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Writing women into religious histories : re-reading representations of Chûjôhime in medieval Japanese… Dix, Monika 2006

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WRITING WOMEN INTO RELIGIOUS HISTORIES: RE-READING REPRESENTATIONS OF CHUJOHIME IN MEDIEVAL JAPANESE BUDDHIST NARRATIVES by MONIKADIX A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Asian Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 2006 ©Monika Dix, 2006 ABSTRACT This dissertation focuses on representations of Chuj6hime, a legendary eighth-century noblewoman, in medieval Japanese Buddhist narratives. Through an examination of literary, religious, and cultural discourses on women in medieval Japan, this study considers how reception histories and conditions surrounding the production of pictorial Buddhist narratives are linked. By examining the socio-historical and religious conditions in which the legend of Chujohime developed and expanded from a doctrinal Buddhist tale of female salvation in the Kamakura period (1185-1333) to a popular text for the religious and cultural edification of women in the Muromachi period (1392-1573), and analyzing its literary structure, and the gender criticism it employs, I demonstrate how this narrative was used to establish a place for women in the literary, religious and socio-historical arenas, at a time when women's participation in religious institutions and society, as well as their economic power, were gradually declining. This dissertation offers a new approach to understanding the role of women as agents, as it traces a dialogue that questions feminine disclosure and the significance of texts and images as means of empowerment, oppression, and socio-religious criticism by re-evaluating the place of gender in the history of medieval Japanese Buddhism. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract .ii Table of Contents iii List of Illustrations vi A Note on Transliteration/ Transcription xiii Acknowledgements xv CHAPTER I Introduction 1 CHAPTER II Chujdhime's Legend in the Kamakura Period (1185-1333). 15 1.1 Preface: The Taima mandala engi emaki 16 1.2 Textual and Visual Analysis of the Taima mandala engi emaki 21 1.3 Investigation into the Production and Patronage of the Taima mandala engi emaki 39 1.4 The Taima mandala engi emaki as an Account of Female Salvation 54 CHAPTER III Chujdhime's Legend in the Muromachi Period (1392-1573) 78 1.1 Preface: The Taima-dera engi emaki _ 79 1.2 Textual and Visual Analysis of the Taima-dera engi emaki .82 1.3 Investigation into the Production and Patronage of the Taima-dera engi emaki 134 in 1.4 The Expansion of Chujohime's Legend: Taema, Hibariyama, and the Taima mandala sho 144 CHAPTER IV Pious Nun or Unfilial Daughter? Chujohime as Religious and Social Outcast in the Taima-dera engi emaki - Conflicting Images and Politics 170 1.1 Locating the Taima-dera engi emaki within the Genre of Muromachi Stepchild Tales 172 1.2 Reading Gender Marginalization Through the Theme of the "Exiled and Wandering Noble" in the Taima-dera engi emaki 185 1.3 Changing Images of Japanese Daughters and Mothers. .200 CHAPTER V Buddhism, Motherhood, and the Japanese Psyche: A Case Study of Queen Vaidehi in the Taima mandala and Chujohime in the Taima-dera engi emaki ...222 1.1 The Taima mandala and Female Salvation: The Exemplary Stories of Queen Vaidehi and Chujohime 226 1.2 The Ajase Complex as a Psychoanalytical Interpretation regarding the Mother-Child Dyad in Japanese Culture 241 1.3 The Applicability of Kosawa Heisaku's and Okonogi Keigo's Ajase Complex Theories as a Psychoanalytic Approach to the Study of Japanese Women's History, Particularly the Construction of the Maternal Principal 267 CHAPTER VI Conclusion • 277 Bibliography. 282 i v Appendix A List of Extant Textual and Visual Versions of Chujohime's Legend 291 Appendix B Comparative Overview of Selected Versions of the Taima mandala Origin Story Pre-dating the Taima mandala engi emaki 303 Appendix C Annotated Translation of Passages from Sanj6nishi Sanetaka's Diary. 308 Appendix D Annotated Translation of the Postscript of the Taima-dera engi emaki 313 Appendix E Annotated Translation of Zeami's noh play Hibariyama_ 317 Appendix F Comparative Overview of the Key Narrative Elements in the Taima-dera engi emaki and other Muromachi-period Stepchild Tales 348 Illustrations 350 v LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1 Taima mandala engi emaki, scrolls 1&2. Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 350-1 2 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: The Mysterious Nun Explaining The Meaning Of The Taima mandala To Yokohagi's Daughter). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 352 3 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Text One). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 353 4 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Picture One). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 353 5 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Text Two). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 354 6 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Picture Two). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper Kamakura, K6my6-ji 354 7 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Text Three). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 355 8 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Picture Three). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 355 9 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text One). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 356 10 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture One). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 356 11 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text Two). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 357 vi 12 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture Two). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 357 13 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text Three). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 358 14 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture Three). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji ...358 15 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Gokei Monju). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 359 16 Shrine housing the Taima mandala (Detail: Door Panels). Kamakura period. Lacquer, color and gold pigments on wood. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 359 17 Shrine housing the Taima mandala (Detail: Names Inscribed on the Left Door Panel). Kamakura period. Lacquer, color and gold pigments on wood. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 360 18 Amida triad. 710. Wall painting from the kondo. Nara Prefecture, Ikaruga, H6ryu-ji Treasure House 360 19 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Gokei Monju). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 361 20 Gokei Monju. 1269. Wooden sculpture, Nara Prefecture Dcaragua, Chugu-ji_361 21 Amida triad. 710. Wall painting from the kondo. Nara Prefecture, Ikaruga, H6ryu-ji Treasure House 362 22 Taima mandala. Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, color on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum 362 23 Taima mandala. (Detail: Court of The Prefatory Legend). Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, color on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum .363 V U 24 Taima mandala. (Detail: Court of The Specific Contemplations). Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, color on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum 363 25 Taima mandala. (Detail: Court of The Nine Grades). Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, color on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum 364 26 Taima mandala. (Detail: Court of The Origin). Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, color on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum 364 27 Taima mandala engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Raigo). Mid-thirteenth century. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Kamakura, K6my6-ji 365 28 Heike nokyo. (Detail: Frontispiece "Devadatta"). 1164. Handscroll, ink, color, and gold pigments on paper. Hiroshima Prefecture, Itsuloishima Shrine .365 29 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Frontispiece). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera. 366 30 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Text One). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 366 31 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Picture One). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera. ...367 32 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Text Two). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 367 33 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Picture Two). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera. 368 34 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Text Three). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 368 35 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Picture Three). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera. 369 viii 36 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Text Four). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 369 37 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Picture Four). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-ch6, Taima-dera 370 38 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Text Five). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera __ 370 39 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Picture Five). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 371 40 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Text Six). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 371 41 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Picture Six). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 372 42 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Text Seven). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 372 43 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 1 (Detail: Picture Seven). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-ch6, Taima-dera 373 44 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Frontispiece). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 373 45 Portrait of Shantao Holding a Rosary. Namboku-ch6 Period. Hanging scroll, ink and color on silk. Kyoto, Yugen-sai Collection 374 46 Portrait of Shinran. Kamakura period. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper. Nara, Nara National Museum. .374 47 Welcoming descent of the Amida trinity. (Detail). Fifteenth Century. Hanging scroll, silk embroidery. Nara Prefecture, Dcaragua, Chugu-ji .375 ix 48 Mandala ofAmida and the four bodhisattvas. 1200. Ink on paper. Kakuzen-sh6 375 49 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text One). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-ch6, Taima-dera 376 50 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture One). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera _ 376 51 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text Two). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 377 52 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture Two). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 377 53 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text Three). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-ch6, Taima-dera 378 54 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture Three). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 378 55 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text Four). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 379 56 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture Four). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 379 57 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text Five). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 380 58 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture Five). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 380 59 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text Six). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 381 x 60 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture Six). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 381 61 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text Seven). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-ch6, Taima-dera. 382 62 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture Seven). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera. 382 63 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text Eight). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera. 383 64 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture Eight). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 383 65 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Text Nine). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera. 384 66 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 2 (Detail: Picture Nine). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera... .384 67 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 3 (Detail: Frontispiece). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 385 68 Taima mandala. (Detail: Lower-Class Lower-Birth). Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, colors on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum 385 69 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 3 (Detail: Text One). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 386 70 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 3 (Detail: Picture One). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 386 71 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 3 (Detail: Text Two). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera. 387 xi 72 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 3 (Detail: Picture Two). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 387 73 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 3 (Detail: Text Seven). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 388 74 Taima-dera engi emaki, scroll 3 (Detail: Picture Seven). 1531. Handscroll, ink and color on paper. Nara Prefecture, Taima-cho, Taima-dera 388 75 Court of the Prefatory Legend. (Detail: Scene One) Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, colors on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum 389 76 Court of the Prefatory Legend. (Detail: Scene Two) Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, colors on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum 389 77 Court of the Prefatory Legend. (Detail: Scene Three) Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, colors on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum 390 78 Court of the Prefatory Legend. (Detail: Scene Four) Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, colors on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum _ .390 79 Court of the Prefatory Legend. (Detail: Scene Five) Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, colors on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum 391 80 Court of the Prefatory Legend. (Detail: Scene Six) Fourteenth-century copy. Hanging scroll, colors on silk. Nara, Nara National Museum .391 xii A NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION/ TRANSCRIPTION The names and titles of works and people, as well as modern Japanese terms, are romanized according to the Hepburn system used in Kenkyusha's New English-Japanese Dictionary. Chinese names and terms are romanized according to the Wade-Giles system. Within parentheses, the abbreviation J. stands for Japanese, C. for Chinese, and Skt. for Sanskrit. All Sanskrit terms appear in their stem form, with the English s used as plural. Words such as karma, surra, and nirvana, which have become part of the English vocabulary, are not italicized. Japanese names are given in Japanese order - surname followed by a given name. Temple names include the suffixes ji or dera (eg., Taima-dera) meaning temple. The word division also follows the convention used in Kenkyusha: in the case of the suffix in, it is romanized and a hyphen is used if it designates a subtemple within a temple complex (eg., Chion-in); where the suffix in ("cloister") can stand as an independent word - referring to the name of an independent temple or the post-retirement name of a high-ranking person (Gotobaln) - it is capitalized and no hyphen is used; where the suffix in cannot stand as an independent word, it is made part of a compound and italicized (Kokin). Place names when an inherent part of an independent term are italicized (Kumano bikuni). Titles of literary works are treated as xiii independent words, except for the case when they are part of abbreviated titles (Kokin but Kokinshu). Regarding the romanization method for classical Japanese I have used the historical spelling of words (rekishi-teki kana-zukai), thus kyo ("today") is spelled kefu. Likewise, I have distinguished between he, we, and e; wo and o; wi and i, and 1 have used dm for o"andphi for V . All primary Japanese documents - including the Taima mandala engi emaki, the Taima-dera engi emaki, Zeami's noh play Hibariyama, and Sanetaka's diary (Sanetaka koki) - in this dissertation are translated from the original, unless otherwise cited. In translating, I have consulted the modern Japanese transcriptions of the original medieval texts. As for Buddhist terms, texts, and names of deities, I use Japanese readings (Amida instead of Amitabha, for example). The errors which remain are all my own responsibility. x i v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I offer profound thanks to the many people who along the way helped to bring this dissertation to fruition through their contribution of time, interest, instruction, and critique. First, I would like to thank Professor Gail Chin, who introduced me to Japanese art history and sparked my interest in Buddhist narratives during my undergraduate studies at the University of Victoria. At the University of British Columbia, I am deeply indebted to Professor Nam-lin Hur for guiding my study of medieval Japanese Buddhism and cultural history, Professor Sharalyn Orbaugh for teaching me how to tliink critically and to build bridges between Japanese literature and gender studies, and Professor Christina Laflin for her academic assistance and friendship. I would also like to extend my gratitude to Professor Hank Glassman and Professor Keller Kimbrough who have directed me toward sources and scholarship on Chujohime since the beginning of my project. A research stay in Japan from 2002-2005 was made possible only through the generous funds made available by a Japan Foundation Dissertation Fellowship and a Kokugakuin University Fellowship, and was enriched by the input of a large number of scholars. I wish to acknowledge the invaluable assistance of Professor Ikeda Shinobu of XV Chiba University, Professor Matsuo Ashie of Kokugakuin University, Professor Komine Kazuaki of Rikky6 University, and Professor Tokuda Kazuo of Gakushuin Joshi Tanki University. Special thanks go to Professor Ii Haruki, Director of the National Institute of Japanese Literature in Tokyo, who gave me the opportunity to publish a short piece on Chujohime, Professor Michael Watson of Meijigakuin University who allowed me to present stages of my research at various venues, and Professor Gaye Rowley of Waseda University who provided me with library access, critical guidance, and support. Finally, I am forever indebted to Professor Joshua Mostow, my dissertation advisor and inimitable mentor, with whom I discovered the pleasures of thinking in dialogue. He encouraged me to go forward with this research project even at its earliest and most unshaped form, and he provided me with academic guidance, endless generosity, and assistance. With immeasurable patience, he taught me how to read classical Japanese texts and visual images in cultural context, and he also edited earlier versions of this dissertation. Through his encouragement I was able to turn my linguistic handicap into a stimulating challenge. Without his unflagging spirit of critique, academic expertise, and encompassing support this research project would have never seen the light. CHAPTER ONE Introduction In what way and to what degree was the misogynistic rhetoric of women's salvation in Japanese Buddhism during the Kamakura (1185-1333) and Muromachi (1392-1573) periods related to social change? Traditionally, in the study of Japanese Buddhism, which has been oriented to the thought of 'great men' and to episodes of doctrinal upheaval, the stories of 'great women' have been largely excluded from religious histories. The writing of women into religious histories in medieval Japan has not only been ignored in terms of the religious practices women engaged in, but also in terms of the attitudes towards women expressed in the writings of the male clergy.1 For example, the salvation of women was a central topic in medieval Japanese doctrinal debates. It has only been in the last decade and a half, however, that this issue of female salvation has been addressed in either Japanese and Western scholarship.2 In addition to attracting interest and study in academic circles, Buddhist texts and images dealing with the place of women in Japanese Buddhism inevitably generated a study of Buddhist scriptures and pictorial Buddhist narratives. In the 2003 exhibition, Josei to bukkyo ^ctt tiLWt. (Women and Buddhism), at the Nara National Museum, the majority of art works displayed explored the various attitudes towards women and 1 salvation as an essential task of understanding the role and importance of women within the history of Japanese Buddhism. How are we to interpret the role and significance of female salvation within the imagination of medieval Japanese Buddhism? What was the function of pictorial Buddhist narratives of female salvation in Kamakura - and Muromachi-period society? Despite the prevalence of textual and pictorial records of female salvation in medieval Japan, few scholars have answered these questions in a comprehensive fashion.3 In spite of the significance of images for the study of religious history, historians of religion ignore the pedagogical role of these visual representations whereas art historians are primarily concerned with the iconography of images. However, images are not isolated phenomena, but parts of society - both shaping and being shaped by socio-historical conditions. Concerning illustrated Japanese Buddhist narratives of female salvation, not only do religious implications immediately come into play, but the literary tradition is also an integral part of their study. As this tripartite significance indicates, pictorial Buddhist narratives intersect the disciplines of art history, religion, and literature. My study bridges these disciplines - incorporating a fourth discipline of gender studies as well - by placing the representations in the context of pictorial exegesis, and thereby elucidating the power of images of women and salvation created 2 and exploited by Pure Land Buddhism. Pictorial Buddhist narratives of female salvation enrich our understanding regarding the religious significance of women in medieval Japan and offer new insight into ways in which women are written into religious histories. One such example is the legend of ChujShime which is commonly known within the corpus of Japanese literature as Chujdhime densetsu *P ^ EfSffe. ChujShime's legend was from the onset, as it remained throughout the course of its history, an account of a woman's salvation through faith in Amida and birth in the Pure Land. Its roots date back to the twelfth century, and versions of Chujohime's narrative have maintained their popularity through the 1950s.4 Even today, in some regions of Japan, the outlines of the story are still familiar at certain temples, such as Taima-dera in Taima-cho Kitakatsuragi-gun ;jtl!i$cf$, Nara Prefecture; Tokush6-ji inArita ^EB, Wakayama Prefecture; and Seiren-ji W^lxFinUda ^EB, Nara Prefecture, which claim historical and material connections to the life and meritorious deeds of this legendary heroine.5 Kamakura-period documents, such as the Gojunreiki (1192), the Kokon chomonju '^•n'^WiM (1254), and the Shiju hyaku in 'en shu (1257) constitute the oldest extant textual records of Chujdhime's legend. 3 The Taima mandala engi emaki ^M9iWMiWk:l&%fe% {Miraculous Origin of the Taima Mandala), a narrative handscroll painting dated to the mid-thirteenth century, is known today as the earliest extant pictorial record of Chujohime's story. This Buddhist tale of female salvation illustrates the story of an eighth-century young noblewoman whose devotion to Amida Buddha resulted in the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala ^ M It a tapestry depicting Amida Buddha's Pure Land Western Paradise (gokuraku jodo ® ^ # d t ) , 6 and in her attainment of birth in the Pure Land (ojo The Taima mandala engi emaki depicts the story as follows: Due to the vow of the young eighth-century noblewoman, Chujdhime (literally, "the Middle Captain princess"), to see Amida Buddha in human form, an auspicious nun appears, tells her to gather one hundred horseloads of lotus stems and to spin them into threads. Together they dye the lotus threads five colors. Shortly after, a heavenly maiden appears who, in a single night, weaves the threads into the Taima mandala and then disappears on a five-colored cloud into the West. Having explained the meaning of the Taima mandala to CMj6hime, the nun also ascends on a five-colored cloud into the West, revealing herself as a human manifestation of Amida Buddha. Upon CMjShime's death, Amida Buddha and his host descend to welcome her into Amida's Pure Land, signaling her attainment of salvation. 4 In the Muromachi period, versions of ChujShime's legend, such as the Taima-dera engi emaki {Miraculous Origin of Taima Temple), dated 1531, added a new twist to this Buddhist tale of female salvation - that of the princess as an ill-treated stepchild - and combined the heroine's religious experiences at Taima-dera with a narrative of her childhood. This expanded and newly added story-line concerning Chuj6hime's childhood consists of her mother's death, the abandonment of both Chuj6hime and her younger brother on Mount Katsuragi due to the evil plot by the jealous stepmother, the children's return home and their advancement in court rank, Chujdhime's second abandonment and intended execution on Mount Hibari due to the wicked stepmother's slander, her rescue by a samurai and his wife, her reunion with her father, her taking the tonsure at Taima-dera, the creation of the Taima mandala, and ChujShtme's attainment of birth in Amida's Pure Land. How does the 'secular' addition of the narrative about Chujohime's childhood experiences emphasize gender as a conditioning factor in the evolution of the texts and images that constitute her legend as a 'sacred' Buddhist tale of female salvation in medieval Japan? Gender is a central conditioning factor at play in the evolution of the texts and images that constitute the narrative of Chujohime's legend. There is ample 5 evidence in the Kamakura period of women's belief in the possibility of their own salvation across the whole spectrum of Japanese Buddhism, but particularly within the context of the new Pure Land sects. Under H6nen (1133-1212), the founder of the Pure Land sect (Jodo shu ?£±^?) , and Shinran MM (1173-1262), the founder of the True Pure Land sect (Jodo shin shu $-±M?K), Pure Land Buddhism gained popularity because it promised salvation to all beings who have faith in Amida and aspire to be born in his Pure Land, regardless of class or gender. This aspect is of particular importance regarding attitudes towards women and female salvation within Pure Land Buddhism, the key religious point communicated through Chujdhime's narrative. The gender of the story's heroine and the gender of the audience affected the story's development as well. In the oblique yet powerful way in which fiction illustrates the tensions of reality and its milieu, the evolution, expansion, and dissemination of Chujdhime's legend addresses the problem - or, speaking in terms of religious history, the place - of women in Japanese Buddhism, particularly from the twelfth century onwards. Buddhist ambivalence toward women was determined by the religious concept of the "Five Obstructions" (gosho HM), referring to the five states of being women are unable to attain due to their sex. Then there was the exclusion of women from sacred 6 places (nyonin kekkai i c A / T f l # ) , such as Mount K6ya and Mount Hiei.7 Many temples used to bar women because of their impurity due to menstrual and birth blood, which were considered offensive to the gods. Therefore, by including women in the promise of salvation on the one hand, but excluding them due to their sex on the other, Buddhism presents a case of "inclusive exclusion." Local and oral traditions sustained and elaborated the narrative of ChujShime through the centuries, and a variety of written texts, both documentary and literary, provide glimpses of various stages in the course of its development and expansion. Although the original sources for ChujShime's story, as it became known from the Muromachi period onward, are unknown, today the earliest extant main literary texts which are believed to have given rise to the expansion of Chujohime's story from the Muromachi period onward are noh plays such as Zeami's i&pnf'jft (1363-1443) Taema S^\M and Hibariyama f t ^ l i l (fifteenth century); religious commentaries on the Taima mandala such as the Taima mandala sho (fifteenth-century); kabuki plays such as Hibariyama hime sutematsu M% l l J ^ E ^ ^ (1690); and joruri performances, as for example Chujohime (1744).8 Well into the nineteenth century there was continuous cross-fertilization between Chujohime's story as performed onstage and the same story as it was recounted at temples or other points 7 along the pilgrimage routes - especially along Kumano - of the medieval and early modern periods. Religious proselytizing at temples that claimed a direct relationship to events in the narrative contributed to its evolving complexity and popularity. My objective is to explore the practices by which women are written into religious histories. Re-reading Kamakura - and Muromachi-period representations of Chujohime's legend in the Taima mandala engi emaki and the Taima-dera engi emaki, I will investigate both the inclusion and exclusion of women in religious history, and what these inclusions and exclusions reveal. To what extent do the dynamics of the inclusion and exclusion of Chuj6hime in these Buddhist narratives at particular junctures and in specific contexts allow for women to be written as agents into the histories and legends that constitute religious traditions? My analysis seeks to move beyond a version of feminist history that is, in the words of the feminist historian Joan Wallach Scott: The realization of the radical potential of women's history comes in the writing of histories that focus on women's experiences and analyze the ways in which politics construct gender and gender constructs politics. Feminist history then becomes not the recounting of great deeds performed by women but the exposure of the often silent and hidden 8 operations of gender that are nonetheless present and defining forces in the organization of most societies.9 In concurrence with the observations made by Judith Butler and other feminists who have pointed out the constructed nature of the categories 'male' and 'female,' this dissertation seeks to examine such constructions in historical perspective.10 Since history is one of the primary modes of discourse through which religious images of men and women are constituted, I will focus on specific instances of the textual production of Chujohime's legend in which women and gender are explicitly addressed, and in doing so interrogate the writing of history that excludes in relation to that which includes. In the following chapters, I consider how reception history and conditions surrounding the production of pictorial Buddhist narratives are linked, through an examination of literary, religious and cultural discourses on women. By analyzing the socio-historical and political conditions in which the legend of Chujdhime developed and expanded from a doctrinal Buddhist tale of female salvation in the Kamakura period to a popular text for the religious and cultural edification of women in the Muromachi period, its literary structure, and the gender criticism it employs, I demonstrate how Chujohime's narrative was used to establish a place for women in the literary, religious 9 and socio-historical arenas, at a time when women's participation in religious and social institutions, as well as their economic power, gradually declined. Chapter Two examines the earliest extant textual and pictorial record of the legend of Chujohime, the Taima mandala engi emaki. By situating Pure Land Buddhism within the socio-historical context of the Kamakura period, I show, through a detailed textual and pictorial analysis of the Taima mandala engi emaki, how this particular narrative emphasizes the key doctrinal aspects of the Pure Land sect, especially those concerning female defilement and salvation. Chapter Three examines the Muromachi-period Taima-dera engi emaki - a handscroll painting that has been virtually unexamined, even in Japan - to illustrate the sources which gave rise to the development and expansion of the story. A detailed textual and visual analysis of this work - for which no edited or annotated version exists - sheds light on the origin and significance of the addition of Chujohime's childhood narrative - such as the death of her mother; her abuse at the hands of her wicked stepmother; her abandonment and intended execution on Mount Hibari; and her reunification with her father - for this Buddhist tale of female salvation. In my examination of gender and Buddhism in the Taima-dera engi emaki, I argue that this work reveals an overall intensification of attempts to disempower certain aspects of 10 constructed femininity as time progressed. Chapter Four challenges the conventional notion that the Taima-dera engi emaki simply incorporates the 'secular' events of Chujohime's childhood narrative in order to make this 'religious' Buddhist tale more entertaining. A close comparison between this work and other Muromachi-period stepchild stories shows that the Taima-dera engi emaki can also be read a text for the edification of women, as well as a socio-cultural critique of women's status and role in Muromachi-period society, especially under the increasing influence of Confucianism. To portray Buddhism as a timeless, homogeneous and unchanging oppressor of women would be to neglect the intricate ways in which different configurations of specific religious, socio-cultural, and historical discourses empower or marginalize ascribed gender characteristics. The methodology employed in these three chapters attempts a new approach for understanding genre in the medieval period, by examining the literary, pictorial, and religious aspects of the scroll paintings to arrive at a new interpretation concerning the genres they represent. Chapter Five considers the maternally-focused storyline in both the narrative of Queen Vaidehi in the Taima mandala and that of ChujShime in the Taima-dera engi emaki, which centers on the mother-child dyad relationship. I argue that these 11 Buddhist narratives of female salvation were not only adopted by the male clergy to represent and proselytize their soteriological view of women as sacralized mothers and idealized objects of salvation due to their sex, but were also adopted by the psychologists Kosawa Heisaku and Okonogi Keigo to fit their psychoanalytical interpretation relating to what they have called the "Ajase Complex," a "family romance" that they contrast to Freud's Oedipus complex. Interestingly, the Indian Buddhist tale of Prince Aj&tasatru (J. Ajase) is one of the very ones depicted in the Taima mandala, and I explore the interconnections between the discourses that reference this tale. I question how and why specific attributes associated with women were prone to marginalization by certain texts and cultural norms that laid claim to Buddhist inspiration. This dissertation offers a new approach to theories of women as agents in Muromachi-period setsuwa, as it traces a dialogue that questions feminine disclosure and concealment and the significance of texts and images as means of empowerment, oppression, expression of desire, and socio-religious criticism by showing how historical conditions affect women's cultural production and reception. 12 Notes to Chapter One 1 In this dissertation, my usage of the term 'medieval,' a translation of the Japanese word chusei ffctj:, refers exclusively to the Kamakura and Muromachi periods. These two eras were characterized by religious and social upheaval following the decline of the Heian aristocracy in the twelfth century and preceding the rise of the Tokugawa shogunate in the seventeenth century. 2 Some of the most recent scholarship on women and salvation in Japanese Buddhism that has been published in the last fifteen years includes James C. Dobbins, Letters of the Nun Eshinni: Images of Pure Land Buddhism in Medieval Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2004); Bernard Faure, The Power of Denial: Buddhism, Purity, and Gender (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), Barbara Ruch, Engendering Faith: Women and Buddhism in Premodem Japan (Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, The University of Michigan, 2002), Hank Glassman, "The Religious Construction of Motherhood in Medieval Japan," (Ph.D. Dissertation) (Stanford: Stanford University, 2001); Janet Goodwin, "Shadows of Transgression: Heian and Kamakura Constructions of Prostitution," Monumenta Nipponica vol. 55, no.3 (Autumn 2000): 327-68; Wataru Koichi, "Jizo bosatsu to nyonin kyusai," Kokubungaku: kaishaku to kansho vol. 56, no.5 (May 1991): 129-34; Taira Masayuki, "Chusei bukkyo to josei," in Nihon josei seikatsushi, vol.2, ed. Joseishi s6go kenkyukai, 75-108 (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1990). 3 For a discussion of stories of religious awakening see Margaret Helen Childs, Rethinking Sorrow: Revelatory Tales of Late Medieval Japan (Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, The University of Michigan, 1991). For a discussion of pictorial Buddhist narratives of female salvation see Brock, Karen, "Chinese Maiden, Silla Monk: Zenmyo and Her Thirteenth-Century Japanese Audience," in Flowering in the Shadows: Women in the History of Chinese and Japanese Painting, ed. Marsha Weidner, 205-11 (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1990) and Elizabeth ten Grotenhuis, "Chujohime: The Weaving of Her Legend," in Flowing Traces: Buddhism in the Literary and Visual Arts of Japan, ed. James H. Sanford, William R. LaFleur & Masatoshi Nagatomi, 180-200 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992). 4 See Appendix A. 5 In the eighth century, Taima-dera belonged to the Sanron sect (Sanron Shu 2£f i f f i7K) of Buddhism, but today it owes allegiance to both the Pure Land sect (Jodo Shu # - ± ) and the Shingon sect (Shingon Shu HH?K). Three of Taima-dera's subtemples belong to 13 the Pure Land sect, the other two are Shingon subtemples. Taima-dera is the property and responsibility of priests of both sects, who also participate together in the mukaeko jfflSi, a ritual enactment of Chujohime's birth into Amida's Pure Land, which is performed annually on May 15 at both Taima-dera and at Tokusho-ji. Both temples have copies of the Taima mandala as their central icon of worship. Seiren-ji houses a gilded wooden sculpture of ChujShime and is associated with the creation of the medicine Chujo-to ^ "W^, a remedy against various kinds of women's pains related to the lower abdomen, which is manufactured by Tsumura Juntendo and is still available in pharmacies throughout Japan today. 6 Hereafter Amida's Pure Land. 7 Ceremonies and rites barring women's participation have existed in Japan since ancient times, as have religious institutions and sacred sites women are forbidden to enter. These areas are alternatively known as nyonin kekkai icA&R #(women excluded) and nyonin kinsei icA^§f#J(women prohibited), and are usually enforced at religious sites on mountains and temples. If the zone is violated it is said that there will be immediate divine retribution. Randle Keller Kimbrough, "Voices from the Feminine Margin: Izumi Shikibu and the nuns of Kumano and Seiganji," in Women and Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory, vol.23 (2001): 60. 8 See Appendix A for texts preceding the Muromachi-period version of Chujohime's story. According to Waku Junko, the expansion of Chujohime's story occurred through proselytizing activities of wandering preachers (hijiri M), as well as through noh plays, such as Taema and Hibariyama, and ky6gen performances. Waku Junko ^n^Jlf-p, "Chujohime setsuwa keifii kangae *P #£Efftfi§^fi^," in Ninon bungaku kenkyu shiryo kankokai, Nihon no koten to kusho bungei 0 Jf(D "Sfjfc t P T p ^ H (Tokyo: Yubandd Shuppan, 1983), 173-186. 9 Joan Wallach Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 27. 1 0 Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limit of "Sex" (New York: Routledge, 1993). 14 C H A P T E R T W O The Legend of Chujohime in the Kamakura Period (1185-1333) There is ample evidence in the Kamakura period (1185-1333) of women's belief in the possibility of their own salvation across the whole spectrum of Japanese Buddhism, but particularly within the context of the new Pure Land sects. This aspect is of particular importance regarding attitudes towards women and female salvation within Pure Land Buddhism, the religious key point communicated through the Taima mandala engi emaki, which is the earliest extant pictorial narrative of Chujohime's legend and the central focus of this chapter. This chapter examines the earliest extant textual and pictorial record of Chujohime's legend, the Taima mandala engi emaki, in order to shed light on the way the founders of Pure Land Buddhism - Honen (1133-1212) and Shinran £ g £ (1175-1262) - viewed women, which was based on the concept of the "Five Obstructions," and how it shaped their ideas about women's capability to attain salvation. In this first chapter, I seek to analyze Pure Land Buddhism in the context of early medieval Japan and to situate Chujohime's legend in the socio-historical milieu of the Kamakura period. Through a detailed textual and visual analysis of the Taima mandala engi emaki I will show how this particular narrative emphasizes the key doctrinal concepts of the Pure Land sect, especially those concerning female salvation. First, I will give a brief introduction to the Taima mandala engi emaki. Following the transcription of the original text and translation, I will provide a detailed description and discussion of the paintings. Finally, I will locate the Taima mandala engi 15 emaki within the socio-historical and cultural milieu of the Kamakura period, and explore how it reflects the views of the founders of Pure Land Buddhism regarding women and salvation at the time. 1.1 Preface: The Taima mandala engi emaki A. Background The Taima mandala engi emaki consists of two narrative handscroll paintings, which date to the mid-thirteenth century and illustrate the legendary origin of the Taima mandala (fig. 1).1 Initially, the scrolls were owned by Taima-dera, a Buddhist temple of the Pure Land sect, located in Taimacho, Kitakatsuragi-gun, Nara prefecture, which is the birthplace of this legendary story. However, in Enpo 3 (1675), the scrolls were donated to K6my6-ji a Pure Land Buddhist temple of the Chinzei school ISWM, which is located in Kamakura, Kanagawa prefecture. The donor of the scrolls was Naito Yoshimune ^MWtfflk (1619-1685), who was the proprietor of K6my6-ji at the time, and his name is inscribed in golden characters on the back of the black lacquer box containing the scrolls.2 The inscription reads: This temple, Amaterasu-san K6my6-ji, in Kamakura owns the Taima mandala engi emaki4 [The calligraphy is] attributed to the Regent Chancellor, senior noble 16 Fujiwara noYoshitsune, the Gokyogoku Lord, and the paintings to the painter Tosa Shogen.5 In the fall of Enpo 3 (1675), the temple proprietor and Junior Lower Fifth Rank Official of the Imperial Guards of the Left, Naito Yoshimune, gave the order to add explanations and decorations [to the scroll painting], and when it was completed he donated it [to K6my6-ji].6 [This is recorded by] the present head priest [of K6my6-ji], the venerable Manryo Teni, who is the forty-sixth descendant of the lineage.7 The scrolls are executed in ink and color on paper with gold leaf (kinpaku 4£$t) and gold paint (kondei Both scrolls are currently mounted with a plain border at top and bottom. Each scroll consists of three textual and three pictorial sections, which are arranged in an alternating manner. As a result of the particular arrangement of the sheets of paper, a small area of empty space separates the end of each textual passage from the beginning of each pictorial passage. In the Taima mandala engi emaki, the textual and pictorial passages occupy separate sheets, which not only suggests that the calligraphy and paintings were originally produced separately and were only later combined, but also that the textual and visual components of the scrolls served different functions. In support of this theory, especially concerning the latter aspect, I would like to draw attention to the fact that all painted sections of the Taima mandala engi emaki show signs of extensive use, such as numerous creases and wrinkles which tend to develop from frequent unrolling and rolling, some extent of faded color, and some areas where the gold pigment has flaked off. None of these features can be detected in the 17 textual sections, which appear undamaged. This suggests that initially the paintings were used independently from the text for illustrating the story to an audience. In Japan, the practice of painting-recitation (etoki $*$?) as a method of proselytizing the Buddhist faith through oral description of Buddhist images dates back to the ninth century. Records, such as the monk Kyokai's tkifa (active ca. 780s-800s) Nihon ryoiki B ^ SJliB, compiled between 810-824, document that nuns used images of hells and the six paths of rebirth (rokudd 7\ii) for teaching and constitute the earliest evidence of etoki practice.8 Especially traveling nuns along the pilgrimage routes used etoki for teaching the faith. Therefore, since Taima-dera was located along the pilgrimage route to Kumano, it is likely that the paintings were used for etoki. However, the most substantial evidence for the paintings of the Taima mandala engi emaki having been used for etoki comes from the narrative of the scrolls itself. The second pictorial section of the second scroll depicts the mysterious nun,9 dressed in clerical robes and with a shorn head covered by a veil, seated with one knee up, while she recites the meaning of the Taima mandala to Yokohagi's daughter, the heroine (fig.2). As recorded in the Taima mandala chuki ^f##P1:Il£ElE (1223), a commentary written by Honen's disciple, Seizan Shoku M|il't4^ (1177-1247), copies of the Taima mandala were widely used for etoki in the Heian and Kamakura period. He visited Taima-dera in 1229 and witnessed a lecture on the Taima mandala during which a monk would kneel in front of the mandala, point to the image with a feather pointer, and explain the meaning of the image. The mysterious nun's appearance as well as posture, and the usage of large-size imagery, such as mandalas, as teaching tools, are characteristic of this particular etoki practice.10 18 Furthermore, in addition to the large scale of the Taima mandala engi emaki, measuring a total height of 51.6 centimeters for each scroll, and a total length of 778.1 centimeters for scroll one and 689.5 centimeters for scroll two, it strikes the viewer that the majority of space in both scrolls is occupied by images rather than by text.11 This further suggests the importance these paintings had as a pictorial narrative and the function they served as a didactic tool in order to proselytize the Pure Land faith in the Kamakura period, particularly regarding the possibility of salvation for women through faith in Amida. Regarding the painter of the Taima mandala engi emaki, whose name is recorded as Tosa Koshogen i'ffe'rif # ! E L in the postscript of the first scroll, as Tosa Shogen ± f e # ! § L in the inscription on the back of the lacquer box containing the scrolls, and as Sumiyoshi Hogen Keion {ipjfeBllltJcl in a letter accompanying the scrolls, the consensus is that these are apocryphal attributions and that the real identity of the artist 10 remains unknown. The postscript of the first scroll is in the handwriting of Kano Eishin %$WTKM (1613-1685) and it identifies the artist as Tosa Koshogen: As [stated in the] above, Tosa Koshogen, was in charge of the first and second scrolls of the [Taima] mandala engi. The true autograph is a spontaneous matter and [done] without interference or delay. 19 The signature of Kano Eishin Hogen is proof [of its authenticity]. 1 3 While the authenticity of Kano Eishin's signature has been confirmed, indicating that this postscript is a seventeenth-century addition,14 the attribution of Tosa Koshogen as the artist only indicates an official rank and not a personal name. As stated by Komatsu, Kano Eishin uses the name Tosa Koshogen, who advanced to the rank of "Officer of the Third Rank of the Imperial Guards of the Right" (Ukon 'e no Shogen i^ft1tf#!ii0, to Tosa Mitsunobu ±feftiS (1469-1523).15 However, since the scrolls date to the thirteenth century, which seems to be the case based on the calligraphy and painting styles, this attribution is obviously wrong and a Tosa painter was not responsible for the paintings. Furthermore, the confirmed thirteenth- century production date of the Taima mandala engi emaki, as well as the fact that the Manzai jugo nikki ffliffife B IE (1424) and the Chikanagakyoki IE (1466) constitute the earliest extant documentary evidence for an artist using the name Tosa, a man named Fujiwara Yukihiro MWflJ£ (fl. 1406-34) who was also known as Tosa Shogen ± f e # g £ , indicate that a Tosa painter could have not been involved in the production of the scroll paintings.16 Moreover, in addition to the Taima mandala engi emaki, formerly owned by Taima-dera but presently in the possession of K6my6-ji, Taima-dera is still in the possession of the Taima-dera engi emaki ^ fl^#$i:j|2^# {Miraculous Origin of Taima Temple), a narrative handscroll painting illustrating the temple's foundation legend and Chujohime's story. The Taima-dera engi emaki is dated 1531 and its attribution to the painter, Tosa Mitsumochi ±^ ) t /^ (1496-1569), has been authenticated.17 Therefore, it is possible that the Tosa name in both the seventeenth-century added postscript and 20 inscription on the lacquer box was recorded in order to establish a connection between the Tosa school and the Taima mandala engi emaki. The third record stating the name of the painter of the scrolls is a letter dated 1793 and signed by Matsudaira Sadanobu I k ^ ^ f f (1758-1829). This letter, which was placed inside the lacquer box, gives the name of the painter as Sumiyoshi Hogen Keion ft llf feBSIIJfl. who is believed to have been a Buddhist painter and active during the second half of the thirteenth century.18 However, so far no supporting evidence has been found to authenticate this attribution, leaving the identity of the artist unknown. A translation of the textual passages from the Taima mandala engi emaki, as well as a description and analysis of the paintings appear below.19 1.2 Textual and Visual Analysis of the Taima mandala engi emaki Scroll One. Text One: (fig.3) 21 As for the origin of Taima-dera, it is a temple that was established by Emperor Yomei's third son, the Imperial Prince Maroko. 2 0 Subsequently, an oracle in a dream appeared [to Maroko] and he moved and rebuilt this temple at a site occupied by the traces of old En no Gyqja.2 1 Later, in the reign of Emperor 6i, 2 2 the daughter of a man named the Lord of Yokohagi resided there. She was raised deep inside the house, and [her father] never let her go outside the ornate jeweled curtains. [The father's] thinking of her and waiting on her as [if she were] a flawless jewel exceeded [the love] of the [mother] crane crying in the night [among her offspring], or the [mother] goose choked by smoke in the [burning] fields.23 But her heart was not stained by the flowers of spring, nor did she long for the autumn moon. Searching deeply for the path of the Buddha, she sought for enlightenment in the Dharma. For that purpose, she copied one thousand scrolls of the Pure Land-Praising Sutra,24 mounted them on jeweled rollers, tied the sutra scrolls together with gorgeous strings, and dedicated them to this temple. Prior to my discussion of this first passage, I would like to draw attention to the uncertainty that surrounds the main characters of this legend. As evident from this original text of the Taima mandala engi emaki, in comparison to later versions of Chujohime's legend, particularly those from the Muromachi period onward, the name Chujohime does not appear here at all. The name Chujohime is recorded in works such as the Sonpi bunmyaku ff1§JcM, a genealogical record of the principal families of pre-Muromachi period Japan, which was compiled by Toin Kinsada 22 MVTC'&'HE (1340-1399) in the fourteenth century but extant only in later editions, and the Dai nihon shi jz 0 a history of Japan that was begun in 1657 by Tokugawa Mitsukuni %)W%W\ (1628-1700) but not completed until 1906. The name seems to have become part of the Chujohime legend and turned from a descriptive title into a proper name by the early fifteenth century, when the noh play Taenia was written by Zeami, but its origin is difficult to trace.25 Kamakura-period records predating the Taima mandala engi emaki, such as the Kenkyu gojunrei Ki E ^ f i W L f S (1191), the Taima mandala chu ^f&#P'£fi& (1223), the Taima-dera ryuki ^ W^fEfE (1231), the Gokokuji-bon ^SB#:fc (1235), the Taima-dera konryu no koto (1237), the Ninnaji-bon i H ^ P # ^ (1253), the Kokon chomonju S^W^M (1254), the Shishu hyaku in 'en shu fl^'S^ MM (1257), and the Zenrin-ji bon # # ^ F ^ : (1262), identify the heroine as 'the minister's daughter' (daijin no musume Af5(7)|!i|) or as 'daughter of the major counselor' (dainagon no musume A~$f*l 1fGD#&) but do not mention the name Chujohime, which further obscures its origin. It is possible that the name Chujohime entered the tradition from an oral narrative underpinning the account of the early life of Yokohagi's daughter, perhaps introduced by Pure Land preachers, or it might have arisen in order to give the girl a more personal name than simply calling her hime #5 (princess), hongan no ama JfWi.(D/g, or hongan-ni 2f£J§!Jl, (nun of the original vow) as she is referred to in the Kamakura-period Taima mandala engi emaki. In my translation, I will refer to the heroine as "Yokohagi's daughter." Yokohagi's association with the Chujohime/Taima mandala legend can be traced 23 to some extent because he is frequently described by his title and rank as udaijin ^Ei A15 (Minister of the Right), daijin A15 (Minister), or otodo A E (Minister), but there are no references to the name Yokohagi itself and his personal name differs. For example, in the Kokon chomonju he is called 'Yokohagi Daijin Fujiwara Tadane', in the Shishu hyaku in 'en shu he is called 'Yokohagi no Udaijin Tadamune', and in the Zenrin-ji bon he is called 'Yokohagi no Otodo.'27 In addition, the term yokohagi #t$i, does not refer to the name of a clan or a place, but refers to the name of a sword (tachi A7J), so-called because it is worn sideways on one's side.28 Therefore, "yokohagi" is a fictional name which was probably given to the Minister character in the Chujohime/Taima mandala legend due to his rank of otodo. Since the rank of Chujohime's father was that of daijin A St (Minister) and not that of chujo (Middle Captain), it is questionable why the heroine is referred to as Chujohime rather than as Yokohagi's daughter from the Muromachi period onward. Zeami's noh play Taema is the earliest extant document that gives the heroine's name as Chujohime ^##15 but without any explanation regarding its origin. The Taima-dera engi emaki mentions that the heroine became the Emperor's consort and received the title Chujo no Naishi cP#COrtf^ (Middle Captain Lady in Waiting).29 However, the origin of Yokohagi's rank as a chujo in Post-Kamakura-period versions of Chujohime's legend remains unclear. Scroll One, Picture One: (fig.4) The pictorial section following this opening textual passage depicts Yokohagi no Otodo's daughter inside a secluded room. She is sitting on tatami, which indicates that 24 she is of high rank, in front of a table and assiduously copying the Pure Land-Praising sutra. On a table behind her we see a number of scrolls which she has already finished copying. Her body is almost entirely hidden behind a kicho JLifeS ('curtain of state'), only her head and her right hand, in which she is holding a writing brush, are visible. The viewer of the scroll gets an intimate view of this scene due to the rolled-up blinds and the 'blown-off roof (fukinuki yatai ^ l l p ) technique.30 Executed in the tsukuri-e jfetyfife ('made-up picture') technique, the painting shows traces of polychrome color and gold paint. The color choice emphasizes certain elements in the image. For example, the gold paint emphasizes the brilliance of the jewels and gold thread on the kicho, reminding the audience that this is the home of a noble woman. This section runs counter to the audience's expectation for a young female aristocrat because, instead of engaging in worldly pleasures and thinking about poetry and love which is characteristic of noblewomen, the young aristocratic heroine in the Taima mandala engi emaki is only concerned with entering the Buddhist path and devoting her life to the dharma. The heroine mirrors the blossoming flowers which decorate the fusuma $ | (sliding screen) on the left. Like the flowering blossoms, she is in bloom because of her young age and beauty. However, her heart is not stained by the flowers; all she desires is to copy the Pure Land-Praising Sutra. Considering this unusual behavior of the young aristocratic heroine, leaving her sheltered life, worldly pleasures and even her father, we are intrigued to question the circumstances, which are not given in the text of the Taima mandala engi emaki, why this heroine renounces the world at such a young age. This depiction of Yokohagi no Otodo's daughter, growing up in seclusion and 25 giving up all wealth in order to search for the Dharma, is reminiscent of the story of Prince Siddhartha Gautama, the historical Buddha. Siddhartha Gautama (ca.563-483 BC) was born in Kapilavastu, Nepal, into the Sakya clan of the priestly-warrior caste. Siddhartha's father, the head of the clan, ordered that he live a life of total seclusion in the palace and sheltered him from the hardships of the outside world. However, one day Siddhartha left his palace for an excursion and saw an old man suffering from the frailties of age; a sick man, suffering from disease; and a dead man. This experience made him realize that life is suffering and he left his family in search of the Dharma. After rigorous ascetic practices and meditations, Siddhartha attained enlightenment, and became the Buddha ('Enlightened One'). Scroll One. Text Two: (fig. 5) M&frg*)X, ->b(Dm%^b1t<9 La>52bT>fc\ IRLE-H-B, t <9 CD i t .EM £ fc 9 X V ^ ft < , [ (D Z. Z. 5 £ L £ ^ 6 \z ffi&<Dfc t>lz ft %.? i t , t>tiz\c\iz.%izti*)0 %&<DW&*&&fytz.xii^r\jb&hft «\ hti^^^hhft-r^u -r^Mz, ft-r<D<^sm^fcot? mfc&\ttx, $rtLM<DM$kk L T \ iSTtfoofefcDo -dfc fcJE , 9 £ * . - C t f c f t 9 o #.on;6>bf;H-fc>< # £ f c < 9 T , 26 After that, on the fifteenth day of the sixth month of Tempyo-hqji 7 (763), she [Yokohagi's daughter] threw away her flower ornaments and embraced sleeves of moss.31 Thereupon, she made a vow, declaring: "Unless I see Amida Buddha in living form, I shall not leave this temple." She vowed this once again and limited herself to a period of seven days [to fulfill her vow to see Amida], and she devoted herself [to her vow] with a single-minded and steadfast heart. During this time, on the twentieth day of the same month, a mysterious nun appeared and said: "Because I was so deeply moved by the sincere devotion expressed in your prayer, unable to resist a feeling of happiness, I have come here. If you wish to pay homage to the Lord of the Nine Grades, I shall reveal his countenance [to you].32 Very soon, you should gather one hundred horseloads of lotus stems," she said. Yokohagi's daughter, received this [order], and, after her petition came to the emperor's knowledge, he ordered Lord Muraji of Oshinumi to conscript labor from nearby 6mi province,33 and [the lotus stems] were collected and supplied immediately. Here the mysterious nun re-appeared, having achieved enlightenment. Breaking the lotus stems and pulling out the threads by herself was no trouble. She pulled out one hundred threads, and one thousand threads remained. Scroll One. Picture Two: (fig.6) This section depicts five scenes, occurring at different times in the narrative, within one and the same painting. This technique is called iji dozu J |B#|R!I |21 and it is a 27 common feature of Kamakura-period narrative painting. On the right, we see Yokohagi no Otodo's daughter receiving the partial tonsure (amasogi J^M) from a monk who is standing behind her. The partial tonsure required that the forehead hair had to be cut to form a fringe, parted and shortest in the center, but there was no set rule as to the length of the hair. The partial tonsure represented the first phase of formal renunciation of the world and acceptance of the precepts.34 To the left of this scene, through the open doors of the room, we witness the conversation between Yokohagi's daughter and the mysterious nun. The two women can easily be differentiated from each other due to their hairstyles and garments. In contrast to Yokohagi's daughter, seated on the right, who is partially tonsured and wears a dark robe, the mysterious nun seated on the left is fully tonsured (kanzen teihatsu ^E^l j i j f i ) , wears a white robe and a veil (zukin Sjfltl), and holds a rosary in her hands. The full tonsure was reserved for women who were fully ordained with the precepts, had taken up residence in a temple, and full devotion to Buddhist practices.35 Outside the room, a high-ranking official, distinguished by his court hat (eboshi J^ffl ~F) and pants is seated on the veranda. He appears to be listening to the conversation that takes place inside the room between the two nuns. Having received the written request - issued either by the princess herself which would almost elevate her to the rank of an empress, or by the high-ranking official - for the collection of the lotus stems, indicated by a white scroll, a messenger leaves the veranda and, at the bottom of the stairs, he hands the scroll to another messenger. To the very left of this painted section, we see a nobleman - distinguished by his eboshi - standing outside the gate, instructing a large number of male workers to bring 2 8 and unload the horseloads of lotus stems, and dispatching workers to gather more lotus stems. He has unrolled the scroll containing the written request and he is keeping track off the workers who enter the gate and the number of horseloads of lotus stems they deliver. One of the workers is carrying a stack of lotus stems through the temple gate into the courtyard, and a nobleman is announcing the delivery of the lotus stems to the mysterious nun. Adjacent to the gate we see inside a chamber, where both Yokohagi's daughter and the mysterious nun, as well as three other noblewomen - distinguished by their twelve-layered robes (junihitoe - f - Z l ^ ) and hairstyles - extract the lotus threads from the lotus stems. A fifth woman is seated outside the chamber on the veranda, and a bundle of lotus stems is placed next to her. Although the narrative unfolds from right to left, instead of reading the narrative in a linear fashion, we must read the events depicted in this painting in a clockwise circular manner from right to left. Scroll One, Text Three: (fig.7) T - t t r S t ^ „ AU<DW\%>fcfob-To # a i bz>0 *:(Dv<Dfrtz.h, <9 0 <£ 9 x m m ^ m m n L - C , 29 First, a well was dug and the water began to flow copiously. When they dipped the lotus threads [into the well], they were dyed the five colors. This was not of human effort. This was divine intervention. People who saw this thought that it was a miracle and that it was due to the work of the mysterious nun. In the past, during the reign of Emperor Tenji (r. 662-671), next to the well there were rocks that emitted rays of light at night. At that time, [the emperor] dispatched an imperial messenger [to this place] in order to examine the rocks. The [natural] shape of these rocks resembled that of a Buddhist triad. Immediately, they sculpted them into a Miroku triad and built a temple hall around this triad.36 This temple was called Some-dera. Based on the miraculous origin of this well, it became a sacred place.37 In this yard [where this Buddhist sculpture was located], En no Gyoja planted a cherry tree for the sake of the Age of the Final Dharma.38 Everybody considered it to be a sacred tree, and its blossoms emitted various fragrances. After many ages had elapsed, it became a decayed tree in a shadow. However, [after the well was dug] [the tree's] old seeds sprouted and regained their old color in the spring. Perhaps, [these miraculous events occurred due to the fact that] the well was dug in that sacred place. Scroll One. Picture Three: (fig. 8) This painting depicts workers digging the well, others are cutting and preparing 30 the wooden bars for the construction of the well. A monk is standing by, giving instructions, and overseeing the building process. Towards the left, the mysterious nun, the nun of the original vow (Chujohime), and three women in court attire are sitting around the (now completed and wood-framed) well, dying the threads. They are enclosed by folding screens and striped curtains. To the left of this scene stands an old tree, referring to the cherry tree which represents the legacy of En no Gyqja. The next illustration shows the three stones from which bright rays of light radiate out. The final section of this painting depicts workers carving a Buddhist triad out of the large stones and constructing a hall for the sculpture. Our last view is that of a closed temple hall, the place where the Miroku triad is housed. I would like to draw attention to the significance regarding the pairing of these two scenes and the time difference between them. The establishment of Taima-dera at a place formerly occupied by En no Gyqja and the discovery of the light-emitting rocks are part of the origin story of Taima-dera, which was founded during the reign of Emperor Tenji and, therefore, predates the events concerning Yokohagi no Otodo's daughter and the creation of the Taima mandala by a hundred years.39 Unlike the opening textual passage of the Taima mandala engi emaki which elaborates on Prince Maroko's dream to move the temple to a specific place associated with En no Gyqja, the opening pictorial section of the scroll does not illustrate any episodes of the temple's foundation legend. The paintings in the Taima mandala engi emaki are exclusively concerned with events surrounding the heroine that led her to becoming a nun, the creation of the Taima mandala, and her attainment of birth in Amida's Pure Land. Since the dyeing of the lotus threads is a miraculous event, it is likely that the artist paired this scene with earlier 31 scenes of miraculous events, such as En no Gyqja's ever-sprouting cherry tree and the light-emitting rocks resembling a Buddhist triad, in order to declare them equal in terms of the sacred miraculous power associated with this location. Scroll Two. Text One: (fig.9) #>T, V ^ f t f c S r f c T T , l^fecD £ bW0#^fc J ; f e L T c On the evening of the twenty-third day of the same month, a mysterious woman appeared.39 Her elegant appearance was just like that of a heavenly maiden. The mysterious woman asked the mysterious nun: "Have the lotus threads already been prepared?" Thereupon, being offered various threads, she dipped two bundles of straw into two sho of oil , 4 0 and lit up the room. Then, in the north-western corner of the [temple] hall, she set up a loom, and from eight 32 o'clock in the evening until five o'clock 4 1 in the morning she wove [the threads into a tapestry] so that her anklets and armlets jingled 4 2 After that, in front of both the mysterious nun and the nun of the original vow, the mysterious woman hung a mandala which measured five meters square and was suspended on a single, un-jointed bamboo stick.43 Worshipping this [mandala], it looked like it was lined with jewels and decorated with gold. Rays of light radiated out in magnificent splendor. Then, the mysterious woman who wove [the mandala] mounted a five-colored cloud and disappeared like a flash of lightening. Scroll Two, Picture One: (fig. 10) The heavenly woman, the mysterious nun, and the nun of the original vow are shown seated in a room. The three women are clearly distinguished by their hairstyles. From left to right, the mysterious woman is depicted as a court lady with long hair and wearing a twelve-layered robe, which is a standard depiction for aristocratic women in Heian and Kamakura period imagery. The mysterious nun is shown fully tonsured wearing a white head cloth, and Yokohagi's daughter is shown partially tonsured. The mysterious nun instructs the mysterious woman how to weave the Taima mandala. This completely female appearance of the mysterious woman (the weaver) - foremost indicated by her twelve-layered robe and long hair - marks a strong contrast in comparison to the appearance of Yokohagi's daughter. Wearing a kesa and having her hair cut short, she does not display any of the elegant, beautiful and sexual appealing features characteristic of a young aristocratic woman. 33 The next scene shows the mysterious woman moving into another room, where she weaves the Taima mandala. While the mysterious nun and Yokohagi's daughter are sitting in front of the Taima mandala, the mysterious woman is ascending into the western direction on a five-colored cloud. Scroll Two, Text Two: (fig. 11) fa&bk<D^ Tjfia^ _ h ^ T p n p 0 3 £ » a £ o < - f r i 9 j bt£*)o ZhhX, frg*) blkVo The mysterious nun explained the true essence of this image. She said: "The southern border is the jobungi ("Court of the Prefatory Legend") and the northern 34 border explains the zanmai shoju ("The Correct Concentrations"). The central court depicts the forty-eight aspects of the Pure Land. In the lower register, the upper-middle-lower birth raigo righteous aspects are shown."44 Upon hearing this, it is said that [Yokohagi's daughter] squeezed out two sleeves of tears; it was like her heart had already entered the Realm of the Nine Grades. Yokohagi's daughter thought about this matter carefully, and thought that [everything was the result of] the Great Sage's power of concentration, [represented] in form of the wisdom and vow of Amida. Thereupon, having paid homage to [Amida] Buddha in his human form, did she not indeed witness the bliss of the Pure Land? Here, the mysterious nun recited the following four-line verse: In the past, Kasyapa 4 5 taught the Buddhist Law in this place. Revere the Buddhist Law and practice it. If you desire rebirth in the western quarter, I will come. If you enter this [sacred] place, you eternally forsake suffering. Hearing this, Yokohagi's daughter stopped crying. When Yokohagi's daughter asked for the origin [of the mysterious nun], the mysterious nun said: "I am the Lord of the Pure Land Western Paradise. The weaver [of the mandala] is my left-hand attendant Kannon." The [mysterious] nun pointed to the west and disappeared [into the western direction]. In the yearning after this separation, neither writing of the brush, or words amply expressed could suffice. All [Yokohagi's daughter] could do was hope her tears would dry. Scroll Two, Picture Two: (fig. 12) This painting depicts Yokohagi's daughter and the mysterious nun sitting 35 in a room and facing the Taima mandala. The mysterious nun is explaining the deeper meaning of the mandala to Yokohagi's daughter. Then, both walk out to the veranda. At this moment, the mysterious nun ascends to the western direction and transforms herself into Amida. Pictorially, this transformation is indicated by the rays of light radiating out from her body. Her identity is revealed when she transforms herself from nun to the Buddha. This visual passage replaces the textual passage, where the nun reveals her identity as Amida through her words. The mysterious nun's sudden transformation into Amida Buddha is reminiscent of the episode in chapter twelve ("Devadatta") of the Lotus Sutra, where the eight-year-old daughter of the Dragon King offered a jewel to the Buddha and instantly achieved buddhahood.46 This aspect is of extreme importance regarding women's capability of overcoming the five obstructions and attaining enlightenment, and I will discuss it in detail later in this chapter. The idea that women could attain enlightenment is not unique to the story of the Dragon King's daughter but is also evident in the teachings of the Pure Land sect based on the thirty-fifth vow of Amida, in which he states that "all sentient beings who have faith in him and recite the his name will be born in his Pure Land." 4 7 In both transformation scenes - that of the mysterious woman into Kannon and that of the mysterious nun into the Buddha - we see the return of blooming trees in the painting. I would like to suggest that similar to the scene of En no Gyoja's cherry trees miraculously starting to bloom after the well was dug, in this scene the return of blooming trees at the moment of the auspicious nun's and weaver's transformations emphasizes the sacred miraculous power of this event at 36 Taima-dera. Scroll Two. Text Three: (fig. 13) In the reign of Emperor Konin (r.770-781), on the fourteenth day of the third month of Hoki 6 (775), the nun of the original vow realized her wish of attaining birth [in Amida's Pure Land]. The sky opened up, purple clouds descended diagonally, and music was heard from the West. The Kalavinka [birds] were singing, the heavenly host [descended] facing the eastern direction.48 The air was filled with a beautiful fragrance; it was a good omen. These rare events of the last days have never been heard of in previous generations. Scroll Two, Picture Three: (fig. 14) This last painting depicts the nun of the original vow in her residence at the moment of her death when Amida and his heavenly host descend on clouds to welcome her into the Pure Land. At the bottom right, two women are weeping out of sorrow for the nun's death. In the center of the room, in front of a folding screen, are seated a female attendant and the nun of the original vow. The nun of the original vow is facing the Taima mandala, in front of which are placed various 37 offerings, and she is holding her hands in prayer. From the left, the descent unfolds. First, standing on lotus dais, descending on clouds, and greeting the nun of the original vow are Fugen #R (Skt. Samantabhadra), who is the bodhisattva of universal virtue; Kannon H,ia (Skt. Avalokitesvara), who is the bodhisattva of compassion; and Seishi f^H (Skt.Mahasthamaprapta), who is the bodhisattva representing the power and wisdom of Amida. Fugen is identified by holding a canopy, and Kannon is identified by holding an empty lotus dais, which he offers to the devotee at the moment of death and on which he carries the soul of the devotee to the Pure Land. Seishi is identified by holding his hands in prayer.49 They are surrounded by small gold-colored Buddhas (kebutsu •ffcfA) and celestial beings (tennin ^ A). Following them is a host of bodhisattvas. Some are playing musical instruments, while others are dancing and holding banners. Amidst them is Amida Buddha, who is making the mudrd (in-zo l=PtS) of Upper-class Lower-birth (jobon gesho -kopT f^e), welcoming the devotee into the Pure Land at the moment of death.50 This particular depiction of Amida descending through a landscape of mountains and rivers together with his host of musical bodhisattvas, called shdju raigo I§^;5l$:fil, has become a standard iconographic convention for raigo paintings since the eleventh century.51 However, what is unusual about this raigo scene in the Taima Mandala Engi Emaki is the presence of Monju ~Xffi (Skt. Manjusrf), the bodhisattva of wisdom, who is standing to the right of Amida (fig. 15). He is holding a vajra sword in his right hand and a surra scroll in his left. Although a few raigo paintings exist which include Monju, such as the 38 thirteenth-century Amida shdju raigo zu M^^MM^MM at Anrakuju-in ^ ^ # [ ^ in Kyoto and at Matsuo-dera ^ H ^ j F in Nara, the Taima Mandala Engi Emaki is the only extant example depicting Monju with five tufts of hair (Gokei Monju 3 £ f f 3C$c).53 As I will show in the following section, the inclusion of this Gokei Monju among Amida's host in the Taima Mandala Engi Emaki was closely linked to the donor of the scrolls, women's faith in Buddhism, and their capability of attaining salvation. 1.3 Investigation into the Production and Patronage of the Taima mandala engi emaki Out of the four versions of Chujohime's legend under investigation in this dissertation - the Taima mandala engi emaki, Zeami's noh plays Taema and Hibariyama, and the Taima-dera engi emaki - the Taima mandala engi emaki is the oldest extant textual and visual reference. Therefore, the Taima mandala engi emaki serves as an important point of departure for the discussion of Chujohime's legend because it provides the foundation for the development of these later versions. Previous research has focused on the Taima mandala engi emaki in terms of Chujohime's religious significance for Taima-dera in conjunction with the creation of the Taima mandala, but so far no attempt has been made to link the religious significance and narrative content of the Taima mandala engi emaki to that of later versions of Chujohime's story. Scholars have argued that the various versions of Chujohime's legend represent a "secularization of a sacred tradition," a "humanization of a deity," as well as a "hime-ization," all of them transforming a religious heroine into a popular fairy-tale 3 9 princess.54 These interpretations are problematic since they imply that transformed representations of Chujohime's legend became independent from the legend's religious origin and its emphasis on women's religious experiences. This chapter situates the Taima mandala engi emaki within the socio-historical and religious context of the Kamakura period. It aims at interpreting the meaning of Chujohime's legend in terms of its significance for women. Why was this particular narrative singled out for representation at this time? What was its significance for female audiences? How does this narrative convey ideas about gender from a religious perspective? I will argue that the Taima mandala engi emaki is foremost an account of female salvation, serving as a didactic Buddhist sermon in order to popularize the Pure Land faith and to emphasize women's capability of attaining enlightenment. However, imbedded within this Buddhist narrative is a construction of gender, rendering women as impure, that arose with the introduction and popularity of Buddhism in Japan, and penetrated the social spheres of medieval Japanese society. In the course of this dissertation, I will show that this underlying theme of women, impurity, and the possibility of attaining salvation through Pure Land faith was reinterpreted and recreated in later versions of this narrative over time, taking on various forms that coincided with changing perceptions of the audience as well as patronage. A.) Cultural Setting The Kamakura period marks a shift in political power from the peaceful 40 rule of the Heian aristocracy to the tumultuous rule of the military warlords, which affected all aspects of medieval society. In 1185, the Minamoto clan under the leadership of Minamoto no Yoshitsune MH$1 (1159-1189) defeated the Taira clan in the Battle of Dannoura, bringing an end to the five-year-long Genpei War (1180-1185).55 During the war, which brought destruction and suffering to the entire country, Minamoto no Yoritomo WMM (1147-1199) emerged as the head of the clan. In 1192, after Emperor GoToba MkfaMJz^ (r. 1183-1198) bestowed on him the title of Barbarian-subduing General (Seiitai Shogun tiEiS A # ), Yoritomo established his military government (bakufu M^ffi) at Kamakura. Following Yoritomo's death in 1199, his wife, Hojo Masako At^Mt^ (1157-1225), became a Buddhist nun and, along with her father Hojo Tokimasa lt$z$f$L (1138-1215) and her brother Hojo Yoshitoki It&iS B# (1163-1224), usurped all the political and military power of the shogunate.56 In 1221, the retired emperor GoToba launched the Jokyu Rebellion to overthrow the Hojo in order to reinstate imperial rule, but his attempt ended in failure. The H6J6 rule ended in 1336 when they were defeated by Ashikaga Takauji JSftJ#£c (1305-1358).57 The power struggles between the Minamoto and the Taira, and their impact on Kamakura-period society, are documented in such works as The Tale of Heike (Heike monogatari ^WfaW), dated 1371, and the Gukansho ®W£J>, dated 1219. Unlike the Heike monogatari, which focuses on the Kamakura-period military battles, the Gukansho, a history of Japan compiled by the Buddhist priest Jien MR (1155-1225), provides us with impressions of the medieval mind and sentiments at the time when the high civilization of the Heian aristocracy waned and the country was plunged into the age of warriors.58 Jien, a member of the northern branch of the Fujiwara clan, wrote the 41 Gukansho in order to justify the historical success of his family as regent-rulers at the Heian court. This work is unique because it is the first historical account that views the past in distinct terms of cause and effect, as well as a progression from one stage to another. Jien's emphasis on the progress of history emerged from a heightened awareness of momentous change, and the anguish that he and members of the aristocracy encountered as a result of these political changes was understood in terms of its inevitability. Following the early years after the Genpei War, one of the country's priorities was renewal, such as the revitalization of Japan's traditional religious foundations, the rebuilding of Buddhist temples damaged or destroyed by the fighting. What was the importance of this revival movement for Taima-dera and how did it aid in the production of the Taima mandala engi emaki! As for the history of Taima-dera, the Taima mandala engi emaki states that the temple was founded in 612 by Emperor Yomei's third son, Prince Maroko. 5 9 In 680, the grandson of Prince Maroko and founder of the Taima clan, Taima no Kunimi ^ ^ S M i , whose meritorious deeds in the Jinshin Rebellion of 672 helped establish the Fujiwara clan's political power, moved Taima-dera to its present location and established it as the clan temple (uji-dera ft^).60 According to an entry in the Nihon sandai jitsuroku 0 ^ELiXM$!k (The Authentic Chronicles of Three Rules), a historical treatise dated 901, Taima-dera owed its prosperity and imperial patronage to two women of the Taima clan.61 One of these women, the daughter of Taima no Osadamaro Mitfft&ffl^g, married Emperor Saga VgMJiB. (786-842; r.809-823). She gave birth to a girl by the name of Kiyohime (810-856) who married Fujiwara 42 no Yoshifusa 0iHS;M(8O8-872). Out of their union was born a daughter, Fujiwara no Akirakeiko MW^M^ (829-900), who became the consort of Emperor Montoku JC$0z M (827-858; r. 850-858) and the mother of Emperor Seiwa "<f fP (850-880) (r. 856-876).62 This genealogy is significant because the marriage of Taima no Osadamaro's daughter to Emperor Saga marked the end of the Taima clan and the beginning of the Fujiwara clan as patrons for Taima-dera. It was precisely this patronage that was significant for the revival of Taima-dera and for the production of the Taima mandala engi emaki in the Kamakura period. According to the Taimachd-shi henshu ^MRf!$LWiM, in Jisho 4 (1180) the troops of Taira no Shigehira (1156-1185), captured the monks of T6dai-ji M±^F and K6fuku-ji f l U l ^ in Nara, who had revolted after the assassination of Prince Mochihito J^,f— 3£ (1151-1180) by the Heike, and burned both temples in revenge for the support they provided to the Minamoto and their imperial patrons.63 In the same year, the Taira forces also attacked Taima-dera because it was a branch temple of Kofuku-ji, and burned down both the temple's Golden Hall (kondo 4£!st) and the Lecture Hall (kodo fills:). The Golden Hall, which housed the gilded-wooden sculpture of Miroku mentioned in the Taima mandala engi emaki, was rebuilt in 1184, and the Lecture Hall was restored in 1303.64 In addition to these restorations, both Taima-dera's Mandala Hall (mandarado HPfeS^) and its shrine (zushi containing the Taima mandala underwent repairs in 1242. In 1243 the Mount Sumeru altar (shumidan ^R$5Jl[), on which the shrine rested, was restored as well and decorated with mother-of-pearl.651 would like to suggest that 43 the circumstances as well as the donors involved in these repairs, particularly those concerning the shrine, played an important role for the production of the Taima mandala engi emaki, shedding light on the scroll's religious significance for women. The wooden doors of the shrine, which consist of two large panels, are decorated with a gold-on-black lacquer design (kinmaki-e depicting lotus flowers growing out of a pond. Below the lotus pond design are inscribed the names of 2,150 karmically linked devotee donors (kechien InHO, including monks, laymen, as well as other high-ranking men and women connected with both the imperial court in Kyoto and the military government in Kamakura (fig. 16).66 Among these names, four are inscribed in golden characters in the center of the left door panel and are larger in size than the other ones (fig. 17). From right to left, these four names are Kongo Hotokeko Gyoe feWlfa^ffM, Bosatsukai no Amasho Jonyo ^ -MlfcJ&W&l®, Seii Taishogun Yoritsune %£MJZ1frMffih% and Bosatsukai no Amajaku Joe 1£MjfcJ&M\WM. All are Buddhist titles except for the third one which is the title of the military rank held by Fujiwara no Yoritsune, who headed the repairs, at the time.67 The first title, Kongo Hotokeko Gyoe, refers to a person who has received the precepts of esoteric Buddhism (mikkyo $£WL). According to Komatsu Shigemi, this Buddhist title was given to Kujo no Michiie %0k^M- (1193-1252), the third descendant of the northern branch of the Fujiwara clan and the father of Fujiwara no Yoritsune MW $SH (1218-1256), when he took the tonsure at Hossho-ji in 1238.68 The second title, Bosatsukai no Amasho Jonyo, refers to a woman who received the bodhisattva precepts from a Buddhist teacher (kaishi $c8ifj) at the time when she took the tonsure. 44 The consensus is that Bosatsukai no Amasho Jonyo was the Buddhist name of Kujo no Michiie's wife because it is recorded immediately following his name.69 The third name, Seii Taishogun Yoritsune, refers to Fujiwara no Yoritsune who was the fourth son of Kujo Michiie. 7 0 Regarding the last name inscribed on the doors of the shrine, Bosatsukai no Amajaku Joe, Komatsu Shigemi argues that it either refers to Yoritsune's wife, a woman only known as Take no gosho hime WMfJ\$k, or to his sister, Chugu Shunshi (1209-1233), who was the wife of Emperor Gohorikawa %M M ^ c l - (1212-1234; r. 1221-1232). Following Gohorikawa's abdication in 1232, Chugu Shunshi changed her name to S6hekimon-in Shunshi MM^^^-f- and became a lay nun on the third day of the fourth month of Joei 2 (1234).71 These attributions are problematic because an inscription on the doors gives the year of the dedication as Ninji 3 (1242), but both Yoritsune's wife and sister had already passed away in 1234. However, in spite of the fact that these pious women were already deceased at the time of the repairs, one possibility for their names being recorded on the doors of the shrine is that they might have left wills, but no evidence exists. According to an entry in the Azuma kagami T § - § i § i t (Mirror of the East) (1180-1266), the wife of Fujiwara no Yoritsune suffered from illness caused by stillbirth on the twenty-seventh day of the seventh month of Tempuku 2 (1234) and, even though monks provided faith-healing incantations (kaji MW), she died several hours later. Yoritsune and his five-year-old daughter, as well as other members of the court, conducted Buddhist memorial services for the deceased, and in 1235 an Amida hall was constructed particularly for the purpose of conducting memorial services.72 Another entry in the Meigetsuki 15 (Record of the Clear Moon) (1180-1235) 45 of Fujiwara no Teika MW^W- (1162-1241), states that on the fifteenth day of the fourth month of Joei 2 (1234) S6hekimon-in Shunshi and retired Emperor Gohorikawa conducted a shell-matching game (kai awase I-p) among members of the court, the wager being a handscroll painting. Five months later, on the eighteenth day of the ninth month of the same year, S6hekimon-in fell ill and passed away.73 Based on this evidence, it seems unlikely that the woman named Bosatsukai no Amajaku Joe, who is listed among the donors on the shrine doors, was either Yoritsune's wife or his sister because the repair and dedication of the shrine took place in 1242, eight years after their passing. It seems more likely that the name Bosatsukai no Amajaku Joe, which is listed following Yoshitsune's title and therefore indicates that this person was one of his immediate family members, refers to Yoshitsune's daughter because, with the exception of his mother, she was his only close female relative alive at the time. In addition to the names of karmically linked devotee donors mentioned above, a colophon is found on the Taima-dera engi (Ninna-ji-bon), a manuscript dated 1253 which outlines the foundation legend of Taima-dera and the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala. Based on this colophon, the Ninna-ji-bon was used as a registration book in order to raise funds (kanjincho HtjiJUS) for the repair of the Mandala Hall at Taima-dera and it was signed by Shamon Shoku.74 The colophon reads: The [colophon on the] front of the Taima-dera engi manuscript states that it was used as a registration book for the raising of funds for the repair of the Great Mandala Hall. [Signed] Shamon. 46 In her research, Saeki Eriko has compared the textual passages concerning the foundation legend of Taima-dera and the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala recorded in the Kenkyu gojunrei-ki (1191), Gokoku-ji-bon (1235), Jogu taishi shui-ki (1237), Ninna-ji-bon (1253), Kokon chomonju (1254), Shiju hyaku in 'en shu (1257), and the Zenrin-ji-bon (1262) with those recorded in the Taima mandala engi emaki (1256-1262).75 Her investigation focused on the inclusion and variation of the name of the donor, the copying of the Pure Land-Praising surra, Yokohagi's daughter taking the tonsure, the appearance of the mysterious nun, the gathering of the lotus stems, the dying of the lotus threads, the Some-dera story, the weaving of the mandala, the mysterious nun's explanation of the mandala to Yokohagi's daughter, the mysterious nun's four line verse stating that she is Amida and the weaver Kannon, and the date and birth of Yokohagi's daughter into Amida's Pure Land in these documents. Saeki concluded that the Ninna-ji-bon is closer to the Taima mandala engi emaki than any of the other texts, therefore, it might have been the source for its production.76 Furthermore, Saeki suggests that the Taima mandala engi emaki might have been commissioned by wealthy donors connected to the restoration projects of the Mandala Hall, the shrine and the altar at Taima-dera at the same time as these repairs took place. Only high-ranking aristocrats could have commissioned such as precious scroll, and not only would they have been deeply involved in the funding but also in the planning and execution of this work. Due to the lack of documents concerning the commission and patronage of the Taima mandala engi emaki, the pictorial narrative and religious significance of this handscroll painting provide us with the only clues to reconstruct these circumstances. Although the Taima mandala engi emaki briefly mentions the foundation legend of 47 Taima-dera, the central focus of this pictorial narrative is the story of a young noblewoman who, through her deep faith in Amida, caused the appearance of Amida and Kannon in human form, facilitated the creation of the Taima mandala and, in the end, attained birth in Amida's Pure Land. Therefore, because the key aspect communicated through this handscroll painting is the capability of women to attain birth in the Pure Land through faith in Amida, women must have played a crucial role in terms of audience for this work. If we accept Saeki's theory that the scrolls were commissioned in the years 1242-1243 around the same time as the repairs of the Mandala Hall, shrine, and altar took place, we can assume that a woman or a group of women in the entourage of Fujiwara no Yoritsune, of aristocratic birth like he himself, were involved in this project and received his support. As evident from the many names of women listed among the donors on the doors of the shrine, women were drawn to the Taima mandala and faith in Amida because of the connection between a woman and the mandala's legendary miraculous creation in the locale of Taima-dera. Based on this significance of the Taima mandala and its creation story for the salvation of women through faith in Amida, Yoritsune's interest in sponsoring this particular handscroll painting might have perhaps originated from the loss of his wife and sister in 1234. Therefore, Yoritsune's possible involvement in the production of the Taima mandala engi emaki could have been a personal act of devotion in order to pray for the birth of his female relatives in Amida's Pure Land. However, Saeki's theory is problematic because it does not account for the gap in time between the repairs of 1242-43 and the completion of the Taima mandala engi 48 emaki more than ten years later, estimated to have occurred sometime between 1256 and 1262. Buddhist paradise images, such as the paintings on the rear panel of the Tamamushi shrine EE&Jlf-J' and those on the walls at H6ryu-ji fePH^f (fig. 18) as well as the Tenjukoku Shucho mandala ^ 0MMWk§k$1Z$ik at Chugu-ji fpHf^  in Nara, were introduced to Japan as early as the seventh century.78 Previous studies have provided evidence for these paradise images, for example the Tenjukoku Shucho mandala, which is a seventh-century fragmentary embroidery depicting the "Land of Heavenly Longevity", having been commissioned upon the death of a spouse.79 The Tenjukoku Shucho mandala was commissioned upon imperial command in 623 to honor the wish of Prince Shotoku's HtJ&A-f- (574-622) widow, Tachibana no Oiratsume, to create a visual imagery of the Buddhist paradise in which her husband was believed to have been born.8 0 While these early images portray a variety of Buddhist paradises including Amida's Pure Land, images dating from the late Heian period onward depict predominantly the paradise of Amida. Therefore, considering that representations of Amida's Pure Land were commissioned by women not only as acts of merit for their own salvation but also for that of their husbands or fathers and that Fujiwara no Yoritsune died in 1256, precisely the year in which the production of the Taima mandala engi emaki is believed to have begun, the donor of the Taima mandala engi emaki might have been Yoritsune's daughter or other high-ranking noblewomen in his entourage, who commissioned this work as an act of devotion and gratitude for Yoritsune's patronage of Taima-dera. Yoritsune's death might have had an effect on the funding provided for Taima-dera, which might explain the long time it took for the 49 scrolls to be completed. In spite of the uncertainties surrounding the production of the Taima mandala engi emaki, based on the religious significance of this pictorial narrative for women, I propose that further evidence in support of Saeki's theory, namely that a woman or a group of women constituted the audience for this handscroll painting and that the funding and supervision of this project was headed by Fujiwara no Yoritsune or someone of equal rank, lies in the presence of the figure of Gokei Monju (fig. 19) depicted in the raigo scene of the Taima mandala engi emaki. Komatsu suggests that the connection between this figure of Gokei Monju and women's faith during the Kamakura period may be traced to the origin of a small wooden sculpture of Gokei Monju, which is enshrined at Chugu-ji SI and dated 1269 (fig.20). This sculpture of Gokei Monju at Chugu-ji closely resembles the image of Gokei Monju portrayed in the Taima mandala engi emaki because he also carries a sutra scroll in his left hand and a vajra sword in his right. Even more important, however, is the fact that the donor of the Gokei Monju at Chugu-ji was the nun Shinnyo i H M , who not only rediscovered the Tenjukoku Shucho mandala at Chugu-ji in 1269 but also, through the popularization of this paradise scene embroidery, revived this nunnery in the Kamakura period.82 Considering the extensive revival projects at Taima-dera, such as the repairs of the Golden Hall in 1185, the Mandala Hall and the shrine in 1242, the altar in 1243, and the Lecture Hall in 1303, the production of the Taima mandala engi emaki dated 1256-1262 falls right into this period of restoration at Taima-dera and might have been commissioned as part of the revival movement of this temple. Therefore, I support Saeki's theory that a group of women in the entourage of Fujiwara no Yoritsune, of aristocratic birth like he himself, constituted the audience for 50 the Taima mandala engi emaki, were involved to a certain degree in the production of the scrolls, and that Fujiwara no Yoritsune supplied the funding for this project. Monju plays a prominent role in the Lotus Sutra (Skt. Saddharmapundarika, J. Hokekyo which was the first major text to promise salvation for women once their female bodies had been transformed into male bodies. In the "Devadatta" chapter, it is related how Monju visited the Dragon King's palace where the Dragon King's eight-year old daughter understood the doctrine immediately, the significance being that she attained sudden enlightenment and Buddhahood. Twelfth and thirteenth-century frontispieces to sutra scrolls, such as the Lotus Sutra and the Vimalakirti Sutra (Yuima-kyo $£Jtl$£), often depict Monju. This indicates that the presence of the figure of Monju, both at Chugu-ji and in the Taima mandala engi emaki, was not accidental but deliberate. In the Heian period, female adherents were fundamental to the widespread faith in the Lotus Sutra and the Pure Land, evidenced by exquisite decorated manuscripts, paintings and sculptures created by female patrons. In the Kamakura period, women further contributed to the popularity of the Pure Land sects founded by Honen and Shinran. Women featured as the main characters in Buddhist miracle tales (reigenki l l l & i E ) as well as in accounts of people who had attained birth in the Pure Land (ojoden tE^felS), just like the heroine in the Taima mandala engi emaki, and therefore promoted the idea of "women's salvation" {nyonin 6jd i c A f t ^ E ) . 8 3 But what drew women to the Pure Land faith in the Kamakura period? How did the teachings of Honen and Shinran facilitate the popularity of faith in Amida and female salvation, and how does the Taima mandala engi emaki visually facilitate these doctrinal aspects? 51 Even though the worship of Amida had been known in Japan since the late sixth century, it was not until the emergence of the Tendai Buddhist monk Genshin fflHia (942-1017) that concrete religious activity centered on Amida and that Pure Land Buddhism became a popular faith of personal salvation. Records indicate that the Sutra on the Teaching of Infinite Life (Skt. Larger Sukhdvativyuha, J. Muryoju-kyo MM. which is one of the three Pure Land surras, was recited at the imperial court in 640 and that paintings of Amida and his two attendant bodhisattvas, Kannon and Seishi, were brought to Japan from Korea in 689.84 In Japan, the earliest extant visual depiction of Amida, Kannon, and Seishi is found on the wall paintings in the Golden Hall at Horyu-ji in Nara, which are dated 710 and are presently kept in the H6ryu-ji Treasure House (fig.21). Among the extant seventh-century images of Amida, inscriptions indicate that early Amida worship occurred predominantly in ceremonies for the dead and in memorial services. The monk Gyogi f f (670-749) preached Amida's promise of salvation through faith, and Emperor Uda ^#-Aik(866-931) is said to have invoked Of Amida's name on his deathbed. In the Heian period, Amida was worshipped by both the Tendai and the Shingon schools, but Pure Land Buddhism did not make the leap towards becoming a popular religious sect until the time of Kuya 3?-til (903-972). The height of the Pure Land development, emerging as an independent school of Buddhism, occurred after Genshin, under his successor, Honen.8 6 Pure Land Buddhism, which emphasizes meditation on and invocation (nenbutsu ^{A) of Amida's name as sufficient practice for devotees in order to attain birth in his Pure Land, became a popular faith for aristocrats in the Heian period through Genshin's 52 treatise, The Essential Practices Requiredfor Birth in the Pure Land (Ojoyoshu £E4.H M), which was compiled in 984.87 In the Ojoyoshu, Genshin promoted and shaped, both textually and visually, visions of Amida's Pure Land. At a time of corruption of the clergy, political instabilities, and natural disasters in the late Heian period as well as the new military rule in the Kamakura period, the concept of mappo - a corrupt period in which the dharma had decayed and which is said to have begun in 1052 - caused medieval society to aspire toward a faith that would promise everybody a glorious life after death and an escape from their worldly sufferings. This belief in mappo was not only central to religious practices of the Tendai sect during the Heian period, but it also influenced the teachings, practices, and writings of the religious founders of Kamakura-period Buddhist schools, such as Honen, Shinran, Myoe and Nichiren.89 The Pure Land sect held the belief that the invocation of Amida's name on one's deathbed (rinju nenbutsu guaranteed salvation, and that the dying would have a vision of Amida greeting and conducting the devotee to the Pure Land, as promised in Amida's nineteenth vow. Although Honen still valued the precepts, his main emphasis on achieving salvation in Amida's Pure Land was through the frequent recitation of the nenbutsu by chanting Hail to the Name of Amida Buddha (Namu Amida Butsu &MMffi< PfefA). Honen's most significant innovation, however, was to teach that the common person (bonbu RjJz) could attain rebirth in Amida's Pure Land, not through one's own effort (jiriki S JJ) but through solely relying on the power of Amida (tariki i&fj)90 Amida provides salvation for all who have faith in him and aspire to be reborn in his Pure Land, regardless of class and gender. This last aspect is of particular importance regarding attitudes towards women and female salvation within Pure Land Buddhism, the 53 religious key point communicated through the Taima mandala engi emaki. 1.4 The Taima mandala engi emaki as an Account of Female Salvation The Taima mandala engi emaki depicts the story of an eighth-century noblewoman, whose devotion to Amida caused the appearance of a mysterious nun and a mysterious woman, who, in one single night, wove the threads into the Taima mandala After having explained the meaning of the Taima mandala, both the mysterious woman and the mysterious nun ascended on clouds to the western direction of the Pure Land, revealing themselves to be human manifestations of Kannon and Amida respectively. Upon the heroine's death, Amida and his heavenly host welcomed her into the Pure Land. This thirteenth-century Buddhist tale plays an important role regarding attitudes towards women and their capability of salvation within Pure Land Buddhism. According to Buddhist thought, women were considered impure and defiled due to the concept of the "Five Obstructions" (gosho, itsutsu no sawari which refers to the five states of existence that women are unable to attain as expounded in the Lotus Sutra. Initially, these five states of existence referred to those of the gods Brahma, the god Sakra, the tempter Mara, the wheel-turning king Chakravartin, and the Buddha.91 These obstructions were corporeal rather than spiritual; it was physiology that rendered women unfit, unable to conform to the thirty-two primary and eighty secondary marks of the Great Sage (mahdpurusa). In the sutras the "Five Obstructions" denoted only the ranks which women were unable to attain; however, in medieval exegesis, the phrase underwent a subtle but significant semantic drift from denoting those forms of existence external to women to connoting a state of being inherent to them. In Japan, the "Five Obstructions" were seen as innate qualities that excluded women from attaining salvation, and over the 54 course of time menstrual blood became the most popular claim for women's impurity and inability to attain salvation. The terms sawari suggests something closer to the notion of offence or sin, implying women's culpability for their condition. Similar to the defilement arising from menstruation, the "Five Obstructions" are understood to be internal to the state of 'woman,' something that women have brought upon themselves through previous negative actions. The Pure Land sect was revolutionary and gained popularity among Heian and Kamakura-period Japanese society because it promised salvation to all beings, especially to women. This aspect is both textually and visually emphasized in the Taima mandala engi emaki by the heroine's vow to see Amida in living form, the appearance of Kannon and Amida in the guise of female weaver and nun, and the heroine's final entry into the Pure Land upon her death. Therefore, the heroine in the Taima mandala engi emaki serves as a role model for women, exemplifying that through faith in Amida women can be freed from their suffering inflicted upon them by their sex and are capable of attaining salvation. This aspect must have greatly appealed to female audiences listening to this story and having the meaning of the Taima mandala explained to them, which was a common practice performed at temples or on pilgrimage routes by etoki hoshi. But where did this incentive for this aristocratic woman, rather than a laywoman or a nun, as a role model come from? The incentive for the depiction of a noblewoman as a role model for women in their hope of salvation through faith in Amida and in spite of their sexuality originated from the central narrative of the Taima mandala The Taima mandala (fig.22) is a visualization of Shantao's #3f (613-681) commentary (C. Kuan-ching-su ) on the Sutra of Contemplation on the Buddha of Infinite 55 Life (Kanmuryoju-kyo UMik^li) and is also referred to as "transformed diagram of the Pure Land" (jodo henso ^ i i ^ t S ) . 9 3 In his commentary, Shantao divided the sixteen meditations of the Sutra on the Meditation of the Buddha ofInfinite Life into two groups of thirteen and three, and he subdivided the last three into the nine grades of birth. This division is pictorialized in the Taima mandala, thus making it an accurate visual rendition of Shan-tao's teachings.94 The central court of the Taima mandala, called "Court of the Central Doctrine" (gengibun j|;£r), depicts Amida and his attendants, Kannon and Seishi, as well as a host of heavenly deities sitting in the midst of the Pure Land (fig. 23). A splendid golden palace is depicted in the background of this composition, and in front of Amida and his heavenly host unfolds a lotus pond. The vertical outer court on the right, the "Court of Specific Contemplations" (jozengi liElSii), illustrates thirteen of the sixteen contemplations from the Sutra on the Meditation of the Buddha of Infinite Life (fig.24). Pictorializations of the remaining three contemplations are shown in the lower horizontal court, called "Court of the Nine Grades of Birth" (sanzengi iScillH), which teaches the nine possible grades in which people can be born in Amida's Pure Land (fig.25).95 In the center of the "Court of the Nine Grades of Birth" is a space, called "Court of the Origin" (engibun which contains an inscription stating the origin legend of the Taima mandala (fig.26). The earliest extant and readable inscription of the text in the "Court of the Origin" is found on the Bunki mandala ~Xftit^M which is dated 1505. The inscription is almost identical to the story in the Taima mandala engi emaki, but previous studies have concluded that this kind of inscription is a post-sixteenth-century addition and does not truly represent earlier inscriptions, leaving the original content of 56 the text unknown.96 However, the most significant aspect for the discussion of the heroine as an exemplary role model for women's salvation is the story of Queen Vaidehi (J. Idaike $ | in the left outer court, known as the "Court of the Prefatory Legend" (Jobungi Ffft H). The story is as follows: Incited by the wicked monk, Devadatta, Prince Ajatasatru (J. Ajase) imprisoned his father and planned to starve him to death. Prince Ajatasatru's mother, Queen Vaidehi, secretly smuggled food to her husband, and when her action was discovered, Prince Ajatasatru also imprisoned her. Due to Queen Vaidehi's deep veneration for Sakyamuni, she prayed for him to lead her into a safe place from the world of suffering. Upon hearing her prayer, Sakyamuni appeared and showed her various Buddha paradises. Queen Vaidehi chose to be born in Amida's Pure Land and in reply to her question of how one can be born in this paradise, Sakyamuni taught her a series of sixteen contemplations.97 The attainment of birth in Amida's Pure Land by the heroine in the Taima mandala engi emaki and Queen Vaidehi's in the Taima mandala is central to my discussion regarding the religious significance of the Taima mandala engi emaki in terms of female salvation. The popularity of Pure Land Buddhism, especially as it was propagated through Honen's teachings in the Kamakura period, was due to the fact that it extended the promise of salvation to all beings, to the laity as well as to monastics, to commoners as well as to aristocrats, and to women as well as to men. The accessibility of the nenbutsu to believers in any situation of life led to Honen's departure from the orthodox Tendai schools and toward his primary teaching of the "exclusive nenbutsu" (senju nenbutsu " f -^^fA ). 9 8 Honen's disciple, Shinran, also propounded the exclusive 57 nenbutsu practice, but he emphasized an inward dimension to it - particularly the importance of faith (shinjin \&>b). Shinran went beyond the practice of only chanting the nenbutsu, explaining in his teachings that it is specifically the state of mind that gives the nenbutsu practice its efficacy.99 Although the assumed egalitarianism of the Kamakura-period Pure Land leaders has come under close re-examination in recent studies, the classical texts of the Japanese Pure Land tradition clearly include women in the promise of birth in Amida's Pure ion Land. Scriptures, such as the Lotus Sutra, enjoin women to aspire to Amida's Pure Land. This explains the connection between both the heroine in the Taima mandala engi emaki and Queen Vaidehi in the Taima mandala. Although the Taima mandala is intended to serve as a meditation aid for all devotees who have faith in Amida and wish to be born in his Pure Land, it is striking that both the heroine in the Taima mandala engi emaki and the heroine in the Taima mandala are women. This aspect clearly emphasizes the importance Pure Land Buddhism gave to female salvation. Apart from Pure Land Buddhist scriptures, tales of women's birth in the Pure Land also became popular from the mid-Heian period onward in a literary genre called ojoden. The earliest collection of ojoden, entitled A Record of Japanese Born into the Pure Land (Nihon Ojo Gokuraku Ki 0 ^ t £4@^lE) and compiled by the scholar Yoshishige no Yasutane iSS£#JSL (934-997) in 985, includes various stories about pious women, often from aristocratic families like the heroines in the Taima mandala engi emaki and the Taima mandala themselves, who became lay nuns and attained birth in the Pure Land. 1 0 1 One such example is that of Princess Seishi J E ^ J - (809-879), who was the eldest daughter of Emperor Saga fflffiR^ (786-842; r. 809-823) and Tachibana no 58 Kachiko (786-850), and the wife of Emperor Junna Wf P A l : (786-840; r. 823-833). In The Three Jewels (Sanboe JElS^O, a guide to Buddhist ceremonies and leading personages in Japanese Buddhist history compiled for Princess (Fujiwara no) Sonshi, who took the tonsure in 984, Princess Seishi is recorded as a Heian-period Japanese nun who took the tonsure and attained birth in the Pure Land. According to the entry in The Three Jewels, Seishi's decision to become a nun in 840 is described as "cutting her hair and becoming a nun" (ama /B) and "cutting her hair and entering the path" (nyudo A 3 i ) , meaning that she pursued religious practices without entering a convent, with no mention of a formal ordination ceremony.102 Like Seishi, the heroine in the Taima mandala engi emaki also takes the tonsure without being formally ordained, which was not an isolated case but was rather a common practice among high-ranking women as well as lay women in the Heian and Kamakura periods. Honen and Shinran's teachings, namely that the constant recitation of the nenbutsu and faith in Amida alone were sufficient enough for devotees to guarantee their birth in Amida's Pure Land, facilitated this "easy entering the path" forming a strong opposition to the teachings of the orthodox Buddhist sects which emphasized the importance of official ordination and following the precepts. Ojoden are typically formulaic. For instance, tales of birth frequently tell about pious women, who have not married or have otherwise exhibited a disinterest in mundane worldly affairs. Women in tales of birth are portrayed as having directed their energies toward Buddhist practice, and descriptions of their gentle and compassionate nature provides further evidence of their spiritual insight. Furthermore, most ojoden describe the auspicious signs, as for example heavenly 59 music, purple clouds, and the beatific countenance of the deceased, which are proof that Amida has come to welcome the devotee into the Pure Land. These aspects are both textually and visually emphasized in the Taima mandala engi emaki, through the heroine's experience of the raigo vision at the moment of death (fig.27): the music that fills the air coming from the instruments played by the bodhisattvas, the purple clouds on which Amida and his heavenly host descend, and the beautiful fragrance that accompanies the descent. Therefore, the Taima mandala engi emaki is obviously the heroine's ojoden. While both the Taima mandala engi emaki and the Taima mandala emphasize women's capability of achieving birth in Amida's Pure Land, at the same time they also pose a challenge to the construction of gender and the idea of female salvation in Pure Land Buddhism. The Buddhist attitude regarding the status of women remains deeply ambivalent, for it was the absence of women, condemned as inherently polluted, that made the Pure Land after all pure. Birth in Amida's Pure Land as a woman was theoretically impossible. Entry into the Pure Land required that women undergo a change of sex and predicated salvation on female self-hatred. In Mahayana doctrines, there are various contesting representations of women and the soteriological path available to them. One commonly found assertion in the canon is that women cannot qualify for bodhisattvahood and Buddhahood without first being reborn as men. The Sutra on the Teaching of Infinite Life, Sutra ofAmida and the Sutra on the Meditation of the Buddha of Infinite Life promise birth in the Pure Land to all those who have faith in Amida. However, in speaking of salvation for women, the thirty-fourth vow of Amida stipulates that women must "feel disgust at their female nature" 60 before they can be reborn, in a male body, in the Pure Land. 1 0 3 Another motif frequently cited in the Buddhist scriptures is the theme of women's "sexual transformation into a male body" (henjd nanshi Ic^cJ^^P). Examples include chapter twenty-three of the Lotus Sutra, entitled "Former Affairs of the Bodhisattva Medicine King." It states that: If a woman, hearing this chapter of the Former Affairs of the Bodhisattva Medicine King, can accept and keep it, she shall put an end to her female body, and shall never again receive one. If after the extinction of the Thus Come One, within the last five hundred years, there is a woman who, hearing this scriptural canon, practices it as preached, at the end of this life she shall straightaway go to the Pure Land, to the dwelling place of the Buddha Amitayus, where he is surrounded by a multitude of bodhisattvas, there to be reborn on a jeweled lotus throne among lotus blossoms, never again to be tormented by greed, anger, envy, or other defilements.104 Another reference occurs in the story of chapter twelve of the Lotus Sutra, "Devadatta", which tells about the young daughter of the Dragon King, who is said to have gained enlightenment upon hearing the Lotus Sutra. Various bodhisattvas question this and ask her: You say that in no long time you shall attain the unexcelled Way. This is hard to believe. What is the reason? A woman's body is filthy, it is not a Dharma-receptacle. How can you attain unexcelled bodhf! The Path of the Buddha is remote and cavernous. Throughout incalculable kalpas, by 61 tormenting oneself and accumulating good conduct, also by thoroughly cultivating perfections, only by these means can one then be successful. Also, a woman's body even then has five obstacles. It cannot become first a Brahma king god, second the god Sakra, third King Mara, fourth a sage-king turning the Wheel, fifth a Buddha-body. How can the body of a woman speedily achieve Buddhahood? 1 0 5 Upon hearing this, she transformed herself into a man and achieved enlightenment. The Pure Land sutras echo the Lotus Sutra in their statements about women and their capability of salvation. While they assure women that they are not excluded from enlightenment, they do so without relinquishing suppositions about women's inferior nature, as is indicated in the following passage from the Sutra on the Teaching of Infinite Life which states Amida's thirty-fifth vow. Were I to attain Buddhahood, and yet if there were women in the Countless inconceivable Buddha lands of the ten directions who, when they die, were again to be [born] in feminine form, even though they heard my name, had joy and faith, gave rise to the aspiration for enlightenment, and despised their female body, then I would not accept true enlightenment.106 As indicated in this thirty-fifth vow, Amida has staked his own enlightenment on welcoming women into his Pure Land, specifically those who have faith in him, recite the nembutsu, and aspire for birth in the Pure Land. On the one hand, Amida's vow promises women that they can enter the Pure Land but, on the other hand, only in a male body. Early versions of the Pure Land sutras do not contain actual references to the "Five 62 Obstructions." This concept was added into the interpretative tradition of Pure Land Buddhism.1 0 7 This interpretative tradition originated with Shantao, who explicated the thirty-fifth vow to mean that at death women would "instantly transform their female bodies into male ones (sokuten nyoshin tokujo nanshi).,,m This belief continued with H6nen, who claimed the meaning of Amida's vow to be "faults which are numerous and obstructions which are profound" (toga 6ku sawari fukaku shite) and listed the "five obstructions" as the primary ones; Shinran further inherited and elaborated this interpretation on women's inferior aspects.109 This concept of the "Five Obstructions" shaped the religious self-image of women in the Heian and Kamakura period, as found in the Buddhist poetry of the eleventh-century imperial princess Senshi Naishinno HHF - fa^lHi (964-1035).110 In response to the second vow of the bodhisattva "Afflictions [obstacles to enlightenment] are numberless: I vow to eliminate them all," she composed. "There is no way to count them all, but those that are closest to me are the 'Five Obstructions'."111 In response to the Sutra on the Transformation of Women and their Attainment of Buddhahood (Tennyo jobutsu-kyo 3^:&:$c{A$I), which reads "all evil karma will be extinguished, and she will certainly attain great bodhisattvahood; in the end her female body will be transformed, and she will reach the ultimate way," Senshi responded: "Since I have encountered this teaching given especially for me, it is certain that my body will be transformed - what a joy to hear!"112 In thought on the passage from chapter twenty-four of the Lotus Sutra "if a woman, hearing this Chapter of the Former Affairs of the Bodhisattva Medicine King, can accept and keep it, she shall put an end to her female body, and shall never again receive one," she composed " since there is after all a 63 way for me to hear this dharma, I know that there is an end to all my sorrows." These sentiments expressed by Princess Senshi were common among medieval women, especially aristocratic women, who had knowledge of Buddhist scriptures. Women felt a special affinity to scriptures like the Tennyo jobutsu-kyo and the Lotus Sutra, and high-ranking female devotees were often sponsors and religious aspirants (ganshu M l ^ ) behind Buddhist rituals, the copying of sutras, the construction of temple halls, and the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings. The frontispiece on the outer cover of the "Devadatta" chapter of the Heike nokyo ^ I ^ ^ H dated 1164 and in the possession of Itsukushima Shrine jtmWIf in Hiroshima prefecture (fig.28), is one example of such artistic production by these female sponsors and aspirants.114 In this painting, the Dragon King's daughter is shown ascending from her ocean palace and offering a jewel to the Buddha, who is seated with his host among clouds and in front of a heavenly palace.116 These two passages from chapters twenty-four and twelve of the Lotus Sutra indicate that the wisdom of women on the path to enlightenment can be identified due to a sexual change in which they lose their female characteristics and acquire a male body. While the Buddhist goal is to transcend sexuality altogether, it is female sexuality that becomes a major impediment while "maleness" becomes the prerequisite for attainment of salvation. As previously mentioned, the source for such exclusionary policy was the constructed concept of the "Five Obstructions." These limitations, it should be noted, were corporeal rather than spiritual; it was physiology that renders women unfit, unable to conform to the thirty-two primary and eight secondary marks of the Buddha. In the 64 Buddhist scriptures, the "Five Obstructions" denoted only the five ranks which women could not attain, such as those of the god Brahma, Sakra, Mara, the wheel-turning King Chakravartin, and the Buddha. However, in medieval exegesis, this concept underwent a subtle but significant semantic drift from denoting those forms of existence external to women to connoting a state of being inherent in them.1 1 7 The critique was thus, in a rather literal sense, internalized. In Japan, the "five Obstructions" were seen as innate qualities that excluded women from salvation. By eliding morality with physiology women's religious imperfection was rendered inescapable. In medieval Japan, the "Five Obstructions" came to be seen as innate qualities that disqualified women from salvation. In his study of the waka topos of the "Five Obstructions" in Heian-period literature, Edward Kamens has shown that religious and secular ideas crossed over boundaries and created new possibilities for the manipulation of ideas in language.118 While the "Five Obstructions" initially denoted the five states of existence women were unable to attain as expounded in the Lotus Sutra, from the late Heian period onward the "Five Obstructions", in poetry as in Buddhist discourse, took on new meanings and interpretations setting women clearly apart from men, portraying women as having particular handicaps due to their sexuality. The Japanese term saw art suggests something more than just the notion of offense, crime or sin implying women's culpability for their condition; a condition that was identified as menstruation.119 Women's monthly obstruction (tsuki no sawari M 9 ) was seen as both the origin and evidence for women's impurity. This is implied to a certain extent in the Taima mandala engi emaki by contrasting the heroine, a young noblewoman, with the old mysterious nun, a manifestation of Amida. In Japanese 65 literary tradition, Amida's most common manifestation as a woman is that of an old nun because, having lost the ability to menstruate, Amida not only disassociates himself from the overt feminine sexuality that a younger manifestation might suggest but also symbolizes the capability of attaining birth in the Pure Land. Amida is usually depicted or described as either male or androgenous, but in appealing to a woman troubled with the "five hindrances" - as in the case of the heroine in the Taima mandala engi emaki -Amida is represented as a woman in order to inspire faith and trust. These aspects are indicated visually in the scroll painting in the scene when the old transformed nun ascends into the western direction of the Pure Land on a five-colored cloud and transforms herself into the radiant golden body of Amida. In contrast, we do not see Chujohime's act of birth in this sense, namely her transformation into a man. All that is depicted in the Taima mandala engi emaki is her vision of Amida and his host descending down to her dwelling in order to lead her into the Pure Land. By eliding morality with physiology, women's religious imperfection was rendered inescapable. As the source and justification for their abjection was located in women's bodies, biology was indeed destiny. This aspect is important when considering the development of Chujohime's legend from the Muromachi period onward because we see an interesting fusion of this religious idea of female defilement and socio-cultural aspects that render women as "less worthy than men." In order to shed light on how Chujohime's legend developed from the religious narrative emphasizing women's capability of attaining birth in Amida's Pure Land in the Taima mandala engi emaki into versions that combine her religious experiences at Taima-dera with an earlier, fictional narrative of her life, as illustrated in 66 the Taima-dera engi emaki Chapter Three looks at two particular noh plays by Zeami, Taema ^ M and Hibariyama S^fiUJ, that served as the impetus for this new development. Notes to Chapter Two 1 The Taima mandala engi emaki is designated as a National Treasure (kokuhd Hl*iE) and, due to its location at K6my6-ji, it is also referred to as the Komyo-ji bon The exact date of the production of the scrolls is unknown but, based on stylistic features, medium, and subject matter it is dated to the mid-thirteenth-century. Komatsu Shigemi /h fe/^cli , 'Taima mandara engi emaki, Saigyo monogatari emaki' ^M§k$1zMM$&$z^, HtT^f&if£#, in Nihon Emaki Taisei 0 A$c, vol. 24 (Tokyo: Chvio Koronsha, 1979), 90. 2 K6my6-ji was the family temple (danna dera W.M #) of the Naito, a clan of feudal lords (daimyo A ^ ) , who expanded their domain and power through the changing of fiefs. In Enpo 2 (1674) Naito Yoshimune buried his father, Naito Tadaoki F*3J§§/iSII (1592-1674) at K6myd-ji, donated land to the temple, and provided funds in order to restore the Taima mandala engi emaki as an act of his devotion to K6my6-ji. However, it is not known how the Taima mandala engi emaki made its way out of Taima-dera and came into the possession of Naito Yoshimune. Miura Katsuo HMIIH, Kamakura no Emaki $t^<Dlfe^ (Kamakura: Kamakura Kokuhokan, 1984), 8-9. 3 In all the translations throughout this dissertation I have inserted brackets at places where I have added additional information in order to clarify the context. 4 K6my6-ji, which is the sectarian headquarters of the Pure Land sect, was founded in 1240 by the priest Nena Ryochu ^ (H^iS (1199-1287) and was called Amaterasu-san Renge-in K6my6-ji JzM UJ3^^TJ#IR#. Komatsu Shigemi /M&flSH, Nihon no Emaki, vol. 20 (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha, 1992), 79. 5 The Gokydgoku school of calligraphy (gokydgoku ryu WMWtfc) was founded in the early Kamakura period by Fujiwara no Yoshitsune H l J ^ i i l i (1169-1206), who is also known as The Gokydgoku Lord WM®.^.. As for the painter, the name Tosa Shogen only indicates a rank, therefore, it leaves the identity of the artist unknown. I discuss the attribution and identity of the painter later in this chapter. 6 The inscription states that Naito Yoshimune ordered the addition of text and decoration to the Taima mandala engi emaki, which would indicate that initially the scrolls were not in the state they are today and would account for their good condition. However, Komatsu argues that the scrolls were damaged and that Naito Yoshimune repaired them and did not actually add new information to the scrolls. Komatsu, Nihon no Emaki, 79. 7 The fourty-sixth head priest of Komyo-ji, Manryo, is also known as Teni. Ibid., 79. 67 8 Barbara Ruch, "Woman to Woman: Kumano Bikuni Proselytizers," in Barbara Ruch, ed. Engendering Faith: Women and Buddhism in Premodern Japan (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), 560. 9 Throughout the narrative, the nun who appears to Chujohime and reveals herself as Amida in human form is referred to keni i\lf& in the text, which I have chosen to translate as "mysterious nun." The term keni refers to buddhas and bodhisattvas who appear temporarily in the guise of a nun. I Ruch, Engendering Faith, 561. I I Miura points out that the large size of the Taima mandala engi emaki is unusual among Kamakura-period emaki-mono. The only other emaki-mono of similar large-scale size is the thirteenth-century Jokyubon kitano ten/in engi ^!K^itW^Wl%.^ (Legend ofKitano Tenjin Shrine). Miura, Kamakura no Emaki, 10. The first scroll of the Taima mandala engi emaki is made up of 25 sheets of paper, 16 of them containing images and 9 of them text. The second scroll consists of 22 sheets of paper, 15 of them illustrating images and 7 of them text. 1 2 Elizabeth ten Grotenhuis, The Revival of the Taima Mandala in Medieval Japan (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1985), 165. See also Miura, Kamakura no Emaki, 18-20. 1 31 would like to thank Melissa McCormick for her assistance in providing me with information about the Tosa School for my analysis of Tosa Koshogen. 1 4 The color of the paper and the style of calligraphy of the postscript differ greatly from the rest of the scroll painting, indicating that it is a later addition. 1 5 Komatsu, Nihon no Emaki, 78. 1 6 Fujiwara Yukihiro's activity as a painter is known to us primarily from and inscription on the Yuzu nenbutsu engi emaki ^ i S ^ f A ^ ® ^ ^ (Miraculous Origin of the Yuzu Nenbutsu), a narrative handscroll painting dated 1414 and in the possession of Seiryo-ji ff in Kyoto. 1 7 Chapter Three of this dissertation deals with the Taima-dera engi emaki and its illustration of Chujohime's story in detail. 1 8 Komatsu, Nihon no Emaki, 78. 1 9 This is a transcription of the original text of the Taima mandala engi emaki, which is photographically reproduced in both Komatsu, Nihon Emaki Taisei, 2-35, and in Miura, Kamakura no Emaki, 12-14. In order to provide readers with an easier and more accessible reading of the original text, I have modernized it by adding dakuten and punctuation. Also, I have added the characters instead of using the "repeat sign" (odoriji). The English translation is my own. 2 0 Emperor Yomei (?-587; r. 585-587). 2 1 En no Gyoja ^fr^f , also known as En no Ozune ^ / J ^ and En no Shokaku was a Buddhist mystic and mountain ascetic of the Nara period. En no Gyoja as the idealized mountain ascetic was the prototype of iheyamabushi and the founder of shugendo f ^ l £ j j i . As recorded in the Shoku nihongi j$i 0 ^HflE (Chronicles of Japan), En no Gyoja was credited with having magical powers and believed to have been living upon Mount Katsuragi in Yamato province. He climbed mountains and dedicated them to the Buddha. In 699, En no Gyoja was banished to an island at Izu on suspicion of sorcery. Louis Frederic, Buddhism: Flammarion Iconographic Guides (Paris: Mame Imprimeurs Tours, 1995), 287. Further references to Taima-dera's original location at the site of En 68 no Gyqja are cited in the Taima mandala chu =}fl^ HPfc$l& (1223), a commentary on the Taima mandala compiled by the monks of Taima-dera, and in the Kenkyu gojunrei-ki 31 A$^tLf2 (1192) a pilgrimage record about the various temples in Yamato. While the Taima mandala chu mentions Taima-dera's imperial foundation and its initial location at the sacred site of En no Gyqja [^M^ft^Ml-MiLfD^X, ^ t r ^ C O M EJfttl. Taima-dera is the temple which was built by the Emperor's grandson, and it is located in the sacred burial place of En no Gyqja.], it does not make any reference to the removal of the temple from this site following Prince Maroko's auspicious dream. In comparison, the entry in the Kenkyu gojunrei-ki is more elaborate, mentioning Taima-dera's predecessors, Prince Maroko's dream, the temple's original location at the sacred site of En no Gyqja, and its removal from this site: [^M^WfM.\Z^ L, ft C #> r<AJttUl&fcT0DM£^U Wfcftk-flrV1tb'rZ>mm&£tlXteZ>. Regarding the origin of Taima-dera, [... ] originally, it was built in Teiko 2 (612) during the reign of Empress Suiko (r.592-628), it was named Manpozo-in, and after that in Shucho 6 (692), the prince, due to an oracle revealed to him in a dream, requested that the temple be moved to a site of En no Gyqja. The temple was moved anew to this place and was called Zenrin-ji. This is how the origin of this temple [Taima-dera] came into existence.] Taimacho kyoiku inkai ^J&ffiTifcWM^, Taimacho shi ^jficBTSt, (Taimacho: Taimacho kyoiku inkai ^ ^ B T g c W M ^ , 1976), 514. 2 2 Emperor 6 i (733-765) is also known as Emperor Junnin Wi— 3^ 11, and he reigned from 758-764. Nihonshi Kojiten Henshu I-inkai 0 &&j£lW$>%WiM£^, Nihonshi Kojiten 0>fc5&JEt£ft (Tokyo: Yamagawa shuppansha, 1997), 285. 2 3 This passage compares the father's feelings of love and care for his daughter to those usually experienced by a mother. It is an allusion to the crane and goose, symbols of devoted mother love in Japanese poetry. Like the mother crane and mother goose in this passage, who are not even leaving their young out of sight in the night or when danger lurks upon them, Yokohagi no Otodo takes the same protective care of his daughter by keeping her concealed within her residence and protecting her from the outside world. 2 4 The Pure Land-Praising Sutra (Shosan Jodo-kyo I^IS^ifcii) is Hsuan-tsang's seventh-century translation of the Smaller Sukhdvati-vyuha Sutra. Uemura Wado _bftfn % Nihon no Shakkyo 0 J£(DW&. (Tokyo: Rikusha, 1981), 88-104. 2 5 Nomura, Hachiro WrHA Muromachi Jidai Shosetsu-ron ^BTWl/hf&ftn (Tokyo: Ganshodo shoten, 1999), 45. For a detailed discussion about the noh play see Chapter Three. 2 6 These sources are listed in Appendices A and B. I will briefly discuss the textual influence of these sources on the Taima mandala engi emaki at a later point in this chapter. 2 7 Komatsu, Nihon Emaki Taisei, 93. 2 8 Nihon Daijiten Kankokai 0 ^ ASfftf!tfT#, Nihon Kokugo Daijiten 0 ft, vol.13 (Tokyo: Shogakkokan, 1972), 595. 2 9 See Chapter Three page 112. 69 30 Regarding the perspective, particularly in terms of interior settings, the paintings in these scrolls are all exclusively done from a 'blown-off roof (fukinuki yatai) perspective. 3 1 Monastic robes are also called 'sleeves of moss.' It means that Yokohagi's daughter became a nun. 3 2 The nine grades of rebirth (kuhon %m) are the nine different classes human beings can be born in Amida's Pure Land, depending on the qualities of the devotee. 3 3 Oshinumi Wife, which was the central western part of Yamato province and the domain of the Muraji clan jllft, is present-day Kitakatsuragi-gun in Nara prefecture. 6mi #r/I is present-day Shiga Prefecture. Nihonshi Kojiten Henshu Iinkai 0 ^ 5 & , f A # * I I $ l K , M o m f o - Kojiten 0 ^ ^ j S r ^ A (Tokyo: Yamagawa Shuppansha, 1997), 357 Ruch, Engendering Faith, 110. 3 5 Ibid., 110. 36 In Japan, the cult of Miroku (Skt. Maitreya), whose name means "benevolence" and who is the Buddha of the future, is attested from the seventh century in the Hosso sect. Taima-dera was built for the worship of Miroku and a gilded-wooden sculpture of Miroku is enshrined in the golden hall. Miroku forms a triad with Sakyamuni and Kannon. Frederic, Buddhism, 119. 3 7 Some-dera is a temple located close to Taima-dera in Taimacho, Nara prefecture. "Some" means "to dye." Visitors today can still see the well that is mentioned in the Taima mandala engi emaki. 3 8 The Law of the Final Dharma is referred to as mappo in Japanese. According to Buddhist thought, the time after the death of the historical Buddha, Sakyamuni, is divided into three ages. These three ages are the Age of the Perfect Law (shobo JEfej when people followed the teachings of the Buddha, the Age of the Degenerative Law (zobo fj| i£) when people failed to understand the true inner meaning of the Buddhist Law, and the Age of the Final Dharma (mappo ifcfe) when practice of the Buddhist Law cannot be carried out and salvation becomes increasingly difficult. Michele Marra, 'The Development of Mappo Thought in Japan (I)', in Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, vol.15, no. 1 (1988), 25. 3 9 A full textual and pictorial account of the foundation legend of Taima-dera is given in the Taima-dera engi emaki (Kyoroku-bon) ^M3fW&$k% (^-Wf) (1531), which I have translated and discussed in Chapter Three of this dissertation. 3 9 Kejo f t i c refers to a woman who appears in a changed guise; a transformed woman. Here, the bodhisattva Kannon appears in the guise of a female weaver. 4 0 Two sho equal 3.6 liters. 4 1 The text says 'hour of the dog' (corresponding to 8pm) and 'hour of the tiger' (corresponding to 5am). 4 2 This is an allusion to poem #2065 in Man 'yd shit 10 (TiMM^iM'i'), where a woman is weaving with such speed and energy that her anklets and armlets jingle, in order to have her lover's clothing ready by the time he arrives. The poem reads [ M I & #3S1> h ( ^ 5 B E ^ © ^ ^ } - l l t > t > fc—- With the jewels of my anklets and of my armlets jingling, I weave at the loom. Would I might sew your robe 70 in time!]. Kojima Noriyuki 4sHbM£., Konishita Masatoshi /fcTIEl^: & Tono Haruyuki W.Wfh£i, 'Manyoshu ' vol.3 TJMMM^, in Shinpen Nihon Koten Bungaku Zensho §f B 0 fr£&-X¥£M (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1995), 91. 4 3 Ichijo goshaku ( — ) corresponds to five meters. 4 4 The Taima mandala is also referred to as a 'transformed diagram depicting the Pure Land' (jodo henso # - ± ^ t l ) . The visual illustration of the Taima mandala is based on the Sutra of Contemplation on the Buddha ofImmeasurable Life (Kanmurydju-kyo WLM J k # H ) , and key passages from this canonical text are found in the inscriptions framing each scene in the outer rows that surround the central court of the mandala The central section of the Taima mandala (gengibun ;&! i£r ) , depicting Amida and his heavenly host in the Pure Land, is framed on the left by the 'court of the prefatory legend' (jobungi Ff ;9*H) which conveys the story of the Indian Prince Ajatasatru. On the right, the central court is framed by the 'court of the thirteen meditations' (jozengi ^ H r H ) which depicts thirteen out of the sixteen meditations. In the frame below the central court, called sanzengi t f c i i i i , the final three of these sixteen meditations are depicted in form of the nine grades of birth (kuhon TLpp). Birth in the nine grades (upper Jh pa, middle 4" P P , and lower T R R ) depends on the qualities of the devotee; they provide the incentive for moral behavior on earth, while at the same time expressing hope for salvation. Okazaki Jqji ffl I^Wn, 'Jodokyo-ga' W±WM, in Nihon no bijutsu 0 ^(D^W, no.43 (1979), 25-30. 4 5 According to Buddhist doctrine, there have been innumerable Buddhas in the past, who are collectively described as the One Thousand Buddhas, and Kasyapa (J. Kassapa MM) was one of them. He was the predecessor to the historical Buddha Sakyamuni. He is often shown seated on a lion and he is painted in gold because he represents the light of the sun and the moon. Frederic, Buddhism, 118. 4 6 Burton Watson, trans., The Lotus Sutra (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 186. 4 7 Allen Andrews, The Teachings of the Essentials for Salvation: Genshin's Ojoyoshu (Tokyo: Sophia University, 1977), 5. 4 8 Kalavinka is the Sanskrit name of a bird, which is said to have a voice more beautiful and melodious than any other bird. The Kalavinka is cited in Buddhist sutras, such as in the seventh chapter "The Parable of the Phantom City" of the Lotus Sutra, for its beautiful voice, which is used as a metaphor for the Buddha's voice. According to Buddhist belief, this bird started to sing even before hatching from its shell and to live in the valleys of the Himalayas as well as in Amida's Pure Land. Frederic, Buddhism, 281. 4 9 Ibid, 153. 5 0 When making the mudrd of Upper-class Lower-birth, Amida is holding up the right hand and lowering the left hand with his thumbs on his forefingers. This Upper-class is reserved for followers who have perfected the three aspects of sincerity, faith and the desire to be born in Amida's Pure Land, and they will be enthroned on a diamond throne. Ibid., 142. 5 1 The earliest extant depiction of Amida's descent with his host of musical bodhisattvas dates to 1053 and is a series of paintings of the nine classes of birth (kubon raigd-zu 7L 71 ppp^3ffi0) on the door panels of the Byodo-in at Uji. Nakano Genzo i W & H , Raigd-zu no Bijutsu MBM<nmW> (Tokyo: Dohosha, 1985), 202. 52 The vajra sword is an attribute used in esoteric Buddhist rituals to dispel evil forces from sacrificial enclosure. In esoteric Buddhism, the vajra sword symbolizes the victorious power and knowledge over ignorance, and is a sign of supreme wisdom. Frederic, Buddhism, 67. 5 3 A topknot of hair (hokei S f t ) is found on images of bodhisattvas, guardian deities, and Dainichi Nyorai. A special example of this topknot is found on esoteric images of the bodhisattva Monju. Although Monju appears with one, five, six, or eight topknots in esoteric representations, he is most frequently portrayed with five topknots (gokei JEff). Ibid., 193. Originally founded as a Pure Land temple, Taima-dera has been controlled by both the Pure Land and the Shingon sects since the Heian period, which accounts for the esoteric image of Gokei Monju in the scroll painting. Descriptions of raigo visions depicting Monju are rare and predominantly experienced by women. The Hosshin shu (1216) describes the story of a woman, who, grieving over the death of her daughter, while facing west and chanting the nenbutsu throws herself into the sea at Naniwa. At that moment, purple clouds envelop the boat, beautiful fragrances and music fill the air, and she is greeted by Amida's host and the bodhisattva Monju. This description is almost identical with the portrayal of Amida's descent in the Taima mandala engi emaki. Miki Sumito, Hqjoki, Hosshin shu, Shincho nihon koten shusei 25 (Hosshinshii 111:6) (Tokyo: Shinchosha, 1976), 139-142. 5 4 See Hank Glassmann, 'The Religious Construction of Motherhood in Medieval Japan', Ph.D.Dissertation (Stanford: Stanford University, 2001), 177. 5 5 Nihonshi Kojiten Henshu Iinkai, Nihonshi Kojiten, 1385. 5 6 When Yoritomo died in 1199, his two sons, Yoriie and Sanetomo, were too young to control the shogunate, and a power struggle arose between their mother, Hojo Masako, her father, Tokimasa, and her brother Yoshitoki. At first Torimasa won, forcing Yoriie into exile and assuming the office of regent for Sanetomo, who became shogun. But in 1205 Masako and Yoshitoki joined forces, exiled Tokimasa, and Yoshitoki became shogunal regent. Kozo Yamamura, The Cambridge History of Japan: Volume 3 Medieval Japan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 445. 5 7 Ibid., 445. 5 8 Delmer M . Brown & Ichiro Ishida, The Future and the Past: A Translation and Study of the Gukansho, an Interpretative History of Japan Written in 1219 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 5. 5 9 This information is also recorded in all extant documents pre-dating the Taima mandala engi emaki (Appendix A), as well as in the first scroll of the Muromachi-period Taima-dera engi emaki, which focuses exclusively on the foundation legend of the temple. 6 0 Based the Yomeiki ffl (Record of Emperor Yomei), Prince Maroko was the predecessor of the Taima clan because his mother was from the Taima no kura a clan in Taima, Katsuragi-gun. Shimura Kunihiro J f e t t ^ A , Nihonshiyami to Nazojiten 5 if-^M t Sl^Pft (Tokyo: Sobunsha 1996), 147-148. 72 6 1 The Nihon Shoki 0 >MP#E (720), Shoku Nihongi Wt 0 *$E , Nihon Koki (840) 0 iptk IE, Shoku Nihon Koki (869) $ 0 : £ ^ E , M/ro/i Montoku Tenno jitsuroku (871-879) 0 2fc and the Nihon sandai jitsuroku constitute the Six National Histories (Rikkoku shi 7N H^) of Japan. The compilation of the Nihon sandai jitsuroku in 901 was the collaborated effort of several authors headed by Fujiwara no Tokihira MW^^f (871-909). This work deals with the time period as the Okagami (The Great Mirror), the reigns of Emperors Seiwa MfO (r. 858-876), Yozei 8§$c (r. 876-884) and Koko % ^ (r.884-887). Nihonshi Kojiten Henshu I-inkai, Nihonshi Kojiten, 1679. 2 Fujiwara no Yoshifusa was the first Fujiwara regent acting as a guardian to the child-emperor Seiwa. Shimura Kunihiro, Nihonshi Yami to Nazo Jiten, 148. 6 3 Taimacho koiku inkai Taima-cho Shi Henshu H$ffcttT&M& (Nara: Taimacho Kyoiku I-inkai, 1977), 522. 6 4 The date of the burning of Taima-dera's golden hall is inscribed on one of the wooden beams in the hall. The sculpture of Miroku in the golden hall is believed to be the Miroku, which has been carved out of the three light-emitting stones, recorded in the Taima mandala engi emaki. Ibid., 522. Komatsu, Nihon no Emaki, 80. 6 6 Ibid., 80. 6 7 In premodern Japan people could go by a variety of names. In addition to one's family name, a person might be identified by one's office, rank, residence or locale. At transitional points in life such as the coming of age or ordination into the Buddhist clergy, one might also adopt a new name. 6 8 The northern branch of the Fujiwara clan (kujo %^k) originated with Kujo Kanezane %4kWM (1149-1207). Michiie, who was the son of Kujo Yoshitsune (1169-1206), served as imperial regent (sessho kanpaku ^SlEfcSf 6). Hossho-ji is a temple of the Pure Land sect in Kyoto and was founded in 925 by Fujiwara no Tadahira MW^¥-(880-949). For a detailed genealogical chart regarding the dominant karmically linked devotee donors who contributed to the shrine repair, see Komatsu, Nihon no Emaki, 86. 6 9 Ibid., 81. In terms of the order of Buddhist titles inscribed as donors on artifacts, the name of the husband is followed by that of his wife. In some cases, his name is followed by other immediate family members, such as daughters, sisters, aunts or mothers. 7 0 When the third shogun Minamoto no Sanetomo (1192-1219) was assassinated in 1219, the one-year-old Fujiwara Yoritsune, who was a remote kin to Minamoto no Yoritomo MMW (1147-1199), was made shogun. In 1226, at the age of seven, Yoritsune became Seii Taishogun in a political deal between his father, Kujo no Michiie, and the shogunate regent, H6J6 Yoshitoki, as well as Hqjo Masako who set him up as a puppet shogun. In 1244, Yoritsune relinquished the position of shogun to his son Kujo Yoritsugu X^kMM (1239-1256). In 1245 he became a Buddhist priest. Nihonshi Kojiten Henshu I-inkai, Nihonshi Kojiten, 1874. 7 1 Ibid., 82. 7 2 The name of Yoritsune's daughter is only given as "princess" (hime gimi #§3§r). Komatsu, Nihon no Emaki, 82. 73 73 Kokusho Kankdkai SHUTOfT^c, Meigetsuki IE (vol.3) (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai, 1912). See also Komatsu, Nihon no emaki, 82. Kaiawase, also called kaiooi j i HI, is a shell-matching game initially played by the Heian nobility. A clamshell half was decorated and placed outside-up. The matching half of the design was painted on other shells and they were turned over one by one by players competing to match pairs. A poem or miniature painting was added inside each shell in order to facilitate matching, with the first part of a 32-syllable poem written on one half and the latter part written on its mate, while both halves were detailed with an identical motif. 7 4 Shamon Shoku W3-f4^ (1177-1247), also known as Seizan Shoku W[l4t£^E, was one of the donors whose names are recorded on the shrine doors, and he was the disciple of Honen. Fujiwara no Yoritsune studied with Shamon Shoku and received the tonsure from him in 1245. Following Honen's death in 1212, Shamon Shoku passed Taima-dera on his travels and heard about the Taima mandala and its miraculous origin. Two years later, he went to Taima-dera and inspected the mandala, found it a faithful representation of Honen's teachings, copied it and wrote commentaries on it. From that time onward, there was a close connection between Shamon Shoku and Taima-dera as is evident from an inscription on a pillar in the Mandala Hall dated Kangi 2 (1230) which states that Shamon Shoku donated money, which was income from the agricultural lands he had inherited from his father, for the constant recitation of the nembutsu at Taima-dera. Kawahara Yoshio ffiW&tife, "Taima-dera" in Yamato Koji Taikan A?R"fr#A H , vol.2 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1978), 88. 7 5 Saeki Eriko fefB^II-r*", "Taima Mandala Engi Emaki no Seisaku Haikei ni ansuru Ichishiron" ^f#SPtlii^^#^$iJ#Wf:^M-r 6-*!^, Bijutsushi Hffl?5fc, 106 (1979): 130. 6 The only item not included in the Ninna-ji-bon is the origin story of the Some-dera, which is included in the Taima mandala engi emaki. Ibid., 130. 7 7 Ibid., 131. Chugu-ji is one of three nunneries in the Ikaruga district in Nara prefecture whose chief priestesses were imperial princesses. Chugu-ji was built by Prince Shotoku for his mother, Anahobe no Hashihito no Himemiko "/^MM>f^Aik^C, and the temple's two main icons of worship are the Tenjukoku Shucho mandala and a small wooden sculpture of Gokei Monju measuring 52.2cm in height. Okazaki, Jodokyo-ga, 44. 7 9 Ibid., 44. 8 0 Ibid., 44. 8 1 Komatsu, Nihon Emaki Taisei, 91. 8 2 Ibid., 91. 8 3 Yoshida Kazuhiko ^ffl—j^, Katsura Noriko WM^l- & Nishiguchi Junko ISP Jig iP, Nihonshi no Naka no Josei to Bukkyo 0 <D tp <T>iz'lk tiM (Kyoto: Hozokan, 1999), 67. 8 4 In addition to the Sutra on the Teaching of Infinite Life, the other two texts constituting the three Pure Land sutras are the Sutra on Amida (Skt. Smaller Sukhdvativyuha Sutra, J. Amida-kyo N^PtiH^ and the Sutra on the Meditation of the Buddha ofInfinite Life (C. Kuan-wu-liang-shou-ching, J. Kanmurydju-kyo H,^l Ji#$IL While the first two scriptures are of Indian origin, the third one, which is the direct textual source for the 74 narratives and images pictorialized in the Taima mandala, is believed to be of Chinese origin. Hisao Inagaki, The Three Pure Land Sutras (Kyoto: Nagata Bunshodo, 1995), 3-5. 8 5 Okazaki, Jodokyo-ga, 18. 8 6 Ibid., 19. The Ojoyoshu was a compendium of earlier scriptures and commentaries by the Chinese Pure Land patriarch Shantao, and it was through this work that Honen learned about Shantao's teachings. Andrews, The Teachings Essential for Salvation: A Study of Genshin's Ojoyoshu (Tokyo: Sophia University, 1977), 35. Genshin describes the horrifying six path of rebirth (rokudo •>» w.) - the realms of hell, hungry ghosts, fighting spirits, animals, human beings, and heavenly beings - from which sentient beings can be saved through faith in Amida and birth in the Pure Land. Ibid., 38. 8 9 Richard K. Payne, Re-Visioning "Kamakura" Buddhism (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1998), 116. Shinran's thought on mappo are recorded in his Ken Jodo Shinjitsu Kyogyosho Monrui l^&diMM^kff KE^tHI (Collection of Passages Elucidating the True Pure Land Teaching, Practice, and Proof) and in his Shozomatsu Wasan JEi^M^BWt (Hymns of the Three Ages). Jacqueline Stone, "Seeking Enlightenment in The Last Age: Mappo Thought in Kamakura Buddhism," in The Eastern Buddhist, vol. XVIII, no.2 (Autumn 1985), 43. Myoe's ideas about mappo are expressed in his Komyo Shingon Dosha Kanjinki zt#tjfcrJM$l (Recommending Faith in the Sand of the Mantra of Light), and in Nichiren's practice of chanting the Daimoku M @ (Title of the Lotus Sutra). See Payne, Re-Visioning "Kamakura " Buddhism, 167 & 139. 9 0 Marra, "The Development of Mappo Thought in Japan (I)," 36. 9 1 For a detailed discussion regarding the Japanization of the "Five Obstructions" see Ruch, Engendering Faith, 309. 9 2 YoshidaKazuhiko ^m—M, "Ryujo no Jobutsu M ^ C ^ ^ f A , " in Josei toBukkyo it ' [4H£ifc(2) ,65-68. The Taima mandala is called a jodo henso because it is a visual depiction of Amida's Pure Land as described in the Shantao's commentary. 9 4 The new military government in Kamakura was susceptible to allegations by orthodox schools that the Pure Land sect posts a threat to national stability because Honen had propagated that "exclusive recitation" (senju nenbutsu T ^ ^ f A ) , which was his expansion on Shantao's teachings, was the only way to attain birth in the Pure Land. Of concern was a painting, called Sesshufusha mandala ISSX^F^fit^M (always adopting-never abandoning) disseminated by Pure Land devotees, which was destroyed by the military government. When Honen's disciple, Shamon Shoku, discovered the Taima mandala at Taima-dera, he used it as a replacement for the Sesshu Fusha mandala and made it the central icon of the Pure Land sect. Grotenhuis, The Revival of the Taima Mandala in Medieval Japan, 22-25. For a translation of the opening section of Shamon Shoku's Taima Mandala Chuki, which describes his discovery of the Taima mandala at Taima-dera see Ibid., 25-27. 9 5 The sixteen contemplations are: 1.) sit down, face the West at dawn; 2.) form the perception of clear water in the West, think of lapis lazuli, 3.) contemplate on the condition of the beautiful lapis lazuli earth of the Western Paradise; 4.) contemplate on 75 the jeweled tress of the Pure Land; 5.) contemplate on the lakes of the Pure Land; 6.) contemplate on the multi-storied jeweled pagodas of the Pure Land; 7.) contemplate on Amida's lotus throne; 8.) contemplate and worship the Amida triad; 9.) focus on Amida's teachings; 10.) envision Kannon; 11.) envision Seishi; 12.) contemplate on various aspects of the Pure Land and imagine oneself being born on a lotus flower; 13.) if one can't visualize the Great Body of Amida, one should contemplate on the Small Body of Amida; 14.) contemplate on lower rebirth; 15.) contemplate on middle rebirth; 16.) contemplate on upper rebirth. Contemplations 14-16 differ depending on the capacity of the devotee. These last three meditations have been divided into nine stages, that correspond to nine possible degrees of rebirth in the Pure Land. For a detailed description of these nine grades see Frederic, Buddhism: Flammarion Iconographic Guides, 141. 9 6 Scholars believe that pre-Muromachi-period texts of the origin legend of the Taima mandala, recorded in the engibun, were originally much shorter than the extant inscriptions. For a translation of the text in the "Court of the Origin" see Grotenhuis, The Revival of the Taima Mandala in MedievalJapan, 84-85. 9 7 Ibid., 146. This aspect is significant because traditional Buddhist schools, such as the Six Nara Schools, Tendai, and Shingon - all of them having served as the prominent faith in the Nara and Heian period - emphasized strict adherence to the precepts. Enlightenment was reserved only for the clergy. 9 9 James C. Dobbins, Jodo Shinshu: Shin Buddhism in Medieval Japan (Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1989), 28. 1 0 0 James C. Dobbins, The Nun Eshinni: Images of Pure Land Buddhism in Medieval Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2004), 71. 1 0 1 Yoshishige no Yasutane had been involved in starting the Kangaku-e H , ^ ^ (Assembly for the Encouragement of Learning) in 964. Its members were both Tendai monks and scholars of Chinese studies who came together in order to study the Lotus Sutra, writing devotional poetry, and reciting the nenbutsu. Yasutane and his fellow members of the Kangaku-e are typical of the mid-Heian period practice of combining the Lotus Sutra with Pure Land rituals in the hopes of gaining salvation in the Pure Land. Inoue Mitsusada #±3 fe£ & Osone Shosuke Al?1fc/H£fe, 'Ojoden Hokke Gen-ki ft ^ | 5 ? £ l j I i £ l E , in Nihon Shiso Taikei 7 (Tokyo: Iwanami, 1982), 3. 102 Edward Kamens, The Three Jewels: A Study and Translation of Minamoto Tamenori's Sanboe (1988), 291. 1 0 3 This reference is taken from the Amida-kyo, which is one of the basic scriptures of Pure Land Buddhism. Diana Y. Paul, Women in Buddhism: Images of the Feminine in the Mahayana Tradition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 169-170. 1 0 4 Watson, The Lotus Sutra, 287. 1 0 5 Ibid., 187. 1 0 6 Dobbins, Letters of the Nun Eshinni, 97. 1 0 7 Ibid., 97. 1 0 8 Ibid., 98. 1 0 9 Ibid., 98. 76 Edward Kamens, The Buddhist Poetry of the Great Kamo Priestess: Daisaiin Senshi and Hosshin Wakashu (Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 1990), 78. 1 1 1 Ibid., 78. 1 1 2 Ibid., 91. 1 1 3 Ibid., 124. 1 1 4 For a pictorial reproduction of this episode from the "Devadatta" chapter of the Heike Nokyo see Willa J. Tanabe, Paintings of the Lotus Sutra (New York: Weatherhill, 1988), plate 15. 1 6 It should be mentioned that, while all the textual versions of the "Devadatta" chapter clearly state and emphasize male transformation, pictorial representations of the same chapter do not depict this aspects. The paintings focus exclusively on the young daughter of the Dragon King and her offering of the jewel to the Buddha, which seems paradoxical because the girl's youth and pre-puberty stage in life are exactly opposite to the concept of the "five obstructions." Yoshida Kazuhiko, "The Enlightenment of the Dragon King's Daughter in the Lotus Sutra," (trans. Margaret Childs) in Engendering Faith: Women and Buddhism in Premodern Japan, ed. Barbara Ruch (Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, The University of Michigan, 2002), 309. 1 1 8 Edward Kamens, "Dragon-Girl, Maidenflower, Buddha: The Transformation of a Waka Topos, 'The Five Obstructions,'" Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 53, no.2 (Dec. 1993): 398. 1 1 9 Ibid., 398. 77 CHAPTER THREE The Legend of Chujohime in the Muromachi Period (1392-1573) In Chapter Two, I examined the earliest extant textual and pictorial record of Chujohime's legend, the Taima mandala engi emaki, in terms of its production, patronage, audience, and - most importantly - its religious significance for women in the Kamakura period. Kamakura-period versions of Chujohime's story, such as the Taima mandala engi emaki center exclusively on Chujohime's vow to see Amida in human form, the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala, and the heroine's attainment of birth in the Pure Land. In contrast, Muromachi-period versions of Chujohime's story, such as the Taima-dera engi emaki ^ i# fi^^llb£2^# (Miraculous Origin of Taima Temple), add a new twist to the legend of Chujohime - that of the princess as an ill-treated stepchild - and combine the heroine's religious experiences at Taima-dera with an earlier narrative of her childhood.1 This newly added narrative concerning Chujohime's childhood emphasizes primarily her mother's death, her abuse at the hands of a wicked stepmother, her abandonment and intended execution on Mount Hibari, and her reunification with her father.2 What were the factors that gave rise to this expansion of Chujohime's legend from the Muromachi period onward? How does this addition of the narrative about the heroine's childhood experiences emphasize gender as a central conditioning factor in the evolution of the texts and images that constitute Chujohime's legend as a Buddhist tale of female salvation? This chapter examines the earliest extant textual and pictorial Muromachi-period record of Chujohime's legend, the Taima-dera engi emaki, in order to shed light on the 78 sources w h i c h gave rise to the development and expans ion o f C h u j o h i m e ' s story. Th rough a detai led textual and v isua l analysis o f the Taima-dera engi emaki, I seek to demonstrate the o r ig in and s ign i f i cance regarding the add i t ion o f the key elements i n C h u j o h i m e ' s ch i l dhood narrative for this Buddh is t tale o f female salvat ion. 1.1 Preface: The Taima-dera engi emaki A. Background T h e Taima-dera engi emaki (Kyoroku-bon ^ I f ^ ) , w h i c h is designated as an Important Cu l tu ra l Proper ty (Juyd bunkazai JSMJCitM), consists o f three narrat ive handscro l l paint ings that date to K y o r o k u 4 (1531) and are owned by Ta ima-dera i n Ta ima-cho , K i takatsurag i -gun, N a r a Prefecture. 3 E a c h o f the three scrol ls is covered w i t h a b lue damask b ind ing. O n the outside o f the cover b ind ing w h i c h is decorated w i t h ma iden f lower and swast ika designs, the sc ro l l s ' t i t le, Taima-dera engi, is inscr ibed i n go lden characters. 4 U p o n unro l l i ng each scro l l from r ight to left, an ornate f ront ispiece unfo lds o n the ins ide o f the cover b ind ing. E a c h front ispiece consists o f a sheet o f dark b lue paper (kongami |#|ft) and is decorated w i t h a n image executed i n g o l d co lo r (kondei depic t ing A m i d a and his heavenly host descending f r o m the Pure L a n d Wes te rn Paradise and greeting the devotee at the moment o f death (raigo-zu 3}5J3!I§J). A cartouche, stat ing the part icular class o f b i r th depicted i n the paint ing, appears i n the top r ight-hand corner o f each image . 5 The scro l ls are executed i n ink and co lo r on paper w i t h go ld lea f (kinpaku #fti). A l l three scro l ls measure a height o f 34.9 cent imeters, but their lengths d i f fer 6 S c r o l l one, w h i c h consists o f seven textual and p ic tor ia l sect ions, measures a total length o f 2,269.4 cent imeters; sc ro l l two, w h i c h consists o f n ine textual and p ic tor ia l sect ions, measures a 79 total length of 2,251.5 centimeters; and scroll three, which consists of seven textual and pictorial sections, measures a total length of 2,180.2 centimeters. Similarly to the Kamakura-period Taima mandala engi emaki discussed in the previous chapter, the textual and pictorial passages in the Taima-dera engi emaki also occupy separate sheets of paper, suggesting that the calligraphy and paintings were originally produced individually and were only later combined. However, in contrast to the Taima mandala engi emaki, measuring a total height of 51.6 centimeters and a total length of 1,467.6 centimeters, the Taima-dera engi emaki is produced on a much smaller scale in terms of height, measuring only 34.9 centimeters, and on a much larger scale in terms of length, measuring a total length of 6,701.1 centimeters. This aspect, especially regarding the difference in length, is significant because it resulted from specific developments that occurred in terms of the narrative content, structure, and reception of shaji engi-e i^^ pHISI^  (pictures depicting the miraculous origin legend of shrines and temples) in the Muromachi period. Both the Taima mandala engi emaki and the Taima-dera engi emaki belong to the same genre of painting called shaji engi-e, which originated in the Heian period, rose to popularity in the Kamakura period, flourished in the Muromachi period, and continued to be a popular genres until the late Edo period.7 These paintings, depicting the origin and history of a shrine or temple, were frequently amplified with legends accompanied by miraculous stories of beneficial effects of deities or spirits (reigen setsuwa M^tftaS), such as the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala, to propagate a particular shrine, temple, or Buddhist sect. Often, as in the cases of both the Taima mandala engi emaki and the Taima-dera engi emaki, shaji engi-e were produced in association with temple 80 solicitation campaigns (kanjin W)M) in order to secure funds for the institution's restoration and revival. In contrast to shaji engi-e of the Kamakura period, for example the Shigisan engi emaki fg j | | I l i f i ^ $ K ^ (Handscroll Painting Depicting the Miraculous Origin of Mount Shigi) (late 12th century), which focus primarily on the miraculous actions of deities, shaji engi-e of the Muromachi period, for example the Seiryo-ji engi emaki flf (Handscroll Painting Depicting the Miraculous Origin ofSeiryo Temple) (16th century), shift their focus more to the origin and history of a shrine or temple which accounts for the expansion in narrative and length of those later emaki mono. This particular aspect is clearly evident in the Taima-dera engi maki, where the narrative of the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala occupies the least amount of space, both in terms of text and image, and becomes nothing more than a holy backdrop for telling the origin legend and history of Taima-dera and the story of Chujohime. Unlike the Taima mandala engi emaki, the Taima-dera engi emaki is well preserved and lacks any signs of extensive use, such as creases, faded color, or flaked off pigments, suggesting that the latter was less exposed to frequent rolling and unrolling and not likely used for etoki practice as was the case with the former.8 Furthermore, the Taima-dera engi emaki is well-documented in terms of both the calligraphers and the artist involved in the creation of the scrolls, as well as the circumstances surrounding their production. I will address these issues in detail later in this chapter in my situating the Taima-dera engi emaki within the social, cultural, and historical milieu of the Muromachi period. A translation of the textual passages from the Taima-dera engi emaki, as well as a description and analysis of the paintings appear below.9 81 1.2 Textual and Visual Analysis of the Taima-dera engi emaki Scroll One, Frontispiece: (fig.29) As mentioned in the preface, upon unrolling each of the three scrolls from right to left, an ornate frontispiece resembling the frontispieces of illustrated Buddhist sutras (mikaeshi-e JLi®^) unfolds on the inside of the cover binding. 1 0 The painting is executed in gold color and depicts Amida and his heavenly host descending from the Pure Land to greet the devotee. On the right, we see a devotee, who is seated on the floor in front of a table inside his residence, accompanied by an attendant, and reciting a surra. On the left, descending in diagonal motion down and across the painting is Amida surrounded by his host of bodhisattvas. Celestial beings, such as apsaras (J. tennin A A) , and five distinct groups of tiny transformed golden Buddhas (J. kebutsu { a r e floating on a finger of clouds in the upper part of the painting. Amida's Pure Land Paradise (Skt. Sukhdvati, J. gokuraku anyo jodo W^^c^^ii), which is located in the West, the direction he descends from and where he will take the soul of the devotee to, is pictorially represented as a glorious palace on clouds in the top left-hand corner of the painting. Amida and his host of bodhisattvas, some of whom play musical instruments such as the koto W, biwa Urg, sho and taiko A ^ , are standing on lotus dais and descending on clouds.11 Leading Amida and his entourage are the Bodhisattva of Universal Virtue (Skt. Samantabhadra, J. Fugen WK) who is identified by holding a canopy, the Bodhisattva of Great Force (Skt. Mahasthamaprapta, J. Seishi f&M) who is identified by holding his hands in the prayer mudra (Skt. Anjali, J. gassho-in -o*^Pfl) and standing to the right of Fugen, and the Bodhisattva of Mercy (Skt. Avalokitesvara, J. Kannon H,^) who is identified by offering an empty lotus dais to the devotee on which 82 the soul of the faithful will be taken to Amida's Pure Land. 1 2 Amida, standing in the center of his entourage and depicted larger in size than the other figures, has his right hand pointing upward at shoulder level, his left hand pointing downward at hip level, both palms turned outward, and the thumb touching the index finger on each hand forming a circle. This particular welcoming mudra (raigd-in i^jfilfP) is the mudra of Upper-class Upper-birth (jobon josho ± . p p _ h ^ ) , indicating that the devotee belongs to the highest grade (jobon _hpp) into which the faithful can be born.1 3 In addition, the devotee's particular degree of perfection, Upper-class Upper-birth, is also written on the cartouche in the top right corner of the frontispiece. This highest grade is reserved for followers who have perfected the three attitudes of sincerity, faith and the firm desire to be born in the Pure Land. Upon birth in Amida's Pure Land, beings of this class are enthroned on a diamond throne.14 In addition, rays of golden light emanate from Amida's urnd (J. byakugo to the devotee. These rays signal Amida's coming and welcoming of the devotee into the Pure Land. 1 5 This particular raigo painting is identical to the one of Upper-class Upper-birth illustrated on the right in the bottom horizontal border of the Taima mandala (fig.25), which likely served as a model for the painter of the Taima-dera engi emaki. Lastly, the entire scene depicted in this frontispiece is surrounded by a border decorated with the same maidenflower design which also appears on the ornate outer cover binding and the decorative rollers. Scroll One. Text One: (fig.30) 83 j i f l i j» ia :©*^<D^ic , Mft&'t-rt?z>j]W£?)o iin&mncDMm^frz-tiiiC Although it is said that there is no limit to the number of countries scattered like millet grain, it is [here in] the land of the rising sun where the [Buddhist] teachings circulate. Although it is said that the domains of the world are boundless, the Western Paradise is the only place suitable for people [living] in the Final Age.16 One is fortunate to receive life and to encounter the essential teachings of the Buddha Sakyamuni. 8 4 However, unfortunately, [people] have already fallen into extreme evil and they compete over hurrying towards trivialities.17 For all, dreams of fame and wealth appear to be the foundation of transience. Due to this, vainly people fall into the burning hell of desire, and are repeatedly kept farther away from the wide-open gates to the Pure Land. Hearing the proper teachings, even [those of] little faith will lose their doubts. Based on whom does one decide one's conduct of renunciation, by means of what do [people] give up on the cause of birth in the Pure Land? Here, at Taima-dera in the province of Yamato, because a person by the name of Chujohime prayed to see [Amida] in human form, a mysterious woman appeared, obtained lotus threads from ninety horseloads of lotus stalks, and wove a mandala measuring ten and a half feet.19 Looking at the entire mandala, it does not differ at all from the explanation in the Sutra of Contemplation on the Buddha ofInfinite Life (Kanmuryoju-kyo lif^f Ji#$l).20 Four outer borders enclose the central scene, and each Buddha realm of the Nine Grades is truly distinct. One should know that people who made a pilgrimage to this place once immediately achieved birth in the Pure Land, that this doctrine [represented in the mandala] is intended for human beings of the corrupt world, and that it serves as an expedient means to provide an easy path of salvation. What if the benevolent compassion of the Buddha has indeed spread to this place? For this reason, men and women of both high and low ranks lose interest in the defiled world and joyfully begin to aspire to the Pure Land. For those who everywhere seek the same desire, if we look for the distant origins, in the twentieth year of the reign of Empress Suiko tUlfr(592-628), who was the thirty-forth human ruler of Japan, due to the encouragement from her older brother, Shotoku Taishi MM A""?" (574-622), a temple 85 was built in the Yamada village of Kono district in Kawachi Province. Five years later, the temple consisted of a golden hall, a lecture hall, two pagodas, a bell tower, a sutra storage hall, a monk's quarter, a treasure hall, a great gate, as well as other structures, and it was called Manp6z6-in. In addition to this, a bronze sculpture of Kuze Kannon was cast and enshrined in the temple. Today, in commemoration of this [bronze sculpture], an image of Shohomyo Buddha is placed in this location.23 [This image of Shohomyo Buddha] is believed to bring about divine miracles. He serves as the central light [preventing beings from being reborn in] the five realms of existence in order to save all sentient beings and, in the end, to receive them in the Pure Land Western Paradise, which is also referred to as Amida's Land of Bliss.2 4 Scroll One. Picture One: (fig.31) The Building of Manpozo-in in Kawachi Province and Imperial Visit of Prince Shotoku This pictorial section opens with the imperial procession of Prince Shotoku approaching the temple gate of the newly built Manpozo-in in Kawachi province. Leading the procession is a group of high-ranking imperial guards on horseback. Following them on foot are various servants pointing out the way ahead, low-ranking as well as high-ranking officials, and imperial guards armed with bows and arrows. A high-ranking official on horseback and surrounded by attendants marks the end of the procession. The entire entourage is surrounding, guarding, and leading the ox cart of Prince Shotoku on the way to Manpozo-in. Through the open window of the ox cart we get a glance of the Prince who is seated cross-legged and covered by his robe, his hands in his sleeves, and his hair wound in coils over his ears.25 86 Instead of portraying the building of Manpozo-in as described in the text, portraying Prince Shotoku's imperial visit to this temple not only marks it as a historical event but also lends authenticity to the origin legend of this temple, which was the predecessor of Taima-dera. This authenticity of Manpozo-in is not only emphasized by the fact that this temple is one of the forty-six temples which were constructed under the guidance of Shotoku Taishi in the Ikaruga region during the Asuka period, but also by the association of Prince Shotoku with Kuze Kannon, the deity originally enshrined in his temple. Kuze Kannon's association with sacred authority and the imperial family dates to the deity's legendary connection with Shotoku Taishi, and images of Kuze Kannon are housed in various temples associated with or constructed under the guidance of Prince Shotoku.26 The next scene depicts the completed Manpozd-in temple complex itself. Within the walls of the temple precinct we see two women standing next to a three storey pagoda. One of them is a lay nun, distinguished by wearing lay clothing and a veil underneath from which her long hair is sticking out, the other one is a fully-tonsured {kanzen teihatsu ttl&MM) nun. Our next view is that of a small building, the golden hall, which is located across from a larger building, the lecture hall. Two lay nuns are standing on the porch of the lecture hall and are trying to peek inside, whereas two other lay nuns are standing to the left of the hall facing a bell tower. A sutra storage hall is located next to the bell tower. In an open space behind the sutra storage hall we see a monk, who is holding up an open fan, in the company of an attendant carrying an umbrella and a young partially-tonsured nun (amasogi J&Wl) with cropped hair (kamigiri i l § J ) holding a fan. They appear to be engaged in a conversation with a high-ranking official standing across 87 from them and who is accompanied by an attendant carrying his sword. The official might be informing the monk about Prince Shotoku's visit. The closing section of this painting shows a monk standing on the porch of his residence and looking toward a pagoda. While the buildings illustrated in the painting correspond to the structures mentioned in the textual passage, what is striking about this image, however, is the predominant presence of women in the Manpozo-in precinct. Scroll One. Text Two: (fig.32) LJ t, ft^^tot, te^mzm-to -r^nh^mum^mvx, mm h&^^z.k<D<9%<t~£z>0 z.z.izn^m^mw^mi^ mm<om^^ Following the establishment of Manpozo-in, after a time period of sixty-one years had passed, in Hakuho 2 (674), during the reign of Emperor Tenmu ^S£;?cil (673-686), Prince Maroko had an auspicious dream in which he was told: "You should quickly change the location of this temple and move it to a place where the ascetic En no Ozune practices," and he immediately reported this to the Emperor. Thus the Emperor dispatched the Captain of Third Rank, the Imperial Prince Osakabe, and conferred an imperial edict that the temple should be moved.28 In this place, the laudable ascetic [En no Ozune] experienced an admirable divine revelation, and expressed his gratitude towards the courtesy of the imperial order. The many mountains and rivers provided mystery, the plants and trees included variety; it was a scenic spot. 88 Scroll One. Picture Two: (fig.33) The Auspicious Dream of Prince Maroko and the Dispatching of Prince Osakabe to Confer the Imperial Edict This painting depicts Prince Osakabe conferring the imperial edict that Manp6z6-in should be moved to this scenic mountain spot, and the ascetic En no Ozune expressing his gratitude towards the courtesy of the imperial order in return. While the imperial troops are resting in the shade of trees and flowering plants, Prince Osakabe, dressed in the robe of a high-ranking civil official wearing a sokutai and a kanmuri rti, holding a ceremonial staff (shaku ffi), and accompanied by another civil official, is engaged in a conversation with En no Ozune who is dressed in a simple robe and a feather cloak characteristic of a recluse mountain ascetic. Two ogres (oni j&) are kneeling next to En no Ozune; one of them is holding an ax, the other one is holding a staff. The inclusion of these two ogres in the illustration of this particular scene emphasizes the untamed nature of this legendary place and the mountain ascetic, En no Ozune, as well as the divine power associated with En no Ozune, foreshadowing the mysterious events surrounding the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala which occur later on in this narrative. The divine revelation experienced by En no Ozune as mentioned in the text has already happened prior to this scene because we see a variety of offerings and Buddhist utensils placed on a table in front of a Buddhist image inside a hermitage which is located behind En no Ozune. Scroll One. Text Three: (fig.34) 89 Once the imperial prince had quickly requested the transfer of the temple to this place, Prince Otomo A^EE^f- (648-672), who was the first born son of Emperor Tenji Al?A H (r.662-671), contested the throne.29 Since the rebels arrived in great number, the imperial troops left the capital and set their hearts on Mount Yoshino in the far distance, and the Emperor left with them. In the village of Tahara, the Emperor presented roasted chestnuts as offerings on a serving table. The Emperor picked up a chestnut, threw it toward the West, and said: "If I can return again to the way things were, these chestnuts shall bear fruit in one single night," and after he had said this all the chestnuts bore fruit. Even today, chestnuts from this place are presented as offerings. Upon passing through a place in the vicinity of the Yoshino River, which is called 90 Kuzu/ U the Emperor was starving and repeatedly fell from his horse. Since the rebels were already drawing near, the Emperor's heart was greatly troubled. Here, he presented [as an offering] a fish, called a carp, which is known as a delicious thing of Kuzu. Through its power, he reached Mount Yoshino. From this time onward, people in this area have been offering this kind of fish at the Great Thanksgiving Festival (daijosai A~ H^) following an enthronement ceremony.31 Up to this present day, the descendants of this old man have the name "Kujo" [literally, "mouth help"] as their surname.32 In order to demonstrate the reason that he did not aspire to the throne, the instruction that there should be an adjust renouncing of the world on Mount Yoshino, although it was said in as much as an announcement, the prince, still, would not accept the estrangement. [Moreover], the prince's grandmother, the Empress, learned about this and placed a letter inside of a grilled carp. According to this, he put on the lower part of his hunting pants and made up his mind to leave the mountain. Scroll One, Picture Three: (fig.35) Emperor Tenmu Offering Roasted Chestnuts to the Gods in the Village ofTahara & Emperor Tenmu Leaving the Mountain and Returning to the Capital In the village ofTahara, Emperor Tenmu placed two chestnuts inside a hut, and is shown seated in front of a serving table on. Emperor Tenmu is facing out to the western direction and is throwing three chestnuts into the yard. His guards are waiting outside of the hut. Three villagers witness the miracle of the chestnuts bearing fruit. On horseback and accompanied by his imperial guards, Emperor Tenmu is leaving Mount Yoshino and returning to the capital. 91 Scroll One, Text Four: (fig.36) -fxizhfr^zmzxv^ijtuL wmxv&yzit&x, ft »p^^< u s . fritz&*)x. n^fr&s<%±.m<nmiztf)Ltc6ft, ^ o - < i z f r < t i £ i t % £ ^ } ezi<D£^£teou hbbwzmjtift\ -k -rz.Lhmc.z>n&hft<x, r^^ f^eu f^^ b-f^  fti-Lfflm&^mx*) - M ^ L - U I , tmm^frtiitzit.*, mm^iztbu^x, mzmsnfozte He left that mountain and reached the path to Fuwa Barrier in Mino Province. Since he was well informed of the fact that the rebels had already approached the vicinity of Madara River, he got off from his horse. There was a woman of humble birth washing clothes, and because he said: "I beseech you to save my life," the woman hid the Emperor under a horse trough. The enemies arrived, drew their swords, and asked in an angry voice: "That's a horse noblemen ride - where is the Emperor hidden?" The woman did not show any signs of fear and said: "I am not treacherous. This horse has been here since this morning, is it because he changed horses?" [Hiding] underneath the trough, the Emperor was secretly praying to the gods: "If I ever get out of this trouble and return back to the throne, I will quickly move and rebuild Manpozo-in in this place." And upon 92 saying this prayer, it seemed that he had indeed received the help of the gods because the rebels returned home. It is said that this woman was the God Hachiman.33 Scroll One, Picture Four: (fig.37) A Woman of Humble Birth Hiding the Emperor at Madara River in Mino Province This painting depicts the rebels arriving at Madara River, where a peasant woman is sitting on an over-turned horse trough washing clothes. Even though the rebels point their arrows and swords at the woman, she remains calm, continues her chore, and does not reveal the presence of the emperor. The emperor's abandoned horse is standing in the river but the emperor is hidden from view underneath the trough. Scroll One. Text Five: (fig.38) A person, known as Taima no Kunimi, served as Chamberlain of the Third Rank in the imperial army.34 This brave soldier led more than two thousand horsemen in Yamato Province, in the vicinity of Seta Bridge in 6mi Province, and once he encountered Prince Otomo's forces here and fought against them. Shortly after he had defeated the rebels, upon the prince's retreat to the east of Bashi, Kunimi advanced instantly and punished him with death. The Emperor heard about this and, accompanied by the imperial troops, he returned from the Fuwa Barrier and moved to Kiyomihara Palace.35 Thus, through 93 the performance of this meritorious martial service, it is said that the Emperor, for the second time, came to rule over the whole country. Scroll One, Picture Five: (fig.39) The Battle at Seta in Omi Province between Taima no Kunimi and Prince Otomo This painting depicts the battle scene between the forces of Taima no Kunimi and Prince Otomo in the vicinity of Seta Bridge in Omi Province, showing Prince Otomo's forces waving the white flag and making their way home over the Seta Bridge. Scroll One. Text Six: (fig.40) xvftzibx, m-tm^n.M\^fty)x. f i i i ^ o f e o / f i ^ , w ^ u ^ r t<, z.tcib<j&m<Dzhmx, ffi8<D&&&-r0 tcfcv^nmz&'sL^mm Lxnteti-to ^n^m^mh^n^^ m^.L^LX(Dtc^n<, £ £ 5 0 zti\z£vx&mw^(n&&mx*&ki,m&0 x ^ # ^ ^ * - ^ f c 94 In these days thus, because of this rebellion, the transfer of the temple was delayed by nine years. The temple started being moved for the first time on the fifteenth day in the second month of Hakuho 10 (682), and its move was completed in Hakuho 14 (686) at the Hour of the Bird. Finally, after five years, like the past everything was completed beautifully and the Lord of the Full Moon was at peace. But this time, a six-foot tall gilded standing sculpture of the bodhisattva Miroku was also enshrined in the Golden Hall. Inside [of this Miroku sculpture] was placed a gilt bronze sculpture of Kujaku Myo-6 measuring one and a half hand-spans in height.36 To begin with this Kujaku Myo-6, in the past when the ascetic [En no Ozune] practiced on 6mine, there was a skeleton measuring nine and a half feet in size on top of a threefold waterfall. In its left hand, the skeleton held a rosary, in its right hand a three-pointed vajra bell, and it was lying on a green tree.37 When the ascetic [En no Ozune] was about to pick up this vajra bell, it was as if the great diamond strength caused him to be separated [from it]. Praying to the main icon of worship, the Bright King [Fudo Myo-o] gave him a sign and said: "This is the skeleton of your third incarnation.38 You have been practicing on this mountain for seven life times. If you think that you want to take [the vajra bell], you should most quickly practice the Law of the wrathful guardian king." And then [En no Ozune] studied the Law and took the bell. Because of this, [En no Ozune] cast a statue of Kujaku Myo-6, and made it the principal icon of worship. Also, for a long time, [En no Ozune] practiced the secret teachings of Kujaku Myo-6 in front of the temple's Golden Hall. That vajra bell can be seen placed in the three-storey pagoda at Omine. 9 5 Scroll One. Picture Six: (fig.41) The Ascetic [En no Ozune] Coming Across a Skeleton at the Threefold Waterfall at Omine The contents of this painting differ from those of its corresponding textual passage. Our first view is of the ascetic, En no Ozune, encountering a skeleton at Omine. However, contrary to what is stated in the text, the skeleton is not located on top of the threefold waterfall but on the ground below, and, instead of holding a rosary as stated in the text, the skeleton is holding a single-pointed vajra scepter in addition to the three-pointed vajra bell. En no Ozune is standing on a rock next to the skeleton, holding a rosary, and looking down on it, thinking about taking the vajra bell. Then we see a group of low-ranking samurai traveling through the mountains and approaching a temple hall. This hall houses the sculptures ofFudo My6-6 and two acolytes, which are visible through the half-open doors. One of the travelers is on horseback, the others are on foot, and some of them are carrying luggage. All of them are armed with swords. However, since these travelers are not mentioned in the text, their relationship to En no Ozune and his practice of the secret teachings of Kujaku Myo-6 is unclear. Scroll One. Text Seven: (fig.42) 96 = F ¥ © / H i £ L£-n x'Mm^mmmhy). « M I © ^ / ^ C E E i r - Z l f t A W f i ^ O ^ + i l J t ^ 9 m „ ^ O B # ^ 0 # * f t ± i n-^v^^-< B J # < b t e * & 9 0 X ^ ( 0 » r t f i , i l ^ ^ o ^ f p j o ^ ^ o r . o # £ ^ f # ^ i r ^ o < 6 * « , ^ S ^ E E o ^ ^ f # o ^ ^ ( 7 > f p ^ ^ ^ f # | i i , ( D K A , m izhfr-rmnm&izxvx, sxoifo**S)?)fcj«), w^ i i t ^ i On the fifteenth day of the third month in the fourteenth year of the same era, the ritual eye-opening memorial services took place.39 The officiating Buddhist priest was Ekan M M (?-681) from Koma Province. He changed the name of the former Manpozo-in and now renamed it Zenrin-ji. Also, as for the sake of the temple's protection, the ascetic [En no Ozune] had such special miraculous power, that the Four Guardian kings appeared from the kingdom of Paekche.40 They came from the distant sky and entered the hall. In addition to this, the performance of gigaku 'fe^ was also the work of [En no 97 Ozune].To the west of the main icon stood two statues of the female goddess, Kichijoten, which were also the work of the ascetic [En no Ozune] 4 1 The main icons were Amida Buddha and a small thousand-armed Buddhist statue. Also, there was a statue of the bodhisattva Myosho in the Golden Hall and, standing to the left of it, a statue of the bodhisattva Jizo. In between these two halls, standing in the west and facing to the east, was the Thousand-armed Kannon Hall. Also, in front of the Golden Hall was a carved stone statue of the deity Hitokoto-nushi-no-my6jin.42 Well now, this mydjin is the direct descendant foundational Lord-protecting divinities, 6namuchi-no-kami.43 This deity appeared during the reign of Emperor Yuryaku H l & ^ M (r.456-479): when he was hunting in the mountains, an awesome man appeared and, even though the Emperor saw him, he had doubts and asked: "Who are you? What kind of strange creature are you?" and that person replied: "Emperor, announce your name first." And the Emperor said: "I am the Lord Ohatsuse no Wakatakeru, the twenty-second generation descendant of Onamuchi no kami." At that time, although the god should have indeed said "Kotoshiro-nushi," he thought that he would denote the koto and change the shiro, and replied with the one word: "I am the Lord" (nushi nari). Therefore, this deity is called Hitokoto-nushi-no-myqjin (The Bright God of the One Word). Thus, because this deity left its traces on Katsuragi mountain, this deity is also known as Katsuragi Myqjin. Also, inside its sacred stone fence, there is a place where Kumano Gongen H^W^i^M* manifested itself.44 This temple was called Taima-dera because the child of Prince Maroko, who is also known as the child of the nobleman Taima no Toyohama, but is in fact the historical person Taima no Kunimi, based on the meritorious martial service he performed in this place, changed the name of his grandfather's temple, and named it Taima-dera. In the Thousand-armed 98 Kannon Hall of this temple, the weaving of the Taima mandala will take place at a later point in time which is described below. Scroll One, Picture Seven: (fig.43) Moving Manpozo-in to the Mountain & The Four Guardian Kings Arriving at the Golden Hall of this Temple The scene depicted in this painting leads us through the main gate (sanmon [ii P^ ) of Manpozo-in which is guarded by Kongo Rikishi -§£W\f3~i: (Skt. Vajravira) and Misshaku Rikishi $g$£.1j-± (Skt. Garbhavira).45 Kongo Rikishi, standing to the left as one enters the gate, is the guarding king of the Daimond World Mandala and represents the power of esoterism. He is identified by having a green body, his mouth closed, his left hand lowered, and a staff in his right hand. Misshaku Rikishi, standing to the right as one enters the gate and clearly visible in this painting, is the guardian king of the Womb World Mandala and represents the power of exoterism. He is distinguished by having a red body, his mouth open, his right hand lowered, and a staff in his left hand. Having passed through the gate, inside the temple precinct we see two monks engaged in conversation, a samurai praying in front of a temple hall, the monk Ekan, accompanied by attendants and samurai, walking toward a temple hall, and three lay nuns engaged in conversation and standing in front of a pagoda. Our next view is of the ascetic En no Ozune who is accompanied by two ogres. The three of them are standing in front of a temple hall, but instead of looking inside the hall through the open doors, they are turning their heads to the left and witnessing the descent of the Four Heavenly Guardian Kings. Each of the guardian kings is distinguished by his attributes. Leading the descent is Bishamonten S ^ P ^ (Skt. 99 Vaisravana), the guardian of the north, holding a pagoda. He is followed by Komokuten JtS @ ^ (Skt. Virupaksa), the guardian of the west, holding a sutra scroll in his left hand and a brush in his right; Zochoten (Skt. Virudhaka), the guardian of the south, holding a sword; and Jikokuten WMlfc (Skt. Dhrtarastra), holding a trident-lance in his right hand and having his left placed on his hip. This particular portrayal of the Four Heavenly Guardian Kings is unusual because, unlike in standard iconographical depictions, they do not stand on rocks and tread on demons but they are standing on clouds, resembling the iconography of Amida's descent in raigo paintings. The painting closes with a view of a lotus pond, a large temple hall, a pagoda, and other structures in the temple precinct. Scroll Two, Frontispiece: (fig.44) This raigo painting depicts the second grade or Middle class (chubon ^Su) which is reserved for followers who, having taken paths to salvation other than the exclusive devotion to Amida, have nevertheless aspired to be born in the Pure Land. 4 6 The degree of perfection of the devotee in this painting is Middle-class Upper-birth (chubon josho 4* op-h^.) as stated in the inscription on the cartouche located in the top right-hand corner of the image and illustrated by the iconographical conventions of Amida's descent, which are characteristic of this specific grade of birth. On the right, the devotee is seated on a cushion on the floor inside his residence, holding his hands in prayer, and clinging to a rosary (J. nenju ^ f i ) 4 7 This particular depiction of the devotee holding a rosary is significant because the "Middle class" is the class of the "Disciples" (Skt. Sravaka, J. shomon ^HH) reserved for arhats, monks, and nuns. The standard iconographical portrayal of these disciples of the Buddha in painting, such as the Vision of Shantao 100 (fig.45), and sculpture, such as the Portrait ofShinran (fig.46), shows them holding a rosary. However, it is especially in images of Amida's descent that dying monks and nuns are exclusively depicted holding a rosary (fig.47). Descending on clouds in diagonal motion from left to right toward the devotee is Amida and his host. However, in contrast to the illustration on the frontispiece of the previous scroll, this illustration of Amida's descent lacks the palace which represents Amida's Pure Land, Amida's heavenly multitude of musical bodhisattvas, Fugen, {Cannon, Seishi, and celestial beings. Amida is surrounded by three bodhisattvas who are holding their hands in prayer, and leading them to the devotee are two monks. This particular ensemble, called "Venerable Group of Five" (Amida Goson M^IZHH), includes Amida, three deities of bodhisattva rank and two deities of monk rank.48 According to the specifications regarding the pictorial composition of Amida and his host in raigo paintings, as set by Genshin in his Ojdyo-shu for the Upper, Middle, and Lower classes. Moving from Upper to Lower class the number of deities of monk rank increase whereas the number of deities of bodhisattva rank decrease in those classes of birth.49 This accounts for the substitution of the two monk deities for the bodhisattvas Kannon and Seishi in this raigo painting. The monk deity substituting Kannon and offering a lotus dais to the devotee is the Earth-Encompassing Bodhisattva (Skt. Ksitigarbha, J. Jizo bosatsu MM^fWi), and the one substituting Seishi and holding his hands in prayer is the Indian Buddhist monk Nagarjuna (J. Ryuju bosatsu MWiWW)50 This particular composition follows the tradition established by the five figures of worship depicted in the Mandala of Amida and the Four Bodhisattvas (fig.48), which is illustrated in the Kakuzen-sho (1200).51 Amida makes the mudra of Middle-class Upper-birth by 101 having his right hand pointing upward at shoulder level, his left hand pointing downward at hip level, both palms turned outward and the thumbs touching the middle fingers. The devotees born in the second grade or Middle-class, upon Amida's welcoming, will be enthroned on lotus flowers in various degrees of bloom, according to heir purity. This aspect is illustrated in the top right-hand corner of this painting by showing Amida and his host ascending from the devotee's residence on clouds, and holding a blooming lotus flowers, meaning that the devotee was very pure. Scroll Two. Text One: (fig.49) ^.m^<D%m^frfr^ wMA&v>&m.%ht>\z-t0 mmw^(D^t^z,tz. U T | 6 l U & I M 7 9o At the end of the Tenpyo period (729-794) during the imperial reign of Emperor Shomu (r. 724-749), who was the forty-fifth human emperor of Japan, a wise retainer at the time was the Yokohagi Minister of the Right, Lord Toyonari.52 He acted according to the Confucian morality of filial piety, and his rule extended into all corners of the four directions. From morning to evening, he did not fail to attend to his duties in the Phoenix Palace, and he profited from the prosperity of the Imperial family.53 However, he spent 102 the months and years grieving about not having a child. At one time, his principal wife retired to Hase-dera to pray for seven days.54 During that time, in order to accumulate merit through prayer, with a single-steady heart she recited 'Hail to Amida Buddha.' And since she prayed from morning to evening "I hail to the name of Kanzeon, the bodhisattva of mercy.55 Fulfill my small wish; answer my pledge of mercy and compassion; grant a man of good fortune and wisdom, and a woman of right moral conduct, your mercy," that night she had an auspicious dream in which her wish came true. Overcome with joy, she returned to the capital. Scroll Two, Picture One, (fig.50) Retiring to Hase-dera for Prayer This painting shows various people, including lay men and women, samurai, and servants carrying luggage, passing through the torii of Hase-dera and making their way to the main temple gate, which has the Ni-6 installed as guardians. Inside the temple precinct on the right, a monk is leading a lay woman up to the platform of the main temple hall (hondo ^£i3L), where various people from all social classes - but it appears to be primarily women - are gathering and praying. On the left, a monk is leading a young girl to the side entrance of the hall, where another monk opens the door to let them in, probably in order for this lay woman to have a private session with the monk. Scroll Two. Text Two: (fig. 51) {•ttitxvbh&^M^ ^.(D-rmtc^xvhzxu x<D*$t£zkK%%&% 103 r/ffiE&ftPfcfcfcTAAi kft&uiZteZ^U i)><xmmBWL<DmB Shortly after, unexpectedly she became pregnant, and in the months passing and the days piling up she gave birth to a girl. Since the child was conceived through Kannon's blessing, the child's face was more beautiful than any flower and she was purer than any jewel. Her father, the minister, loved her dearly and thought. "She will probably advance to the rank of a court lady or even to that of an empress." In the spring of the princess's third year, a boy was born and his looks were also very handsome. There was nothing that could surpass the minister and his principal wife's joy. Truly, there was nothing in the world that compared to it. Scroll Two. Picture Two: (fig.52) The Birth of Chujohime This scene shows the principal wife seated in a room inside her residence giving birth to Chujohime. The principal wife is surrounded by various female attendants, one of them is offering her food on a tray. Another attendant has prepared buckets of water to be used during the birth, and an archer in the hallway is shooting his arrow, which was a custom practiced in order to frighten away evil forces that might interfere with the birth. Yokohagi and another courtier are sitting and waiting in another room, and outside of the residence servants are also waiting. A servant is rushing off to deliver a message, which is most likely the announcement of the girl's birth, and another one arriving in excitement because he seems to have heard about this joyful event. 104 Scroll Two, Text Three: (fig.53) ftfr<0 Z\ k fcJSfcJ; <9 £ 5 L & t K i ^ C ^ U ^ L S L ^ K f , 0 1 ^ ->T^fc< ^ o ^ t M t ^ S ^ , O ^ ^ f c ^ f c f c i : }?kz%£ltftti&J$>5 r$ nh&zvx^&nitxfvfcizh&zfo^Zo tiz.fr< iz.mt£ vmzfc<D^tc X^&frtcteL] # f e t > t ^ o § f c { i L ^ 5 ^ \ T A © # ^ f c o 9 <, ^fr<^hX>Z <9T, ^ { A ^ ^ ^ f c t ^ - f c , ^ * 5 < b t > f c - C £ o k A , 0 L ^ W i m ^ i O ^ f c , ottltXtL^btm*! k <D^as &k¥%%iz&T>x. tmx>k*)<Dm^zhWb-f0 fc^t>^S*>9 kh%<D>b\zL1z&MZ<$.ti1feJts>t^ XhT}fr&~>X&&%X 105 & g M f r & L X f r t £ L f y 1 f e ^ } ? b . ^ « m u o & ^ t ^ £ 5 B f t ^ D , However, when the princess was seven and the minister's young prince five years old, their mother became sick. The doctors' remedies were unsuccessful, and even the benevolence of Buddhist and Shinto deities could not cure her. One day, when her condition turned for the worst, the principal wife secretly called the minister to her side and said: "This is the end. [We pledged] that we would walk together to the afterworld, into fire, and even to the bottom of the sea, so that neither of us would be left alone. If your feelings have not changed take me to Mount Shide and the Sanzu River, and to King Emma's court."56 While the minister was continuously wringing the tears out of his sleeve, he said: "Truly, if we could walk this path together I would, but death separates everybody and does not even spare parent and child. Since each person has to walk the path themselves based on one's karma, you should cut your hair and recite the nenbutsu deep in the distant mountains, so that we will be born on the same lotus. In this way, we should become companions again in the Pure Land." With a grudge on her face she said: "How sad! There is nothing as uncertain as the promise of the present life. Not even my companion will accompany me on the road to death. I have nobody to call on other than Amida," and she pulled her robe over her 106 head. After a short while, she said: "If there is one thing a person should never have it is a child. Now, here I am trying to recite the nenbutsu with a single-steady heart to facilitate my birth in the Pure Land, but all I keep thinking about are my two children.57 If nothing else, promise me not to show the children to anybody until they are twenty years old, and I will be happy even in the shade of grasses. However, if you do not obey my wish, I will hate you [for it] from the afterworld." Since the Minister granted her the wish and said: "They are not only your children [but mine, too]. Never forget that. You should put your heart at ease," the wife seemed happy and called both children to her bedside. She said in a pained voice: "There are people with all kinds of karma. However, it breaks my heart that you both are losing your mother at such a young age. So, in order for us to meet again, recite the nenbutsu and help me in the afterlife. I am worried about you children. Even on the dark path of death there are illusions." Since it was the moment when she could no longer distinguish things, she laid down. Thinking that it was the end, she turned toward the western direction, recited the nenbutsu, and gasped out her last breath. Even though the minister prayed to the heaven and writhed on the ground, nothing changed. In the end, when the days were sent off, he held a memorial service to send off her spirit. Scroll Two, Picture Three: (fig.54) The Death of [Chujohime 'sj Mother In a room inside the minister's residence the principal wife, surrounded by the minister, her two children, and a female attendant, is lying on a mat on the floor. Since 107 the minister is already in the room and the principal wife has her back turned toward him [and toward the viewer] and her face turned toward her children, this depiction corresponds to the moment of her last conversation with her children when she asks them to recite the nenbutsu after she has passed on so that they will all be reunited again in Amida's Pure Land. The mother's head is pointing west corresponding to the instructions by the Chinese Pure Land patriarch, Shantao, that the dying should face west, visualize the coming of Amida and his heavenly host, and continually recite the nenbutsu, which are recorded in Genshin's Ojoyoshu. Genshin further quotes Shantao's instruction that family members and other visitors who have recently consumed meat, alcohol, or the five pungent roots should be refused access to the dying because it might cause the dying to lose their concentration, allowing demons to confuse them and make them fall into the evil realms.59 This doctrinal aspect might explain the depiction of the minister, who is looking at an attendant opening the sliding door on the left and handing him food but he is not accepting it. Placed on the veranda outside of the room is an incense burner and a water jug because it was custom to burn incense after a person's death, and seated on the veranda outside of the building are two officials, who seem to be waiting for any news about the principal wife's condition. Scroll Two, Text Four: (fig.55) 108 fcU r~<&A*£^£tf>£bir££££a>T>^ < < L T & f i ^ U o ^ b ^ - A * - U l o feUd^^TAO^^fe^-f^b-fJ cb&Mrktum & m & b r t) L£fc5*Oj&>ttK:i:J;?K z\sbbt>\£?htex 109 mZZLbbtf), fotemi%&k$ob&X>% b kfrX-r^ U S ^ H ^ , A 0 7 L 0 ^ f^&*&0 W o « f c - t e ( W L t E ( - & i : 6 - , ^ ^ { i t t W ^ ^ U ^ a i c t o Around the summer of the same year, he approached the daughter of his friend, the Minister of the Left. However, he did this only for the purpose of raising his two children. In the beginning, their love was mutual, their relationship was considered something very special, they spent all night showing their affection to each other, they pledged their love and got married. Even though this is said, the woman's behavior was false and her heart was filled with jealousy, and from time to time she told the minister lies. When the princess and the young prince were only nine and seven years old, the woman continuously showed signs of the kind of person she really was. She continuously had thoughts of hatred, watched other people, and broke [people's] hearts. At one time, the principal wife told the minister: "These children treat me like an old enemy, is it because they have a grudge against me from the past? When I come, they behave indecently in front of me, when I leave, they are jealous of me behind my back. When I hear their voices it moves my heart, when I see them I cannot control my feelings. If the children cause [me] more inconvenience, put 110 them to death. If you cannot do this, make them leave." Deep in her jealous heart were thoughts of hatred but with a sincere look on her face, she cried through false tears. Although the Minister did not fall short in one way or another, for the purpose of partially easing his wife's feelings he said: "All the gods will be torn into pieces without doubt considering this plan." He covered his face with his sleeve and, even though he repeatedly grieved over this matter, he did not intervene. Now [the principal wife] carried out her plan. She summoned a brave samurai from within the capital, brought out many gifts, and said: "Take these children to a border region far away, and leave them there. This is a serious matter, so do not let word leak out about this to anybody," and [the samurai] could not refuse her order. He put both children into a palanquin and took them along a distant mountain path. When the children asked: "Are you indeed taking us to a place far away and are getting rid of us?" the samurai comforted them by saying: "I am taking you to the place where your mother is buried." And overcome with joy, the children in the palanquin said: "If this is true, show it to us quickly." But in fact the children's situation did not differ at all from that of sheep in a slaughterhouse because after their long journey, they arrived at a place even whose hearing name is frightening - the "Valley of Hell of the Dreadful Katsuragi Mountain."6 0 On that mountain, where there is no sign of human habitation and no young-cut wood or firewood are found on the path, he abandoned the palanquin with the children on a cliff. The two children came out [from the palanquin], and even though they said: "we were indeed abandoned in the place where our mother rests," there was nothing reminiscent of her and out of grief they cried: "This is indeed an embarrassing matter." Since the day was drawing close to an end, the children returned to the palanquin. Thus the siblings 111 went to a high place together, and as they were about to throw themselves off, the brother stopped the sister and the sister stopped the brother, and eight or nine days passed. Their snow-like skin withered in the severe storms, their flower-blossoming faces sank in empty clouds. Oh, how sad in deed! In the past, [the children] were raised in the bedroom of a beautiful woman, now they are abandoned on top of the rock of fate. The sadness of the evanescence of life in destiny of one's karma was indeed before their eyes. Scroll Two. Picture Four: (fig. 56) Valley of Hell of the Dreadful Katsuragi Mountain On the right, five samurai, one of them armed with bow and arrow, are descending from the mountain and making their way back to the capital. On the left, we see the two children abandoned on a cliff amidst the deep mountains and standing in front of a shrine. The wild, untamed nature and the misty clouds add an eeriefeeling to the scene. Unlike the text, which states that both children were crying out of grief for their dead mother, the illustration only shows the girl crying, whereas the boy does not show any emotion of grief. This pictorial portrayal of the children's different expressions of emotion for their mother echoes that of the scene of their mother's passing, where it is also only the girl who cries. Scroll Two. Text Five: (fig.57) c\±\ztz.ftX<D%±<>tz%\zti^ftk,0 Z\(D^mzfr<tifj:fr<9 L / H i \ fcfS^ 7t«3o 112 Was it because someone spread the word? When this matter was no longer hidden in the capital, even the Emperor learned about it. Thus, he dispatched imperial messengers and grateful to see the two children, even the imperial countenance shed tears. Truly, it was like a withered tree meeting spring. Scroll Two. Picture Five: (fig.58) [The Children] Returning to the Capital This scene depicts a group of imperial messengers returning to the palace with the two children. Some have already entered the palace precinct, others are just approaching the main palace gate. The two children are seated inside a palanquin, which is being carried by four imperial messengers through the gate of the palace. Then we see the minister's residence, which is enclosed by a wall and surrounded by a garden. The minister is standing outside on the veranda and is looking into a room where the children, together with two female attendants, are seated on the ground in front of the emperor. Due to the half-raised blinds, only the emperor's legs and arms are visible. Scroll Two, Text Six: (fig.59) ib>teb*rMkX}k<>mz<Dy)1fc^%&0 c\<D£\s%k%htbftntZ>W1&&tt, ft 113 The princess thought carefully: "The reason why I encountered this misery is because of the stepmother's profound hatred. How sad! If I were in the same world as my real mother, such a misery would hardly occur. Though in this present life my fate is painful suffering, how I wish there were a way I could be born in a place where I will be free from suffering," she thought. At the age of nine, she summoned a monk and asked him to tell her how one can obtain religious awakening. The monk said: "Though the Buddha existed in three life times, it was in his life time as Amida that he made his great vow. This vow addresses especially the 'Five Obstructions' and the 'Three Obligations,' which women are faced with, and the salvation of all sentient beings.61 If you pay homage to this Buddha by sincerely reciting the nenbutsu, your mother will be born from a lotus. In order for this to happen, you have to recite a sutra called the Pure Land-Praising Sutra.62 Always recite this sutra, and you should hold a Buddhist memorial service [for your mother]." And because he said this, soon she studied this sutra, every day she kept reading each of the sutra's six scrolls, and prayed for the salvation of her mother. She grew tired of of the 114 entire world of impermanence, sincerely wished to be born in the Pure Land, and since she found no pleasure the emperor was also very worried. After that, at the age of thirteen, the princess made her great vow. That prayer was for her mother's salvation, and she copied and dedicated one-thousand scrolls of the Pure Land-Praising Sutra. The emperor extended his favor to her more and more, and at the age of thirteen the princess became the Middle Captain Lady-in-Waiting [Chujo no Naishi, an imperial consort], and her brother, the young prince at the age of eleven, was entrusted with the post of Lesser Captain. Scroll Two. Picture Six: (fig.60) [Chujohime] Studying the Pure Land-Praising Sutra This painting shows the princess sitting in a room, which is furnished with sliding doors (fusuma $1) and folding screens (byobu PJE), and unrolling a scroll of the Pure Land-Praising Sutra on a table in front of her. A monk is sitting across from her and instructing her how to recite the sutra. A female attendant is also present. Scroll Two, Text Seven: (fig.61) r$ # {driftsL1~C b t ^ f c i r f c t f n t hfcti«\ m\&z.(Dmt.fa% 5 u f c t e A A i t^mx>fz^tii76o tizAMmmmmmm^ Kmmmft'btm 115 •ff ir^tb-f^ S I J & ^ T I ^ J & S & W ^ U I kmzmz&TtoLx* mm ^s# f c^ ^ # r t ^ > @ ^ % mm<vmij^£tufz>te, m±.<nAM~-0fc<tf i ^ t l f f i T O T , jftfc©^< U & ^ L - J ^ f c & O t f a ^ t ^ S K ^ W T N \,^tc6Mcft&^&^?lz£?>c\m^<9X, ^X^c\Uhm^J^(D Since the stepmother's malicious feeling did not stop, when she heard that the two noble children had both advanced to official posts, she said: "My heart is suffering; if things stay like this in this world, what will become of me?" She herself pulled her own hair and cried terribly. Indeed, her jealousy and anger made her think of a dirty plot. 116 Considering striking back, she thought: "Since the two children returned home the first time, this time my plan should not fail." The golden rule of the Buddha states that: "Women are the servants of hell. On the outside, they resemble bodhisattvas, on the inside they are like devils." She was indeed such a person. After having said this, she summoned a samurai and said: "This is the Minister's state of affairs. At the border region of the capital there is a hunting place. Accompany the princess there to a far distant mountain ravine and kill her. If she is not left there, the Minister will be in trouble, this is a strict order. If word about this matter comes out, you should be punished for it." And she knew indeed how to bribe him by placing various twill embroidered brocades in front of him. The soldier immediately obeyed her strict command. Even the dreadful servants of the devil would have been overwhelmed by these various luxurious gifts. His head facing to the ground, the soldier said: "It is my pleasure to follow your command, how shall I proceed?" the principal wife responded joyfully: "Oh, how great!" Now, she had to set up the princess and get her out of the palace. Once, during the Minister's absence at the palace, the stepmother said to the princess: "If you want to go to your mother's grave and to present offerings in her honor, now is a good time to think about making an excursion and this person will accompany you." The princess did not even dream of the wickedness of the stepmother's heart, and her joy was boundless. She said: "At the age of seven, I was separated from my mother, when I was nine years old, I visited this former territory. After that, I received no sign, stayed at the palace and abstained from this place, but I would like to visit this place [now] indeed,"and she passed on her joy to everybody she met on the way. She said: "I am so overcome 117 with joy that my tears wet my sleeves; how can this impermanence be mistaken?" She turned toward the stepmother, joined [her own] hands [in thanks], and left indeed. Truly, she was frail and pitiable. Scroll Two, Picture Seven: (fig.62) Summoning a Samurai and Sending the Princess Away Unrolling the scroll from right to left, we see a group of five samurai - one of them is holding a lance and pointing inside to the palace precinct - who are sitting and waiting outside of the main gate of the palace. Inside the residence, two samurai are sitting next to an empty palanquin, which is intended for getting rid of the princess, and another samurai is kneeling in front of a veranda and listening in on the conversation that is going on inside the room through the open doors. Inside the room, the stepmother and the princess, who has just finished studying the Pure Land-Praising Sutra indicated by the partially unrolled sutra scroll lying on the table in front of her, are engaged in a conversation. This is the moment when the stepmother sets up the princess to get her out of the palace by assuring her that now is a good time to visit her mother's grave, because in this illustration the minister is absent and the samurai are depicted already waiting outside to take the princess away. Scroll Two. Text Eight: (fig.63) 118 m\U(D&ht^xm^iskv ftcm*), wb%<Dyo&nt?tev%mbi>?>bt>i^ £ ^ * 5 f c * 3 o S ^ f c * t & ^ - f „ * f l i £ ^ l > - C S » U £ t > L £ \ * 5 £ — T <b^<9, fcb^^&T^^II^ khZ>mzi)>tc\ZtbKi±'o£*)X, -fX l : o 5 ^ * & r > t l U n o * o d ^ t ^ < U ^ b A v i bftttfd!, JE^offiJifrO fc, ^ o ^ / v ^ S r ^ ^ T , c o ^ J L J ( c - c ^ t # i : ^ t e T ^ n i ^ ^ ^ 7 l c e b 0 b SSr«rb5b{c*5$«>^e>^i:-r, : M : # f e 5 4 5 „ S ^ r ^ ^ U - H ^ 7 > 5 ^ < 5 * . i t t ^ ^ { » o M - - ^ o $ f e T 7 t ^ b j £ T \ f O C L ^ o f a i £ ( M L t ^ 0 9 ^ 5 r ^ | ^ tt>tift1tk<Dm%iftte< b T , ^ & J & * ^ a ? r * o ^ b ^ j £ffiirmte\ & 0 ^ f c ^ J * * f t < b - C , AZ I£$ b f i T r t «90 w&bztf $ ^  i : b i ^ - ^ t , $ - r f c - T ^ H ^ « ^ ^ i9 mm u-c* # 119 When she said: "Now, the palanquin has arrived," the princess emerged from the small gate. An attendant soldier accompanied her. As they traveled farther and farther into the distance, the center of the capital disappeared [from sight]. The princess thought: "I have only visited my mother's grave once in fourteen years, and after that one visit although much time has passed and I do not remember where it is, but it surely was not this far. What is happening? This matter touches my heart, which has already endured so much suffering. When I was nine years old, I was abandoned in the 'Valley of the Dreadful Hell of Mount Katsuragi.' This was my second encounter with impermanence." The palanquin stopped at the foot of Mount Hibari in the Arida district of Kishu, and the princess got out. Both she and the soldier attendant left the palanquin, whereas the other attendants returned with the palanquin [to the capital]. The soldier said: "It is my duty to kill you." He stopped, thinking that he has to go a bit farther, but he was unable to hold back his tears. He covered his face with his sleeve, and quickened his pace. Standing on the edge of the rock, he had already drawn his sword and when he hid her in the shade of the cliff, the princess's heart gave in and shedding tears she said: "Even if you kill me for no particular reason, you received my father's orders. There is nobody on this mountain who has the power to stop you. But for the sake of my mother, I want to copy one thousand scrolls of the Pure Land-Praising Sutra and dedicate them as an offering. Please let me have this last wish. If I should be put to the sword, I want to say these last words. I shall dedicate this sutra to the burial place of my mother." She got something to write and some paper, and placed it on top of a rock: "The karma of my previous life was poor, but now my life is in your hands so do not resent me. From the time when I was nine years old, every day I recited each of the six 1 2 0 scrolls of the Pure Land-Praising Sutra for my dead mother, and I prayed for her salvation, but I have not yet recited it today. Can't you wait?" The samurai was not made of wood, and he put his sword away. Though she recited the sutra, she was unable to dam her tears, and when she finished chanting as few as three scrolls, she turned to the West, pressed her palms together and prayed: "Now, out of these three scrolls, I dedicate the first one to my mother's birth in the Pure Land. Now, through the merit of this one scroll, I and my mother will certainly be born on one and the same lotus." And afterwards she recited the nenbutsu. Overwhelmed by her prayer, the samurai broke down in tears, his vision blurred and his will disappeared; he put down his sword and his senses reeled. Scroll Two. Picture Eight: (fig.64) The Samurai Bringing the Princess to Mount Hibari Having reached the mountain, five samurai are returning to the capital with the empty palanquin, while one samurai is carrying the princess on his back to a steep cliff high in the mountains. Then, we see the princess sitting at the edge of the cliff, seven scrolls of the Pure Land-Paising Sutra are lying in front of her, and she is reciting the sutra. The samurai is standing behind her, his faced is buried in his sleeves, and he is weeping. Scroll Two. Text Nine: (fig.65) 121 Z.X, &&%^ktefr&\<^-&XB&&T£*) ftZlz, J&k #f&f-T;b<9 & < &vxnwrfrtc.z>\z.s •$>&xm.^it*)Xs ^mh^t-h^m^ ~ t%tb< f i r < ^ f c t * o 5 0 $ t f M f c f 7 £ $ t f X $ » t > , ^ t t v ^ o b ^ l / O ^ T , l i f e 5 f i t H b T ^ c o ^ r ^ fc^r5(c##Ll&^7'9o « i ^ c D * ^ < [ i W 6 t e , iv i U , S¥<7)«7c^t>^tfi1-o fet)^^^-^(c^ftSo ^z.K.vm With the princess still waiting, the samurai thought: "If I kill her, the reward that I would receive would never last one thousand years. How can I commit the sin of putting her to the sword? Indeed, I will hide her deep in the woods." He whipped out his sword, put together a hermitage of brushwood, gathered fruit, and collected firewood. Since he said "I must report these circumstances to my wife," on the highway to Kii, he sold these items to people who were coming and going, in order to make a living. After some days had passed, one time in the capital he met a good friend and said, "Convey to my 122 wife the state of things," and that person went up to the capital and related everything to her indetail. Accordingly, she came inquiring, and together husband and wife raised the girl. Such a noble warrior - when could one find such now - to do such a compassionate thing. But in the spring of the princess's fourteenth year, a heavy illness befell the samurai, and within seven days he was dead. The princess was extremely grief-stricken, and she and the wife mourned for the samurai. They dug a hole in a corner of the hermitage, filled it with stones, and kindly discharged their filial duties. After that, she asked the wife: "Please get me some paper somehow. I want to copy one thousand scrolls of the Pure Land-Praising Sutra. I will dedicate them to your dead husband in the afterworld, as well as to my mother's salvation." The woman left for the village and acquired the paper. In order to copy the sutra [scrolls] well, she made a desk out of rocks and wood, and copied the sutra in order to accumulate merit. This was a very happy act. In the capital, people thought that the princess had vanished, high and low were in uproar altogether, and the Minister was upset most of all. Scroll Two, Picture Nine: (fig.66) [Chujohime and the Samurai's Wife] Discharging Their Filial Duties, Acquiring Paper, and [Chujohime] Copying the Pure Land Sutra This illustration consists of two different scenes. The first one depicts the samurai selling goods to travelers who are passing by on the road to Kii. The second one shows the princess and the samurai's wife sitting in a simple mountain hermitage at a table where the princess is copying the Pure Land-Praising Sutra for the salvation of the dead samurai. In the yard, we see the grave of the samurai. 123 Scroll Three, Frontispiece: (fig.67) This raigo painting differs stylistically and iconographically from the previous ones regarding the location of the devotee, the direction of Amida's descent, as well as the poses of Amida and his host of bodhisattvas. On the left, we see the devotee sitting at a table and reading a sutra. An official, dressed in Chinese court attire, and a monk are sitting next to him and holding their hands in prayer. The presence of the monk in this scene is significant because he represents the religious specialist (chishiki ^Pf^ j) with whom rested the ritual control of the final moment for the dying to reach the Pure Land. Furthermore, the chishiki's authority in turn served to enhance the larger religious networks in which it was embedded, such as monastic associations, nenbutsu societies (kessha fnft), frequently including lay people, or the ties between lay people and monks who served their religious needs.63 As documented by Honen in his founding regulations of the Society of Twenty-five Meditations (Nijugo sanmai-e Z l - h 3 £ H ^ ^ ) the dying and the chishiki are to be fellow monks, but later this rule extended to include monks serving as chishiki for lay people.64 On the right, Amida and his host, consisting of only three bodhisattvas in this image which indicates that the believer belongs to the lower class, descend on clouds. In contrast to the raigo paintings of the first and second scrolls, which show Amida and his host standing, here all the figures are seated on lotus dais on clouds. As pointed out previously, the standing depiction of Amida and his host is characteristic of raigo images of the Jodo Shinshu, which was founded by Shinran (1173-1262) Hit. Depictions of Amida and his accompanying bodhisattvas in seated pose is characteristic of images of the Jodo Shu, which was founded by Honen (1133-1212) Therefore, this difference 124 regarding the poses of Amida and his host suggests that the artist who was in charge of this last raigo scene differed from the artist who painted the previous two raigo scenes in terms of religious affiliation. Furthermore, accounting for a different hand in this last scroll is also the reversal of the direction of Amida's descent suggesting a Chinese influence because in China Amida's Paradise is believed to be in the east and in Chinese raigo paintings Amida descends from the right. As I will show in my discussion of the calligraphers and artists involved in the production of the Taima-dera engi emaki, the first two scrolls were produced solely by the painter Tosa Mitsumochi zbffejfcT c^ (1496-1522), whereas the last scroll was influenced by the hand of the Buddhist painter Rinken Sftjti (active 1530-1553), who was associated with both the Imperial Painting Bureaus at T6dai-ji and Kofuku-ji, and was trained in the Chinese tradition.65 This raigo painting depicts the third or lower class (gebon T P B ) (fig.68), which is the class of the contemplation of the laity. It is reserved for those who have sinned greatly, but who have nevertheless been instructed in the Buddhist teachings and, even if only once, have chanted Amida's name (nenbutsu ^ f A ) at the moment of their death. The degree of perfection of the devotee in this painting is Lower-class Upper-birth (gebon josho TnD_h^) as stated in the inscription on the cartouche located in the top right-hand corner of the image and illustrated by Amida's mudra characteristic of this specific grade of birth. Amida makes the mudra of Lower-class Upper-birth with his right hand pointing upward at shoulder level, his left hand pointing downward at hip level, both palms turned outward and the thumbs touching the ring fingers.66 In front of the residence of the devotee we see three men burning incense, which is a customary deathbed ritual as encountered previously in the illustration of the death of 125 Chujohime's mother, and a fisherman standing in a river and catching fish. Particularly the inclusion of the fisherman, who symbolizes the laity, is reminiscent of the depiction of the grade of Lower-class Lower-birth in the bottom horizontal row of the Taima mandala (fig.68) which shows people engaged in various everyday duties, such as selling goods, emphasizing that this is the class of the laity. Scroll Three. Text One: (fig.69) & U ±<fcttf>9 < blzxmi b^iTZlz, XUtehb J ^ ^ r ^ - a r ^ k ^ l i t>Lt t t i r i , ^ U o ^ A T I I ^ ^ MUDWZVfr-riMzLX, %(Dfc<D fciWio, n%-rxA<DlrZf.frfj:b/vb?*<4>, *5 fcT>jW1* fc t t ix l iT , m T>%£ltW£UjZ)lz., AZ&fc&tfZZXj&mZL^X&l&o r ^ b f 1t&bfr£A;b&t>&\zc\Z:, ^X-£ ± 6^t?J k±.&<Dfr&b%kQX 126 Around spring, when the princess was fifteen years old, a person who served in the palace of the Minister said: "In my domain, in the district of Arida, are remote mountains.67 The south borders on Kumano, and the north adjoins to Yoshino. In that space, human habitation ceases and there is no vegetation. It is just an outstanding natural hunting place." And needless to say, the Minister since from before liked hunting. Shortly after he arrived at that place, hunting here and there, he noticed the fragrance of flowers and incense coming from the far distant mountains and, wondering if this could be real, he forced his way through to have a look. At a dim hermitage made from brushwood, water flowed out from a bamboo pipe, appearing like a man-made place. Might a person live here? While he was pondering, unexpected he saw a horse pulling up, was astonished to hear the voice of a human being, and then the princess appeared. The Minister thought: "How mysterious! Such a place must be the hiding place of a Buddhist monk." But this was not the case and upon seeing the shape of a beautiful woman he became indeed suspicious. "This is the mountain god true spirit or something like it that certainly deceives my heart, and it is tempting my feelings." He picked up [his] arrow and since he said: "Whatever kind of creature you are, you cannot escape Toyonari's arrow; saying your name is the only thing that can save you," the princess, still in a state of fear, said: "I am the daughter of the Fujiwara Minister of the Right, Lord Toyonari, who is well-known in the capital. Due to the plot of my stepmother, I was abandoned and left to be slain on this mountain, but a samurai rescued me, and despite of all this karma I am living 127 my worthless life." The Minister got down, and mutually fell into each other's arms, and both parent and child were overjoyed about their reunification. Then, they returned together to the capital, word about this reached the Emperor, she took up residence again in the palace, and the emperor was overcome with joy. Scroll Three. Picture One: (fig.70) Lord Toyonari Hunting at Mount Hibari, Meeting the Princess, and Their Return to the Capital This painting shows the Fujiwara Minister of the Right, Lord Toyonari, and his guards - all of them being armed with bows and arrows and dressed in hunting clothes -traveling through the mountains on their hunting trip. Toyonari, who is leading the group of hunters, has stopped in front of a simple hermitage which is partially surrounded by a bamboo fence. Inside the fenced yard are standing the princess and the wife of the samurai, who are looking at Toyonari and his entourage and vice versa. Through the open bamboo doors, we see two unfinished scrolls and an ink stone placed on a table inside the hermitage, indicating that the princess was just in the act of copying the sutras when Toyonari appeared. Four scrolls, which have already been completed, are placed on another table that is pushed towards the back wall of the room. Following this surprise encounter between parent and child, the princess is carried in a palanquin and accompanied by Toyonari and his entourage to the palace in the capital. Inside the palace precinct, through the pulled-up blinds we see the princess sitting in front of a table and laboriously copying sutras inside her room. Two female attendants are sitting next to her. 128 Scroll Three. Text Two: (fig.71) b-f0 A £ o ^ & L ^ f c £ — ^ f c & U W ^ o ^ ^ ^ s u o r 5 x v , mk&±&r-=t%<nm^foT}<Dr^^i%J$M The following year, when her brother the Lesser Captain was fourteen years old, he was struck by a sudden disease, though the number of days [of his life and career] had not yet piled up. Since the Emperor also loved him very much, his grief did not fade away. The Minister's sadness did not compare[to anything else].The [memory of her brother] continued to live on in Chujdhime's heart, and she recalled that in this world all things are transient. However, in the summer of this same year, when word came about that she should be elevated to the rank of Empress, the princess had not forgotten about the notion of the transient nature [of life] and said: "Even though today I 129 ascend to the throne of the ten virtues and the thousand powers, tomorrow I will sink to the bottom of the Six Paths of the Three Realms 6 8 And yet, I am tired of life in the palace." And she snuck out from the capital, went to Taima-dera, stopped at a monk's quarter, and begged him to be ordained. The monk refused to ordain her because her figure looked very suspicious. Even though the monk said: "You can't take the tonsure but you can seclude yourself at home," the princess was delighted to hide in solitude, and with a single steady heart she asked for the power of Amida's prayer, and requested to enter his Pure Land of Bliss. Through this practice her faith became strong. Around the sixth month of this same year, at the age of sixteen, she completed copying one thousand scrolls of the Pure Land-Praising Sutra, dedicated them [to the temple] in the opening prayer of the memorial service, and enshrined them in the temple's sutra storage hall. Scroll Three. Picture Two: (fig.72) Dedicating the Pure Land-Praising Sutra [to the Temple] in the Opening Prayer of the Memorial Service An old woman supporting herself on a walking stick, two lay nuns, and two samurai are making their way from the torii to the main gate of Taima-dera. Passing through the gate, which is guarded by the Ni-6 on both sides, we see the princess and a female attendant engaged in a conversation with the monk, representing the textual passage where the princess is begging the monk to be ordained. Dressed in a formal twelve-layer robe (funihitoe -f*Zl£pL) and wearing her hair long, the princess displays all external characteristics of a court lady. Her outer appearance clearly distinguishes her 130 from the attendant, the old woman, and the two lay nuns, which explains the monk's hesitation to ordain her, as stated in the text. The next scene depicts the memorial service at Taima-dera. On the right, we see a tent from the outside, which provides shelter for the participants of the ceremony from the sun, and the aureoles of three Buddhist sculptures from the back. In the back, we see a large group of monks standing underneath a wooden roof. In the center, two performers, dressed in ceremonial costumes, are performing a ritual dance on a wooden stage. On the left, groups of lay women are seated on both the left and right side of the veranda in front of the open temple hall. Inside the hall, we see two monks, one on the left and one on the right, who are seated at a table on which are placed several Buddhist ceremonial utensils. On the bottom left of the scene, through the open doors and raised blinds of a side chamber, the princess, who is accompanied by a female attendant, is sitting behind a screen and reciting prayers. The next four textual and pictorial passages, which describe the miraculous creation legend of the Taima mandala and the heroine's attainment of birth in Amida's Pure Land, are identical to the narrative in the Taima mandala engi emaki and are therefore not significant for my discussion of the expansion of Chujohime's story. Following is the translation and analysis of the final passages of the Taima-dera engi emaki. \ Scroll Three. Text Seven: (fig.73) hbtcizLx, j t ^ « ^ m # H L T , %m<D£*:\zT>hz>c\k&fyx, mz 131 Well now the mukaeko Buddhist memorial service,69 even though it is said that [this ritual] always complied with the central characteristics set forth by its founder, the virtuous monk Eshin, 7 0 when it was first performed on Mount Hiei, at one time this ritual was truly in the light of the good omen of the wonder-working gods; in the empty sky it rained flowers which were scented with different kinds of fragrances and, seeing this [good omen]which is the disguise of [Amida's] coming to welcome, is actually the reason for impressing upon the Buddhist faith. Today, the Dharma Association of this temple is the place where the replica of this Yokogawa Gedai-in [is located]. The magnificence of this [Buddhist] paradise can not be usually seen, and the court music and dance (bugaku M$z) of the defiled world is a sign of [the vision of this paradise] the dying should have at the moment of death; it is truly an expedient means of great compassion and good virtue. However, this is the way in which Sakyamuni taught his great vow, namely that Amida attained birth in the Pure Land and is coming from his Pure Land in order to 132 welcome [the devotee at the moment of death]. He invites [the faithful] to that place, and here benevolent people indeed attain nirvana. Therefore, men and women who pay homage [to Amida] are converted and there is no doubt about them attaining birth in various ranks in this Buddhist paradise. This experience impresses upon the adoration of priests and laity, and this raigo performance reveres [Amida's] written vow.7 t Well, based on this, for the benefit of extending the merit [obtained] into the ten directions and spreading it throughout town and country, these three scrolls were produced, and it is a matter of state to encourage this faith of Buddhist salvation. Scroll Three, Picture Seven: (fig.74) The Buddhist Ritual Performance of Amida's Coming to Welcome On the left, we see various monks, dressed in formal robes and seated cross-legged with two legs bent and the feet resting on the ground (yuga-za-zo M%fkMH&), 77 inside a roofed structure. While the monks are either holding a rosary or are having their hands in the prayer (Skt. Ahjali, J. gasshd-in - ^ ^ ^ P ) or in the meditation mudra (Skt. Dhyana, J.jd-in AELPP ) , the head monk, who is seated in the center of the front row on a pedestal, is holding up a sutra scroll and reciting it.7 3 In front of him, placed on a table, is a sculpture of a monk or nun seated in yuga-za with hands in prayer, symbolizing the devotee at the moment of death.74 Surrounding the roofed structure, in which the monks are seated and in front of which the sculpture of the devotee is placed, called the Hall of the Defiled World (shabado ^cHls*), are lay men and lay women sitting on the 77 ground and attending the mukaeko ceremony. On the left, we see various monks sitting inside the main hall (mandaradd H ^ £ $ l 133 ^ or gokurakudd M$ki£L) and playing musical instruments, such as the koto, sho, flute, and drum. Outside, a large wooden sculpture of Amida making the raigo mudra of "upper-class upper-birth" and standing on a lotus dais is placed on the veranda in front of 76 the hall. Rays of light radiate from his usnisa, and flower petals are falling down to the ground, symbolizing the rain of scented flower petals as mentioned in the text. In front of the mandarado are seated various lay nuns and monks, as well as samurai and high-ranking officials, who are witnessing the ceremony. Descending from the mandarado to the shabado is a group of bodhisattvas led by Kannon, who is offering an empty lotus dais to the sculpture of the devotee on which he will carry the soul of the dead to the Pure Land; Seishi, who is having his hands in prayer; and Fugen, who is holding a canopy. The bodhisattvas make their way from the mandarado to the shabado in a dance-like fashion and play musical instruments, symbolizing the heavenly sound accompanying Amida's descent.77 Two bodhisattvas resembling monks mark the end of the procession. 1.3 Investigation into the Production and Patronage of the Taima-dera engi emaki The Taima-dera engi emaki marks an important point in the development of Chujohime's legend from the Kamakura to the Muromachi period because it is the earliest extant textual and visual record which combines the heroine's religious experiences at Taima-dera with an earlier narrative of her childhood. The newly added narrative concerning Chujohime's childhood, as illustrated in the Taima-dera engi emaki, focuses on the death of Chujohime's mother, her abuse at the hands of her wicked stepmother, both her and her brother's abandonment on Mount Katsuragi, the children's return to the capital and them entering the service of the 134 emperor, Chujohime's abandonment and intended execution on Mount Hibari, her reunification with her father, and their return to the capital. According to previous scholarship, the expansion of the narrative of Chujohime's legend - particularly the addition of the heroine as an ill-treated stepchild - was largely influenced by Zeami's Hkfflfa (1363-1443) noh plays Taenia and Hibariyama S i i til . 7 8 In contrast to Taema, where the kyogen includes the story of Chujohime's abandonment on Mount Hibari due to the plot of her wicked stepmother but is otherwise identical to the Kamakura-period Taima mandala engi emaki version of her legend, Hibariyama lacks any references to Taima-dera and the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala, portraying Chujohime's narrative as that of a child who lost her mother at an early age, was ill-treated by her wicked stepmother and abandoned on Mount Hibari, but in the end happily re-united with her father. The contents of these two noh plays circulated widely during the Muromachi period, particularly through the practice of story telling (etoki $K$?) by wandering monks (hijiri H) who traveled along the pilgrimage 79 routes. However, this interpretation of Zeami's noh plays being considered the primary sources for the expansion of Chujohime's legend is problematic because the Taima-dera engi emaki is an account of female salvation and, as I will show in my analysis below, served foremost the function of religious propagation of faith in Amida and the Taima mandala. Therefore, I suggest that the expansion of the narrative of Chujohime's legend exceeded a purely entertaining purpose and was rather closely connected to certain doctrinal aspects illustrated in the Taima mandala. This chapter situates the Taima-dera engi emaki within the socio-historical and 135 religious context of the Muromachi period. It aims to interpret the significance of the insertion of the newly added narrative of Chujohime's childhood experiences for this Buddhist tale of female salvation. What were the sources, other than Zeami's noh plays, that gave rise to the expansion of Chujohime's legend in the Muromachi period ? What is the relationship between the narrative of Chujohime's childhood experiences and the teachings illustrated in the Taima mandala, and how does it emphasize gender as a central conditioning factor in the evolution of the texts and images that constitute Chujohime's legend as a didactic Buddhist tale of female salvation? I will argue that the expansion of Chujohime's legend, particularly the insertion of the narrative of the heroine's suffering as an ill-treated stepchild and her abandonment on Mount Hibari found in all versions of Chujohime's story dating from the Muromachi period onward, originated from a religious commentary on the Taima mandala and is closely linked to the narrative of Queen Vaidehi. Since the Taima-dera engi emaki is an account of female salvation, and the stories of both Queen Vaidehi and Chujohime serve as didactic Buddhist sermons in order to popularize the Pure Land faith and to emphasize women's capability of attaining enlightenment through faith in Amida, the source for this expanded and newly added narrative of Chujohime's childhood experiences, as illustrated in the Taima-dera engi emaki, must be closely connected to the teachings visualized in the Taima mandala. A.) Cultural Setting The Muromachi period (1336-1573), also known as Ashikaga period after the ruling shogunate, received its name from the district in which its headquarters were 136 located in Kyoto after the third shogun, Ashikaga Yoshimitsu I J i l t l i (1358-1408), established his residence in 1378. The early Muromachi period (1336-1392) is also referred to as the Period of the Northern and Southern Court (Nanbokucho F^Mfc l^) in which two imperial courts existed, the Southern court in Yoshino and the Northern court in Kyoto, and the late Muromachi period (1467-1573) is also called The Warring States Period (Sengoku jidai HclUB#f^ ) because it was an era of long civil war.80 The Muromachi bakufu was officially established in 1336 by the first Muromachi shogun, Ashikaga Takauji J £ f I j^ft (1305-1358).81 In contrast to the Kamakura bakufu, which had existed in equilibrium with the imperial court in Kyoto, the Muromachi bakufu took over the remnants of the imperial government. However, the Muromachi bakufu did not match the strength of the earlier Kamakura bakufu, and the country was in a constant state of civil war. It was not until the rule of the shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu that a balance in power was established between the shogun and the daimyd, and Yoshimitsu successfully reunited the Northern and Southern courts in 1392, with the Northern court maintaining control over the throne thereafter.82 Following Yoshimitsu's rule, the line of shoguns weakened and lost power to the daimyd, and the Ashikaga family's shogunal succession problems as well as the succession dispute between the Hosokawa and Yamana shugo houses, resulted in the Onin War (1467-1477), which left Kyoto devastated and ended the Ashikaga hegemony.83 However, the Onin War not only brought political instability and destruction, but also gave rise to new structures that were to support a new centralized order. While provincial daimyd, such as the Shimazu, Takeda, and Imagawa - having ruled their lands under the authority of not only the Ashikaga shogunate but also under the preceding 137 Kamakura shogunate - established their own independent domains, other daimyo, such as the Hosokawa, Shiba, and Toki found their lands taken over by their own subjects and retainers, like the Oda and Saito Dosan, who became the new sengoku daimyo84 Furthermore, peasants throughout Japan united with monks of the Pure Land Buddhist sect to form sectarian resistance groups, called ikko ikki — | n j — t o revolt against the rule of the daimyo. It was particularly this Ikko Buddhist sect, as the Jodo Shinshu was then known, which gained popularity in the Muromachi period and in 1532 established their new headquarters at Ishiyama. From the battle of Tayagawara in 1481, through the battle of Tagaojo in 1488, to encounters in 1506 at Kuzuryugawa and Hanyano, and on to the later battle at Sendanno in 1536, ikko ikki activities kept the provinces of Kaga, Etchu, Echizen and Echigo in uproar, adding to the already unstable country during The Warring States period.85 However, in spite of all these hardships resulting from the Onin War and The Warring States period, the court remained a significant patron of the arts and poetry, which flourished under such figures as Sogi (1421-1502), Socho (1448-1532), and Sanjonishi Sanetaka H ^ f f i H H (1455-1537). Particularly after the Onin War, Emperor GoTsuchimikado ^ ± ® P ^ S (r. 1464-1500) sponsored the production of copies of Japanese classics and held renga gatherings at court.85 This revival and preservation of Japanese classics, including tales and temple legends, played an important role for the production of the Taima-dera engi emaki. The Taima-dera engi emaki was created because of the petition of the monk Shunzan Soin (7-1547), as is stated in the postscript of the last scroll: 138 - # 3 t & £ & , &*IHttu &m<D$3, A H O ^ f j ! , This engi was created because of the vow of the temple solicitation master, the monk Soin. The head of the Imperial Painting Bureau, [Tosa] Mitsumochi, because he had a divine revelation in a dream, did not accept the payment of gold coins and finished [painting] the pictures of the three scrolls immediately. Was it indeed [the power of] the expedient means of the Great Sage which served as a new motive for the production of the pictures, [like] the reflection of the moon in water, for an old and new heroic tale of praiseworthy deeds?88 Much more, however, the respectful words of the imperial letter attached [to this scroll] cannot deny [the fact] that this temple's precious treasure throughout the ages has evoked curiosity beyond comparison in the whole country. This entry was written during the first ten days of the third month of winter of Kyoroku 4 (1531) by the old monk Gyoku Shoyoin. 8 9 Soin, who was the head priest in charge of the temple solicitation campaigns (kanjin i t ) at Taima-dera during the Kyoroku (1528-1532) and Temmon A3t(1532-1555) periods, played a central role in the restoration and revival of Taima-dera, which was left in ruins by the upheavals of the Sengoku period.9 0 In 1528, Soin became the temple petitioner and he had a stone pagoda built next to the Mandala Hall in dedication to Amida. In the same year, he also commissioned the repair of the altar on which the shrine cabinet housing the Taima Mandala stood. However, his greatest achievement as head 139 monk of the temple solicitation campaign was his commission of the production of the Taima-dera engi emaki, which was completed in 1531.91 As pointed out in the previous chapter, Taima-dera was a branch temple of K6fuku-ji and therefore closely affiliated with T6dai-ji.9 2 This affiliation is significant regarding the production of the Taima-dera Engi Emaki because Yuzen jifcik (7-1560), who was the head priest in charge of the temple solicitation campaign at T6dai-ji, served as the intermediary between Soin and Sanjonishi Sanetaka, and, as recorded in the Diary of Sanjonishi Sanetaka, he also provided funding for the project through his connection with T6dai-ji. The Diary of Lord Sanetaka (Sanetaka koki HHs4£!B), which Sanetaka kept from 1474-1535, is the longest and most detailed of all extant Muromachi-period courtier kanbun diaries, and serves as an invaluable source for the socio-historical, political, cultural, and artistic activities that took place during the n i Sengoku period. Since Sanetaka was one of the calligraphers who wrote the textual passages for the last scroll of the Taima-dera Engi Emaki, his diary is the only extant document recording details regarding the production of the last scroll.94 According to the diary entries, Sanetaka saw Taima-dera's death registry, which he was asked to copy, on the first day of the ninth month of 1530. Following an inspection of Taima-dera's precious treasures - including one of the thousand scrolls of the Pure Land-Praising Sutra which Chujohime is said to have copied as mentioned in the Taima-dera Engi Emaki, her nun's stole, a lotus flower, and a rosary - on the sixteenth day of the ninth month, he accepted an imperial command, and on the twentieth day of the twelfth month he completed writing Taima-dera's death registry. On the seventeenth day of the fifth month of 1531 Yuzen ordered the production of the texts for 140 the first and last scrolls of the Taima-dera Engi Emaki. Between the seventeenth day of the sixth month and the seventh day of the eighth month, the texts and pictures for the last scroll were completed. On the fifteenth day of the first month of 1532 a final textual and pictorial section for the revival of the mukaekd was added, upon which the scroll painting was completed. Based on these entries in the Diary of Sanjdnishi Sanetaka, Yuzen, acting as the intermediary between Soin of Taima-dera and Sanetaka, played an important role in the production of the Taima-dera engi emaki. Sanetaka was likely singled out by Yuzen to spearhead the production of the Taima-dera engi emaki because of his reputation as a skilled poet and calligrapher, as well as his intimate relationship with the imperial court.95 Sanetaka, who was the son of the third head of (Fujiwara) Sanjonishi Kin'yasu (1398-1460), was introduced to the imperial court through his uncle, the court poet Kanroji Chikanaga fM^^M (1424-1500).96 Following the end of the Onin War in 1473, Sanetaka received frequent commissions from Emperor GoTsuchimikado # ± W 1 A E (r. 1464-1500) to copy poetry anthologies, classic tales, and court literature; in 1474 he instructed GoTsuchimikado's son, the future Emperor GoKashiwabara ^kfflW. A H (r. 1500-1526), in the classics; and he also served as a scribe for renga gatherings held at the imperial palace.97 Sanetaka's marriage to the daughter of the courtier and poet, Kajuji Norihide %*&^W$s (1426-1496), strengthened his connections with the imperial court even more because Emperor GoTsuchimikado, as well as Emperor GoKashiwabara, married sisters of Sanetaka's wife, and out of the marriage between Emperor GoKashiwabara and the sister of Sanetaka's wife was born 141 the future Emperor GoNara (r. 1526-1557), who was also one of the calligraphers who participated in the production of the Taima-dera Engi Emaki98 The participation of Emperor GoNara, the Imperial Princes Sonchin and Genin, high-ranking members of the Konoe and Sanjonishi families - Konoe Hisamichi and Taneie, Sanjonishi Sanetaka, and his sons Kojun and Kin'eda - and the head of the Imperial Painting Bureau, Tosa Mitsumochi, in the production of the scroll painting is also recorded in detail in the postscripts attached to the end of each of the three scrolls of the Taima-dera Engi Emaki. 9 9 As mentioned in the previous chapter, Taima-dera was founded in 612 by Emperor Yomei's ffl (r.585-587) third son Prince Maroko. 1 0 0 Taima-dera has prospered under Fujiwara patronage ever since its establishment, and it was especially after periods of war, as for example following the Jinshin Rebellion of 672, the Jokyu Rebellion of 1221, and after the Onin War (1467-77) - the time period of the production of the Taima-dera Engi Emaki - that the ruins of the temple were revived due to imperial patronage.101 Moreover, the connection between the Fujiwara and Taima-dera further lends authenticity to the episodes of the foundation legend of Taima-dera. The addition of the lengthy and detailed narrative of Taima-dera's establishment, particularly the episodes of Prince Shotoku's visit to Manpozo-in, Emperor Tenmu's order to move the temple to a sacred place associated with En no Ozune following Prince Maroko's auspicious dream, the rebellion of Prince Otomo, Emperor Tenmu's flight to Mount Yoshino and his rescue and return to power, all of which are illustrated in the first scroll, function as historical records and add credibility to the miraculous creation story of the Taima 142 mandala. In addition to providing credence to the miraculous events surrounding the establishment of Taima-dera, faith in the Taima mandala and the teachings of the Pure Land sect also played an important role for the involvement of Emperor GoNara, the calligraphers, and the painter of the Taima-dera engi emaki. Records state that on the ninth day of the tenth month of 1491 the Taima mandala {kenpd mandala fMf&S^li), was shown to Emperor GoTsuchimikado.102 In 1503, the kenpd mandala was returned to Taima-dera and its copy, the bunki mandala JcM,§kWM, kept at K6fuku-ji. In the same year, Emperor GoKashiwabara added a gold inscription to the bunki mandala for the salvation of his mother.103 Although the entries do not mention Emperor GoNara in conjunction with the Taima mandala, since he was also a Pure Land sect devotee, it can be assumed that he, like his ancestors, might have seen copies of the Taima mandala or heard sermons on the essential teachings of the Taima mandala. Moreover, all of the calligraphers who participated in the creation of the Taima-dera engi emaki, including Sanjonishi Sanetaka himself,104 were Pure Land devotees, which might have also facilitated their involvement in the scroll production in terms of personal faith. In conjunction with the revival of the Taima mandala and its miraculous origin story at Taima-dera, according to an entry recorded on the fifteenth day of the first month of 1532 in the Diary of Sanjonishi Sanetaka, following the completion of the three scrolls, it was decided by Yuzen and Kdjun that one more textual and one more pictorial section should be added to the last scroll in order to revive the mukaeko at Taima-dera.105 This addition of the mukaeko plays a central role in the expansion of the narrative of Chujohime's legend because it is a Buddhist ritual performance characteristic of 143 Taima-dera which relates directly to Genshin's teachings essential for birth in the Pure Land as stated in his Ojoyoshu &%MM, as well as to the doctrines illustrated in the Taima mandala, and - most important - the mukaeko is the re-enactment of Chujohime's attainment of birth in Amida's Pure Land, emphasizing the significance of the heroine's devotion to Amida for this Buddhist tale of female salvation. But what were the sources that gave rise to the addition of the expanded narrative of Chujohime's mother's death, her abuse at the hands of her wicked stepmother, her and her brother's abandonment on Mount Katsuragi, her second abandonment and intended execution on Mount Hibari, and her reunification with her father to the miraculous origin legend of the Taima mandala as depicted in the Taima-dera engi emaki! How does this addition of the narrative of the heroine's childhood experiences emphasize gender as a central conditioning factor for Chujohime's legend as a Buddhist tale of female salvation? 1.4 The Expansion of Chujohime's Legend: Taema, Hibariyama, and the Taima mandala sho In conjunction with the revival of Japanese classics and poetry, the Muromachi period also witnessed the emergence of another courtly art, the noh ti§ theatre. Under the patronage of the shogun, Ashikaga Yoshimitsu S f l J i l i t (1358-1408; r. 1368-1394), who saw his first performance of sarugaku (an early form of the noh drama) performed by Kanami Kiyotsugu HM$F#f & (1333-1384) and his son Zeami Motokiyo fillH^FTcfW (1363-1443) at the Imakumano Shrine in Kyoto in 1374, noh flourished as an art form among the courtier and warrior elites.106 Entries in the Diary of Sanjonishi Sanetaka record that Sanetaka and other members of his circle sought escape from the 144 harsh realities of life through a seemingly constant round of parties, noh performances, poetry gatherings, and other forms of courtly entertainment.107 Prior to the production of the Taima-dera engi emaki, two noh plays attributed to Zeami - Taema =j M and Hibariyama MM. \h - circulated. In Taema, a Pure Land sect monk makes a pilgrimage to Taima-dera. At the same time, an old nun, who is visiting the temple for a Buddhist service, tells the monk about the legend of Taima-dera and the story of Chujohime's devotion to Amida which led to the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala. While the old nun tells the story to the monk, she changes into a manifestation of the bodhisattva Kannon and disappears. Then the princess herself appears and dances.108 The fact that the narrative of Chujohime's abandonment on Mount Hibari due to the slander of the wicked stepmother, her reunification with her father, and return to the Nara capital does not appear in the central plot, but only in the kyogen $E 11",109 indicates that the narrative of the princess as an ill-treated stepchild is a later addition to the core narrative of Chujohime's devotion to Amida which facilitated the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala as found in Kamakura-period documents. The kyogen is as follows: K Y O G E N mazu chuujouhime to maushitaru on-kata ha First of all the lady called Princess Chujo ninnou shijuushichidai haitai tennou no gyo-o was the daughter of the Minister of the ni yokohagi no udaijin toyonari-kou to Right from Yokohagi, Lord Toyonari, maushitaru on-kata no on-sokujo nite goza who lived in the reign of Emperor aritaru to mausu Junnin. 145 saru shidai arite hibariyama ni suteraretamafu ga sanchuu no koto nareba tsune no mono sate sumaigataku saurafu ni chuujouhime ha gonja no on-mi nareba sayou no koto mo itohitamahazu nenbutsu sanmai nite tsukihi wo okuritamafu ni aru toki chichi no toyonari-kou on-kari no on-sata saurahite hibariyama he wakeiritamafu ga aru taniai ni shiba no an wo musubite utsukushiki hime no ohashimasu toyonari-kou fushigi ni oboshimeshi kono sanchuu ni ningen nite ha yomo araji ika naru mono zo to tazunetamaheba sono toki ni ware ha yokohagi no udaijin toyonari to mausu mono no musume naru ga keibo no hakarai niyori kono yama-oku ni suterareshi to on-maushi sauraheba toyonari kikoshimeshi gongo doudan sayou no kotoyume ni mo shirazu ware koso chichi toyonari yo, nanigoto mo ware ni menjite tamahare to nara no miyako For certain reasons she was sent away and abandoned on Mount Hibari. Most people would find it hard to live in the mountains like that, but she was a Buddha on Earth, she never complained and instead passed her days in the invocation of the Buddha's name and in meditation. On one occasion her her father Toyonari went out hunting and made his way to the Hibariyama mountains. He discovered there a beautiful lady, living in a brushwood hut she has built in a ravine. When he asked who she was, the lady replied, "I am the daughter of Lord Toyonari, but I was abandoned here, through the designs of my stepmother, in these deep mountains." When Lord Toyonari heard this, he was astonished; not even in his dreams had he imagined that such an outrage had happened. "But I am your father! Please forgive me for everything." He took her back to the 146 ni tomonai-tamahi sude ni kisaki ni sonaen to capital at Nara, and he was already shitamafu tokoro ni • no planning to have her installed as Empress. ni In contrast to Taema, the noh play Hibariyama does not mention Taima-dera, Chujohime's devotion to Amida, or the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala at all. Instead, the plot focuses exclusively on the narrative of Chujohime's abandonment on Mount Hibari caused by her wicked stepmother, the hardships endured by Chujohime's loyal wetnurse who is taking care of her by selling plants to bypassing travelers but who in the end goes crazy out of worry for her young charge, Yokohagi hunting in the mountains, his encounter with his daughter, and their return home to the Nara capital: W A K I - T S U R E 1 1 2 kayau ni sourou mono ha nara no miyako yokohagi no udaijin toyonari kou ni tsukahe mausu mono nite sourafu sate mo hime gimi wo ichi nin on mochi sourofu wo saru hito no zansou ni yori yamato ki no kuni no sakahi nam hibari-yama nite ushinahi mause to no ohose nite sourafu hodo ni kore made ontomo maushite sourahedomo ikani shite ushinahi mausubeki to zonji The one before you thus is serving the Yokohagi Minister of the Right Lord Toyonari, of the Nara capital. That being said, he had one princess. Due to the slander of a certain person, he ordered, "Bring her to Hibariyama, which is located at the border of Yamato and Kii , and kill her." At that time, I accompanied her up to here. "How could I possibly kill her?" I 147 shiba no ihori wo musubi to kaku itahari maushi sourafum bound together a hut of brushwood and in that way I have been taking care of her. 1 1 4 [-] NOCHI-WAKI 115 kore ha yokohagi no udaijin toyonari to ha waga koto nari sore kariba ha shiki no asobi nite tokiworifushi no kyou wo masu It is I who am theYokohagi Minister of the Right, Toyonari. Well, this hunting place I enjoy it season by season, and season by season its charm increases. [...] JI 116 okoshini nosemairasete onyorokobi no kaeru sani nara no miyako no yahe sakura saki kaeru michi zo medetaki saki kaeru michi zo medetaki Standing, they walk around and the joy returned at last. In the Nara capital, eight kinds of cherry blossoms return back to bloom, making the journey indeed enjoyable, making the journey indeed enjoyable. According to previous scholarship, Zeami's noh plays Taema and Hibariyama are believed to have served as the source for the narrative of Chujohime's legend as illustrated in the Taima-dera engi emaki, which is the earliest extant textual and pictorial record combining the story of Chujohime's childhood experiences with her religious experiences at Taima-dera. However, a comparison between the narrative of 148 Chujohime as an ill-treated stepchild in the two noh plays and in the Taima-dera engi reveals some significant differences challenging this theory. In contrast to Zeami's noh plays, which mention Chujohime's abandonment on Mount Hibari due to the stepmother's slander, her father's hunting trip to Mount Hibari, father and daughter's reunification and return to the capital, and the father's intention of making her an empress, the Taima-dera engi emaki also includes in addition a narrative of Chujohime and her younger brother being abandoned on Mount Katsuragi by the stepmother prior to these events. Therefore, I suggest that Zeami's noh plays Taema and Hibariyama, although they might have contributed to the popularization of these two separate stories -Chujohime's as an ill-treated stepchild and Chujohime as the instigator of the Taima mandala into one single narrative - were not the sources for the expanded narrative of Chujohime's childhood experiences in the Taima-dera engi emaki. Considering the fact that, in spite of the expansion of its narrative, Chujohime's legend remained an account of female salvation throughout the course of its history, and that the foundation of this Buddhist tale is rooted in the Pure Land teachings as depicted in the Taima mandala, I argue that this expanded narrative of Chujohime's childhood experiences in the Taima-dera engi emaki originated within the context of popularizing the teachings of the Taima mandala. Recent studies by Tokuda Kazuo and Hank Glassman have suggested that a fifteenth-century commentary on the Taima mandala, called the Taima mandala sho ^f#§t^?$l5iE, existed prior to Zeami's noh plays and most likely served as the origin for the combined narrative of Chujohime's childhood experiences and her religious experiences at Taima-dera as illustrated in the Taima-dera engi emaki.118 149 The Taima mandala, which was not well known during the Nara and Heian periods, was revived and popularized as a means of spreading the Pure Land teaching by Honen's disciple and founder of the Seizan branch If [UM of the Pure Land sect, the monk Shoku JaE3? (1177-1247), during the thirteenth century.119 The Taima mandala, of which various copies smaller in size than the original mandala came into existence from the fourteenth century onward, was used as a visual aid for preaching. Buddhist preachers often added narrative elements to the doctrine in order to illustrate the difficult Buddhist tenets in a more comprehensible way accessible to all people, high and low. Although no documents dating to the time of Shoku's teachings of the Taima mandala survive today, the Taima mandala sho, compiled in 1436 by the monk Yujo Shoso 0#H1& (1366-1440), who was the eighth patriarch of the Chinzei branch K M M of the Pure Land sect, is the earliest extant record documenting the kind of commentaries and their contents used by Shoso for the same practice of preaching the doctrine of the Taima mandala, serving as an example for what these earlier sermons by Shoku might have looked like. 1 2 0 The Taima mandala sho consists of forty-eight scrolls, and is the earliest surviving textual version of the Buddhist tale known today as Chujohime's legend in which all of the narrative key elements illustrated in the Taima-dera engi emaki take place.121 We find the name of Chujohime's father, the location of the two mountains Katsuragi and Hibariyama, the wicked stepmother, the abandonment of Chujohime and her brother, Chujohime's second abandonment on Mount Hibari, her reunification with her father and their return to the Nara capital, and Chujohime entering the service of the Emperor. 150 Up until and including scroll six, the Taima mandala sho elaborates in detail on the teachings illustrated in the Taima mandala, particularly the nine grades of birth. Scroll seven, however, marks a drastic change in narrative content because it tells the story of the nobleman Toyonari's wish to have a child, his wife's pilgrimage to Hase-dera, the birth of Chujohime and, also later, her brother due to the mercy of Kannon: Well, however, he grieved about not having a child. The Lord was not attached to the flowers and the moon in the garden, but desired the urabonm in the middle of the seventh month. However, even though both husband and wife spent the years and months praying to the gods wishing [for a child], their wish was not granted. At one time, the principal wife retired to Hase-dera for prayer for [a duration of] seven days and seven nights. [... ] Because her prayers were not shallow,124 on the evening of the seventh day [her prayers were] answered. She had an auspicious dream, in which she received a divine oracle, shortly after she became pregnant, and the months and days passing a girl of good omen was born. Furthermore, the references to the wicked stepmother and the children's abandonment on Mount Katsuragi as well as Chujohime's second abandonment on Mount Hibari in the Taima mandala sho appear to be identical to the ones in the Taima-dera engi emaki. 151 The Taima mandala sho reads: S A W . 4-B nm®L®wnm\hpjWo Thus, still the stepmother's malicious heart did not cease. Consequently, she [conceived] a plan to abandon [the princess] at Mount Hibari in Arida, Kii Province. I will stop here, and tomorrow I will explain the details about this story in admiration for the Taima mandala. As for this, it is in praise of the sacred teachings of the Nine Grades illustrated in the Taima mandala. Yesterday, I explained about Chujohime's abandonment in the "Valley of Hell of the Dreadful Katsuragi Mountain" because of the stepmother's malicious heart. Due to the admiration of heaven and earth, however, she returned [home] to the capital. [Although] she received the affection of the emperor, she felt suffering [due to the impermanence of life]. Since she became the [emperor's] consort Chujo no Naishi, and her brother [was promoted] to [the rank of] Lesser Captain, the person's plan backfired. Today, I will explain another version of this origin legend: her abandonment on Mount Hibari. Such preaching, as illustrated in these passages from the Taima mandala sho, was essential to the creation and development of Chujohime's legend and cult. Zeami, for instance, almost certainly had as his source for Hibariyama the performances of itinerant preachers lecturing on the Taima mandala. In the Taima mandala sho like in the Taima-dera engi emaki the concrete reason for the stepmother's cruelty is her jealousy over the 152 success of her predecessor's children. When she hears that Chujoliime will enter imperial service and that her younger brother may become a courtier or minister, she contrives to abandon the children in the wilds of Mount Katsuragi. It must be mentioned that out of all extant versions of Chujohime's legend, the Taima-dera engi emaki is the only work which includes this double abandonment which is significant because the absence of the brother in later versions places more emphasis on the relationship between Chujohime and her stepmother; between the helpless girl and the cruel woman. As pointed out in the previous chapter, the thirteenth-century depiction of Chujohime's legend in the Taima mandala engi emaki plays an important role regarding attitudes towards women and their capability of salvation within Pure Land Buddhism. According to Buddhist thought, women are considered impure and defiled due to the concepts of the "Five Obstructions" - the five states of being women cannot attain and the "Seven Sins" due to bleeding during menstruation and childbirth. These signs of women's impediments and defilements are propagated in Buddhist scriptures as well as in Muju Ichien's ^ft—R(1226-1312) Tsuma kagami j l t t (Mirror for Women), a vernacular tract for the edification of women dated 1300.126 The inspiration for women's faith in Amida and the Taima mandala, as well as for Chujohime serving as a role model in this Buddhist tale of female salvation, is the story of Queen Vaidehi in the Taima mandala. The left border "Prefatory Legend" (fig.23) illustrates the story of the Indian Queen Vaidehi, who had been imprisoned by her son, Prince Ajatasatru for the crime of conspiring to keep her husband, his father, alive by spreading a paste of flour and honey over her body to sustain the king when it was the prince's intent to starve him to death. In her imprisonment, Vaidehi prays to 153 Sakyamuni, who appears and shows her various Buddhist paradises, and Vaidehi chooses to be born in Amida's Pure Land. Like Queen Vaidehi, Chujohime - through her devotion to Amida - is saved from her worldly suffering and is born in the Pure Land. However, there is one distinctive difference between the stories of Vaidehi and Chujohime that plays a crucial role in the development of Chujohime's legend from the Muromachi period onward, as evident in Shoso's Taima mandala sho, Zeami's noh plays Taema and Hibariyama, and the Taima-dera engi emaki. While the Taima mandala emphasizes Vaidehi's worldly suffering - her imprisonment by her son - the Taima mandala engi emaki does not mention any suffering of Chujohime, as evident from the following passage: [The father's] thinking of her and waiting on her as [if she were] a flawless jewel, [...]. But her heart was not stained by the flowers of spring, nor did she long for the autumn moon. Searching deeply for the path of the Buddha, she sought for enlightenment in the Dharma. 1 2 7 However, in Muromachi-period versions of Chujohime's legend, such as Zeami's noh play, Hibariyama, we see a shift towards a greater emphasis on her worldly suffering: That being said, he had one princess. Due to the slander of a certain person, he ordered: 'Bring her to Hibariyama, which is located at the border of Yamato and Kii, and kill her. 1 2 8 Chujohime's father orders her abandonment and execution on Mount Hibari, but we are not told who this certain person is; there is no mention of the stepmother in Hibariyama. A similar pattern appears in the noh play, Yoroboshi il?£8rfi, which deals with a young boy's abandonment in the mountains by his father due to the slander of a 154 certain person, but again the "certain person's" identity is unknown. In contrast, the Taima mandala sho and the Taima-dera engi emaki clearly emphasize Chujohime's worldly suffering and -most important - identify that certain person as the stepmother. It is her relationship with her stepmother that is both the cause of her suffering and her religious awakening as stated in the following passage from the Taima-dera engi emaki: The only reason why I encountered this misery is because of the stepmother's profound hatred. If I would be in the same world as my real mother, such a misery would hardly occur. Though in this present life my fate is painful suffering, in the afterworld I want to be born in a place where I can be free of suffering.129 As Margaret Childs has pointed out in her study of religious awakening stories in medieval Japan, the weakness of setsuwa and zange monogatari (Stories of Religious Awakening) is that they only provide us with information as to when and how a religious awakening occurs, but offer little insight as to its cause.130 It is precisely in this aspect that he Taima-dera engi emaki and its source, the Taima mandala sho, are unusual among accounts of religious awakening stories because we are informed at length about the heroine's life prior to the traumatic event - her abandonment on Mount Hibari due to the stepmother's slander - that causes her renunciation of the world. Therefore, the expansion of Chujohime's legend, particularly the insertion of the narrative of her suffering as an ill-treated stepchild and her abandonment on Mount Hibari found in all versions of Chujohime's story from the Muromachi period onward, serves a religious purpose: for a complex Buddhist tale of female salvation to be used by 155 Buddhist preachers and to be reinterpreted in a more comprehensible way for the purpose of proselytizing faith in the Taima mandala. In this way, from a religious viewpoint, the primary function of the expanded narrative of Chujohime's legend is to emphasize women's capability of attaining enlightenment through faith in Amida. However, in addition to solely emphasizing women's capability of attaining enlightenment through faith in Amida and the Taima mandala, the expanded narrative of Chujohime legend -particularly the story of her as a mistreated stepchild - also emphasizes certain socio-cultural values related to the position of women within medieval Japanese society. The next chapter will situate the Taima-dera engi emaki within the literary genre of Muromachi-period stepchild stories - in order to shed light on the diffused boundaries between religious and social constructions of gender in this particular narrative. Notes to Chapter Three 1 For a complete list of extant Kamakura-period versions of Chujohime's legend pre-dating the Taima mandala engi emaki and extant Muromachi-period versions of Chujohime's legend post-dating the Taima-dera engi emaki see Appendix A. 2 Although all extant versions of Chujohime's legend from the Muromachi period onward also contain the narrative of the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala and Chujohime's birth in Amida's Pure Land, passages illustrating the heroine's childhood experiences prior to these events are given greater emphasis. For example, in the Taima-dera engi emaki the narrative of Chujohime's childhood experiences consists of eleven textual and eleven pictorial passages, and occupies the longest section of the scroll, measuring a total length of 2,783 centimeters. In contrast to this, the narrative of the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala and the heroine's attainment of salvation consists of only five textual and five pictorial passages, and occupies the shortest section of the scroll, measuring a total length of 1,652 centimeters. This division of text and image in terms of length and primary emphasis, which is maintained in post-Muromachi-period versions of Chujohime's legend, indicates that, as the story expands, the 156 miraculous creation of the Taima mandala becomes a holy backdrop for telling the story of Chujohime. 3 Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan Kanshu , Shaji Eng- e * f c # i & j g ! & (Nara: Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan, 1975), 119. 4 The swastika (J. manji F H ) is an ancient Indian auspicious sign meaning "all is well." It is a cross with the extremities of each arm bent at right-angles, and often drawn on the chest, palms, or footprints of the Buddha. Louis Frederic, Buddhism: Flammarion Iconographic Guides (Paris: Mame Imprimeurs Tours, 1995), 76. Furthermore, the design of Taima-dera's red seal, used to verify temple documents, is a swastika surrounded by flames. "Taima-dera/ Shigisan" =^f## • fa H i l l , Ko-ji woyuku "Sf^F&r < , 35 (2001): 2. The inscriptions on the outside of the cover binding read If #£#1113 ±, m m^BM and ^ m^m&T respectively. 5 In Japanese painting from the late Heian period onward, Amida is frequently depicted descending on clouds from the western direction, surrounded by a host of bodhisattvas and other celestial beings, in order to greet the devotee at the moment of death and to welcome the faithful into the Pure Land, a genre known as raigo-zu jfejiffilEI. According to the Sutra of Contemplation on the Buddha ofImmeasurable Life (Kanmurydju-kyo WL M A U R I S ) , three classes of welcoming exist, each divided into three levels corresponding to the qualities of the devotee, and to each of these three levels Amida makes a corresponding mudra characteristic of the aspiring believer. Louis Frederic, Buddhism: Flammarion Iconographic Guides (Paris: Mame Imprimeurs Tours, 1995), 140. A detailed description of the iconography and classes of welcome depicted on the inside of each frontispiece follows in my discussion regarding the texts and images of the Taima-dera Engi Emaki in this chapter. 6 The usual height of shaji engi-e measures between 30.0 and 35.0 centimeters. For a detailed listing of shaji engi-e and their measurements see Nara kokuritsu hakubutsukan kanshu, Shajiengi-e, 13-16. 7 Although pre-twelfth-century written documents for shrines and temples founded in the early Heian period exist and may have been illustrated, today the oldest extant example of shaji engi-e is the Shigisan engi emaki (The Miraculous Origin Legend of Mount Shigi) which dates to the late twelfth century. By the late fifteenth century, didactic religious narratives and temple histories from shaji engi-e were picked up in compilations of popular tales, called otogi zoshi ^ f l l Q ^ ^ - , or were illustrated in booklets, called sasshi-bon ffir-?-^ or nara-ehon ^fkMxfc, which were intended more for entertainment or edification rather than for propagation of a shrine, temple or Buddhist sect. Ibid., 11. 8 For the usage of the Taima Mandala engi emaki see Chapter Two pages 6-7. 9 This is a transcription of the original text of the Taima-dera engi emaki, which is photographically reproduced in Shinbo Kyo Mi^^r, "Taima-dera engi (Kyoroku-bon)" ^M^UU in Nihon Bukkyo 0 ^{A# (1963): 41-59. In order to provide readers with an easier and more accessible reading of the original text, I have modernized it by adding dakuten, odoriji and punctuation. The English translation is my own. 157 10 Mikaeshi-e ^M$k are ornate paintings, usually executed in gold color (kondei with cut gold {kirikane ^04E) on dark blue paper (kongami Wtffl:), which constitute the frontispieces of illustrated Buddhist sutras. Mikaeshi-e originated in T'ang-dynasty China. Although mikaeshi-e in Japan are believed to have been produced as early as the Tempyo period (729-749), the earliest extant mikaeshi-e date from the Heian period (794-1185) and are found on illustrated scriptures of the Lotus Sutra (Hokekyo £fel|£ll), such as the Heike nokyo (1164). Mikaeshi-e depict a variety of Buddhist scenes and deities, such as Sakyamuni preaching, Miroku residing in his Tusitata Heaven, and Amida descending to the devotee. Nakamura Hajime tpffi%8c Kuno Takeshi :ASfp$t, Bukkyo BijutsuJiten fAifclifl^ft (Tokyo: Tokyo Shoseki, 2002), 873. 1 1 The iconographical convention of depicting Amida with a host of musical bodhisattvas originated with Genshin's Mie (942-1017) passages in his treatise, The Essentials of Rebirth (Ojoyoshu QtkW^M) (985), describing Amida's Pure Land as place filled with gorgeous palaces, lotus ponds, and sound of heavenly music, and his "twenty-five meditations" (nijugo sanmai H+21Hi^). The earliest extant painting depicting Amida and his host of bodhisattvas descending in diagonal motion to the devote is the Descent of Amida with Divine Attendants on the south door of the H66-d6 at the Byodo-in at Uji which is dated to 1053. However, the number of musical bodhisattvas varies with different raigo paintings. Furthermore, it should be mentioned that raigo paintings of the Pure Land sect (jodo-shu W^ITK) always depict Amida seated, whereas paintings of the True Pure Land sect (jodo shin-shu ^frizM?^) always depict Amida standing as is the case with the frontispiece images in the Taima-dera engi emaki. Okazaki Joji, Pure Land Buddhist Painting (Tokyo: Kodansha International Ltd., 1977), 102. 1 2 Ibid., 152. 1 3 The three classes of welcome, Upper-class (jobon _bpp), Middle-class (chubon ^pp), and Lower-class (gebon T P R ) correspond to the qualities of the devotee, who is received into the Pure Land by Amida. Each of these three classes is further subdivided into three levels which relate to the maturity and degree of perfection attained by the devotee; thus there are a total of nine grades (kuhon %aa) of perfection, among which the faithful are distributed, and each has its corresponding mudra. These nine grades are 1.) Upper-class Upper-birth (jobon josho ± R R - h 4 . ) , 2.) Upper-class Middle-birth (jobon chusho Jhpp tf3 £ ) , 3.) Upper-class Lower-birth (jobon gesho JippT^fe), 4.) Middle-class Upper-birth (chubon josho dp p °p±£) , 5.) Middle-class Middle-birth (chubon chusho *P RR dfc), 6.) Middle-class Lower-birth (chubon gesho ^ r S n T ^ ) , 7.) Lower-class Upper-birth (gebon josho Trjp-h^) , 8.) Lower-class Middle-birth (gebon chusho T O P and 9.) Lower-class Lower birth (gebon gesho T R P T ^ ) . Ibid., 142. 1 4 Ibid., 141-142. 1 5 In painting and sculpture, the urnd, which is one of the one hundred distinctive Buddha marks, is depicted as a round spot or a jewel in the center of the Buddha's forehead, but it is actually meant to represent a tuft of hair. In this image the golden rays are painted. However, raigo paintings like these were often hung next to the beds of the dying devotees, who would hold golden threads attached to the paintings, particularly to Amida's urna as seen here, while they are reciting Amida's name (nenbutsu i^fA) and 158 praying for their birth in the Pure Land. Ibid., 78. 16 Saiho TOiJj is an abbreviation for saiho gokuraku jodo M^WiM&dt which is Amida Buddha's Pure Land Western Paradise. The term gyogi is an abbreviation for gyogi mappo ^li^^^fe, which translates as the "Final Age of Decadence" and refers to the "Age of the Final Law." Nakamura Hajime tpJrtjt, Bukkyogo Daijiten {Ai&iHs-AS^fe (Tokyo: Tokyo Shoseki, 2001), 247. According to Buddhist thought, the time after the death of the historical Buddha, Sakyamuni, is divided into three ages. In the first age, called Age of the Perfect Law (shdbd lESS), people followed the teachings of the Buddha; in the second age, Age of the Degenerative Law (zdbd fjljife), people failed to understand the true inner meaning of the Buddhist teachings; and in the Age of the Final Law (mappo jjfcfe) practice of the Buddhist teachings cannot be carried out and salvation becomes increasingly difficult. Michele Marra, 'The Development of Mappo Thought in Japan (I)', in Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, vol.15, no.l (1988), 25. 1 Meaning conjectural. 18 Giwaku WkWt, meaning "doubt" (Skt. vicikitsd), refers to the unfaithful who do not believe in the Buddha's teachings. Ibid., 221. 1 9 In the Taima mandala engi emaki discussed in the previous chapter, this woman was called keni {(mysterious nun), but here she is called kenjo (mysterious woman). 2 0 The Kanmurydju-kyo ^UMilkMM. (Contemplation Sutra) is one of the Three Pure Land Sutras and was interpreted by the third Pure Land patriarch in China, Shan-tao f # ^ | (613-681), in his Kan-gyd shichd-shd %$$kW$$P. The principal teaching of the Kanmurydju-kyo is the series of sixteen meditations through which devotees can attain birth in Amida's Pure Land. The last three meditations are divided into the nine grades (kuhon A, HP), and the preface to this sutra is the story of the wicked Indian prince, Ajatasatru, who imprisoned his mother and father. Elizabeth ten Grotenhuis, The Revival of the Taima Mandala in Medieval Japan (New York: Garland Publishing, 1985), 31. 2 1 The Nine Grades (kuhon TLua) correspond to the nine possible degrees of birth in the Pure Land. See note 15. 2 2 Kuze Kannon $&1filS, B \ also known as Kuze Kanzeon Bosatsu ^Ifelili: #11, is the bodhisattva who hears the people cries of suffering and bestows his mercy on them, relieving them from their suffering. Kuze Kannon's association with sacred authority and the imperial family dates to the deity's legendary connection with Prince Shotoku H t^A J^- (574-622) and images of Kuze Kannon are housed in various temples associated with Prince Shotoku. 2 3 Shohomyo Buddha jEfe^j#n5fe is another name for Amida Buddha. 2 4 Godo 3uji, also known as goakushu 1LMML, refers to the five places of existence within the karmic cycle of rebirth (Skt. samsara, J. rinne ^M) in which beings are reborn based on the sins of their past life. These five places of existence are the 1.) realm of heavenly beings, 2.) realm of human beings, 3.) realm of animals, 4.) realm of hungry ghosts, and 5.) realm of hells. Ishida Mizumaro 15 ES^ijJlf, Reibun Bukkyogo Daijiten #!] (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1997), 322. 159 2 5 Prince Shotoku (574-622) was the son of Emperor Yomei ffl I ^ J i (r. 585-587) and Empress Anahobe Hashinohito, and he is also known as Umayado because his mother gave birth to him in front of the stable door. Shotoku served as regent under Empress Suiko tft&%ik (r. 592-628) but he is primarily remembered for the introduction and promotion of Buddhism in the Asuka period. Shotoku Taishi was considered an incarnation of the bodhisattva Kannon, and he became the guardian deity of masons and carpenters since he commissioned the first Buddhist edifices. In painting and sculpture, Shotoku Taishi is commonly depicted with his hair would in coils. Frederic, Buddhism, 286. 2 6 Ibid., 165. 2 7 En no Ozune also known as En no Gyqja and En no Shokaku, was a Buddhist mystic and mountain ascetic of the Nara period. He was credited with having magical powers and believed to have lived upon Mount Katsuragi in Yamato Province. He climbed mountains, which he dedicated to the Buddha, and he was the founder of Shugendo. Ibid., 287. 2 8 Prince Osakabe JtWffiS. (?- 705), whose name is also found written as and was the son of Emperor Temmu J^S^^H: (r. 673-686) and Kajihime no Iratsume fr CM#&, who was the daughter of Shishihito no Omaro 2? A A $ £ S . In addition to his military actions, such as his participation in the Jinshin Rebellion 3r ^  CD j§L of 672, Osakabe also distinguished himself in terms of literary achievements. In 681, he participated in the compilation of the Imperial Record (Teiki #|H) and Records of Ancient Times (Joko shoji _h"i"ft^), which were ordered by Emperor Tenmu, as well as in the production of the Chronicles of Japan (Nihon shoki 0 ^H/IE). Prince Osakabe is also credited for having been one of the influential figures along with Fujiwara no Fuhito MEPfftM (659-720) who issued the Taiho Ritsuryo A S # ^ n , Japan's first legal code, in 701. Nihonshi kojiten henshu i-inkai 0 ^^fcfflMWk'M^M.^, Nihonshi kojiten 0 (Tokyo: Yamagawa Shuppansha, 1997), 2255. 2 9 Prince Otomo A&EE^r*- (648-672), who is also known as Emperor Kobun ^A^C^fi (r.671-672), was the eldest son of Emperor Tenji ^fS^S (626-671) (r.668-671). Prince Otomo was defeated in the Jinshin Rebellion 3r $ CD j§L of 672 by his younger brother, Prince Oama, and committed suicide. 3 0 Kuzu I U $ § is a mountain village in Yoshino-district, Nara Prefecture. 31 Daijo-e A W ^ , also called daijo-sai AWSil, is a Shinto festival where the newly crowned Emperor offers, for the first time in his reign, the first fruits to Amaterasu as well as other Shinto gods. This festival is celebrated at the beginning of a new reign. The Association of Shinto Shrines, Basic Terms of Shinto (Tokyo: Kokugakuin University, Institute for Japanese Culture and Classics, 1958), 6. 3 2 Kuzu is both a place name and the title of a noh play. The noh play tells how Emperor Tenmu is rescued by a fisherman who gave him the carp. Upon presenting the carp as an offering to the gods, Emperor Tenmu was able to make bis way to Mount Yoshino. Because of the fisherman's assistance, his descendants have the surname "Kujo" [literally, "mouth help"]. 160 Hachiman Aipft is the Japanese Shinto god of war, and divine protector of Japan. An alternative name for Hachiman is Yawata AipS (God of the Eight Banderoles), and his symbolic messenger animal is the dove. Since ancient times Hachiman was worshipped by peasants as the god of agriculture and by fishermen who hoped he shall fill their nets with fish. In Shinto, he became identified by legend as the deified Emperor Ojin (270-310), son of Empress Jingu A E (201-269), from the third century onward. Following the arrival of Buddhism in Japan, however, Hachiman became a syncretistic deity, and was enthroned as a god protector with the title "Great Bodhisattva" at Todai-ji in Nara. He is also the protector god (ujigami ft#) of the Minamoto clan descended rom the Emperor Seiwa tit frlAE (r. 858-876). Nihonshi Kojiten Henshu I-inkai, Nihonshi Kojiten, 1751. 3 4 Taima no Kunimi was the grandson of Prince Maroko. He is most well known as a historical person through his meritorious deeds in the Jinshin Rebellion. Yamada Hideo Of 03 W&, Hirano Kunio W £ K £ t & Takeuchi Rizo flrrt Nihon Kodai Jinmei Jiten B^rirftA^SMfc (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1958), 1036. 3 5 The Kiyomihara Palace, formally called Asuka Kiyomihara no Miya MM^RJW^'M, was the place where Prince Oamu (the future Emperor Tenmu) established his residence after he had defeated Prince Otomo in the Jinshin Rebellion of 672. It was also at Kiyomihara Palace that his wife and successor, Empress Jito A E (960-967), completed the legal code known as the Asuka Kiyomihara-Ryo MM^WM^W^. The Kiyomihara Palace included various administrative headquarters for different ministries and an imperial council hall (daigokuden AfliiSc), and around the palace an urban zone developed and a government office (kyoshiki J^M) was established to regulate its affairs.Nihonshi Kojiten Henshu I-inkai, Nihonshi Kojiten, 628. 3 6 Kujaku Myo-6 (Skt. Mahamayuri, Mayuraraja) is a Buddhist deity, whose name is translated as 'Queen of the Magic Knowledge of the Peacock' and 'Peacock Mother of the Buddhas', is a feminine non-wrathful manifestation of Sakyamuni Buddha. According to the Japanese Kujaku-kyo HM& the Buddha announced to his disciple Ananda the power enjoyed by Kujaku Myo-6 as protector against poisons. This deity represents the productive virtue of all the Buddhas, and this is the reason why in Japan she is also called Kujaku Butsumo. In painting and sculpture, Kujaku Myo-6 is presented with six arms holding a bow, arrow, pomegranate, a wheel, a lotus and a peacock feather, and shown seated on a peacock. In Japan, Kujaku Myo-6 used to be worshipped in official ceremonies to ward off national calamities such as wars, epidemics, typhoons and earthquakes, but today is no longer a primary object of veneration, except for some esoteric sects for whom she is a secret deity. Frederic, Buddhism: Flammarion Iconographic Guides, 230-231. Ichijotehan — M^^, meaning one and a half times the height of a hand, corresponds to roughly to 10 centimeters. 3 7 The vajra (J. kongd-sho ^PJ'J^) is a thunderbolt-sceptre, which can be single, two, three, four, five, and nine-pointed, and is employed by Tantric Buddhist sects in ritual ceremonies. The vajra symbolizes the victorious power of knowledge over ignorance and of the spirit over the passions. The three-pointed vajra is the most commonly used, and its three points represent the 'Three Jewels of Buddhism' (the Buddha, the Dharma, and 161 the Samgha), as well as the three mysteries of word, thought, and action. Frederic, Buddhism, 63. 3 8 Fudo Myo-6 (Skt. Acalanatha), whose name means 'the eternal and immutable diamond', is an esoteric deity and represents the protective aspect of Dainichi Nyorai, the firmness and determination to destroy evil. In the Diamond World Mandala he is situated in the north-east, from where he protects beings from evil influences, and he is commonly depicted holding a sword and a lasso. Ibid., 203. 3 9 In an eye-opening ceremony a Buddhist image is being shown to the public for the very first time. 4 0 The four guardian kings (Skt. Lokapalas, J. shitenno V2X=E) are the guardians of the four cardinal points; they are the protectors of the world and of the Buddhist Law. They are thought to live on Mount Meru, and at the gates of the paradise of Indra, protector of Buddhism. They are usually found in groups, placed at the four corners of Buddhist altars reserved for major deities, or at the corners of mandalas. They are always shown standing, in martial positions, as befitting warriors whose attention must never falter, on rocks (symbolizing Mount Meru and their firmness), and treading on demons. Ibid., 241. 4 1 Kichijoten a " # ^ is the goddess of luck. 4 2 Hito-koto-nushi no myojin, also called Katsuragi no Hito-koto-nushi no kami Itj/fccD —H"i;CD#, is a deity who appeared on Mount Katsuragi, near the border of Yamato and Kawachi Provinces, and who could utter oracles of good and evil with the decisive speaking of a 'single word' (hito koto —it"). It is the central deity of the Hito-koto-nushi Shrine in Katsuragi, Katsurakami-gun, Nara Prefecture. According to the Kojiki ifr^lE (compiled 677-712) when Emperor Yuryaku climbed Mount Katsuragi with his entourage, they encountered another troupe having identical appearance. Enraged, the emperor readied his arrow and asked for the names of the opposing group. The leader of the other group responded: "I am Hito-koto-nushi no kami of Katsuragi, who proclaims evil in a single word, good in a single word." Upon hearing this, the emperor and his entourage removed their clothes and offered them to the deity. The Association of Shinto Shrines, Basic Terms of Shinto, 32. 4 3 Onamuchi no kami, also known as 6-kuni-nushi no kami ASEE-N3 and 6-mono-nushi no kami A * $ 9 E E # , is considered as the god of abundance, agriculture, medicine, good sorcery, and happy marriages. According to the Kojiki, which describes the mythic origin of the Izumo Shrine where Onamuchi no kami is enshrined as the primary deity, Onamuchi no kami was developing the world of mortal man when Ninigi no Mikoto, the grandson of Amaterasu Omikami, descended to earth. Onamuchi no kami handed over temporal rule of the land to Ninigi no Mikoto in exchange for control over divine affairs. Amaterasu was so pleased by this gift to her grandson that she had a shrine erected for Onamuchi no kami at Izumo. The main text of the Nihongi describes Onamuchi as the child of Susano, while the Kojiki states that he was Susano's sixth-generation descendant. Norman Havens & Inoue Nobutaka, An Encyclopedia of Shinto (Tokyo: Institute for Japanese Culture and Classics, Kokugakuin University, 2000) 67. 4 4 Kumano Gongen WMW^i is the God enshrined at Kumano Shrine in Wakayama Prefecture. Originally, this deity was linked to Shugendo, but later it also became associated with Shinto and Buddhism. 162 The main gate of a Buddhist temple is always guarded by this pair of guardian kings (Ni-6 HEE) consisting of Kongo Rikishi and Misshaku Rikishi. 4 6 Frederic, Buddhism, 142. 4 7 The Buddhist rosary (nenju ^ f i ) is used to count the recitations of Amida's name (nembutsu ^{A) and consists of one hundred eight beads (oyadama i ! 3 £ ) plus two separating beads for easier counting. The one hundred eight beads symbolize the one hundred eight human passions the bodhisattva Kannon assumed while telling the beads. Okazaki, Pure Land Buddhist Painting, 21. 4 8 Frederic, Buddhism: Flammarion Iconographic Guides, 144. 4 9 Okazaki, Pure Land Buddhist Painting, 95. 5 0 Ksitigarbha's name means "bodhisattva encompassing the earth" and, as stated by Genshin in the Ojoyd-shu, he is also the master of the six worlds of desire and the six paths of rebirth (rokudo TsiS). In Japan, he is worshipped by both the Tendai and the Shingon sects, and he is popularly venerated as the protector deity of aborted fetuses and dead children. Ibid., 185-186. Nag&rjuna was an Indian Buddhist monk who lived in the late second century. He was one of the first propagators of Mahayana Buddhism and is considered as the founder of the Madhyamika school of Buddhist philosophy. In Japan, Nagarjuna is called Ryusho bosatsu and is primarily worshipped by the Pure Land and Shingon sects. Ibid., 284. 5 1 The Kakuzen-sho is a compendium of Buddhist iconography, containing also a summary of Buddhist rites and texts, and was compiled by Kakuzen %W (1143-1213), a monk of the Ono /Mf lineage of the Shingon sect during his retirement at J6do-in ^ i : 1% in Kanju-ji ffliW^f in Kyoto around 1200. Okazaki, Pure Land Buddhist Painting, 184. 5 2 Emperor Shomu I1S£A1I (701-756) was the son of Emperor Monmu J i ; ^ ! (r.697-707) and Fujiwara no Miyako. Shomu received the throne from his aunt, Empress Gensho 7t:IEAS (r.715-724), and he is mainly remembered for having commissioned the Daibutsu A (A at T6dai-ji in Nara. 5 3 In the Chinese Han Dynasty (206BCE - 24CE) the Imperial Palace was called the Phoenix Palace. 5 4 Hase-dera ?B$I#, also written as and |D$S# was founded as a Shingon temple in Nara. According to legend, in 711 the monk Tokudo (656-735) of Hase-dera in Nara prefecture commissioned two wooden sculptures of the Eleven-headed bodhisattva Kannon. One of these sculptures was dedicated to Hase-dera in Nara, the other was set adrift at sea shore so that Kannon can reach all beings in need of his mercy. In 736, this Kannon sculpture was washed ashore at Nagai, the other side of Kamakura on the Miura peninsula. The court noble, Fujiwara no Fusasaki (681-737) dedicated the sculpture to the present site of Hase-dera, a Pure Land sect temple in Kamakura, in 736. In the past as well as today, Hase-dera is popularly known as a fertility temple. Stories about the benefits and favors obtained through devotion to Kannon are abundant in the literature of the Heian, Kamakura, and Muromachi periods, particularly in shodo setsuwa vf3^W§& (Tales of Religious Propagation) as for example the Hase-dera kannon genki J I ^ T F ! ! ETS&SE (Miraculous Record of the Hase-dera Kannon), which includes stories such as Kannon curing devotees of illness and granting the desired birth of a child. Yoshiko K. 163 Dykstra, "Tales of the Compassionate Kannon: The Hase-dera Kannon Genki", Monumenta Nipponica, vol.XXXI, no.2 (1989): 113-122. 5 5 Kanzeon HtSer is another name for Kannon, the bodhisattva of mercy. 5 6 King Emma (Skt. Yama) is the judge of the underworld. Beings have to appear before him and are judged according to the karma of their previous life. On the way to King Emma's court, beings must pass the dreaded Mount Shide and Sanzu River. 5 7 To recite the nenbutsu with a single steady heart is important for the dying devotee in order to facilitate his/her birth in Amida's Pure Land. This steady mindfulness is reiterated in the Amida-kyo H^PfeU which states that: If there is a good man or a good woman, who hears the name Amida spoken, and, if he holds that name with a whole mind undisturbed for one day, two days, three days, four days five days, six days, or seven days, as that person is approaching the end of life Amida with his hosts will appear before him. Nakamura Hajime ^HTC, Amida-kyo, Jodo Sanbu-kyo N^PtH • #±HgftH, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1982), 93. 8 Jacqueline I. Stone, "By the Power of One's Last Nembutsu", in Richard K. Payne & Kenneth K. Tanaka, eds., Approaching the Land of Bliss: Religious Praxis in the Cult of Amitabha (Honolulu: Kuroda Institute, University of Hawaii Press, 2004), 80. 5 9 Ibid., 80. 6 0 The Taima-Katsuragi area is situated at the eastern foot of the Nijo-Katsuragi-Kongo Mountain Range, which is also known as twin mountains (Nijosan, Futakamiyama —_h i l l), so called because of the two mountain peaks measuring 517 meters and 472.2 meters above sea level. Many old shrines, such as the Hito-koto-no-nushi Shrine at the southern foot of Mount Katsuragi, and temples, such as Taima-dera, are found in this forested area. However, there is no actual place called 'Valley of Hell of the Dreadful Katsuragi Mountain.' Kadokawa nihon chimei daijiten i-inkai j% J11 0 ^iftiS Ap^Jfti? i t Kadokawa nihon chimei daijiten j%) 11 0 ^ifeiS AS^ft, vol. 29 (Tokyo: Kodakawa, 1990), 320. 6 1 According to Buddhist thought, in Japan women are considered inferior to men because they are unable to attain enlightenment in their female bodies because they are faced with the 'Five Obstructions' (itsutsu no swari, gosho 3£|3pf), which refer to the five states women are incapable to attain namely those of Brahma, Mara, Chakravartin, and the Buddha, but over the course of time the 'Five Obstructions' became associated with the defilement of women due bleeding during menstruation and childbirth. According to the key tenet of the Confucian social system, women were inferior to men because of their hierarchical subordination based on the 'Three Obligations'(sansho, sanjo Hitc), which refer to women's filial piety toward their fathers, husbands, and sons. Kazukiho Yoshida, "The Enlightenment of the Dragon King's Daughter in the Lotus Sutra", in Barbara Ruch, ed., Engendering Faith: Women and Buddhism in Premodern Japan (AnnArbor: Center for Japanese Studies, The University of Michigan, 2002), 310. 164 6 2 The Pure Land-Praising Sutra (Shosan Jodo kyo is Xuanzang's seventh-century translation of the smaller Sukhdvativyuha sutra. This sutra was popular during the Nara period due to its association with the Hosso sect and its founder Xuanzang. It was also the sutra that was copied eighteen hundred times by scribes of the Kokubun-ji and Kokubun ni-ji to commemorate the death of Empress Komyo in 760. Hank Glassman, "Show Me the Place Where My Mother Is!", in Richard K. Payne & Kenneth K.Tanaka, eds., Approaching the Land of Bliss: Religious Praxis in the Cult ofAmitabha (Honolulu: Kuroda Institute, University of Hawaii Press, 2004), 158. For an English translation of this sutra see Inagaki Hisao, trans., The Sutra on Praise of the Pure Land and Protection by Buddhas at <http://www.net0726.or.ip/~horai/amida-sutra-b.htm>. 6 i Stone, "The Power of One's Last Nembutsu", 87. 6 4 Honen is said to have acted as chishiki for the retired Emperor Goshirakawa 6 W3£ I : (1127-1192) (r. 1155-1158). JodosM shutenkankokai ^±^?ftTUfi«, Jodoshu zensho $-±?j^# (Tokyo: Sankibo Busshorin, 1970-1972), 16:201b. 6 5 Nakamura, Bukkyo Bijutsu Jiten, 954. The Buddhist painter Rinken $f-%k belonged to the shibaza 5:131 school of the Imperial Painting Bureau of the southern capital (nanto edokoro WMMzPJT) at K6fuku-ji in Nara. The shibaza of K6fuku-ji flourished in the Kamakura and Muromachi period, and in the late Muromachi period it became affiliated with the edokoro at T6dai-ji. Ibid., 393. 6 6 Ibid., 143. 6 7 Arita P^f ffl is a city in the northern part of Wakayama Prefecture and home town of Tokusho-ji which is a temple of the Pure Land sect associated with Chujohime's legend. 6 8 Rokushu 7N@, more commonly known as rokudo A i l , refers to the Six Paths of reincarnation, which are determined by a person's karma. These Six Paths are 1.) Hells (jigoku itil1i§), 2.) Hungry Ghosts (gaki i$j&), 3.) Animals (chikusho ilr^), 4.) Malevolent Spirits (ashura MWM), 5.) Humans (nin A), and 6.) Heavenly Beings (ten AO. These Six Paths of reincarnation are contained within the Three Realms (sangai jE If-), which are in ascending order 1.) The Realm of Greed (yokukai $:#), 2.) The Realm of Material Existence (shikikai #L#), and 3.) The Realm of Non-Material Existence (mujikikai *##,#). Iwamoto Yutaka JB^^S, Nihon bukkyogo jiten 0 ^{AtStMp j^ft (Tokyo: Kabushiki kaisha, 1988), 742. 6 9 The mukaeko iSlM Buddhist ceremony, also known as oneri kuyd eshiki 3o|^!#kli^ translates as "Lecture of Welcoming" and is celebrated annually on the fourteenth day of May (in former times the fourteenth day of the fourth lunar month) at Taima-dera in Taima-cho, Nara Prefecture, and at Tokusho-ji in Arida, Wakayama Prefecture. The mukaeko, which originated with Genshin and is described in his Ojoyoshu, honors Chujohime, the legendary heroine credited with the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala, and is a ritual re-enactment of Amida and his host of bodhisattvas descending and welcoming her into the Pure Land. For a detailed description of the mukaeko ritual see Gail Chin, "The Mukaeko of Taima-dera: A Case of Salvation Re-enacted," in Cahiers d'Extreme-Asie 8 (1995): 325-334. 165 7 0 Eshin M'b is an alternative name for the Tendai Buddhist monk Genshin Mfe (942-1017). For a discussion of textual evidence for the mukaeko and its association with Genshin see Ito Shintetsu {fWM^, "Mukaeko no ichikosai ( D — i n ltd Yushin ffiBB>L\ ed., Amida shinko MMtisffll (Tokyo: Yuzankaku Shuppan, 1984), 298. 7 1 This is a reference to Amida's eighteenth vow in which he promises to save all sentient beings who have faith in him. The yuga-za-zo (Skt. Sattvaparyanka) is the 'noble posture' assumed by Buddhist monks and deities during meditation. Frederic, Buddhism: Flammarion Iconographic Guides, 55. 73 The gassho-in, in which the two hands are joined vertically in front of the breast, is the mudra of offering and veneration. It also symbolizes the intimate union of the world of human beings (left hand) and the world of the Buddha (right hand). Ibid., 48. The jo-in, in which the hands are held at the level of the stomach with the right hand above the left, palms pointing upward, and fingers extended and thumbs touching at the tips, is the mudra of meditation, of concentration on the Good Law, and of the attainment of spiritual perfection (Skt. bodhi). Ibid., 44. 7 Since the figure is tonsured, it is not clear from the illustration if the image is that of a monk or of a nun. However, today at the annual performance of the mukaeko at Taima-dera, this figure is a sculpture of Chujohime as a tonsured nun. Shibata Makoto ^£ 03 Hf, "Taima-dera to raigoejosetsu = i ^ # 13£33l# : J^tft," in Gango-ji Bukkyo Minzoku Shiryo Kenkyujo ^^^{A^^WM^M^PJl, ed., Taima-dera raigoe minzoku shiryo kenkyuchosa hokokusho S^#3fejffi£K{&Sf ^^SufSf i fR^S (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankdkai, 1975), 13. The shabado is a small hut located in the eastern part of the temple precinct across from the main hall (mandarado H ^ f l ^ or gokurakudo ® ^ c ^ ) located in the west. During the mukaeko, these two halls are connected by a wooden ramp, symbolizing the passageway on which Amida descends from the Pure Land Western Paradise to the devotee in order to welcome the faithful into the Pure Land. Today, the portrait sculpture of the tonsured nun, Chujohime, is placed inside the shabado prior to the mukaeko ritual but it is hidden from view during the ceremony, and the monks stand inside the shabado and recite the nenbutsu. 1ft During the mukaeko ritual, the monks of Taima-dera as well as members of the community associated with the temple dress up as bodhisattvas and perform the descent. However, nobody dresses as Amida; Amida is only represented in form of a wooden sculpture placed in front of the main hall and does not actually descent. 7 7 Unlike in this illustration, the bodhisattvas in the mukaeko ritual performed today at Taima-dera descent along a wooden ramp, which is suspended from the mandarado to the shabado. 7 8 Elizabeth ten Grotenhuis, "Chujohime: The Weaving of Her Legend," in James H. Sanford et al., eds., Flowing Traces: Buddhism in the Literary and Visual Arts of Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 192. 9 Taima-dera is one of the sites of worship located on the pilgrimage route to Kumano, which was the most popular pilgrimage route in the Kamakura and Muromachi periods. 166 80 John W. Hall et al., The Cambridge History of Japan, vol.3 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 213. 8 1 In 1336, Ashikaga Takauji assumed the title of Acting Grand Counsellor (GoDainagon %. A$\~W) and began to rule the country. In 1338, Takauji assumed the title of shogun, shared administrative duties with his brother Ashikaga Tadayoshi JSf IJHiLiil (1306-1352), made civil, judical, and economic decisions such as confirming land rights, issuing customs-barrier permits, and issuing regulatory codes for monasteries, and in 1342 he reopened trade with China. Ibid., 187-188. In 1368, at the age of nine, Yoshimitsu assumes the title of shogun. In December 1392 the Northern court and the Southern court are reunited. The Imperial Regalia is returned to the Northern court, Emperor GoKameyama H (r. 1383-1392) gives up any claim to the throne and Emperor GoKomatsu ^ / h t k ^ j i (r. 1382-1412) becomes the sole emperor. Ibid., 216. The term shugo ^MS translates as guardsmen or armed retainers, and refers to daimyo whose legitimacy was derived from the bakufu. The major shugo houses in the Muromachi period include the Yamana, Hosokawa, Isshiki, Akamatsu, and Kyogoku. Ibid., 214. 8 4 Ibid., 226. Lee Butler, Emperor and Aristocracy in Japan, 1467-1680: Resilience and Renewal (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Asia Center, 2002), 38. 8 6 Ibid., 70. 8 7 Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan Kanshu, Shaji engi-e ^t^fWM, 121. 8 8 Chapter seven of the Vimalakirti-nirdesa Sutra compares the body to the moon reflected in water: "A bodhisattva should regard all beings [... ] as a wise man regards the moon in water." Hokei Idumi, 'Vimalakirti's Discourse', in The Eastern Buddhist, III, no.4 (1925): 342. 8 9 The Buddhist name Gyokii refers to Sanjonishi Sanetaka, and he often used the sobriquets Shoydin and Chosetsu as well. H. Mack Horton, "Sanjonishi Sanetaka", in Steven D. Carter, Medieval Japanese Writers (Detroit, Mich.: Gale Group, 1999), 257. 9 0 Ken Matsushima HM&H & Yoshio Kawahara SUMi^, Taima-dera (Osaka: Hoikusha, 1988), 182. 9 1 Ibid., 182. 9 2 See Chapter One, 30. 9 3 H. Mack Horton, "Portrait of a Medieval Japanese Marriage: The Domestic Life of Sanjonishi Sanetaka and his Wife," Japanese Language and Literature, vol. 37, no.2 (October 2003): 133. 9 4 The following is a summary of the entries in Sanetaka's diary related to the production of the Taima-dera engi emaki. For the original diary entries and their translation see Appendix D. 9 5 Sources only mention that Yuzen requested Sanetaka to spearhead the production of the Taima-dera engi emaki but they do not mention any concrete reasons. However, based on the events which shaped Sanetaka's life and career, as listed in his diary, his talent as a poet and calligrapher, his intimate relationship with the imperial court, and his 167 faith in Amida and the Pure Land sect must have influenced this choice. Nara kokuritsu hakubutsukan kanshu, Shaji engi-e, 121.; Kawanaka Ichigaku ffl ~" Taima-dera shichuki y5Jft#&&i2 (Tokyo: Yuzankaku Shuppan, 1999), 584. For a detailed summary of Sanetaka's life and career see Horton, "Sanjonishi Sanetaka," 247-260. 9 6 Ichiko Teiji l^^M^k et al., Kokusho Jinmei Jiten g | # A £ § £ f c , vol. 2 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1996), 389. 9 7 Horton, "Sanjonishi Sanetaka," 248-249. For a comprehensive listing of all of Sanetaka's works see Ichiko, Kokusho Jinmei Jiten, 389. 9 8 Horton, "Sanjonishi Sanetaka," 249. 9 9 For the original postscript and translation appear in Appendix E. 1 0 0 Chapter One, 29-30. 1 0 1 Matsushima Ken, Taima-dera, 42. 1 0 2 Emperor Go-Tsuchimikado saw the kenpd mandala, which was at K6fuku-ji from 1491-1503 for the purpose of copying. The copy of the kenpd mandala is refered to as the bunki mandala. According to the Taima mandala sho ^MW^iW^ (1436), written by the monk Yujo Shoso E9#MH (1366-1440), the kenpd mandala was a copy of the original (konpon tH^) mandala and created in 1217, but another theory suggests that the presently known original mandala, which is housed at Taima-dera, is composed of fragments of the eighth-century tapestry weaving pasted over the kenpd mandala. Okazaki, Pure Land Buddhist Painting, 46. 1 0 3 Kawanaka, Taima-dera shichuki, 215. 1 0 4 Horton, "Sanjonishi Sanetaka," 250. 1 0 5 See Appendix D. 1 0 6 John W. Hall et al., The Cambridge History of Japan, vol.3 (Medieval Japan) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 462. Kanami is credited with having transformed sarugaku ( a form of rustic entertainment) into noh by incorporating the aspects of dance (kusemai fl&W) and asthetics (yiigen ffl;£), but it was his son, Zeami, who perfected noh to an elevated form of art. For a detailed discussion about Zeami and the noh theatre see Kobayashi Yasuharu 'b^-i^ffe & Morita Toshiro 5&ffi&5fc6|$,Noh kydgenzutenm^mM^ (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1999). Miyakawa, Sanjonishi Sanetaka to kotengaku, 121. 108 Taema is an alternative spelling for Taima. Taema belongs to the fourth category of noh plays (miscellaneous characters) and is performed by all five schools. Kobayashi & Morita, Noh kydgen zuten, 211. 1 0 9 Kydgen, literally meaning "wild words," is an interval or a separate scene in a noh play, generally used as a device by which a "person of the vicinity" appears to provide the waki (the noh actor playing the part called "person at the side") with the background information necessary to understand the story of the main character. Another form of kydgen also evolved, which are independent skits of farcical nature presented on the same program with a noh performance, serving as a form of humorous entertainment. Ibid., 104. 1 1 0 The text used for this translation is found in Sanari Kentaro te^iSIAJ^, Ydkyoku taikan M&XWL, vol.3 (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1931), 1839-1855. 168 1 1 1 This translation of the noh play Taema is by J.Thomas Rimer. Thomas Rimer, "Taema: A Noh Play Attributed to Zeami," Monumenta Nipponica, vol.XXV, nos. 3-4 (1970), 441-442. 112 The roles in a noh play are not known by the names of the characters as in Western drama, but by the category of the role. The waki-tsure, literally meaning "person on the side," is one category of the roles in noh. In this passage from Hibariyama the waki-tsure is the princess's attendant. 113 The text used for this translation is found in Sanari Kentaro, Yokyoku taikan, vol.4, 2637-2650. 1 1 4 The English translation is my own. For a complete translation of Hibariyama see Appendix F. 1 1 The nochi-waki is the main role in the second part of a noh play. In this case the nochi-waki is Toyonari. 1 1 6 The ji is the chorus in a noh play. 1 1 7 Grotenhuis, "Chujohime: The Weaving of Her Legend", 192. 1 1 8 See Tokuda, Otogizoshi Kenkyu, 370-371; and Hank Glassman, "The Religious Construction of Motherhood in Medieval Japan" (PhD. Dissertation) (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), 177. 1 1 9 Ishikawa Rikizan &J11 JJ \U et al., Nihon Bukkyo Jinmei Jiten 0 ^{A ifc A% S£ft (Tokyo: Hozokan, 1992), 354. 1 2 0 Ishikawa, Nihon Bukkyo Jinmei jiten, 374. 1 2 1 Tokuda, Otogizoshi Kenkyu, 170. 1 2 2 The following selected passages from the Taima Mandala Sho are reproduced in Tokuda, Otogizoshi Kenkyu, 371. 1 2 3 Urabon, also called Bon-Festival or Feast of Lanterns, is held annually from July 13-15 in honor of the spirits of dead ancestors. 1 2 4 She recited prayers with a single-steady heart, expressing her deep faith. 1 2 5 The English translation is my own. 126 Robert Morrell, "Mirror for Women: Muju Ichien's Tsuma Kagami," Monumenta Nipponica, 35, 1 (1980), 67. n f Chapter One, 11. Sanari, Yokyoku Taikan (4), 2638. The English translation is my own. 1 2 9 Chapter Two, 37. 130 Margaret H. Childs, "Religious Awakening Stories in Late Medieval Japan: The Dynamics of Didacticism", (Ph.D. Dissertation) (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1983), 96. 169 CHAPTER FOUR Pious Nun or Unfilial Daughter? Chujohime as Religious and Social Outcast in the Taima-dera engi emaki - Conflicting Images and Politics In the previous chapters, I have examined the historical, political, and socio-cultural context of the Kamakura and Muromachi periods in which the Taima mandala engi emaki and the Taima-dera engi emaki were created. My preceding analysis of these two works has shown that Chujohime's legend remained an account of female salvation throughout its history, and that the expansion of her story resulted from the infiltration of various medieval Japanese literary genres, such as origin legends, religious sermons used in moralizing discourses, religious commentaries on the Taima mandala, and noh plays. This chapter situates the Taima-dera engi emaki within the literary genre of Muromachi-period stepchild tales in order to shed light on the boundaries between the religious and social constructions of gender predominant in this particular narrative. I will investigate the ideological double-bind of Chujohime: as religious outcast - not being able to attain enlightenment in her female body due to her sex - and as social outcast - transgressing the bounds of her social role and neglecting her duty of filial piety. The aim of my analysis is to show that Buddhist ambivalence toward women was partially determined by social factors such as the patrilineal lineage into which women 170 were integrated as daughters, wives, and mothers. Gender discrimination can, paradoxically, empower women in certain ways, which then in turn triggers other reactions and practices of gender discrimination. I propose that it was precisely because of this constant renegotiation of gender-power imbalance that Pure Land Buddhist ideology and social customs mutually influenced each other in casting transgressing women as religious and social outcasts in medieval Japanese society. Therefore, the significance of medieval Buddhist narratives such as the Taima-dera engi emaki, which combine stepchild stories with religious didactic tales, should not be read simply as entertaining accounts of female salvation, but also as a gender criticism and an index of the tensions generated by the patriarchal system. A) Chapter Outline and Argument Julia Kristeva states that "every text takes shape as a mosaic of citations, every text is the absorption and transformation of other texts."1 This statement is particularly true for the Taima-dera engi emaki as is evident from the development of Chujohime's legend over the course of the Muromachi period. The focus of the narrative shifts from the miraculous creation of the Taima mandala to a family drama of Chujohime's relationship to her dead mother, her stepmother, and her father, providing us with valuable information about the changing perceptions of motherhood, kinship, salvation, 171 marriage customs, and filial piety in medieval Japanese culture. 1.1 Locating the Taima-dera engi emaki within the Genre of Muromachi-period Stepchild Tales The literary genre of "stepchild tales" is called mamako-tan M-lrW or mamako ijime N C £> in Japanese. Based on plot, stepchild tales can be categorized into four groups: 1) A couple prays for the birth of a child and, due to the mercy of a deity, a beautiful boy or girl is born. Shortly after, the mother dies and the father remarries. The stepmother's feelings for the child rum into jealousy and she falsely accuses the child.2 In the end, the stepmother gets the father to tacitly consent to the child's execution. The child escapes destruction by wandering to distant places in the course of which he/she is tested and made to suffer further.3 2 ) The second group focuses on the stepmother's attempt to have the child killed but the child is able to escape at the last moment. For example, in the Konjaku monogatari shu ^ HtWoWM (Tales of Times Now Past) we find the story of a stepmother who orders a servant to take the young boy into the forest and to bury him alive. However, out of pity the servant spares the boy and, in the end, the child is reunited with his father.4 Chujohhne's narrative in the Taima-dera engi emaki comprises a combination of these two plots. Following the 172 mother's prayers, Chujohime is miraculously conceived through the mercy of the bodhisattva Kannon. Shortly after, Chujohime's mother dies and her father remarries. However, Chujohime's veneration for her dead mother as well as her prospects at court cause the stepmother to become jealous. She makes false accusations and orders a samurai to abandon Chujdhime on Mount Hibari and to execute her. However, he has pity for the girl and hides her in a hermitage. On a hunting trip, Chujohime's father discovers the whereabouts of his lost daughter, and parent and child are happily reunited. 1 propose that the combined usage of these two plots dramatizes the heroine's pathos in the Taima-dera engi emaki - occurring exactly at the moment in the story when the Buddhist narrative takes center stage - and serves the primary purpose of proselytizing women's salvation. In contrast to the majority of Heian-period stepchild tales, which emphasize marriage as the heroine's rescue from her suffering, the Taima-dera engi emaki emphasizes tonsure not only as the heroine's true escape from her suffering but also as an exemplary act of filial piety. Group 3) consists of narratives which combine the figure of the stepmother with that of the grateful animal. A story in the Konjaku monogatari shu recounts that on a journey to Kyushu the son of the government official Fujiwara no Yamakage went overboard. The child was miraculously rescued from drowning by a giant turtle. The turtle tells the father that years ago he had set the animal free, and in gratitude he saved his son. The turtle then reveals to the father that it was the stepmother who threw the boy overboard.5 Lastly, group 4) is a variation on the stepmother tale which Marian Ury calls "the good stepmother story."6 As an example, she cites a tale from the Hosshinshu ^'bM (Collection of Tales of Religious Awakening) (1216) in which a mother's son and stepson are being accused of having killed a neighbor. Upon the judge's request to identify the guilty boy, the stepmother chooses her own son in order to spare her stepchild. The reason for her action is that she promised her husband on his deathbed that she would care for the stepchild as if he was her own son.7 Stepchild tales constituting groups 3) and 4) are quite rare in Japan. In contrast, stories of tortured stepchildren who survive the abuse at the hands of their wicked stepmothers constituting groups 1) and 2) are the most common and well-known representatives of Japanese stepchild stories and their roots can be traced back to specific Heian-period tales. The earliest extant Heian-period stepchild tales include Ochikubo monogatari WfaWs (Tale of the Sunken Room, ca. 960), Utsubo monogatari (Tale of the Hollow Tree, ca. 983), and Sumiyoshi monogatari H e f ^ f i l (Tale ofSumiyoshi, ca. 985).8 The plot of these early stepchild tales revolves around the Heian marriage 174 system of having multiple wives and the competition for economic and social status of these women.9 In these stories, the wicked stepmother is usually the second wife who favors her own children over the offspring of the deceased first wife. The stepmother's hatred results from the stepchild being the daughter of another woman, but even more so because of the stepdaughter's better marriage prospects, enraging the stepmother and slighting her daughters. In the end, the stepmother loses and the suffering stepchild is rewarded with marriage leading to a happy ending to the story. In the Muromachi period, stepchild tales became a popular subgenre of otogi-zdshi ^fljD^nF-, a collective term for Muromachi short stories. In 1730, the Osaka publisher and bookseller, Shibukawa Seiemon B ^ J I I M I t r P ' ! , published a woodblock-printed edition of twenty-three short stories - most of which were illustrated - under the title Goshugen Otogi Bunko M^iWM^'XW- (The Wedding Companion Library) w Over time, Shibukawa's collection came to be known as Otogi-zdshi ^fJjD^-T- (Companion Stories)u In the years after 1867, a large corpus of other Muromachi short stories were discovered and also published under the title otogi-zdshi. Therefore, the literary genre called otogi-zdshi conventionally includes all short stories written in the Muromachi-period, and it is within this context that I am using the term otogi-zdshi in my discussion. Today, extant otogi-zdshi comprise some five hundred short prose 175 fictional narratives dating primarily to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.12 Otogi-zdshi are characterized by a number of common features including their origin in an oral tradition, anonymous authorship, short text, emphasis on events rather than on complicated plots, and limited number of characters.13 However, the most important distinguishing characteristic of otogi-zdshi is the moral and religious lesson they convey. They conclude with references to the rewards of religious belief and moral conduct which are carefully woven into the fabric of tales deriving from oral tradition. Muromachi-period versions of Chuj6hime's legend, such as the Taima-dera engi emaki, exemplify this practice of borrowing stories from oral tradition and expanding their plots by adding religious and moral messages. The combination of Chujdhime's childhood narrative - losing her mother at an early age, suffering abuse at the hands of a wicked stepmother, being abandoned on Mount Hibari, escaping her execution, and being reunited with her father - with her religious experiences at Taima-dera - taking the tonsure, facihtating the creation of the Taima mandala, and seeing Amida Buddha in human form - adds a new twist to Chujohime's legend. Furthermore, otogi-zdshi are strongly influenced by myth, legend, folklore, religious belief, and quasi-historical facts. Their repertoire includes religious narrative traditions of Kamakura-period tales (setsuwa t&fn 1), tales of the origins of deities (honji mono Jf-^feMt}), hagiographies 176 (kdsdden MMte), and origin legends of shrines and temples (jisha engi Therefore, Muromachi-period otogi-zdshi share two common features with earlier Kamakura-period Buddhist tales - their oral tradition and their didactic purpose. This synthesis of Heian-, Kamakura-, and Muromachi-period literary traditions in terms of their secular and religious subject matter is significant for the development of Muromachi stepchild tales, such as the Taima-dera engi emaki, which constitute a large portion of otogi-zdshi. A thorough investigation of the texts and images in Muromachi-period stepchild tales is beyond the scope of this chapter; the focus here is on those characteristics of stepchild tales relevant to the discussion of Chujohime's story in the Taima-dera engi emaki in terms of how Buddhist and Confucian morals, as well as social factors, shaped images of women as daughters, wives, and mothers in the patriarchal system of medieval Japan. Therefore, in order to set the stage for my discussion, I have provided a comparative overview of the key narrative elements in the Taima-dera engi emaki and eleven Muromachi-period stepchild tales in Appendix F These eleven stepchild tales include Hakone gongen engi ^^.W^MM. (Miraculous Origin Legend of the Provisional Forms ofHakone), Tsukihi no honji ft 0 CO^ifi (Original Traces of the Moon and the Sun), Sumiyoshi monogatari ft l=f#J Ws (Tale of Sumiyoshi), Ochikubo monogatari (Tale of the Sunken Room), 111 Iwaya no Soshi ^ M O ^ i F - (Story of the Grotto), Fuseya no monogatari fjtlt<£>$9fi§ (Tale of the Humble Cottage), Akizuki monogatari %kE$}W (Tale of the Autumn Moon), Hanayo no hime 7EH:<Z)#£ (Princess of the Flower Blossom), Hachikatsuki no soshi ^ o t © | f (Story of the Bowl Girl), Shirakiku soshi 6 £ < ^ J - (Story ofShirakiku),mdAsagaonoTsuyu ^ ® © S (Princess of the Morning Glory). All these narratives and their variations are textually reproduced in Muromachi Jidai Monogatari Shu volumes II and III.14 Except for the Sumiyoshi and Ochikubo monogatari, which are descendants of Heian-period stepchild tales, all other narratives are considered to be Muromachi-period works. It should also be mentioned that Chujdhime's story does not appear in the Muromachi Jidai Monogatari Shu under the title Taima-dera engi Emaki but under the title of Chujohime monogatari !§• even though the contents of the stepchild and mandala narrative are identical. The only difference between them is the lengthy historical origin legend of Taima-dera which is missing in the latter.15 The key narrative elements common to all the stepchild stories listed in Appendix F are 1 ) the death of the heroine's mother, usually at a time when the heroine is still very young; the mother's last plea to her husband not to show the daughter to anyone until she has reached adulthood; the mother's funeral and 2 ) the father falling for the 178 stepmother's slander and not interfering with his daughter's misfortune. This similarity is not surprising considering the fact that these particular narrative elements are the descendants of Heian-period stepchild tales, such as the Sumiyoshi and Ochikubo monogatari, which were revived within the genre of otogi-zdshi. However, what is surprising and serves as an important point of departure for my discussion in this chapter is the drastic shift in focus of the key narrative elements when it comes to Muromachi-period stepchild tales. Heian-period stepchild tales, which reflect the practice of having multiple wives of various ranks, address the heroine and her difficulties only to some limited extent. Instead the narratives place a greater emphasis on the physical and psychological struggles between adult women of different ranks living in the household of the heroine. Whereas the stepmother is usually a high-ranking principal wife (kita no kata AYJJ), the heroine's mother, by contrast, is a lower-ranking secondary wife or mistress who, under the pressure and rivalry of the principal wife dies, leaving the heroine to suffer abuse by the stepmother. Since a child's economic and social status is decided by the maternal relative, who raises and supports the child, the death of the mother leaves the child without a home even if the father is a powerful or high-ranking figure. For example, in the Ochikubo monogatari, the heroine Lady Ochikubo is the 179 daughter of a high-ranking official and of a deceased wife of royal blood. Following her mother's death, her father's main wife keeps Lady Ochikubo in a kind of basement suite. Michiyori, the son of a high-ranking family, hears about Lady Ochikubo, visits her at night, and falls in love with her. When the stepmother discovers their relationship she becomes enraged with envy and makes false accusations against Lady Ochikubo, telling the father that his daughter had secret sexual relations with an old and low-ranking man. The father breaks with his daughter, who is locked up, but in the end Lady Ochikubo is freed by Michiyori, becomes his main wife, and the story culminates with a happy ending.16 In contrast, Muromachi-period stepchild tales focus almost exclusively on the abused heroine, highlighting the physical torment and emotional struggle she has to endure due to the stepmother's slander. In the Taima-dera engi emaki the longest and most detailed textual and pictorial sections are devoted to episodes which explicitly emphasize the heroine's suffering: the moment of the death of Chujohime's mother, Chujohime's double abandonment at "The Valley of the Dreadful Hell" (Jigokudani) and at Mount Hibari, her recitation of the Pure Land-Praising Sutra, her rescue by the samurai, her reunification with her father, and her taking the tonsure.17 The stepchild's suffering reaches its climax when the noble heroine, falsely burdened with having 180 committed a transgression, is banished into exile and wanders in a lonely place. Regarding this aspect, ChujShime's double abandonment in the Taima-dera engi emaki- the first time at "The Valley of the Dreadful Hell;" the second time at Mount Hibari, a mountainous region far away from the capital where she escapes death by being saved through the mercy of a samurai and his wife - is of particular interest. Chujdhime herself does not commit any transgression: her banishment into exile is solely the result of the jealous stepmother's slander. Previous scholarship has suggested that it is precisely this addition and the greater emphasis on the innocent heroine overcoming these hardships that evoke pathos and make otogi-zdshi an appealing entertainment for women and children.18 I argue, however, that this is just one possible interpretation and marks the tip of the iceberg under which lurk more complex ways of reading and understanding these medieval Japanese stepchild tales in terms of the interplay between women, religion, society, and representations of power. In addition to the narrative elements of 1) the mother's death, her last request, her funeral and 2) the father falling for the stepmother's slander, the Taima-dera engi emaki and other Muromachi-period tales listed in Appendix F such as the Hakone gongen engi, Iwaya no soshi and Fuseya monogatari - just to name a few examples - elaborate in detail on 3) the father (stepmother) ordering a samurai to kill 181 the heroine, 4) the heroine being abandoned in the mountains with the intention of being executed, 5) the heroine reciting the nenbutsu a last time in honor of her dead mother, her father, and for her own salvation prior to her anticipated death, and 6) the heroine being saved and raised by a samurai and his wife instead of being killed. Based on these similarities, 1 propose that the unique character of medieval stepchild tales, although they retain some standard features found in Heian tales, is this family drama of the heroine's relationship to her three parental figures - her dead mother, her stepmother, and her father - which is essentially the trigger for the heroine's own initiative to end both her physical and emotional suffering. Moreover, unlike their Heian-period predecessors, most Muromachi-period stepchild tales do not end with the heroine's prosperous and happy marriage but with the heroine taking the tonsure or becoming a deity. Furthermore, medieval stepchild tales are imbued with strong references to and undertones of Shinto, Buddhist, and Confucian ideals which is another significant and distinguishing characteristic. How can we account for these changes? Where do these new key narrative elements come from and how do they contribute to our reading and understanding of the Taima-dera engi emaki in terms of gender marginalization? As mentioned previously, otogi-zdshi are a synthesis of religious tales (setsuwa), tales of the origin of deities (honji mono), and origin legends of temples and shrines 182 (jisha engi). According to Barbara Ruch, in addition to noh plays and picture scrolls with Buddhist content, the most important primary source for otogi-zdshi is the Shintoshu #31^ (Collection of Stories Concerning the Way of the Gods).i9 This text, which consists of three volumes, is dated ca. 1355 and attributed to Agui, who was a Tendai monk at Enryakuji.20 The Shintoshu is "an early anthology of fifty Buddhist narratives relating, in Chinese, the former Buddhist lives, expiatory agonies, and reincarnations as Shintd deities, of the divinities from many areas of Japan, together with histories of various shrines."21 A number of otogi-zdshi are secular embellishments of Buddhist narratives from this anthology. In particular, tales of deities and shrine legends in the Shintoshu are significant for the addition and emphasis of the above-mentioned key narrative elements. They are found primarily in narratives of stepchildren being sent into exile - as for example Chujdhime in the Taima-dera engi emaki and Asagaohime in Asagao no Tsuyu - focusing on the physical and emotional struggles of the heroine, who, following her banishment into exile and wandering in remote lonely places, is rewarded with her attainment of salvation or deification at the end of the story. Narratives of exile date back to the Japan's earliest historical records - the Kojiki iS^fB (Record of Ancient Matters), dated 712, and the Nihon shoki 0;fciM£ 183 (Chronicle of Japan), dated 720 - which trace the origins of the Yamato court back to the "Age of the Gods."22 In these early records, the theme of exile helped to trace the genealogies of the gods and to align them with those of the ruling house, envisioning a divine cosmos and establishing the order of society within it. During the Heian period, the theme of exile appeared in conjunction with legends, poetry, monogatari, and the legal practices of court rule.23 In this context, besides being simply a sanction by the state, exile became a powerful trope through which the aristocracy imagined the banishment of gods, legendary and literary characters, and historical figures, some of which became transformed into deities. However, most important, exile also provides an environment by which those removed from spheres of power narrated their own lives, strategically employing images of the center and its margins to emphasize their marginalization. In the Heian imagination of exile, the divide between history and fiction was blurred: historical exiles served as informing images for the heroes of fictional tales, while both historical and fictional characters provided patterns and strategies through which later figures narrated their lives. Genres of literature and painting involving exile offered a wealth of signifying possibilities, through which the socio-political order was continually revealed and re-imagined. 184 Similar to the above-mentioned narrative elements in Heian-period stepchild tales, the theme of exile also appears as a frequently used trope in Muromachi-period otogi-zdshi. All the stepchild tales listed in Appendix G focus on the heroine's exile and the suffering she undergoes in isolation; in the end she is rescued from her worldly suffering by becoming a saint or a deity. To what extent does the theme of the "exiled, wandering, and suffering noble heroine" emphasize the boundaries between the religious and social constructions of gender in the Taima-dera engi emaki? 2 4 How does Chujohime's exile in the Taima-dera engi emaki shed light on the Buddhist ambivalence towards women which was partially determined by social factors such as the patrilineal lineage into which women were integrated as daughters, wives, and mothers? 1.2 Reading Gender Marginalization through the Theme of the "Exiled and Wandering Noble" in the Taima-dera engi emaki The theme of the "exiled and wandering noble" (kishu ryuritan MMffitM-W) was first introduced in 1924 by the Japanese ethnologist, Origuchi Shinobu Jff P fa ^ 5 (1887-1953), in his book Nihon Bungaku no Hassei 0;fc3C <^Z)5§^ fe (The Emergence of Japanese Literature)25 According to Origuchi, the concept of the "exiled and wandering noble" provided an important link connecting the earliest stories of the gods 185 as found in the Kojiki with the growth of an indigenous Japanese literary tradition, linking mythology with historical and literary narratives: Such sacred narratives, which in the beginning came down as the tales of reciters [kataribe] from a distant sacred place, came into contact with historical reality and then parted again, gradually growing heavy with sadness as tales of the human world [... ] Threading along in this manner, one after another, a single lineage of ryuritan can be found 2 6 Origuchi suggests that stories (tan) centering on the "exiled and wandering noble" all consist of three distinctive narrative elements: 1) a hero or heroine of high or even divine birth (kishu), 2) the theme of exile or wandering (ryuri), and 3 ) the remote location of this exile at the margins, tracing a movement of the protagonist from the center to the margin. Furthermore, Origuchi mentions the theme of transgression as an important prerequisite for the protagonist's exile to occur: The cause of the banishment (ryuzan $ £ t i ) of the Shining Prince Genji to Suma was because he had committed a transgression (okasu koto ft'f'V) [...] Even though the transgression was of a different type, Kaguyahime in the Taketori monogatari, too, just prior to her ascent to heaven, revealed to the old man that she was a heavenly being, but because she had committed 186 a minor offense (isasaka no okashi S#*<£><j[l L), she had come to live in the human world 2 7 In addition, Origuchi states that the "exiled and wandering noble" narrative trope "originated with Japanese myths - such as the exile of the Shinto deity Susano-o-no-mikoto to Izumo described in the Kojiki - came into contact with historical reality, then diverged again, and gradually grew heavy with sadness as stories of the human world."28 Therefore, Origuchi considers the trope of the "exiled and wandering noble" a key element for the interpretation of stories narrating the sorrow of gods and noble heroes who find themselves confined to the margins far away from the heavenly or courtly centers. Although all characteristic features of the "exiled and wandering noble" are present in the Taima-dera engi emaki - a heroine of noble/ divine birth, an actual locale, the heroine's transgression (even though a distorted one), her banishment from the capital to exile in the remote mountains, and her suffering and sadness in the human world - they fail to explain the ideological double-bind of ChujShime as religious and social outcast. The problem with Origuchi's theory is that he considers the discursive construction and destruction of the categories of center and margin only in terms of space - the places facilitating the protagonist's centralization and marginalization - but not in terms of 187 ideology - the processes underlying the protagonist's centralization and marginalization. In her study on the textual construction of marginality in Heian and Kamakura-period Japan, Terry Kawashima argues that the construction of the categories of center and margin are "not so much an understanding of the nature of the center or the margin, but of the process of marginalization."29 She asks: What is a "margin"? How does one come to conceive of something or someone as "marginal"? In texts from the mid-Heian to the early Kamakura period (tenth through thirteenth centuries) in Japan, certain figures appear, at first glance, to be "marginal," or removed from the "centers" of power. The question is: Why do we see these figures in this way? [...] Who is portraying whom as "marginal"? For what reason?30 Thus, in analyzing Chujohime's exile in order to shed light on the boundaries between the religious and social constructions of gender in the Taima-dera Engi Emaki, we need to focus on the specific processes through which center and margin are discursively redefined, and to investigate in Kawashima's words "the relationship between textual representation and claims to power."31 Moving beyond the static reproduction of the binary relation of the categories of center and margin, Kawashima 188 explains the importance of focusing on the process of centralization and marginalization as follows: Perhaps it is more useful to think that the static categories "center" and "margin" do not exist as such. In other words, these two opposed, abstract, and metaphorical spaces are not themselves the most significant components in marginality. Only the process, marginalization, exists [...] Marginalization is thus a specific act; no textual instance of marginalization proves the existence of a timeless or universal center and margin [... ] In this paradigm, then, there is no single center surrounded by a single margin; instead, different and fleeting instances of marginalization/marginalized relationships appear and reappear in a dynamic fashion.32 My discussion of Chujohime in the Taima-dera engi emaki attempts to put Kawashima's theory into practice, investigating how narratives imagining exile asserted specific visions of both center and margin. This approach implies that existing constellations of power were always the subject of negotiation and contestation, and that new centers and margins could emerge as people continually reimagined and reconfigured their relation within the social order. 189 In the Taima-dera engi emaki, we can identity two different processes underlying Chuj6hime's marginalization: first, the Buddhist attitude towards woman - not being able to attain enlightenment in her female body due to her sex - and in particular towards motherhood which it turned into a sin. Second, the power structure of the patriarchal system presenting Chuj6hime as a social outcast because she transgresses the bounds of her social role and neglects her duty of filial piety vis-a-vis her father. The Buddhist theme of female salvation, particularly the salvation of mothers, in the Taima-dera engi emaki is emphasized by this family drama of the heroine's relationship to her three parental figures - her dead mother, her stepmother, and her father. Shortly after Chujohime's birth her mother dies, and her father remarries. Chujohime treats the stepmother as if she were her own flesh and blood, but at the same time she also continues to perform memorial services in honor of her dead mother. Enraged by jealousy over Chujohime's deep veneration for her dead mother and the girl's prospects at court, the stepmother banishes Chujohime from the capital. However, the stepmother's plan to cut the ties between Chujohime and her deceased mother, her father, and the emperor backfires. Ironically, it is precisely Chujohime's marginalization as the "exiled and wandering heroine" that results in her spiritual awakening (hosshin % >b), which strengthens the bond between her and her parents, especially between her 190 and her mother. Chujdhime's awakening is not the realization of her mother's absence but her realization that all her suffering is caused by the stepmother's slander as stated in the following passage from the Taima-dera engi emaki: <&&fr%®^ti*)0 *>Km*r t c o # 1 ± * L ^ ^ « , fr<5£ma±£hfo The princess thought carefully: "The reason why I encountered this misery is because of my stepmother's profound hatred. How sad! If I were in the same world as my real mother, such misery would hardly occur. Though in this present life my fate is painful suffering, how I wish that in the afterlife I could be born in a place where I will be free from suffering."33 As indicated by this passage, Chujohime's awakening results from her own psychological crisis - her physical and emotional suffering at the hands of her evil stepmother - causing Chujohime's longing for her mother, and her wish to be reunited with her mother in the afterworld. Chujohime's prolonged mourning for her dead mother - who resides in the "other world" - leads to great disorder and suffering. A similar story, where a child mourns and 191 longs for his dead mother in the "other world," and is exiled as a consequence, is the banishment of the god Susano-o-no-mikoto Mi&Z-^'fo in the Kojiki. Following the death of Izanami-no-mikoto ffifflffi§k$i, her husband, Izanagi-no-mikoto £P"3$$SIIJ£ divides his rule among his children. The moon god assumes reign over the night, Susano-o-no-mikoto over the ocean, and the sun goddess Amaterasu Omikami A # over the high heavenly plain.34 In contrast to his brother and sister, Susano-o-no-mikoto rejects this order of succession and instead engages in deep mourning for his dead mother. Therefore, Amaterasu Omikami banishes Susano-o-no-mikoto - not only once but twice - from the heavenly plain. Not only does he ignore his sister's first order of exile and challenges her authority as ruler, but he commits a series of transgressions which cause Amaterasu Omikami to hide in a cave taking the sunlight with her. In the end, Susano-o-no-mikoto is exiled to Izumo.35 Origuchi describes Susano-o-no-mikoto's exile as follows: His mother's land (haha ga kuni %if> H) Susano-o-no-mikoto cried longing for, turning green mountains barren, and from which Inahi-no-mikoto came riding along the wave tops, is the spiritual homeland that our ancestors longed for. Generations of storytellers have explained that it is called their mother's land because [Susano-o-no-mikoto's mother] Izanami and [Inahi-no-mikoto's 192 mother] Tamayorihime retired there, but the truth is that these stories narrate the longing felt by all people for their original land (mototsu kuni ^ o | ) . 3 6 Origuchi's use of the phrase "original land" {mototsu kuni) is a reference to the otherworldly realm (tokoyo &+£), re-presented as the eternal realm of the gods. Thus, this otherworldly realm provides an important context for the trope of the "exiled and wandering noble."37 The theme of a child longing for his/her dead mother, inspired a vast body of stories that narrate the sorrow of the gods and noble heroes and heroines who find themselves far away from the heavenly or courtly center - such as Chujohime in the Taima-dera engi emaki.38 This aspect is significant regarding the popularity of Chujdhime's expanded narrative combining a stepchild story with a Buddhist account of female salvation, particularly the salvation of mothers. The salvation of mothers by their sons is a traditional and well-known theme in East Asian Buddhism.39 Two of the most famous accounts of sons saving their mothers are the hagiographic narratives of the monk Genshin Mfif (942-1017) and the monk Mokuren @ JS. Genshin arrives at his mother's deathbed and chants the rinju nenbutsu Kal^^'fA to facilitate his mother's birth in Amida's Pure Land.4 0 Unlike Genshin, Mokuren arrives too late; his mother has already passed away and fallen into hell. In order to save his mother, Mokuren visits her in hell and, through his virtue of 193 having become a monk and his recitation of the Lotus Sutra, he is able to save his mother.41 As the Confucian notion of filial piety penetrated Buddhism in medieval Japan, both parents were included in their children's prayers. This aspect is illustrated in the accounts of Genshin and Mokuren, as well as in the Taima-dera engi emaki where Chujohime, prior to her intended execution, recites the Pure Land-Praising Sutra for the salvation of her mother, father, and herself.42 However, when it comes to the actual point of saving one's parents from falling into hell, almost all stories tell of sons saving their mothers from hell, and we rarely encounter narratives in which sons save their fathers or daughters their mothers.43 This suggests the extent to which faith itself came to be gendered. The Taima-dera engi emaki is of interest because it is the only extant account where a daughter takes the tonsure at a very young age, leaves her family and therefore neglects her duty of filial piety towards her father in order to save her mother. What is the significance of this gender reversal? How is this particular portrayal of ChujShime as pious nun and unfilial daughter vis-a-vis her father important for reading this Buddhist tale of female salvation in terms of gender marginalization? To what extent does the insertion of the wicked stepmother narrative trope into the Taima-dera engi emaki aid in communicating Buddhist values regarding women and salvation and Confucian values concerning women and filial piety? 194 The earliest textual reference to Chujohime's quest for saving her mother in the Taima-dera engi emaki is the previously cited passage where she realizes that all her sufferings are due to the stepmother's profound hatred, and that none of these hardships would have occurred if she were living in the same world as her real mother. It is with this realization that she - at the age of nine - asks a monk to ordain her.44 However, a closer examination of the pictorial sections in the Taima-dera engi emaki reveals that Chujohime's religious devotion and desire to save her mother starts at a much earlier point in the narrative: the scene of her mother passing away. This particular episode is significant because it challenges the common notion of male and female gender roles in terms of kinship, filial piety, and Buddhist ideology in medieval Japanese culture. According to medieval Japanese Buddhist ideology women are seen as impure based on the concept of the "Five Hindrances," which came to be equated with women's imagined inferiority and moral characteristics associated with women such as the "seven sins" - including deceit, greed, and impurity - as expounded in Muju Ichien's Tsuma kagami. Works, as for example the Kojiki and the Shintoshu, exerted a great influence on medieval stepchild tales because the deities in these stories undergo the same suffering that human beings do, and since they become deities at the end of 195 their suffering, they understand and redeem human suffering as well.45 I propose that ChGj6hime in the Taima-dera engi emaki, based on her extreme religious devotion and exemplary act of filial piety to her mother - all performed in the body of a young girl -is precisely one of these deities, namely a bodhisattva in the guise of seven-year-old girl The story of the Dragon King's eight-year-old daughter attaining enlightenment in the "Devadatta" chapter of the Lotus Sutra is frequently cited as exemplary proof that women can attain enlightenment once their female bodies have changed into male ones. Although this story was an inspiration for medieval female audiences in their quest for enlightenment, the story is problematic -in addition to the feet that it does not explain how this sex change occurs - because a male body is eventually acquired in the end. In the sixth chapter of the Sutra on the Original Vow of the Bodhisattva Jizo (Jizo bosatsu hongankyo MM^M^-M%^.), we find a slightly different story related to women's attainment of salvation. Sakyamuni Buddha promises all women a future free of female rebirth if they worship the bodhisattva Jizo: If there are women who detest the body of a woman, and who wholeheartedly make offerings to the image of Jizo, whether the image be a painting or made of stone, clay or metal, and if 196 they do so day after day without fail, continually using flowers, incense, food, drink, clothing, colored silks, banners, money, jewels and other items as offerings, when the female bodies received as retribution in that particular life by those good women come to an end, for hundreds of thousands of aeons, they will never again be reborn in worlds where there are women, much less be born as one, unless it be through the strength of their compassionate vows to take on a woman's body voluntarily in order to liberate human beings. By receiving the power resulting from these offerings to Jizo and the power of meritorious virtues, they will not undergo retribution in the bodies of women throughout hundreds and thousands of aeons.46 This passage also supports the henjo nanshi Buddhist concept that a woman's body is the result of her past bad karma, should be reviled by her, and she should strive for rebirth in a male body. While the sutra is of male authorship and reflects the gender ideology of a patriarchal society, women were aware of such teachings. To many, the fate of having been bora in a female body rather than in a male one, with its risks of 197 death in childbirth, or inferior position, or abuse at the hands of their husbands or their in-laws, as well as other hardships, may have seemed as the kind of karmic retribution clearly communicated through this passage.47 However, what is new and striking about this passage is the fact that beings who enjoy their female bodies are promised by Jiz6 rebirth as a beautiful and noble lady. Therefore, the Sutra on the Original Vow of the Bodhisattva Jizo has issues of gender and female sexuality as its basic doctrine, and seems - at a first glance - to contradict the Buddhist ideology of henjo nanshi. Recalling the scene of Chujohime's birth, the Taima-dera engi emaki mentions in detail the beauty of the girl: Since the child was conceived through Kannon's blessing, the child's face was more beautiful than any flower and she was purer than any jewel. [... ] She will probably advance to the rank of a court lady or even that of a empress48 Do these two references to the beauty of a female body contradict the henjo nanshi religious patriarchal construct? The Sutra on the Original Vow of the Bodhisattva Jizo contains two stories of daughters who, through their sincere filial piety, save their mothers from hell. The first story tells about Jiz6 being a holy Brahman woman whose mother, upholding wrong views and ridiculing the Three Jewels before her death, suffered in the uninterrupted hell. The filial daughter was empowered to go to hell and save her mother. The second story tells of Jizo being a woman called "Bright Eyes" whose mother fell into an evil path where she suffered greatly because she enjoyed eating fish, turtles, and the like and as a result took thousands of lives. The deceased mother was reborn as a maidservant's son in Bright Eyes' house and was punished by having a short lifespan. When Bright Eyes found out about this, she vowed to devote all her future lives to save other beings if her mother was released from this evil path 4 9 The lesson learned from these didactic tales is that after a parent's death, a filial child's good deeds are the only effective means to save one from suffering in the hells. In other words deceased people are completely powerless in terms of their fate, except for depending solely on their surviving relatives, especially their children The key to understanding why Chujohime in the Taima-dera engi emaki resembles a bodhisattva in human form is her age. We are told that she is seven years old at the point of her mother's passing. In Japan, age plays an important role in women's life cycles, the most important being the age of thirteen when girls are believed to enter puberty and become sexually mature women.50 According to Buddhist ideology, it is precisely because Chujohime has not reached puberty yet - as is also the case with the eight-year old daughter of the dragon king who attained enlightenment - that her body 199 has not turned into the defiled reproductive vessel of a woman. Therefore, Chuj6hime does not transgress religious norms because a bodhisattva is as genderless as a little girl who has not reached puberty yet, and is not challenging the henjo nanshi concept of gender marginalization. In fact, this emphasis on her "asexuality" as a bodhisattva enhances the Buddhist doctrine of henjo nanshi even more because it foreshadows her fate of being confined to her female sexuality and with this to the reproductive cycle of wives and mothers. Her only way of escape from this female body which - as evident from Chuj6hime 's mother's last words - is the main obstruction for women's attainment of salvation, is the transformation of her female body into that of a male; it is her only possibility of being reborn in Amida's Pure Land. 1.3 Changing Images of Japanese Daughters and Mothers The mother figure plays an important role in the Taima-dera engi emaki on three different levels: 1) Chujohime's dead mother being the cause for her worship of Amida Buddha in order to save her mother, 2) ChujQhime's stepmother being the cause for her suffering, and 3) Chujohime's sexuality - her transformation from daughter to sexually mature woman during the course of the narrative - being the cause for her social obligation of becoming a wife and mother. Initially, mothers were highly respected in medieval Japan, and particularly the legal 200 codes of the Kamakura period paid more attention to the role of mothers than those of subsequent periods. For instance, Kuj6 no Kanezane %£kJfcM(\149-1207) in his diary Gyokuyd E E . ^ (compiled between 1164-1200) states that women are superior to men because every woman is the true mother of the Buddhas of the Three Periods, whereas no man is their true father.51 This statement refers to the fact that the historical Buddha Salcyamuni himself was born from a woman, as was the Buddha of the past and as will be the Buddha of the future. In contrast to the well-known story of the monk Kukai M (774-835) and his mother - in which monasticism clearly separates mother and child - the accounts of Genshin, Mokuren, and CMjoliime illustrate that monastic ordination did not always imply a break between mother and child, regardless of gender.52 The Buddhist attitude toward motherhood was particularly ambivalent. On the one hand, Buddhism valued motherhood as is evident from hagiographies like those of Genshin, Mokuren, and Chuj6hime, who saved their mothers from hell. On the other hand, Buddhism turned motherhood into a sin. One of the major reasons for the inferior place assigned to women in Buddhist canonical writing was the identification of woman as the site of impurity and as the bearer of particular vices or sins. This is a theme that is regularly taken up in setsuwa collections. In Tsuma kagami (Mirrorfor Women), dated 201 1300, Muju Ichien quotes the founder of die Disciplinary Sect in China, Dao Xuan, to elaborate on the seven grave vices of women. First and foremost, women have no compunction about arousing sexual desire in men. They are particularly given to being of a jealous nature, and they are deceitful. They focus purely on themselves and expend their energies in self-adornment in order to seduce men. They are trapped in the sin of worldly attachment. Uncontrolled desire leads them to shamelessness and delusion. Lastly, their bodies are unclean with frequent menstrual discharges, pregnancy and child birth.53 With the popularization of Pure Land Buddhism in the Kamakura period and its various schools, three distinct ideological elements came to be connected into a coherent discourse on women: 1) the ontological concept of the "Five Hindrances," 2) the social concept of the "Three Obligations," and 3) the biological concept of blood impurity related to women's menstruation and childbirth. Formerly, the concept of the "Five Hindrances" was simply a kind of juridical restriction. In Japan, it was only in the ninth century, a period characterized by significant changes in the perception of women, that the "Five Hindrances" came to be equated with women's inferiority and negative female moral characteristics such as deceit, greed, impurity and - most important - the sin of worldly attachment. The 202 following passage from the Taima-dera engi emaki illustrates how this sin of attachment attributed to women posed a particular hindrance for mothers and their attainment of salvation: However, when the princess was seven and the minister's young prince five years old, their mother became sick. The doctor's remedies were unsuccessful, and even the benevolence of Buddhist and Shinto deities could not cure her. One day, when her condition turned for the worst, the principal wife secretly called the minister to her side and said: "This is the end. [We pledged] that we would walk together to the afterworld, into fire, and even to the bottom of the sea, so that neither of us would be left alone. If your feelings have not changed, take me to Mount Shide and the Sanzu River, and to King Emma's court." [... ] After a short while she said: "If there is one thing a person should never have it is a child. Now here I am trying to recite the nenbutsu with a single-steady heart to facilitate my birth in the Pure Land, but all I keep thinking about are my two children.54 The mother's occupied thoughts about the well-being and future of her two children prevent her from concentrating on reciting the nenbutsu. The exhortation to the dying person is stated as follows in the "deathbed practice" (rinju gyogi Rl$t-f?fH) section of Genshin's Ojoyoshu: You should not visualize any form except the features of the Buddha. You should not hear any sounds except the Buddha's words of the Dharma. You should not speak of anything except the true teachings of the Buddha. You should not think of anvthing except birth in the Pure Land.5 5 Therefore, while it is a woman's social obligation to be a wife and a mother, it is an obstacle for enlightenment because of the sin of attachment women are prone to. This form of a love for a child that clouds one's judgment and creates an attachment to the world that becomes an obstacle to salvation is called kokoro noyami >bM (darkness of the heart). Literary references to kokoro noyami appear in Heian-period waka poetry, as illustrated in the following poem by Fujiwara no Kanesuke M%WM($77- 933) from the Gosenshu feMM (1103): Hito no oya no Though the heart of a parent Kokoro ha yami ni Is not darkness, Arane domo I wander lost, Ko wo omou michi ni Tliinking of my child. Madoinuru kana In the Taima-dera engi emaki the kokoro no yami Buddhist metaphor for the inner turmoil resulting from attachment is manifested through Chujohime's mother despising her female sexuality and role as mother because, instead of concentrating on chanting 204 the nenbutsu in order to attain rebirth in Amida's Pure Land, her thoughts are distracted by her worries about her children. Buddhism heavily utilized this weakness of mothers' attachment to their children as proof that women need to transform into men in order to attain Buddhahood, thereby diminishing the status of woman compared to that of man within the patriarchal system of Buddhism. From a social perspective, mothers were also in the twilight of being valued and being degenerated at the same time. In the Gukansho WHtP, Jien H R (1155-1225) focuses on the mother's womb but emphasizes the maternal pain of childbirth: human birth is a process of being born after staying in the mother's womb. The suffering of a mother is beyond description. Suffering thus, mothers give birth to human beings, and Jien presents this discussion to explain the reigns of ancient Japanese empresses, thereby glorifying the role of women - both as daughters and mothers: The truth of the old saying that women provide the "frnishing touches" (nyonin jugan) in this country was revealed by the appearance of [...] reigning Empresses.56 In trying to understand the basis for this in the Buddhist teachings, I conclude that the phrase "birth of the human world" clearly points to the meaning of the fact that people are all bora from the wombs of women. The pain that a 205 mother suffers in childbirth is indescribable... So the principle that a person should try to take care of and revere his mother was followed. Reigning Empresses Jingu and Kogyoku were placed on the throne because each was the wife of the previous Emperor and also the mother of the Crown Prince.57 As evident in this statement, Jien justifies the existence and glorification of female rulers and the subsequent Fujiwara consorts based on the fact that they were "mothers of the country" (kokumo WbW), rather than by their biological capacities and own charisma. In other words, even though motherhood was highly honored - both in the religious and social arenas - and Heian aristocrats may have considered their consorts as "finishing touches," in fact these women were mere instruments in the matrimonial strategies. This instrumental image of motherhood as a commodity in matters of kinship provides a very different view from that of mothers idealized by Buddhist monks. The medieval emphasis on motherhood can be seen paradoxically as a symptom of women's loss of status, both in religion and society. Therefore, ChujShime's narrative in the Taima-dera engi emaki is not only of interest for the religious construction of women as mothers, but is equally significant for the social construction of women as daughters, wives, and mothers in early medieval 206 Japan, especially in terms of marriage politics. On the one hand, Chujdhime's resistance towards marriage - she becomes the emperor's consort at the age of thirteen but, following her abandonment on Mount Hibari, at the age of fifteen she chooses to take the tonsure instead of continuing a glorious life at court - plays a key role for the salvation of her mother. On the other hand, Chujohime's transgression of her social role as a daughter by neglecting her duty of filial piety vis-a-vis her father in order to facilitate her mother's birth in the Pure Land, sheds light on the boundaries between the religious and social constructions of gender in the Taima-dera engi emaki. The "relationship between textual representations and claims to power" in the Taima-dera engi emaki challenges notions of the status of women - not only in the Heian court society imagined in the text but also in the real world of the Sengoku period (1467-1573) in which this handscroll painting was made.58 Chujdhime's strong resistance towards marriage is reminiscent of that of Kaguyahime C-^^S in the Tale of the Bamboo Cutter (Taketori monogatri Wfc^J M), which is considered to be the oldest extant Japanese monogatari and is dated ca. 900.59 The story tells of an old and poor bamboo cutter who finds a tiny radiant child concealed within a stalk of bamboo. He takes her home and, together with his wife, raises her as if she were their own daughter. Meanwhile, on his daily trips to the forest 2 0 7 in search for bamboo, he finds gold inside the bamboo stalks and - through this accumulation of gold - becomes a wealthy man.60 Part of the bamboo cutter's "