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Multiple human images in Eskimo sculpture Blodgett, Ruth Jean 1974

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MULTIPLE HUMAN IMAGES IN ESKIMO SCULPTURE by Ruth Jean Blodgett B . A . , U n i v e r s i t y of Colorado, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Art s in. the Department of Fine A r t s We accept t h i s thes is as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1974 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C olumbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p urposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Fine A r t s The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date A p r i l , 1974 ABSTRACT Although the human head i s a common subject i n a r t , the Eskimos have u t i l i z e d t h i s motif i n a most uncommon manner.- Sculptures con-s i s t i n g of a number of human heads, and only human heads, have been produced throughout the a r c t i c , but never as c o n s i s t e n t l y as by the Dorset and contemporary a r t i s t s . In view of the unusual nature of t h i s subject and i t s f l o u r i s h i n g appearance 900 years apart i n two d i s t i n c t Eskimo c u l t u r e s , one wonders what s i g n i f i c a n c e the motif had f o r the Eskimos themselves and what connection, i f any, e x i s t s between i t s r o l e i n the a r t of two d i f f e r e n t , a l b e i t Eskimo, c u l t u r e s . I n v e s t i g a t i o n of these problems i s complicated by the p a r t i c u l a r circumstances of both c u l t u r e s , e s p e c i a l l y the Dorset. L i t t l e has been w r i t t e n about the m u l t i p l e s of e i t h e r c u l t u r e . And w h i l e the con-temporary Eskimos are a v a i l a b l e f o r i n t e r v i e w — a n d were very h e l p f u l i n answering the queries put to them—the Dorsets have long s i n c e been replaced by the Thule Eskimos. Our only a c t u a l evidence of the pre-h i s t o r i c Dorsets i s a r c h a e o l o g i c a l . In these circumstances the a c t u a l Dorset m u l t i p l e s themselves are e s p e c i a l l y important—-they are our major source of informat i o n as to t h e i r use and s i g n i f i c a n c e . Although they themselves and analogy w i t h other Eskimo c u l t u r e s may suggest c e r t a i n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , any t e n t a t i v e conclusions about the m u l t i p l e s created by the Dorsets cannot be d e f i n i t e l y s u b s t a n t i a t e d . Research and personal i n t e r v i e w s i n the north e s t a b l i s h e d that the m u l t i p l e s have no u l t e r i o r s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the contemporary Eskimos. i i The sculpture i s made for sale i n the south and continued possession of i t i s not necessary for the Eskimo's w e l l - b e i n g . There was no consis tent i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the subject . The head motif may be.used simply as a design element or the heads may represent any of the fo l lowing: humans—often i n a family group, mythologica l characters , or s p i r i t s . Most a r t i s t s sa id the idea for the mul t ip le s was from t h e i r own head or from seeing other contemporary carvings of th i s subject . Only a few of the contemporary Eskimos gave any i n d i c a t i o n of knowledge of the use of th i s subject by o lder Eskimos i n h i s t o r i c a l times. However, mul t ip le s were made i n the 1800's i n such places as A laska , the Ungava D i s t r i c t , and at Angmassalik, Greenland. Between these few 19th century examples and the Dorset mul t ip le s of about 1000, there seems to be a complete break i n the t r a d i t i o n of the subject . Various fac tors i n d i c a t e that the major i ty of Dorset a r t was probably used i n a r e l i g i o u s - s h a m a n i s t i c context. The use of heads on other r e l i g i o u s objects as w e l l as the occurrence of s tandardized m u l t i p l e s , with a s p e c i f i c number of faces , over a large geographical area i n d i c a t e that the mul t ip l e was a part of t h i s r e l i g i o u s a r t . I t seems l i k e l y that the mul t ip l e was used by the shaman himsel f as a magic s t a f f i n ceremonies and most l i k e l y i n those shamanic duties associated with r e t a i n i n g the we l l -be ing of h i s charges; p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r h e a l t h . The motif of heads suggests the pos s ib l e use of the mul t ip l e i n that popular Eskimo means of d i v i n a t i o n — h e a d - l i f t i n g . In any of these l i f e - a s s o c i a t e d c a p a c i t i e s , the beings represented on the m u l t i p l e could be: succes s fu l ly cured humans, the shaman's he lp ing s p i r i t s , or even more l i k e l y , souls ; e i t h e r souls to be returned to the body during i l l n e s s to e f fec t the cure , dead souls of others i i i consulted during a i l l n e s s , or souls conducted away at the death of those not succes s fu l ly cured. I f the Dorset mul t ip l e functioned as a r e l i g i o u s i tem, and i t seems most l i k e l y that i t d i d , the contemporary scu lptors have continued the t r a d i t i o n of the o r i g i n a l subject but have not re ta ined the o r i g i n a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION • 1 Notes 3 CHAPTER I . THE ESKIMO IN CANADA 4 Preh i s tory 4 H i s t o r y 7 Notes 8 I I . CONTEMPORARY MULTIPLES 10 Notes 25 I I I . DORSET MULTIPLES I 28 Dorset Art 28 The M u l t i p l e s 29 Publ ished Interpreta t ions 35 No U l t e r i o r S ign i f i cance 35 Dorset-Norse Contact 39 Poss ib le U l t e r i o r S ign i f i cance 43 Petroglyphs ' 48 Conclusion 55 Notes 58 IV. DORSET MULTIPLES II 68 Analys i s and Discuss ion 68 The Number Four 70 Graves, Grave Furn i sh ings , and Death 73 H e a d - l i f t i n g 77 Rel ig ious S ign i f i cance 85 Other Poss ib le Uses 88 Conclusion 90 Notes 93 V. CONCLUSION 99 Notes 101 ILLUSTRATIONS 102 REFERENCES CITED . . . . . 167 APPENDIX I 173 V LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Map Page 1. Map of the a r c t i c area 102 Figure 1. Faces carved on a n t l e r , Dorset cu l ture 103 2. Faces carved on b lack stone by Lucy Tasseor 104 3. Faces carved on b lack stone by T ik tak 105 4. Family by T i k t a k 106 5. Faces carved on grey stone by George Ar luk 107 6. Faces carved on b lack stone by Lucy Tasseor 108 7. Mother and c h i l d r e n hy Lucy Tasseor 109 8. Three faces by John P o l i k 110 9. Ten faces carved i n i v o r y , Alaska I l l 10. Three faces i n i v o r y , Nuwuk, Alaska 112 11. Ivory c a r v i n g , Nuwuk, Alaska 113 12. Ar looayu i t by Th^rese A r l u t n a r 114 13. S ix faces carved on wood, Angmassalik 115 14. U n t i t l e d by Luke Anowtelik 116 15. Faces carved on wood, Dorset cu l ture 117 118 16. Faces carved on a n t l e r , Dorset cu l ture 119 17. Faces carved on a n t l e r , Dorset cu l ture 120 121 18. Faces carved on a n t l e r , Dorset cu l ture 122 19. Faces carved on a n t l e r , Dorset cu l ture 123 v i Figure Page 20. Man with c h i l d , Dorset cu l ture 124 21. Four faces carved on wood, Ungava D i s t r i c t 125 22. Four faces on stone by Kattoo 126 23. U n t i t l e d by David Ekoota 127 24. Human f igures i n stone, A l e u t i a n Islands 128 25. War harpoon heads, A l e u t i a n Islands • 129 26. Throat plugs and a wound p l u g , Angmassalik 130 27. Drum handles , P t . Barrow, Alaska 131 28. Carved lamp support, Chichifiagamut, Alaska 132 29. Memorial images, Cape Vancouver, Alaska 133 30. Monument board at grave, Big Lake, Alaska 134 31. Double-faced head, Angmassalik F j o r d 135 32. Finger mask, lower Kuskokwim R i v e r , Alaska 136 33. Ivory mask, Dorset cu l ture 137 34. Mask, Dorset cu l ture 138 35. Harpoon head, Dorset cu l ture 139 36. Face carved on bone, Dorset c u l t u r e 140 37. Petroglyph i n soapstone, Dorset cu l ture 141 38. Wakeham Bay petroglyph design 142 39. Wakeham Bay petroglyph design . • 143 40. Wakeham Bay petroglyph design 144 41. Petroglyph designs, Cape A l i t a k 145 42. Mask, I g l o o l i k area 146 43. Figure carved i n wood, Button Point 147 44. Man, Dorset cu l ture 148 45. Mask, Dorset cu l ture 149 46. Mask, Angmassalik 150 v i i Figure Page 47. 151 48. 152 49. 153 50. 154 51. 155 52. 156 53. 157 54. 158 55. 159 56. H e a d - l i f t i n g s t i c k s with handle, c en tra l west Greenland 160 57. 161 58. 162 59. Perforated faces on bears i n f l i g h t , Dorset cu l ture . . 163 60. 164 61. 165 62. 166 PHOTO CREDITS artscanada (1971/1972) f i g s . 20, 34, 36, 54, 55, 60; Bandi (1969) f i g . 15; Beaver (1967) map, f i g s . 37, 59; Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y , Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology f i g s . 17, 18; Canadian Eskimo A r t s Counc i l f i g s . 2, 3, 12, 16, 19; d'Anglure (1963) f i g s . 38, 39, 40; Dean, Max f i g s . 5, 6, 7, 8, 22; Heizer (1947) f i g . 41; Holm (1914) f i g . 13; Jochelson (1925) f i g s . 24, 25; Larsen and Rainey (1948) f i g s . 48, 49, 50, 51, 52; Masterpieces of Indian  and Eskimo Art from Canada f i g s . 33, 35, 61; Mathiassen (1927) f i g s . 42, 43; Meldgaard (1960a) i l l u s . p. 30, f i g s . 1, 26, 44, 45, 46, 47, 53; Murdoch (1892) f i g s . 10, 11, 27; Nelson (1899) f i g s . 28, 29, 30, 32; Prokofyeva (1963) f i g s . 58, 62; Rasmussen (1930) f i g . 57; Swinton, George f i g . 9, (1965) f i g . 4, (1972) f i g s . 14, 23; T h a l b i t z e r (1914) f i g . 31, (1922) f i g . 56; Turner (1894) f i g . 21. I INTRODUCTION Both Dorset c u l t u r e and contemporary Eskimo a r t i s t s have produced sculptures w i t h the unusual motif of m u l t i p l e human h e a d s — a subject which seems to be unique to the Eskimo ( f i g s . 1 and 2 ) . ^ The number, arrangement, and d i s t r i b u t i o n of the heads may vary but the subject matter i s always the same; j u s t heads. In a d d i t i o n , the heads tend to be equal i n s i z e ; that i s , a l l the heads on one scu l p t u r e are of s i m i l a r dimension. The heads on Dorset m u l t i p l e s e s p e c i a l l y are not only of equal s i z e on each s c u l p t u r e but the faces on one carving are e q u i s i z e to those on other Dorset m u l t i p l e s . Contemporary m u l t i p l e s show a greater v a r i a t i o n i n the s i z e of faces on separate works however. That i s , w h i l e a l l the heads on each contemporary s c u l p t u r e are of s i m i l a r s i z e , the heads on one sc u l p t u r e may be of a s i z e q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from those on another contemporary m u l t i p l e . These m u l t i p l e s are to be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from those s c u l p t u r e s i n which human heads may occur on the same object w i t h other s u b j e c t s ; or m u l t i p l e s of subjects other than human heads. From Eskimo and other c u l t u r e s come scu l p t u r e s e i t h e r of a s i n g l e head such as i n western p o r t r a i t u r e or human head(s) together w i t h animal p a r t s and other motifs such as i n Indian totems. In the case of the Eskimo m u l t i p l e s discussed h e r e i n however, the subject of the s c u l p t u r e i s r e s t r i c t e d to human heads and the number of heads i s always more than one or two. 2 These mul t ip l e heads are not decorat ive embellishments to another object but are the sculpted object i t s e l f . Although an item decorated with heads may continue to ex i s t and funct ion without those heads, the heads on a mul t ip l e are i t s r a i s o n d ' e t r e . Take away the heads and we are l e f t with an a n t l e r or a piece of stone. In view of these unusual a t t r i b u t e s the immediate quest ion which comes to mind i s : what s i g n i f i c a n c e do these heads have? What poss ib le use, i f any, could they have? And here , although the moti f may be s i m i l a r , i s the d i s t i n c t i o n between Dorset and con-temporary m u l t i p l e s . Not only i s there w r i t t e n information about contemporary Eskimos, the a r t i s t s themselves are a v a i l a b l e for d i r e c t quest ioning . Also because of the Eskimos' changed c ircum-stances, those sculptures produced i n the l a s t 20 years are dest ined not for the Eskimos themselves but for sa le i n the south. Thi s fac tor—of the ul t imate possession of the o b j e c t — i s important not because of cons iderat ions of v a l i d i t y or q u a l i t y but i n respect to the s i g n i f i c a n c e the object has for the Eskimo h imse l f . Continued possession of the m u l t i p l e i s not necessary f o r the contemporary Eskimo's w e l l - b e i n g . The Dorset Eskimo's a r t on the other hand was an i n t e g r a l , i f not indispensable , part of h i s ex is tence . Then too, the problem i s compounded by the p a r t i c u l a r e lus iveness of the Dorset peoples them-se lves . Our only information about them comes from archaeology; the only poss ib le h i s t o r i c a l references to them are the Skrael ings recorded by the Norse. To understand t h i s p a r t i c u l a r dilemma one must b r i e f l y review the preh i s tory and h i s t o r y of the Eskimos i n Canada. INTRODUCTION NOTES I would l i k e to thank George Swinton who suggested t h i s top ic 4 CHAPTER I THE ESKIMO IN CANADA Preh i s tory Any preh i s tory of the Eskimos i n Canada must immediately expand outs ide Canada—to A l a s k a . The e a r l i e s t known proto-Eskimos were the people of the Cape Denbigh F l i n t complex of northwestern Alaska , c. 3rd mil lennium B.C.''" These people had an Eskimo way of l i f e and were adapted to the hunting economics of both in land and 2 coas ta l areas of a t ree l e s s reg ion . Although t h e i r cu l ture shows some inf luence from the ear ly Indians of the i n t e r i o r of North America, a number of the t r a i t s i n d i c a t e that t h e i r primary o r i g i n s were i n the P a l a e o l i t h i c and M e s o l i t h i c cu l tures of the Far East and the ear ly N e o l i t h i c of S i b e r i a . These e a r l i e r migrant cu l tures who crossed the Bering land bridge between 3500 and 2500 B . C . were the ancestors of the Denbigh F l i n t complex as w e l l as the e a r l i e s t . C a n a d i a n a r c t i c c u l t u r e which spread across Canada while the Denbigh F l i n t peoples 3 remained i n Alaska . These ear ly migrants across Canada reached the c e n t r a l a r c t i c coast of Canada by 2500 B . C . and the t h i n l y spread populat ion even-t u a l l y expanded as far south as C h u r c h i l l , Manitoba and to the east 4 as far as the Ungava Peninsula and even Greenland. In Canada, th i s ear ly migrant c u l t u r e , the Pre-Dorset , survived u n t i l approximately 1000 to 800 B . C . The Dorset cu l ture which replaced i t developed p r i m a r i l y w i t h i n the Canadian eastern a r c t i c from predominantly Pre-Dorset origins.^ Although the Dorset culture was similar to the Pre-Dorset in many ways, having the same adaptation, economy, and settlement pattern, i t had certain traits of i t s own. Those traits without Pre-Dorset antecedents may have been acquired by the Dorsets from the Indians south of them or by cultural diffusion from the Eskimos of the western arctic. Archaeological investigations have uncovered Dorset remains from Bernard Harbour and Melville Island in the west to eastern Greenland and the western part of Newfoundland. Dorset sites are most abundant in the Hudson Strait-Foxe Basin region.^ The Dorset people, in small, seasonally nomadic bands, lived in skin tents in the summer and partially underground pit houses in the winter. They were possibly the inventors of the snow house. They lived primarily on g the coast (only one inland site has been found) where they both fished extensively and hunted such animals as caribou, seal, and 9 walrus; but not the whale. Factors such as the coastal location of sites indicate the use of boats but no positive evidence of them has been forthcoming. The Dorsets seem to have been without such typical Eskimo accoutrements as the bow d r i l l and the dog."'""'" Apparently transporta-12 tion without the latter was by means of a small hand-sled. They did have a smaller model of the traditional Eskimo lamp; and needle 13 cases and bone needles indicate tailored fur clothing. They had implements made of antler, bone, ivory, and driftwood and used 14 specialized burin-like tools for working these materials. The art of the Dorsets which was fashioned out of these same materials is particularly noteworthy. The small carvings are characterized by great competency, insight, and feeling. 6 The above t r a i t s i n d i c a t e that the Dorsets were Eskimo peoples and s k e l e t a l remains found i n t h e i r graves would seem to confirm this.'''"' They probably spoke an o l d v a r i a n t of the Eskimo l a n g u a g e . ^ "Shamanism i s suggested on the bas is of t h e i r subs is tence-hunt ing , semi-nomadic, small-band pa t t ern , and by ethnographic a n a l o g y . " ^ Around 900 A . D . another Eskimo cul ture began to migrate west from Alaska across Canada. The Thules who had developed from Eskimo cu l tures i n A laska , back as far as the Denbigh F l i n t complex, swept across the northern a r c t i c reaching Greenland by 1100 A . D . and l a t e r 18 Labrador. Although very l i t t l e i s known about the exact nature of the t r a n s i t i o n from one cu l ture to the other , i n most d i s t r i c t s the invaders seem to have completely d i sp laced the Dorsets by 1300 A . D . In a few areas, perhaps, the Dorset cu l ture may have p e r s i s t e d i n 19 vary ing degrees of admixture with the Thules . The Thule people were c l a s s i c Eskimos s i m i l a r to the Dorsets i n many ways but d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by t h e i r emphasis on whale hunt ing . Although they imported c e r t a i n innovations of t h e i r own into Canada , such as the bow d r i l l , dog team, and umiak, they must have had s u f f i c i e n t , i n t e r c h a n g e with the Dorsets to l e a r n techniques such as the mechanics of snow houses and to obta in c e r t a i n a r t i f a c t s which they themselves r e w o r k e d . ^ Because of various f a c t o r s , between the 15th and e a r l y 18th centur i e s , the Thule Eskimos changed t h e i r b a s i c whale economy for a 21 more nomadic way of l i f e ; the same kind of l i f e l ed up u n t i l jus t recent ly by t h e i r d i r e c t descendants the contemporary Eskimos. Another new factor—the white man—arrived i n the 1770's, and only at t h i s point does the preh i s tory of the Eskimos become h i s t o r y . 7 H i s t o r y E a r l y h i s t o r i c a l accounts of the Eskimos were recorded by voyagers, adventurers, and whalers . Later various s c i e n t i f i c expedi-t ions began to gather a r t i f a c t s and e thno log ica l data. A l l of these people e i t h e r noted or c o l l e c t e d the a r t objects of t h e i r hosts , but not u n t i l the ,1950's d id the ar t of these Eskimos gain widespread and enthus ias t i c r ecogn i t i on . From that time the product ion of ar t objects has i n c r e a s i n g l y f i l l e d the lacuna l e f t by poorer hunting and wi th i t decreasing economic s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y . Now i t i s no longer j u s t Eskimo art i n general but the works of p a r t i c u l a r , i n d i v i d u a l Eskimos whose names are known and recognized. Nor i s the ar t as easy to character ize as i t once was—subject matter, s t y l e s , s i z e , and media have a l l expanded. One subject which i s not new i s that of the m u l t i p l e human heads. 8 CHAPTER I NOTES ^"George Swinton, Sculpture of the Eskimo (Toronto: McCle l land and Stewart L i m i t e d , 1972), p. 111. 2 I b i d . 3 W i l l i a m E . T a y l o r , J r . , " P r e h i s t o r i c Canadian Eskimo A r t , " Masterpieces of Indian and Eskimo A r t from Canada (Par i s : Socie'te des Amis du Musee de l'Homme, 1969), no page numbers. 4 I b i d . ^Wil l iam E . T a y l o r , J r . , "The Preh i s tory of the Quebec-Labrador Pen insu la ," i n Le Nouveau-Quebec, publ ie sous l a d i r e c t i o n de Jean Malaurie et Jacques Rousseau, Bib l io theque Arct ique et A n t a r c t i q u e , V o l . II (Par i s : Mouton & C o . , 1964), p. 195. Wi l l i am E . T a y l o r , J r . , "Prehis tory of Hudson Bay—North and East Shores," i n Science, H i s t o r y , and Hudson Bay, V o l . I , ed. by C. S. Beals (Ottawa: Department of Energy, Mines and Resources, 1968), p. 8. ^ I b i d . , p. 6. g I b i d . , p. 8. 9 Wi l l i am E . T a y l o r , J r . , "Comments on the Nature and O r i g i n of the Dorset C u l t u r e , " i n Problems of the P le i s tocene Epoch and A r c t i c  Area , compiled by G. R. Lowther, M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y Museums P u b l i c a t i o n s , No. 2 (Montreal: M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y Museums, 1962), p. 60. "^Taylor , "Prehistory of the Quebec-Labrador Pen insu la ," p. 202. '^'''Taylor, "Comments on the Nature and O r i g i n of the Dorset C u l t u r e , " p. 59. 12 T a y l o r , "Prehis tory of the Quebec-Labrador Pen insu la ," p. 202. 13 W i l l i a m E . T a y l o r , J r . , "The Fragments on Eskimo P r e h i s t o r y , " The Beaver (Spring, 1965), 7. 14 T a y l o r , "Prehis tory of the Quebec-Labrador Pen insu la ," pp. 202-3. CHAPTER I NOTES (cont'd) 1 5Taylor, "Prehistory of Hudson Bay," p. 9. 16 Taylor, "Fragments of Eskimo Prehistory," 8. ^^Taylor, "Comments on the Nature and Origin of the Dorset Culture," p. 60. 18 Taylor, "Prehistoric Canadian Eskimo Art." 19 Charles A. Martijn, "Canadian Eskimo Carving in Historical Perspective," Anthropos, LIX (1964), 552. 20 Swinton, Sculpture of the Eskimo, p. 111. 21 Ibid, and George Swinton, personal communication, 1974. 1 0 CHAPTER II CONTEMPORARY MULTIPLES During the l a t e summer of 1972, I t rave led to three Eskimo settlements on the west coast of Hudson Bay; Eskimo P o i n t , Rankin I n l e t , and Baker Lake. The major i ty of contemporary mul t ip l e s come from th i s area , although I have seen the odd one from such d i sparate places as H a l l Beach, Belcher I s lands , Repulse Bay, and Broughton I s land . I hoped by personal interview to gain some i n s i g h t in to the s i g n i f i c a n c e , i f any, of the motif of m u l t i p l e human heads. My questions to the carvers were b a s i c a l l y : l)where d id you get the idea to carve a number of human heads? 2)who do they represent? 3) i s there a story? 4)should the heads a l l be the r i g h t way up or do you mind i f they are upside down or sideways? 5)do you draw, and i f so do you draw before carving?''' (For a complete l i s t of a r t i s t s interviewed see Appendix I . ) This l a s t question was d i rec t ed more at e s t a b l i s h i n g some idea as to how they proceeded with the carv ing . Of the scu lptors I ta lked with none d id any sketching beforehand and only one—George A r l u k — drew at a l l . His rather hasty sketching was done whi le we t a l k e d ; to i l l u s t r a t e our d i scuss ion of h i s carv ings . General ly my f indings were that the sculptors use the conf igurat ion and aspect of the stone to suggest the theme and that at any time throughout the c r a f t i n g of the stone the subject may change. In the carving of m u l t i p l e s , pro jec t ions 11 i n the stone w i l l often be shaped into heads. These f indings are i n agreement with conclusions reached by Edmund Carpenter who states that i n Eskimo sculpture the emphasis i s not on s e t t i n g out to make a s p e c i f i c item nor on f o r c i n g the medium i n t o u n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c forms but instead the carver responds to the mater ia l as i t t r i e s to be 2 i t s e l f . The a r t i s t does not create the form, he releases i t . While the medium or other considerat ions may suggest the subject of heads to the a r t i s t , i n some cases he may being work with another subject i n mind but end up with heads. That i s , the a r t i s t may intend to make a whole human body or bodies , but because of various f a c t o r s , such as e s p e c i a l l y hard stone, he may instead be content to represent only a part of the body; namely, the human head(s) . (See Martha Anarasuk [Eskimo Point ] and others , Appendix I and T i k t a k , p. 13.) In response to quest ion 4, of the scu lptors interviewed, only E l i z a b e t h Nootaraloo of Eskimo Point f e l t the heads should not be upside down—since we are not that way! I had inc luded t h i s quest ion because both contemporary and p r e h i s t o r i c Eskimo carvings exh ib i t a lack of s p e c i f i c o r i e n t a t i o n . In the carvings of human heads, both modern and Dorset , the heads do not always face a p a r t i c u l a r d i r e c t i o n ; one carving may have human faces or iented i n a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n s . According to Carpenter: There are several reasons why Eskimo ar t lacks perspect ive or the "favoured point of view." The primary one i s l ack of r e a l l i t e r a c y . As with n o n l i t e r a t e people •genera l ly , the Eskimo can perceive without d i f f i c u l t y what we regard as "inverted" f i gures . Another reason i s t h e i r a t t i t u d e toward the "given." For example, walrus tusks are carved in to aggregates of connected but unrelated f i g u r e s ; some f igures face one d i r e c t i o n , others another. No p a r t i c u l a r 12 orientation is involved, nor is there a single "theme." Each figure is simply carved as i t reveals i t s e l f in the ivory.3 Whereas we, when looking at the carving, w i l l turn i t this way and that orienting each figure in relation to ourselves, the Eskimo does not. They carve a number of figures, each oriented—by our standards—in a different direction, without moving the tusk. Similarly, when handed a photograph they examine ^ i t as i t is handed to them, no matter how i t is oriented. Carpenter te l l s of an experiment he made with a number of Eskimos: I sketched on paper some twenty figures, each oriented in a different direction. Then I asked each individual to point to the seal, the walrus, the bear. Without hesita-tion, a l l located the correct figures. But though I had myself made the drawings I found i t necessary to turn the paper each time to ascertain the accuracy of their selections. He concludes: To the lack of ver t i c a l i t y [in Eskimo sculpture] can be added multiple perspective, visual puns, X-ray sculpture, absence of background, and correspondence between symbol ^ and size: a l l examples of non-optical structuring of space. Carpenter relates that multiple perspective occurs in narrative as well as in a r t — a n object may be described as to how i t looks from many different angles in order to evoke a mood by juxtaposition of discontinuous images.^ We might well then consider the possibility that contemporary multiples could be the representation of one person with different emotions or in different stages of activity. The most frequent responses in a l l the settlements to my f i r s t three questions were that the idea of the multiple human heads was from inside their own head, that i s , their own idea; or i t was from looking at someone else's carvings. They said there was no specific story nor significance to the carvings and there was nothing 13 special about them. Tiktak of Rankin Inlet, who was extremely modest and self-effacing, explained that his heads represented regular Eskimo people (fig. 3 ) and that often, i f the stone was hard to carve, he could not make the bodies as well (competently) as the heads so he would make the heads only. R. G. Williamson, in conversation, explained that Tiktak has a very strong sense of family and this may have been instrumental in the representation of a number of people in close contact. In Eskimo Sculpture, George Swinton illustrates a carving of heads by Tiktak (fig. 4) which is entitled Family and describes i t thus: In the family group, the family grows out from one unifying base resembling an ocean or a piece of land. Perhaps the entire sculpture i s a symbolic portrait of his family, with the head on the l e f t being the a r t i s t . Might the empty platform to his right represent the empty space l e f t in his family by the death of his mother? Even i f i t were not, that empty space is as significant as the four heads.^ I might add that the family and interdependence are strong elements within the Eskimo community; perhaps not so much now as in earlier days when in the harsh environmental situation one's livelihood depended both materially and mentally on others as well as on oneself. In fact, several people said their carvings represented mother and child(ren), a family, or people together. Irkotee of Rankin Inlet referred to the ideas of being together, of protection, of not being alone. One of his multiples which we discussed told a specific story, but he said others did not. The carving in question was of a group of Eskimos scared by something they had not seen before, in this instance an airplane. He said he was thinking of his older relatives who were frightened by their f i r s t sight of a plane. 14 G e o r g e A r l u k o f E s k i m o P o i n t s a i d t h a t s c u l p t u r e w a s v e r y h a r d t o t a l k a b o u t , b u t h e d i d v o l u n t e e r t h a t a t l e a s t o n e o f h i s c a r v i n g s r e p r e s e n t e d a m o t h e r a n d c h i l d a n d a l s o m a d e a v a g u e r e f e r e n c e t o o t h e r o f h i s m u l t i p l e s a s a f a m i l y ( f i g . 5 ) . E l i z a b e t h N o o t a r a l o o o f E s k i m o P o i n t o f t e n d o e s c a r v i n g s o f a m o t h e r a n d c h i l d a n d a s t h i s t h e m e i s a n i m p o r t a n t o n e t o h e r i t m i g h t w e l l c a r r y o v e r t o t h e m u l t i p l e s . L u c y T a s s e o r o f E s k i m o P o i n t s a i d h e r f a c e s w e r e s o m e t i m e s m e n , s o m e t i m e s w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n , a n d s o m e t i m e s j u s t h e a d s ( f i g . 6 ) . S h e s a i d t h a t " i t ' s k i n d o f n i c e t o h a v e a l l t h o s e f a c e s . " A g a i n w e m i g h t i n t e r p r e t n i c e a s t o g e t h e r n e s s . M a n y o f t h e T a s s e o r s c u l p t u r e s d e f i n i t e l y t i t l e d m o t h e r a n d c h i l d ( f i g . 7 ) a r e v e r y s i m i l a r t o h e r m u l t i p l e s , o n l y t o b e d i f f e r e n t i a t e d b y t h e s l i g h t i n d i c a t i o n o f a r m s f r o m o n e f i g u r e ( s o m e t i m e s l a r g e r ) a r o u n d t h e o t h e r s . W h e n a s k e d i f s h e h a d s e e n v e r y o l d s c u l p t u r e s w i t h a n u m b e r o f h e a d s , s h e r e p l i e d t h a t h e r g r a n d f a t h e r h a d l e f t a d r a w i n g o f h e a d s w i t h t h e r e c o m m e n d a -t i o n t h a t t h i s w a s a w a y t o m a k e m o n e y f r o m t h e w h i t e m a n . T h i s w o u l d s u g g e s t t h a t c a r v i n g s o f t h i s s o r t w e r e b e i n g m a d e — a n d s u c c e s s f u l l y s o l d — s e v e r a l g e n e r a t i o n s a g o a n d t h a t t h e r e w a s a t r a d i t i o n o f t h i s s u b j e c t . ( I c o u l d f i n d n o r e c o r d o f a n y s u c h c a r v i n g s f r o m t h e a r e a w i t h i n t h e 1 9 t h c e n t u r y . ) J o h n P o l i k o f E s k i m o P o i n t s a i d t h a t t h e h e a d s a l w a y s r e p r e s e n t e d a f a m i l y — n o t s p e c i a l i n a n y w a y , j u s t r e g u l a r p e o p l e ( f i g . 8 ) . H i s h e a d s , u n l i k e t h e u s u a l c l u s t e r s , a r e d i s t r i b u t e d i n a h o r i z o n t a l r o w . ( A n o t h e r v a r i a t i o n o n t h e m u l t i p l e [ n o t i l l u s t r a t e d h e r e i n ] i s t h e v e r t i c a l a r r a n g e m e n t o f h e a d s o n e o n t o p o f a n o t h e r , t o t e m f a s h i o n , b y s u c h a r t i s t s a s M a r t h a A p s a i t o k o f E s k i m o P o i n t [ s e e A p p e n d i x I ] . ) P o l i k s a i d t h e n u m b e r o f h e a d s d e p e n d e d o n t h e s i z e o f t h e s t o n e . 15 (The two examples I had seen both had three heads and I thought perhaps he always carved a c e r t a i n number on each s c u l p t u r e . ) Although the heads are now on only one s ide of the stone, he sa id that he used to make them on both s ides . From Alaska come two carvings which are s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r to , and a t h i r d resembling, those.by John P o l i k both i n the subject matter of heads and i n t h e i r placement. This arrangement of the heads i s not a common one. Of mul t ip les from the a r c t i c region e i t h e r p r e h i s t o r i c or h i s t o r i c these seem to be the only ones s t y l i s t i c a l l y s i m i l a r to those by P o l i k . And yet for the great distance between t h e i r points of o r i g i n and the discrepency between the time of t h e i r production—19th (Alaska) and 20th century—they are very much a l i k e . One, c o l l e c t e d by Jochelson ( f i g . 9 ) , i s of i v o r y c. 4 1/2" long and 1/4" wide. The ten heads r i s e out of a base on which an i n c i s e d v e r t i c a l l i n e separates one head from the next. This carving was probably a handle or appl ique . The other two were obtained by Murdoch at Nuwuk (on P t . Barrow) between 1881-83. The f i r s t ( f i g . 10) i s the l ea s t comparable to the P o l i k ; the heads although h o r i z o n t a l are " free - s tand ing ." I t i s of walrus i v o r y , 3 5/16" long and 1 5/8" wide. Murdoch describes i t as a man with a woman on each s ide of him. The man has l a b r e t s and a curved l i n e of ta t too ing at each corner of the mouth, i n d i c a t i n g the success ful whaleman; and the women the usual ta t too ing on the c h i n . The features are i n c i s e d and blackened i n the usual manner. According to Murdoch: This specimen, though apparently modern, does not seem fresh enough to have been made for sa l e . The s e l l e r c a l l e d i t "a man and h i s two wives" without g iv ing them any names. I t may be intended as a p o r t r a i t of some ce lebrated whaleman.^ 16 The other carving c o l l e c t e d by Murdoch ( f i g . 11), a l so of i v o r y , i s 4" long and 1 3/16" wide and was apparent ly made from part of an o l d snow shovel edge. On the upper edge are four human heads between a bear ' s head at one end and the f igure of a bear at the other . The bear ' s head has eyes and n o s t r i l s i n c i s e d and blackened. The bear f igure has ears i n r e l i e f , with the eyes, mouth, and the four short l i n e s on the obverse i n d i c a t i n g l egs , i n c i s e d and blackened. The human heads have faces on both s ides ; those on the front have noses and brows i n s l i g h t r e l i e f whi le those on the back are f l a t . The faces on both s ides have eyes, n o s t r i l s and mouths i n c i s e d and blackened. Below the heads, along the base, are various scenes. On the obverse, v e r t i c a l l i n e s d iv ide the base between each head. In each compartment are the fo l lowing depic t ions (1. to r . ) : below the bear ' s head, a bear heading to the r i g h t ; under each human head the fo l lowing; an umiak with four men, a k i l l e r (Orca) whale, convent ional ized whale's t a i l s suspended from a c r o s s - l i n e , a k i l l e r whale with very large f lukes . There i s nothing below the bear. On the reverse (1. to r . ) : below the f igure of a bear , a bear heading to the r i g h t ; below each human a whale's t a i l with the f lukes up; and below the bear ' s head a bear heading to the l e f t . Attached to the carving by a short length of knotted deer sinew i s a s ing l e piece of i vory carved in to two l i t t l e bowhead whales—head to head—with the s p i r a c l e s i n c i s e d and b l a c k e n e d . M u r d o c h s ta tes : "This object appears f r e s h l y made, but perhaps commemorates the exp lo i t s of some four hunters . It was purchased along with other objects and i t s h i s t o r y was not learned at 12 the time." 17 T h e s e l a t t e r t w o A l a s k a n c a r v i n g s w o u l d s e e m t o r e p r e s e n t , a s d o J o h n P o l i k ' s , " r e g u l a r " p e o p l e a n d n o n e o f t h e o b j e c t s h a v e a n y 13 s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e a s f a r a s c o u l d b e d e t e r m i n e d . I f a n u m b e r o f c o n t e m p o r a r y m u l t i p l e c a r v i n g s r e p r e s e n t h u m a n b e i n g s , y e t o t h e r s p o r t r a y t h o s e b e i n g s i n l e g e n d a n d m y t h . O n e o f t h e m o s t p o p u l a r a n d w i d e s p r e a d E s k i m o l e g e n d s i s a b o u t t h e a d v e n t u r e s o f K i v i u q . D u r i n g h i s j o u r n i e s K i v i u q e n c o u n t e r s E g o o p t a k j u a k , a w o m a n w h o e a t s a l l b u t t h e h e a d s o f h e r v i c t i m s ; t h e s e s h e s t o r e s i n h e r i g l o o . " K i v i u q l o o k e d a b o u t i n t h e h o u s e a n d s a w a g r e a t m a n y h e a d s . O n e o f t h e s e s p o k e t o h i m , s a y i n g , ' T h e o l d w o m a n e a t s a l l t h e s t r a n g e r s w h o e n t e r h e r h o u s e . ' " ^ R e v . T a g o o n a o f B a k e r L a k e r e f e r r e d t o t h i s l e g e n d i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h m y r e s e a r c h a l t h o u g h h e d o e s n o t c a r v e h e a d s h i m s e l f . O k o k t o k o f R a n k i n I n l e t , w h o c a r v e s f a c e s , s a i d t h a t t h e r e w a s n o p a r t i c u l a r s t o r y t o h i s c a r v i n g s ; b u t h i s w i f e t h e n s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e i d e a w a s f r o m t h e K i v i u q m y t h . S h e h a d h e a r d t h i s t a l e f r o m h e r f a t h e r l o n g a g o . O k o k t o k k n e w a b o u t t h e m y t h b u t s e e m e d l e s s s u r e t h a t t h i s w a s t h e i d e a b e h i n d h i s s c u l p t u r e s . I n B a k e r L a k e , I a l s o i n t e r v i e w e d s e v e r a l w o m e n w h o , i n m a k i n g t h e i r w a l l - h a n g i n g s , u t i l i z e t h e m o t i f o f h u m a n h e a d s . K u d l o k g o t t h e i d e a f o r t h e h e a d s f r o m h e r m o t h e r w h o i s n o w d e a d . S h e t h o u g h t t h e h e a d s h a d t o d o w i t h l e g e n d s b u t c o u l d n o t r e m e m b e r a n y o f t h e m . A h v e e l e a y u k r e m e m b e r e d v a g u e l y a l e g e n d o r p a r t o f a l e g e n d i n w h i c h a l a d y e a t s b o d i e s a n d s t o r e s t h e h e a d s i n t h e o t h e r r o o m o f h e r i g l o o . S h e s a i d h e r f i r s t w a l l - h a n g i n g , u p o n w h i c h t h e l a t e r h a n g i n g s w e r e b a s e d , h a d a s t o r y b u t n o w s h e i s r a t h e r v a u g e a s t o w h a t i t w a s . T w o o t h e r l e g e n d s r e c o r d e d b y B o a s r e f e r t o h u m a n h e a d s : A n o t h e r m y t h o l o g i c a l c r e a t u r e — M a n g e g j a t u a k d j u — h a d h e a d s i n h e r h o u s e ; t h e s e h a d d e c o m p o s e d m a t t e r r u n n i n g d o w n f r o m t h e n o s e s o f t h e s k u l l s . T h e s e c o n d c o n c e r n s a n o l d woman w h o , t o g e t r e v e n g e , made a f o r m l i k e a h u m a n f a c e o u t o f b o n e s . S h e t h e n m a r k e d i t w i t h s o o t a n d w h e n p e o p l e s a w i t t h e y n e a r l y d i e d o f f r i g h t . ^ I n t h e s o u t h e r n p a r t o f e a s t G r e e n l a n d , t h e m a n - e a t i n g woman d i d n o t k e e p t h e w h o l e h e a d : " W h e n h e l o o k e d a b o u t t h e h o u s e h e d i s c o v e r e d t h a t s h e h a d h i s f o r m e r l o s t h o u s e m a t e s a s p i c t u r e s i n h e r 17 h o u s e , h a v i n g s t u c k up t h e s k i n ( s ) o f t h e i r f a c e s o n t h e w a l l . " E a s t G r e e n l a n d e r s , s o u t h o f A n g m a s s a l i k , s t i l l p a s t e s i l h o u e t t e f i g u r i n e s c u t . o u t o f t h i n b l a c k s k i n o n t h e w a l l o v e r t h e s l e e p i n g p l a t f o r m . M y t h s a r e a f a i r l y common s u b j e c t f o r c o n t e m p o r a r y a r t i s t s a n d i t i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t s e v e r a l p e o p l e s h o u l d r e p r e s e n t h e a d s 19 f r o m t h e K i v i u q m y t h o r s o m e o t h e r t a l e . A t t h e t i m e o f my i n t e r v i e w w i t h T h e r e s e A r l u t n a r o f E s k i m o P o i n t s h e h a d d o n e o n l y t h r e e s c u l p t u r e s o f m u l t i p l e h u m a n h e a d s . B o t h s h e a n d h e r h u s b a n d L e v i A h m a k a n s w e r e d my q u e s t i o n s a n d i t w a s a p p a r e n t t h a t t h e y d i s c u s s e d h e r s c u l p t u r e i n some d e t a i l . C l e a r l y , h e r . c h o i c e o f s u b j e c t m a t t e r a n d e x e c u t i o n w e r e n o t r a n d o m , b u t t h e r e s u l t o f q u i t e some t h o u g h t a n d c o n s i d e r a t i o n . B o t h o f t h e m w e r e v e r y d e c i s i v e a n d t h e r e w e r e n o v a g u e a n s w e r s . One o f h e r m o t i v e s w a s t h e c e n t e n n i a l c e l e b r a t i o n ; t h e i d e a , o f C a n a d a a n d o f p e o p l e h e l p i n g o n e a n o t h e r . I n t h i s m u l t i p l e t h e f a c e s r e p r e s e n t I n u i t . 20 K a b l u n a i t , a n d I n d i a n s . I t h a d b e e n d o n e a r o u n d t h e t i m e o f t h e c e n t e n n i a l a n d w a s o b v i o u s l y i n f l u e n c e d b y o t h e r c e n t e n n i a l p l a n s a n d d i s c u s s i o n . H o w e v e r , t h e i d e a w a s n o t s u g g e s t e d t o h e r b y a n y o n e . 18 15 19 Another of her mul t ip les represents the A r l o o a y u i t ( f i g . 12). These people l i v e on the land (wave of her hand toward in land) and, . although they have a human form, they are not human beings . She had heard the story from her grandfather and could remember that they l i v e d i n a clump. She sa id she had been th inking about the A r l o o a y u i t for th i s carving and that the two c loser to the base were shorter ones. She sa id her father John P o l i k would remember the s tory . ( Inc ident ly , th i s i s the same P o l i k r e f e r r e d to e a r l i e r . By h i s account none of h i s carvings are.based on the s tory of the A r l o o a y u i t . ) P o l i k had some d i f f i c u l t y r e c a l l i n g the s tory which he had heard from h i s fa ther . He described the Ar looayui t as l i v i n g in land i n clumps and although they look human they are not . In f a c t , they eat human beings . These "people" are no longer seen s ince they have been scared away by men with guns. He d i d not know anyone who had seen the A r l o o a y u i t . He recounted two short s t o r i e s : 1) One day some Ar looayui t out hunting seals met a r e a l human. One of the A r l o o a y u i t , to scare the human away and thus have the seals to h imsel f , showed the human h i s foot . This foot had had the toes cut o f f . The Arlooayouk then t o l d the human that the foot k i l l e d and ate humans. Eventual ly the Ar looayu i t d id k i l l and eat the man. 2) The A r l o o a y u i t , being i n clumps, were so c lose together during a drum dance that they trompled each other to death. A carving of heads from Greenland ( f i g . 13) c o l l e c t e d by G. Holm when he was at Angmassalik i n 1885, although qui te d i f f e r e n t s t y l i s -t i c a l l y from that by A r l u t n a r , i s a lso supposed to represent s p i r i t s . The faces are carved on a l l s ides of a b lock of wood and are s a i d by 2 Holm to represent Inersuaks. According to him i t was carved as a toy. 2 0 H o l m r e l a t e s t h a t I n e r s u a k s l i v e u n d e r t h e s e a b u t o t h e r w i s e e n g a g e i n t h e s a m e o c c u p a t i o n s a s d o m e n . T h e y a r e s o m e w h a t b r o a d e r t h a n m e n , c l o s e l y c r o p p e d a n d h a v e n o n o s e s . T h e a n g a k o q ( s h a m a n ) c a n s e e a n d 2 2 v i s i t t h e m . H e r e p o r t s t h e i r o r i g i n a s t o l d t o h i m : I n t h e b e g i n n i n g t h e e a r t h w a s q u i t e f l a t , a n d t h e r e w a s n o w a t e r o n i t ; b u t t h e n t h e e a r t h b u r s t , t h e w a t e r p o u r e d f o u r t h , a n d m e n w e r e h u r l e d i n t o t h e c r a c k s . A l l t h o s e w h o m t h i s f a t e o v e r t o o k b e c a m e " I n e r s u a k s " , a n d n o w 2 3 p e o p l e t h e n e t h e r r e g i o n s . T h a l b i t z e r , w r i t i n g o n t h e s a m e c a r v i n g , r e c o r d s i t a s h a v i n g s i x f a c e s a l l r e p r e s e n t i n g " i n n e r t i w i n ' t h e f i r e p e o p l e ' f r o m t h e b e a c h a m o n g w h o m t h e a n g a k o q o f t e n c h o o s e s h i s a u x i l i a r y s p i r i t s . " 24 H e c o n s i d e r s i t a n a m u l e t . A s t h e s e t w o c a r v i n g s o f s p i r i t s — o n e c o n t e m p o r a r y C a n a d i a n a n d t h e o t h e r 1 9 t h c e n t u r y A n g m a s s a l i k — i l l u s t r a t e , m e n a n d w o m e n a r e n o t t h e o n l y b e i n g s o f h u m a n a p p e a r a n c e l i v i n g i n t h e n o r t h . " A l l t h e I n u i t ( i n s i n g , i n u k h u m a n b e i n g , E s k i m o ) f r o m G r e e n l a n d t o E a s t A s i a a n d S o u t h A l a s k a b e l i e v e i n t h e s p i r i t u a l i n h a b i t a n t s o r i n u a t ( ' o c c u p a n t s , o w n e r s , d w e l l e r s , i n m a t e s ' ) o f v a r i o u s o b j e c t s o f 2 5 n a t u r e a n d s o c i e t y . " T h e s e s p i r i t s , c o n c e i v e d i n t h e i m a g e o f t h e o b s e r v e r h i m s e l f , a r e a s o r t o f h u m a n b e i n g a n d a r e c a l l e d b y t h e s a m e 2 6 w o r d w h i c h m e a n s h u m a n b e i n g . T h e y h a v e a s t r a n g e a p p e a r a n c e — m o r e 2 7 o r l e s s h u m a n — a n d a r e w e l l - v e r s e d i n m a g i c . T h e y m a y e x i s t i n g r o u p s o r t r i b e s a n d h a v e t h e i r o w n t r i b a l n a m e s s u c h a s t h e I g d l u k u t ( w h o s e h u m a n - l i k e b o d y i s d i v i d e d l e n g t h w i s e , w i t h o n e a r m , o n e l e g , 2 8 e t c . ) , t h e T a a r a j u a t s i a i t ( s e m i - m e n w h o l i v e u n d e r t h e g r o u n d c l o s e 2 9 t o t h e m e n ' s h u t s ) , a n d t h e T i m e r s e e t ( w h o l i v e i n t h e i n t e r i o r ) 3 0 o f G r e e n l a n d ; o r t h e y m a y b e u n i q u e i n t h e i r k i n d . 2 1 E v e r y t h i n g i n t h e s u r r o u n d i n g w o r l d h a s i t s s p i r i t u a l b e i n g s . " A l l t h e s e s p i r i t s a r e c a l l e d i n u a t ( t h e i r i n u k ) , i n s i n g , i n u a i t s i n u k , i n s e c o n d p l u r a l i n u e t h e i r i n u i t , t h u s c a l l e d w i t h t h e s a m e w o r d w h i c h m e a n s ' h u m a n b e i n g ' , b u t s u f f i x e d w i t h a c o m m o n e n d i n g o f 3 1 p o s s e s s i v e f l e x i o n . " T h e y l i v e u n d e r g r o u n d , i n l a k e s , b o u l d e r s , r i v e r s , n e a r t h e s h o r e w h e r e t h e t i d e f l o w s i n a n d o u t , a n d o n t h e i n l a n d i c e . T h e y i n h a b i t e v e r y h o u s e — b e h i n d t h e s k i n h a n g i n g s 3 2 o r i n t h e p a s s a g e w a y . " E v e r y t h i n g l i v e s ! " — s a i d a C h u k c h e e s h a m a n — " T h e l a m p w a n d e r s a b o u t ; t h e w a l l s o f t h e t e n t h a v e t h e i r v o i c e , t h e u r i n e t u b h a s i t s s p e c i a l c o u n t r y a n d h o u s e . T h e s k i n s w h i c h s l e e p i n t h e b a g t a l k i n t h e e v e n i n g . T h e a n t l e r s l y i n g o n t h e g r a v e s g e t u p i n t h e n i g h t a n d w a n d e r a b o u t i n t h e b u r i a l g r o u n d . " - ^ U s u a l l y c o m m o n p e o p l e c a n n o t s e e t h e s p i r i t s b u t t h e y d o s o m e t i m e s c a t c h g l i m p s e s o f t h e m o r o b s e r v e e v i d e n c e o f t h e i r p r e s e n c e . S e e f o r e x a m p l e t h e s c u l p t u r e b y A n o w t e l i k o f E s k i m o 3 4 P o i n t ( f i g . 1 4 ) . G r e e n l a n d e r s o n c e v e r y d i s t i n c t l y s a w t h e l i g h t e d w i n d o w s o f t h e I n g n e r s u i t a t t h e s h o r e a c r o s s a c r e e k a n d t h e s h a d o w s 3 5 o f t h e s e b e i n g s m o v i n g a b o u t b e h i n d t h e m . A n d o f c o u r s e t h e r e a r e m a n y t a l e s a b o u t t h e m . H o w e v e r , t h e s h a m a n c a n n o t o n l y s e e t h e i n u e , 3 6 h e c a n c o n v e r s e w i t h t h e m a n d e m p l o y , t h e i r a i d . 3 7 T h e i n u e a r e n o t t h e s o u l s o f t h i n g s . N o n e o f a l l t h e s e s p i r i t s o f n a t u r e a r e c o n s i d e r e d a s b e i n g t h e s o u l s o f d e a d o n e s o r a s b e l o n g i n g t o t h e r e a l m s o f t h e d e a d . T h e p e o p l e w h o d i e g o t o c e r t a i n p l a c e s i n t h e s k y o r i n t h e o c e a n , b u t t h e i n u e , t h e s p i r i t s o f n a t u r e , h a v e n e v e r l i v e d a t t h o s e p l a c e s a n d h a v e n e v e r l o s t t h e i r l i v e s o r s e n s e s . T h e m y t h s a b o u t t h e s e a w o m a n a n d t h e m o o n m a n s h o w t h a t t h e s e i n u e w e r e f o r m e r l y c o m m o n b e i n g s o f h u m a n k i n d w h o l e f t t h e i r h o m e s , i n d e e d , i n a n e x t r a o r d i n a r y w a y , b u t w i t h o u t f o l l o w i n g t h e p a t h s o f t h e d e a d o r a r r i v i n g a t t h e i r a b o d e s . 22 Inue are conceived as i n v i s i b l e beings of human k i n d , or as extraordinary men who have come to l i v e outs ide of the human soc ie ty . The general s i g n i f i c a t i o n of them as inue ( < inuk) t e s t i f i e s to the same f a c t . In some cases there are myths of how they became s p i r i t s and inhabi tants of t h e i r f i n a l and permanent abodes, but i n most cases there are none."^ The Ar looayu i t represented by A r l u t n a r and the Inersuaks portrayed i n the Angmassalik carving belong to th i s c lass of inue. The carver has not seen the be ings , but he has heard them described i n legends. Not a l l the inue look exact ly l i k e humans but the two v a r i e t i e s represented i n these carvings are more human-like than some of the others that e x i s t , for example the Iserqat who have only one eye which b l i n k s l engthwise . 4 ^ In conc lus ion , my f indings i n d i c a t e there i s no common i n t e r p r e t a t i o n to the contemporary m u l t i p l e s . The majori ty of carvers are represent ing something which i s everyday to them—their fe l low Eskimo; j u s t as they and other carvers portray a s e a l , a walrus , or a car ibou . We have no d i f f i c u l t y accept ing the image of a human head b e r e f t . o f i t s body, j u s t as a p o r t r a i t bust does not conjure up a body d iv ided at the chest. And for the Eskimo t h i s d i v i s i o n seems even more n a t u r a l . When represent ing an animal p a r t l y out of the water, the Eskimo a r t i s t w i l l make only that part of the creature which i s above the water. The r e s t , s ince i t cannot be seen under the water or i c e , i s not shown. Sculptures "cut i n ha l f" i n t h i s manner are qui te common. Eskimos too u t i l i z e synecdoche. Hoffman w r i t i n g about Eskimo graphic ar t s tates that : In many instances i n the ornamented ivory records , parts of animal or other forms are portrayed i n th i s manner, and such 23 a b b r e v i a t e d c h a r a c t e r s a r e s u b s e q u e n t l y u t i l i z e d a n d a r r a n g e d i n s u c h o r d e r s o a s t o s e r v e t h e p u r p o s e o f s i m p l e o r n a m e n -t a t i o n , t h e p r i m a r y o b j e c t o r c o n c e p t h a v i n g b u t l i t t l e i f a n y f u r t h e r c o n n e c t i o n i n i t s n e w p o s i t i o n . ^ - ' -I n t h i s c o n n e c t i o n n o t e t h e w h a l e t a i l s o n f i g . 11. C e r t a i n l y t h e human h e a d i s t h e m o s t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f o u r p a r t s a n d t h e o b v i o u s c h o i c e f o r s y m b o l o f o u r w h o l e . T h e A l a s k a n c a r v i n g s , d i s c u s s e d i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h w o r k s b y J o h n P o l i k , a r e — a s w e r e h i s — p r e s u m a b l y s i m p l y r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f e v e r y d a y p e o p l e . T h e s e A l a s k a n e x a m p l e s d o n o t g i v e u s a n y f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n a s t o t h e m e a n i n g o f m u l t i p l e s a n d c e r t a i n l y do n o t e n c o u r a g e b e l i e f i n a s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r t h i s m o t i f . H o w e v e r , s e v e r a l c a r v e r s w e r e s h o w i n g n e i t h e r t h o s e t h a t t h e y k n e w n o r m a n k i n d i n g e n e r a l , b u t i n s t e a d w e r e r e p r e s e n t i n g i n v i s u a l f o r m p e o p l e f r o m l e g e n d s — o r s h o u l d I s a y h e a d s f r o m l e g e n d s — s u c h a s t h o s e h e a d s o f t h e b o d i e s e a t e n b y t h e woman i n t h e K i v i u q m y t h . T h e s u b j e c t t h e n i s n o t t a k e n f r o m t h i s e a r t h l y r e a l m o f c r e a t u r e s , b u t t h a t o f l e g e n d a r y o n e s . I n t h e c a s e o f t h e A r l o o a y u i t p o r t r a y e d b y T h e ' r e s e A r l u t n a r , we e n t e r t h e r e a l m o f E s k i m o s p i r i t s . E s k i m o s o f t e n r e p r e s e n t t h e s e s p i r i t s w h i c h e x i s t i n v i s u a l f o r m o n l y i n t h e i r own h e a d . Some may b e u n i q u e t o o n e p e r s o n — s e e n o n l y b y h i m — o t h e r s may h a v e n a m e s a n d l i v e i n c e r t a i n p l a c e s a n d b e k n o w n t o e v e r y o n e b y l e g e n d a n d t a l e . T h e G r e e n l a n d c a r v i n g t o o r e p r e s e n t s s u c h s p i r i t s . I t i s s t r a n g e h o w e v e r t h a t t h e c a r v e r s s h o u l d c h o o s e t o s h o w o n l y t h e h e a d s o f t h e s e s p i r i t s . G r a n t e d i n t h e A r l u t n a r p i e c e t h e h e a d s d o n o t c o v e r t h e e n t i r e s t o n e ; t h e r e i s a b a s e o r l o w e r p a r t , b u t i t i s n o t d e l i n e a t e d t o r e p r e s e n t t h e r e s t o f t h e i r b o d i e s . O n l y t h e h e a d s a r e i n d i c a t e d . On t h e G r e e n l a n d p i e c e t h e e n t i r e b l o c k 24 is covered with heads. Presumably, although nothing in the stories about the spirits suggest that the heads are more important than any other part of the body, their heads, like human heads, are the most characteristic part of the whole. Since the spirits portrayed in these two carvings are human-like in appearance (not all Eskimo spirits look like humans), what better choice than their heads to represent them? We have found then that the contemporary multiples, whatever their interpretation, have no religious significance. The faces may represent no one in particular, being instead simply decorative motifs, or they may represent one of three different beings: 1) humans 2) mythological creatures 3) spirits. 25 CHAPTER II NOTES Unless otherwise i n d i c a t e d a l l the fo l lowing information w i t h i n t h i s chapter and i n Appendix I i s derived from my interview notes obtained at Eskimo P o i n t , Rankin I n l e t , and Baker Lake, Ju ly 24 to August 18, 1972. 2 Edmund Carpenter, "Ivory Carvings of the Hudson Bay Eskimo," Canadian A r t , XV, 3 (Summer, 1958), 212. See a l so Edmund Carpenter , Eskimo R e a l i t i e s (New York: H o l t , Rinehart and Winston, 1973). Carpenter, "Ivory Carvings df the Hudson Bay Eskimo," 214. 4 I b i d . , 215. ^Edmund Carpenter, "Image Making i n A r c t i c A r t , " i n S ign , Image, and Symbol, ed. by Gyorgy Kepes (New York: George B r a z i l l e r , 1966), p. 218. 6 I b i d . , p . 219. ^Edmund Carpenter, Freder i ck V a r l e y , and Robert F l a h e r t y , Eskimo (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Pres s , 1959), no page numbers. George Swinton, Eskimo Sculpture (Toronto: McCle l land and Stewart L i m i t e d , 1965), p . 121. 9 George Swinton, personal communication, 1972. "*"^ John Murdoch, "Ethno log ica l Results of the Point Barrow E x p e d i t i o n , " Bureau of American Ethnology, 9th Annual Report -(Washington, D . C : Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1892), p . 397. 11Ib±d., pp. 397-8. 1 2 I b i d . , p. 398. 13 George Swinton suggests a poss ib le deeper s i g n i f i c a n c e for the Alaskan mul t ip le s on the bas i s of comparison with mul t ip l e masks. G. S . , personal communication, 1974. 14 Franz Boas, The Eskimo of B a f f i n Land and Hudson Bay, American Museum of Natura l H i s t o r y , B u l l e t i n XV, p t . 1 and 2 (New York: American Museum of Natura l H i s t o r y , 1901-7), p. 183. 26 CHAPTER II NOTES (cont'd) 1 5 l b i d . , p. 189. "^Ibid. , p. 255. Knud Rasmussen, Under Nordenvindens Svpibe, p. 152 quoted i n W i l l i a m T h a l b i t z e r , "The Ammassalik Eskimo: Contr ibut ions to the Ethnology of the East Greenland Nat ives . S o c i a l Customs and Mutual A i d , " Meddelelser om Grgfaland, X L , p t . 2, no. 4 (1941), 716. 18 T h a l b i t z e r , "The Ammassalik Eskimo," 716. 19 See for example Zebedee Nungakand Eugene Arima, Eskimo  S tor ie s from Povungnituk, Quebec, The Nat iona l Museums of Canada B u l l e t i n No. 235, Anthropo log ica l Ser ies No. 90 (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1969). 20 / v This sculpture was not i d e n t i f i e d by Therese A r l u t n a r and i s not i l l u s t r a t e d h e r e i n . Inu i t and Kablunait are the Eskimo terms f o r Eskimos and white men, r e s p e c t i v e l y . 21 Gustav Holm, "Ethno log ica l Sketch of the Angmagsalik Eskimo," Meddelelser om Greenland, XXXIX (1914), 116. 22 I b i d . , 82. 23 I b i d . , 83. Wi l l i am T h a l b i t z e r , "Ethnographical C o l l e c t i o n s from East Greenland (Angmagsalik and Nual ik) Made by G. Holm, G. Amdrup and J . Petersen and Described by W. T h a l b i t z e r , " Meddelelser om Grftnland, XXXIX (1914), 633. 25 W i l l i a m T h a l b i t z e r , "The C u l t i c D e i t i e s of the Inu i t (Eskimo)," Proceedings of the XXIInd In ternat iona l Congress of  Amer ican i s t s , V o l . I I (Rome, 1926), p. 367. 2 6 I b i d . , p. 368. 27 Kaj B i r k e t - S m i t h , "Ethnography of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t wi th Aspects of the General Culture of West Greenland," Meddelelser om Gr^nland, LXVI (1924), 221. CHAPTER II NOTES (cont'd) 2 8 I b i d . , 223. 29 Edward Moffat Weyer, The Eskimos (New Haven, Conn.: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1932), p. 426. 30 T h a l b i t z e r , " C u l t i c D e i t i e s of the I n u i t , " p. 368. I b i d . 32 I b i d . 33 B i r k e t - S m i t h , "Ethnography of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t , " 432. 34 George Swinton, personal communication, 1974. 35 B i r k e t - S m i t h , "Ethnography of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t , " 224. T h a l b i t z e r , " C u l t i c D e i t i e s of the I n u i t , " pp. 367-8. 37 B i r k e t - S m i t h , "Ethnography of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t , " 432. T h a l b i t z e r , " C u l t i c D e i t i e s of the I n u i t , " p. 368. 39 I b i d . ^ B i r k e t - S m i t h , "Ethnography of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t , " 222. ^ W a l t e r James Hoffman, "The Graphic A r t of the Eskimo," United  States Nat ional Museum Annual Report , 1895 (Washington, D . C : Govern-ment P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1897), p. 798. 1% CHAPTER I I I DORSET MULTIPLES I Dorset A r t While as yet our a c t u a l evidence of a r t i s t i c a c t i v i t y on the part of the Pre-Dorsets i s represented by very few carv ings , t h e i r descendants the Dorsets were respons ib le for a most d i s t i n c t i v e and h igh ly developed art style.'" So d i s t i n c t i v e i n f a c t , that the Dorset cu l ture was f i r s t recognized as a separate Eskimo cu l ture by D. Jenness i n 1925 at the Nat iona l Museum of Canada on the bas i s of a r t i f a c t u a l mater ia l which had been c o l l e c t e d by Eskimos at Cape Dorset and Coats I s l a n d . 2 Dorset a r t can be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from that of other Canadian Eskimos not only on the bas i s of two s p e c i f i c po in t s : deep p a t i n a t i o n and gouged rather than d r i l l e d holes (the Dorsets were without the bow 3 d r i l l ) ; but also by c e r t a i n s t y l i s t i c features such as s ize of objec t , subject matter, b a s i c technique, and func t ion . In p a r t i c u l a r , i t would seem that Dorset ar t was e s s e n t i a l l y m a g i c o - r e l i g i o u s ; associated 4 with shamanism and b u r i a l r i t e s . The ar t i t s e l f , character ized by great v i t a l i t y and craftsmanship, i s of two general categories: 1 ) inc i sed decorat ion and 2)sculpture i n the round. The former cons is t s of simple geometric designs; mainly s t r a i g h t and obl ique l i n e s , crosses , X ' s , and chevrons.^ One of the most frequent l i n e a r designs i s associated with the skeleton; taking the form of a s k e l e t a l des ign, s k e l e t a l mot i f , or the skeleton i t s e l f . ^ 2 9 Dorset s c u l p t u r a l a rt depicts animals, b i r d s , f i s h e s , humans, and mythical beasts which range from the p r e c i s e l y r e a l i s t i c to abstract, s t y l i z e d forms.^ The a r t i s t s of the n a t u r a l i s t i c sculptures have captured the very essence of the being and the small s i z e of the sculptures b e l i e s t h e i r impact. Sometimes the carving represents only a part of an animal such as a walrus head, caribou hoof, g u l l ' s head, or human face. Or the carving may consist of an animal part reproduced several times. Such i s the case with the multiples of human heads. The Multiples So f a r only f i v e Dorset multiple carvings of human heads have been discovered. Each carving i s herein reproduced along with the av a i l a b l e information about i t . Needless to say, any discussion of the Dorset multiples i n comparison with carvings from other areas i s affected by the nebulous association of the Dorsets with t h e i r parent culture and the e a r l i e r cultures, both i n Alaska and farth e r west, from which i t was derived. As we know so l i t t l e about the actual change over upon the a r r i v a l of the Thules i n Canada, analogy with l a t e r cultures i s also d i f f i c u l t . Dorset art as a whole was brought to an end by the Thule invasion. According to Taylor "no one has yet documented any s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a -9 tionship between Dorset and Thule art i n a r c t i c Canada." However, we cannot know what c u l t u r a l elements of a non-material nature may have passed from the Dorsets to t h e i r successors. Although reference to other Eskimos i s made i n comparison to the Dorsets, t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p , unless indicated, i s not an established one but a suggestion f o r possible connections which may help explain the Dorset multiples. #1 s i ze medium o r i g i n a c q u i s i t i o n # of faces # of s ides carved dated now i n 15.2 cm. height ,11 wood 10 Uperniv ik d i s t r i c t , West Greenland 12 "Forwarded to the Danish Nat ional Museum i n 1889 with the note: 'Found i n o l d grave at the settlement of Upern iv ik . '"13 2 0 1 4 four Danish Nat iona l Museum L . c . 1154 See f i g . 15, pp. 117-8. 31 #2 s i ze medium o r i g i n a c q u i s i t i o n # of faces # of s ides carved dated now i n 4 1 / 2 x 2 1/5 x 9/10 car ibou a n t l e r ^ ,16 18 Abverdjar , I g l o o l i k area "This piece was c o l l e c t e d by Father Baz in , o . m . i . (deceased 1972), between 1931 and 1940, from Abverdjar i n the I g l o o l i k Area . I t was probably dug by Eskimos working under the Father ' s d i r e c t i o n . I t was donated to The Eskimo Museum approximately 1945."19 i -,20 16 or 17 front and back l a t e Dorset Per iods , around 1000 A . D . 22 Eskimo Museum, C h u r c h i l l , Manitoba 21 See f i g . 16, p. 119. 32 #3 s i ze 8 1 / 4 x 1 5/16 x 1" medium car ibou a n t l e r 2 4 25 o r i g i n Abverdjar , I g l o o l i k area a c q u i s i t i o n Excavated by G. Rowley i n 1939 at Abverdjar , I g l o o l i k area; a pure Dorset s i t e .^^ # of faces 2 8 2 7 # of s ides carved a l l 2 8 dated Dorset Periods I V - V , c. 1000 A . D . now i n U n i v e r s i t y Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Cambridge ^ See f i g . 17, pp. 120-1. 33 #4 size medium origin acquisition # of faces # of sides carved dated now in 6 3/4 x 3/4 x 1/2 caribou antler"^ „30 32 Abverdjar, Igloolik area Excavated by G. Rowley in 1939 at Abverdjar, 33 Igloolik area; a pure Dorset site. 4 3 4 front and back University Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Cambridge '35 See f i g . 18, p. 122, 34 #5 size medium origin acquisition # of faces # of sides carved dated now in See f i g . 19, p. 123. 14 x 2.9 x 1 cm. 3 7 antler 36 38 Prince of Wales Island Collected by L. A. Learmonth on Prince of Wales Island. Mr. Learmonth, who did most of the excavation and surface collecting himself before sending the pieces off to the ROM, acquired this and other works in the central arctic while he was associated with the^Hudson's Bay Company between 1939 and 1949.' 8 40 ,41 before 1939 42 Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto 43 Publ ished Interpre ta t ions Very l i t t l e has been w r i t t e n about any of the Dorset m u l t i p l e carv ings . Although such c l u s t e r s of low r e l i e f carvings of faces have been long-known, and although severa l have now been recorded from Dorset s i t e s i n Canada and Greenland, no noteworthy ideas regarding t h e i r meaning or purpose i n Dorset l i f e have ever been of fered i n p r i n t . We are l e f t to wonder i f they are p o r t r a i t s , c a r i c a t u r e s , p r a c t i c e sketches for more ser ious works o r , of themselves, s i g n i f i c a n t magical or r e l i g i o u s o b j e c t s . ^ No U l t e r i o r S i g n i f i c a n c e Several authors a t t r i b u t e no p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e to the works; i n t e r p r e t i n g them v a r i o u s l y as one of the f i r s t three p o s s i -b i l i t i e s mentioned above—portra i t , c a r i c a t u r e , or p r a c t i c e sketch. According to J^rgen Meldgaard: The Dorset man's p e c u l i a r face may be seen i n carvings i n re indeer a n t l e r , and i n one instance i n wood. The heav i ly carved faces and features—ugly and mask-like'—cover the whole of the sur face , and could only have been produced by an a r t i s t i n s p i r e d by obvious crea t ive joy—and possessing qui te a sense of humor. These pieces may bear some super-f i c i a l resemblance to the well-known totem-posts from n o r t h -west America, but the character and firmness of composition are l a c k i n g ; the faces are turned i n a l l d i r e c t i o n s , and have been carved i n wherever there was room. I t i s d i f f i c u l t to imagine a ser ious background for these carvings many of which look l i k e c a r i c a t u r e s ; the whole th ing was probably j u s t a means of e n t e r t a i n i n g and amusing the settlement.^5 And Graham Rowley describes one from Abverdjar (#3) thus: This piece of car ibou a n t l e r on which 28 faces have been carved i s probably the most i n t e r e s t i n g Dorset a r t i f a c t yet found. The faces are unmistakably Mongoloid. They could i n fact represent a group of 28 present day Eskimos from the same area . One of the faces shows tat too markings on the chin and forehead, but none have l a b r e t s . The purpose of the object i s unknown. I t was p o s s i b l y made simply for the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the a r t i s t . ^ 36 T h a t D o r s e t m u l t i p l e s w e r e s k e t c h e s o r f r i v o l o u s p r o d u c t s f o r t h e a r t i s t ' s own s a t i s f a c t i o n o r f o r t h e d e l i g h t o f h i s c o m p a n i o n s i s q u e s t i o n a b l e . S k e t c h e s a r e u s u a l l y made i n l e s s d u r a b l e f o r m ; i n a m o r e m a l l e a b l e m a t e r i a l . N e e d l e s s t o s a y , e v e n w i t h t h e b e s t o f t o o l s , c a r v i n g a n u m b e r o f f a c e s o n a n a n t l e r o r p i e c e o f w o o d i s n o t a t a s k t o b e u n d e r t a k e n l i g h t l y . A l l t h e c a r v i n g s e x h i b i t s i g n s o f t h e c a r e a n d t i m e t a k e n i n t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n . T h e f e a t u r e s a r e m i n u t e l y i n d i -c a t e d ; t h e u n i q u e f a c e s a r e r e a l i s t i c a l l y c a r v e d , s h o w i n g t h e p e r s o n -a l i t y a n d i n d i v i d u a l i t y o f e a c h . N o t e i n c o m p a r i s o n t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y m u l t i p l e s i n w h i c h e a c h a r t i s t u t i l i z e s a s t a n d a r d p a t t e r n . T h e f a c e s o n o n e c a r v i n g may d i f f e r f r o m t h o s e b y a n o t h e r a r t i s t , b u t n o t t h o s e b y t h e s a m e c a r v e r . A T a s s e o r f a c e l o o k s v e r y m u c h l i k e a n y o t h e r L u c y T a s s e o r f a c i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , b u t n o t l i k e a G e o r g e A r l u k . A s we h a v e s e e n f r o m t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y m u l t i p l e s , f a c e s o r i e n t e d i n a l l d i r e c t i o n s d o e s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y d e n o t e a l a c k o f c o m p o s i t i o n o n t h e a r t i s t ' s p a r t , b u t i l l u s t r a t e s a p a r t i c u l a r w a y o f " s e e i n g " a n d o f a p p r o a c h i n g h i s m a t e r i a l . J o a n V a s t o k a s ' d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e D o r s e t c a r v i n g i n t h e E s k i m o M u s e u m e m p h a s i z e s t h i s c l o s e i n t e g r a t i o n o f m e d i u m a n d s u b j e c t m a t t e r . T h e c a r v e d f o r m s a r e r e l a t e d v i s u a l l y t o t h e s h a p e o f t h e a n t l e r m e d i u m o u t o f w h i c h t h e w o r k i s c a r v e d . S e v e n -t e e n a n t h r o p o m o r p h i c f a c e s e m e r g e a n d g r o w f r o m t h e m a s s a s i f t h e c a r v e d f a c e s w e r e i n t e g r a l w i t h t h e a n t l e r i t s e l f . T h e r e a r e n o b o u n d a r y l i n e s s e p a r a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l s e t s o f f e a t u r e s . I n D o r s e t s t y l e , t h e n , t h e a r t i s t c o o p e r a t e s w i t h h i s r a w m a t e r i a l , w i t h n a t u r e s o t o s p e a k , s h a p i n g h i s w o r k o f a r t i n a c c o r d w i t h t h e m e d i u m a t h a n d . 7 S o m e t h i n g t h a t may s e e m a m b i g u o u s t o u s may n o t t o t h o s e w h o h a v e made i t . S u c h s e e m i n g l y a m b i g u o u s o b j e c t s n e e d n o t b e w i t h o u t o r g a n i z a t i o n o r c o m p o s i t i o n . F o r e x a m p l e t h e D o r s e t c a r v i n g o f a m a n 37 with a c h i l d on h i s shoulders ( f i g . 20). The man's head i s upside down and h i s body f r o n t a l l y opposed to i t . We do the a r t i s t l i t t l e , j u s t i c e i f we conclude these unusual or i en ta t ions are a r e s u l t of h i s ineptness . G. Rowley would quest ion the f i n i s h e d q u a l i t y of at l ea s t one scu lpture—that from Abverdjar (#4): "Caribou a n t l e r with four i n c i s e d faces , probably unf in i shed , and p o s s i b l y made by the same a r t i s t who 48 made the l a r g e r . p i e c e [#3]." Although on t h i s a n t l e r there i s a greater area which i s unworked, other Dorset mul t ip l e s do not have every a v a i l a b l e space f i l l e d with heads. The faces may be c lus t ered together i n a compact u n i t , but at the same time not cover the e n t i r e surface of the a n t l e r , as on #5 which i s carved only on part of one s ide . Or the heads may be scat tered about throughout the e n t i r e surface with var ious spaces i n between some of the heads, which do not s o l i d l y cover the surface , as for example #2 and #3. The faces on the sculpture i n quest ion are spaced over two sides of the a n t l e r — none of them touch. On the obverse e s p e c i a l l y , they are placed i n s t r a t e g i c po in t s ; top, middle , and bottom. Their d i s t r i b u t i o n would suggest choice rather than the f i r s t random beginnings of a number of heads which would eventual ly cover a l l the a n t l e r . Both conscious aes the t i c choice and s e n s i t i v i t y to the medium can account for the heads being where they are . A l l the faces on sculpture #4 are at the same stage of c r a f t i n g and none of them appears incomplete. I f the a r t i s t meant to put on more, faces , why f i n i s h the f i r s t four before proceeding? Would we not see an i n d i c a t i o n of h i s in tent to put on more faces by other visages— p a r t i a l l y f i n i s h e d or roughed out? Note i n comparison the Eskimo 38 Museum piece or the one from the ROM on which there is a great variety in the "finishedness" of the faces. Some are virtually three dimen-sional while others are simply indicated by incised lines. If anything, these two carvings seem more in the process of being worked than does #4. 4 9 To return to the interpretation of the multiples: If the Dorsets made the multiples for fun, they would probably leave them where they made them. Even Eskimos with dogs to aid with transporta-tion, which the Dorsets did not have, could not be bothered with extra baggage. If the object was to be l e f t behind, i t seems strange that i t would be made of durable material upon which so much time had been spent. If the multiple was carried to another geographical area and i f i t had no. particular significance, why should anyone copy it? Or i f the idea rather than the sculpture was transported to another place, why should anyone else carve that particular subject again in fun? So far we have examples of multiple sculptures from three different geographical areas. It is hardly possible that this idea was original in a l l three. Nor can we safely assume that the one carver covered that geographical distance himself. Surely then, the idea was a part of the Dorset's cultural equipment. The cultural continuity of the Dorset culture is an established fact. Even Dorset sites far removed from the assumed cultural center at Foxe Basin-Hudson Strait—such as the Bernard Harbour I site far to the west—do not exhibit significant regional variations in their material culture.^ "Geographic continuity or cultural consistency over the vast area involved is reflected in the occurrence of closely similar specimens at places hundreds of miles apart.""^ 39 The fact that not only the motif of the mul t ip l e appears i n d i f f e r e n t p laces , but that the faces on these mul t ip l e s are s t y l i s -52 t i c a l l y s i m i l a r to those on other carv ings , would i n d i c a t e that the mul t ip le s were not j u s t p o r t r a i t s but that c e r t a i n e s tab l i shed elements of d e p i c t i o n were a necessary part of the c a r v i n g . The m u l t i p l e s , then, must have had some p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e for the Dorsets to account for the cont inuat ion of the subject over an extended time and distance and for i t s reproduct ion i n so s i m i l a r a fash ion . Although the faces carved on the mul t ip les may be s i m i l a r to others , they are not s tereotyped—in each a c e r t a i n i n d i v i d u a l i t y i s portrayed . I t may be that the a r t i s t , a f t er f u l f i l l i n g the e s tab l i shed requirements for the p iece , was allowed c e r t a i n freedom i n the execution of the subject . Perhaps the Dorset carvers were i n c l i n e d to record other human beings whose f a c i a l features were un l ike t h e i r own. Dorset-Norse Contact 53 Henry B. C o l l i n s re f er s to two I g l o o l i k carvings on which most of the faces are "short , broad, and t y p i c a l l y Eskimo i n appearance; some, however, are longer and narrower and are more suggestive of the Indian 54 or European countenance than the Eskimo. He remarks e s p e c i a l l y upon the carving i n the ROM: It i s of a n t l e r and contains one head and s i x faces carved i n r e l i e f ; at the top i s a t y p i c a l l y Dorset schematic face of t r i a n g u l a r o u t l i n e . The four faces i n the center are shor t , broad, and Eskimo i n every respect; they might even be des-cr ibed as car i ca tures of Eskimo physiognomy. The face at the upper l e f t i s longer , but the features are s t i l l Eskimo. Of greatest i n t e r e s t , however, are the two faces at the bottom and the upper r i g h t , which have not the s l i g h t e s t resemblance to the Eskimo. The a r t i s t seems to have attempted, with success, to portray the features of two contras t ing r a c i a l types. The remarkably handsome face , or head, at the bottom— perhaps the f i n e s t example of rea l i sm i n p r e h i s t o r i c Eskimo a r t — i s c l e a r l y ne i ther Eskimo nor Indian, but European. The 40 face, the dominant element of the whole composition, is that of a young man with strong features but pleasant and smiling. The face at the upper right is that of an older man, also with unmistakable European features. The only Europeans the pre- . historic Dorset Eskimos could have seen were the Norsemen, who settled in southwest Greenland about the.end of the 10th century and remained there for some 500 years. It is quite li k e l y that the Norsemen, the most venturesome seafarers of their time, extended their explorations across Davis Strait to Arctic Canada; but, except for this carving, there is no evidence that they did. If the two faces on the carving are. indeed Norse, as seems highly probable, i t means that the Dorset Eskimos of the Canadian Arctic were in direct contact with the Norsemen. This carving, then, may be a document of some historical importance, a unique record that owes i t s existence to the talent of a Dorset Eskimo a r t i s t . When Ei r i k and party arrived in Greenland in the late 10th century they met no living Eskimos. They found there human habitations, both.in the Eastern and Western parts of the country, and fragments of skin-boats and stone implements; from which i t can be concluded that the people who.had been' there before were of the same kind as those who inhabit Vinland and whom the Greenlanders c a l l Skraelings.~^ The implements and habitations they found would have been those of the Dorset people who had been in Greenland prior to this time but with whom, according to the various sagas, the Norse never had any direct contact in Greenland."'7 It was not until the latter part of the 13th century that the Norse had extended contact with Eskimos in Greenland. At this time the Thules, who had been moving down.the western coast, settled in 5 8 areas already occupied by the Norsemen. The sources indicate that the two peoples got along well together "and i t would indeed have been rather strange i f they [Norse] had not taken f u l l advantage of this 5 9 unique opportunity to carry on a lucrative trade." Collins thinks that the Norse in Greenland may well have had interchanges with Eskimos earlier than with the 13th century.Thules. 41 There almost certainly were Eskimos living in East Greenland during the Norse period, and the evidence of archaeology suggests that there had been earlier and more extensive contact between Norsemen and Eskimos on the West Coast than ^ the few laconic statements in the sagas would seem to indicate. If the evidence is not conclusive that the Norse met the Dorsets in Greenland, they did have the opportunity to do so elsewhere. The , Norsemen throughout the centuries made various voyages to North America. Here they could acquire timber and hunt and " i t i s also quite possible that they wanted to make iron of bog-iron where fuel was easy to find, or trade with the natives."^ Archaeological evidence indicates that both Indians and Dorset 6 2 Eskimos occupied the areas visited by the Norse. These natives 63 would account for the saga references to Skraelings in Vinland. 64 At this time (c. 1000) the Dorsets were as far south as Newfoundland. Elmer Harp was excavating a Dorset site at Port aux Choix on the Straits of Belle Isle the same season that Ingstad, while excavating what is definitely a Norse site at L'Anse aux Meadows in northern 65 Newfoundland (carbon dated 1080 ± 70), found Dorset implements. "There is much to indicate that this people [Dorset] was widely scattered along these coasts and that the Vinland voyagers could not 66 have avoided meeting them." It isn't unlikely that the Norsemen also journied west of. Greenland across the Davis Strait. Here they would also encounter Dorsets. Two pairs of cairns, l i k e the pair found by Ingstad at L'Anse aux Meadows, have been discovered at two other places: one at Jones Sound 76° 30' N. and the other on Washington Irving Island east of Ellesmere Island 79° N. Ingstad believes they were put up by Norsemen. Erection of cairns of this sort was a typical Norse custom 42 in Norway, Iceland, and Greenland—probably for use in determining the time by reference to the sun.*'7 Evidence of what he believes to be Norse settlements—including longhouses—have been discovered by Thomas Lee in the Ungava Bay 68 region. Ingstad, however, doubts that the Norse would have gone up the Hudson Strait: First of a l l , the waters of Hudson Strait are very d i f f i c u l t to negotiate, owing to the ice and powerful currents—the difference between high and low tide is about sixty feet. Moreover, such a western route would have given every appearance of leading into the Arctic regions and not away from them. Ice and cold weather were among the things that the Norse Greenlanders had had enough of where they came from—their^minds were set on more southerly and favourable countries. As we have seen the most concentrated population of Dorsets was in this area. If the Norse, for whatever reasons, did journey there, they would most lik e l y have been espied by the Eskimo residents. There i s , then, a great deal of d i f f i c u l t y in establishing not only what contact took place between Dorset Eskimos and the Norse, but also in determining the extent of their communication with one another. The sagas would lead us to believe that, in Vinland at least, the encounters between Norse and Skraelings were most often of a violent nature. "The archaeological record shows but very scant evidence of Norse-Dorset contact, let alone a cultural blending." 7^ Two of the Dorset multiples are dated approximately 1000. Feasibly the artists could have seen Norsemen anytime after 982, when they arrived in Greenland.7''' There i s , however, the problem of. the distances involved; the ROM piece is from Prince of Wales Island which is about 900 air miles west of Greenland. 43 Regardless of who i s represented on the m u l t i p l e s i t remains to quest ion why they were made o r i g i n a l l y . As Bandi says: "It i s , however, somewhat strange that both i n Canada and Greenland contact with the white man should have l ed Dorset a r t i s t s to carve human faces 72 c lus tered together l i k e grapes." There i s no evidence that the Norse themselves were i n c l i n e d to carve m u l t i p l e s , so i t seems u n l i k e l y that they would suggest such a moti f to the Eskimos i f they could— and did—converse with them. In view of these cond i t i ons , i t seems conclus ive that the idea of the mul t ip l e s was the Dorsets ' own. Perhaps, however, they thought the e f f i c a c y of the object would be increased by having on i t the p o r t r a i t of a stranger who came i n a b i g boat. Poss ib le U l t e r i o r S i g n i f i c a n c e The p o s s i b i l i t y of a deeper s i g n i f i c a n c e for m u l t i p l e carvings of t h i s sor t i s considered by B irke t -Smi th i n a report on the ethnog-raphy of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t : Human f igures mostly occur as d o l l s and other toys . Whether some of them, at one time, had a deeper s i g n i f i -cance i t i s impossible to say, although c e r t a i n statements made by o lder w r i t e r s may point i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n . . . . The specimen Lc 1154 [ f i g . 15] has been found i n a grave i n the Umanaq D i s t r i c t . I t i s made of wood, about 16 cm long and e n t i r e l y covered with carved human faces . From Angmagssalik comes a s i m i l a r specimen, the faces on which are to represent ingnersu i t • [ f i g . 14] .52 One such o l d e r w r i t e r i s John Davis who, i n recording h i s voyage along the west coast of Greenland i n the 1580's, says of the nat ives : They are i d o l a t e r s , and have images great s t o r e , which they were about them, and i n theyr boats , which we suppose they worship. They are witches , and have many kindes of ^ enchantments, which they often used, but to smal l purpose. 44 Birket-Smith thinks that "Perhaps the 'images' here mentioned are amulet figures. Such are known from Angmagssalik and Labrador."7"' He is referring to those amulets from Angmassalik described by Holm 76 which included male and female figurines. In addition to the figurines, Thalbitzer thinks the one multiple carving from Angmassalik— the ingnersuit mentioned above by Birket-Smith—is an amulet. 7 7 The amulets from Labrador which Birket-Smith mentions include one multiple image (fig. 2 1 ) . It was collected by Lucien Turner when he was in the Ungava District (Fort Chimo area) in the early 1 8 8 0 ' s . Two articles selected from my collection w i l l illustrate, different forms of amulets. The f i r s t . . . is a l i t t l e , model of a kaiak. The other . . . was worn on the back of a woman's coat. It is a small block of wood carved into four human heads. These heads represent four famous conjurers noted for their s k i l l in driving away diseases. The woman, who came from the eastern shore of Hudson's bay, was troubled with rheumatism and wore this charm from time to time as she f e l t the twinges of pain. She assured me that the pain always disappeared in a few hours when she wore i t . It was with the greatest d i f f i c u l t y that I persuaded her to part with i t . She was, however, about,to return home,, and could get another there.78 From Eskimo Point (on the west shore of Hudson's Bay) comes a very similar contemporary carving (fig. 2 2 ) — t o which no special s i g n i f i -cance was attached. See also the carving by David Ekoota of Baker Lake (too on the west shore of Hudson's Bay) illustrated in f i g . 2 3 . Note f i g . 14 in comparison to the above. Representations of humans and of human faces for use as amulets extends even to the Aleutian Islands. As amulets, may be regarded rudely carved human figures in stone and bone [ f i g . 24] , which I found in my excavations on the Aleutian Islands, and carved human faces on the bone sections of casting weapons [ f i g . 25] . Evidently these faces were intended as guardians of the weapons and to help them in striking animals. 7^ 45 However i t must be noted that there i s only one face per cas t ing weapon. And indeed, s i n g l e f a c i a l representat ions occur on a number of objects throughout Eskimo t e r r i t o r y . These are not always simply amulets; they may be amulets as w e l l as having a d d i t i o n a l more p r a c -t i c a l funct ions . According to Jochelson the rudely carved human f igures r e f e r r e d to above are not only amulets but were a l so used i n 80 d i v i n a t i o n . This may have been the type of d i v i n a t i o n employed i n the D o l l F e s t i v a l . The f e s t i v a l i s character ized by the p l a c i n g of a wooden d o l l or image of a human being i n the kashim and making i t the center of various ceremonies, a f t e r which i t i s wrapped i n b i r c h - b a r k and hung i n a tree i n some r e t i r e d spot u n t i l the fo l lowing year . During the year the shamans sometimes pretend to consult t h i s image to a s c e r t a i n what success w i l l attend the season's hunting or f i s h i n g . . . . The p lace where' the image i s concealed i s not genera l ly known by the people of the v i l l a g e , but i s a secret to a l l except the shamans and, perhaps, some of the o ldest men who take prominent parts i n the f e s t i v a l . ^ 1 A s i m i l a r d i v i n i n g d o l l occurs i n a south Greenland t a l e about the l a s t ch i e f of the o ld Northerners , Ungortok. When he had f l e d , h i s Eskimo enemies discovered him by means of one of the wooden d o l l s , which an angakoq had planted on the g u l l d u n g - h i l l s i n the mouths of the f j o r d s . One of the d o l l s , namely, had turned i n the d i r e c t i o n of Ungortok's h i d i n g - p l a c e . From Angmassalik are wound and throat plugs with a f a c i a l representa-t i o n on one end ( f i g . 26). In add i t i on to the ir , funct ion as plugs they were "used as charms to protect against misfortune, and to cure 83 i l l n e s s . " 0 0 Or "the o r i g i n a l idea behind these objects may have been s i m i l a r to the one seen i n North A l a s k a , where the face on the wound-plug was meant to summon the hunter should the s e a l d r i f t away."^ 4 Birket -Smi th records bone pegs from Jakobshavn and nqrth Greenland 85 which are f i n i s h e d with human faces . 46 Other f a c i a l representat ions on u t i l i t a r i a n objects are apparently without p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e . Such are an assortment of drum handles from Alaska c o l l e c t e d by Murdoch at Point Barrow ( f i g . 27). A l l but one of these handles have the large end carved 86 in to a human face , each with the mouth open as i f s i n g i n g . Nelson records two s i m i l a r drum handles from Point Hope; on one of these the 87 face i s d i s t o r t e d . At Chichinagamut (Cape Vancouver) Nelson sojourned i n a kashim which boasted two lamp supports both carved i n the form of a human face ( f i g . 28) "representing quite a d i f f e r e n t 88 type from the countenances of the people ." Masks and other representat ions of faces are a l so used i n more s i g n i f i c a n t connection—with the dead. At Tununuk (Cape Vancouver) Nelson found a number of memorial images represent ing people who had 89 been l o s t and t h e i r bodies never recovered ( f i g . 29). I was t o l d that among the people of th i s and neighboring v i l l a g e s , as w e l l as of the v i l l a g e s about B ig lake , i n the i n t e r i o r from th i s p o i n t , i t i s the custom to erect memorial posts for a l l people who die i n such a manner that t h e i r bodies are not recovered. u At Big Lake, not only were there memorial f i g u r e s , but In front of many of the graves at t h i s place were large headboards, made of hewn planks about four feet long , placed across the top of two upright posts . To the middle of these were pinned from two to three wooden maskoids, represent ing human faces with i n l a i d ivory eyes and mouths; from holes or pegs at the ears hung smal l s t r i n g s of beads, such as the v i l l a g e r s wear", and below the masks were bead necklaces [ f i g . 30].^1 A double mask from east Greenland ( f i g . 31) may have had a^  use s i m i l a r to the Alaskan representat ions mentioned above. I t i s fashioned as a head with two. faces , being carved front and back on a piece of wood. 47 The too narrow neck was broken o f f , uppermost on the head i s a deep s o c k e t - l i k e ho le . I imagine that the carved furrows of the faces are meant to be tattoo markings; i n th i s case D_ must be considered as the face of a women; i f a. i s meant to be the tattooed face of a man, i t does not at any rate have any of the men's ta t too ing designs known i n more recent times. This b lock was found i n a grave i n the Ammassalik F j o r d and as i t i s the on ly , r e a l l y o l d evidence of the occurrence of masks or mask- l ike objects i n Greenland, i t i s a d iscovery of great i n t e r e s t . Whether i t has been an'amulet or has been used i n any other way i s unknown.. It may probably have been a memorial image l i k e those known from Alaska belonging to a grave and represent ing the deceased sea ler and h i s wife.^2 Usual ly Eskimo masks are not assoc iated with the dead but 93 rather are used i n f e s t i v a l s , r i t u a l s , and performances. One type of mask-—the sacred mask—was used e s p e c i a l l y i n the hunting f e s t i v a l s of the Alaskan Eskimos and represented those s p i r i t u a l beings who inhabi t the world along with the human beings—-.the inue. For the f e s t i v a l , which was to please and honour the animals and the powers which c o n t r o l l e d them i n order to insure good hunt ing , the shaman d i r e c t e d the carvers i n t h e i r making of the masks. "Among the Alaskan Eskimo, then, masks por tray ing the inua seem to have been a component 94 of the shamanistic complex." Although among the Canadian Eskimos the use of masks was not as prevalent nor .as e laborate , on B a f f i n Is land the shamans d i d wear masks i n f e s t i v a l s honouring the sea 95 goddess Sedna. Another type of mask, the f inger mask, was used by 96 the women i n ceremonial dances. From Alaska comes such a mask with smal ler faces drawn on i t ( f i g . 32). According to Nelson, who 97 c o l l e c t e d i t , the four semi-human faces represent myth ica l be ings . There are numerous Dorset masks. More often than not , un l ike the Alaskan ones, they are not of the s i ze to be worn. Instead, they are very t i n y . For example f i g . 33 which i s 3.5 cm. i n he ight . 48 This e a r l y mask, radiocarbon-dated 720 B.C., " i m p l i e s a well-developed a r t i n the a n c e s t r a l Pre-Dorset c u l t u r e although such an a r t has not 98 yet been d e l i n e a t e d by a r c h a e o l o g i c a l work." The Tyara mask, l i k e others i n Dorset c u l t u r e , may have depicted the s p i r i t of the shaman or 99 had s i m i l a r magi.co-religious uses. There i s the p o s s i b i l i t y , too, that masks may have been used as a m u l e t s . O r they were p o s s i b l y memorials to the dead. Note the Dorset mask from Abverdjar ( f i g . 34) i n comparison to that already discussed from Angmassalik ( f i g . 31). The Dorsets represented human faces i n other forms too. In f a c t the u b i q u i t y of t h i s motif would i n d i c a t e a penchant f o r t h i s subject on t h e i r p a r t . "Human r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s , i n one form or another, are the most common choice of subjects i n Dorset a r t . " ^ " ^ In a d d i t i o n to the m u l t i p l e s there are many s i n g l e r epresentations other than the masks. One outstanding example i s a human harpoon head ( f i g . 35). This harpoon head, carved from walrus tusk, i s of a type t y p i c a l of the e a r l y p a r t of the Dorset c u l t u r e continuum. Such specimens'tipped the toggle-headed harpoons used to hunt s e a l s , bearded s e a l s and walrus. Only r a r e l y do such imple-ments show decoration and t h i s specimen i s the most elabo-r a t e l y carved example of i t s k i n d . The shallow i n c i s e d p a r a l l e l l i n e s are t y p i c a l of Dorset a r t but the human face, one of very few carved on Dorset harpoon heads of any p e r i o d , earns s p e c i a l mention. The broad, r a t h e r f l a t f a ce, strong cheek bones and epicanthic.eye f o l d s suggest the Eskimo face so f a m i l i a r i n the h i s t o r i c and modern periods. One can only speculate that perhaps the face was meant to embody, by sympathetic magic, a s p i r i t helper to a i d the anxious hunter. A p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t r i g u i n g s i n g l e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n from Mansel I s l a n d ( f i g . 36) i s reminiscent of the Eskimo Museum m u l t i p l e . Petroglyphs The Dorsets a l s o chose a more unusual form of f a c i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . In 1961, Bernard S a l a d i n d'Anglure discovered 49 petroglyphs ( f i g . 37) on the north coast of Qikertaa luk Is land (near Wakeham Bay)'. The petroglyphs , on Cape Q a j a r t a l i k which r i s e s to about 100 fee t , are between 60 to 80 feet above high water mark i n a 103 deposit of soapstone. He counted 44 carvings i n a l l but thought there were probably more s ince some could be seen only under c e r t a i n l i g h t condit ions and the l i c h e n growing on the surface obscured others . The carv ings , i n a group covering a f a i r l y small area , are at d i f f e r e n t heights but a l l w i t h i n human reach. A l l the carvings seem to represent faces or masks, some of humans, others of animals . The s i z e of these faces does not appear to exceed 8 inches i n width and 12 inches i n he ight , but most are much smal ler . I not i ced two p r i n c i p a l types of carv ing : i n one the features of the face were engraved g i v i n g a c e r t a i n r e l i e f , i n the other the faces were merely scratched on the .rock. d'Anglure d iv ided the f i r s t type (1) in to two main groups: a)oblong faces and b)round faces . The former (a ) , of which there are f i v e examples, are character ized by the fo l lowing ( f i g . 38): most s t y l i z e d mot i f s ; some faces surmounted by a hollowed-out c i r c l e and genera l ly having a ser i e s of engraved l i n e s descending from the ch in ; depth of engraved l i n e s a l i t t l e under 1/4". The round faces (b) which comprise 13 of the carvings are character ized by the fo l lowing ( f i g s . 39 and 40): not completely round but the cheeks are l a r g e r than the upper part of the face which i s sometimes surmounted by a headdress; mouth rounded and more marked than those of the other group (a); and the engraving deeper. The second type (2), i n which the faces are genera l ly smaller and l e s s e laborate than those of type 1, cons i s ted of 26 carv ings . d'Anglure associates t h e i r s t y l e with that found on Dorset masks 108 and those a r t i f a c t s which have faces . Tay lor corroborates t h i s 104 50 conclus ion on the bas is of the height of the carvings above sea l e v e l , t h e i r s t y l i s t i c features , the high r a t i o of Dorset to Thule a r t i f a c t s i n the c o l l e c t i o n made by d 'Anglure , and Dr. R. Beschel 's l i chenometr ic 109 dat ing of them at some centuries before 1460 A . D . The contemporary Eskimos, according to d 'Anglure , do not seem to attach any importance to the petroglyphs . When asked about them they sa id that they were the heads of d e v i l s and that they might have been carved by the o l d s h a m a n s ^ Tay lor remarks: Indeed, even an archaeolog is t might wonder i f these petroglyph s i t e s mark places of s p e c i a l supernatural con-sequence for Dorset cu l ture res idents of that area; are these depic t ions of dead people and are there graves nearby? Do they copy masks worn by shamans? I f i n d i t - a l m o s t im-poss ib le to be l i eve these' petroglyphs were only for deco-r a t i o n or amusement. Although I cannot document i t , I expect they, and most i f not a l l Dorset a r t , were concerned with supernatural matters—with shamanism, b u r i a l p r a c t i c e s , sympathetic m a g i c . m Perhaps the Dorsets , l i k e l a t e r Eskimos, venerated c e r t a i n n a t u r a l features of the landscape, e s p e c i a l l y p a r t i c u l a r l y dangerous or unusual p laces . L . Turner noted that among the Koksoaymiut of Ungava Bay Every cove of the seashore, every p o i n t , i s l a n d , and prominent rock has i t s guardian s p i r i t . A l l are of the , malignant type and to be p r o p i t i a t e d only by acceptable o f f er ings from persons who des ire to v i s i t the l o c a l i t y where i t i s supposed to r e s i d e . ^ ^ In the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t of Greenland, not only does every creek and every headland have i t s own h i s t o r y of res ident beings or of events that took place there , but a number of s i t e s are considered dangerous to pass unless a s a c r i f i c e i s made to the s p i r i t of the p lace . One of the best known places of s a c r i f i c e of the d i s t r i c t i s Qalume1 at KangaVssuk, to the north of the outpost Manermiut. On a low, but steep w a l l of rock a pointed stone stands out a, 51 l i t t l e above the water line. This is Qalume, in a l l probability the same place of sacrifice as the cave men-tioned by Rink. It is true that I did not see any cave there, but then I was only able to inspect the place from a boat, as i t is very d i f f i c u l t to land. The place acquired i t s fame, because a young man by the name of Qalume went out there, in order that he might in solitude qualify for a conjurer. After a long time, however, his skeleton was found. When on my journey I passed this place with an umiak crew from the primitive Sarfaq dwelling places, I noticed that a few of them, as i f i t were by chance, threw something into the water. 3 Did the Dorsets, like the Cape Vancouver Eskimos, make the petroglyph images in memory of people whose dead bodies were never recovered? Or i f this were a particularly dangerous place, did they erect some kind of memorial to the dead and/or to the s p i r i t of the spot where many others had met their fate? On Queen Maud Gulf, among a people who do not even bury their dead, but lay them out on the bare ground, Rasmussen discovered a row of stone cairns which had been erected as monuments to the memory of dead persons lost at sea.! Nothing was known of Dorset burial practices or skeletons until recently when graves of three types; stone vault, stone-lined p i t , and gravel mound, were discovered.'^"' Might the late and not extensive grave sampling suggest that the Dorsets disposed of their dead in other ways too—such as sea burial at special places marked by petroglyphs or other features. In this connection i t is interesting to note that at Angmassalik, Thalbitzer purchased masks which represented certain deceased persons whom the carver identified by name. Thalbitzer also interviewed, an older carver who'said that they used their masks for fooling or frightening the children,' and "when they [owners] died 116 the masks were thrown into the sea together with their corpses." Historical Angmassalik masks of this sort (fig. 46) are very similar 52 both to the early one from the same area (fig. 31 [which may be a memorial image]) and the Dorset mask from Abverdjar (fig. 34). Of course, too, there may be actual graves in the vi c i n i t y of the petroglyphs.^ 7 Or did the Dorsets sometimes choose to end their own lives, either actively or passively, and do so in a spot that tra-ditionally was of particular importance. Later Eskimos, especially the elderly and the i l l , would often of their own accord remain behind the others so as not to be a burden. They would die by themselves alone and without subsequent burial. While d'Anglure was at Wakeham Bay in 1961 he heard of another petroglyph site in the area—either on Torngatok Island or on the mainland across from the i s l a n d . ^ ^ Taylor mentions yet another site 119 found in 1965-6 but does not identify the location. One must travel far afield to find anything similar to these petroglyphs in the a r c t i c — t o Alaska. Here not only Eskimo petroglyphs, but picto-120 graphs, have been discovered at places such as Cook Inlet, 121 122 Prince William Sound, and Kodiak Island. Eskimo pictographs of human beings in various attitudes discovered by Jenness on the Tuksuk River, inland from Teller, Alaska were believed by the local Eskimos to ill u s t r a t e battle scenes from the war between themselves and the Siberians who raided,that coast for 123 centuries. The paintings from this site as well as those at the other three sites mentioned above are of uncertain age. F. deLaguna considers the pictographs at Cook Inlet and Prince William Sound to be 124 of considerable age. The pictures at these two sites, some of which are of humans and human faces, are quite similar and at both places were made in secret places "probably in connection with whaling rituals 53 or other hunting magic" and were therefore probably made by shamans or 125 whale-hunters. These rock pa int ings as w e l l as those from Kodiak I s land are assoc iated wi th Northwest Coast Indian rock carving i n 126 vary ing degrees. The Kodiak petroglyphs which Heizer l i n k s with those of the Northwest Coast are a t t r i b u t e d to f a i r l y recent Eskimos 127 rather than the e a r l i e r occupants of Kodiak. A number of recognizable subjects as w e l l as indec ipherable motifs are portrayed at these three s i t e s . Some of the anthropomor-128 phic f i gures may have represented s p i r i t s . On Kodiak Is land i n a d d i t i o n to representat ions of whales, geometric designs, and human 129 beings there are s t y l i z e d human faces . Heizer in terpre ted some of the faces on Cape A l i t a k as masks, and t h i s explanat ion might be correc t for a l l the faces there , as w e l l as for our Pr ince W i l l i a m Sound.examples. In one Chugach s tory a he lp ing s p i r i t was described as "a l i t t l e mask," and i n the whole area shamans made masks to represent t h e i r f a m i l i a r s . Since s p i r i t s could also change t h e i r forms and often appeared i n animal or b i r d guise , according to our informants , i t i s pos s ib l e that a l l of the P a c i f i c Eskimo pictographs and petroglyphs portray such s p i r i t he lpers . This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n would be consis tent with Black Stepan's [a contemporary informant] statement that would-be shamans used to make o f f er ings to the paint ings .130 According to d 'Anglure , these' Alaskan faces "are not very close" i n 131 s t y l e of execution to the Dorset ones at Wakeham Bay. T a y l o r , d 'Anglure , and Swinton a l l remark on a s t y l i s t i c s i m i l a r i t y between the petroglyphs and the f a c i a l representat ions on 132 var ious Dorset i t ems—espec ia l ly the masks. What are those s i m i - . . l a r i t i e s that the three remark upon? Tay lor and Swinton both f i n d the 133 petroglyphs reminiscent of the Dorset m u l t i p l e s . And Swinton suggests that the petroglyphs because of t h e i r shapes and t h e i r massing, could r e l a t e to the mysterious face c l u s t e r s found at I g l o o l i k and Upernavik 54 (West Greenland). This last point, however, seems to me somewhat tenuous at present, but not altogether outside the realm of possibility . 1 3 4 Further support for a theory of similarity between the petroglyphs and the multiples i s suggested by the actual distribution of the petroglyph faces. According to Bruemmer: "More than half the petroglyphs we. discovered were 'arranged', in groups, the.rest were scattered singly 135 over the width and height of the soapstone,outcrop." Taylor gives a,number of specific examples of Dorset sculptures which resemble the petroglyphs. They are: 1) miniature ivory mask from early Dorset Tyara site on Sugluk Island (fig. 33) 2) miniature ivory mask from Igloolik (fig. 42) 3) small wooden figure from Bylot Island (fig. 43) 4) Dorset figurine from Inuarfigssuaq, northwest Greenland (fig. 44) 5) miniature soapstone Dorset mask from Igloolik (fig. 45). A l l the above and some of the faces on the 6) multiple from Prince of Wales Island (fig. 19) have the same distinctive concave upper line of mouth region and a 136 suggestion of alveolar prognathism—a blowing or pursing of l i p s . Although various attributes of the petroglyphs may occur in widely separated places, two wooden carvings, a mask [fig. 46] and a figurine [fig. 47] with the oval gaping mouth and protruding l i p s , collected at Angmassalik, east Greenland, are of special interest as they date to the nineteenth century.137 Angmassalik occupies a position of particular significance in respect to the Dorset culture. Both archaeological investigations and Angmassalik art i t s e l f show strong Dorset elements within this east Greenland culture. Swinton considers the Angmassalik Eskimos to be 136 direct descendants of the Dorsets; Meldgaard that they were much 55 inf luenced by the Dorset c u l t u r e , a connection to be p a r t i c u l a r l y noted 139 i n regard to Angmassalik a r t ; C o l l i n s that a Dorset o r i g i n may be supposed for c e r t a i n aspects of Angmassalik a r t , p r e c i s e l y : wooden d o l l s , wooden carvings with grotesque representat ions of mythological animals and monsters having tattoo marks and skeleton designs, and wooden 140 masks and other carvings with tat too marks; and Tay lor that the number of s t r i k i n g l y s i m i l a r t r a i t s of Angmassalik and Dorset a r t leads to the speculat ion that Angmassalik ar t may have perpetuated some Dorset per iod a r t s t y l e s , and i f t h i s were so, then perhaps the Angmas-141 s a l i k cu l ture was i n some part derived from Dorset c u l t u r e . Conclusion H i s t o r i c a l l y the Eskimos decorated various objects with representat ions of human heads. S i n g l y , these were e i t h e r simply decorat ion without any u l t e r i o r s i g n i f i c a n c e or they were of a more serious nature for use as amulets, memorials to the dead, or i n d i v i -n a t i o n . In m u l t i p l e , both h i s t o r i c a l and contemporary heads were representat ions and p i c t o r i a l records of humans—albeit sometimes s p e c i a l ones, of s p i r i t s , or of mythological creatures . The contem-porary mul t ip le s as we have seen are without s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . Only two h i s t o r i c a l mul t ip le s were anything more than j u s t representat ions of beings: the amulet which the Eskimo lady with rheumatism wore to ease her pain and the Angmassalik m u l t i p l e which was thought by T h a l b i t z e r to be an amulet. Several fac tors such as the care taken wi th s c u l p t i n g , the s tandardizat ion over time and area , analogy with other Eskimo cul tures as we l l as wi th both Dorset and other ar t i n d i c a t e that the Dorset 56 mult ip le s had a s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e for t h e i r owners. By analogy with h i s t o r i c a l f a c i a l representat ions , they might have been memorials for the dead, been used i n d i v i n a t i o n , or functioned as amulets. In view of the general consensus that Angmassalik a r t i s assoc iated wi th that of the Dorset people , i s the Angmassalik m u l t i p l e amulet a l a t e example of the Dorset mul t ip le s used for that same purpose? We might note that the Dorset mul t ip le s are rather large to be attached as amulets. Then too, they do not have any holes for suspension from c l o t h i n g , although amulets do not always have such means of attachment. On the other hand, a number of other Dorset a r t i f a c t s do have appropriate holes and the l i k e . In a d d i t i o n we, l i k e George Swinton, must make a d i s t i n c t i o n between ceremonial , r i t u a l objects and purely magical objects such as 142 amulets. An amulet may be the ac tua l p iece of an animal or i t may be a carved representat ion . C e r t a i n animals are known as good he lp ing s p i r i t s and often the e f f i c a c y of the amulet i s determined by which part of the animal i s used or represented. These ac tua l parts of the animal or the representat ions are the symbol of the s p i r i t of the animal or being who w i l l a i d and a s s i s t one. "An amulet, therefore , i s a personal and p r i v a t e magical object that protects the wearer, endows him with s p e c i a l q u a l i t i e s , and enables him to p r o p i t i a t e the necessary s p i r i t s 143 who enable him to l i v e l i f e ' more s u c c e s s f u l l y . " Thus the four conjurers on the amulet from Ungava who eased the woman's rheumatism and the s p i r i t s on the Angmassalik amulet who would come to the ass i s tance of the owner. (Perhpas the l a t t e r belonged to a shaman i f , as T h a l b i t z e r suggests, the beings represented on i t are the i n n e r t i w i n who were chosen as a u x i l i a r y s p i r i t s by the angakoq.) The same fac tors that i n d i c a t e the Dorset mul t ip le s were of some s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e a lso i n d i c a t e that they were not amulets but r e l i g i o u s ; that i s , shamanist ic , objec t s . One major, point i s t h e i r . c o m p l e x i t y . Amulets are simple and p r i v a t e ; usua l ly a representat ion of one or two beings and c e r t a i n l y not 28. Our ana lys i s of the Dorset mul t ip le s i s of course fur ther complicated by t h e i r s t y l i s t i c resemblance to the petroglyphs . Are they s i m i l a r i n use and s i g n i f i c a n c e or do these resemblances i n d i c a t e a standardized motif which was used on var ious r e l i g i o u s objects? The Alaskan petroglyphs i n comparison were thought to be made i n connection with whaling r i t u a l s or other hunting magic. The faces at both Kodiak Is land and Pr ince W i l l i a m Sound may have been made by shamans to repre -sent t h e i r s p i r i t he lpers . Conceivably not only the Dorset petroglyphs but the mul t ip le s (and even the Angmassalik mul t ip le ) could be represen tat ions of the shaman's he lp ing s p i r i t s . Although analogy does suggest various i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , we have s t i l l to analyse the actua l mul t ip l e s of the Dorsets . 58 CHAPTER II I NOTES "'"Taylor, " P r e h i s t o r i c Canadian Eskimo A r t . " 2 Henry B., C o l l i n s , 'Eskimo C u l t u r e s , " Encyclopedia of World  A r t , 1st e d . , V, 24. See a l so Diamond Jenness, "A New Eskimo Culture i n Hudson Bay," The Geographical Review, XV (1925), 428-37. 3 Elmer Harp, J r . , The C u l t u r a l A f f i n i t i e s of the Newfoundland  Dorset Eskimo, Nat iona l Museum of Canada B u l l e t i n No. 222, Anthropo-l o g i c a l Series No. 67 (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1964), p. 127. See a lso Jenness, "A New Eskimo Culture i n Hudson Bay." ^Tay lor , " P r e h i s t o r i c Canadian Eskimo. A r t . " ^ C o l l i n s , "Eskimo C u l t u r e s , " 25 and George Swinton, personal communication, 1974. ^George Swinton, personal communication, 1974. 7 C o l l i n s , "Eskimo C u l t u r e s , " 25. g T a y l o r , "Comments on the Nature and O r i g i n of the Dorset C u l t u r e , " p. 59. 9 T a y l o r , " P r e h i s t o r i c Canadian Eskimo A r t . " "^J^rgen Meldgaard, Eskimo Sculpture (London: Methuen& Co. L t d . , I960) , p.. 43. I b i d . 1 2 T . . . I b i d . I b i d . 14 Hans-Georg Bandi , Eskimo P r e h i s t o r y , t rans , by Ann E . Keep (Col lege , A laska: U n i v e r s i t y of Alaska Press , 1969), p. 165. "^Meldgaard, Eskimo Sculpture , p. 43. \ "^Joan M. Vastokas, "Cont inu i t i e s i n Eskimo Graphic S t y l e , " artscanada, XXVIII , no. 6, i ssue no. 162/163 (December, 1971/January, 1972), 70. ( 59 CHAPTER I I I NOTES (cont'd) I b i d . 18 Lenore Stoneberg, personal communication, 1973. I b i d . 20 In W i l l i a m E . Tay lor and George Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " The Beaver (Autumn, 1967), 45, t h i s carving i s described as having 16 faces . According to Vastokas, "Cont inu i t i e s i n Eskimo Graphic S t y l e , " 72 and Masterpieces of Indian and Eskimo A r t from  Canada (Par i s : Societe des Amis du Muse*e de 1'Homme, 1969) , note to i l l u s . 6; i t has 17. 21 George Swinton, personal communication, 1974. Note that a l l the dates for mul t ip l e s are estimated ones. None of the Dorset mul t ip le s has been radiocarbon dated. 22 Lenore Stoneberg, personal communication, 1973. 23 Graham W. Rowley, "Notes on the Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e c -t i o n : Some Unique P ieces ," artscanada, XXVIII , no. 6, i ssue no. 162/ 163 (December, 1971/January, 1972), 120. T a y l o r and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " 45. I b i d . 26 Rowley, "Notes on the Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e c t i o n , " 116. The specimens acquired at Abverdjar were dug on a s loping bank of t u r f which r i s e s from a height of 23 to 40 feet above the l e v e l of the highest t i d e s . Below the t u r f i s a l a y e r of s o i l , i t i n turn res t s on bea'ch sand, below the sand i s white c l a y . "Specimens were scat tered over every part of the bank i n the l ayer of s o i l above the sand and on the sand i t s e l f but not w i th in i t , nor i n the uppermost layer of t u r f . " Graham Rowley, "The Dorset C u l t u r e . o f the Eastern A r c t i c , " American Anthropo log i s t , n . s . XLII , (.1940) , 491. 27 Rowley, "Notes on the Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e c t i o n , " 120. 28 Meldgaard, Eskimo Sculpture , p. 43. 29 I b i d . 60 CHAPTER I I I NOTES (cont'd) 30 Rowley, "Notes on the Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e c t i o n , " 120. I b i d . 32 I b i d . , 116. 33 I b i d . Also see note 26 above. 3 4 l b i d . , 120. 3 5 I b i d . , 116. 36 S c u l p t u r e / I n u i t (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press for the Canadian Eskimo A r t s C o u n c i l , 1971), note to i l l u s . 363. 37 C o l l i n s , "Eskimo C u l t u r e s , " 25. 38T, . , I b i d . 39 I b i d . . 40 I b i d , and James W. Vanstone, An A r c h a e o l o g i c a l C o l l e c t i o n  from Somerset I s land and Boothia Pen insu la , N . W . T . , A r t and Archaeology D i v i s i o n of the Royal Ontario Museum, Occas ional Paper 4 (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press , 1962), p. 2. 41 Sharon van Raa l te , personal communication, 1973. A 2 S c u l p t u r e / I n u i t , note . to i l l u s . 363. 43 C o l l i n s , "Eskimo C u l t u r e s , " 25. 44 Masterpieces of Indian and Eskimo Art from Canada, note to i l l u s . 6. 45 Medlgaard, Eskimo Sculpture , pp. 25-6. 46 Rowley, "Notes on the Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e c t i o n , " 120. 47 Vastokas, "Cont inu i t i e s i n Eskimo Graphic S t y l e , " 72-3. 6 1 CHAPTER I I I NOTES (cont'd) 48 Rowley, "Notes on the Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e c t i o n , " 120. 49 I n c i d e n t l y , on comparison of #3 and #4 I can see nothing to support.Rowley's suggestion that the two were poss ib ly made by the same a r t i s t . From the s ty le—as l i t t l e as one can determine from such a small sampl ing—it i s doubtfu l . C e r t a i n l y they are from the same sett lement, but not n e c e s s a r i l y by the same hand. "^Wil l iam E . T a y l o r , J r . , An Archaeo log i ca l Survey Between  Cape Parry and Cambridge Bay, N.W.T. Canada i n 1963, N a t i o n a l Museum of Man* Archaeo log ica l Survey of Canada, Paper No. 1 (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1972), p. 32. "^Taylor and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " 38. 5 2 I b i d . ' , 45. 53 C o l l i n s wr i t e s : "Of the Canadian examples, two are from the I g l o o l i k area , M e l v i l l e Peninsu la . Both are of a n t l e r , one wi th seven and one with 28 faces ." "Eskimo C u l t u r e s , " 25. None of the Dorset carvings from the I g l o o l i k area has seven faces . At the time C o l l i n s wrote th i s (c. 1961), only two of, the I g l o o l i k carv ings , #2 and #3, had been publ i shed . As C o l l i n s i n personal communication (June 12, 1973) d i d not i n d i c a t e knowledge of any mul t ip le s from I g l o o l i k other than those l i s t e d w i t h i n t h i s paper, and as #2 has seven faces on one. s ide—the s ide usua l ly published,-we can conclude that he i s r e f e r r i n g to the carv ing i n the Eskimo Museum. At th i s point I would l i k e to point out another discrepency which causes some confusion as to the number and o r i g i n of Dorset m u l t i p l e s . In h i s a r t i c l e "The O r i g i n and A n t i q u i t y of the Eskimo," Smithsonian I n s t i t u t i o n Report for 1950 (Washington, D . C . : Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1951), p. 446 C o l l i n s re fers to two Greenland carvings which are p o s s i b l y Dorset . One is. from the Egedesminde d i s t r i c t and the other from the Angmassalik . d i s t r i c t . However i n "Eskimo C u l t u r e s , " 25, he re f er s to two Dorset Greenland m u l t i p l e s , one from the Umanak d i s t r i c t and one from Disko Bay. B irke t -Smi th f i r s t publ i shed the one from Upern iv ik , or Umanaq as he c a l l s i t , i n the "Ethnography of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t , " 124. We have already discussed the one from Angmassalik. Th i s s t i l l leaves the Disko Bay one to be accounted f o r . Neither personal communication with C o l l i n s (1973) nor research has resolved t h i s problem. 54 C o l l i n s , "Eskimo C u l t u r e s , " 25. 5 5 l b i d . , 25-6. 62 CHAPTER I I I NOTES (cont'd) The Vin land Sagas, t r a n s / with an i n t r o . by Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Palsson (New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1966), p. 27. This excerpt i s taken from A r i T h o r g i l s s o n ' s Islendengabok (Book of Ice landers ) , w r i t t e n around 1127—the e a r l i e s t extant work on Ice land ic h i s t o r y . I b i d . , p. 22. Note that the Eastern and Western settlements of the Norse are both on the west coast of Greenland. The western one was f a r t h e r north and west. Helge Ingstad, Westward to V i n l a n d , t rans , by E r i k J . F r i i s (New York: St . M a r t i n ' s Press , 1969), p. 15. "^Henry B. C o l l i n s , A r c t i c Area (Mexico C i t y : I n s t i t u t o Pan-americano de Geografia e H i s t o r i a , 1954), p. 145 and Gwyn.Jones, The  Norse A t l a n t i c Saga (London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1964), p. 60. 5 8 Jones, Norse A t l a n t i c Saga, p. 60 and Ingstad, Westward to  V i n l a n d , p. 22. 59 Ingstad, Westward to V i n l a n d , p. 22. 60 C o l l i n s , A r c t i c Area , pp. 145-6. 61 Ingstad, Westward to V i n l a n d , p. 222. 62 Jones, Norse A t l a n t i c Saga, p. 92. 6 3 Ingstad, Westward to V i n l a n d , p . 205. 64 I b i d . , pp. 167-8 and Jones, Norse A t l a n t i c Saga, p . 91. ^ I n g s t a d , Westward to V i n l a n d , pp. 135 and 151. ^ I b i d . , p. 151. ^^Ibid. ,. p. 141. 68 ' See for example Thomas E . Lee, Archaeo log i ca l F i n d i n g s , Gyrfa lcon to E i d e r I s lands , Ungava, 1968, Travaux divers 27 (Univers i t e L a v a l , Quebec: Centre d'Etudes Nordiques, 1969). 69 Ingstad, Westward to V i n l a n d , p . 179. ^ T a y l o r , "Prehistory of Hudson Bay," p. 12. 6 3 CHAPTER III NOTES (cont'd) Henry B. C o l l i n s , "Recent Developments i n the Dorset Culture A r e a , " A s i a and North America: T r a n s p a c i f i c Contacts , Society for American Archaeology, Memoir 9, Supplement to American A n t i q u i t y , XVIII , no. 3 , p t . 2 (1953), 35. 72 Bandi , Eskimo P r e h i s t o r y , p. 143. 73 B i r k e t - S m i t h , "Ethnography of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t , " 124. 74 John Dav i s , The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator , ed. by A l b e r t Hastings Markham (London: Hakluyt Soc ie ty , 1880), p. 19. ^ B i r k e t - S m i t h , "Ethnography of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t , " 448. 76 Holm, "The Angmagsalik Eskimo," 85. 7 7 S e e p. 20. 78 Luc ien M. Turner , "Ethnology of the Ungava D i s t r i c t , " Bureau  of American Ethnology, 11th Annual Report (Washington, D . C . : Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1894), pp. 201-2. 79 Waldemar Jochelson, H i s t o r y , Ethnology and Anthropology of  the Aleut (Washington, D . C : Carnegie I n s t i t u t i o n of Washington, 1933), p. 78. 80 Waldemar Joche lson , A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Invest igat ions i n the  A l e u t i a n Islands (Washington, D . C : Carnegie I n s t i t u t i o n of Washington, 1925), p. 95. 81 Edward W i l l i a m Nelson, "The Eskimo about Bering S t r a i t , " Bureau of American Ethnology, 18th Annual Report (Washington, D . C . : Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1899), p. 494. 82 T h a l b i t z e r , "Ethnographical C o l l e c t i o n s from East Greenland," 636 footnote. 83 Meldgaard, Eskimo Sculpture , p. 45. 84 I b i d . , p. 33. 85 B i r k e t - S m i t h , "Ethnography of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t , " 124. 64 CHAPTER III NOTES (cont'd) 86 Murdoch, "Point Barrow Expedition," p. 386. 87 Nelson, "Eskimo about Bering Strait," p. 351. ^ I b i d . , p. 252. on Ibid., p. 318. 90T. ., Ibid. 9 1 I b i d . , p. 319. 92 Thalbitzer, "Ethnographical Collections from East Greenland," 636-7. 93 Joan M. Vastokas,- "The Relation of Form to Iconography in Eskimo Masks," The Beaver (Autumn, 1967), 28. See also Dorothy Jean Rav> Eskimo Masks: Art and Ceremony (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1967). 9 4 Vastokas, "Eskimo Masks," 28. Ibid. 96 Nelson, "Eskimo about Bering Strait," p. 414. 97 Ibid., p. 411. 98 Masterpieces of Indian and Eskimo Art from Canada, note to i l l u s . 1. 99T, . , Ibid. "*"^Ibid. , note to i l l u s . 4. "*"^Ibid. , note to i l l u s . 3. 102 Ibid., note to i l l u s . 2. 103 Bernard Saladin d'Anglure, "Discovery of Petroglyphs near Wakeham Bay," Arctic Circular, XV, no. 1 (1963), 8. 65 CHAPTER II I NOTES (cont 1 d) ^^Bruemmer i n a l a t e r v i s i t counted 51. Fred Bruemmer, "The Petroglyphs of Hudson S t r a i t , " The Beaver (Summer, 1973), 35. 105 d 'Anglure , "Petroglyphs near Wakeham Bay," 10. 1 0 6 T 1 , -A I b i d . I b i d . 108T, .., n  I b i d . , 11. 109 W i l l i a m E . T a y l o r , J r . , "Archaeolog ica l C o l l e c t i o n s from the Joy Bay Region, Ungava.Peninsula," A r c t i c C i r c u l a r , XV, no. 2 (1963), 25.-"*"^^d'Anglure, "Petroglyphs near Wakeham Bay," 11. I l l T a y l o r and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " 44. 112 Turner , "Ethnology of the Ungava D i s t r i c t , " p. 194. 113 B i r k e t - S m i t h , "Ethnography of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t , " 220. 114 Weyer, The Eskimos, p. 277. " ^ T a y l o r , "Prehis tory of Hudson Bay," p. 9. 1 1 6 T h a l b i t z e r , "Ethnographical C o l l e c t i o n s from East Greenland," 639. 1 1 7 T a y l o r and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " 44. See a lso Bruemmer; "Petroglyphs of Hudson S t r a i t , " 33. 118 d 'Anglure , "Petroglyphs near Wakeham Bay," 11-12. 119 W i l l i a m E . T a y l o r , J r . , The Arnapik and Tyara S i t e s , Society for American Archaeology, Memoir No. 22, Supplement to American  A n t i q u i t y , XXXIII , no. 4, p t . 2 (1968), 106. 120 F r e d e r i c a deLaguna, The Archaeology of Cook I n l e t , Alaska (Ph i lade lph ia : U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania Press , 1934), pp. 149-54. 66 CHAPTER I I I NOTES (cont'd) 121 F r e d e r i c a deLaguna, Chugach P r e h i s t o r y : The Archaeology of  Pr ince W i l l i a m Sound, Alaska (Seat t le : ' U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1956), pp. 102-9. 122 Robert F . He i zer , "Petroglyphs from Southwestern Kodiak I s l a n d , A l a s k a , " Proceedings of the American P h i l o s o p h i c a l Soc ie ty , XCI, no. 3 (August, 1947), pp. 284-93. 123 Diamond Jenness, "Archaeolog ica l Invest igat ions i n Bering S t r a i t , 1926," Nat ional Museums of Canada B u l l e t i n No. 50 (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1928), p. 79. 124 deLaguna, Chugach P r e h i s t o r y , p. 105. 1 2 5 T , . , I b i d . 1 2 6 I b i d . , p. 109. 1 2 7 H e i z e r , "Petroglyphs from Kodiak I s l a n d , " pp. 284 and 293. 128 deLaguna, Chugach P r e h i s t o r y , p . 108. 129 Bandi , Eskimo P r e h i s t o r y , p. 93. 130 deLaguna, Chugach P r e h i s t o r y , p . 108. 131 • d 'Anglure , "Petroglyphs near Wakeham Bay," 11. 132 T a y l o r and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " 45; d 'Anglure , "Petroglyphs near Wakeham Bay," 11; and T a y l o r , "Archaeolog ica l C o l l e c -t ions from the Joy Bay Region," 25. 133 T a y l o r and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " 44-5. 1 3 4 I b i d . , 45. 135 Bruemmer, "Petroglyphs .of Hudson S t r a i t , " 35. T a y l o r , "Archaeologica l C o l l e c t i o n s from the Joy Bay Region," 25. I b i d . CHAPTER I I I NOTES (cont'd) 1 3 8 S w i n t o n , Sculpture of the Eskimo, p. 111. 1 3 9 M e l d g a a r d , Eskimo Scu lpture , p. 31. 1 4 0 C o l l i n s , "Eskimo C u l t u r e s , " 26. 1 4 1 T a y l o r , "Prehis tory of Hudson Bay," p. 9. 1 4 2 T a y l o r and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , 143_, . j I b i d . CHAPTER IV DORSET MULTIPLES II Ana lys i s and Discuss ion What about the ac tua l mul t ip le s themselves? We f i n d i n s i ze they range from 4 1/2" to 8 1/4" i n height with three of them i n the general area of 5" to 6". However, they do vary i n shape; three are long and narrow while the Eskimo Museum piece and the one i n the Nat iona l Museum, Copenhagen are more b l o c k - l i k e , although the l a t t e r ' s mass i s broken by the strong v e r t i c a l thrus t of the lone head r i s i n g above the others . A l l the carvings are of a n t l e r with the exception of #1 which i s wood. C e r t a i n l y on those of a n t l e r the faces have been appl i ed to the a n t l e r without a l t e r i n g i t s o r i g i n a l shape. We do not know what the o r i g i n a l conf igurat ion of the wood was, but the a r t i s t did not t r y to emulate the a n t l e r shape. Three of the carvings are from Abverdjar . Two were system-a t i c a l l y excavated while the one i n the Eskimo Museum was acquired under less s c i e n t i f i c condit ions as were the two from Prince of Wales Is land and Upern iv ik . We know that Rowley found #3 and #4 i n s i t u whi le excavating a pure Dorset s i t e . In view of t h e i r mode of a c q u i s i t i o n only these two can assuredly be considered Dorset . By a s s o c i a t i o n #2 can be c l a s s i f i e d with c e r t a i n t y s ince i t was c o l l e c t e d at the same Dorset s i t e . In p u b l i c a t i o n and d i scuss ion #5 i s considered Dorset with the poss ib l e exception of the S c u l p t u r e / I n u i t catalogue where i t i s 69 l i s t e d simply as "before 1939." S t y l i s t i c a l l y a l l the Canadian mul t ip l e s are s i m i l a r and one would not hes i ta te to group #2, 3, 4, and 5 together. S t y l i s t i c grounds seem to be the only j u s t i f i c a t i o n for dat ing the carving from Greenland as Dorset . Even so, the carving i s l e ss a s o l i d mass than the Canadian ones. The one lone head r i s i n g up out of the mass of the others i n the base i s d i s t u r b i n g l y d i f f e r e n t from the an t l er m u l t i p l e s . In the l a t t e r the faces are treated i n a s i m i l a r manner; the people are i n d i v i d u a l but equal , whereas i n the Uperniv ik sculpture there i s an emphasis on the head that r i s e s above the others . In f a c t , i t i s the only head i n f u l l three dimension on any m u l t i p l e ; a l l the others are faces i n vary ing degrees of r e l i e f . The t e r m i n a l : f a c e s at the top of #2 and the bottom of #5 are not defined on the s ides nor the back and are to be. viewed from the front on ly . Amongst the various carvings there are a lso a number of approaches to the u t i l i z a t i o n of the surfaces of the medium; both i n how the faces are d i s t r i b u t e d and how much of the surface they cover. #5 i s carved on only one part of one s ide whi le the concave back i s l e f t blank. The faces on the s ide worked are a l l c lose together i n one u n i t — almost as though they were arranged in to f i r s t one face , then three p a i r s , then one more face. #2 and #4 have two s ide s , a d e f i n i t e f ront and back, both of which are carved. On #2 the faces appear to be scat tered and not a l l of the surface on e i t h e r s ide i s u t i l i z e d . #4 has three faces one above the other at the bottom, middle , and top with unworked a n t l e r between each. The fourth face i s on the other s i d e , behind and a b i t above the bottom face . The surfaces of #1 and #3 are e s s e n t i a l l y covered wi th faces except for the odd smal l area and on #3 a narrow v e r t i c a l s t r i p . The 70 faces on #3 are not a l l in rows but there is a general inclination to . arrange them so. #1 also shows organization into several rows although the rest of the faces are scattered about and fit t e d in here and there. As we can see there is not a consistent approach to the medium in any of the sculptures and although several of them at f i r s t look as though every available space was f i l l e d — o n a l l of .them there are unworked areas. Particularly noteworthy is the number of faces. In some cases as on #1 and #2 they are d i f f i c u l t to distinguish. And in fact #2 is recorded variously as having.16 or 17 faces. When I f i r s t analysed the carvings I was using the former figure and on comparison with the other multiples was struck by the fact that the number of faces on a l l of the carvings was-four or some multiple of that number; that i s , 20, 28, and so on. Not only does i t seem most unlikely that this is fortuitous; historically, the number four has been recorded to have special s i g n i f i -cance among the Eskimos.''' "The number four seems to possess some.mystic 2 virtue, especially in Alaska." The Number Four Various tales t e l l of i t s connection with the belief in supernatural powers. In the creation legend the Raven waved his wing four times over the clay images to endow them with l i f e . The f i r s t man in the same legend slept four years at the bottom of the sea. The Raven was. absent four days in the sky-land when he went to bring berries to the earth. The Whale in which the Raven entered, in another tale, was four days in dying. In the .tale of the Strange Boy, from the Yukon, the hero slept in the kashim every fourth night. The woman in the tale of the Land of Darkness, from Sledge island, was told to take four steps, and these transported her to her home from a great distance. 3 In various Eskimo ceremonies there were s t r i c t r i t u a l obser-vances of actions,, events, clothing, props, and so on. Four was a 71 prominent r i t u a l choice. For example on L i t t l e Diomede Island during the umiak launching event "the crew [usually four] howled like dogs or wolves four times." 4 For the Bladder Festival at Kushunuk there were dances by sets of four men. These men, each carrying a kayak paddle, entered the kashim and went to the four corners, and then marched about. They also brought in four dishes of food and waved flaming parsnip stalks toward the four cardinal directions. ~* On the fourth day of the Bladder Festival at St. Michael the bladders were put back into the sea and a circuit made of the room four times. Most western Eskimos had two r i t u a l numbers: four or five. Four was more l i t e r a l l y the r i t u a l number, as shown by the marching or dancing in a circ l e four times in some of the boat-launching rites and Bladder Festivals and the groups of four dancers in Hunting Festivals. Five was observed in ^ l i f e - c r i s e s and religious belief, but rarely in ceremonials. A distinction in the. use of four and five was also made on the basis of sex. In the wolf r i t u a l observed by the Noatak and Utorquq River inland Eskimo: In this wolf r i t u a l the most prominent single element is the distinction between the numbers for male, and female, a characteristic of northwest Alaska, applying to human beings and animals. If a male wolf had been taken, every-thing was done four times; i f a female, then five times.8 Four was also a favourite choice in delineating the duration of tabus. The Eskimo observed an elaborate system of tabus in the hopes 9 of e l i c i t i n g favour from the spiritual forces which controlled his l i f e . The tabu was observed for a certain period of time; usually four or five days."^ Although a great number of tabus had to do with hunting— that which supplied practically a l l his material needs—the Eskimo also had to treat the sp i r i t s of the dead with great caution. The phenomenon of death, with i t s suggestion of the fli g h t of some invisible s p i r i t entity, l i f e , into another sphere, offers a ready answer as to how the s p i r i t world becomes 72 peopled. The depart ing soul enters a sphere where i t can take part i n the governing of unpredictable and i n e x p l i c a b l e , events of wor ld ly l i f e . H The durat ion of mourning for the dead was for a s p e c i f i c length of time— 12 general ly four or f i v e days. During th i s time a r i g i d system of 13 tabus and requirements c o n t r o l l e d the Eskimo's a c t i v i t i e s . Usual ly the longer per iod was observed i n the event of a woman's death as she was considered to have an e s p e c i a l l y dangerous capacity to cause contami-14 n a t i o n . Also the length of time that the soul was be l i eved to sojourn i n the body or on th i s ear th , or i n some other sphere determined the durat ion of the mourning. That might be four days (years) or four or f i v e depending on the sex of the deceased or other circumstances. On the lower Kuskokwim r i v e r [Alaska] the Eskimo b e l i e v e that the shade of a male stays with the body u n t i l the f i f t h day a f t er h i s death; the shade of a female remains with the body for four days. On the Yukon and among the Eskimo to the north the shades of men and women a l i k e are be l i eved to remain with the body four days a f t e r death.15 Among the Koksoagmiut (Ungava Bay, Hudson S t r a i t ) " i f death r e s u l t s from n a t u r a l causes the s p i r i t i s supposed to dwell on earth a f t e r having 16 undergone a probat ion of four years ' rest i n the grave." In North America, not only the Eskimos but the Indians too observed four or f i v e as sacred numbers.''' 7 Among the A s i a t i c Eskimos and the Ob Ugrians of S i b e r i a , i t was be l i eved that men had f i v e souls 18 -and women four . Th i s d i s t i n c t i o n was evident i n many Ugrian r i t e s and concepts. In the bear f e s t i v a l r i t u a l , the she-bear had four and the he-bear f i v e c lasps on the fur coat; they played at being a she-bear four nights and a he-bear f i v e ; four or f i v e songs re spec t ive ly were sung at the 19 beginning of each n i g h t ' s a c t i v i t i e s . From t h i s we see that h i s t o r i c a l l y at l ea s t four was a number of s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e for the Eskimo. This number was of prominent 73 importance in rituals and festivals but was also connected with mourning for the dead. Might the Dorset multiples, then, be associated with the dead and/or death? Graves, Grave Furnishings, and Death Although the multiple ,from Greenland was associated with a grave—as none of the others apparently were—we know only that i t was an "old grave" at Upernivik. As the carving was not found by excavation, but simply forwarded to the museum, we do not know the age, context, nor significance of the actual grave. That the other multiples are not associated with graves is not surprising. According to Taylor, art pieces and human bones are very rare in Dorset sites. He mentions only one other instance of grave furnishings being found in a Dorset context 20 in addition to his find at Tyara; Meldgaard's excavation at Kapuivik. The Tyara site yielded three small carvings of bear's heads and foreparts, two of which were found in a fragmented ivory sheath, in the same trench, 21 at the same level and square as human bones. Harp records Dorset grave furnishings from Port aux Choix, Newfoundland which included such items as amulets, bone artifacts, and implements but nothing at a l l resembling 22 a multiple. The fact that not only are Dorset grave furnishings most unusual but that the furnishings found so far are not multiples (the-23 Upernivik piece may be Dorset, but we do not know whether the grave was) would indicate that Dorset multiple carvings were not associated with the actual burials. However from another, perhaps related, culture comes a variety of multiple which does occur in a burial context. The Ip.iutak culture 24 of Alaska, c. 300 A.D., has been associated with the Dorset culture by 25 Birket-Smith, Larsen, and others for a number.of reasons including; 74 similarities in economic orientation, various implement types, and 2 6 absence of the following; bow d r i l l , whale hunting, and dog sleds. The art of these two cultures also exhibits certain similarities. According to Taylor: If Dorset art, like the bulk of Dorset culture, grew out of  Pre-Dorset, then there surely must have been an ancestral art  form in Denbigh Flint complex. As there is some manner of cultural continuity over the 2,000 years from the Denbigh to Ipiutak perhaps, then, Ipiutak art is the fi n a l Alaskan culmination of an art tradition nurtured by Denbigh hunters. If these too-facile explanations be approximately correct, then the parallels between old Alaskan and Dorset art would be explainable by their having had a common ancestry in the Denbigh Flint complex and i t s religious a r t . 2 7 Larsen and Raihey's excavations at Ipiutak disclosed, in Burial 21, four antler tubes resting on the chest of the buried body (figs. 48 and 49). A l l the tubes have anthropomorphic or zoomorphic figures incised on the surface; two also have geometric designs . . . schematic human faces are the most frequently repeated motive. Some of the faces . . ., with r e a l i s t i c eyes and an open mouth with teeth are easily recognized as such; the others are more;or less conventionalized, but have some or a l l of the following features: eyes, nose, mouth, tattoo marks, and labrets.28 Although nothing in the actual burial indicated the function of these tubes, a similar undecorated tube found at the same site contained arrowheads. Hollowed antlers of this sort, often with incised decoration, were used as containers by Alaskan Eskimos in historical times. Nelson and Murdoch recorded them as fungus ash boxes and trinket boxes respectively. Similar faces occur on other objects from Ipiutak, including: l)an ornamental band (fig. 50), 2)a pendant, 3)a human head (fig. 51), 30 4)a fragmentary tube, and 5)a piece of walrus tusk. The - significance of these faces represented either singly or in multiple i s not known. 75 Larsen and Rainey assume that the s i n g l e heads were shamanistic paraphernalia.. "That they have some s p i r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i s evident 3 1 because one carving [ f i g . 52 #4] d e f i n i t e l y represents a human s k u l l . " And they t h i n k i t improbable that the faces i n c i s e d on the a n t l e r tubes are purely d e c o r a t i v e . For one reason the faces on the tube represented on the l e f t i n f i g . 48 do not f i t i n w i t h the geometric design. "They seem to have been superimposed regardless of the b a s i c p a t t e r n which 32 they d e f i n i t e l y d i s t u r b . " According to Larsen and Rainey the faces on the a n t l e r tubes e x h i b i t a n o t i c e a b l e s i m i l a r i t y to petroglyphs on Kodiak I s l a n d ( f i g . 41) The m a j o r i t y of these petroglyphs a l s o represent human faces, not o u t l i n e d , and c o n s i s t of eyes, nose, mouth, and l a b r e t s , as do the I p i u t a k faces. We a l s o f i n d the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c Y-shaped f i g u r e on the nose and forehead. The nose on some of the Kodiak f i g u r e s ends i n a c i r c l e , f o r which we have no p a r a l l e l at I p i u t a k . 3 3 They suggest that the Kodiak petroglyphs are an intermediate l i n k between the I p i u t a k schematic faces and petroglyphs from southeastern Alaska and B r i t i s h Columbia. As we have seen, the Dorset m u l t i p l e s — e s p e c i a l l y that i n the ROM—are a l s o a s s o c i a t e d w i t h petroglyphs; but i n c o n t r a d i s t i n c t i o n to the I p i u t a k c a r v i n g s , they are s i m i l a r to petro -glyphs of that same c u l t u r e (Dorset) r a t h e r than a l a t e r one. C o i n c i -dently t h i s same ROM.piece i s c i t e d by Jenness as a Dorset p a r a l l e l to 34 the human heads from I p i u t a k i l l u s t r a t e d i n f i g . 52. What about the a c t u a l faces on the Dorset m u l t i p l e s ? As already mentioned, at l e a s t one car v i n g (#3) has a face w i t h t a t t o o 35 marks on the c h i n and forehead i n the t r a d i t i o n a l Eskimo f a s h i o n . And c e r t a i n l y a l l the faces on t h i s c a r v i n g , as Rowley remarks, look l i k e t y p i c a l Eskimos. Whether we accept C o l l i n s ' i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of some 76 of the faces as Indian and/or Norse or not, i t seems that the majority— i f not a l l — o f the faces could only be representations of Eskimos.. Previously we established that for a number of reasons the multiples were of some particular significance and the.faces not just portraits. In other Eskimo art sculptural reproductions may represent certain people but the sculpture is not a portrait per se. The carving may be identified either verbally or in context as one particular person, but i t is not a photographic representation. The memorial images from Alaska and the masks from Angmassalik represent dead people but from the masks we would not recognize the particular person i f we saw him in person. As we have seen, multiples were not burial furnishings; but is i t possible that they were in some such similar way associated with the dead. That i s , were they memorials for the dead? Perhaps they commemorate those whose bodies were not recovered and therefore could not be buried in the proper fashion. In this case the multiples would tie in with the petroglyphs— which too might be memorials—to which they are s t y l i s t i c a l l y similar. There is the possibility too that the multiples did.not depict the dead but those,whom one wanted to be dead. Hunters of the Angmassalik culture had certain helping sp i r i t s known as tupilaks. Only recently have the Greenlanders made actual sculptures of them (fi g . 53). Originally they were constructed of odd animal bones, peat, and bits of blanket. After having given this construction l i f e by means of a few magical words, 36 the owner sent i t off to harm the enemy. • Magic of this sort, however, seems to have taken a different form among the Dorsets. A number of wooden carvings of animals from Button Point have s l i t s cut into the body between the shoulder blades into which a sliver of wood has been pushed (fig. 54). "It clearly suggests the widespread t r i b a l belief in 77 sympathetic m a g i c — k i l l i n g an e f f i g y of the animal to assure hunting 37 success." Carvings of humans from the same s i t e had a s l i t at the 38 throat or i n the chest ( f i g . 55). Perhaps then, the Dorsets had an es tab l i shed means of t h i s sort for c o n t r o l l i n g or harming others—a means not fore ign to a number of hunting peoples. Swinton suggests that these wooden f igures of animals and humans "do not simply imply hunting or s i m i l a r sympathetic magic, but should be considered pro tec t ion against animal s p i r i t s and against humans (or 39 shamans) that 'had to be k i l l e d ' . " As we note, a l l of these images are s i n g u l a r ones with no p a r t i c u l a r emphasis on^'the-, head of the creature; and the intended damage •'.Q •: \ i s a c t u a l l y c o m m i t t e £ i p r i ^ t h e scu lpture i t s e l f . As the mul t ip l e s are so : t- -('0 d i f f e r e n t s t y l i s t i c a l l y ana as they have no obvious markings on them other than f a c i a l features^, i t seems u n l i k e l y that they were used i n a manner s i m i l a r to that of 'these wooden animal and human f igures— whatever i t may have beeri.f? H e a d - L i f t i n g Another aspect of .the pos s ib l e a s s o c i a t i o n of the mul t ip l e s with death'—albeit a more p o s i t i v e aspect—is suggested by the human faces represented on the shoulders of the Greenland t u p i l a k ( f i g . 53). "On each shoulder i s a face , probably s p i r i t s , which according to o l d b e l i e f s were present i n a l l j o i n t s , and looked l i k e smal l human beings the s i ze of a thumb. The Eskimos be l i eved that the departure of the soul from the body resu l ted i n i l l n e s s and eventual death. The Po lar Eskimos always a t t r i b u t e d a person's i l l n e s s and death to the los s of the s o u l . 4 ' ' The Angmassalik Eskimos be l i eved that " i n every part of the human body 78 ( p a r t i c u l a r l y i n every j o i n t , as f o r i n s t a n c e , i n each f i n g e r j o i n t ) there r e s i d e s a l i t t l e s o u l , and i f a p a r t of the.man's body i s s i c k , i t 42 i s because the l i t t l e soul,has abandoned that p a r t . " L i k e other i n -e x p l i c a b l e misfortunes, sickness was a t t r i b u t e d to the machinations of supernatural agencies who were e v i l l y disposed toward one or who were punishing one f o r some offence such as breach of tabu, s a c r i l e g e , and so on. These higher powers drove out or removed the s o u l from the body 43 and death would r e s u l t unless the missing soul was r e i n s t a t e d . As the shaman was the one who could communicate w i t h these s p i r i t u a l beings who had such c o n t r o l over man's l i f e , i t was p a r t of h i s job to h e a l the s i c k — i t was he who had to f i n d the departed s o u l . To do t h i s he consulted w i t h h i s h e l p i n g s p i r i t s to determine what had caused the s o u l to depart and e n l i s t e d t h e i r a i d i n e f f e c t i n g i t s r e t u r n to i t s home. Among the I g l o o l i k Eskimos: As long as a shaman i s t r e a t i n g a s i c k person, he must devote himself e n t i r e l y to t h i s work, and at c e r t a i n d e f i n i t e times of the day . . . he invokes h i s h e l p i n g s p i r i t s . This i s done as a r u l e four times during the twenty four hours: morning, noon, evening and n i g h t . To a s c e r t a i n what offence ( r e l i g i o u s not s o c i a l ) the person had committed to, provoke t h i s s o u l removal, c e r t a i n s upernatural signs 45 were observed. The outstanding means of d i v i n a t i o n used by the Eskimos 46 c l e a r across the a r c t i c was the process of head-weighing. By t h i s method the Eskimos sometimes seek to determine g u i l t or innocence i n the matter of breaking taboos, o f t e n w i t h the aim of determining the cause of i l l n e s s . "Head-weighing" i s not l i m i t e d to these purposes, however,,but i s a p p l i c a b l e f o r other s o r t s of d i v i n a t i o n . 7 The usual method was to pass a strap or thong.around the head of the recumbent person by which a second person l i f t e d the head up and down. Whether the head f e l t heavy or l i g h t determined the answer to the question asked. (Out of nine references to head-weighing from the Chukchi of Siberia to the Eskimos in Labrador, Weyer found seven cases in which a heavy head meant an affirmative answer, light negative, while the other 48 two had the opposite interpretation.) If this means was used in the case of illness, i t was. usually the sick person's head which was weighed. Often the shaman himself did the l i f t i n g but in other cases some qualified person might weigh the head. Boas includes the description of a head-lifting event attended by Captain Comer. One evening he entered a snowhouse where the performance was in process. The lights had not been turned out, but a l l the children had been sent away. The wife of the house-owner lay on her bed, covered with a blanket. A strap was tied around her head, which was held by her husband, who was sitting on the edge of the bed-platform. It was said that the s p i r i t of the man's grandfather had entered the woman, and that he would answer any questions put to her. If the answer was in the affirmative, the head would prove to be heavy, but otherwise i t would be easily l i f t e d . The strap used to raise the head was one worn by an angakok. There were attached to i t a number of pieces or strips of skin, which show the number of diseases which the angakok has cured. The questions put generally referred to the trans-gression of taboos. 4 9 In.some cases such as among the Eskimos of Bering Strait and Cumberland Sound, the thong passed around the person's head was attached to the end of a special stick which was held by the shaman.Among the Eskimos of the latter area divination took the following form: A thong is placed around the head of a person who lie s down next to the patient. He i s called the "keleyak." The thong is attached to the end of a stick which is held in hand by the angakok, called in this case the "keleyew." Then the latter summons the soul of a.dead person. As soon as i t appears, the head of the keleyak becomes so heavy that i t cannot be l i f t e d . Now he asks, " i s the soul of so and so present?" If he mentions the correct name, the head cannot be l i f t e d . Then he continues to ask questions as to the nature and outcome of the disease, which are supposed to be answered by the soul of the dead person, which makes i t im-possible for the head to be l i f t e d i f the answer is affirmative, 80 while the head is raised easily i f the answer is negative. As soon as the soul of the departed leaves, the head can be moved without difficulty.51 In Greenland also a stick was employed. Here the head-weighing was done by a shamaness of a secondary status. The female priest-doctor, called qilasoq or q i l a l i k , was a woman who had a subterranean, 52 oracular s p i r i t (qila). Her quila stick was.fastened in a band wound about the head of one of the housemates of the patient. She then l i f t e d and weighed the head. While she recites her spells .to c a l l and consult the s p i r i t under the floor of the hut she l i f t s and lowers alternately the other's head by means of the stick. If the head is easily l i f t e d i t i s a sign that the patient w i l l recover. But i f i t seems heavy to l i f t the illness is dangerous.53 Thalbitzer describes one such quila stick (fig. 56): ; It is a short stick of bone, cleft above, and at the other end supplied with a screwthread probably to enable i t to be. screwed into the basal end of a wooden handle. The cleft or ^ Y-shaped end of the stick is made of a forked reindeer antler. For-divination by weighing other parts of the body such as a 55 leg or foot could also be used. Even a coat bundled up would suffice. Among the Copper Eskimos the spi r i t s might speak not through a human, but a special s p i r i t stick. That i s , a stick was l i f t e d and weighed . rather than a human part. Both the shamans and the,uninitiated could commune with the spi r i t s by weighing this s p i r i t s t i c k . ^ 7 Another varient of this method was used by the Caribou Eskimos. i Besides ordinary shamanizing, these people also .know the usual qilaneq, only here they use a special qidlat staff, an ordinary stick to which the shaman belt is tied [fig. 57]. A piece of skin is then lai d over the shaman belt i t s e l f , and the s p i r i t comes up in the usual manner through the ground. When a s p i r i t , for instance qaluheraut, was to be summoned, the charm for this form of qilaneq was: " . . . you must now enlighten these people who wish to know what is hidden; come here, qaluheraut, come". This was repeated time after time unt i l the staff became so heavy that one could no longer l i f t either i t or the.shaman belt, quite in the same manner 81 as a qilaneq proceeds by l i f t i n g another person's head with a thong. As soon as the shaman staff becomes heavy, i t means that the s p i r i t is present, and i t s advice may then be asked. From the preceding we can see to what a great extent the Eskimos relied on that most popular method of divination—head-weighing. The head i t s e l f , some other part of the body, or some other item might be l i f t e d with a thong or with a thong/stick apparatus. In other cases a special stick—used especially for this purpose—might be weighed. It was established earlier that a nomadic peoples, l i v i n g under the conditions that the Dorsets did, would not burden themselves with frivolous items. Surely they might make objects which were neither functional nor religious, but they certainly would not standardize them nor cart them about. At f i r s t sight the multiples do not look like they could possibly be used for anything. They have no holes, no prongs, no attachments. Each is an unaltered piece of antler (wood) with an incised decoration. If the original shape was not changed, could the Dorsets have had a use for varying shaped pieces of antler? I think the answer here is not the antler or wood shape but the decoration; that i s , that which is standard to them a l l . A l l of the multiples are decorated with human heads. In functional or religious items the symbolism is often associated with the particular use of that object. What more suitable decoration for a head-lifting stick than heads? We know that historically, the Eskimos resorted to divination and that head-weighing was the most popular means. Granted, the historical head-lifting sticks were not decorated. But we must keep in mind the fact that the Dorsets were more decoratively inclined than their successors, especially on objects of magico-religious significance. Could the Dorsets, then, have employed these multiples 82 f o r h e a d - w e i g h i n g o r f o r d i v i n a t i o n b y l i f t i n g ? A l t h o u g h t h e h i s t o r i c a l e x a m p l e s o f w e i g h i n g s t i c k s d o n o t e x h i b i t a s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t y t o D o r s e t m u l t i p l e s , t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f t h e l a t t e r b e i n g u s e d i n t h i s c o n -t e x t i s f e a s i b l e . T e c h n i c a l l y , t h e m u l t i p l e s — b o t h a n t l e r a n d w o o d — w o u l d b e s t r o n g e n o u g h t o b e e m p l o y e d i n l i f t i n g a human h e a d . S t r e n g t h o f t h e s t i c k i s o f n o c o n c e r n i n t h e d i v i n a t i o n w i t h a s p e c i a l s t i c k s u c h . a s u s e d b y t h e C a r i b o u a n d C o p p e r E s k i m o s w h e n i t , w a s j u s t t h e s t i c k t h a t w a s l i f t e d . T h e n t o o , t h e D o r s e t s may h a v e o r i g i n a l l y u s e d t h e s t i c k f o r h e a d - w e i g h i n g a n d e v e n t u a l l y a s t h e y c h a n g e d o v e r t o s t i c k -l i f t i n g , c o n t i n u i n g t o u s e t h e s a m e s t i c k , t h e d e c o r a t i v e m o t i f r e m a i n e d t h e s a m e . W h a t i s t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n w e i g h i n g a h e a d a n d w e i g h i n g a s t i c k w i t h h e a d s o n i t ? E s p e c i a l l y a s i t i s t h e E s k i m o s ' p r a c t i c e t o a n i m a t e i n a n i m a t e o b j e c t s . I f t h i s i s t h e c a s e , t h e m u l t i p l e s w e r e u s e d f o r s u p e r n a t u r a l p u r p o s e s r a t h e r . t h a n e v e r y d a y m a t t e r s o f p h y s i c a l s u r v i v a l . T h e y a r e a p a r t o f t h e s h a m a n ' s o r s h a m a n e s s ' p a r a p h e r n a l i a ; t h e y a r e r e l i g i o u s i t e m s a n d f u n c t i o n a l i n t h a t o t h e r w o r l d w h i c h a f f e c t s o n e ' s p h y s i c a l s u r v i v a l - - t h e s p i r i t u a l . C e r t a i n l y r e l i g i o n p l a y s a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n l a t e r E s k i m o l i f e . I t i s a n o t o r i o u s f a c t t h a t E s k i m o c u l t u r e a n d d a i l y l i f e i s p e r v a d e d t h r o u g h o u t b y a s p i r i t o f r e l i g i o n . N o t o n l y i s t h e g r e a t e r p a r t o f t h e u n w r i t t e n E s k i m o l i t e r a -t u r e o f a m y t h i c a l a n d r i t u a l i s t i c c h a r a c t e r , b u t we f i n d a r e l i g i o u s a t m o s p h e r e h a u n t i n g e v e n t h e i r p r o f a n e l e g e n d s a n d h i s t o r i c a l o r s e m i - h i s t o r i c a l t a l e s . ^ 9 L i v i n g u n d e r t h e c o n d i t i o n s t h a t t h e y d i d , t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d i n f l u e n c e d b y s o m a n y u n k n o w n a n d i n e x p l i c a b l e , t h i n g s , we a r e n o t s u r p r i s e d t h a t t h e y s h o u l d d e a l w i t h t h e u n k n o w n t h r o u g h m a g i c , t a b u s , a n d o t h e r r e l i g i o u s o b s e r v a n c e s . A n d t h e s h a m a n w a s t h e i r g o - b e t w e e n w i t h t h e s p i r i t s . I t w a s h e w h o d e a l t w i t h t h e s e s p i r i t s t o g e t b a c k t h e l o s t 83 s o u l s o f t h o s e who w e r e s i c k . W h a t w e r e t h e s e s o u l s t h a t t h e s h a m a n h a d t o k e e p i n o r d e r ? T h e N o r t h A m e r i c a n E s k i m o s i n t h e i r r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s g e n e r a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h o n l y t h r e e s o r t s o f h u m a n s o u l s . One o f t h e m i s t h e i m m o r t a l s p i r i t w h i c h l e a v e s a p e r s o n ' s b o d y a t d e a t h a n d g o e s t o l i v e i n t h e f u t u r e w o r l d ; a s e c o n d , w h i c h i s c o n c e i v e d a s t h e v i t a l b r e a t h a n d w a r m t h o f t h e b o d y , c e a s e s t o e x i s t a t d e a t h ; a n d a t h i r d s o r t o f s o u l i s t h o u g h t t o a b i d e i n t h e p e r s o n ' s n a m e . T h o u g h t h e n a m e - s o u l i s n o t e x a c t l y a s o u l i n t h e u s u a l c o n n o t a t i o n o f t h e w o r d , i t i s t h o u g h t t o p o s s e s s a b s t r a c t t r a i t s o f t h e p e r s o n t o whom i t r e f e r s a n d t o p e r s i s t a f t e r . h i s d e a t h . 6 ^ T h i s s e c o n d s o u l i s o f p a r t i c u l a r i m p o r t a n c e w h e n o n e r e c a l l s t h a t t h e b l o w i n g g e s t u r e i s a f a c i a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n common t o t h e D o r s e t p e t r o -g l y p h s , a n u m b e r o f D o r s e t c a r v i n g s ( i n c l u d i n g m u l t i p l e s ) , a n d t w o A n g m a s s a l i k c a r v i n g s . T h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e b r e a t h a s t h e s p i r i t o f l i f e i s a c o n c e p t w h i c h t h e E s k i m o s h o l d a l o n g w i t h m a n y o t h e r p e o p l e s . I t m i g h t b e m e n t i o n e d t h a t t h i s c o n c e p t a n d t h e a s s o c i a t i o n o f t h e i d e a o f t h e s o u l w i t h b o d i l y w a r m t h m i g h t n a t u r a l l y b e r e i n f o r c e d i n a r e g i o n w h e r e t h e c l i m a t e i s c o l d m o s t o f t h e t i m e . 6 1 O n e o f t h e Ob U g r i a n ' s s o u l s , w h i c h a p p e a r s p r i m a r i l y o n l y a f t e r . d e a t h , i s r a r e l y v i s i b l e d u r i n g t h e p e r s o n ' s l i f e . I f i t i s s e e n — b y m o o n l i g h t i s . e a s i e s t — i t a p p e a r s i n v a r y i n g a s p e c t s a s a p e r s o n , b i r d , o r m o s q u i t o . T h e h e a d i s f r e q u e n t l y c i t e d . a s t h e d w e l l i n g p l a c e 6 2 o f t h i s s o u l , e i t h e r o n t h e b r o w o r i n t h e h e a d . I f i t r e s i d e s i n t h e l a t t e r , w h e n t h e s h a m a n b r i n g s t h i s s o u l b a c k i n h i s c l e n c h e d f i s t ( f o r t h e s o u l may l e a v e t h e p e r s o n ' s b o d y d u r i n g h i s l i f e a n d t h e p e r s o n c a n n o t l i v e f o r l o n g w i t h o u t i t ) h e b l o w s i t i n t h r o u g h t h e p a t i e n t ' s r x g h t e a r . G e o r g e S w i n t o n m e n t i o n s t h e o p e n m o u t h w h i c h f r e q u e n t l y o c c u r s o n D o r s e t b e a r f i g u r e s , a t r a d i t i o n t h a t h e o b s e r v e d t o e x i s t ( o r p e r s i s t ) 84 i n the contemporary Canadian Eskimo carvings of severa l areas such as A r c t i c Bay, Povungnituk, and Repulse Bay. "The open mouth of the shamanic 'bear-human' obviously re f er s to the expression a n i ' k s a ' t u k — he breathes , r e l a t i n g to a n i ' n i t — t h e s o u l , and to the angakok (the s p i r i t man), the shaman who on h i s ' s p i r i t journey' has assumed the soul 64 form—the permanent form of be ing ." Another i n t e r e s t i n g p o s s i b i l i t y i n t h i s connection would be that those Kodiak petroglyphs which represent faces with the nose ending i n a c i r c l e ( f i g . 41) could have the same i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ; that i s , a blowing gesture which was associated wi th the soul and with l i f e . In view of the above in format ion , one might reasonably conclude that the mul t ip l e s were 1)associated with and represented the souls l o s t during i l l n e s s or the s p i r i t s respons ib le for the soul l o s s o r , perhaps more l i k e l y , the s p i r i t s who aided with the s o u l ' s r e t u r n 2)and that the head- or s t i c k - (shaman's s t i c k ) weighing done during i l l n e s s to determine what offences, had been committed to incur t h i s lo s s of soul was with the m u l t i p l e and 3)that the blowing motion of the mouths was associated wi th a type of soul which was the v i t a l breath and warmth of the body, e i t h e r to hasten i t s re turn or to replace i t i n the body. The Dorsets , l i k e the Ob Ugrians , may even have i d e n t i f i e d the head as the dwel l ing place of t h i s soul and/or v i s u a l i z e d the soul to look l i k e a human as d id the Greenlanders i n t h e i r representat ions of s p i r i t s (souls) on t u p i l a k s . Since i t i s the s p i r i t s who take or remove the souls and other s p i r i t s who return them, and s ince h i s t o r i c a l l y s p i r i t s are associated with c e r t a i n aspects of the n a t u r a l landscape, might the petroglyphs have some s i m i l a r funct ion i n p r o p i t i a t i n g c e r t a i n s p i r i t s i n the area where the glyphs were inc ised? 85 R e l i g i o u s S i g n i f i c a n c e I f we can n e v e r know f o r c e r t a i n whether t h e D o r s e t s d i d do head-l i f t i n g o r s t i c k - w e i g h i n g and t h a t the m u l t i p l e s were used i n t h i s c o n t e x t , the e v i d e n c e i n d i c a t e s t h a t the c a r v i n g s were i n e x t r i c a b l y c o n n e c t e d w i t h the r e l i g i o u s c o n c e p t s o f the D o r s e t p e o p l e . To r e i t e r a t e : t h e m u l t i p l e s have been f o u n d i n t h r e e d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s e x t e n d i n g o v e r 10,000 square m i l e s . C e r t a i n s t y l i s t i c s i m i l a r i t i e s connect n o t o n l y the m u l t i p l e s , but t h e m u l t i p l e s w i t h p e t r o g l y p h s a t y e t a n o t h e r > p l a c e . I f one may make a comparison w i t h t h e i c o n o g r a p h y o f o t h e r a r t — w e s t e r n o r e a s t e r n , p r i m i t i v e o r n o t — w e n o t e t h a t t h o s e symbols and m o t i f s w h i c h a r e most c o n s t a n t o v e r a l a r g e g e o g r a p h i c a l a r e a and/or an e x t e n d e d p e r i o d o f time a r e the r e l i g i o u s ones. J u s t the f a c t t h a t t h e y a r e q u i t e e l a b o r a t e l y d e c o r a t e d i n d i c a t e s a p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e ; and among th e D o r s e t s , l i k e o t h e r E s k i m o s , t h a t w o u l d most s u r e l y be r e l i g i o u s . Even t h e mouth f o r m a t i o n i t s e l f a s s o c i a t e s t h e c a r v i n g s w i t h r e l i g i o u s c o n c e p t s i f we a c c e p t t h e c o n n e c t i o n , p r e -v i o u s l y p o s t u l a t e d , between the b r e a t h and one o f the human s o u l s . A n o t h e r v e r y p a r t i c u l a r f a c t o r i s t h e number o f f a c e s . The number f o u r had r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the Eskimos i n h i s t o r i c a l t i m e s , n o t o n l y i n t h e i r c e remonies and f e s t i v a l s , but i n mourning tabus and o t h e r r e l i g i o u s c o n n e c t i o n s . H a v i n g an e v e n t t a k e p l a c e a s p e c i f i e d number o f t i m e s , o r f o r a p a r t i c u l a r l e n g t h o f t i m e , o r r e p r e s e n t i n g a m o t i f an e s t a b l i s h e d number o f t i m e s makes t h i n g s p a r t o f a system, a r i t u a l ; i t makes them more e f f e c t i v e . I n c i d e n t l y i n t h i s c o n n e c t i o n ; a c c o r d i n g t o L a r s e n , i n the d e c o r a t i o n o f I p i u t a k o b j e c t s : "Four p a r a l l e l , e q u a l l y s p a c e d , l o n g i t u d i n a l l i n e s a r e so common t h a t t h e y c o u l d be c a l l e d t h e t r a d e m a r k 65 of t h e I p i u t a k c u l t u r e . " 86 If various factors, such as their widespread and standardized occurrence, their very probable connection with souls, and the r i t u a l number of faces, indicate association of the multiples with Dorset religion; the use of the human face along with other motifs of a religious nature and/or on religious objects confirm this association. One such example is not Dorset; but from the Enets of Siberia. The Enets are a small group of eastern Samoyeds who even in the 1 9 3 0 's (when the items discussed were acquired) s t i l l retained ancient animistic concepts in 66 their religious beliefs. Part of the Enets shamaness' costume con-sisted of a breastpiece onto which were fastened five crescent-shaped plates, 14 to 23 cm. in length. Three of them in brass, have a stamped ornamentation. "Two of them (one of iron, the other of copper) have seven projections, portraying the seven faces of seven 'sky people' 67 (nga kasa, kikho)." (See f i g . 5 8 . ) On f l a t , stylized, semi-abstract Dorset "bears in f l i g h t " from Ellesmere.and Mansel Islands are appropriate holes or projections to represent the eyes, nose, and mouth of human faces (fig. 5 9 ) . "The human face on the inverted bear shapes might well personify the shaman on a s p i r i t f l i g h t or might also refer directly to the bear-spirit-helper. This bear-spirit-helper might be the mystic bear Tornatik or Tornarssuk of the Greenlanders which they held to be the most promi-69 nent helping s p i r i t . He manifested himself in numerous forms, some-times man, sometimes bear, sometimes other combinations of creatures. 7^ Single human heads are very common in Dorset art but there are also cases where more than one head occurs on an object. Unlike the multiples, these heads are used together with other decorative motifs on the same object. Such is the case with the shaman utensil kits. 87 Two intact examples have both human faces and animals partly or wholly represented. They each have two walrus heads with the tusks meeting on the top of the k i t . In addition, the k i t from southern Ellesmere Island (fig. 60) has two human faces chin to chin on each side of the k i t , making four in a l l . The other kit (fig. 61), which incidently is made of walrus tusk, has in addition to the walrus heads on top, one human face and a seal on one side; another face and a spread-eagle bear on the other. 7^ Two utensil k i t fragments have, like the complete ones, what appear to be walrus heads on the top and one of the kits has a hole on the side of the type used on other kits to represent human fac i a l features. The walrus, bear, and seal are a l l important animals of the hunt and, perhaps because of this, animals which received particular attention from the Dorsets. The sculpture of the Dorset artists i s more stylised when i t reproduces the important beasts of the chase. Here magic appears to play a role; the objects have a function. Walrus, seal and polar bear take on more rigi d and conven-tional forms, and are decorated, with a Christmas-tree design to represent the skeleton. 7 2 73 This skeletal motif most certainly was magical. After human represen-74 tations, those of bears are the most numerous.. In some cases they are stained with red ochre which was uti l i z e d in other instances by shamans and has occured in Dorset burials. Historically the bear had a prominent role in shamanism and Bear ceremonialism occurs circumpolarly. With the walrus there seems to be an emphasis on the head, both in sculpture and in burial. In a Dorset grave at Alarnerk the upper jaw bones and halved tusks of a walrus were found near a fireplace containing 76 ashes, burned animal bones and red ochre. 88 In view of these p a r t i c u l a r examples of heads—either s i n g l y or i n mult ip le—used on r e l i g i o u s objec t s , and i n view of those a t t r i b u t e s of the actua l mul t ip le s which i n d i c a t e r e l i g i o u s connotat ions, i t seems conclus ive that the mul t ip les of human heads, l i k e so much of Dorset a r t , were r e l i g i o u s items. As Swinton s tates : I am reasonably convinced that most, i f not a l l , Dorset a r t i s not only magica l , but probably h igh ly s p e c i a l i z e d (and "profess ional") shaman's a r t . . . . In th i s connect ion, we should a lso l i k e to suggest that the h igh ly developed and e x q u i s i t e l y shaped objects are not the work of occas iona l c a r v e r s , far l e ss mere w h i t t l i n g s , but the c a r e f u l l y planned and considered work of s p e c i a l i s t s (e i ther the shamans or t h e i r h e l p e r s ) , who knew the t r a d i -t ions of form as w e l l as of content, and who appl ied them i n a c a r e f u l l y handed down t r a d i t i o n a l manner. I t i s by no means unreasonable to conceive of a Dorset a r t i s t -shaman ( o r . a shaman-artist) as the main producer of such a r t . 7 7 Other Poss ib l e Uses C e r t a i n l y a m u l t i p l e used for h e a d - l i f t i n g would be part of the shaman's p r o f e s s i o n a l equipment, but perhaps the m u l t i p l e had other d i f f e r e n t or a d d i t i o n a l funct ions of a r e l i g i o u s nature . We have a lready seen the' procedures undertaken by the h i s t o r i c a l Eskimo shaman i n h i s hea l ing of the s i c k , i n c l u d i n g the use at times of h i s s p e c i a l shaman's s t i c k . From the Enets of S i b e r i a comes an i n t e r e s t i n g example of such a shaman's s t i c k . The Enets shamans, l i k e t h e i r North American Eskimo counterparts , mediated between the people and the s p i r i t s of the sky and earth who were responsible for luck i n hunt ing , h e a l t h , and the n . - f 7 8 l i f e of man. The shamans of the highest category had also a s t a f f or wand . . . , which was forged of i r o n [ f i g . 62]. At the t i p of the handle ,a face was.depicted—the "master" of the s t a f f . The lower end usua l ly was fashioned l i k e a deer hoof. The s t a f f was used by shamans for treatment of the s i c k and for '"conduct ing the souls of the dead to the next 89 wor ld ," i . e . , i n a l l instances i n which the shaman was faced with taking the "road to the lower wor ld ," e s p e c i a l l y when there was the prospect of "cross ing the i c y road, separat ing the v i s i b l e world from the lower, i n v i s i b l e wor ld ." There, " i t i s c o l d , and the shaman went bent f o r -ward, covering h i s face with the handle of the s t a f f so that ^ the co ld wind h i t the face of the s p i r i t - m a s t e r of the s t a f f . Although i t i s noted above that the Enets shaman s t a f f was used for the treatment of the s i c k , the exact nature of i t s funct ion i n t h i s capaci ty i s not given. Perhaps then the Dorset m u l t i p l e , ins tead of , or i n add i t ion to , i t s use as a d i v i n i n g objec t , was used i n other unknown procedures as part of the hea l ing process . In t h i s case, the beings represented on the mul t ip l e could be—in a manner s i m i l a r to the Enets wand—the s p i r i t - m a s t e r s of the s t a f f . They would be those beings , those he lp ing s p i r i t s ' , who came to the shaman's ass i s tance i n h i s treatment of those humans that were i l l . Another p o s s i b i l i t y however i s tha t , i f the staff-was used f o r the treatment of s i c k people , per -. " i'S? ' haps those beings represented on the m u l t i p l e were the a c t u a l pat i ents ' k l ^ s 80 the shaman had suG^ s s f u l l y cured. The Hudson Bay Eskimo shaman, we r e c a l l , attached various s t r i p s of sk in to h i s shaman b e l t to record 81 the diseases he had managed to cure . And i n f a c t , the shaman's b e l t i t s e l f suggests fur ther support for the use of the mul t ip l e i n some fashion by the shaman. The shaman's be l t had attached to i t such items as l i t t l e j o i n t bones and tee th . In Greenland, t h i s be l t was worn about 82 the head. Of course ,too, s ince the shaman himself must remain i n good heal th i n order to a i d others , perhaps the m u l t i p l e was used by the shaman as a means of i n s u r i n g h i s own continued hea l th and w e l l -83 being. One fur ther point i s that the Enets shaman s t a f f was used for conducting the souls of the dead to the next world . Perhaps the mul t ip l e was used by the Dorset shaman to conduct sou l s , e s p e c i a l l y those 9 0 associated with the breath of l i f e (blowing action of l i p s ) , either away from the body to another place such as after death (or even as a malevolent gesture during the person's l i f e ) or back to the sick person to affect a cure. The multiple might also have functioned as a shaman's staff with duties in addition to that of healing the sick. In this case, the beings represented may have been the shaman's helping sp i r i t s who came to his assistance not only in the treatment of the sick, but who were avail-able to come to his aid in other circumstances. The multiple, then, could have functioned as a shaman's staff or wand in i t s broader sense, such as the Enets staff or that used by the Indians of southern Alaska and northern British Columbia. These staffs were supposed to possess 84 magical powers and were carried by the shaman during ceremonies. Conclusion Since the multiples are of varying sizes, we can conclude that their actual shape was not the determining factor in whatever function or significance they may have had. The one thing that is common to them a l l is their subject matter of human heads. Although the distribution of the faces on the multiples is not standardized, the number of faces suggests the Dorset's r i t u a l u t ilization of certain numbers—based on four. In view of the continuity of content and number symbolism over such a great geographical area, i t seems highly likely that the multiples were a significant aspect of the Dorset culture. The use of the same subject, even in multiple, on certain religious items either alone or with other motifs, and analogy with other cultures indicate that the multiples were significant to the Dorsets as religious items. In fact, much of Dorset art would seem to be religious and the multiples, which are some of the 91 most i n t r i c a t e and complex of the Dorset a r t i f a c t s , would r i g h t l y f i t in to that category of r e l i g i o u s - s h a m a n i s t i c a r t . Although there i s a p o s s i b i l i t y that the mul t ip l e s and p e t r o -glyphs, to which they show a c e r t a i n s t y l i s t i c resemblance, were memorials to the dead, both th i s and the p o s s i b i l i t y of the mul t ip le s funct ion ing as grave furnish ings seems remote. The m u l t i p l e s , in s t ead , possess a v i t a l i t y which suggests l i f e and t h e i r ac t ive duty as r e l i g i o u s items u t i l i z e d by the shaman i n h i s l i f e - r e t a i n i n g funct ion as a mediator between man and the unknown elements which c o n t r o l him; as a h e a l e r , a r e s t o r e r of souls ; and as a human f a m i l i a r and conversant with the s p i r i t s . He may, then, have used the m u l t i p l e as a shaman s t a f f or wand i n the performance of h i s duties i n r i t u a l s and ceremonies. The f a c i a l conf igurat ion of some of the heads, not only on the mul t ip l e s and the petroglyphs but on other ob jec t s , i s reminiscent of a blowing a c t i o n . We know that h i s t o r i c a l l y the Eskimos assoc iated one of t h e i r souls with the breath of l i f e . The shaman, then, may have used the mul t ip l e i n conducting th i s and/or other souls back to the body . during i l l n e s s (and even into the head i f the Dorsets thought the soul res ided there ) , or he may have weighed the m u l t i p l e or a head with the mul t ip l e to d i v i n e any of the fo l l owing : where the soul had gone, why i t had done so, who was respons ib le for i t s departure , and whether the pat ient might be expected".to recover . And i f the pat ient d id not recover , the shaman may have used the mul t ip l e as a wand or s t a f f to l ead the dead person's soul to i t s f i n a l abode. I f the m u l t i p l e was used i n any of these contexts , the faces on i t could represent any, some, or a l l of the fo l lowing: souls (e i ther a soul assoc iated with the breath of l i f e or one which l e f t the body a f ter death to l i v e i n the future wor ld ) , s p i r i t s 92 (probably the shaman's h e l p e r s ) , people (those s u c c e s s f u l l y cured or even famous shamans). 93 CHAPTER IV NOTES It is impossible to t e l l from the photographs exactly how many faces there are on #2. If there are in fact 17, i t is s t i l l most unusual that four of the five multiples have what would appear to be a particular number of faces, a l l based on the number four. 2 Weyer, The Eskimos, p. 318. Nelson,."Eskimo about Bering Strait," p. 427. 4E. S. Curtis, The North American Indian, Vol. XX, pp. 114-5 quoted in Margaret Lantis, Alaskan Eskimo Ceremonialism, American Ethnological Society Monograph'11 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1966), p. 41. 5Nelson, "Eskimo about Bering Strait," pp. 382-91. 6Ibid., pp. 381-2. This refers to the fourth day of the cere-mony proper, that i s , from the time when the bladders were f i r s t brought into the kashim. Lantis, Alaskan Eskimo Ceremonialism, p. 54. ^Lantis, Alaskan Eskimo Ceremonialism, p. 98. °Ibid., p. 47. Weyer, The Eskimos, p. 267. "^Lantis, Alaskan Eskimo Ceremonialism, p. 98. "'""'"Weyer, The Eskimos, p. 245. 1 2 I b i d . , p. 319. 1 3 I b i d . , p. 270. ^ 4Ibid., p. 275. "'""'Nelson, "Eskimo about Bering Strait," p. 319. 1 6Turner, "Ethnology of the Ungava Dis t r i c t , " p. 193. "^Weyer, The Eskimos, p. 319. 94 CHAPTER IV NOTES (cont'd) -1 Q V. N. Chernetsov, "Concepts of the Soul among the Ob Ugrians," in Studies in Siberian Shamanism, ed. by Henry N. Michael (Toronto: University of Toronto Press for the Arctic Institute of North America, 1963), p. 5. 19 Ibid., p. 6. Chernetsov says of this r i t u a l use of four and five by the Ob Ugrians: "It seems to me incorrect to explain a l l this as proceeding from the number of souls, the more so since i t is precisely this f i f t h soul that is the least clearly defined and since the semantics of numbers as they pertain to sex—even numbers being female and odd numbers (usually those greater than one) male—occurs rather widely the world over . . . 1 think that in our case i t w i l l be more correct to consider the concept of four female and five male souls not as a primary one which later entered into numerical symbolism, but, on the contrary, as a secondary concept conditioned by this unclear but apparently sufficiently universal symbolism." Ibid. 20 Taylor, Arnapik and Tyara, 79. Actually the site referred to by Meldgaard which contained grave goods was Alarnerk not Kapuivik. See Jtfrgen Meldgaard, "Prehistoric Culture Sequences in the Eastern Arctic as Elucidated by Stratified Sites at Igloolik," in Selected Papers of the  Fifth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, Philadelphia, 1956, ed. under the chairmanship of Anthony F. C. Wallace (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1960), pp. 589-90. 21 Taylor, Arnapik and Tyara, 79. 22 Elmer Harp, Jr. and David R. Hughes, "Five Prehistoric Burials from Port aux Choix, Newfoundland," Polar Notes, VIII (June, 1968), pp. 7-17. 23 George Swinton suggests that the grave may well have been a Thule one. The Thule people reworked various Dorset objects and may have considered Dorset objects especially effective as grave furnishings. G.S., personal communication, 1974 and Swinton, Sculpture of the Eskimo, p. 117. 2 ^+ William E. Taylor, Jr., "Found Art—and Frozen," artscanada, XXVIII, no. 6, issue no. 162/163 (December, 1971/January, 1972), 35. 25 Kaj Birket-Smith, "Present Status of the Eskimo Problem," pp. 10-11; Helge Larsen, "The Ipiutak Culture: Its Origin and Relation-ships," pp. 23-30; D. Jenness, "Discussion [of Dr. Larsen's Paper]," p. 31; a l l in Indian Tribes of Aboriginal America, Vol. I l l of Selected  Papers of the XXIXth International Congress of Americanists, ed. by Sol Tax (3 vols.; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952). 95 p. 12. CHAPTER IV NOTES (cont'd) 26 Harp, C u l t u r a l A f f i n i t i e s of the Newfoundland Dorset Eskimo, 27 Tay lor and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " 42. 28 Helge Larsen and F . Rainey, Ip iutak and the A r c t i c Whale  Hunting C u l t u r e , American Museum of Natura l H i s t o r y , Anthropo log i ca l Papers, V o l . XLII (New York: American Museum of Natura l H i s t o r y , 1948), p. 122. 29 I b i d . , p. 123. 30 I b i d . , p. 122. 31 lb i d . , p. 124. 32 I b i d . , p. 136. 33 I b i d . , p. 122. Jenness, "Discuss ion ," p. 31. 35 One face on the U p e r n i v i k , m u l t i p l e seems to have l a b r e t s . 36 Meldgaard, Eskimo Scu lpture , pp. 33-4. 37 T a y l o r , "Found Art—and Frozen ," 36. 3 8 I b i d . , pp. 36 and 38. 39 Tay lor and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " 41. 40 Meldgaard, Eskimo Sculpture , p. 46. Note i n t h i s connection the long t r a d i t i o n of j o i n t marks i n the scu lpture of the Alaskan Eskimos. See C a r l Schuster, "A S u r v i v a l of the E u r a s i a t i c Animal S ty le i n Modern Alaskan Eskimo A r t , " i n Indian Tr ibes of A b o r i g i n a l America, V o l . I l l of Selected Papers of the XXIXth I n t e r n a t i o n a l Congress of Amer ican i s t s , ed. by Sol Tax (3 v o l s . ; Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press , 1952), pp. 35-45. 41 Weyer, The Eskimos, p. 321. 96 CHAPTER IV NOTES (cont'd) William Thalbitzer, "The Heathen Priests of East Greenland (Angakut)," Proceedings of the XVIth International Congress of Ameri- canists (Vienna,-, 1908) , p. 450. p. 450. / "3 Weyer, The Eskimos, p. 321 and Thalbitzer, "Heathen Priests," Knud Rasmussen, "intellectual Culture of the Iglulik Eskimos," Report of the Fift h Thule Expedition 1921-24, Vol. VII (Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk Forlag, 1929), p.. 131, My underlining. ^Margaret Lantis, "The Religion of the Eskimos," in Forgotten  Religions, ed. by Vergilius Ferm (New York: Philosophical Library, Inc., 1950), p. 316. 46 Weyer, The Eskimos, p. 453. 4 7 I b l d . , p. 230. 4 8 I b i d . , p. 453. 49 Boas, The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay, p. 512. p. 433. 5°Ibid., p. 135 and Nelson, "Eskimo about Bering Strait," 51' Boas, The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay, p. 135. 52 William Thalbitzer, "Parallels within the Culture of the. Arctic People," Proceedings of the XXth International Congress of  Americanists (Rio de Janeiro, 1922), p. 285. 53 lb i d . , p. 286. ^ 4 I b i d . , pp. 285-6. "*"Veyer, The Eskimos,,p. 443 and Knud Rasmussen, "Intellectual Culture of the Copper Eskimos," Report of the Fift h Thule Expedition  1921-24, Vol. IX (Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk Forlag, 1932), p. 32. "^Weyer, The Eskimos, p. 444. 97 CHAPTER IV NOTES (cont'd) p. 32. "^Rasmussen, "Intellectual Culture of the Copper Eskimos," 58 Knud Rasmussen, "Intellectual Culture of the Caribou Eskimos," Report of the Fifth Thule Expedition 1921-24, Vol. VII (Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk Forlag, 1930), pp. 60-1. 59 Thalbitzer, "Heathen Priests," p. 447. 60 Weyer, The Eskimos, p. 289. 6 1 I b i d . , p. 291. p. 13. 62 Chernetsov, "Concepts of the Soul among the Ob Ugrians," 63T, ., Ibid. 64 Taylor and Swinton, "Prehistoric Dorset Art," 43. ^Larsen, "The Ipiutak Culture," p. 25. My underlining. Several authors.point out that the Eskimos traditionally were unable to deal with large numbers. They used the five-system and their counting was done on fingers and toes up to 20. Holm, "The Angmagsalik Eskimo," 112. "This inability to deal with numbers is connected' with the d i f f i c u l t y of the Eskimos to work with abstract notions. In Eskimo there are ordinary numerials up to twenty, but where school or trading inter-course has not made matters clear, there is as a rule the wildest con-fusion as soon as they get beyond ten—and sometimes before that." Kaj Birket-Smith, The Eskimos (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1936), p. 53. Thalbtizer records the use of bigger numbers such as 30 and 40 by the Angmassalik. "30 is called 'a man counted to the end and 10 on the other man.' 'Two men counted to an end' indicates 40." But he agrees that anything beyond 20 is a hazy notion. William Thalbitzer, "Language and Folklore," Meddelelser om Grgfaland, XL (1921), 148. Surely since the faces on the multiples were real rather than abstract, the Dorsets—if they had this same difficulty—would be able, even on those with 20 and 28 faces, to keep track of the groups of four. 66 Ye., D. Prokofyeva, "The Costume of an Enets Shaman," Studies  in Siberian Shamanism, ed. by Henry N. Michael (Toronto: University of Toronto Press for the Arctic Institute of North America, 1963), pp. 124-5. 6 7 I b i d . , p. 139. 98 CHAPTER IV NOTES (cont'd) 68 T a y l o r and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " 45. 6 9 I b i d . , 4 4 . 7 ° I b i d . , 45. 7 ^ I n c i d e n t l y , one mul t ip l e—that at the ROM—has i n a d d i t i o n to the e ight e a s i l y d i s t ingu i shed faces , two and p o s s i b l y three t iny repre -sentat ions between the faces near the t i p of the a n t l e r . From the photo-graph, i t i s impossible to decipher these creatures because of t h e i r very small s i z e . One—direc t ly above the bottom-most face—looks almost l i k e a spread-eagle animal. 72 J^rgen Meldgaard, "Dorset k u l t u r e n , " Kuml, Aarbog f o r Jysk Arkaeologisk Selskab (1955), 175. 73 T a y l o r and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " 41. 74 Masterpieces of Indian and Eskimo A r t from Canada, note to i l l u s . 19. 7 5 , , . , I b i d . ^ M e l d g a a r d , " P r e h i s t o r i c Culture Sequences i n the Eastern A r c t i c , " p. 589. 7 7 T a y l o r and Swinton, " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t , " 39. 78 Prokofyeva, "The Costume of an Enets Shaman," p. 124. 79 I b i d . , pp. 152-3. 80 George Swinton, personal communication, 1974. 81 Boas, The Eskimo of B a f f i n Land and Hudson Bay, p . 512. 82 George Swinton, personal communication, 1974. I b i d . 84 A. P. N i b l a c k , "The -Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern B r i t i s h Columbia," United States N a t i o n a l Museum Annual Report , 1887/88 (Washington, D . C : Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1890), note to PI . XVII . CHAPTER V CONCLUSION The recurrent appearance of sculptures of m u l t i p l e human heads both i n numerous places across the a r c t i c and at various times throughout the Eskimos' residence i n that area presents the i n t r i g u i n g quest ion of the poss ib le funct ion and s i g n i f i c a n c e of these scu lp tures . The contemporary m u l t i p l e s , of which the major i ty are produced on the west coast of Hudson Bay, do not have a common i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and are not considered by t h e i r makers to be s i g n i f i c a n t items of a r e l i g i o u s nature . Whoever i s represented on the sculptures—and that may be human, mytho log ica l , or s p i r i t u a l beings; the sculptures are commodity items and t h e i r continued possession i s not necessary to the Eskimos' w e l l -be ing . A few scat tered inc idents i n d i c a t e that the subject of the m u l t i p l e does have continued h i s t o r i c a l precedent back as f ar as the 19th century: l ) t h e sculpture from the east coast of Hudson Bay represent ing the four famous conjurers , 2)the three sculptures from A l a s k a , and 3)Lucy Tasseor's report of her grandfather who knew and drew the m u l t i p l e mot i f . But between the above sculptures (and drawing) of the 19th century and the Dorset mul t ip l e s of the 11th century, there seems to be a lengthy break i n the t r a d i t i o n of th i s moti f . Certa in Other Dorset subjects such as the shamanistic bear have managed to survive to the present;^ and although the in tervening gap between the Dorset and the 19th century mul t ip les i s not only lengthy but so far (archaeo log ica l ly ) devoid of any 100 sculptures vaguely reminiscent of multiples, the subject could.have been transmitted through the centuries in a non-material manner; that i s , verbally. The subject matter of multiples, but not their significance, seems to have managed to weather the break in Eskimo culture and tradi-tion which was caused by the replacement of the Dorset Eskimos by the Thule Eskimos in the 12th to 13th centuries. We know the contemporary multiples do not have a religious significance, but we concluded in Chapters III and IV that the Dorset multiples were religious items, although their exact function in this connection is not certain. It is conceivable that the multiple was a staff used by the shaman in the pursuance of his religious duties; possibly for head- or s t i c k - l i f t i n g divination and/or for other rituals. 101 CHAPTER V NOTES "'"Swinton, Sculpture of the Eskimo, p. 110. \ 103 Fig. 1 Faces carved on antler Dorset culture Abverdjar site height 20.1 cm. F i g . 2 Faces carved on black stone Lucy Tasseor, Eskimo Point 1969 13.5 x 13.5 x 7 cm. F i g . 3 Faces carved on b lack stone T i k t a k , Rankin In le t 1967 24 x 68 x 32 cm. F i g . 4 Family T i k t a k , Rankin In le t 1961 length 11" F i g . 5 Faces carved on grey stone George A r l u k , Eskimo Point 1972 4 3 / 4 x 2 1/4 x 6 1/2" 108 1 0 9 F i g . 7 Mother and c h i l d r e n Lucy Tasseor, Eskimo Point 1 9 7 2 grey stone, 3 1 / 4 x 1 1/8 x 2 1 / 2 " 110 F i g . 8 Three faces John P o l i k , Eskimo Point 1972 grey stone, 2 3 / 8 x 1 1/8 x 4 1/2" F i g . 9 Ten faces carved i n i v o r y Alaska length 4 1/2" width 1/4" 112 Fig. 10 Three faces in ivory Nuwuk, Alaska c. 1880's length 3 5/16" width 1 5/8" 113 Fig. 11 Ivory carving Nuwuk, Alaska c. 1880's length 4" width 1 3/16" F i g . 12 Ar looayu i t Therese A r l u t n a r , Eskimo Point 1968 grey stone, 11.5 x 8 x 4.5 cm. i g . 13 Six faces carved on wood Angmassalik c. 1885 height 1 7/8" width 1 1/8" U n t i t l e d Luke Anowtel ik, Eskimo Point 1970 caribou a n t l e r , length 9 3/4" 117 Fig. 15 Faces carved on wood Dorset culture Upernivik height 15.2 cm. 118 Fig. 15 Faces carved on wood Dorset culture Upernivik height 15.2 cm. 119 120 Fig. 17 Faces carved on antler Dorset cu l ture Abverdjar s i t e 8 1 / 4 x 1 5/16 x 1" Lg. 17 Faces carved on antler Dorset culture Abverdjar site 8 1/4x1 5/16 x 1" Lg. 18 Faces carved on a n t l e r Dorset cu l ture Abverdjar s i t e 6 3/4 x 3/4 x 1/2" Lg. 19 Faces carved on an t l er Dorset cu l ture Prince of Wales Is land 14 x 2.9 x 1 cm. Man with c h i l d Dorset c u l t u r e 2 x 5/8 x 1/4" Abverdjar s i t e Lg. 21 Four faces carved on wood Ungava District c. 1880 F i g . 22 Four faces on stone Kattoo , Eskimo Point 1972 1 1 / 2 x 1 x 1 1/4" U n t i t l e d David Ekoota, Baker Lake 1965 stone, height 4 1/4" 24 Human f igures i n stone A l e u t i a n Islands (Jochelson by excavation) Fig. 25 War harpoon heads Aleutian Islands (Jochelson by excavation) 130 F i g . 26 Throat plugs and a wound plug Angmassalik wood, longest throat plug 26.3 cm. 131 F i g . 27 Drum handles Pt. Barrow, Alaska 1880's walrus i v o r y , a l l c. 5" 132 Lg. 28 Carved lamp support Chichinagamut, Alaska 1880's 133 Fig. 29 Memorial images Cape Vancouver, Alaska 1880's wood, 6 to 7' 134 Lg. 30 Monument b o a r d a t grave B i g L a k e , A l a s k a 1880's l e n g t h c. 4' Double-faced head Angmassalik Fjord wood, height c. 4" 136 Lg. 32 Finger mask lower Kuskokwim R i v e r , Alaska 1880's p r i m a r i l y wood, 6 1/2 x 2 3/4" 3 3 I v o r y m a s k D o r s e t c u l t u r e T y a r a s i t e c . 7 0 0 B . C . h e i g h t 3 . 5 c m . F i g . 34 Mask Dorset cu l ture Abverdjar s i t e car ibou shoulder blade 2 1 / 2 x 1 3/8 x 1/4" 139 i g . 35 Harpoon head Dorset cu l ture I g l o o l i k region c. 500 B . C . walrus tusk, height 6 cm. 140 F i g . 36 Face carved on bone Dorset cu l ture Mansel I s land 3 1/2 x 3/10 x 2 1/5" 141 F i g . 37 Petroglyph i n soapstone Dorset cu l ture Wakeham Bay 8 to 10" Wakeham Bay petroglyph design Tyle l a 143 i g . 39 Wakeham Bay petroglyph design Type l b i g . 40 Wakeham Bay petroglyph design Type lb 145 F i g . 41 Petroglyph designs Cape A l i t a k Kodiak I s l and , Alaska i g . 4 2 M a s k I g l o o l i k a r e a i v o r y , h e i g h t 1 7 / 8 " F i g . 43 Figure carved i n wood Button P o i n t Fig. 44 Man Dorset culture Inuarfigssuaq, Greenland walrus tooth, height 6 cm. 149 F i g . 45 Mask Dorset cu l ture I g l o o l i k area soapstoiie height 4.5 cm. depth .9 cm. 150 F i g . 46 Mask Angmassalik end of the 19th century wood, height 37 cm. Fig. 47 Man with spear Angmassalik 1884-5 wood, height 8.7 cm. 152 Fig. 48 Decorated antler tubes Ipiutak site Pt. Hope, Alaska a F i g . 50 Ornamental band Ipiutak s i t e Pt . Hope, Alaska 155 Fig. 51 Face carved in antler Ipiutak site Pt. Hope, Alaska F i g . 52 Human heads Ipiutak s i t e P t . Hope, Alaska 157 F i g . 54 Two bears Dorset culture Button Point s i t e wood, largest 2 3/16 x 5/8 x 1/4" 159 F i g . 55 Small human f i g u r e s Dorset c u l t u r e Button P o i n t s i t e wood, l a r g e s t 3 1/8 x 11/16 x 3/8" F i g . 56 H e a d - l i f t i n g s t i c k s with handle centra l west Greenland (2) bone, c. 20 cm. (3) wood, c. 34 cm. Fig. 57 Shaman stick Caribou Eskimos c. 1920 wood Fig. 58 Enets shaman pendant Siberia 1938 between 14 and 23 cm. F i g . 59 Perforated faces on bears i n f l i g h t Dorset cu l ture (a) and (b) southern Ellesmere Is land (c) and (d) Mansel I s land height 1 5/8 to 2 15/16" 164 Fig. 60 Shaman's utensil kit Dorset culture Button Point site bone, 4 1/8x2 5/16 x 1" F i g . 61 Shaman's u t e n s i l k i t Dorset cu l ture walrus tusk, 9.2 cm. F i g . 62 Enets shaman s t i c k S i b e r i a 1938 i r o n i b y REFERENCES CITED Bandi , Hans-Georg. Eskimo P r e h i s t o r y . Trans la ted by Ann E . Keep. Co l l ege , A laska: U n i v e r s i t y of Alaska Press , 1969. B i r k e t - S m i t h , K a j . The Eskimos. London: Methuen & Co. L t d . , 1936. . "Ethnography of the Egedesminde D i s t r i c t with Aspects of the General Cul ture of West Greenland." Meddelelser om  Gridnland, LXVI (1924), 1-484. • . "Present Status of the Eskimo Problem." Indian Tr ibes of A b o r i g i n a l America. V o l . I l l of Selected Papers of the XXIXth  I n t e r n a t i o n a l Congress of Americanis t s . E d i t e d by So l Tax. 3 v o l s . Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press , 1952. Boas, Franz. The Eskimo of B a f f i n Land and Hudson Bay. American Museum of Natural H i s t o r y , B u l l e t i n XV, p t . 1 and 2. New York: American Museum of Natural H i s t o r y , 1901-7. Bruemmer, F r e d . "The Petroglyphs of Hudson S t r a i t . " The Beaver (Summer, 1973), 33-5. Carpenter, Edmund. Eskimo R e a l i t i e s . New York: H o l t , Rinehart and Winston, 1973. . "Image Making i n A r c t i c A r t . " S ign , Image, and Symbol. Ed i t ed by Gyorgy Kepes. New York: George B r a z i l l e r , 1966. . " ivory Carvings of the Hudson Bay Eskimo." Canadian A r t , XV/3 (Summer, 1958), 212-5. ; V a r l e y , F r e d e r i c k ; and F l a h e r t y , Robert. Eskimo. Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press , 1959. Chernetsov, V. N. "Concepts of the Soul among the Ob Ugr ians ." Studies  i n S iber ian Shamanism. Edi ted by Henry N. Michae l . Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press for the A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of North America, 1963. C o l l i n s , Henry B . y A r c t i c Area . Mexico C i t y : I n s t i t u t o Panamericano de Geograf ia e H i s t o r i a , 1954. . "Eskimo C u l t u r e s . " Encyclopedia of World A r t . 1st ed. V o l . V. . "The O r i g i n and A n t i q u i t y of the Eskimo." Smithsonian I n s t i t u t i o n Report for 1950. Washington, D . C : Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1951. 168 . "Recent Developments i n the Dorset Culture A r e a . " A s i a and North America: T r a n s p a c i f i c Contacts . Society for American Archaeology, Memoir 9. Supplement to American A n t i q u i t y , XVIII , no. 3, p t . 2 (1953), 32-9. d 'Anglure , Bernard S a l a d i n . "Discovery of Petroglyphs near Wakeham Bay." A r c t i c C i r c u l a r , XV, no. 1 (1963), 6-13. Davis , John. The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator . Ed i ted by A l b e r t Hastings Markham. London: Hakluyt Soc ie ty , 1880. deLaguna, F r e d e r i c a . The Archaeology of Cook I n l e t , A laska . P h i l a d e l p h i a : U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania Press , 1934. . Chugach P r e h i s t o r y : The Archaeology of Pr ince W i l l i a m Sound, A laska . Seat t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington Press , 1956. Harp, Elmer, J r . The C u l t u r a l A f f i n i t i e s of the Newfoundland Dorset Eskimo. Nat iona l Museum of Canada B u l l e t i n No. 200. Anthro-p o l o g i c a l Ser ies No. 67. Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1964. _, and Hughes, David R. "Five P r e h i s t o r i c B u r i a l s from Port aux Choix, Newfoundland." Po lar Notes, VIII (June, 1968), 1-47. H e i z e r , Robert F . "Petroglyphs from Southwestern Kodiak I s l a n d , A l a s k a . " Proceedings of the American P h i l o s o p h i c a l Soc ie ty , XCI, no. 3 (August, 1947). Hoffman, Walter James. "The Graphic A r t of the Eskimo." United States Nat ional Museum Annual Report , 1895. Washington, D . C : Govern-ment P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1897. Holm, Gustav. "Ethno log ica l Sketch of the Angmagsalik Eskimo." Meddelelser om.Gr/nland, XXXIX (1914), 1-149. Ingstad, Helge. Westward to V i n l a n d . Trans la ted by E r i k J . F r i i s . New York: . St . M a r t i n ' s Press , 1969. Jenness, Diamond. "Archaeologica l Invest igat ions i n Bering S t r a i t , 1926." Nat iona l Museum of Canada B u l l e t i n No. 50. Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1928. "Discussion [of Dr. Larsen's P a p e r ] . " Indian T r i b e s of A b o r i g i n a l America. V o l . I l l of Selected Papers of the XXIXth  I n t e r n a t i o n a l Congress of Americanis t s . Ed i t ed by So l Tax. 3 v o l s . Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press , 1952. "A New Eskimo Culture i n Hudson Bay." ' The Geographical Review, XV (1925), 428-37. Jochelson, Waldemar. Archaeo log i ca l Invest igat ions i n the A l e u t i a n I s lands . Washington, D . C : Carnegie I n s t i t u t i o n of Washington, 1925. 169 . H i s t o r y , Ethnology and Anthropology of the A l e u t . Washington, D . C : Carnegie I n s t i t u t i o n of Washington, 1933. Jones, Gwyn. The Norse A t l a n t i c Saga. London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1964. L a n t i s , Margaret. Alaskan Eskimo Ceremonialism. American E t h n o l o g i c a l Society Monograph 11. Seat t l e : U n i v e r s i t y of Washington Press , 1966. . "The R e l i g i o n of the Eskimos." Forgotten R e l i g i o n s . Ed i t ed by V e r g i l i u s Ferm. New York: P h i l o s o p h i c a l L i b r a r y , I n c . , 1950. Larsen , Helge. "The Ipiutak C u l t u r e : I ts O r i g i n and R e l a t i o n s h i p s . " Indian T r i b e s of A b o r i g i n a l America. V o l . I l l of Selected  Papers of the XXIXth I n t e r n a t i o n a l Congress of Americanists' . Ed i ted by Sol Tax. 3 v o l s . Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press , 1952. , and Rainey, F . Ip iutak and the A r c t i c Whale Hunting C u l t u r e . American Museum of Natura l H i s t o r y . Anthropo log ica l Papers, V o l . X L I I . New York: American Museum of Natura l H i s t o r y , 1948. Lee, Thomas E . Archaeo log i ca l F i n d i n g s , Gyrfa lcon to E i d e r I s lands , Ungava, 1968. Travaux d ivers 27. Universi te ' L a v a l , Quebec: Centre d'Etudes Nordiques, 1969. M a r t i j n , Charles A. "Canadian Eskimo Carving i n H i s t o r i c a l Perspec-t i v e . " Anthropos, LIX (1964), 546-96. Masterpieces of Indian and Eskimo A r t from Canada. P a r i s : Socie'te des Amis du Musee de 1'Homme, 1969. Mathiassen, T h e r k e l . "Archaeology of the Centra l Eskimos." Report of  the F i f t h Thule Expedi t ion 1921-24, V o l . IV, p t . 1 and 2. Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk F o r l a g , 1927. Meldgaard, J^frgen. "Dorset k u l t u r e n . " Kuml. Aarbog for Jysk Arkaeologisk Selskab (1955), 158-77. • Eskimo Sculpture . London: Methuen & Co. L t d . , 1960. . " P r e h i s t o r i c Culture .Sequences i n the Eastern A r c t i c as E l u c i d a t e d by S t r a t i f i e d S i tes at Ig loo l ik ." . Selected Papers of  the F i f t h In ternat iona l Congress of Anthropo log ica l and Ethno- l o g i c a l Sciences , P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1956. Ed i ted under the chairman-ship of Anthony F . C. Wallace. P h i l a d e l p h i a : U n i v e r s i t y of Pennsylvania Press , 1960. Murdoch, John. "Ethnolog ica l Results of the Point Barrow E x p e d i t i o n . " Bureau of American Ethnology, 9th Annual Report. Washington, D . C : Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1892. 170 N i b l a c k , A. P. "The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern B r i t i s h Columbia." United States N a t i o n a l Museum Annual Report, 1887/88. Washington D . C . : Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1890. Nelson, Edward W i l l i a m . "The Eskimo about Ber ing S t r a i t . " Bureau of  American Ethnology, 18th Annual Report. Washington, D . C : Government P r i n t i n g O f f i c e , 1899. Nungak, Zebedee, and Arima, Eugene. Eskimo Stor ie s from Povungnituk, Quebec. The N a t i o n a l Museums of Canada B u l l e t i n No. 235. Anthropo log ica l Series No. 90. Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1969. Prokofyeva, Ye. D. "TheCostume of an Enets Shaman." Studies i n S i b e r i a n Shamanism. Ed i t ed by Henry N. Michae l . Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press for the A r c t i c I n s t i t u t e of North America, 1963. Rasmussen, Knud. " I n t e l l e c t u a l Cul ture of the Caribou Eskimos." Report  of the F i f t h Thule Expedi t ion 1921-24, V o l ; V I I . Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk F o r l a g , 1930. . " I n t e l l e c t u a l Cul ture of the Copper Eskimos." Report of the F i f t h Thule Expedi t ion 1921-24, V o l . IX. • Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk F o r l a g , 1932. . " I n t e l l e c t u a l Culture of the I g l u l i k Eskimos." Report of the F i f t h Thule Expedi t ion 1921-24, V o l . V I I . Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandel, Nordisk F o r l a g , 1929. Ray, Dorothy Jean. Eskimo Masks: A r t and Ceremony. Toronto: McCle l land and Stewart L i m i t e d , 1967. Rowley, Graham W. "The Dorset Culture of the Eastern A r c t i c . " American  Anthropo log i s t , n . s . XLII (1940), 490-9. . "Notes on the Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e c t i o n : Some Unique P ieces ." artscanada, XXVIII , no. 6, i ssue no. 162/163 (December, 1971/January, 1972), 116-20. Schuster, C a r l . "A S u r v i v a l of the E u r a s i a t i c Animal S ty le i n Modern Alaskan Eskimo A r t . " Indian Tribes of A b o r i g i n a l America. V o l . I l l of Selected Papers of the XXIXth I n t e r n a t i o n a l Congress  of .Americanists . Ed i ted by Sol Tax. 3 v o l s . Chicago.: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press , 1952. S c u l p t u r e / I n u i t . Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press for the Canadian Eskimo A r t s C o u n c i l , 1971. Swinton, George. Eskimo Sculpture . Toronto: McCle l land and Stewart L i m i t e d , 1965. _ . Sculpture of the : Eskimo. Toronto: McCle l land and Stewart L i m i t e d , 1972. 171 T a y l o r , W i l l i a m E . , J r . "Archaeological C o l l e c t i o n s from the Joy Bay Region, Ungava Pen insu la ." A r c t i c C i r c u l a r , XV, no. 2 (1963), 24-36. . An Archaeo log i ca l Survey Between Cape Parry and Cambridge Bay, N.W.T. Canada i n 1963. Nat iona l Museum of Man. Archaeo-l o g i c a l Survey of Canada, Paper No. 1. Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , 1972. . The Arnapik and Tyara S i t e s . Society for American Archaeology, Memoir No. 22. Supplement to American A n t i q u i t y , XXXIII , no. 4, p t . 2 (1968), 1-129. "Comments on the Nature and O r i g i n of the Dorset C u l t u r e . " Problems of the P le i s tocene Epoch and A r c t i c Area . Compiled by G. R. Lowther. M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y Museums P u b l i c a t i o n s , No. 2. Montreal : M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y Museums, 1962. . "Found Art—and Frozen ." artscanada, XXVIII , no. 6, i ssue no. 162/163 (December, 1971/January, 1972), 32-47. • . "The Fragments of Eskimo P r e h i s t o r y . " - The Beaver (Spring , 1965), 4-17. . " P r e h i s t o r i c Canadian Eskimo A r t . " Masterpieces of Indian and Eskimo Art from Canada. P a r i s : Societe des Amis du Musee de l'Homme, 1969. . "Prehistory of Hudson Bay—North and East Shores." Science, H i s t o r y , and Hudson Bay, V o l . I . Ed i t ed by C. S. Beals . Ottawa: Department of Energy, Mines and Resources, 1968. . "The Preh i s tory of the Quebec-Labrador Pen insu la ." Le Nouveau-Quebec. Publ i e sous l a d i r e c t i o n de Jean Malaurie et Jacques Rousseau. B ib l io theque Arc t ique et A n t a r c t i q u e , V o l . I I . P a r i s : Mouton and C o . , 1964. __. , and Swinton, George. " P r e h i s t o r i c Dorset A r t . " The Beaver (Autumn, 1967), 32-47. T h a l b i t z e r , W i l l i a m . "The Ammassalik Eskimo: Contr ibut ions to the Ethnology of the East Greenland Nat ives . S o c i a l Customs and Mutual A i d . " Meddelelser om Grdnland, XL, p t . 2, no. 4 (1941), 565-739. . "The C u l t i c D e i t i e s of the Inu i t (Eskimo)." Proceedings of the XXIInd In ternat iona l Congress of Amer icani s t s , V o l i l l . Rome, 1926. . "Ethnographical C o l l e c t i o n s from East Greenland (Angmagsalik and Nual ik) Made by G. Holm, G. Amdrup and J . Petersen and Described by W. T h a l b i t z e r . " Meddelelser om Grflnland, XXIX (1914), 320-755. 172 "The Heathen Priests of East Greenland (Angakut)." Proceedings of the XVIth International Congress of Americanists. Vienna, 1908. . "Language and Folklore." Meddelelser om Grffiiland, XL (1921) ,. 114-564. . "Parallels within the Culture of the Arctic Peoples." Proceedings of the XXth International Congress of Americanists. Rio de Janeiro, 1922. Turner, Lucien M. "Ethnology of the Ungava D i s t r i c t . " Bureau of American Ethnology, 11th Annual, Report. Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1894. Vanstone, James W. An Archaeological Collection from Somerset Island and Boothia Peninsula, N.W.T. Art and Archaeology Division of the Royal Ontario Museum. Occasional Paper 4. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962. Vastokas, Joan M. "Continuities in Eskimo Graphic Style." artscanada, XXVIII, no. 6, issue no. 162/163 (December, 1971/January., 1972), 69-83. "The Relation of Form to Iconography in Eskimo Masks." The Beaver (Autumn, 1967), 26-31. The Vinland Sagas. Translated with an introduction by Magnus Magnusson and Hermann Palsson. New York: New York University Press, 1966. Weyer, Edward Moffat. The Eskimos. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1932. £73 APPENDIX I The following is a l i s t of artists interviewed. Information obtained from those artists not discussed in the text is included here. (Artists included within the text are marked by an asterisk.) Baker Lake seamstresses and graphic artists are marked as such; otherwise, the artist i s primarily a sculptor. ESKIMO POINT Alyak, Mary: No story. Anarasuk, Martha: No information as to the source of the idea of heads. Sculpture K2927 started out as a mother with child but because the stone was too hard to finish she put on only (two) heads. Does other sculptures with animal heads as well. Apsaitok, Martha: The heads represent everyman, no one special. Arluk, George* Arlutnar, Therese* Kanakshi, Susan: Recently started carving. Her father-in-law, who died about three months before our discussion, taught her to carve and apparently also to do heads. She did not know the idea behind his sculptures of heads nor could she say anything special about the idea behind hers. Heads were what she could do. Mothers and babies represented, but no men. Komak, Jean: No story. Idea from her mother (Lucy Tasseor). But she said the idea of one head on top of another was her own; that i s , at least not from her mother. People on carvings are those she sees around her. Nootaraloo, Elizabeth* Okootark, Susan: No explanation. Polik, John* Tasseor, Lucy* 174 RANKIN INLET Irkootee* Okoktok* T ik tak* Udjuk: No p a r t i c u l a r s t o r y ; but he could t e l l one i f he had a carv ing to look at . No precedent for heads. Older members of h i s family d i d not carve or have carvings of heads. Does not draw before carv ing . Thinks about what he i s going to do beforehand but sometimes forgets whi le carving and i t ends up as something e l s e . Would not bother him i f heads were upside down. U d l i a k , Gene: Idea from own head, not from father Okoktok. People not s p e c i a l . Makes sculptures of other subjects too, for example s ea l s . BAKER LAKE Ahvalakiak (seamstress): Makes human and animal heads by themselves, without the bodies and a lso puts these heads onto other bodies; that i s , human head on a b i r d , car ibou , or fox. She sees in to the car ibou , b i r d , or fox and each has a human head and they are saying "wouldn't i t be n ice to have a head l i k e yours?" (that i s , a human head which i s exact ly what they do have). Making a joke that each of the animals ( b i r d , c a r i b o u , and fox) has a human head—instead of t h e i r own—and they look at other human heads with admirat ion; yet the other human heads are not any bet ter than t h e i r own, which are a lso human. Also th ink ing back to the time when caribous could t a l k . Wall-hangings do not i l l u s t r a t e legends, or s t o r i e s ; done more by design and f e e l . Human head i s l i k e other heads i n heir sewing, i t has no s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . A human head has more character . Human heads also easy to sew, s e l l very w e l l . Encouraged to do weird ones. (By the c r a f t s o f f i c e r . ) Ahveeleayuk (seamstress)* Angaktaaryuaq: The people represented are not s p e c i a l , there i s no s t o r y . He does not know where he got the idea ; perhaps from h i s own head. M u l t i p l e heads are eas i er than whole body. 175 E r k o l i k : No s tory to the carv ing . Represent men, women, c h i l d r e n ; but not s p e c i a l people. Idea from other carv ings; perhaps h i s brother Tikeayak of Rankin I n l e t . Heads upside down, sideways, r i g h t s ide up; a l l okay. When asked about mul t ip le s r e f e r r e d to a book he had (according to Ruby Angrna'naaq e i t h e r a George Swinton book or an artscanada) . Also carves other things i n c l u d i n g human with whole body. Itow: When asked about o l d ones he sa id he may have heard about them or he may not have. Money a fac tor i n h i s making th i s subject . He made one m u l t i p l e and i t so ld so he made more (the subject usua l ly s e l l s wel l ) . Faces eas i er to make than other th ings , Kookeeyout (graphic a r t i s t ) : She i l l u s t r a t e s ne i ther legend nor s tory . Heads are j u s t an aspect of the whole; they mean nothing s p e c i a l , are nothing s p e c i a l . They are the same as other mot i f s . Heads can be at any angle. She looks for ideas for her drawings i n such places .as the sky, on f l o o r i n the d i r t , and on the w a l l . Encouraged to dp weird drawings. (By the craf t s o f f i c e r . ) Says the things she draws scare her sometimes. Kudlok* Mummooksoarluk (seamstress): No s t o r y . F i t s heads i n as part of the design—to f i l l i n empty spaces. 

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