferrara,  was  area  the  the  the  lived  group of opponents l i v i n g  In K i t s i l a n o , across  as  their  main  across  in  was  s t u d i e d , the  local  of  process  will  lived All  political  groups  development  lot.  d i d not  areas  process  with  land  C o u n c i l meeting,  l e d by  political  of l e a d e r s  local  i n both rounds l i v e d  City  faction,  the  which d i s t i n g u i s h t h o s e  Even Andy L i v i n g s t o n e , a c t i n g s o l e l y the  political  different  identification  participation  Grandview-Woodlands, C a r l o the  local  In  political  of  pluralistic  individuals  characteristics  discussed  correlate  by  of  the  and  proposed  away, even membership  and the  Day  highrise.  though  d e g r e e t o which i n a new  Shelagh  the  group  focus  of  both  lived  Jacques  Khouri  he  activity  WBCC's i n i t i a l  geographic  area  was  led  had some  decision  influenced  by  72  its  leader's residence  assess. WBCC  i n the  new  T h e r e seems t o be l i t t l e been  development  prior  and  h i g h r i s e was t h e f i r s t  Burrard  in  subsequent this  the  an  ethnic there.  cleavage  in  of  that the highrise  Since  the t h 7  f o r the area  WECC would on t h a t  downzoning  west o f  have  become  basis.  debate  may  The great  majority  a s w e l l , and he i s t o o .  Italian this  have  operated  Their  supports  was  F e r r a r a view as  suggested.  o f t h e dominant  Italian  speculated  i n the p o l i t i c a l  l i v i n g s t o n e vs.  factioning  and h i s p r e d o m i n a t e l y  sub-area  Grandview-Woodlands  i s r e j e c t e d because  campaign.  Italian  in  that  i n the K i t s i l a n o  vs. Italian  by A u g u s t i  by  proposed  action solely  The s u p e r f i c i a l  interpretation  that  political  behaviour  WASP  the  potential  t o t h e 7 t h and Maple p r o p o s a l .  person interviewed  activity a  the  to  view.  One that  with  S t r e e t , i t i s more p r o b a b l e  involved  i s difficult  d o u b t from i n t e r v i e w s  had  Maple  concerned  territory  rcle  played  followers i n organizing  of Ferrara*s  supporters  were  T h i s i s not s u r p r i s i n g because  o f Grandview-Woodlands i s overwhelmingly  immigrant-property  owners.  The e t h n i c c l e a v a g e  issue  process  does  resolution  This  not  settled  appear  model to  be  defensible. In K i t s i l a n o , cleavage people" an  only  one  leader  suggested  may have e x i s t e d : J a c q u e s K h o u r i .  that  He s t a t e d  were i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e WBCC's n o - h o l d s - b a r r e d  attack  on  fraternity, entrepreneurs  certain  which  members o f V a n c o u v e r ' s l a n d  includes  owning  a  high  proportion  some o f t h e l a r g e r d e v e l o p m e n t  an that  ethnic "some  campaign a s development of  Jewish  companies.  73  The  developer  Legion, Jewish  in this  provides land  statement  developers  half-Jewish  by  and  i n the preceding chapter  were  to this  situation  common  existed  grouping  Khouri's  Council  the  Kitsilano  political  building  based  behaviour  was n o t e v i d e n t  on  In  t h e case  Italian  working  was and to  "imported" class  settlement  of  s o u r c e s as o r any  here  as f a r  i s concerned.  t o enable on  political  A u g u s t i » s and  the  issue,  to both.  common  However, Day's KCC and  political (from  a  interest  the  CMHC  political  t o work  September  City  demonstration).  The  degree  of  objectives.  coalition-  T h i s type of  i n t h e Grandview-Woodlands  people,  with  the exception  by a g r o u p o f t h a t t y p e o f  among  pattern  does n o t r e f l e c t  ethnic in  even  T h e same  case.  o f G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s , most p a r t i c i p a n t s class  that  where Mrs. C a m p b e l l and t h e Day-  November  common  curious  favor  cutting  were e v i d e n t  process e x h i b i t e d  homogeneity  participate  process  stand  f o r a p e r i o d o f time to  and t h e  a  Since other  had no common i n t e r e s t s .  meeting  in  cross  common  sufficient  is  i t i s rejected  effective  interests  area  d i d n o t mention t h i s  no  in Kitsilano,  WBCC f o u n d  as a c o a l i t i o n  a  of the  d e s c r i b e d h i m s e l f as  himself  political  sufficiently  F e r r a r a ' s groups t o take some  then  cleavages,  Grandview-Woodlands,  cleavages  Khouri  not  This  h i s group's a c t i o n .  as i t ' s s i g n i f i c a n c e  though  who  Branch  the l o c a l  scenario.  Khouri,  e t h n i c or r e l i g i o u s  In  t h e Shalom  between  i n this  from  of  issue,  linkage  descent  interpretation  other  the  coming  described  specific  groups,  the area  c f F e r r a r a who  people.  differential  but  the  were  The  ethnic  propensity  effect  of the  i n close proximity t o the land  74  development between  site.  The  two  factions  the  A u g u s t i from  difference was n o t  l e a d i n g both f a c t i o n s  b o t h A u g u s t i and F e r r a r a t o s t a t e mutually  exclusive.  political  In  participation  development  site.  v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s  the  at that  the  was  was  of the  Campbell  no  and  rights. values  and  Kitsilano respect  of  political  of  to  three  outlined  and  the  is  political  of  land  land-use  by  the  the  temporary between  lies in life-style,  divergence  articulated  process  the  and  social property  in Kitsilano  of  participants,  the  j u d g e d t o be more p l u r a l i s t i c i n of such  process  systems.  in Kitsilano is  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e l a t i n g to process  i n Chapter  not  the  be more p l u r a l i s t i c t h a n t h a t o f G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s , the  were  principle correlate  group  greater  third characteristic  I n summary,  for  "common g r o u n d " b e t w e e n  appropriate  the  interests  of the  objectives  Carlo  and  The d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c  perception Because  interests  times,  proximity  two s e t s o f v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s  class,  their  and  as t o p r e v e n t  different  Kitsilano, again  values  so g r e a t  There  Day-Khouri c o a l i t i o n .  in  and  judged  to  based  on  participants  3.  I l l L e g i t i m a c y o f L o c a l A r e a E l e c t e d Government Information as  described  results  for testing  in  of i n t e r v i e w s  described i n that in  Chapter  Kitsilano.  analysis;  the  with  working hypothesis 5.  leaders  chapter—three  T h e s e low numbers responses  This  are  I I was  analysis of  groups  i s based  gathered on  the  identified  as  i n G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s and prevent  any f o r m  of  five  statistical  analysed q u a l i t a t i v e l y , with  the  75  i n t e n t o f i d e n t i f y i n g a r e a s o f agreement and disagreement interviewees* An  among  responses.  area  of  agreement  among  a l l interviewees  was t h a t  e l e c t e d l o c a l area government w i t h some l a n d development c o n t r o l powers would be more a p p r o p r i a t e and r e s p o n s i v e  to  the  area's  p o l i t i c a l v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s than i s e x i s t i n g c e n t r a l i z e d C i t y government.  This  f e e l i n g was based on g e o g r a p h i c p r o x i m i t y t o  e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and a f e e l i n g of g r e a t e r c o n f i d e n c e  and  familiarity  This  response  i n a p p r o a c h i n g l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s .  must  interviewees  be had  interpreted  with  the  knowledge  that  themselves been i d e n t i f i e d by e t h e r s as l o c a l  area p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s i n the s p e c i f i c i s s u e s t u d i e d . response  should  the  not  be  assumed  to  The  same  be t y p i c a l o f a p o l i t i c a l  individuals. The  g e n e r a l e x p r e s s i o n on the s u i t a b i l i t y o f the  process  f o r s e l e c t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s was t h a t t h a t method  was p r e f e r r e d t o any respondents  about  other.  Some  concern  was  t h e " a c c o u n t a b i l i t y " of  expressed  elected  There was some disagreement h e r e — i n t e r v i e w e e s  those  leaders.  an  electoral  f o r s e l e c t i o n and c o n t r o l of l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s than were i n Grandview-Woodlands.  Some  felt  that  t h e need f o r  s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t group p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n would never be by  local  i n a p h i l o s o p h i c a l moment, f e l t  " t o o complex"  behaviour  obviated  area government i n t h e l a n d development c o n t r o l a r e a .  One p e r s o n , were  by  i n K i t s i l a n o were  c o n s i d e r a b l y more s k e p t i c a l about t h e use o f o n l y process  electoral  to  expect  that  "responsible  from p o l i t i c i a n s " e s p e c i a l l y i f t h e i r  human  and  beings  predictable  power  depended  76  only  on  an  annual  or  biannual  election  i n an  "apathetic  neighborhood". There was g e n e r a l agreement among local  area  government  those  interviewed  that  would be r e l a t i v e l y more r e s p o n s i v e and  a p p r o p r i a t e to l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s i n land development i s s u e s than i s e x i s t i n g c e n t r a l i z e d c i t y  government.  However, t h e r e was no agreement t h a t the e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s would ensure the a c c o u n t a b i l i t y and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f l o c a l government. vigilance  Respondents i n K i t s i l a n o saw a need  alone area  f o r continual  on the p a r t o f the c i t i z e n r y , r e g a r d l e s s o f the l e v e l  of government i n v o l v e d .  77  Chapter  C o n c l u s i o n s and  7  Applications  I Conclusions A.  Working  Working exhibited of  Hypothesis I  hypothesis I  differentiation  independent  variable  differentiation  in  of  local  in  "that  a t the l o c a l a r e a l e v e l  socioeconomic The  is  the K i t s i l a n o socioeconomic  the  degree  i s associated  i n the  i s "the  of  with the  degree  area i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y than  is  degree  l o c a l area population". of  socioeconomic  the l o c a l area p o p u l a t i o n " .  terms  pluralism  that  The p o p u l a t i o n  more  heterogenous  of Grandview-Woodlands.  However, t h e G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s p o p u l a t i o n i s  relatively  more d i v e r s e  population.  It  i n ethnic  must  correlate specific  be  of  that  site  has  than  i n both  site.  resulted  being  property-owning  The  political  pluralistic evidenced  than by  force  in  relatively  principle  proximity  area  around  predominately The  ethnic  to  the  in Kitsilano  by  land  Italian in  potential  to  process there.  was  judged  Grandview-Woodlands. greater  the  the  diversity  have a s i g n i f i c a n t  i n the p o l i t i c a l  of  a r e a s , the  was  the  families.  process that  local  In G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s ,  settled  Grandview-Woodlands d i d thus not o p e r a t e as a s o c i a l  the K i t s i l a n o  participation  development  pattern  development immigrant  noted  political  land  settlement  terms  much  diversity  of  t o be  more  This  was  values  and  78  interests  articulated  competition formed taken  among  in  groups  among some g r o u p s ,  f o r support,  building,  attempted  therefore  sustained.  B.  Working  Working local  for  public  and t h e r e  The r a n g e o f  successful.  II i s  currently  powers i n t h a t i s s u e a r e a  more  City  leaders  government  than  by  the f e e l i n g ensure  Iis  local  proximity and  the  area  hypothesis  the  issues  g r e a t e r than  with that  the  local  powers  would  population's p o l i t i c a l City  t h a t such  government. a government  The r e a s o n s individual  relatively  i n that  that the e l e c t o r a l  at  government  that elected  most  process  was  be t h e  elected  familiarity persons.  be  c e n t r e d on  such  respondents  alone  of the e l e c t e d I I , with  such  would  area  values  This  given to  great  which one c o u l d a p p r o a c h  was q u a l i f i e d  area  development c o n t r o l  the response  actors  system".  i s the c e n t r a l  the a c c o u n t a b i l i t y  Working  hypothesis  i n land development  of  the response  public  of coalition-  active  the geographic  with  was l e s s  political  purpose.  confidence  positions  "that  most a p p r o p r i a t e f o r t h a t  representatives  Working  i n t e r v i e w e d responded  responsive to the l o c a l  reinforced  there  t o be s i g n i f i c a n t l y  government  w i t h some l a n d  interests  and c o a l i t i o n s  was no e v i d e n c e  t h e l e g i t i m a c y o f an e l e c t e d  All  greater  Hypothesis I I  level  the e x i s t i n g  process,  support,  in Kitsilano.  or  hypothesis  area  perceive  and  political  i n G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s was n a r r o w e r ,  competition  of  the  and  However, expressed  was i n s u f f i c i e n t t o  to the e l e c t o r a t e .  some  qualifications,  was  79  sustained.  E l e c t e d l o c a l a r e a government has some p o t e n t i a l f o r  legitimizing  governmental  control,  perceived  as  intervention by  i n land  development  those c u r r e n t l y a c t i v e a t the l o c a l  area l e v e l i n t h a t i s s u e a r e a . C.  The G e n e r a l  Hypothesis  The g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s was local  areas  reflect  the  "that  diversity  i n t e r e s t s of the population  and  political of  thus  processes  political  have  the  in  v a l u e s and  potential  to  l e g i t i m i z e decision-making at that l e v e l " . The  first  working h y p o t h e s i s d e a l t with t h e f i r s t p a r t of  the g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s . pluralistic  political  I t was  concluded  the  local  area  population.  class,  The second  dealt with the p o t e n t i a l f o r l e g i t i m i z a t i o n at  the  local  area l e v e l .  some q u a l i f i c a t i o n r e l a t e d  of  differentiation  working of  hypothesis  decision-making  T h i s h y p o t h e s i s was s u s t a i n e d , w i t h to  primary i n s t r u m e n t o f c i t i z e n Both  increasingly  p r o c e s s was a s s o c i a t e d w i t h i n c r e a s i n g l y  g r e a t e r s o c i o e c o n o m i c , and hence s o c i a l in  that  the  electoral  process  control.  t h e s e working hypotheses  were t e s t e d i n the i s s u e  area o f l a n d development c o n t r o l i n p r i m a r i l y r e s i d e n t i a l areas. the  as t h e  urban  An i m p o r t a n t note i s t h a t h o r i z o n t a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , i n  form  of  ethnic  divisions,  d i d not have t h e p o t e n t i a l t o  o p e r a t e as a s i g n i f i c a n t p o l i t i c a l f o r c e i n t h e cases t e s t e d i n the f i e l d It  study. i s therefore  concluded  t h a t the g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s i s  s u s t a i n e d , w i t h two major q u a l i f i c a t i o n s .  The f i r s t  i s that the  80  effect  of  cross-cutting  cleavages  due  to  ethno-religious  d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was not s u f f i c i e n t l y s t r o n g i n t h e cases s t u d i e d to  prevent  value  and  issue  differentiation  on the b a s i s of  s o c i a l c l a s s t o predominate  i n the p o l i t i c a l process i n v o l v e d i n  urban  control.  land  development  legitimization  of  the  The  second  decision-making  is  process  i n land  development c o n t r o l a t t h e l o c a l a r e a l e v e l does not r e s t on t h e e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s as t h e p r i m a r y  instrument  that  of  solely citizen  c o n t r o l of governing bodies.  I I A p p l i c a t i o n s and F u r t h e r Research A. The  M u n i c i p a l D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n Theory general  assumptions  of  hypothesis  r e l a t e s d i r e c t l y to the p r i n c i p l e  municipal  decentralization  theory:  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f i n t e r e s t s w i t h d e f i n a b l e geographic and  the  reflection  the  territory,  of l o c a l v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s i n the l o c a l  p o l i t i c a l process. The r e s e a r c h  was  focussed  i s s u e s f o r two r e a s o n s . some  on  land  development  control  These i s s u e s a r e p o l i t i c a l l y s a l i e n t to  (not a l l ) l o c a l i t y  groups,  and,  some l a n d development  c o n t r o l power i s being d e v o l v e d t o l o c a l area c o u n c i l s , current political  structure  o f t h e C i t y o f Winnipeg  behaviour  characteristic  of  at other  the  local  issue  areas,  suggests.  area  as t h e Different  level  such as mental  may  be  health,  s o c i a l welfare a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , or education. Land development  issues  of  the  type  studied  (proposed  81 changes  in  land-use  in  residential  urban areas) are  i d e n t i f i e d with a d e f i n a b l e geographic area. by the o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t the participation  in  the  principle  strong  correlate  homogeneous,  in  working  qualified  by  the  potential  for  political  process  the class  fact  site.  correlate  in  area  this  This  issue  studied  pattern.  proximity  a  relatively  conclusion left  i n that l o c a l  area,  by t h i s  municipal  research.  second assumption of the t h e o r y i s  assumption  is  confirmed  by  this  q u a l i f i c a t i o n t h a t the e l e c t o r a l process be  an  inadequate  mechanism  that  local  research,  values process.  with  i t s e l f i s perceived  for legitimizing  even a t the l o c a l area l e v e l .  little the  and i n t e r e s t s are r e f l e c t e d i n the l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l This  is  influence  T h i s assumption o f  d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n t h e o r y i s supported  to  especially  correlation to  political  an  having  cleavages  evidenced  of  was  population.  that  the  This  local  ethno-religious  because of the s e t t l e m e n t  The  T h i s was  s p e c i f i c i s s u e s s t u d i e d was  t h e s p e c i f i c l a n d development  clearly  the to  decision-making,  T h i s r a i s e s the problem of how  a  l o c a l area c o u n c i l can perform a p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n f u n c t i o n . The  observation  in  t h i s r e s e a r c h i s t h a t the area c o u n c i l s i n  each case chose not t o attempt t h a t Woodlands body was  where  an  active  in  Grandview-  area c o u n c i l e x i s t s and  where t h a t  p u b l i c l y urged to take  response attempting factions. activity discussion  of  the  to  area  integrate  Since were and  a  council the  a  part  of  suggested  stand was  the  this  even  on  the  issue.  n e i t h e r t a k i n g a stand  political  establishing  not  task,  activity  reasons research,  of  the  The nor two  for  t h i s l a c k of  a  speculative  d i r e c t i o n f o r f u r t h e r research i n  82  t h i s c o n t e x t are  included  in  the  next  sub-section  of  this  sense, t h i s r e s e a r c h s u p p o r t s the two  major  chapter. In  a  general  assumptions of m u n i c i p a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n t h e o r y .  However, some  thorny problems i n p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n a t the l o c a l area are suggested  as w e l l .  These problems are the  subject  level  of  the  next s u b - s e c t i o n . B.  Community Workers and Community C o u n c i l s  This  subsection  is  intended  t o suggest the d i r e c t i o n of  f u r t h e r work on d e c e n t r a l i z e d d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g the  community  worker  working  and  the  w i t h a l o c a l area c o u n c i l .  term "community worker" i s used l o o s e l y to d e s c r i b e whose  intended  function  role  includes  any  of The  person  c o n t a c t w i t h the l o c a l  p o p u l a t i o n f o r the purpose of a s s i s t i n g a l o c a l area c o u n c i l  area in  p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n or community development. In  the  c o n t e x t of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n t h e o r y , community  workers d e r i v e the l e g i t i m a c y of t h e i r Rein c a l l s "consumer p r e f e r e n c e "  action  ( R e i n , 1969,  on pp.  what  Martin  233-234).  In  t h i s model, the i n t e r v e n t i o n of the worker i s l e g i t i m i z e d by the needs  of  the  people  t o be s e r v e d .  p r e s c r i b e d from an attempted rather p.  from  A p p r o p r i a t e a c t i o n i s not  p o s i t i o n of  value  the d e s i r e d o b j e c t i v e s themselves  331; S t o l o f f , 1970,  p.  A f a c t o r i s suggested  neutrality (Davidoff,  increasingly  1965,  297). by  this  research  that  assumptions of t h e advocacy model i n t h i s c o n t e x t . in  but  heterogeneous  local  areas  there  upsets  the  This i s that exists  an  83  i n c r e a s i n g d i v e r s i t y o f p o l i t i c a l v a l u e s and is  no  interests,  There  s i n g l e , u n i t e d " v o i c e " s p e a k i n g w i t h t h e s a n c t i o n of t h e (see a l s o : Seaver, 1 9 6 8 , p.  community 22).  The  dilemma  6 8 ; Head, 1 9 7 1 , pp.  18-  f a c i n g t h e worker here i s t h a t t h e worker's  r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e l o c a l area p o p u l a t i o n cannot be based cn a simplistic  concept  "...whether  he  of  the c l i e n t — t h e  worker  must  decide  i s r e s p o n s i b l e t o a community o r the community"  (Waldo, 1 9 7 1 , p.  2 6 7 ; a l s o : McNeese, 1 9 7 2 , p. 2 3 3 ) .  Should the worker o p t f o r a d v o c a t i n g the i n t e r e s t s  o f one  f a c t i o n a c t i v e i n the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s , the group he s e r v e s may likely  be t h e group h a v i n g a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e p o o l of p o l i t i c a l  r e s o u r c e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n the form of an organized,  disciplined  group.  the cases s t u d i e d i n t h i s  community  community  o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r t h e purpose o f p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n  issues.  logistic  had  formally  research,  the  workers  In  identifiable,  In K i t s i l a n o , the area  support  went  t o groups  process of completing o r g a n i z a t i o n . the  little  time  to  association's  spend  workers  moral  (Hazziotti,  and  political  politically distribution  pp.  1974,  ethic  I n such  cases,  redressing  may  be  political  that  p.  176;  of  also: Lloyd,  definable,  where  resources  which  i n f o r m a t i o n on r e q u e s t t o 1973,  A  communities  communities, t h e o n l y r o l e dilemma  40-41).  less  defensible  i s l a c k i n g t c g u i d e the worker i n  pluralistic of  and  a l r e a d y o r g a n i z e d or i n t h e  m a l d i s t r i b u t i o n o f p o l i t i c a l r e s o u r c e s may be made even  possible  on  frees  providing  inequitable  exists.  In  t h e worker logistics  those  who  approach  1971,  pp.  10-12).  such  from h i s  s u p p o r t and  him  (Meyerson,  84  An  underlying  assumption i n the above advocacy model w i t h  r e s p e c t to a d v o c a t i n g an  identifiable,  a l o c a l a r e a ' s i n t e r e s t s i s t h a t there  fairly  homogeneous  d e s c r i b e s t h i s type of group as which r e p r e s e n t s 1965,  pp.  intended did  a  client  group.  "neighborhood  Davidoff  organization"  the i n t e r e s t s of the geographic area  334-335).  In  this  research,  (Davidoff,  the area c o u n c i l s '  aims were found t o i n c l u d e t h a t r o l e .  the c o u n c i l s perform t h a t r o l e .  In n e i t h e r  other  programs  or  whether the c o u n c i l s were not  s t r u c t u r e d f o r t h a t r o l e or whether the l a c k of in  the  fact  issue  that  diversity  area n u l l i f i e d  the of  local local  area area  a  means of p o l i t i c a l  can be d e v i s e d The  values  process  and  i n t e g r a t i o n perceived  (Friedmann, 1973,  problem of f a c i l i t a t i n g  structure,  resource In  base, and  this  research,  delegated  p.  arrangements of v a r i a b l e s  have  been  193-196).  level,  t o be  political  power,  the the only  legitimate  integration  to  at  the  i n t o the r e l a t i o n s h i p s  method  emphasis should seems  The  7).  of  representation, councils.  be on d i s c o v e r i n g what  legitimize  making p r o c e s s a t the l o c a l area l e v e l . i s i n order,  provides  r o l e of workers r e s p o n s i b l e t o the the  power  reflects  interests  l o c a l a r e a l e v e l demands f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h among  properly  their integration potential. political  the  funding  coercive  p o t e n t i a l f o r l e g i t i m i z i n g d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g at t h a t if  case  I t i s not c l e a r whether  p a r a l y s i s r e s u l t e d from f e a r of l o s i n g s e n i o r government for  is  Perhaps  the  decision-  experimentation  because c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r e s c r i p t i o n s t o date notoriously  unsuccessful  T h i s i s no s m a l l c h a l l e n g e ,  (see but  government at the l o c a l area l e v e l i s the  Moynihan, 1969, the  goal.  legitimacy  pp. of  85  Bibliography  Agger, Ruled.  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P l a n n i n g and C i v i c D e v e l o p m e n t , C i t y o f  Vancouver: Vancouver,  99  Appendix  B  C i t y of Vancouver G e n e r a l i z e d Land Dse*  *From: C i t y c f V a n c o u v e r . Selected Land Use Characteristics^ £ity of Vancouver Information and S t a t i s t i c s B u l l e t i n No. 6. V a n c o u v e r : D e p a r t m e n t o f P l a n n i n g and C i v i c D e v e l o p m e n t , C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 1973.  CITY OF VANCOUVER GENERALIZED LAND USE - 1973  Duplex and Conversions Apartments Commercial Industrial  .  C i v i c and I n s t i t u t i o n a l  Mm  Parks and G o l f Courses Source:  C i t / o f V u i . - ' . w * ;-..i:ir.n* U ' ^ r t a t : . t (  - A p r i l 1>7S  101  Appendix C C i t y of Vancouver H i s t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Growth*  •From: Barry W. Mayhew. A Regional Atlas V a n c o u v e r : R e s e a r c h D e p a r t m e n t , U n i t e d Community G r e a t e r V a n c o u v e r A r e a , 1967.  of Vancouver Services of the  a  STANLEY PARK  HISTORICAL-POLITICAl GROWTH  HASTINGS TOWNSITE  CITY OF VANCOUVER (1886)  U N I V E R S I T Y  25th  AVE.  E N D O W M E N T  29th  A V E  L A N D S  \  MUNICIPALITY  OF POINT GREY  MUNICIPALITY  OF SOUTH VANCOUVER  f A d d e d in 1911 2 A d d e d in 1911 3 Amalgamated  in 1 9 2 9  FRASER  4 Amalgamated in 1929  5  A  6 A d d e d in 1952  FIGURE I  RIVER  103  Appendix  D  L o c a l Areas o f Vancouver: Statistical Profile*  *From: Barry W. Mayhev. Local Areas of Vancouver ( r e v i s e d 1970). Vancouver: Research Department, United Community S e r v i c e s o f t h e G r e a t e r V a n c o u v e r A r e a , 1967.  APPENDIX D  LOCAL AREAS OF VANCOUVER'! L o c a l Area  Owner Occupancy 37%  Unemployment  Mean Fam. Income $ 3,000  STATISTICAL PROFILE Occupation Index 8  Fert. Ratio 750  Families w.Children 61%  Soc.  Econ.  CBD  •  -  35.3  3,300  7  240  33  Ranking 117.0 109.0  Grandview-Woodland  64  9.2  4,450  9  610  62  108.0  Hastings-Sunrise  78  7.3  4,650  10  600  61  100.5  C. Cottage-Kens.  76  6.6  4,798  11  601  64  100.3  Mount Pleasant  44  10.0  4,450  11  460  55  95.0  Renfrew-C'wood.  80  6.0  5,000  12  620  66  89.3  Victcria-F view.  58  4.8  5,200  13  550  73  80.6  Sunset  80  3.9  5,200  14  560  65  78.0  Fairview  16  11.2  4,620  18  300  45  71.2  R i l e y Park  69  6.9  4,924  18  566  61  70.7  South Cambie  65  3.9  5,200  45  399  56  70.0  Ki H a r n e y  94  3.8  5,650  19  610  73  57.0  Marpole  72  3.8  5,400  18  500  57  56.1  45  6.7  3,000  24  370  52  48.0  West End  7  11.3  5,150  25  150  26  43.5  Oakridge  88  2.3  7,300  44  460  62  29.1  Dunbar-Southlands  92  510  62  14.7 0} 12.1  Strathcona  1  Kitsilano  v  14.5%  2.1  6,700  44  West P o i n t Grey  75  2,9  C.900  44  460  60  Arbutus-Ridge  75  1.9  1,300  50  420  60  r i s 'ale  78  •i, ••}  /  50  430  58  8,  66  4.10  66  8.4  r  90  "  ':•{)  ff  0> M  o 11.3 -P-  

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