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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Urban land development : political process, and the local area: comparative study of Kitsilano and Grandview-Woodlands Jensen, Jens Christian 1974

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c ! Urban Land Development, P o l i t i c a l Process, and the L o c a l Area: Comparative Study of K i t s i l a n o and Grandview-Woodlands' by Jens C h r i s t i a n Jensen B.Eng., Royal M i l i t a r y C o l l e g e of Canada, 1968 A t h e s i s submitted i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r the degree of Master of Science i n the School of Community and Regional Planning We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard. The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia A p r i l , 1974 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a llowed w ithout my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f c—e->i>-w7^ Q„4 /C^J/a^/ ' '^^^"^J The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada A b s t r a c t The p o l i t i c a l c o n t e x t o f c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n N o r t h A m e r i c a n governments s i n c e World War I I has l a r g e l y been one o f f a i l u r e of n o n - e l i t e s t o i n f l u e n c e governments a t a l l l e v e l s to accommodate t h e i r v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s . Among c o n c e p t s of government d e s i g n e d t o f a c i l i t a t e the p o l i t i c a l e f f i c a c y c f such groups i s t h a t o f d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f some powers o f m u n i c i p a l government t o the " n e i g h b o r h o o d " or l o c a l a r ea l e v e l i n l a r g e c i t i e s . M u n i c i p a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n t h e o r y r e s t s on a s s u m p t i o n s t h a t common i n t e r e s t s can be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h a d e f i n a b l e l o c a l a rea and t h a t p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s a t t h a t l e v e l r e f l e c t l o c a l p o l i t i c a l v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s . The g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s was t h a t p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s i n l o c a l a r e a s r e f l e c t the d i v e r s i t y o f p o l i t i c a l v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s o f the l o c a l a r ea p o p u l a t i o n and thus have the p o t e n t i a l to l e g i t i m i z e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g at t h a t l e v e l . Review o f l i t e r a t u r e on d e m o c r a t i c t h e o r y l e d to a p o s t u l a t e t h a t a p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s which r e f l e c t s a c o n s t i t u e n c y ' s v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s i s p l u r a l i s t i c and i s p e r c e i v e d to be l e g i t i m a t e by p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s . I t was a l s o p o s t u l a t e d t h a t l i n e s o f p o l i t i c a l c l e a v a g e i n the urban l a n d development c o n t r o l i s s u e a r e a , the i s s u e a r ea chosen f o r t h i s r e s e a r c h , would f o l l o w s o c i a l c l a s s l i n e s . Working hypo these s were c o n s t r u c t e d based on the above two p o s t u l a t e s and a d e f i n i t i o n o f " l e g i t i m a c y " o f government . The g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s was s u s t a i n e d by a l i m i t e d c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d y o f l o c a l a rea p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s i n the K i t s i l a n o and G r a n d v i e w -Woodlands l o c a l a r e a s o f V a n c o u v e r , by s t u d y of one p o l i t i c a l l y s a l i e n t s i t e - s p e c i f i c l a n d deve lopment c o n t r o l i s s u e i n e a c h . A c o m b i n a t i o n of d e c i s i o n a l and r e p u t a t i o n a l t e c h n i q u e s was used to i d e n t i f y i n f l u e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s a t the l o c a l a r ea l e v e l and t o i d e n t i f y key e v e n t s . A q u a l i f i c a t i o n was o b s e r v e d i n p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s ' p e r c e p t i o n o f l e g i t i m a c y of a h y p o t h e t i c a l l o c a l a r e a government w i t h some powers i n l a n d development c o n t r o l : the e l e c t o r a l p r o c e s s was p e r c e i v e d by most t c be an i n a d e q u a t e i n s t r u m e n t o f c i t i z e n c o n t r o l o f government a t t h a t l e v e l . I t was c o n c l u d e d t h a t f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h was war ran t ed i n means o f f a c i l i t a t i n g p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n a t the l o c a l a r ea l e v e l , as e x i s t i n g community c o u n c i l s d i d not pe r fo rm t h a t f u n c t i o n i n the i s s u e s s t u d i e d . 11 Table of Contents Page Chapter 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 I C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n : The P o l i t i c a l Experience 1 II L e g i t i m i z a t i o n of Government: D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n as a n t i d o t e 6 I I I Focus of Research: The General Hypothesis 7 IV O r g a n i z a t i o n of Research 9 Chapter 2 M u n i c i p a l D e c e n t r a l i s a t i o n Theory 11 I I n t r o d u c t i o n 11 II M u n i c i p a l D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n Theory 11 A. F e d e r a l i s m : L o c a l Autonomy 11 B. The Neighborhood as a P o l i t i c a l Dnit 13 C. M u n i c i p a l D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n Theory: Major Assumptions 14 Chapter 3 Democratic Theory: The Responsive Government 1 16 I I n t r o d u c t i o n 16 II E v o l u t i o n of L i b e r a l Democratic Theory 16 I I I The Responsive P o l i t i c a l System 25 Chapter 4 P o l i t i c a l Process and Community S t r u c t u r e : Developing Working Hypotheses 28 I Comparative A n a l y s i s — T h e V a r i a b l e s 28 II S e l e c t i o n of Issue Area 34 I I I L i n e s of P o l i t i c a l Cleavage: Working Hypothesis I 36 IV Legitimacy of L o c a l Area P o l i t i c a l P rocess: Working Hypothesis I I 40 H i Chapter 5 Research Design 42 I I n t r o d u c t i o n 42 II S e l e c t i o n of la n d Development Issues 42 I I I Socioeconomic D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n 44 IV P o l i t i c a l Process 44 V Perceived Legitimacy of E l e c t e d L o c a l Area Government 46 Chapter 6 Besearch F i n d i n g s and A n a l y s i s 47 I Community P r o f i l e s : V e r t i c a l D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n 47 II P o l i t i c a l Process 5 © A. Grandview-Woodlands: Safeway Parking Lot Extension 51 B„ K i t s i l a n o : 13-Story H i g h r i s e f o r Senior C i t i z e n s 58 C. A n a l y s i s 66 I I I Legitimacy of L o c a l Area E l e c t e d Government 74 Chapter 7 C o n c l u s i o n s and A p p l i c a t i o n s 77 I C o n c l u s i o n s 77 A. Working Hypothesis I 77 B. Working Hypothesis I I 78 C. The General Hypothesis 79 II A p p l i c a t i o n s and F u r t h e r Research 80 A. M u n i c i p a l D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n Theory 80 B. Community Workers and Community C o u n c i l s 82 B i b l i o g r a p h y 85 Appendix A 97 Appendix B 99 . i v appendix c Appendix D B i o g r a p h i c a l Information acknowledgments I g r a t e f u l l y acknowledge the c o n s i d e r a b l e amount of time and e f f o r t devoted to g u i d i n g t h i s r e s e a r c h by my a d v i s o r s . P r o f e s s o r S.W. C o l l i e r of the School of Community and R e g i o n a l Planning and P r o f e s s o r A.J. Lloyd of the School of S o c i a l Work. A s p e c i a l word of thanks must go to Dave Todd and John Brouwer, community development workers i n K i t s i l a n o and Grandview-Woodlands r e s p e c t i v e l y , f o r a s s i s t i n g me i n e a r l y f i e l d work. To Heather, my deepest a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r encouraging me throughout t h i s work and understanding why I d i d i t . Dedicated to Robbie, t h a t h i s generation may f i n d the s o l u t i o n s that we could not. vi 1 Chapter 1 I n t r o d u c t i o n I C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n : The P o l i t i c a l Experience A comprehensive h i s t o r y of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the l a s t thousand years of western s o c i e t y would note that during the middle ages an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s u r v i v a l depended on complete subservience to t r a d i t i o n and the religious-government hie r a r c h y . This r e l a t i o n s h i p between the c i t i z e n and the church-state began to change with the development of a r t i s a n ' s g u i l d s i n c i t i e s to advance and p r o t e c t t h e i r marketable s k i l l s . For the f i r s t time i n h i s t o r y c o n t r o l of some p u b l i c a f f a i r s passed from the church-state to a vo l u n t a r y , " p r i v a t e " o r g a n i z a t i o n . L a t e r , the c r a f t g u i l d s became important p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e s i n towns and c i t i e s . In a p o l i t i c a l sense, power was more d i f f u s e d , but the e f f e c t on the power s t r u c t u r e was that the s i z e of the e l i t e r u l i n g c l a s s merely increased to in c l u d e a r t i s a n s , urban land owners, and merchants (Cunningham, 1972, pp. 590-592). The s p i r i t of i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s and democratic government i n which some e a r l y E n g l i s h North American settlements were launched was i l l u s o r y : the renowned New England town meeting was often dominated by l o c a l e l i t e s . The subsequent extensions of the f r a n c h i s e d i d not lead t o broad d i f f u s i o n of power. In urban centres i n the U.S., f o r example, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l 2 p o l i t i c s became r e s t r i c t e d to becoming i n v o l v e d i n party machinery. The p o l i t i c a l bosses, often i n p a r t n e r s h i p with business l e a d e r s , exercised the most s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u e n c e i n municipal government (Cunningham, 1972, pp. 590-592). I t was at t h i s time, the l a t e nineteenth century, that voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n s p r o l i f e r a t e d as many people sought a l t e r n a t i v e means to provide s o c i a l s e r v i c e s . The e a r l y twentieth century urban planning advisory a s s o c i a t i o n s were u s u a l l y groups of i n f l u e n t i a l businessmen. Since World War I I , the h i s t o r i c a l pattern of domination of s o c i a l programs by e l i t e s has p r e v a i l e d , although g e n e r a l l y unsuccessful attempts have been made by n o n - e l i t e s to c o n t r o l programs (Cunningham, 1972, pp. 591-594). Most p a r t i c i p a n t s i n American urban renewal and j u v e n i l e delinquency programs were businessmen, white planners, and leaders of c i v i c groups and i n t e r e s t s — t h e c i v i c , business, e d u c a t i o n a l , and p o l i t i c a l e l i t e (Cunningham, 1972, pp. 592-593; C o l l i e r , 1968, p. 21). In both the U.S. and Canadian urban renewal programs, the f u n c t i o n of the appointed p a r t i c i p a n t s was u s u a l l y to " s e l l " the program to opponents, and to c l o t h e p u b l i c o f f i c i a l s * plans with the democratic r i t u a l of approval by the " c i t i z e n s " (Stenburg, 1972, pp. 191-192; van T i l and van T i l , 1970, pp. 313-316; a l s o : S o m e r v i l l e , 1968, p. 6) . The r e s i d e n t s of urban renewal areas were u s u a l l y the v i c t i m s , not the b e n e f i c i a r i e s , of " c i v i c improvement" (Smith, 1970, p. 482; Dennis and F i s h , 1972, p. 313). 3 The American poverty program, ushered i n by the 1964 Economic Opportunities Act, was intended to enhance the p o l i t i c a l e f f i c a c y of n o n - e l i t e s ("the poor")—-the " s o l e o p t i m i s t i c note" of the urban renewal experience, according to the van T i l ' s — b y "maximum f e a s i b l e p a r t i c i p a t i o n " of the targe t groups i n at l e a s t the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the program at the neighborhood l e v e l (van T i l and van T i l , 1970, pp. 317-318). The experience of the e l e c t e d C i t i z e n s ' Advisory Boards i n the Model C i t i e s program was that r e l a t i v e l y few c i t y governments allowed the Boards to e x e r c i s e any important planning f u n c t i o n s , a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y g e n e r a l l y given to the C i t y Demonstration Agency appointed by the mayor (Arnstein, 1969, PP. 218-224). The Advisory Beards d i d e x e r c i s e some a d m i n i s t r a t i v e powers, but the only s i g n i f i c a n t impact of the programs i n Model Neighborhoods was i n temporary, l o w - s k i l l employment. The majority of e m p l o y e e s — e s p e c i a l l y i n the p r o f e s s i o n a l and managerial p o s i t i o n s — w e r e drawn from outside the targe t areas (Harrison, 1973, pp. 43-44). The van T i l ' s gloomily r e p o r t that many poverty programs, as with the urban renewal programs, have ended i n stalemates between e l i t e groups holding l e g a l a u t h o r i t y and n o n - e l i t e s holding a veto power. The r o l e of the poor has evolved to one of " a d v i s i n g " s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies which are dominated by middle c l a s s c i v i l s e r v i c e p r o f e s s i o n a l s . They a l s o note that e a r l y i n t e n t i o n s to "organize the poor" f a i l e d because the e f f e c t of community o r g a n i z a t i o n was to enhance the upward m o b i l i t y of indigenous leaders and not to b u i l d strong 4 indigenous o r g a n i z a t i o n s , a view shared by Howard Hallman and C a r l Stenberg. The r e s u l t has been t h a t there i s no p l u r a l i s t accommodation of the i n t e r e s t s of e l i t e s and n o n - e l i t e s i n the American poverty programs, and l i t t l e impact on the groups they were intended to b e n e f i t (van T i l and van T i l , 1970, pp. 318-319; Hallman, 1970, pp. 214-218; Stenberg, 1972, pp. 192-193; Mogulof, 1970a, p. 93). Canadian experience with urban renewal has p a r a l l e l e d that of the United S t a t e s . In many c i t i e s , r e s i d e n t s of renewal areas have or g a n i z e d themselves to p r o t e c t themselves from t h e i r l o c a l government. The o r i e n t a t i o n of most c i t i z e n s 1 groups i n urban development i s s u e s i n g e n e r a l has been r e a c t i o n to c r i s i s s i t u a t i o n s , although the Trefann Court urban renewal prcgram i n Toronto and the Highway 417 alignment p r o j e c t i n Ottawa provide examples of p o s t - p r o t e s t power s h a r i n g with a t l e a s t some of the most d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d r e s i d e n t s (Committee on Government P r o d u c t i v i t y , 1972, pp. 5, 7; S o c i a l Planning C o u n c i l of Me t r o p o l i t a n Toronto, 1970, p.. 16; Connor, 1972, pp. 19-20). Wilson Head, among o t h e r s , a s s e r t s that a movement i s beginning among the poor and s o c i a l l y disadvantaged to take a c t i o n to improve t h e i r immediate e n v i r o n m e n t — t h e "bread and b u t t e r " i s s u e s — f o c u s s i n g on p u b l i c agencies not meeting the needs of t h e i r c l i e n t s (Head, 1971, p. 22; Carota, 1970, pp. 13-15). What i s the s i g n i f i c a n c e of c i t i z e n s o r g a n i z i n g themselves f o r p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t t h e i r own government? I t i s apparent that the growth of such groups r e f l e c t s f r u s t r a t i o n with e x i s t i n g f o r m a l government s t r u c t u r e s and the i n a b i l i t y of many 5 people to i n f l u e n c e government through normal channels ( S o c i a l Planning C o u n c i l of Metropolitan Toronto, 1970, p. 16; Meade, 1971, p. 179; Carota, 1970, p. 12). The c o n t i n u i n g poverty of some i n a g e n e r a l l y a f f l u e n t s o c i e t y and the d e p e r s o n a l i z a t i o n and narrow r a t i o n a l i t y of c e n t r a l i z e d bureaucracies have a l i e n a t e d many low-income people from urban government (Head, 1971, pp. 16-18; Committee on Government P r o d u c t i v i t y , 1972, pp. 12-13; Schaar, 1969, pp. 302-309). Paul Vrooman f e e l s that the f e e l i n g of helplessness and l o s s of c o n t r o l of government i s no longer r e s t r i c t e d to the urban p o o r — a l l c l a s s e s are attempting to gain some c o n t r o l ever decision-making s t r u c t u r e s . The f a i l u r e of the e l e c t o r a l process l i e s i n the b e l i e f that t h a t mode of p a r t i c i p a t i o n permits only a choice among r u l i n g e l i t e s (Vrooman, 1972, p. 3; Committee on Government P r o d u c t i v i t y , 1972, pp. 13-14). A d i f f e r e n t argument r e s u l t i n g i n a s i m i l a r c o n c l u s i o n , i s made by Levy and Truman that the l o s s of l e g i t i m a c y i s due to lack of w e l l - d e f i n e d options and l a c k of e f f i c i e n t communication between e l e c t o r a t e and candidates, thus avoiding the s t r a t i f i c a t i o n a n a l y s i s made by Vrooman (Levy and Truman, 1971, p. 178). Maurice Egan, speaking on the s o c i a l problems i n Canadian c i t i e s , senses a dilemma i n that government " f o r and by the people" may not be " e f f e c t i v e , e f f i c i e n t , and j u s t " — t h i s supports a growing concern with the process of government, and r e l a t i v e l y l e s s concern with the p o l i c y output (Egan, 1970, p. 127; Clague, 1971, p. 32; Zimmerman, 1972, pp 224-225). The concept of " l e g i t i m a c y " of government i s very much at 6 the heart of the problem. P h i l i p Green has i n d i c a t e d that p l u r a l i s m i n l i b e r a l democratic government can be accommodated only as long as there i s consensus on the l e g i t i m a c y of the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l and l e g a l s t r u c t u r e (Green, 1969, pp. 253-254; a l s o Parry, 1969, p. 127). Legitimacy, i n t h i s sense, means the c a p a c i t y of a p o l i t i c a l system to b u i l d and maintain the b e l i e f t h a t the p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are the most a p p r o p r i a t e and are c o n s i d e r e d " r i g h t " and "proper" (Schaar, 1969, p. 283). I I L e g i t i m i z a t i o n of Government: D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n as Antidote numerous sug g e s t i o n s e x i s t f o r improving the p o l i t i c a l c o n t a c t between the most h i g h l y a l i e n a t e d — e s p e c i a l l y those low on the socioeconomic s c a l e — a n d the urban government (Kahn, 1966, p. 11). Many w r i t e r s f e e l t h a t d e c e n t r a l i z i n g the decision-making process w i l l r e s u l t i n a more responsive-government—a government wherein l o c a l needs and d e s i r e s could be more adequately r e c o g n i z e d and t h e r e f o r e more l i k e l y r e f l e c t e d i n p o l i c y (Head, 1971, p. 26; Webster, 1971, pp. 2-3) . E a r l y arguments f a v o r i n g c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of urban a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s — b a s e d on e f f i c i e n c y and n o n p a r t i s a n s h i p - - a r e being devalued as p e r c e i v e d needs f o r submunicipal c o n t r o l of c e r t a i n p u b l i c s e r v i c e s are expressed. Most urban d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n p r o p o s a l s , whether p o l i t i c a l or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e i n nature, r e s t on the concept of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n a t the neighborhood l e v e l as an a n t i d o t e f o r the remoteness of the c e n t r a l c i t y government from most 7 c i t i z e n s . Most advocates of d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n c a l l f o r some form of neighborhood c o u n c i l , talcing the representativeness and responsiveness of that group to the area's c o n s t i t u e n t s as an a r t i c l e of f a i t h (Schmandt, 1972, p. 583). There has been l i t t l e e m p i r i c a l research on the degree to which the p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s and values of a l o c a l area population are r e f l e c t e d i n the l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l process i n v o l v e d i n r e s o l v i n g l o c a l i t y i s s u e s . I f t h i s key assumption i n municipal d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theory, that l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l process r e f l e c t s the d i v e r s i t y of l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s , i s i n v a l i d , l o c a l area government i s not going to l e g i t i m i z e government decision-making at that l e v e l . This research i s an e m p i r i c a l t e s t of that assumption i n municipal d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theory. I l l Focus of Research: The General Hypothesis The focus of t h i s research i s on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the nature of the p o l i t i c a l process and the d i v e r s i t y of p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s on s a l i e n t i s s u e areas, both at the l o c a l area l e v e l . D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of some powers of municipal government to the l o c a l area l e v e l as a means of l e g i t i m i z i n g decision-making r e s t s on the p o l i t i c a l process r e f l e c t i n g that d i v e r s i t y . The general hypothesis i s th e r e f o r e " t h a t p o l i t i c a l processes i n l o c a l areas r e f l e c t the d i v e r s i t y of p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s of the population and thus have the p o t e n t i a l to l e g i t i m i z e decision-making at that l e v e l " . 8 The general hypothesis w i l l be tested i n the issue area of urban land development c o n t r o l . This i s s u e area i s s e l e c t e d f o r two reasons. The f i r s t i s that such issues are p o l i t i c a l l y s a l i e n t to some (not a l l ) i n s t r u m e n t a l voluntary o r g a n i z a t i o n s a c t i v e at the l o c a l area l e v e l . The second i s that some land development c o n t r o l powers are among the powers which would probably be devolved to l o c a l area governments i n f u t u r e p o l i t i c a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of l a r g e urban areas, as i n the recent p o l i t i c a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the C i t y of Winnipeg (Axworthy, 1973, p. 5). The general hypothesis w i l l be tested by a comparative study of two " l o c a l areas" designated by the C i t y of Vancouver i n 1969 f o r c e r t a i n planning and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e purposes— K i t s i l a n o and Grandview-Woodlands. These two areas are s e l e c t e d because t h e i r populations d i f f e r i n degree of d i v e r s i t y i n socioeconomic terms. The areas are gu i t e s i m i l a r i n many other r e s p e c t s , as w i l l be d e t a i l e d i n Chapters 4 and 6. The key words i n the hypothesis are " p o l i t i c a l processes". Two r e l a t e d , but important, aspects of p o l i t i c a l dynamics are e x p l i c i t l y not s t u d i e d — t h e "representativeness" of the p o l i t i c a l stratum and the p o l i c y outputs of the p o l i t i c a l process. The reason f o r emphasis on p o l i t i c a l process w i l l be o u t l i n e d i n Chapter 3. This does not imply that process i s more important than the congruence of l e a d e r s h i p values and a p o l i t i c a l r e s i d e n t s ' values and the "rep r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s " and a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of lea d e r s to c o n s t i t u e n t s (Agger and Swanson, 1964, pp. 261-322). The work of researchers concerned with the 9 value congruence question and with p o l i c y outcomes i s important (for example: S i g e l and Friesema, 1965; McClcsky, Hoffman, and 0«Hara, 1964; Bonjean, 1971a, pp. 32-35; Rose, 1962, pp. 837-838). Their f i n d i n g s must be considered before attempting to b u i l d an ideology, with respect to p o l i t i c a l d e c e n t r a l i s a t i o n cf municipal government. The value of t h i s work w i l l be i n two areas: i t may draw the a t t e n t i o n of researchers to a r e l a t i v e l y neglected aspect of the d i s c u s s i o n on municipal d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , and, i t should a s s i s t those with o p e r a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s i n c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n municipal government, i n c l u d i n g p o l i t i c i a n s , a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , and community development workers. I t should be of considerable i n t e r e s t to municipal planners who are more and more i n v o l v e d with people a c t i v e l y pursuing l o c a l i t y i n t e r e s t s through somewhat permanent neighborhood c o u n c i l s or a s s o c i a t i o n s . IV Organization of Research A more complete o u t l i n e of municipal d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theory comprises Chapter 2. This i s done to i d e n t i f y d i f f i c u l t i e s i n designing working hypotheses to t e s t the general hypothesis. Chapter 3 i s a t r a c i n g of democratic theory, with emphasis on p o s t - I n d u s t r i a l Revolution changes. This i s presented f o r a s p e c i f i c purpose: to o u t l i n e the current concept and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a p o l i t i c a l process which " r e f l e c t s the d i v e r s i t y of p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s of the p o p u l a t i o n " (from the general hypothesis). Working hypotheses are designed i n Chapter 4, u t i l i z i n g the concepts and d e f i n i t i o n s developed 10 i n the previous two c h a p t e r s , p l u s p o s t u l a t i n g l i n e s of p o l i t i c a l cleavage i n urban land development i s s u e s . Chapter 5 d e t a i l s the rese a r c h design, i n c l u d i n g methodology and s p e c i f i c a t i o n of needed i n f o r m a t i o n . Research f i n d i n g s and a n a l y s i s of raw data comprise Chapter 6 . C o n c l u s i o n s with r e s p e c t t o working and g e n e r a l hypotheses are drawn i n Chapter 7 , as are a p p l i c a t i o n s of the r e s e a r c h to municipal d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theory. fi d i r e c t i o n f o r f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h suggested by t h i s work i s a l s o i n c l u d e d i n the f i n a l c hapter. 11 Chapter 2 Municipal D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n Theory I i n t r o d u c t i o n The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to supplement the d e s c r i p t i o n of municipal d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theory given i n Chapter 1, C e r t a i n d i f f i c u l t i e s i n t e s t i n g hypotheses r e l a t i n g to the theory w i l l be i d e n t i f i e d f o r use i n designing the working hypotheses. I I M unicipal D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n Theory Henry Schmandt describes the theory of urban government d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n as being at the convergence of two themes i n s o c i o l o g i c a l and p o l i t i c a l theory: f e d e r a l i s m ( l o c a l autonomy and intergovernmental r e l a t i o n s ) and the neighborhood (as a planning and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t ) (Schmandt, 1972, p. 572). A. Federalism: L o c a l Autonomy Both the U.S. and Canada have been, and s t i l l are, concerned with the d i v i s i o n of p o l i t i c a l power between s t a t e s or provinces and the n a t i o n a l government. At the municipal l e v e l , p o l i t i c a l and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e power i s delegated from the province or s t a t e to municipal government, I t i s at the municipal and submunicipal l e v e l t h a t delegation of power to submunicipal u n i t s i n v o l v e s s p e c i f y i n g whether the power delegated i s p o l i t i c a l ( i e : to o f f i c i a l s responsible to a 12 submunicipal e l e c t o r a t e ) or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e ( i e : delegation of greater d i s c r e t i o n a r y power w i t h i n a h i e r a r c h i c a l p u b l i c agency to employees at the l o c a l s e r v i c e o u t l e t l e v e l ) (Crawford, 1954, pp. 48f) . In a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , the focus i s cn reducing the unresponsiveness of p u b l i c bureaucracies, even though t h i s often means degrading t r a d i t i o n a l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e values of e f f i c i e n c y and economy of s c a l e . The r a t i o n a l e f o r delegating greater a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d i s c r e t i o n to the o u t l e t l e v e l i s t hat o f f i c i a l s at that l e v e l would tend to concentrate more on smaller areas and would the r e f o r e be more responsive to t h e i r c l i e n t s ; t h i s would r e s u l t i n b e t t e r s e r v i c e and more e f f e c t i v e programs. In p o l i t i c a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , the focus i s on f a c i l i t a t i n g the i n t e r v e n t i o n by the p r e s e n t l y a l i e n a t e d groups i n the decision-making process i n s o f a r as " l o c a l " matters are concerned. In t h i s context, d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n i s seen as a means of f a c i l i t a t i n g m o b i l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c a l power i n neighborhoods, and developing the self - c o n s c i o u s n e s s cf r e s i d e n t s as a p o l i t i c a l f o r c e , and thus enabling some d i r e c t c i t i z e n c o n t r o l over the p u b l i c i n s t i t u t i o n s s e rving the neighborhood (Schmandt, 1972, pp. 576-577). I t i s c l e a r that i n conducting a comparative study of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o l i t i c a l process and population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that the areas studied should have very s i m i l a r governing s t r u c t u r e s and means of p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n . The s t r u c t u r e and means of s e l e c t i n g a l o c a l area government (or 1 3 other r e p r e s e n t a t i v e body) could i n f l u e n c e the nature of the p o l i t i c a l process. B. The Neighborhood as a P o l i t i c a l Unit The neighborhood has been the subject of much s o c i o l o g i c a l and p o l i t i c a l c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n . E a r l y t h e o r e t i c a l work began with Perry's "neighborhood u n i t " concept of the neighborhood as an area having a l l the p u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s and amenities r e q u i r e d by f a m i l i e s , i n the v i c i n i t y of the home ( K e l l e r , 1968, p. 87). In the p h y s i c a l sense, i t i s r e l a t e d to Ebenezer Howard's "Garden C i t y " concept; s o c i o l o g i c a l l y . Perry f e l t t h i s environment would enable people to know t h e i r neighbors, p a r t i c i p a t e i n p u b l i c a f f a i r s and g e n e r a l l y achieve s e l f -f u l f i l m e n t through i n t e n s e , mutually supportive s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h i n the neighborhood (Schmandt, 1972, pp. 573-57 4) . The neighborhood u n i t concept has been s e v e r e l y c r i t i c i z e d , and there i s s t i l l disagreement over the s p a t i a l manifestations of s o c i a l networks. For example, Barry Wellman f e e l s that urban s o c i e t y has become d e s p a t i a l i z e d — m o s t i n t e r a c t i o n t a k i n g place w i t h i n " s e l e c t i v e communities" with l i t t l e geographic concentration of i n t e r e s t s . He does admit that some f u n c t i o n s have a l o c a l i t y context (property i n t e r e s t s and housing tenure, f o r example) (Wellman, 1971, pp. 283-285). Another t h e o r e t i c a l approach to the neighborhood has been the " n a t u r a l area" c o n c e p t — a r e a s i n d i c a t e d by d i s t i n c t i v e e c o l o g i c a l (human) and p h y s i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (Schmandt, 1972, 14 pp. 574-575). T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e i s adopted by M i l t o n K o t l e r and Alan A l t s c h u l e r i n t h e i r arguments f o r neighborhood government— K o t l e r proposes that urban neighborhoods were o r i g i n a l l y towns and v i l l a g e s with l o c a l p o l i t i c a l u n i t y and t h a t t h e r e f o r e a h i s t o r i c a l b a s i s f o r s e l f - r u l e e x i s t s ( K o t l e r , 1969, pp. 5-6, 27). A l t s c h u l e r r e f e r s to e c o l o g i c a l c o n c e n t r a t i o n s of m i n o r i t y groups i n urban areas which, because of r e l a t i v e i m mobility of these groups, r e s u l t s i n g r e a t e r group i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the neighborhood. T h i s view i s supported by experience i n the U.S. Community A c t i o n Programs ( A l t s c h u l e r , 1970, p. 129; Capoccia, 1973, p. 250). The purpose of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n on neighborhood concepts i s intended only to i l l u s t r a t e t h a t the term "neighborhood" has been i n c o n s i s t e n t l y and widely used i n s o c i o l o g i c a l and planning l i t e r a t u r e . Sometimes i t i s used to d e s c r i b e a geographic area; sometimes i t d e s c r i b e s a s e t of a c t i v i t i e s or p e r c e p t i o n s a s s o c i a t e d with an area. L i t t l e can be concluded or assumed about s o c i a l dynamics, d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , or p o l i t i c a l process i n urban "neighborhoods" ( K e l l e r , 1966, pp. 67-73). C. M u n i c i p a l D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n Theory: Major Assumptions The theory and r a t i o n a l e s u p p o r t i n g both a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and p o l i t i c a l d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n are based on two assumptions: t h a t common i n t e r e s t s can be i d e n t i f i e d with a d e f i n a b l e submunicipal geographic t e r r i t o r y (Zimmerman, 1972, p. 225), and t h a t the p o l i t i c a l dynamics a t t h a t l e v e l w i l l r e f l e c t l o c a l values and i n t e r e s t s and thus l e g i t i m i z e the decision-making process a t t h a t l e v e l , from the p o i n t of view of the area c o n s t i t u e n c y 15 (Schmandt, 1972, pp. 576-577). The p o t e n t i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s i n research i n d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theory lay i n s e v e r a l areas suggested by the above o u t l i n e . The f i r s t i s that areas being compared must have very s i m i l a r l e g a l and p o l i t i c a l statuses and s t r u c t u r e s . The second i s s e l e c t i n g issue areas p o l i t i c a l l y s a l i e n t to the l o c a l area population. A t h i r d i s p o s t u l a t i n g the l i n e s of cleavage i n each issue area, r e l a t i n g to the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of the l o c a l community. A f o u r t h i s the d i f f i c u l t problem of d e f i n i n g " l e g i t i m a c y " cf p o l i t i c a l processes and government. These c o n s i d e r a t i o n s are included i n the chapters on democratic theory and design of working hypotheses. 16 Chapter 3 Democratic Theory: The Responsive Government I I n t r o d u c t i o n The general hypothesis c a l l s f o r t e s t i n g whether a p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l process " r e f l e c t s the d i v e r s i t y of p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s of the population". The purpose of t h i s chapter i s to o u t l i n e the current concept and i d e n t i f y the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a p o l i t i c a l process which has that c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . The body of theory which i s at the focus of t h i s guest i s that of l i b e r a l democratic theory. The e v o l u t i o n of the theory w i l l be traced and the current concept and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a responsive p o l i t i c a l system w i l l be o u t l i n e d to use i n developing working hypotheses. I I E v o l u t i o n of L i b e r a l Democratic Theory Theories of democracy can be traced back i n human h i s t o r y at l e a s t as f a r as the era of the c l a s s i c a l Greek c i t y - s t a t e s . The example of c l a s s i c a l democracy used most often i s that of the Athenian E c c l e s i a , a governing body open to a l l f r e e male adult c i t i z e n s , checked only by a c o u n c i l of f i v e hundred c i t i z e n s drawn by l o t from the population (Cunningham, 1972, pp. 590-591). Theory has evolved from t h a t time to the present; the r e s u l t , as i t i s understood i n western n a t i o n s , i s the theory of l i b e r a l democratic government. F r e d e r i c Thayer a s s e r t s that there i s general agreement on the broad o u t l i n e of the theory, 17 and t h a t i t seems e q u a l l y a p p l i c a b l e to a l l western "democratic" governments (Thayer, 1971, p. 6 ) . Understanding t h i s theory, e s p e c i a l l y i t s r e c e n t development with r e s p e c t to North American p o l i t i c a l systems, i s necessary i n s o c i a l p o l i c y design because change i n North American governmental s t r u c t u r e s w i l l almost c e r t a i n l y be made i n i t s context (Greer and K i r a r , 1964, p. 70) . David R i c c i and F r e d e r i c k Thayer have t r a c e d the e v o l u t i o n of democratic theory from the nineteenth century to the p r e s e n t . T h e i r work, a m p l i f i e d by other writers*", w i l l be used here f o r a broad-brush d e s c r i p t i o n . E i g h t e e n t h and nineteenth century concepts of l i b e r a l democracy were based on three assumptions: t h a t most men are r a t i o n a l , t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l and not the group i s of prime p o l i t i c a l importance, and that the c o l l e c t i v e i n t e r e s t of a s o c i e t y i s best represented through an e l e c t o r a l system ( R i c c i , 1971, pp. 10-11). V a r i o u s p o l i t i c a l events of the nineteenth and e a r l y twentieth c e n t u r i e s , such as the emergence of the p o l i t i c a l "boss", i n American muni c i p a l government, c a s t doubt cn the v a l i d i t y of the b a s i c assumptions of e a r l y democratic theory, and American s c h o l a r s sought to r e d e f i n e the theory ( R i c c i , 1971, pp. 50-51). Although he wasn't the only t h e o r i s t attempting to r e c a s t democratic theory, Joseph Schumpeter i s g e n e r a l l y considered to have been f i r s t to g i v e a f u l l e x p o s i t i o n of the new "process theory" i n h i s 1942 book C a p i t a l i s m ^ S o c i a l i s m ^ and Democracy ( R i c c i , 1971, p. 52). Schumpeter's d e f i n i t i o n of democratic 18 process i s "...that i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangement f o r a r r i v i n g at p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n s i n which i n d i v i d u a l s acquire the power to decide by means of a competitive s t r u g g l e f o r the people's vote" (Schumpeter, 1942, p. 269). The theory accommodates p l u r a l i s m , p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , and e l i t e s by adopting a competitive or "marketplace" approach to the e l e c t o r a l process. The concept of the p o l i t i c a l system i s that of a more or l e s s competitive arena i n which groups compete f o r power and i n which i n d i v i d u a l p o l i t i c a l a c tors recognize and a r t i c u l a t e the values and i n t e r e s t s of t h e i r reference groups ( a l s o : K i r l i n and E r i e , 1972, p. 175; Lowi, 1971, p. 74; Freund, 1948, p. 342). The i n d i v i d u a l c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t e s i n the p o l i t i c a l process and c o n t r o l s h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s only, by v o t i n g . P l u r a l i s t and other group t h e o r i e s never included t h i s premise, and the i s s u e of i n f l u e n c e has never been resolved i n the theory. Competition among p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i s to ensure that meaningful a l t e r n a t i v e s are presented to the voter ( R i c c i , 1971, p. 60; Freund, 1948, p. 342). The " p u b l i c i n t e r e s t " remains a nebulous but presumably proper balance of power among competing i n t e r e s t s . The p r i n c i p l e f e a t u r e of t h i s model of democracy i s the p l u r a l i s t competition f o r power, with the r o l e cf the c i t i z e n being one of p e r i o d i c a l l y i n d i c a t i n g h i s p o l i t i c a l d e s i r e s through the e l e c t o r a l process (also: K i r l i n and E r i e , 1972, p. 175). Some of the weaknesses i n the "process theory" were i d e n t i f i e d by 1950. The assumption that the e l e c t o r a l process had greater power over e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s than any other 19 form of power ( i n d u s t r i a l l o b b i e s , f o r example) was attacked because i t was c l e a r even at that time that the voter did not have a v a r i e t y of meaningful e l e c t o r a l choices ( R i c c i , 1971, p. 61). The assumption that most c i t i z e n s are incapable of d e f i n i n g t h e i r own best i n t e r e s t s meant that s t a b i l i t y and a democratic e t h i c i n government depended on a lew l e v e l of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y on the part of the e l e c t o r a t e . This led to the c o n c l u s i o n that s t a b l e democracy r e s t s on a ge n e r a l l y t o l e r a n t and ap a t h e t i c c i t i z e n r y — a p u z z l i n g c o n t r a d i c t i o n (Thayer, 1971, pp. 6-13; Corry, 1959, p. 85). from an i d e o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , the theory was denounced by some who f e l t that i g n o r i n g the outcome of the p o l i t i c a l process i n f e r r e d that e x i s t i n g p o l i c i e s and p r a c t i c e s were appropriate ( R i c c i , 1971, p. 61). This omission from comprehensive t h e o r i e s of deomocracy has been drawn to the reader's a t t e n t i o n i n Chapter 1. David Truman added the concept of " i n t e r e s t group" to the process theory i n an attempt to make theory and r e a l i t y somewhat more congruent. This concept i s s t i l l an i n t e g r a l part of democratic theory, as w i l l be discussed l a t e r ( R i c c i , 1971, p. 82) . The next phase i n t h e o r e t i c a l development was marked by Floyd Hunter and C. Wright M i l l s ' works of the e a r l y 1950's on i n f l u e n t i a l e l i t e s at the l o c a l and n a t i o n a l l e v e l s r e s p e c t i v e l y . Hunter found i n h i s study of A t l a n t a , Georgia, that a very few people c o n t r o l l e d the c i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n s , and that t h i s e l i t e group did not g e n e r a l l y d e r i v e t h e i r power 20 from formal p u b l i c p o s i t i o n s (Hunter, 1953, pp. 81-105). His methodology-the " r e p u t a t i o n a l t e c h n i q u e " — c o n s i s t e d of having "key i n f o r m a n t s " or "judges" i d e n t i f y the community's " l e a d e r s h i p p o o l " , f o l l o w e d by c y c l e s of i n t e r v i e w i n g persons named who i d e n t i f i e d and ranked other l e a d e r s (Hunter, 1953, pp. 262-272). M i l l s ' technique became known as the " p o s i t i o n a l t e c h n i q u e " — h e f e l t t h a t power d i d not accrue to the i n d i v i d u a l , but only to the formal p o s i t i o n held by the i n d i v i d u a l ( M i l l s , 1956, pp. 10-11). The next major impact on democratic theory was due to the e a r l y 1960's work of the " p l u r a l i s t s c h o o l " , i n t r o d u c e d to North American p o l i t i c a l s c i e n c e by Dahl, Polsby, and Wolfinger ( R i c c i , 1971, pp. 126-127). Though many p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s a t t r i b u t e the b i r t h of p l u r a l i s t theory to Robert Dahl, the o r i g i n can be t r a c e d to the 1939 w r i t i n g s of J.S. F u r n i v a l l , who d e f i n e d a " p l u r a l s o c i e t y " a s v a " s o c i e t y comprising two or more elements or s o c i a l orders which l i v e s i d e by s i d e , yet without mingling, i n one p o l i t i c a l u n i t " (Rabushka and Shepsle, 1972, pp. 10-11). F u r n i v a l l based h i s theory on c u l t u r a l p l u r a l i s m i n an i n t e r n a t i o n a l sense. He found that " l i n e s of cleavage" r e f l e c t e d r a c i a l , l i n g u i s t i c , r e l i g i o u s , and sometimes t r i b a l groupings, e s p e c i a l l y when e t h n i c and o c c u p a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s were pronounced. Such a s o c i e t y , he propounded, was i n t e g r a t e d only by i n t e r - g r o u p economic exchanges and s u r v i v e d as a p o l i t i c a l u n i t only because of e x t e r n a l f o r c e . Whether the f a c t that F u r n i v a l l was an economist and a c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r i n Netherlands India i n f l u e n c e d h i s c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n w i l l remain a s p e c u l a t i v e p o i n t i n t h i s t h e s i s (Rabushka and Shepsle, 1972, 21 pp. 8-11). He d i d apply h i s theory to s o c i e t i e s where e t h n i c -o c c u p a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s were weak; h i s p r i n c i p l e tenet was that the s t a b i l i t y of such s o c i e t i e s was enhanced by the extent to which groups and i n d i v i d u a l s have a number of p o l i t i c a l l y r e l e v a n t " c r o s s - c u t t i n g " a f f i l i a t i o n s (Rabushka and Shepsle, 1972, p. 57). T h i s concept i s found i n Dahl's l a t e r w r i t i n g s , but i s not made e x p l i c i t i n h i s major i n t r o d u c t o r y work Who Governs? (Dahl, 1967, p. 277). Nelson P c l s b y a t t a c k e d the e l i t i s t model of p o l i t i c s on s e v e r a l grounds. He s t a t e d t h a t nothing c a t e g o r i c a l can be assumed about community p o l i t i c s — h e charged t h a t Hunter's hypothesis t h a t an e l i t e would be found was s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g because Hunter had assumed t h a t s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n theory was d i r e c t l y a p p l i c a b l e to p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s i s . He f u r t h e r charged that Hunter's s i n g l e - p o i n t - i n - t i m e a n a l y s i s was f a u l t y because p o l i t i c a l systems tend to be d y n a m i c — a c t o r s and i s s u e s change over time, and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of power changes with them. He was e s p e c i a l l y c r i t i c a l of the r e p u t a t i o n a l technique of leader i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , arguing that s i n c e human behaviour i s i n part i n f l u e n c e d by i n e r t i a , o v e r t p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and i n d i v i d u a l p o l i t i c a l r o l e s are of g r e a t e r consequence than mere r e p u t a t i o n f o r power-holding. In b r i e f , he contended that p l u r a l i s t theory was c o r r e c t , because i t accounted f o r a c t u a l e x e r c i s e of power and outcomes of p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e s (Polsby, 1963, pp. 113-121) . Robert Dahl provided an e m p i r i c a l b a s i s f o r p l u r a l i s t theory i n h i s oft-quoted case study of New Haven, Who Governs? 22 (Dahl, 1961). The key elements are the focus on d e c i s i o n s and issue areas (the " d e c i s i o n a l technique"), the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of a c t u a l and p o t e n t i a l power (the p o l i t i c a l " s l a c k " concept), d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e power s t r u c t u r e s , c o i n i n g the phrase " p o l i t i c a l stratum" to descibe those persons a c t i v e i n p u b l i c a f f a i r s , and r e l a t i n g p o l i t i c a l "resources" to i n d i v i d u a l and group power-holding (Dahl, 1961, pp.90-102, 164-165, 226-228, 271, 279, 305). C r i t i c i s m s of the p l u r a l i s t theory of Dahl et a l were not l a c k i n g (Zimmerman, 1972, p.. 225; B i c c i , 1971, p. 140). Several w r i t e r s f e e l that p l u r a l i s m a l a Dahl i s nothing more than process theory i n d e t a i l . The same acceptance of l i m i t e d p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , competitiveness, and appeals to reference groups apply ( R i c c i , 1971i pp. 152-157). Democratic norms are i m p l i e d and meaningful choices are assumed tc be presented through the e l e c t o r a l process ( R i c c i , 1971, p. 149; P r e w i t t , 1970, pp. 208-216; Greer and Mirar, 1964, p. 68). David R i c c i f e e l s that the s i n g l e major defect i n the theory i s the i m p l i c i t assumption that a p o l i t i c a l c i t i z e n s are s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r government ( R i c c i , 1971, pp. 156-157, 166). This c r i t i c i s m a l s o c a s t s doubt on Dahl's concepts of p o l i t i c a l " s l a c k " and non-cumulative r e s o u r c e s — p o l i t i c a l i n e r t i a may not r e f l e c t s a t i s f a c t i o n i f c i t i z e n s don't have p o l i t i c a l resources which they could use i f d i s s a t i s f i e d ( R i c c i , 1971, p. 166). The methodology used i n the New Haven study was also attacked—: Bachrach and Baratz focussed on the heavy emphasis on the p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n , expressing the view that the "non-d e c i s i o n " — t h e p o l i c y or issue suppressed from p u b l i c debate--is 23 as important as d e c i s i o n s a c t u a l l y made (Eachrach and E a r a t z , 1963, pp. 632-642,; a l s o : Scoble, 1971, p. 113; B i c c i , 1971, p. 163; Key, 1964, p. 57). G e n e r a l l y speaking, the p r i n c i p l e c r i t i c i s m of p l u r a l i s t theory was that the p o l i t i c a l system was not as r e s p o n s i v e , and p o l i t i c a l power was not as d i f f u s e d , as Dahl had claimed (Zimmerman, 1972, pp. 224-225). Even though organized group c o n f l i c t i s i n d i c a t i v e of p l u r a l i s m , the i n t e r n a l p o l i t i c s of groups may not be e i t h e r e g a l i t a r i a n cr responsive to the membership (l o w i , 1971, pp. 74-76). W i l l i a m S c o t t ' s statement provides a s u c c i n c t summary of the weakness of p l u r a l i s t t h e o r y : the p l u r a l i s t c o nception of the democratic p o l i t i c a l system i s one of " i s l a n d s of despotism i n a sea of c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p l u r a l i s m accompanied by the hope that e q u i t y , j u s t i c e , and s o c i a l good comes out of i t a l l " (Scott, 1969, p. 47; also:. Greer and M i r a r , 1964, p. 65). Where does t h i s leave democratic theory? P o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s are c u r r e n t l y developing concepts cf p o l i t i c a l systems c e n t r e d on i n t e r e s t groups (Verba, 1965, p. 468; Lowi, 1967, p. 12; Lowi, 1971, pp. 74-76; Tunnard, 1973, p. 103). What are the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of what Lowi has termed " i n t e r e s t group l i b e r a l i s m " (or Tunnards* " p a r t i s a n mutual adjustment")? The key f e a t u r e , a c c o r d i n g to Lowi, i s t h a t p u b l i c p o l i c y i s to be formulated i n terms of organized i n t e r e s t s . The r o l e of government i s to ensure access of groups to the decision-making process and to r a t i f y the agreements reached among p a r t i c i p a t i n g groups. I t i s t h e r e f o r e l i t t l e more than a v u l g a r i z e d v e r s i o n 24 of p l u r a l i s t theory (Lowi, 1967, p. 12). The concepts of " l e g i t i m a c y " and responsiveness to unorganized groups are missing from these c o n s t r u c t i o n s . The p o l i t i c a l context of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n North America, as o u t l i n e d i n Chapter 1, suggests that l e g i t i m a c y and responsiveness t o the unorganized must be ensured i n a p o l i t i c a l process which " r e f l e c t s the d i v e r s i t y of p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s of the population" (from the general h y p o t h e s i s ) . The recent work of p o l i t i c a l philosophers who attempt to broach t h i s problem i s the subject of the next s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter. While the democratic theory o u t l i n e d above i s a p p l i c a b l e to a l l western democracies (Thayer, 1971, p. 6 ) , i t s d e t a i l e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n v a r i e s among nations. The American i n t e r p r e t a t i o n has str e s s e d the accommodation of h i g h l y organized i n t e r e s t groups, a thought which can be traced to Madison's concern i n the F e d e r a l i s t Papers #10 with the dominance of f a c t i o n s i n sm a l l j u r i s d i c t i o n s (Madison, 1788; Head, 1971, p. 14). The Canadian i n t e r p r e t a t i o n has stressed democratic l e a d e r s h i p — p o l i t i c i a n s propose h y p o t h e t i c a l p o l i c i e s , l i s t e n to r e a c t i o n s from the e l e c t o r a t e and i n t e r e s t groups, and modify proposed p o l i c i e s to make them acceptable to most i n t e r e s t s (Whalen, 1960, pp. 5, 193). Tracing the v a r i a t i o n s i n t h i s theme and applying that knowledge to design of s p e c i f i c p u b l i c s t r u c t u r e s i n v o l v i n g " c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n " i s beyond the scope of t h i s research. The point i s r a i s e d only to warn the reader that a p p l i c a t i o n of general democratic theory to a s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n r e guires f u r t h e r , c a r e f u l 25 research, I I I The Responsive P o l i t i c a l System Buckhart Holzner d e p i c t s the p o l i t i c a l system as part of the i n t e g r a t i n g mechanisms of s o c i e t y , wherein power r e l a t i o n s among subsystems are i n t e g r a t e d (Max Weber's " s o c i a l order on the b a s i s of i n t e r e s t c o n s t e l l a t i o n s " ) , and value i n t e g r a t i o n i s based on values associated with c u l t u r a l l y defined p o s i t i o n s . In t h i s model, the l e g i t i m a c y of government i s determined by the nature of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the power r e l a t i o n s system and the.value system, and to a l e s s e r degree, the operative system (the d a i l y meshing of i n s t i t u t i o n a l operations and the community). Presumably, i f value d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s not r e f l e c t e d i n the power (or p o l i t i c a l ) i n t e g r a t i o n system, the l e g i t i m a c y of the s t r u c t u r e and process of government i s weakened ( a l s o : Bonjean, 1971a, p. 24). Holzner adds that i n t e g r a t i o n i n s o c i e t y i s net n e c e s s a r i l y based on a high degree of s o c i o - c u l t u r a l unitv^ or on a high degree of socio-personal i n t e g r a t i o n , nor i s value and power d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among groups equivaluent to d i s i n t e g r a t i o n (Holzner, 1967, pp. 59-60). This view i s r e i n f o r c e d by John Walton's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of recent e m p i r i c a l research by P e r u c c i and P i l i s u k , and Molt which suggests that the greater the number of p o l i t i c a l (or instrumental) o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n a power system (urban government, f o r example) the greater the number of intergroup l i n k a g e s and the denser the "power network", and thus the more l i k e l y are p o l i c y outcomes r e f l e c t i n g the d i v e r s i t y of 26 p o s i t i o n s . He concludes that broad p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the p o l i t i c a l system does not' i n d i c a t e dysfunction (Walton, 1973, p. 326). Consequently, not only must the power s t r u c t u r e i n decision-making be i n c r e a s i n g l y p l u r a l i s t i c as values and i n t e r e s t s d i v e r s i f y i n the community i n order to approximate the democratic i d e a l , but the process of decision-making i t s e l f must be perceived by the p a r t i c i p a n t s as l e g i t i m a t e (Vrooman, 1972, p. 3; Rein, 1969, p. 233). Amitai E t z i o n i has l a i d a p h i l o s o p h i c a l foundation f o r p o l i t i c a l l y responsive and re s p o n s i b l e government i n The Ac t i v e Society (1968), He terms such a system as an "authentic p o l i t i c a l community"—a community which i s s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n coer c i v e (legal) power, which can make s i g n i f i c a n t and e f f e c t i v e d e c i s i o n s i n resource a l l o c a t i o n , which i s perceived by most p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e c i t i z e n s as l e g i t i m a t e , and which both appears to be and i s responsive to bas i c human needs ( E t z i o n i , 1968, pp. 668-669). This concept i s supported by A l v i n T o f f l e r and Richard Sennett who argue t h a t the p o l i t i c a l system must be opened—only by b r i n g i n g i n angry m i n o r i t i e s and those not b e n e f i t t i n g from the e x i s t i n g e l e c t o r a l process as f u l l partners can people come to be i n c o n t r o l of themselves ( T o f f l e r , 1970, p. 422; Sennett, 1971, p. 198). This p r o p o s i t i o n i s c l o s e to Rousseau's b e l i e f that freedom i s based on obedience to r u l e s formulated i n a decision-making process a c c e s s i b l e to a l l (Hart, 1972, p. 610) . The current concept of responsive government appears tc be that of p l u r a l i s m , e s p e c i a l l y i n the form of organized group 27 competition f o r p u b l i c support, o v e r l a i d with the perception of the constituency that the p o l i t i c a l system and government are l e g i t i m a t e (Presthus, 1970, pp. 109-110). The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a p l u r a l i s t i c , l e g i t i m a t e p o l i t i c a l process therefore i n c l u d e : 1. Competition among centres of power and i n f l u e n c e w i t h i n the p o l i t i c a l community. 2. Access to the p o l i t i c a l system f o r both groups and i n d i v i d u a l s . 3. P a r t i c i p a t i o n by i n d i v i d u a l s i n d i f f e r e n t kinds of p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . 4. Perception of the constituency that the means of s e l e c t i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and t h e i r a c t i v i t y as l e g i t i m a t e . The above c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s w i l l be used i n developing working hypotheses i n the next chapter, and i n analyzing research f i n d i n g s . 28 Chapter 4 P o l i t i c a l Process and Community S t r u c t u r e : Developing Working Hypotheses I Comparative A n a l y s i s — T h e V a r i a b l e s A simple d e f i n i t i o n of "community" i s "a conglomeration of people l i v i n g i n the same geographic a r e a " ( L e i s s n e r , 1973, p. 3) ; the use of '«conglomeration" i m p l i e s that i n d i v i d u a l s may be d i f f e r e n t i n many ways. A more e x a c t i n g d e f i n i t i o n i s " t h a t combination of s o c i a l u n i t s and systems which perform the major s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s having l o c a l i t y r e l e v a n c e " (Warren, 1963, p. 9 ) . The a d d i t i o n of " s o c i a l u n i t s and systems" i n the d e f i n i t i o n suggests s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s among groups of i n d i v i d u a l s , r e s u l t i n g i n the performance of a s o c i a l f u n c t i o n . Comparative a n a l y s i s of p o l i t i c a l processes i n d i f f e r e n t communities i s r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t — c a s e s t u d i e s i n t h i s f i e l d were almost the r u l e u n t i l the mid-1960*s (Clark, 1968, pp. 3-5). Explanatory p r o p o s i t i o n s i n s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l s c i e n c e can be more c o n f i d e n t l y based on comparisons between communities (or other r e s e a r c h u n i t , depending on what i s being s t u d i e d ) , although the r i c h d e t a i l of single-community case s t u d i e s i s i n v a l u a b l e i n e x p l o r a t o r y s t u d i e s (Bonjean, 1971a, p. 172). A key element i n comparative a n a l y s i s i s s p e c i f i c a t i o n of v a r i a b l e s . The dependent v a r i a b l e i n the g e n e r a l hypothesis i s the nature of the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s : the r e l a t i v e degree of p l u r a l i s m e x h i b i t e d and the l e g i t i m a c y of the p o l i t i c a l process 29 as perceived by the p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s . The independent v a r i a b l e i s the p o l i t i c a l value system of the community. A l l other s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a b l e s would i d e a l l y be c o n t r o l l e d t c the same value; i n p r a c t i c e , some approximate s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n i s unavoidable. Cl a r k s t u d i e d the economic, s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c a l science l i t e r a t u r e on p o l i t i c a l process and derived ten major v a r i a b l e s s i g n i f i c a n t i n community decision-making (Clark, 1968, pp. 17-22). These are: 1. Inputs to the community: the degree of autonomy of the community i n decision-making a f f e c t s the way incoming resources are converted to outputs (the s i z e of the budget, r e s t r i c t i o n s on use of senior government funding, e t c ) . 2. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the n a t i o n a l s o c i e t y : major c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e n c e s among nations. 3. Demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the community: age, s i z e , growth r a t e , e t h n i c i t y , e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l s , o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e , e t c . U. Economic f u n c t i o n of the community: the economic base, d i v e r s i t y of employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s , e t c . 5. L e g a l - p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e : ward vs a t - l a r g e e l e c t i o n s , c i t y manager vs mayor government, i n t e r -governmental agreements, e t c . 6. I n t e g r a t i n g mechanisms: the s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the p o l i t i c a l process, such as p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s , e t c . 7. Community values and norms: these i n f l u e n c e the 30 decision-making process by l i m i t i n g the range of "acceptable" p o l i c y outputs. 8. Leadership c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : l e a d e r s ' s o c i a l backgrounds, demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , values, i n t e r e s t s , e t c . 9. The "decision-making s t r u c t u r e " : the p o l i t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n among p o l i t i c a l actors w i t h i n the community i n i n f l u e n c i n g choices among a l t e r n a t e goals r e l a t i n g to maintaining or modifying i n s t i t u t i o n s or f a c i l i t i e s t h a t i n v o l v e the majority of community 10. Community outputs: the a c t u a l r e s u l t s of the p o l i t i c a l process, such as e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s , budget-s e t t i n g , program approvals, etc. Cl a r k ' s c o n s t r u c t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a community are p a r a l l e l e d i n Roland Warren's d i s c u s s i o n of the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and the s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s of a community. Warren i d e n t i f i e s f i v e s o c i a l f u n c t i o n s having l o c a l i t y relevance (Warren, 1963, pp. 9-10): 1. Production-distribution-consumption systems 2. S o c i a l i z a t i o n 3. S o c i a l c o n t r o l 4. S o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n 5. Mutual support The f u n c t i o n being considered i n developing and t e s t i n g the general hypothesis i s that of s o c i a l c o n t r o l — t h e process through which the members of a community are in f l u e n c e d by the 31 group toward conformity with i t s norms (Warren, 1963, p. 11). The p o l i t i c a l process i s one of s e v e r a l processes by which s o c i a l c o n t r o l and i n t e g r a t i o n are a c h i e v e d — o t h e r s i n c l u d e c o n t r o l by the f a m i l y and by i n s t i t u t i o n s such as p u b l i c s c h o o l s . In order to examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o l i t i c a l process and the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of the l o c a l area, s e v e r a l v a r i a b l e s suggested by C l a r k and Warren should be c o n t r o l l e d . The l e g a l s t a t u s and o r g a n i z a t i o n of the l o c a l government i s very important (see a l s o : Chapter 2 of t h i s t h e s i s and M i l b r a t h , 1965, pp. 5, 90). Only f o r m a l l y c o n s t i t u t e d bodies, g e n e r a l l y municipal governments, have c o e r c i v e power i n land development c o n t r o l i n Canada. To c o n t r o l t h i s v a r i a b l e , the l o c a l a reas s e l e c t e d should have the same l e g a l - p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s . T h i s has been accomplished by s e l e c t i n g two l o c a l areas i n Vancouver which have been designated by the C i t y and which have equal and s i m i l a r l e g a l s t a t u s i n s o f a r as land development c o n t r o l i s concerned ( C i t y of Vancouver, 1973a, p. 4). T h i s s e l e c t i o n a l s o c o n t r o l s "community i n p u t s " and "community outputs" i n C l a r k ' s c o n s t r u c t i o n , i n t h a t Vancouver's l o c a l areas i n f a c t do not have s t a t u t o r y r i g h t s to tax revenue or other p u b l i c " i n p u t s " . With no c o e r c i v e powers i n land development, both areas l a c k e q u a l l y i n p o l i c y "output" i n t h a t i s s u e area. An input which may be r e l e v a n t i s that some l o c a l area o r g a n i z a t i o n s r e c e i v e funds f o r programs from s e n i o r governments. Both have c i t y - a s s i s t e d i n f o r m a t i o n c e n t r e s , f o r example. The p o t e n t i a l of i n d i v i d u a l s and groups to a c t 32 p o l i t i c a l l y c a n be compromised i f t h e c i t y w i t h d r a w s the f u n d s on which t h e i r s u r v i v a l depends ( A p o s t l e , 1972, p. 7; N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f w e l f a r e , 1972, pp. 2 7 - 3 3 ) . The autonomy o f g r o u p s , i n t h a t c o n t e x t , w i l l be i n c l u d e d i n i n f o r m a t i o n - g a t h e r i n g t o c o n f i r m c o n t r o l o f t h i s v a r i a b l e . A n o t h e r i n p u t t o be c o n t r o l l e d i s t h e " v i s i b i l i t y " o f t h e l e a d e r s h i p ( B o n j e a n , 1971a, p. 24; Booth and Babchuk, 1973, p. 8 2 ) . B o t h a r e a s have a community newspaper and i n b o t h a r e a s , t h e p o l i t i c a l g r o u p s have d i s t r i b u t e d l i t e r a t u r e i n t h e community on t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . B o t h a r e a s a r e w i t h i n t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n a r e a o f c i t y d a i l y newpapers and r a d i o and t e l e v i s i o n . S u b j e c t t o c h e c k i n g t h e r e l a t i v e autonomy o f p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e g r o u p s from f u n d - s o u r c e i n f l u e n c e , t h e two a r e a s a r e s i m i l a r i n " i n p u t s " . W i t h no c o e r c i v e powers i n l a n d d e v e l o p m e n t , b o t h l o c a l a r e a s a r e i d e n t i c a l i n l a c k o f p o l i c y " o u t p u t " . C l a r k ' s " economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s " , synonomous w i t h t h e p r o d u c t i o n - d i s t r i b u t i o n - c o n s u m p t i o n s y s t e m c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n Warren's s o c i a l f u n c t i o n d e l i n e a t i o n , a r e more d i f f i c u l t t o c o n t r o l i n V a n c o u v e r ' s l o c a l a r e a s . B o n j e a n s u g g e s t s t h a t s i z e , e c o n o m i c b a s e , and human e c o l o g y z o n a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n a r e good i n d i c a t o r s ( B o n j e a n , 1971b, pp. 7 - 9 ) . . Some e a r l y work by S c o t t G r e e r and P e t e r O r l e a n s s u g g e s t s t h a t some d i f f e r e n c e s i n i n n e r c i t y and s u b u r b a n a r e a s a r e r e f l e c t e d i n p o l i t i c a l b e h a v i o u r , b u t i t was n o t c l e a r w hether s c a l e , s o c i a l c o m p o s i t i o n , o r l e g a l - p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e s were t h e p r i m a r y c a u s e . T h i s would add some l e g i t i m a c y t o c o n t r o l l i n g on human e c o l o g y i n d i c a t o r s 33 (Greer and O r l e a n s , 1962, p. 645). In p o p u l a t i o n s i z e , the two areas are roughly equal. Both areas are r e s i d e n t i a l areas, c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a mix of s i n g l e - f a m i l y , duplex-conversions, and some l o w - r i s e apartments; both have commercial land-uses along a r t e r i a l s t r e e t s ; and both are adjacent to i n d u s t r i a l areas, as shown on the map i n Appendix B ( C i t y of Vancouver, 1973c, p. 22) . Human ecology concepts have r a r e l y been a p p l i e d to p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s i s (Almy, 1973, p. 914). While the s u b - s o c i a l model based on b i o l o g i c a l a n a l o g i e s has l a r g e l y teen d i s c r e d i t e d , some concepts are s t i l l used by urban geographers to d e s c r i b e eccnomic a c t i v i t i e s i n urban a r e a s — t h e processes of comp e t i t i o n , i n v a s i o n , s u c c e s s i o n , and.dominance (Pahl, 1968, p. 5; Reissman, 1964, pp. 111,114). In t h i s r e s p e c t , both areas are s i m i l a r — b o t h were o r i g i n a l l y s i n g l e - f a m i l y home areas which are now i n the process of " i n v a s i o n " by h i g h e r - d e n s i t y r e s i d e n t i a l uses. The p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y of each area does not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r . Both areas were i n c l u d e d w i t h i n the 1886 C i t y of Vancouver boundary, as shown on the map i n Appendix C. The " i n t e g r a t i n g mechanisms" v a r i a b l e i s r e l a t e d to the l e g a l - p o l i t i c a l s t r u c t u r e . In a l e g a l - p o l i t i c a l environment where no l e g i s l a t i v e or a d m i n i s t r a t i v e powers are delegated by law to submunicipal p o l i t i c a l b odies, p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n a t that l e v e l can take p l a c e only through i n d i v i d u a l s and/or vol u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s a c t i n g i n a l e g a l l y i n f o r m a l f a s h i o n . The composition and o r g a n i z a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l stratum may well vary and be r e f l e c t e d i n " l e a d e r s h i p c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s " and 34 "decision-making s t r u c t u r e " . In both communities being researched, p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n at the l o c a l area l e v e l has g e n e r a l l y taken place by i n t e r a c t i o n between voluntary a s s o c i a t i o n s and, more r a r e l y , i n d i v i d u a l s . The above sketch of the v a r i a b l e s involved i n a comparative study of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o l i t i c a l process and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i n Vancouver's l o c a l areas suggests that only the i s s u e area must be defined and c a r e f u l l y c o n t r o l l e d for a comparison of K i t s i l a n o and Grandview-Woodlands. This v a r i a b l e i s discussed i n the next s e c t i o n , and working hypotheses are derived i n the f i n a l s e c t i o n s of t h i s chapter, I I S e l e c t i o n of Issue Area Floyd Hunter stud i e d the d i s t r i b u t i o n of i n f l u e n c e i n A t l a n t a and concluded that there was a s i n g l e pyramidal "power s t r u c t u r e " which dominated policy-making at the c i t y l e v e l . He found that d e c i s i o n s on p o l i c y were executed through numerous groups of "second s t r i n g " p o l i t i c a l a c tors (Hunter, 1953, pp. 57, 96-97, 214-223). More recent research suggests t h a t p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n f l u e n c e d by the nature of the p o l i t i c a l i s s u e i t s e l f — t h e " i s s u e a r e a " — a n d that a v a r i e t y of i s s u e areas should be studied before c o n s t r u c t i n g a comprehensive model of the p o l i t i c a l process (Berk et a l , 1973, pp. 573-574; Bonjean, 1971a, p. 30; R i c c i , 1971, p. 163). Theodore Lowi conceptualizes p o l i t i c a l process as an "ecology of power s t r u c t u r e s " — e a c h i s s u e area i s associated with a set of p o l i t i c a l a c tors behaving i n a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c way. There may be 35 o v e r l a p among the i s s u e - o r i e n t e d groups, and the p o l i t i c a l process i n va r i o u s i s s u e areas may d i f f e r markedly (Lowi, 1964, p. 229-230; Bonjean, 1971a, p. 30). Other r e s e a r c h e r s have found t h a t the d e c i s i o n a l technique of p o l i t i c a l process a n a l y s i s r e v e a l s the nature of o b j e c t i v e c o n d i t i o n s i n s p e c i f i c i s s u e areas of great p o l i t i c a l concern, such as race r e l a t i o n s i n the U.S. (Berk et a l , 1973, pp. 590-591). The purpose of t h i s r e s e a r c h i s to l e a r n something about p o l i t i c a l process i n "neighborhoods". I t i s hoped that t h i s w i l l be u s e f u l s i n c e submunicipal u n i t s with some s e l f - g o v e r n i n g f e a t u r e s have a l r e a d y been i n c l u d e d i n p u b l i c programs (neighborhood c o r p o r a t i o n s i n the Model C i t i e s program, f o r example). I t i s most u s e f u l to study p o l i t i c a l process i n the context of a s a l i e n t i s s u e i n Vancouver's l o c a l areas. Canadian experience immediately suggests that urban land development and redevelopment have been major i s s u e s . In a recent study of the Don D i s t r i c t i n Toronto, an area g e n e r a l l y low i n terms of socioeconomic s t a t u s , r e s e a r c h e r s found t h a t most r e s i d e n t s ' and tena n t s ' o r g a n i z a t i o n s had been organized i n response to redevelopment p r o p o s a l s , and t h a t that i s s u e area had remained of prime concern to those groups over a period of time ( S o c i a l Planning C o u n c i l of M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto, 1970, pp. 103,113-122; a l s o : A p o s t l e , 1972, p. 7; Hepo, 1971, p., 60). Scanning Vancouver d a i l y newspapers and the K i t s i l a n o and Grandview-Woodlands weekly newspapers confirms the a s s e r t i o n that land development i s s u e s are of great concern to those who are p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e at the " l o c a l a r e a " l e v e l . While other 36 issue areas may be important i n the l o c a l area context, the issue area s e l e c t e d f o r t h i s research i s urban land development. I l l L i n e s of P o l i t i c a l Cleavage: Working Hypothesis I The general hypothesis i s "that p o l i t i c a l processes i n l o c a l areas r e f l e c t the d i v e r s i t y of p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s of the population and thus have the p o t e n t i a l to l e g i t i m i z e decision-making at t h a t l e v e l " . In a p o l i t i c a l system i n v o l v i n g l e a d e r s h i p , the hypothesis i s r e c a s t to one of leaders r e f l e c t i n g the degree of divergence of values and i n t e r e s t s i n the community (Bonjean, 1971a, p. 24; Clark, 1971, p., 28). R e f e r r i n g to the previous s e c t i o n on v a r i a b l e s , the v a r i a b l e s r e l e v a n t here are demographic and c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and the decision-making process. The l a t t e r v a r i a b l e , the decision-making process, i s r e l a t e d to the above general hypothesis i n the sense that the p o l i t i c a l process i s p l u r a l i s t i c to the extent that leaders d i f f e r i n t h e i r values (Clark, 1968, p. 28) . Determining the most probable l i n e s of cleavage i n values and i n t e r e s t s i n the community i s more d i f f i c u l t . I d e a l l y , t h i s would be determined by extensive surveying cn perception of issues and p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s . Since t h i s cannot be done i n t h i s research, the l i n e s of p o l i t i c a l cleavage w i l l be postulated from other research. Mack and McElrath p o s t u l a t e that h i g h l y urbanized s o c i e t i e s are c h a r a c t e r i z e d by three broad systems of d i s t r i b u t i o n and d e p r i v a t i o n based on occupational groupings, e t h n i c or migrant-37 s t a t u s groupings, and l i f e s t y l e groupings. In the f i r s t group, s p e c i a l i z a t i o n of labor i n i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y has r e s u l t e d i n reference groups f o r s o c i a l norms and p o l i t i c a l ideology based on occupational groupings; the occu p a t i o n a l subculture can be a s u b s t i t u t e f o r community s t r u c t u r e . Class s t a t u s i s p a r t i a l l y determined by the mutually r e i n f o r c i n g v a r i a b l e s of income, education, and behavioural norms. Ethnic and migrant d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s tend to be temporary phenomena, although e t h n i c i t y remains relevant much longer (Hack and McElrath, 1964, pp. 29-30). Herbert Gans found that s o c i a l networks i n the Boston West End were defined by a combination of c l a s s and e t h n i c l i n e s (Gans, 1963, pp. 14-16). A s i m i l a r conclusion was drawn by Caplow and Forman i n t h e i r 1950 study of r e s i d e n t s of married u n i v e r s i t y students' housing (Caplow and Forman, 1950, p. 366). A s i m i l a r s o c i a l network was noted i n a study of the I t a l i a n communities i n T o r o n t o — s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s were defined by ethnic group. Class d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was not apparent, perhaps because most people i n the community were f i r s t generation, of a f a i r l y uniform lower s o c i a l s t a t u s , and concentrated geographically (Jansen, 1971, pp. 473-474). The f i n a l dimension, l i f e s t y l e , seems to be a continuum from c e n t r a l c i t y , s m a ll f a m i l y ; young or aged apartment dwellers to the suburban f a m i l y groups, except f o r some ethnic and migrant groups concentrated near the c i t y centre. There i s a c l a s s dimension inherent h e r e — f r o m low or working c l a s s to middle c l a s s (Hack and McElrath, 1964, p. 31). 38 The r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e and p o l i t i c a l values i s complex—the Toronto I t a l i a n community study r e f e r r e d to above s t a t e s that p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and values vary w i t h i n the community, even though i t i s s o c i a l l y and economically highly segregated from other urban groups (Jansen, 1971, pp. 173-474). A recent survey of white, native-born r e s i d e n t s of D e t r o i t i n d i c a t e s that there are no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s between e t h n i c or r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s and p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s , although a few e t h n o - r e l i g i o u s groups do i n d i c a t e some d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l o r i e n t a t i o n (Laumann and Segal, 1971, pp. 36, 55). I t appears th a t consensus i n p o l i t i c a l a t t i t u d e s and e t h n i c or r e l i g i o u s group cohesion are not n e c e s s a r i l y the cause or consequence of the other (Enoch and McLemore, 1967, p. 178). A more d i r e c t l i n k between p o l i t i c a l values and s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e at the l o c a l area l e v e l may be found i n c o n s i d e r i n g r e s i d e n t i a l s e l e c t i o n p a t t e r n s . I t i s known that occupational and e d u c a t i o n a l groups tend to concentrate i n s e l e c t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l area (Duncan and Duncan, 1965, pp. 493-503; K e l l e r , 1968, pp. 90-92). Gans r e p o r t s i n The l e v i t t o w n e r s that people g e n e r a l l y p r e f e r neighbors whose l i f e s t y l e and c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s are s i m i l a r to t h e i r own (Gans, 1967, pp. 154-181; also Gans, 1968, p. 111; Rex, 1968, p. 219-221). Willi a m Whyte found that even i n suburbs c h a r a c t e r i z e d by low s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n between neighbors, r e s i d e n t s were of s i m i l a r s o c i o -economic s t a t u s and tended to share p o l i t i c a l b e l i e f s and have common l i f e s y l e s (Whyte, 1957, pp. 310-344). Timothy Almy's 39 recent a n a l y s i s of e l e c t o r a l behaviour confirms Whyte's s t a t e m e n t — r e s i d e n t i a l l o c a t i o n i s at l e a s t p a r t l y based on c l a s s c o n s i d e r a t i o n s (Almy, 1973, p 914). The Webbers have p o s t u l a t e d that the p o p u l a t i o n i s on a c l a s s continuum i n p e r c e p t i o n and use of space, ranging from a s p a t i a l community p e r c e p t i o n by the i n t e l l e c t u a l e l i t e t o i n t e n s e l o c a l i s m i n s o c i a l networks and p e r c e p t i o n on the part of what they c a l l "working c l a s s l o c a l s " (Webber and Webber, 1967, pp. 37-44). Michelson d e s c r i b e s the continuum as upper middle c l a s s "community o r i e n t e d " to working c l a s s "home o r i e n t e d " (Michelson, 1970, p. 115; a l s o A l f o r d and Scoble, 1968, pp. 1204-1205). I f d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s l i v e i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to each other, are these d i f f e r e n c e s manifested i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y ? In the Toronto Don D i s t r i c t Study, r e s e a r c h e r s found t h a t m i d d l e - c l a s s people were buying and r e n o v a t i n g d e l a p i d a t e d houses i n the D i s t r i c t . The e f f e c t was s i m i l a r to commercial development i n t h a t the subsequent higher land values were r e f l e c t e d i n r e n t and property tax i n c r e a s e s on adjacent housing, and the a v a i l a b l e low-cost housing needed by working c l a s s people became more s c a r c e ( S o c i a l Planning C o u n c i l of M e t r o p o l i t a n Toronto, 1970, p. 10; a l s o : Bepo, 1971, pp. 63, 67). Working hy p o t h e s i s I i s s e t i n the context of urban land development i s s u e s . I t i s p o s t u l a t e d that c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the l o c a l area p o p u l a t i o n , as i n d i c a t e d by socioeconomic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , i s more s i g n i f i c a n t l y a s s o c i a t e d with p o l i t i c a l value and i n t e r e s t d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n than i s e t h n o - r e l i g i o u s 40 d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . Working h y p o t h e s i s I i s t h e r e f o r e : "that the degree of p l u r a l i s m e x h i b i t e d i n the p o l i t i c a l process a t the l o c a l area l e v e l i s a s s o c i a t e d wtih the degree of socioeconomic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the l o c a l area p o p u l a t i o n " . IV Legitimacy of L o c a l Area P o l i t i c a l Process: Working Hypothesis I I John Schaar i d e n t i f i e s three d e f i n i t i o n s of " l e g i t i m a c y " i n c u r r e n t use i n p o l i t i c a l s c i e n c e . The f i r s t i n v o l v e s the c a p a c i t y of the p o l i t i c a l system to c r e a t e and maintain the b e l i e f t h a t e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are the most a p p r o p r i a t e f o r the s o c i e t y . The second i s the degree to which the i n s t i t u t i o n s are valued f o r themselves. The t h i r d i n c l u d e s the c r i t e r i a t h a t the i n s t i t u t i o n s are morally proper (as d i s t i n c t from " a p p r o p r i a t e " , which may i n c l u d e a c c e p t i n g a p o l i t i c a l d e c i s i o n as c o r r e c t even though some e f f e c t s of the d e c i s i o n may be morally repugnant)(Schaar, 1969, p. 283). A narrow view of the l e g i t i m a c y of government i s that a governing system i s only l e g i t i m a t e to the degree t h a t persons with " r e a l " p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e a c t only when occupying e l e c t e d or p o l i t i c a l l y appointed p u b l i c p o s i t i o n s (Bonjean, 1971a, pp. 24-25; Seeley, 1956, p. 364). In the context of p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n through v o l u n t a r y a s s o c i a t i o n s at the l o c a l area l e v e l , t e s t s of l e g i t i m a c y must apply to a h y p o t h e t i c a l e l e c t e d l o c a l area government with some c o e r c i v e powers i n land development c o n t r o l . T h i s i s a somewhat l i m i t e d p i e c e of i n f o r m a t i o n — a r e a l - l i f e l o c a l area government may a t t r a c t p a r t i c i p a n t s somewhat d i f f e r e n t from those a c t i v e and i n f l u e n t i a l i n voluntary o r g a n i z a t i o n s . In the absence of r e a l -l i f e l o c a l area government i n Vancouver, the perception of l e g i t i m a c y of such governing s t r u c t u r e s w i l l be of a h y p o t h e t i c a l e l e c t e d l o c a l area government with coercive powers as noted above. Working hypothesis I I i s t h e r e f o r e "that p o l i t i c a l a c tors at the l o c a l area l e v e l c u r r e n t l y a c t i v e i n land development-issues perceive the l e g i t i m a c y of an e l e c t e d l o c a l area government with powers i n that issue area to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater than that of the e x i s t i n g C i t y government system". 42 Chapter 5 Research Design I I n t r o d u c t i o n The two working hypotheses formulated i n the preceding chapter r e q u i r e four s e t s of information f o r t e s t i n g . Both hypotheses are to be t e s t e d i n the context of a land development i s s u e — t h e s p e c i f i c i s s u e must be defined f o r each l o c a l area. The f i r s t hypothesis i n c l u d e s two elements: the r e l a t i v e degree of i n t e r n a l socioeconomic d i f f e r e n t i a t i i o n between the two areas, and the r e l a t i v e degree of p l u r a l i s m e x h i b i t e d i n the p o l i t i c a l process of each. The second hypothesis r e q u i r e s determining the perception of each area's p o l i t i c a l leaders with respect to the l e g i t i m a c y of an e l e c t e d l o c a l area government, with c o e r c i v e powers i n land development, compared to that of the present C i t y government. The methodology used t c s a t i s f y i nformation reguirements i s o u t l i n e d i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s of the chapter. I I S e l e c t i o n of Land Development Issues In each l o c a l area, one land development issue was s e l e c t e d . In order to s e l e c t an issue having approximately equivalent s i g n i f i c a n c e to the l o c a l area population, the f o l l o w i n g c r i t e r i a were a p p l i e d : 1. The i s s u e must have been p o l i t i c a l l y s a l i e n t to at l e a s t one group of persons re s i d e n t i n the l o c a l area. 2. P o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y at the l o c a l area l e v e l had to 43 be overt to the extent of some a c t i v i t y being carried out in public. 3 . The land development issue had to be related to a s p e c i f i c s i t e within the l o c a l area. 4. The land development issue had to be a s p e c i f i c proposal for altered use of land i n a predominately r e s i d e n t i a l part of the l o c a l area. 5. The p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y at the l o c a l area l e v e l had to be concentrated i n the l a s t two years (to be able to find the persons involved, and before memories faded)-. 6. The p o l i t i c a l process had to have reached some form of resolution by the date of f i e l d research. 7. The leg a l coercive power i n the land development issue had to lay with the same body in each case. 8. The participants at the l o c a l area l e v e l , once i d e n t i f i e d , had to be w i l l i n g to be interviewed and to discuss the issue with the researcher. The s p e c i f i c issues were selected by a combination of two methods: "key informants" and published accounts of the issue. Key informants were the community development workers associated with the area council in each l o c a l area. Published accounts included the l o c a l area weekly newspapers, the Vancouver Sun, area council annual and sp e c i a l reports, and Ci t y Council minutes of meetings and s t a f f reports. 44 I I I Socioeconomic D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n The r e l a t i v e degree of s o c i a l c l a s s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n each l o c a l area i n v o l v e s using socioeconomic s t a t u s as an i n d i c a t o r . I t was hoped that 1971 census m a t e r i a l on income, education, and occupation c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s at the census t r a c t l e v e l would be a v a i l a b l e f o r t h i s purpose. Unfortunately* t h i s was not the case. The only 1971 data a v a i l a b l e i s on housing, p o p u l a t i o n , age s t r u c t u r e , mother tongue, and household s t r u c t u r e . The problem was resolved t o a s a t i s f a c t o r y degree by use of r e s u l t s of other recent research. This comprised reports of the C i t y of Vancouver, area c o u n c i l s i n K i t s i l a n o and Grandview-Woodlands, and s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies. The e f f e c t on t h i s research has been to prevent a s u b s t a n t i a l degree of q u a n t i f i c a t i o n of the research f i n d i n g s i n s o f a r as t h i s v a r i a b l e i s concerned. This i s not a grave problem because only the r e l a t i v e degree of i n t e r n a l v e r t i c a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of two l o c a l areas was r e q u i r e d . IV P o l i t i c a l Process The nature of the p o l i t i c a l process was determined by a combination of r e p u t a t i o n a l and d e c i s i o n a l techniques. When the task of i d e n t i f y i n g the s p e c i f i c land development i s s u e was completed, the "key informants" noted above were asked to i d e n t i f y those r e s i d e n t s or l o c a l area groups who had been p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e and i n f l u e n t i a l at the l o c a l area l e v e l i n the s p e c i f i c land development i s s u e being s t u d i e d . This l i s t was used to e s t a b l i s h the f i r s t set of i n t e r v i e w s . Each 45 interviewee was asked the same question, and the l i s t extended where a p p l i c a b l e . The sample was therefore a "snowball" sample—the l i s t of interviewees had the p o t e n t i a l to grow, depending on the responses of the people on the f i r s t l i s t (Kadushin, 1972, pp. 272-273). In t e r v i e w i n g terminated when no fu r t h e r contacts remained on the expanded l i s t . I nterviews were conducted without a high l y s t r u c t u r e d questionnaire. Each interviewee was asked to describe the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y with emphasis on the circumstances surrounding and reasons f o r d e c i s i o n s made by himself (and h i s group, i f a p p l i c a b l e ) . The researcher followed the l i n e of questioning during the i n t e r v i e w i n the manner suggested by Robert Dahl to determine who made the d e c i s i o n s i n the p o l i t i c a l process and why the d e c i s i o n s were necessary f o r a t t a i n i n g the interviewee's goals (Dahl, 1960, p. 26). P a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n was paid to the nature of the competition f o r p u b l i c support, inter-group b a r g a i n i n g , and c o a l i t i o n - b u i l d i n g process. This procedure e s t a b l i s h e d the i d e n t i t y and i n t e r e s t s of leaders and the degree of p l u r a l i s m e x h i b i t e d i n the p o l i t i c a l process (Clark, 1971, p. 54). Where n a r r a t i v e s were not congruent with other i n t e r v i e w e e s ' accounts, r e t u r n telephone c a l l s were made to determine the correct e d accounts. Published m a t e r i a l s were used to provide s p e c i f i c dates of key events and s i m i l a r l e s s s u b j e c t i v e i n f o r m a t i o n . Sources included both area c o u n c i l s ' f i l e s . C i t y of Vancouver s t a f f r e p o r t s and minutes of meetings, and newspaper accounts of s p e c i f i c events. 46 Leaders of groups were asked to i d e n t i f y t h e i r source of funds, i f t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s were being funded by sources other than t h e i r membership. T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n was cross-checked a g a i n s t w r i t t e n m a t e r i a l where a v a i l a b l e (area c o u n c i l annual f i n a n c i a l r e p o r t s , f o r example) . V P e r c e i v e d Legitimacy of E l e c t e d L o c a l Area Government The p e r c e p t i o n of the r e l a t i v e l e g i t i m a c y of e l e c t e d l o c a l area government was determined by use of a s t r u c t u r e d q u e s t i o n during the i n t e r v i e w . The r e s e a r c h e r b r i e f l y d e s c r i b e d a h y p o t h e t i c a l e l e c t e d l o c a l area government which would have s t a t u t o r y power i n land development c o n t r o l i n i s s u e s of the type under c o n s i d e r a t i o n . The question f o l l o w e d : "Do you f e e l that such a l o c a l area government would be more a p p r o p r i a t e than the present C i t y C o u n c i l l e v e l f o r making such d e c i s i o n s ? " . The respondent's answer was noted i n c l u d i n g any c o n d i t i o n s or q u a l i f i c a t i o n s the i n t e r v i e w e e put on h i s r e p l y . 47 Chapter 6 Research F i n d i n g s and A n a l y s i s I Community P r o f i l e s : V e r t i c a l D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n Information gathered on the l o c a l areas of Grandview-Woodlands and K i t s i l a n o comprises both the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of other r e s e a r c h e r s and a l i m i t e d amount of 1971 census m a t e r i a l . The i n t e n t i s to compare the two areas on the b a s i s of the degree of socioeconomic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the p o p u l a t i o n of each. Other i n f o r m a t i o n i s i n c l u d e d to give the reader u n f a m i l i a r with the areas a sketch of gen e r a l community c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . About 27,000 persons l i v e i n Grandview-Woodlands. The area was one of the f i r s t s e t t l e d i n Vancouver i n the l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century. Most of the homes were c o n s t r u c t e d p r i o r to the 1920's as was the F a l s e Creek i n d u s t r i a l area a b u t t i n g the area's west s i d e (Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l , 1972, p. 2). During the post-World War I I p e r i o d , the area has absorbed a gre a t i n f l u x of immigrants, c h i e f l y I t a l i a n , and a c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y great exodus of the o r i g i n a l Anglo-Saxon p o p u l a t i o n (Woodland Park Area Resources C o u n c i l , 1965, p. 3). More r e c e n t l y , l a r g e numbers of Portugese and Indian immigrants have s e t t l e d i n the area. The area serves as a permanent r e s i d e n c e f o r many immigrants, and some r e l o c a t e elsewhere a f t e r becoming e s t a b l i s h e d i n Canadian urban l i f e (Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l , 1972, p. 2). The I t a l i a n community, comprising about 48 35% of the p o p u l a t i o n i n 1-961, i s concentrated i n areas e a s t of V i c t o r i a D r i v e , c l o s e to Nanaimo S t r e e t . The c h i e f a t t r a c t i o n s of the area to i t s r e s i d e n t s are low-c o s t housing and p r o x i m i t y to the c e n t r a l b u s i n e s s d i s t r i c t of Vancouver (Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l , 1972, p. 2). A 1965 study c h a r a c t e r i z e d the p o p u l a t i o n as being predominately low-income, low i n o c c u p a t i o n a l s k i l l s , and r e l a t i v e l y low i n housing c o n d i t i o n s (Woodland Park Area Resources C o u n c i l , 1965, p. 2) . The 1971 census r e v e a l e d that about 65% of a l l households are primary f a m i l y households (where the head of the household i s a l s o head of the f a m i l y occupying the d w e l l i n g ) . The housing stock i s approximately e q u a l l y d i v i d e d between s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s ( i n c l u d e s a very few attached dwellings) and apartments. About 80% of the s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s are owner-occupied ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1973; United Community S e r v i c e s of the Greater Vancouver Area, 1973). A l a r g e p o r t i o n of Grandview-Woodlands between Commercial and Nanaimo i s designated a "duplex and conversion area", and a somewhat s m a l l e r area between C l a r k and Commercial designated as "apartment area" ( C i t y of Vancouver, 1973b, pp. 16, 41). In summary, Grandview-Woodlands i s an area of Vancouver a t t r a c t i v e to n e w l y - a r r i v e d immigrants and low-income people because of i t s low-cost housing and p r o x i m i t y to the c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t . In socioeconomic terms, i t i s predominately of low income, education and o c c u p a t i o n a l s t a t u s . 49 K i t s i l a n o i s s i m i l a r to Grandview-Woodlands i n s e v e r a l r e s p e c t s . Both are roughly equal i n p o p u l a t i o n — G r a n d v i e w -Woodland's 27,000 to K i t s i l a n o ' s 34,000. Both are e q u a l l y proximate to the c e n t r a l business d i s t r i c t and both have an i n d u s t r i a l d i s t r i c t a b u t t i n g one boundary. T h e i r settlement h i s t o r i e s are a l s o s i m i l a r — b o t h were s e t t l e d as s i n g l e - f a m i l y d w e l l i n g areas i n the l a t e nineteenth and e a r l y twentieth c e n t u r i e s . Both have r e t a i l commercial c o n c e n t r a t i o n s along a r t e r i a l s t r e e t s ( K i t s i l a n o Area Resources A s s o c i a t i o n , 1972, p. 4 ) . P a r t s of K i t s i l a n o are a l s o designated "apartment" and "duplex and c o n v e r s i o n " areas ( C i t y of Vancouver, 1973b, pp. 16, 41). These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are i l l u s t r a t e d on the map i n Appendix C. K i t s i l a n o d i f f e r s from Grandview-Woodlands to a s i g n i f i c a n t degree i n housing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s — o n l y about one t h i r d of the d w e l l i n g s i n K i t s i l a n o are s i n g l e f a m i l y , the balance being apartments. However, the ownership r a t i o i n the s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s i s roughly equal to t h a t of Grandview-Woodlands. These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s p a r a l l e l the area's demographic s t r u c t u r e . About 50%, as opposed to Grandview-Woodlands' 35%, of households are non-family households (United Community S e r v i c e s of the Greater Vancouver Area, 1973). The age s t r u c t u r e i n K i t s i l a n o i s weighted toward the two age groups 20 t o 34 and over 65 (United Community S e r v i c e s of the Greater Vancouver Area, 1973), T h i s i s due to the predominance of f a m i l y households i n Grandview-Woodlands, with an a s s o c i a t e d c o n c e n t r a t i o n of middle-aged parents, compared to the predominance of the r e t i r e d e l d e r l y and u n i v e r s i t y student-young p r o f e s s i o n a l groups i n 50 K i t s i l a n o . Another s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e between the two areas i s i n ethnic composition. The only s i g n i f i c a n t l y l a r g e non-English speaking e t h n i c group i n K i t s i l a n o i s a small Greek community. The t o t a l non-English speaking group i n K i t s i l a n o comprised l e s s than 20% of the t o t a l area population i n 1971, compared to 45% i n Grandview-Wcodlands ( S t a t i s t i c s Canada, 1973). The K i t s i l a n o population i n c l u d e s a broad spread of income and e d u c a t i o n a l groups, and because of the i n f l u e n c e of people associated with U.B.C. , a broad spread i n occupational groups ( K i t s i l a n o Area Resources A s s o c i a t i o n , 1972; Mayhew, 1967a, Appendix 4). A summary of releva n t s t a t i s t i c s comparing Grandview-Woodlands and K i t s i l a n o to other l o c a l areas of Vancouver i s attached as Appendix D. In c o n c l u s i o n , the K i t s i l a n o population i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater socioeconomic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n than i s Grandview-Woodlands 1. This i s associated with a greater spread i n age s t r u c t u r e and s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n household c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The Grandview-Woodlands population i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y more d i v e r s e i n e t h n i c terms than i s K i t s i l a n o ' s . The Grandview-Woodlands I t a l i a n community, the most s i g n i f i c a n t e thnic group i n tha t l o c a l area, i s concentrated i n the e a s t e r l y part of the area, the area of the s p e c i f i c land development issue chosen f o r study i n t h i s research. I I P o l i t i c a l Process 51 The p o l i t i c a l process i n each of the l o c a l areas i s described here i n the context of a s p e c i f i c land development i s s u e i d e n t i f i e d as s p e c i f i e d i n Chapter 5. The merits of the development proposals from a p h y s i c a l or s o c i a l planning p o i n t of view are not considered except to i d e n t i f y the p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s of the various p a r t i c i p a n t s i n the p o l i t i c a l process. Sources are not referenced because the account i s w r i t t e n as an amalgam of the i n f o r m a t i o n garnered from i n t e r v i e w s , news s t o r i e s , p e t i t i o n s , and other sources mentioned i n the preceding chapter. Using the "snowball sample" method described i n Chapter 5, a t o t a l of f i v e people were interviewed i n Grandview-Woodlands and s i x i n K i t s i l a n o . Interviews were c a r r i e d out between January and March, 1974. Each i n t e r v i e w l a s t e d from one-half to two hours, with the most t y p i c a l being about one hour. The researcher was warmly received by a l l i n t e r v i e w e e s , and a l l seemed to make a genuine e f f o r t to f u l l y describe and e x p l a i n t h e i r r o l e s and a c t i o n s i n the events being probed. A. Grandview-Woodlands: Safeway Parking Lot Extension The land development is s u e s e l e c t e d f o r t h i s l o c a l area i s the Safeway store parking l o t extension i s s u e . In 1960, Canada Safeway requested and obtained a development permit to b u i l d a r e t a i l o u t l e t at the i n t e r s e c t i o n of Charles and Nanaimo S t r e e t s . The Safeway l o t was spot-zoned from C1 ( r e t a i l s t o r e s serving day-to-day needs of the immediate neighborhood) to C2 ( r e t a i l s t o r e s and business s e r v i n g day-to-day needs bf s e v e r a l 52 neighborhoods i e : a l a r g e d i s t r i c t of the c i t y ) . The s t o r e area was then and s t i l l i s surrounded by s i n g l e f a m i l y d w e l l i n g s i n an KS1 ( s i n g l e f a m i l y dwelling) zone. About f i v e years l a t e r , the s t o r e was converted to a d i s c o u n t o p e r a t i o n . The e f f e c t was to a t t r a c t more customers; parking and t r a f f i c congestion problems developed i n the s t r e e t s around the s t o r e . In 1970 and 1971, the nearby Safeway s t o r e s a t 1st and Commercial and at Hastings and Kamloops S t r e e t s were c l o s e d . T r a f f i c and parking problems worsened i n the immediate area of C h a r l e s and Nanaimo as even more customers came to t h a t s t o r e . The problem was d i s c u s s e d i n C i t y C o u n c i l as complaints were r e c e i v e d frcm i n d i v i d u a l s i n the area, but no a c t i o n was taken. In January;, 1972, Canada Safeway a p p l i e d to extend i t s parking l o t so t h a t the s t o r e , the o r i g i n a l p a r k i n g l o t , and the proposed parking l o t would occupy a l l of the block bounded by Nanaimo, W i l l i a m , Kamloops, and C h a r l e s S t r e e t s . T h i s would i n v o l v e removal of s i x d i l a p i d a t e d houses owned by Safeway. The a p p l i c a t i o n was considered by the C i t y ' s T e c h n i c a l Planning Board a f t e r n o t i c e of the a p p l i c a t i o n had been sent to neighboring property owners. The Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l heard of the a p p l i c a t i o n and decided to have t h e i r community development worker (Michael Clague) c o n t a c t the r e s i d e n t s i n the s t o r e area. This was done even though the s t o r e i s not w i t h i n the Grandview-Woodlands l o c a l area by i t s s t r i c t e s t d e f i n i t i o n , being on the o p p o s i t e s i d e of the boundary s t r e e t (Nanaimo) between Grandview-Woodlands and H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e . The reason f o r 53 i n t e r v e n i n g , as c i t e d by the then p r e s i d e n t of the Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l , was that there was no o r g a n i z a t i o n i n H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e able or w i l l i n g to do so. The r e s u l t was a response by s e v e r a l r e s i d e n t s who opposed the parking l o t e x t e n s i o n . The b a s i s of t h i s o p p o s i t i o n was that the e x t e n s i o n would merely make the s t o r e more a c c e s s i b l e to the motoring customer, would t h e r e f o r e a t t r a c t more customers to the area, l e a d i n g to f u r t h e r expansion of the s t o r e and/or parking l o t i n t o the adjacent r e s i d e n t i a l area. The person regarded as leader by those i n d i c a t i n g a d e s i r e to a c t i v e l y oppose the e x t e n s i o n was C a r l o A u g u s t i . That i n d i v i d u a l l i v e d a c r o s s the s t r e e t from the e x i s t i n g parking l o t and had l i v e d i n the area s i n c e the s t o r e was b u i l t i n 1960. In March, 1972, the T e c h n i c a l Planning Board approved the Safeway a p p l i c a t i o n , but r e f e r r e d i t to C i t y C o u n c i l because there were i n d i c a t i o n s that some r e s i d e n t s were opposed. C i t y C o u n c i l r e f e r r e d the a p p l i c a t i o n to the C i t y Planning Commission which i n J u l y , 1972, recommended r e f u s a l . In August, C a r l o August r a i s e d a p e t i t i o n i n the general area of the s t o r e with the help of members of an O p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r Youth p r o j e c t team working i n the area. T h i s p r o j e c t , the "Venture i n Community C o l l a b o r a t i o n " , complemented the Area C o u n c i l ' s Community Planning Information P r o j e c t by involvement i n p h y s i c a l p l a n n i n g concerns i n the l o c a l area. The involvement of two of the team members, pl a n n i n g students from U.B.C., was i n r e s e a r c h i n g C i t y planning p o l i c y and d r a f t i n g a b r i e f arguing f o r the o p p o s i t i o n . C a r l o Augusti organized the p e t i t i o n campaign and managed to get 54 about f i f t e e n s i g n a t u r e s i n the few days remaining before C i t y C o u n c i l met i n August, 1972, to c o n s i d e r the a p p l i c a t i o n a g a i n , C a r l o Augusti's wife presented the p e t i t i o n at the C i t y C o u n c i l meeting; no other d e l e g a t i o n s spoke on the matter. The a p p l i c a t i o n was r e f u s e d by C o u n c i l by a s u b s t a n t i a l m a j o r i t y . In the m u n i c i p a l e l e c t i o n i n the f a l l of 1972, most of the long-time Non-Partisan A s s o c i a t i o n (NPA) aldermen, who held the majority of C o u n c i l s e a t s , were defeated by The E l e c t o r s * A c t i o n Movement (TEAM) c a n d i d a t e s . In A p r i l , 1973, Canada Safeway a p p l i e d again to extend the parking l o t i n a manner i d e n t i c a l to the f i r s t a p p l i c a t i o n . Once again the T e c h n i c a l Planning Board sent n o t i c e s to adjacent property owners and some i n d i v i d u a l s expressed o p p o s i t i o n to the p r o p o s a l . A Safeway s t a f f member v i s i t e d the householders i n the immediate area to e x p l a i n the reasons f o r the expansion and to show plans of the proposed changes. During the s p r i n g of 1973, C a r l o Augusti spoke at an Area C o u n c i l monthly meeting urging them to take a stand on the i s s u e . The Area C o u n c i l decided not to do so because of a p e r c e i v e d need to maintain "broad support" i n the area. Again, the T e c h n i c a l Planning Board approved the a p p l i c a t i o n but r e f e r r e d i t to C i t y C o u n c i l . C o u n c i l approved the a p p l i c a t i o n i n December, 1973, perhaps because they were unaware of the o p p o s i t i o n generated by the f i r s t a p p l i c a t i o n and perhaps because of l a c k of r e s i d e n t o p i n i o n v o i c e d at the C o u n c i l meeting i t s e l f . 55 The r e s i d e n t s were no t aware t h a t C o u n c i l was t o c o n s i d e r t h e a p p l i c a t i o n a t t h e i r December m e e t i n g . When news of the d e c i s i o n r e a c h e d them, s e v e r a l a d j a c e n t p r o p e r t y owners sen t a l e t t e r t o C o u n c i l r e q u e s t i n g an o p p o r t u n i t y t o p r e s e n t a b r i e f o p p o s i n g the a p p l i c a t i o n . C o u n c i l agreed t o the r e q u e s t , and t h e da te f o r h e a r i n g b r i e f s was s e t a t 5 F e b r u a r y , 1974. D u r i n g December , 1973, and J a n u a r y , 1974, a number o f r e s i d e n t s i n t h e s t o r e a r e a formed two g r o u p s . The f i r s t g roup , o r g a n i z e d by C a r l o A u g u s t i and h i s w i f e , a rgued i n f a v o r o f the p a r k i n g l o t e x t e n s i o n . The s w i t c h i n o b j e c t i v e s h o u l d be n o t e d — C a r l o A u g u s t i now f e l t t h a t t he s o l u t i o n t o t h e p a r k i n g and t r a f f i c c o n g e s t i o n problem l a y i n i n c r e a s e d o f f - s t r e e t p a r k i n g c a p a c i t y . The s u p p o r t was c o n d i t i o n a l : no e x p a n s i o n o f t he s t o r e i t s e l f , n i g h t - t i m e u n l o a d i n g of s u p p l y t r u c k s t o c e a s e , and Safeway employees were to park on t h e Safeway l o t . C a r l o A u g u s t i o f f e r e d a t h r e e - f o l d r e a s o n f o r h i s s w i t c h t o t h e r e s e a r c h e r : t he Safeway p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s e f f o r t had i m p r e s s e d him w i t h t h e m e r i t s o f t h e e x p a n s i o n ; the e a r l i e r p r a c t i c e c f n i g h t - t i m e u n l o a d i n g was s t o p p e d p r i o r t o the C o u n c i l meet ing i n F e b r u a r y ; and t h e new s t o r e manager a l l o w e d employees t o park cn the p r e m i s e s . A f u r t h e r r e a s o n may be t h a t A u g u s t i and some of h i s n e i g h b o r s f e l t t h a t they had been h a r a s s e d by Safeway when the f i r s t a p p l i c a t i o n was b e i n g p r o c e s s e d ( s e l e c t i v e v a n d a l i s m s h o r t l y a f t e r c o m p l a i n t s t o p o l i c e about i l l e g a l l y pa rked cus tomers* c a r s , Safeway t r u c k s f r e q u e n t l y b l o c k i n g the d r i v e w a y s o f t h o s e most a c t i v e i n o p p o s i n g the a p p l i c a t i o n , e t c ) . The A u g u s t i ' s r a i s e d a p e t i t i o n , s i g n e d by about one 56 hundred people l i v i n g i n the immediate area, i n f a v o r of the expansion. They persuaded Andy L i v i n g s t o n e , a r e s i d e n t of the area and former Vancouver Parks Board chairman, to present the p e t i t i o n at the February meeting. The leader of the opposing group viewed t h i s c h o ice of spokesman as being motivated by C a r l o Augusti's d e s i r e to remain inconspicuous at the February C o u n c i l meeting. S e v e r a l other people l i v i n g c l o s e to the s t o r e f e l t t h a t the parking l o t extension should not be allowed. F i n d i n g themselves without an a g g r e s s i v e , a r t i c u l a t e l e a d e r , they approached Joe F e r r a r a to help them i n o r g a n i z i n g and p r e s e n t i n g an opposing argument to C i t y C o u n c i l . That i n d i v i d u a l , a school teacher at Notre Dame Regional High School, l i v e d some d i s t a n c e from the Safeway s t o r e but w i t h i n the Grandview-Woodlands l o c a l area (at Adanac and Commercial). The group r a i s e d a p e t i t i o n among r e s i d e n t s l i v i n g c l o s e to the s t o r e and were able to get about ten s i g n a t u r e s . Some r e s i d e n t s signed both p e t i t i o n s . John Brouwer, a Neighborhood S e r v i c e s community development worker (and former member of the OFY team h e l p i n g Augusti i n 1972), working c l o s e l y with the Area C o u n c i l , a s s i s t e d F e r r a r a i n d r a f t i n g a b r i e f opposing the e x t e n s i o n . T h i s was done with the Area C o u n c i l ' s approval, although that body i t s e l f s t i l l chose to remain p u b l i c l y n e u t r a l on the i s s u e . The argument of Joe F e r r a r a ' s group was t h a t the parking l o t should not be extended because t h i s would a t t r a c t more customers, l e a d i n g to f u r t h e r expansion of the s t o r e , and e v e n t u a l l y f u r t h e r encroachment i n the r e s i d e n t i a l area. The 57 problem of on-street employee parking was i d e n t i f i e d . The group's op i n i o n was that the parking l o t a p p l i c a t i o n should be refused; the s t o r e should continue to use only day-time unloading; and that the Safeway l o t be downzoned to C1 (neighborhood commercial) to prevent f u r t h e r store or parking l o t expansion without a p u b l i c hearing f o r zoning change. There was some f r i c t i o n between the two f a c t i o n s — s o m e r e s i d e n t s viewed Carlo fiugusti's switch of o b j e c t i v e as a c a p i t u l a t i o n to pressure and/or s l i c k p u b l i c r e l a t i o n s work on Safeway's p a r t . However, Carlo Augusti and Joe Ferrara both stated that they didn't f e e l that each other's o b j e c t i v e s were mutually e x c l u s i v e . Both groups wanted o n - s i t e employee parking, permanent c e s s a t i o n of night-time unloading, and some assurance that there would be no f u r t h e r expansion of store or parking l o t . On 5 February, 1974, Andy Liv i n g s t o n e and Joe Ferrara presented t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e arguments and p e t i t i o n s before C i t y C o u n c i l . A number of r e s i d e n t s from each group were present i n a show of support. Council's subsequent d e c i s i o n was to allow the parking l o t to be extended and to i n s t r u c t C i t y planning s t a f f to downzone the Safeway p r o p e r t i e s to C1 (neighborhood commercial). The n a r r a t i v e ends here. C i t y s t a f f are implementing the zoning change at t h e i r customary pace, Safeway i s preparing to expand i t s parking l o t , and n e i t h e r group of p a r t i c i p a n t s at the l o c a l area l e v e l are doing more than keeping a wary eye on the proceedings. 58 B. K i t s i l a n o : 13-Story H i g h r i s e f o r Senior C i t i z e n s The land development i s s u e s e l e c t e d f o r K i t s i l a n o i s the proposed t h i r t e e n s t o r y h i g h r i s e f o r s e n i o r c i t i z e n s at the i n t e r s e c t i o n of 7th Avenue and Maple S t r e e t . On 8 May, 1973, the Shalom Branch No. 178 B u i l d i n g S o c i e t y of the Royal Canadian Legion ("the L e g i o n " h e r e a f t e r ) a p p l i e d to the C i t y to b u i l d a t h i r t e e n s t o r y apartment b u i l d i n g i n K i t s i l a n o . The b u i l d i n g was to be a l i m i t e d d i v i d e n d s e n i o r c i t i z e n s * housing p r o j e c t sponsored by the Legion and p a r t i a l l y f i n a n c e d by the p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l governments. Although the s t r u c t u r e and use of the b u i l d i n g s a t i s f i e d the C i t y zoning and b u i l d i n g bylaws, the a p p l i c a t i o n went to the T e c h n i c a l P l a n n i n g Board f o r appro v a l because the b u i l d i n g faced on more than one s t r e e t . The T e c h n i c a l Planning Beard approved the p r o j e c t i n mid-June but r e f e r r e d the a p p l i c a t i o n to the c i v i c Design Panel. The Design Panel considered the p r o j e c t on 9 J u l y , 1973, and recommended that the T e c h n i c a l Planning Board r e f u s e the a p p l i c a t i o n because of a r c h i t e c t u r a l i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y with the surrounding area, i n which the t a l l e s t b u i l d i n g s are three s t o r y walkup apartments. The T e c h n i c a l P lanning Board contacted the developer's a r c h i t e c t , vho r e f u s e d to s c a l e the b u i l d i n g down to three s t o r i e s . The f i r s t i n d i c a t i o n i n K i t s i l a n o that an a p p l i c a t i o n had been made was th a t the K i t s i l a n o Area Resources A s s o c i a t i o n ("KARA" h e r e a f t e r ) community worker, Dave Todd, heard of the a p p l i c a t i o n i n the second week of J u l y , 1973. A KARA b u l l e t i n 59 was p r i n t e d on 19 J u l y and d i s t r i b u t e d i n K i t s i l a n o with KARA' s newspaper Around K i t s i l a n o . KARA a d v e r t i s e d an i n f o r m a t i o n meeting to be held on 26 J u l y . At that meeting, c h a i r e d by Dave Todd, two views were expressed by persons a t t e n d i n g — s o m e were i n f a v o r of the p r o j e c t and some opposed. A second meeting was c a l l e d f o r 2 August. The T e c h n i c a l P l a n n i n g Board met on 27 J u l y and r e c e i v e d the Design Panel's recommendation to r e f u s e the Legion a p p l i c a t i o n . The Board f e l t t h a t the p r o j e c t should not be re f u s e d s o l e l y on the b a s i s of a r c h i t e c t u r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , as the proposed s t r u c t u r e s a t i s f i e d the b u i l d i n g and zoning requirements. The a p p l i c a t i o n was sent back to the Design Panel f o r i t s r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n . S e v e r a l d i f f e r e n t o p i n i o n s were expressed at the 2 August meeting i n K i t s i l a n o , again c h a i r e d by Dave Todd. The developer's r e p r e s e n t a t i v e defended the p r o j e c t as a badly needed housing f a c i l i t y f o r the e l d e r l y . A Mrs. Gertrude Campbell, a pensioner l i v i n g i n an apartment b u i l d i n g next to the s i t e of the proposed h i g h r i s e , spoke s t r o n g l y i n favor of the p r o j e c t . Her argument was that low-cost housing f o r the e l d e r l y i s needed badly and that a t h r e e - s t o r y s t r u c t u r e c o v e r i n g most of the s i t e would not only provide fewer u n i t s but would block the views and a i r c i r c u l a t i o n enjoyed ty the r e s i d e n t s of the immediate area. Shelagh Day, a l s o a r e s i d e n t l i v i n g c l o s e to the s i t e , argued s t r o n g l y a g a i n s t the p r o j e c t because the h i g h r i s e would be an u n s u i t a b l e housing form f o r s e n i o r c i t i z e n s and would be the f i r s t h i g h r i s e i n t h a t area of 60 K i t s i l a n o and would t h e r e f o r e s e t an u n d e s i r a b l e precedent. Jacques Khouri, r e p r e s e n t i n g the West Broadway C i t i z e n s * Committee ("WBCC" he r e a f t e r ) , spoke a g a i n s t the p r o j e c t on the same grounds. I t was decided t h a t attempts be made to arrange a meeting of a l l i n t e r e s t e d p a r t i e s i n c l u d i n g the developer, c i t y government, and the f i n a n c i n g i n s t i t u t i o n ( C e n t r a l Mortgage and Housing C o r p o r a t i o n (CMHC) ) . At t h i s time, Dave Todd began working with Shelagh Bay i n or g a n i z i n g a p r o t e s t group. Space was provided f o r the WBCC o r g a n i z e r s i n the KARA Information Centre on 4th Avenue. On 6 August, the Design Panel r e a f f i r m e d t h e i r o r i g i n a l o p p o s i t i o n to the pr o p o s a l . The a p p l i c a t i o n was returned to the T e c h n i c a l P l a n n i n g Board with a str o n g r e a f f i r m a t i o n of t h e i r adverse recommendation. Mrs. Campbell began to organize a group i n fa v o r of the pr o p o s a l . Her argument was unchanged: the low-cost housing u n i t s were badly needed by s e n i o r c i t i z e n s , and the h i g h r i s e was the proper use of the s i t e because of l i g h t and a i r c i r c u l a t i o n needs. She campaigned i n the immediate area to r a i s e a p e t i t i o n . Most of her support came from other s e n i o r c i t i z e n s . She made her f e e l i n g s known to the Legion to encourage them to proceed. A meeting was arranged f o r 15 August i n accordance with the d e c i s i o n made at KARA's 2 August meeting. P a r t i c i p a n t s i n c l u d e d Shelagh Day, Mrs. Campbell, Dave Todd, Jacques K h o u r i , Alderman Harcourt, a CMHC r e p r e s e n t a t i v e , and the Legion's a r c h i t e c t . 61 There was no i n d i c a t i o n on the par t of the Legion and CMHC r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s that the p r o j e c t would be r e c o n s i d e r e d . Alderman Harcourt f a i l e d to f i n d a common ground f o r f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n s , and s t a t e d t h a t the Legion's compliance with b u i l d i n g and zoning bylaws l e f t l i t t l e p o t e n t i a l f o r i n t e r v e n t i o n on C i t y C o u n c i l ' s part (even though C o u n c i l can re f u s e v i r t u a l l y any permit on ge n e r a l grounds). Shelagh Day c a l l e d a meeting f o r the next day, 16 August. Mrs. Campbell di d not at t e n d , and her sup p o r t e r s were not evid e n t . Jacques Khouri, the WBCC l e a d e r , urged those present to form a un i t e d o p p o s i t i o n under WBCC l e a d e r s h i p . H i s motion r e c e i v e d no support, and Shelagh Day, d e s c r i b i n g h e r s e l f as the leader of the " K i t s i l a n o C i t i z e n s ' Committee" ("KCC" h e r e a f t e r ) s t a t e d that her group would remain independent. V i r t u a l l y a l l of WBCC's members at the time l i v e d i n the Broadway and MacDonald area of K i t s i l a n o , and had p r e v i o u s l y concentrated on i s s u e s i n t h a t area and along West Broadway. T h e i r d e l i b e r a t e d e c i s i o n to become i n v o l v e d i n the 7th and Maple p r o p o s a l , a c c o r d i n g t o Khouri, was based on two f a c t o r s : the d e s i r e to strengthen WBCC i n other p a r t s of K i t s i l a n o , and the o p p o s i t i o n to the unprecedented c o n s t r u c t i o n of the h i g h r i s e . The T e c h n i c a l Planning Board met the f o l l o w i n g day, 17 August, and cons i d e r e d the Design Panel's r e a f f i r m e d o p p o s i t i o n to the h i g h r i s e . The Board s t i l l f e l t that the p r o j e c t should be approved and, because of the lack of agreement with the Design P a n e l , r e f e r r e d the a p p l i c a t i o n to C i t y C o u n c i l f o r i t s 62 mid-September meeting. Shelagh Day and the KCC began to prepare a b r i e f and r a i s e d a p e t i t i o n of o p p o s i t i o n t o present a t the C i t y C o u n c i l meeting. She a l s o wrote l e t t e r s to C i t y s t a f f t o express her views; Dave Todd a s s i s t e d i n these a c t i v i t i e s . There was some f r i c t i o n between Day and Kh o u r i : Khouri f e l t t h a t Day's d e c i s i o n t o mount an independent o p p o s i t i o n campaign p r e j u d i c e d the chances cf stopping the p r o j e c t . Day f e l t that Khouri had an u l t e r i o r p o l i t i c a l motive i n t r y i n g t o b u i l d a c o a l i t i o n - — p e r h a p s undermining the c l a i m of KARA, a t that time l e a d e r l e s s and i n a c t i v e , to being " r e p r e s e n t a t i v e " of the community. Khouri and the WBCC prepared a b r i e f and r a i s e d a p e t i t i o n i n K i t s i l a n o . At the C i t y C o u n c i l meeting i n mid-September, the th r e e views were apparent. Shelagh Day presented the KCC b r i e f and p e t i t i o n , supported by the presence of about f i f t y members. The WBCC p o s i t i o n was presented by Jacgues Khouri, backed up by v about one hundred s u p p o r t e r s . Mrs. Campbell's p e t i t i o n was heard. C o u n c i l approved the Legion a p p l i c a t i o n by a s i x t o four vote, A f t e r the September meeting of C o u n c i l , the WBCC and the KCC both determined to persevere i n t h e i r a c t i v i t y i n the hopes of f o r c i n g the developer t o h a l t the p r o j e c t . However, Khcuri and the WBCC broke away from KARA a s s i s t a n c e and the f r i c t i o n with Day's group i n t e n s i f i e d . The WBCC e s t a b l i s h e d t h e i r own in f o r m a t i o n centre c l o s e to the KARA cen t r e , In a d d i t i o n , Nathan .Karmel, a community o r g a n i z e r sponsored by the 63 Neighborhood S e r v i c e s A s s o c i a t i o n and l o o s e l y connected with KARA, began working with WBCC. WBCC's campaign now began to focu s on the f i n a n c i n g i n s t i t u t i o n , CMHC, and the group spent October o r g a n i z i n g a c o n f r o n t a t i o n with that o r g a n i z a t i o n . WBCC c a l l e d a p u b l i c meeting f o r 12 October. Jacques Khouri spoke on h i s group's a c t i o n s i n c e the C o u n c i l m e e t i n g — a p e t i t i o n signed by about s i x hundred people and pressure on CMHC's branch manager and the Legion's r e g i o n a l s e c r e t a r y . A number of o r g a n i z a t i o n s were rep r e s e n t e d , i n c l u d i n g Day's KCC. The p a r t i c i p a n t s agreed t h a t organized r e s i s t a n c e to the p r o j e c t should continue. I t was r e s o l v e d t h a t Shelagh Day and Nathan Karmel go to V i c t o r i a to put pressure on the p r o v i n c i a l government to r e f u s e the p r o v i n c i a l share of funding f o r the p r o j e c t . T h i s was done and on 25 October, Norman L e v i and Rosemary Brown, the Burrard area MLA's, r e l e a s e d a statement s e v e r e l y c r i t i c i z i n g the C i t y C o u n c i l f o r i t s d e c i s i o n and h i n t i n g t hat the p r o v i n c i a l government would review i t s funding plans f o r the p r o j e c t . Nathan Karmel and Jacques Khouri urged a number of c i v i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n K i t s i l a n o to support WBCC i n i t s campaign. Most, about twenty, d i d endorse WBCC's stand, and a very few (the K i t s i l a n o Ratepayers' A s s o c i a t i o n included) were opposed. However, none of these groups became a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n the ensuing p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . Jacques Khouri and Nathan Karmel were working on a demonstration at the CMHC branch o f f i c e i n Vancouver and an intended appearance before C i t y C o u n c i l . Shelagh Day and Dave 64 Todd found t h e m s e l v e s b e i n g e x c l u d e d from s t r a t e g y p l a n n i n g s e s s i o n s and f e l t t h a t t hey were b e i n g m a n i p u l a t e d s o l e l y t o enhance WBCC's c r e d i b i l i t y . A WBCC p u b l i c mee t ing f o r o r g a n i z i n g the d e m o n s t r a t i o n was c a l l e d f c r 20 November. Employees o f t h e G r e a t e r Vancouve r R e g i o n a l D i s t r i c t and CMHC were p r e s e n t i n what appeared t o be p a s s i v e o b s e r v e r r o l e s , . P r i n t e d i n s t r u c t i o n s f o r d e m o n s t r a t o r s were d i s t r i b u t e d , i n c l u d i n g i n s t r u c t i o n s on how t o d i s r u p t CMHC o p e r a t i o n s { s w i t c h b o a r d jamming, f o r e x a m p l e ) . The f o l l o w i n g day , t hese i n s t r u c t i o n s were p r i n t e d i n t h e d a i l y Wasserraan column i n the 1^H£2^I^E S u n , c a u s i n g K h o u r i some embarassment but g a i n i n g the group some p u b l i c i t y i n the form o f a t e l e v i s i o n i n t e r v i e w s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r . Tha t e v e n i n g , C i t y C o u n c i l r e f u s e d J a c q u e s K h o u r i p e r m i s s i o n t o p r e s e n t the p e t i t i o n and b r i e f , p u t t i n g him o f f one week. The d e m o n s t r a t i o n a t CMHC took p l a c e cn the nex t d a y , 22 November. The b r a n c h o f f i c e was p i c k e t t e d by WBCC and KCC members and CMHC's o p e r a t i o n s were d i s r u p t e d t o a d e g r e e . The b ranch manager . Bob F o r d , met w i t h K h o u r i bu t r e f u s e d to y i e l d t o demands to h o l d a mee t ing w i t h the d e v e l o p e r and the c i t i z e n s * g r o u p s . S h e l a g h Day, t he KCC, KARA, and Dave Todd now ceased c o o p e r a t i n g w i t h J acques K h o u r i , the WBCC, and Nathan K a r m e l . S h e l a g h Day wi thdrew from t h e p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y and the name of her g roup f e l l i n t o d i s u s e . Dave Todd and Nathan K a r m e l d i s a g r e e d on t h e m e r i t o f t he WBCC campaign on numerous o c c a s i o n s . KARA, w i t h o u t a c h a i r m a n s i n c e J u l y , f i n a l l y e l e c t e d 65 a new leader i n November (Gavin Perryman) but did not take a pub l i c stand on the i s s u e . P r i v a t e l y , considerable f r i c t i o n developed between the KARA and the WBCC leaders. The focus of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y on both KARA and WBCC's part s h i f t e d to the upcoming debate on the general downzoning of K i t s i l a n o to exclude h i g h r i s e s . WBCC maintained some pressure i n the form of l e t t e r s and reguested meetings with CMHC and i n reminding the p r o v i n c i a l government about L e v i and Brown's e a r l i e r statements on p r o v i n c i a l funding. At the February general meeting of the WBCC, i t was resolved that any and a l l t a c t i c s be used to stop the two h i g h r i s e s then proposed f o r K i t s i l a n o , i n c l u d i n g the one at 7th and Maple. The pressure on the p r o v i n c i a l government- to withdraw i t s funding apparently was e f f e c t i v e . The Legion decided to change i t s funding to a f e d e r a l government-legion cost sharing arrangement. This r e q u i r e d C i t y C o u n c i l approval, which was given by a s i x to f i v e vote at Council's uneventful 5 March meeting. The WBCC d i d not switch t h e i r focus from CMHC back to Coun c i l s o l e l y f o r t h a t meeting. On 7 March, WBCC met with Michael Audain, the province's housing a d v i s e r , to dis c u s s the two h i g h r i s e b u i l d i n g s proposed f o r K i t s i l a n o , i n c l u d i n g the one at 7th and Maple. Alderman Harcourt, present at the meeting, informed the group that b u i l d i n g and development permits had been issued to the Legion f o r i t s p r o j e c t . The p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y on t h i s issue may not be over y e t — WBCC i s co n t i n u i n g i t s campaign to stop the p r o j e c t by pressure on the Legion, harassing the Legion Shalom Branch president's 66 c o n s t r u c t i o n company at i t s other c o n s t r u c t i o n s i t e s , and pressure on CMHC. I t i s apparent that the WECC i s the only l o c a l area group s t i l l a c t i v e i n t h i s s p e c i f i c i s s u e . KARA has concentrated i t s a c t i v i t y on the downzoning debate and on the campaign f o r l o c a l area planning f o r K i t s i l a n o . WBCC has been somewhat l e s s a c t i v e i n those two areas. C. A n a l y s i s One task i n v o l v e d i n t e s t i n g working hypothesis I i s to determine the r e l a t i v e degree of p l u r a l i s m e x h i b i t e d i n the p o l i t i c a l processes at the l o c a l area l e v e l i n r e s o l v i n g the issues s t u d i e d . As suggested i n Chapter 3, page 27, the c r i t e r i a used to determine the degree of p l u r a l i s m i n c l u d e : competition among centres of i n f l u e n c e , access to the p o l i t i c a l system f o r both groups and i n d i v i d u a l s , and p a r t i c i p a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s i n d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . The f i r s t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s competition by d i f f e r e n t groups f o r p u b l i c support. Competition i n both l o c a l areas was evident i n that more than one p o s i t i o n i n the r e s p e c t i v e issues was p o l i t i c a l l y a r t i c u l a t e d . In Grandview-Hoodlands, the i n i t i a l phase i n v o l v e d only one p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n — t h a t of Carlo Augusti i n o p p o s i t i o n to the parking l o t extension. In the second round, that person switched to p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n favor of the opposite p o s i t i o n , and was able t c b u i l d a stronger support group than he had pr e v i o u s l y . The former supporters of Augusti found a new leader i n Joe F e r r a r a , and campaigned i n opposition to the proposal. The d i f f e r e n c e i n p o l i t i c a l value and i n t e r e s t of the two groups on the i s s u e was not so great as 6 7 to prevent Augusti from t a k i n g what appears to be an o p p o s i t e stand. Leaders of both groups f e l t t h a t they were both i n p u r s u i t of the same o b j e c t i v e : p r e v e n t i n g the s t o r e frcm expanding i t s o p e r a t i o n s and r e l i e v i n g the neighborhood of a t r a f f i c and parking problem. The major d i f f e r e n c e i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e o b j e c t i v e s appears to be one of a long-term s o l u t i o n on F e r r a r a ' s part (downzoning) opposed to an expedient s h o r t -term s o l u t i o n on Augusti's p a r t (extending the parking l o t with c o n d i t i o n s on employee p a r k i n g and night-time unloading). In K i t s i l a n o , the range of p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n s i s c o n s i d e r a b l y wider. Mrs. Campbell's stand was i n favor of the p r o j e c t because of the p e r c e i v e d need f o r low-cost housing f o r the e l d e r l y and because the h i g h r i s e was f e l t to be the most s u i t a b l e a r c h i t e c t u r a l form f o r r e s i d e n t i a l use of the s i t e . The views of Shelagh Day and Jacques Khouri and t h e i r groups were s i m i l a r t o each other and were d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed to those of Mrs. Campbell. A l l t h r e e were ab l e to muster c o n s i d e r a b l e support f o r t h e i r p e t i t i o n s , although Day's KCC and Khouri's WBCC were the only groups s t i l l a c t i v e a f t e r the C i t y C o u n c i l had approved the p r o j e c t i n September. The d i f f e r e n c e between Khouri and Day i n terms of values and i n t e r e s t s i n the i s s u e was not g r e a t . In both l o c a l areas, there was open p u b l i c competition f o r support. In Grandview-Woodlands, both f a c t i o n s sought s i g n a t u r e s f o r p e t i t i o n s and both f a c t i o n s p u b l i c l y presented t h e i r arguments t o C i t y C o u n c i l ; a l s o . C a r l o A u g u s t i p u b l i c l y urged the Area C o u n c i l to take a p u b l i c stand on the i s s u e . In 68 K i t s i l a n o , the co m p e t i t i v e s t r u g g l e f o r p u b l i c support was keener. At v a r i o u s times, both the KCC and WECC l e a d e r s c a l l e d p u b l i c meetings to r a l l y support f o r t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e o r g a n i z a t i o n s . A c t i v i t y at at l e a s t one of the meetings i n c l u d e d appeals t o form a united f r o n t under WBCC l e a d e r s h i p . P e t i t i o n - r a i s i n g and p u b l i c p r e s e n t a t i o n to C i t y C o u n c i l were a l s o observed i n the K i t s i l a n o case. The p o l i t i c a l process i n K i t s i l a n o i s judged t o have been more c o m p e t i t i v e because of the a c t i v i t y by both WBCC and KCC i n hol d i n g p u b l i c meetings to strengthen t h e i r p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e . Access t c the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i s the second c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f a p l u r a l i s t i c p o l i t i c a l system. In both l o c a l areas, i n d i v i d u a l s and o r g a n i z a t i o n s appeared t o have access to the p o l i t i c a l p rocess. In Grandview-Woodlands, the two i n d i v i d u a l l e a d e r s were a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s s o l e l y on the b a s i s of them and t h e i r few a c t i v e s u p p o r t e r s going from door to door i n a s m a l l area r a i s i n g a p e t i t i o n , and appearing as a de l e g a t i o n before C i t y C o u n c i l . The same p a t t e r n was found i n K i t s i l a n o — a c c e s s was assured by developing some show of support i n the l o c a l a r e a . T h i s took the form of a p e t i t i o n by each group, plu s p u b l i c meetings. S i g n i f i c a n t l y l a r g e f i n a n c i a l r e s e r v e s , l a r g e memberships, or access to the media d i d not appear to be p r e r e q u i s i t e s to s i g n i f i c a n t impact i n the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y at the l o c a l area l e v e l . Each of the l e a d e r s i n t e r v i e w e d was asked how independent h i s group was from i t s funding source, i f a p p l i c a b l e . Only the area c o u n c i l s , the Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l and KARA, 69 have any e x t e r n a l funding support. The Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l i n f o r m a t i o n c e n t r e i s funded by a C i t y of Vancouver grant and i t s m u l t i - l i n g u a l s e r v i c e by a Se c r e t a r y of State grant. a l l other f u l l - t i m e paid s t a f f , i n c l u d i n g the community worker i n v o l v e d i n the p o l i t i c a l process s t u d i e d , are funded by s o c i a l s e r v i c e agencies. The KARA Planning Centre i s funded by grants from the Urban Design Centre, the S e c r e t a r y of S t a t e , and the C i t y of Vancouver. Also, Neighborhood S e r v i c e s had one community worker working i n the area and l o o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d with KARA at the time of the p o l i t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n s t u d i e d . The Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l and KARA (which at the time claimed t o f u n c t i o n as an area c o u n c i l ) d i d net take p u b l i c stands on the r e s p e c t i v e i s s u e s . However, i n both cases, the o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s community development workers worked with the groups opposing the r e s p e c t i v e a p p l i c a t i o n s . In a sense, the g i v i n g of a p o l i t i c a l r e s o u r c e , the community workers, to one f a c t i o n i s a c o v e r t p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . I f that view i s taken, the Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l and F e r r a r a ' s group formed a type of c o a l i t i o n i n the second round, of t h a t a c t i v i t y . The f a c t that A l S t u s i a k , the then l e a d e r of the Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l , i s a l s o p r e s i d e n t of the TEAM c i v i c party and that C i t y C o u n c i l was TEAM-dominated i n the second round of the a c t i o n merits s c r u t i n y . I f the Area C o u n c i l were dominated by the i n f l u e n c e of i t s TEAM l e a d e r s h i p , i t would have been q u i t e probable t h a t i t s a c t i v i t y a f t e r C i t y C o u n c i l " i n a d v e r d e n t l y " approved the second a p p l i c a t i o n i n December, 1973, would have been d i f f e r e n t . The worker worked with a group 70 opposing C i t y C o u n c i l ' s d e c i s i o n ; i f the Area C o u n c i l wished not to a s s i s t a c h a l l e n g e t o C i t y C o u n c i l , they would have withdrawn t h e i r r e s o u r c e from both f a c t i o n s or a s s i s t e d Augusti a g a i n , even though he had switched s i d e s . The Area C o u n c i l appears to have acted i n d e p e n d e n t l y , but i t s p u b l i c image was l a r g e l y one of a n e u t r a l body on t h a t i s s u e . A s i m i l a r a n a l y s i s of KARA i s f r u s t r a t e d because KARA at the time was l e a d e r l e s s and very weak, p o l i t i c a l l y . However, a f t e r f o r m a l l y s e a t i n g a le a d e r i n November, 1973, KARA maintained a behaviour p a t t e r n very s i m i l a r to that of the Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l . No-public stand was taken, but both Dave Todd and Nathan Karmel c a r r i e d on t h e i r work with two groups. The lapse of a c t i v i t y on Day's part i n December l e f t Todd without s i g n i f i c a n t involvement, as Karmel was h e l p i n g WBCC, who had excluded both Day and Todd from i t s e a r l i e r planning meetings. KARA maintained i t s p u b l i c n e u t r a l i t y throughout the a c t i v i t y on t h i s i s s u e . With the exce p t i o n of the Grandview-Woodlands Area C o u n c i l and the K i t s i l a n o Area Resources A s s o c i a t i o n , the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of groups to the p o l i t i c a l process appears to have been roughly equal. The f a c t t h at the area c o u n c i l s d i d not e i t h e r take a p u b l i c stand on the i s s u e s or attempt to i n t e g r a t e the l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i s s i g n i f i c a n t . Those o r g a n i z a t i o n s ' a c t i v i t y i n p e r m i t t i n g the involvement of t h e i r community workers with one f a c t i o n i n d i c a t e s t h e i r i n t e r e s t i n the i s s u e s , but probing the reason f o r l a c k of other a c t i v i t y i s beyond the scope of t h i s r e s e a r c h . T h i s p o i n t w i l l be d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r i n 71 the f i n a l chapter. The t h i r d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of p l u r a l i s t i c p o l i t i c a l process i s p a r t i c i p a t i o n by i n d i v i d u a l s i n d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s . In both l o c a l areas, the p o l i t i c a l process was c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a s t r o n g i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of l e a d e r s with t h e i r groups. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which d i s t i n g u i s h those groups w i l l be d i s c u s s e d below. In both l o c a l areas s t u d i e d , the main c o r r e l a t e of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n at the l o c a l area l e v e l i s p r o x i m i t y of r e s i d e n c e to the land development s i t e . In Grandview-Woodlands, C a r l o Augusti l i v e d a c r o s s the s t r e e t from the Safeway s t o r e parking l o t . A l l of h i s supporters and p e t i t i o n - s i g n e r s i n both rounds l i v e d i n the immediate a r e a . Even Andy L i v i n g s t o n e , a c t i n g s o l e l y as the group's spokesman at the February C i t y C o u n c i l meeting, l i v e d i n the same area. The other f a c t i o n , l e d by Joe F e r r a r a , was s i m i l a r l y d i s t r i b u t e d except f o r F e r r a r a who d i d not l i v e i n the area adjacent to the s t o r e . His r o l e of l e a d e r was one of responding to a request from the group of opponents l i v i n g i n the area of the s t o r e to help them. He f u n c t i o n e d i n a manner s i m i l a r to L i v i n g s t o n e , but was much more a c t i v e i n o r g a n i z i n g and "brief d r a f t i n g than that person was. In K i t s i l a n o , Mrs. Campbell and Shelagh Day both l i v e d a c r o s s the s t r e e t from the proposed h i g h r i s e . Jacques Khouri l i v e d only f o u r b l o c k s away, even though the group he l e d had p r e v i o u s l y had i t s membership and focus of a c t i v i t y some d i s t a n c e away. The degree to which the WBCC's i n i t i a l d e c i s i o n to become i n v o l v e d i n a new geographic area was i n f l u e n c e d by 72 i t s l e a d e r ' s r e s i d e n c e i n the new t e r r i t o r y i s d i f f i c u l t to asse s s . There seems to be l i t t l e doubt from i n t e r v i e w s that the WBCC had been concerned with the p o t e n t i a l of h i g h r i s e development p r i o r to the 7th and Maple p r o p o s a l . Since the 7 t h and Maple h i g h r i s e was the f i r s t proposed f o r the area west of Burrard S t r e e t , i t i s more probable t h a t WECC would have become i n v o l v e d i n the p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n s o l e l y on t h a t b a s i s . T h e i r subsequent behaviour i n the K i t s i l a n o downzoning debate supports t h i s view. One person i n t e r v i e w e d i n Grandview-Woodlands speculated t h a t an e t h n i c cleavage may have operated i n the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y t h e r e . The s u p e r f i c i a l l i v i n g s t o n e vs. F e r r a r a view as a WASP vs. I t a l i a n f a c t i o n i n g was suggested. T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s r e j e c t e d because of the dominant r c l e played by A u g usti and h i s predominately I t a l i a n f o l l o w e r s i n o r g a n i z i n g the campaign. The great m a j o r i t y of F e r r a r a * s supporters were I t a l i a n as w e l l , and he i s too. T h i s i s not s u r p r i s i n g because that sub-area of Grandview-Woodlands i s overwhelmingly s e t t l e d by I t a l i a n immigrant-property owners. The e t h n i c cleavage model i n t h i s i s s u e r e s o l u t i o n process does not appear to be d e f e n s i b l e . In K i t s i l a n o , only one l e a d e r suggested t h a t an e t h n i c cleavage may have e x i s t e d : Jacques Khouri. He s t a t e d that "some people" were i n t e r p r e t i n g the WBCC's no-holds-barred campaign as an a t t a c k on c e r t a i n members of Vancouver's l a n d development f r a t e r n i t y , which i n c l u d e s a high p r o p o r t i o n of Jewish entrepreneurs owning some of the l a r g e r development companies. 73 The developer i n t h i s s p e c i f i c i s s u e , the Shalom Branch of the Legion, p r o v i d e s the l i n k a g e between the l o c a l area and the Jewish land developers i n t h i s s c e n a r i o . T h i s i s a c u r i o u s statement coming from Khouri, who then d e s c r i b e d h i m s e l f as ha l f - J e w i s h by descent and not himself i n favor of that i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of h i s group's a c t i o n . Since other sources as de s c r i b e d i n the preceding chapter d i d not mention t h i s or any other e t h n i c or r e l i g i o u s cleavages, i t i s r e j e c t e d here as f a r as i t ' s s i g n i f i c a n c e to t h i s p o l i t i c a l process i s concerned. In Grandview-Woodlands, no c r o s s c u t t i n g p o l i t i c a l cleavages were s u f f i c i e n t l y e f f e c t i v e to enable Augusti»s and F e r r a r a ' s groups to take a common stand on the i s s u e , even though some common i n t e r e s t s were evident to both. The same s i t u a t i o n e x i s t e d i n K i t s i l a n o , where Mrs. Campbell and the Day-Khouri grouping had no common i n t e r e s t s . However, Day's KCC and Khouri's WBCC found s u f f i c i e n t common p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t to work as a c o a l i t i o n f o r a p e r i o d of time (from the September C i t y C o u n c i l meeting to the November CMHC demonstration). The K i t s i l a n o p o l i t i c a l process e x h i b i t e d a degree of c o a l i t i o n -b u i l d i n g based on common p o l i t i c a l o b j e c t i v e s . T h i s type of behaviour was not evident i n the Grandview-Woodlands case. In the case of Grandview-Woodlands, most p a r t i c i p a n t s were I t a l i a n working c l a s s people, with the exce p t i o n c f F e r r a r a who was "imported" by a group of that type of people. The e t h n i c and c l a s s homogeneity does not r e f l e c t d i f f e r e n t i a l p r o p e n s i t y to p a r t i c i p a t e among e t h n i c groups, but the e f f e c t of the settlement p a t t e r n i n the area i n c l o s e p r o x i m i t y to the land 74 deve lopment s i t e . The d i f f e r e n c e i n v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s between the two f a c t i o n s was n o t so g r e a t as t o p r e v e n t C a r l o A u g u s t i f rom l e a d i n g b o t h f a c t i o n s a t d i f f e r e n t t i m e s , and f o r bo th A u g u s t i and F e r r a r a t o s t a t e t h a t t h e i r o b j e c t i v e s were not m u t u a l l y e x c l u s i v e . In K i t s i l a n o , the p r i n c i p l e c o r r e l a t e of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n a g a i n was p r o x i m i t y t o the l a n d deve lopment s i t e . The re was no "common g r o u n d " between the v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s o f t h e C a m p b e l l group and the t empora ry D a y - K h o u r i c o a l i t i o n . The d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c between t h e two s e t s o f v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s l i e s i n l i f e - s t y l e , s o c i a l c l a s s , and p e r c e p t i o n o f a p p r o p r i a t e l a n d - u s e and p r o p e r t y r i g h t s . Because o f t h e g r e a t e r d i v e r g e n c e i n K i t s i l a n o o f v a l u e s and i n t e r e s t s a r t i c u l a t e d by t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s , t h e K i t s i l a n o p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s i s judged t o be more p l u r a l i s t i c i n r e s p e c t o f t h e t h i r d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f such s y s t e m s . I n summary, the p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s i n K i t s i l a n o i s judged to be more p l u r a l i s t i c t han t h a t o f G r a n d v i e w - W o o d l a n d s , based on the t h r e e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s r e l a t i n g t o p r o c e s s and p a r t i c i p a n t s o u t l i n e d i n C h a p t e r 3 . I l l L e g i t i m a c y o f L o c a l Area E l e c t e d Government I n f o r m a t i o n f o r t e s t i n g w o r k i n g h y p o t h e s i s I I was g a t h e r e d as d e s c r i b e d i n C h a p t e r 5. T h i s a n a l y s i s i s based on the r e s u l t s o f i n t e r v i e w s w i t h l e a d e r s o f g roups i d e n t i f i e d as d e s c r i b e d i n t h a t c h a p t e r — t h r e e i n Grandv i ew-Wood lands and f i v e i n K i t s i l a n o . These low numbers p r e v e n t any form of s t a t i s t i c a l a n a l y s i s ; t he r e s p o n s e s a r e a n a l y s e d q u a l i t a t i v e l y , w i t h t h e 75 i n t e n t of i d e n t i f y i n g areas of agreement and disagreement among interviewees* responses. An area of agreement among a l l interviewees was that e l e c t e d l o c a l area government with some land development c o n t r o l powers would be more appropriate and responsive to the area's p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s than i s e x i s t i n g c e n t r a l i z e d C i t y government. This f e e l i n g was based on geographic proximity to el e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and a f e e l i n g of greater confidence and f a m i l i a r i t y i n approaching l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s . This response must be i n t e r p r e t e d with the knowledge that the interviewees had themselves been i d e n t i f i e d by ethers as l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l leaders i n the s p e c i f i c issue s t u d i e d . The same response should not be assumed to be t y p i c a l of a p o l i t i c a l i n d i v i d u a l s . The general expression on the s u i t a b i l i t y of the e l e c t o r a l process f o r s e l e c t i o n of p o l i t i c a l leaders was that that method was p r e f e r r e d to any other. Some concern was expressed by respondents about the " a c c o u n t a b i l i t y " of el e c t e d l e a d e r s . There was some disagreement h e r e — i n t e r v i e w e e s i n K i t s i l a n o were considerably more s k e p t i c a l about the use of only an e l e c t o r a l process f o r s e l e c t i o n and c o n t r o l of l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s than were those i n Grandview-Woodlands. Some f e l t that the need f o r s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t group p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n would never be obviated by l o c a l area government i n the land development c o n t r o l area. One person, i n a p h i l o s o p h i c a l moment, f e l t t hat human beings were "too complex" to expect " r e s p o n s i b l e and p r e d i c t a b l e behaviour from p o l i t i c i a n s " e s p e c i a l l y i f t h e i r power depended 76 only on an annual or biannual e l e c t i o n i n an "apathet i c neighborhood". There was general agreement among those interviewed that l o c a l area government would be r e l a t i v e l y more responsive and appropriate to l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s i n land development i s s u e s than i s e x i s t i n g c e n t r a l i z e d c i t y government. However, there was no agreement that the e l e c t o r a l process alone would ensure the a c c o u n t a b i l i t y and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of l o c a l area government. Respondents i n K i t s i l a n o saw a need f o r c o n t i n u a l v i g i l a n c e on the part of the c i t i z e n r y , r e g a r d l e s s of the l e v e l of government i n v o l v e d . 77 Chapter 7 C o n c l u s i o n s and A p p l i c a t i o n s I Conclusions A. Working Hypothesis I Working hypothesis I i s " t h a t the degree of p l u r a l i s m e x h i b i t e d at the l o c a l area l e v e l i s a s s o c i a t e d with the degree of socioeconomic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the l o c a l area p o p u l a t i o n " . The independent v a r i a b l e i s "the degree of socioeconomic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the l o c a l area p o p u l a t i o n " . The p o p u l a t i o n of the K i t s i l a n o l o c a l area i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y more heterogenous i n socioeconomic terms than i s that of Grandview-Woodlands. However, the Grandview-Woodlands p o p u l a t i o n i s r e l a t i v e l y much more d i v e r s e i n e t h n i c terms than the K i t s i l a n o p o p u l a t i o n . I t must be noted that i n both l o c a l areas, the p r i n c i p l e c o r r e l a t e of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n was p r o x i m i t y to the s p e c i f i c land development s i t e . In Grandview-Woodlands, the settlement p a t t e r n has r e s u l t e d i n the area around the land development s i t e being s e t t l e d predominately by I t a l i a n immigrant property-owning f a m i l i e s . The e t h n i c d i v e r s i t y i n Grandview-Woodlands d i d thus not have a s i g n i f i c a n t p o t e n t i a l to operate as a s o c i a l f o r c e i n the p o l i t i c a l process t h e r e . The p o l i t i c a l process i n K i t s i l a n o was judged to be more p l u r a l i s t i c than t h a t of Grandview-Woodlands. T h i s was evidenced by r e l a t i v e l y g r e a t e r d i v e r s i t y of values and 78 i n t e r e s t s a r t i c u l a t e d i n the p o l i t i c a l process, g r e a t e r competition among groups f o r p u b l i c support, and c o a l i t i o n s formed among some groups, i n K i t s i l a n o . The range of p o s i t i o n s taken i n Grandview-Woodlands was narrower, there was l e s s p u b l i c c ompetition f o r support, and there was no evidence of c o a l i t i o n -b u i l d i n g , attempted or s u c c e s s f u l . Working hypothesis I i s t h e r e f o r e s u s t a i n e d . B. Working Hypothesis I I Working hypothesis I I i s " t h a t p o l i t i c a l a c t o r s at the l o c a l area l e v e l c u r r e n t l y a c t i v e i n land development i s s u e s p e r c e i v e the l e g i t i m a c y of an e l e c t e d l o c a l area government with powers i n t h a t i s s u e area to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y g r e a t e r than t h a t of the e x i s t i n g C i t y government system". A l l l e a d e r s i n t e r v i e w e d responded that e l e c t e d l o c a l area government with some land development c o n t r o l powers would b e more responsive to the l o c a l area p o p u l a t i o n ' s p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s than i s the c e n t r a l C i t y government. T h i s was r e i n f o r c e d by the response t h a t such a government would be the most a p p r o p r i a t e f o r that purpose. The reasons given centred on the geographic p r o x i m i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l t o such e l e c t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s and the r e l a t i v e l y great f a m i l i a r i t y and confidence with which one could approach such persons. However, the response was q u a l i f i e d i n t h a t most respondents expressed the f e e l i n g that the e l e c t o r a l process alone was i n s u f f i c i e n t to ensure the a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of the e l e c t e d to the e l e c t o r a t e . Working hypothesis I I , with some q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , was 79 sustained. Elected l o c a l area government has some p o t e n t i a l f o r l e g i t i m i z i n g governmental i n t e r v e n t i o n i n land development c o n t r o l , as perceived by those c u r r e n t l y a c t i v e at the l o c a l area l e v e l i n that issue area. C. The General Hypothesis The general hypothesis was "that p o l i t i c a l processes i n l o c a l areas r e f l e c t the d i v e r s i t y of p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s of the population and thus have the p o t e n t i a l to l e g i t i m i z e decision-making at th a t l e v e l " . The f i r s t working hypothesis dealt with the f i r s t part of the general hypothesis. I t was concluded that i n c r e a s i n g l y p l u r a l i s t i c p o l i t i c a l process was associated with i n c r e a s i n g l y greater socioeconomic, and hence s o c i a l c l a s s , d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the l o c a l area population. The second working hypothesis d e a l t with the p o t e n t i a l f o r l e g i t i m i z a t i o n of decision-making at the l o c a l area l e v e l . This hypothesis was sustained, with some q u a l i f i c a t i o n r e l a t e d to the e l e c t o r a l process as the primary instrument of c i t i z e n c o n t r o l . Both of these working hypotheses were tes t e d i n the iss u e area of land development c o n t r o l i n p r i m a r i l y r e s i d e n t i a l urban areas. An important note i s that h o r i z o n t a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , i n the form of e t h n i c d i v i s i o n s , d i d not have the p o t e n t i a l to operate as a s i g n i f i c a n t p o l i t i c a l f orce i n the cases tested i n the f i e l d study. I t i s the r e f o r e concluded that the general hypothesis i s sust a i n e d , with two major q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . The f i r s t i s that the 80 e f f e c t of c r o s s - c u t t i n g cleavages due to e t h n o - r e l i g i o u s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n was not s u f f i c i e n t l y strong i n the cases s t u d i e d to prevent value and issue d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n on the b a s i s of s o c i a l c l a s s to predominate i n the p o l i t i c a l process involved i n urban land development c o n t r o l . The second i s that l e g i t i m i z a t i o n of the decision-making process i n land development c o n t r o l at the l o c a l area l e v e l does not r e s t s o l e l y on the e l e c t o r a l process as the primary instrument of c i t i z e n c o n t r o l of governing bodies. I I A p p l i c a t i o n s and Further Research A. Municipal D e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n Theory The general hypothesis r e l a t e s d i r e c t l y to the p r i n c i p l e assumptions of municipal d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theory: the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of i n t e r e s t s with d e f i n a b l e geographic t e r r i t o r y , and the r e f l e c t i o n of l o c a l values and i n t e r e s t s i n the l o c a l p o l i t i c a l process. The research was focussed on land development c o n t r o l i s s u e s f o r two reasons. These i s s u e s are p o l i t i c a l l y s a l i e n t to some (not a l l ) l o c a l i t y groups, and, some land development c o n t r o l power i s being devolved to l o c a l area c o u n c i l s , as the current s t r u c t u r e of the C i t y of Winnipeg suggests. D i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l behaviour at the l o c a l area l e v e l may be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of other i s s u e areas, such as mental h e a l t h , s o c i a l welfare a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , or education. Land development i s s u e s of the type studied (proposed 81 changes i n land-use i n r e s i d e n t i a l urban areas) are c l e a r l y i d e n t i f i e d with a d e f i n a b l e geographic area. This was evidenced by the observation that the p r i n c i p l e c o r r e l a t e of p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the s p e c i f i c i s s u e s s t u d i e d was proximity to the s p e c i f i c land development s i t e . This was an e s p e c i a l l y strong c o r r e l a t e i n the l o c a l area having a r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous, working c l a s s population. This c o n c l u s i o n i s q u a l i f i e d by the f a c t that t h i s c o r r e l a t i o n l e f t l i t t l e p o t e n t i a l f o r e t h n o - r e l i g i o u s cleavages to i n f l u e n c e the p o l i t i c a l process i n the i s s u e studied i n t h a t l o c a l area, because of the settlement p a t t e r n . This assumption of municipal d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theory i s supported by t h i s research. The second assumption of the theory i s that l o c a l values and i n t e r e s t s are r e f l e c t e d i n the l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l process. This assumption i s confirmed by t h i s research, with the q u a l i f i c a t i o n that the e l e c t o r a l process i t s e l f i s perceived to be an inadequate mechanism f o r l e g i t i m i z i n g decision-making, even a t the l o c a l area l e v e l . This r a i s e s the problem of how a l o c a l area c o u n c i l can perform a p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n f u n c t i o n . The observation i n t h i s research i s that the area c o u n c i l s i n each case chose not to attempt that task, even i n Grandview-Woodlands where an a c t i v e area c o u n c i l e x i s t s and where that body was p u b l i c l y urged to take a stand on the i s s u e . The response of the area c o u n c i l was neither t a k i n g a stand nor attempting to i n t e g r a t e the p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y of the two f a c t i o n s . Since e s t a b l i s h i n g the reasons f o r t h i s lack of a c t i v i t y were not part of t h i s research, a s p e c u l a t i v e d i s c u s s i o n and a suggested d i r e c t i o n f o r f u r t h e r research i n 82 t h i s context are included i n the next sub-section of t h i s chapter. In a general sense, t h i s research supports the two major assumptions of municipal d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n theory. However, some thorny problems i n p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n at the l o c a l area l e v e l are suggested as w e l l . These problems are the subject of the next sub-section. B. Community Workers and Community Cou n c i l s This subsection i s intended to suggest the d i r e c t i o n of f u r t h e r work on d e c e n t r a l i z e d decision-making and the r o l e of the community worker working with a l o c a l area c o u n c i l . The term "community worker" i s used l o o s e l y to describe any person whose intended f u n c t i o n i n c l u d e s contact with the l o c a l area population f o r the purpose of a s s i s t i n g a l o c a l area c o u n c i l i n p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n or community development. In the context of c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n theory, community workers derive the l e g i t i m a c y of t h e i r a c t i o n on what Martin Rein c a l l s "consumer preference" (Rein, 1969, pp. 233-234). In t h i s model, the i n t e r v e n t i o n of the worker i s l e g i t i m i z e d by the needs of the people to be served. Appropriate a c t i o n i s not prescribed from an attempted p o s i t i o n of value n e u t r a l i t y but r a t h e r from the desired o b j e c t i v e s themselves (Davidoff, 1965, p. 331; S t o l o f f , 1970, p. 297). A f a c t o r i s suggested by t h i s research t h a t upsets the assumptions of the advocacy model i n t h i s context. This i s t h a t i n i n c r e a s i n g l y heterogeneous l o c a l areas there e x i s t s an 83 i n c r e a s i n g d i v e r s i t y of p o l i t i c a l values and i n t e r e s t s , There i s no s i n g l e , united " v o i c e " speaking with the sanction of the community (see a l s o : Seaver, 1 9 6 8 , p. 6 8 ; Head, 1 9 7 1 , pp. 1 8 -2 2 ) . The dilemma f a c i n g the worker here i s t h a t the worker's r e l a t i o n s h i p with the l o c a l area population cannot be based cn a s i m p l i s t i c concept of the c l i e n t — t h e worker must decide "...whether he i s r e s p o n s i b l e to a community or the community" (Waldo, 1 9 7 1 , p. 2 6 7 ; a l s o : McNeese, 1 9 7 2 , p. 2 3 3 ) . Should the worker opt f o r advocating the i n t e r e s t s of one f a c t i o n a c t i v e i n the p o l i t i c a l process, the group he serves may l i k e l y be the group having a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e pool of p o l i t i c a l resources, e s p e c i a l l y i n the form of an i d e n t i f i a b l e , f o r m a l l y organized, d i s c i p l i n e d group. In the cases s t u d i e d i n t h i s research, community workers had l i t t l e time to spend on community o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r the purpose of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y i n the i s s u e s . In K i t s i l a n o , the area a s s o c i a t i o n ' s workers and l o g i s t i c support went to groups already organized or i n the process of completing o r g a n i z a t i o n . In such cases, redressing the m a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of p o l i t i c a l resources may be made even l e s s p o s s i b l e ( H a z z i o t t i , 1 9 7 4 , pp. 4 0 - 4 1 ) . A d e f i n a b l e , d e f e n s i b l e moral and p o l i t i c a l e t h i c i s l a c k i n g t c guide the worker i n p o l i t i c a l l y p l u r a l i s t i c communities where i n e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n of p o l i t i c a l resources e x i s t s . In such communities, the only r o l e which f r e e s the worker from h i s dilemma may be that of p r o v i d i n g l o g i s t i c s support and information on request to those who approach him (Meyerson, 1 9 7 3 , p. 1 7 6 ; a l s o : L l o y d , 1971, pp. 1 0 - 1 2 ) . 84 An underlying assumption i n the above advocacy model with respect to advocating a l o c a l area's i n t e r e s t s i s that there i s an i d e n t i f i a b l e , f a i r l y homogeneous c l i e n t group. Davidoff describes t h i s type of group as a "neighborhood o r g a n i z a t i o n " which represents the i n t e r e s t s of the geographic area (Davidoff, 1965, pp. 334-335). In t h i s research, the area c o u n c i l s ' intended aims were found to i n c l u d e that r o l e . In n e i t h e r case di d the c o u n c i l s perform that r o l e . I t i s not c l e a r whether the p a r a l y s i s r e s u l t e d from fe a r of l o s i n g senior government funding f o r other programs or whether the c o u n c i l s were not properly s t r u c t u r e d f o r that r o l e or whether the lack of coercive power i n the i s s u e area n u l l i f i e d t h e i r i n t e g r a t i o n p o t e n t i a l . The f a c t that the l o c a l area p o l i t i c a l process r e f l e c t s the d i v e r s i t y of l o c a l area values and i n t e r e s t s provides the p o t e n t i a l f o r l e g i t i m i z i n g decision-making at that l e v e l , only i f a means of p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n perceived to be l e g i t i m a t e can be devised (Friedmann, 1973, p. 7). The problem of f a c i l i t a t i n g p o l i t i c a l i n t e g r a t i o n at the l o c a l area l e v e l demands f u r t h e r research i n t o the r e l a t i o n s h i p s among s t r u c t u r e , delegated power, method of r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , resource base, and r o l e of workers r e s p o n s i b l e t o the c o u n c i l s . In t h i s r e s e a r c h , the emphasis should be on d i s c o v e r i n g what arrangements of v a r i a b l e s seems to l e g i t i m i z e the d e c i s i o n -making process at the l o c a l area l e v e l . Perhaps experimentation i s i n order, because c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n p r e s c r i p t i o n s to date have been n o t o r i o u s l y unsuccessful (see Moynihan, 1969, pp. 193-196). This i s no s m a l l challenge, but the l e g i t i m a c y of government at the l o c a l area l e v e l i s the g o a l . 85 B i b l i o g r a p h y Agger, BE, D G o l d r i c h , BE Swansoiu 1964. The R u l e r s and the Ruled. 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" S o c i a l M o b i l i t y and Membership i n Voluntary A s s o c i a t i o n s " i n American J o u r n a l of S o c i o l o g y 75. Vrooman, Paul C. 1972. "The Power Dilemma i n C i t i z e n P a r t i c i p a t i o n " i n Canadian Welfare . 48(3). Waldo, D. 1971. "Some Thoughts on A l t e r n a t i v e s , Dilemmas, and Paradoxes i n a Time of Turbulence" i n D Waldo (ed) P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n a Time of Turbulence. Scranton: Chandler P u b l i s h i n g Company. Walton, John. 1973. "The Bearing of S o c i a l Science Research on P u b l i c Issues: F l o y d Hunter and the Study of Power" i n John Walton and D Cams (eds) C i t i e s i n Change. Boston: A l l y n and Bacon, Inc. Warren, Roland L. 1963. The Community i n America. Chicago: Rand McNally and Company. Warren, Roland L. 1965. Studying Your Community . New York: Free P r e s s . Washnis, George J . 1972. 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Whyte, WH J r . 1957. The O r g a n i z a t i o n Man. Garden C i t y : Doubleday. Woodland Park Area Resources C o u n c i l . 1965. A Study of the Woodland Park Area. Vancouver: S o c i a l P lanning S e c t i o n , Community Chest and C o u n c i l s of the Greater Vancouver Area. Zimmerman, JP. 1972. "Are Neighborhood Governments a D e s i r a b l e I n s t i t u t i o n a l Change?" In Planning. 97 Appendix A C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r L o c a l Area B o u n d a r i e s * • F r o m : C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r . L o c a l Area P l a n n i n g . V a n c o u v e r : Department o f P l a n n i n g and C i v i c Deve lopment , C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 1973. 99 Appendix B C i t y of Vancouver G e n e r a l i z e d Land Dse* *From: C i t y c f Vancouver. S e l e c t e d Land Use C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ^ £ity of Vancouver Information and S t a t i s t i c s B u l l e t i n No. 6. Vancouver: Department of Planning and C i v i c Development, C i t y of Vancouver, 1973. CITY OF VANCOUVER GENERALIZED LAND USE - 1973 Mm Duplex and Conversions Apartments Commercial Industrial . C iv ic and Inst i tut ional Parks and Gol f Courses Source: C i t / of Vu i . - ' .w* ;-..i:ir.n* U ' ( ^r ta t : . t - A p r i l 1>7S 101 Appendix C C i t y of Vancouver H i s t o r i c a l - P o l i t i c a l Growth* •From: Barry W. Mayhew. A Regional A t l a s of Vancouver Vancouver: Research Department, United Community S e r v i c e s of the Greater Vancouver Area, 1967. HISTORICAL-POLITICAl GROWTH S T A N L E Y PARK a CITY OF VANCOUVER (1886) U N I V E R S I T Y E N D O W M E N T L A N D S 2 5 t h A V E . \ MUNICIPALITY OF POINT GREY HASTINGS TOWNSITE 2 9 t h A V E MUNICIPALITY OF SOUTH VANCOUVER f Added in 1911 2 Added in 1911 3 Amalgamated in 1929 4 Amalgamated in 1929 5 A 6 Added in 1952 F R A S E R R IVER FIGURE I 103 Appendix D L o c a l Areas of Vancouver: S t a t i s t i c a l P r o f i l e * *From: Barry W. Mayhev. L o c a l Areas of Vancouver ( r e v i s e d 1970). Vancouver: Research Department, United Community S e r v i c e s of the Greater Vancouver Area, 1967. APPENDIX D LOCAL AREAS OF VANCOUVER'! STATISTICAL PROFILE Local Area Owner Unemployment Mean Fam. Occupation F e r t . Famil ies S o c . E c o n . Occupancy Income Index Ratio w.Children Ranking Strathcona 37% 14.5% $ 3,000 8 750 61% 117.0 CBD • - 35.3 3,300 7 240 33 109.0 Grandview-Woodland 64 9 . 2 4,450 9 610 62 108.0 Hastings-Sunrise 78 7.3 4,650 10 600 61 100.5 C. Cottage-Kens. 76 6.6 4,798 11 601 64 100.3 Mount Pleasant 44 10.0 4,450 11 460 55 95.0 Renfrew-C'wood. 80 6.0 5,000 12 620 66 89.3 V i c t c r i a - F 1 v i e w . 58 4.8 5,200 13 550 73 80.6 Sunset 80 3.9 5,200 14 560 65 78.0 Fairview 16 11.2 4,620 18 300 45 71.2 R i l e y Park 69 6.9 4,924 18 566 61 70.7 South Cambie 65 3.9 5,200 45 399 56 70.0 Ki Harney 94 3.8 5,650 19 610 73 57.0 Marpole 72 3.8 5,400 18 500 57 56.1 K i t s i l a n o v 45 6.7 3,000 24 370 52 48.0 West End 7 11.3 5,150 25 150 26 43.5 Oakridge 88 2.3 7,300 44 460 62 29.1 ff Dunbar-Southlands 92 2.1 6,700 44 510 62 14.7 0} 0> West Point Grey 75 2,9 C.900 44 460 60 12.1 M o Arbutus-Ridge 75 1.9 1,300 50 420 60 11.3 -P-r i s r 'ale 78 •i, ••} / " ':•{) 50 430 58 8 , 90 66 4.10 66 8.4 

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