Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Na mi k’anatsut ta Sk̲wx̲wu7mesh snichim chet : Squamish language revitalization : from the hearts and… Baker-Williams, Kirsten 2006

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata


831-ubc_2006-0709.pdf [ 5.43MB ]
JSON: 831-1.0092805.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0092805-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0092805-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0092805-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0092805-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0092805-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0092805-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

NA MI K'ANATSUT T A S K W X W U 7 M E S H SNICHIM CHET: SQUAMISH L A N G U A G E REVITALIZATION: F R O M T H E HEARTS AND T H E MINDS OF T H E L A N G U A G E SPEAKERS  by  Kirsten Baker-Williams  B.Ed., University of British Columbia, 2000  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL F U L F I L L M E N T OF T H E REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E D E G R E E OF M A S T E R OF ARTS In The Faculty of Graduate Studies (Cross-Faculty Inquiry in Education) August 2006  © Kirsten Baker-Williams, 2006  ABSTRACT  Skwxwu7mesh snichim, Squamish language was declared the official language of the Skwxwu7mesh-ullh Uxwumixw, the Squamish People, in 1990. As of 2006 , the Squamish language is a critically endangered language with fewer than 12 native speakers. For this thesis, three generations of Squamish language speakers were interviewed. These speakers include fluent language speakers who were raised hearing the Squamish Language as their first language until they were sent away for formal schooling, as well as re-emergent language speakers who were also exposed to the language within the household as a child, but less frequently. The fluent speakers continued to speak the language, while the re-emergent speakers stopped speaking the language for many years. The other co-participants are primarily adult learners of the language who either teach the Squamish language in the public school system or are actively learning the Squamish language through family and adult language evening classes. The historical context and the endeavours of these community members are critical to guiding the Squamish language revitalization efforts. This is what the first part of the thesis addresses. The second part of the thesis states how the Squamish language affects their identity in being Squamish persons. The Squamish language is central to the culture and identity of Squamish people. The importance of learning and speaking Skwxwu7mesh snichim, and the essence of the Squamish language differs for each generation of language speakers and language learners. However, fundamental values to the Skwxwu7mesh culture and the Skwxwu7mesh language remain the same, and I will argue are fundamental to the core of Squamish people and are at the heart of Squamish language revitalization  T A B L E OF CONTENTS Abstract  ii  Table of Contents  iii  List of Tables  vii  Acknowledgements  vii  Prologue  ix  CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION Methodological Issues  1 4  Limits of the Study  6  Indigenous Methodologies  8  Colonial History Decolonization through Revitalization Respectful Research  8  11  CHAPTER TWO: T H E DISRUPTION, RESISTANCE AND REBUILDING OF SKWXWU7MESH UXWUMIXW. Part I. The Historical Placement of Squamish  14 14  Captain Cook and Naverez: Contact and Confusion  15  Colonization: Devastation, Conflict, and Confinement  18  Interracial M a m age  22  Racism and Reserves: Sorting the Christians from the Pagans  23  Language Decline  24  Part II. The Contemporary Placement of the Squamish  28  Rebuilding: Social Issues of the Squamish  28  Economic Growth  30  Part III. The Revitalization of Squamish  32  Language Documentation....:  32  Language Status Building  34  School and Community Programming  36  Squamish Language Immersion School  37  Elders' Language Advisory, Nexwniwn ta a Imats, Teachings for your Grandchildren  38  Summary  40  CHAPTER T H R E E : REVITALIZING LANGUAGES: STRATEGIES IN S E L E C T E D INDIGENOUS COMMUNNITIES  41  Bringing a Language Back: One Step at a Time  44  Maori, the First to Pick up the Torch  48  Hawaiian Renaissance and Immersion Schools  52  California's Breath of Life Program  56  Summary  58  CHAPTER FOUR: T H E STUDY  59  Introduction to the Study  59  Themes of the Study  61  The Interviews  64  Introduction to the Interviews  64  - iv-  Smen'alh , High Class or Respected People  65  Kwitelut, Lena Jacobs  67  Nekwsaliya, Margaret Locke  68  Telsentsut, Frank Miranda  69  Sxananalh Saw't, Lucille Nicholson  70  Chiyalhiya, Lila Johnston  71  Tiyaltelut, Audrey Rivers  72  Shellene Paul  73  T'naxwtn, Peter Jacobs  74  Vanessa Campbell  75  Kirsten Baker Williams  76  Themes Cluster One: Xwnixw', The Upbringing Wandxws, Respect  77 78  Timitstut/T'elhk 'em, Exertion/Diligence  85  Cluster Two: Nilh telhtim 'a-chet, Those are Our Ways  88  Identity  88  Pride  89  Ways of Knowing  90  Teaching Methodology  92  Humour  93  Xen'xen, Reminiscing/ Remembering Old Times  95  Texture  97  - v-  Na mi k'anatsut ta snichim-chet, Our Language is Coming Back Insights from the Elders from the Nexwniw'n ta a Imats  98  Elders' Strategies for Language Revitalization  102  Why Should We Revitalize the Language?  103  What Should Be Done to Revitalize the Language?  104  Summary  106  :  CHAPTER FIVE RECCOMENDATIONS Ten Rules of Engagement  107 107  1. Commitment  107  2. Counteract Language Stigma  108  3. Vision  108  4. The Elder's Language Advisory Group is Core  109  5. Language Revitalization Involves More than Language Learning  110  6. Mobilize the Speakers  110  7. Develop Multiple Formal and Informal Strategies  111  8. Build Family Networks  Ill  9. Adult Education  112  10. Resource Development  112  11. Summary  113  Epilogue  114  Bibliography  115  A P P E N D I X A . Interview Questions  120  - vi-  LIST O F T A B L E S  Table 3.1  Reversing Language Shift  47  - vii-  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank: First and foremost I would like to dedicate the work and inspiration of this thesis to the Nexwniw'n ta a Imats, the Squamish language elders, my teachers. The late Doris Williams, Tina Cole, Lawrence Baker, Eva Lewis, and to my very first Skwxwu7mesh snichim teacher - Yvonne Joseph. To my current teachers who agreed so willingly to participate in this study - Lucille Nicholson, Audrey Rivers, Margaret Locke, Lila Johnston, Lena Jacobs, and the late Frank Miranda who passed away within the year of our interview. And I would like to thank the elders who have recently joined this group: Alex Williams, Addie Kermeen, and Barbara Charlie. The Squamish Nation Education Department for their support and efforts of strengthening the language revitalization process. The director, Deborah Jacobs, who was the visionary for the Squamish Language Immersion School. My thesis advisor, Graham Smith, who was first involved in the creation of the Kura Kaupapa Language immersion schools in New Zealand and who has been a great assistance in the writing of this thesis. My committee members, Karen Meyer, for her patience, assistance in the writing process, and understanding; thank you to Michael Marker who first I first met as an undergraduate student and whose humour and knowledge is always motivating. To Came Gillon for her feedback and editing of this thesis. To my family: Jennifer Joyce, my mother who has been waiting the longest for this thesis; Floyd Baker, my father for his quick and intelligent sense of humour; my siblings Cody and Aimee - and to my grandparents who have taught me life long lessons throughout my childhood, beginning when I was a baby. I was a really happy baby. And to my friends who have been very supportive during the writing of this thesis. Thank you Peter Jacobs and John Tweed. The language teachers who have spent so much of their lives learning the language and passing it on to hundreds of our people. -wa7u men. I hope that the words of our elders and teachers are an inspiration to language learners and to speakers of the language yet to be born. If their words speak to you, then I believe you have a responsibility to move forward in our shared direction towards language revitalization.  Finally, I want to thank a man I never met, Dr. Louis Miranda, for having the wisdom and foreseen knowledge of how important the language work was. I know that he was kind, very kind. Like all of the old people he loved the people.  - viii-  PROLOGUE  Swat kwi a sna?  Swat kwi a sna? The most natural translation of this into English is, "what is your name?" Literally, however, it means something closer to "Who is your name?" There are two types of "Indian names": nind7men, (nicknames) and kweshdmin, (ancestral names). Nicknames are personalized, and, like English nicknames, the names may be given because of a mishap, habit, or characteristic that person has. A n ancestral name is a formal name, and requires spiritual, cultural, and societal preparations on behalf of that person and their family in order to receive that name. The name is traced through their hereditary lineage to that individual. It is a name they "carry" during their lifetime, but they do not "own". This is unlike the English tradition, where a name is given to a person at birth. In this case, the individual then owns that name, forming a part of his or her own individual identity. Although surnames have distinguishing characteristics, they link the individual to their historic or contemporary wealth class, or notoriety of the individual. Yet the individual can still "make a name" for him or herself in his or her lifetime, perhaps improving his or her economic status or bettering the world in some other way. However, the name and reputation associated with its identity usually dies when the individual does. An ancestral name carries a different type of identity - it traces and binds the ties to the ancestors who carried the name beforehand.  A n ancestral name distinguishes its  - ix-  place of origin, the village that name comes from, and it defines how that person is tied to that name. A name is handed down during a Naming Ceremony. Upon receiving a name, respected people from multiple communities are called forward to talk to the person receiving the name. The person is given words of advice and teachings that enable the person to act in responsible ways, hold the name in high regard, and pay respect to the ancestors who carried that name beforehand. The name will be handed down to another family member either during or after the person's lifetime and will be used generations upon generations after that person is deceased. The ancestral name does not die. The identity of the name exists, and the individual that carries that name becomes a part of the collective history.  - x-  CHAPTER ONE:  INTRODUCTION  This thesis examines the colonization and assimilation of a First Nations people, the Squamish Nation of British Columbia.  In particular it examines their struggle to  maintain and revitalize their spoken language. This thesis studies the desire to keep Squamish as a living language, despite the processes of assimilation. This research contributes to finding ways to alleviate and to counteract the current crisis of Squamish language decline. Urgent action is needed to halt this decline. This thesis summarises some of the specific revitalization initiatives that the Squamish people are taking to protect their language and recommends ways to advance these efforts. The purpose of this study is as follows: 1) to document the value that the Squamish-speaking elders place on speaking their mother tongue, 2) to show why language revitalization is necessary to the community, 3) to provide the Squamish community and future generations of Squamish language learners with written and oral testimony of three generations of language speakers: fluent language speakers, reemergent language speakers, and language learners, 4) to encapsulate the Squamish ways of knowing and show how this knowledge will help to enhance a successful language revitalization program, and 5) to identify and improve methods for the Squamish Language revitalization programming.  The following elements are discussed in this thesis. C H A P T E R ONE lays out the premise of the thesis and the objectives of the study. It describes the research collecting and data analyses methods. The methodology subscribed to in this thesis is a decolonizing  1  methodology, which includes both the formulation of the questions and the act of researching. C H A P T E R TWO is divided into three parts. It attempts to frame the Squamish Nation into the social-historical and contemporary context.  In Part I, I describe the  specific elements of colonialism and its impact on Squamish society, as well as the effects it had on the maintenance of the Squamish language. The effects of colonialism forced the Squamish to rebuild our society and language as discussed in Part II. In Part III, I describe the key events and specific projects related to Squamish language status and acquisition.  Despite decades of language programming, very few people have  reached a high level of fluency in the language. What steps need to be taken to reverse this?  This chapter provides part of the information base that is analyzed later in the  thesis and outlines ways to further build language capacity through the speakers' interviews. CHAPTER  T H R E E reviews  an array of different language revitalization  interventions in other selected Indigenous contexts.  This review provides another  information stream of what is possible with respect to language revitalization initiatives. For example, a feature of some of these communities is that they utilize "language nests" and "immersion schools". C H A P T E R FOUR contains interviews with three generations of Squamish language speakers. These data provide a further information stream, in particular related to the 'readiness7'consciousness' of the community to make the necessary commitment to language revitalization. The responses from these interviews are explored within two separate clusters consisting of nine distinct themes:  2  Cluster One: i. ii.  Xw 'nixw '"The Upbringing" Wanaxws - respect Strength/Discipline  Cluster Two: iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii.  Nilh telhtim' a-chet, "Those are our Ways" Identity Pride Ways of Knowing Humour Teaching Methodology Texture  The themes are articulated by language speakers as underpinning the distinctive elements of Squamish ways of knowing and world-views.  These elements are embedded in the  epistemology which stems from the language. C H A P T E R FIVE contains a synthesis of the various information streams in order to make recommendations for shaping the language revitalization projects of the Squamish. It integrates the interviews with the elders, the literature overview, and the interviews with the language speakers together with some of my own personal observations made during my employment as a curriculum writer for the Squamish Nation Education Department. This chapter makes some specific recommendations that will assist Squamish efforts to develop a more meaningful and effective form of language revitalization.  3  Methodological Issues  I have used a range of methodologies to gather information. The variety of approaches was dictated by the different sites and groups from which the information has been taken.  Different Information Streams: •  Literature Survey Cross-cultural comparisons Historical Review  •  Interviews with Squamish Language-speaking elders and second language learners  •  Personal observations as a Curriculum Developer for the Squamish Nation Department of Education  During this process I developed a critical overview of the contemporary situation and provided a platform for possible strategies of Squamish language revitalization.  A qualitative design was used as the overall research method in this study.  I  interviewed three generations of language speakers. First generation language speakers were raised hearing and speaking the language regularly in their homes prior to their time spent in residential school. They are classified as highly-proficient or fluent speakers. The group classified as re-emergent language speakers heard and spoke the language in their homes, but spoke it less frequently, and perhaps rarely after leaving residential school. Finally, I interviewed second language learners, a new generation of speakers who may or may not have had language exposure as children, but since have learned it as  4  adults. For this last group, I interviewed two language speakers who have obtained a high level of language fluency and have become language teachers.  Finally, I  interviewed one language student, who considers herself a lifelong learner of the language. Before beginning the project, I presented my project proposal to Chief and Council for their endorsement to work within the community, and to interview Squamish language elders - both fluent and re-emergent speakers and adult learners of the language. With their approval, I approached each elder individually. asked agreed to participate in the study.  A l l of the elders I  In total there were three fluent language  speakers and three re-emergent language speakers. Next, I circulated an invitation to participate in the study to the language teachers and to the students who were enrolled in an adult Squamish language evening course. I waited for two weeks to allow people time to respond, and interviewed those who expressed an interest to participate in the study. These adults are either highly proficient second language learners or are students of the language. interview two people from each category.  Originally I intended to  However, only one language student was  interested in participating in the study. The interviews were either conducted in the co-participants' homes or at some other mutually agreeable place. The set of questions were different for language elders than those for the language learners. These questions were used as a guideline for the interview process. The co-participants were given a choice of whether to be audio taped or not; one co-participant did not agree to be audio taped. A copy of the interview was available upon request to all of the co-participants. They were also able to donate the  5  interview to the Squamish Nation Department of Education archives. Only two did not wish to have their interview archived. In writing this thesis, I checked with each coparticipant to make sure that their quotes were not used out of context, and that their voice was properly represented. After these interviews were finished, I listened to each interview again, writing research notes to assist in the writing process. As I am a part of the community and the language revitalization process, I have included my own "voice" in the writing process. All co-participants of this study were presented with a draft copy of C H A P T E R FOUR,  The Study.  The second language learners were presented with a copy  individually, while the elders received a copy of the thesis as a group.  I received  feedback from the Elders' Language Advisory group as a whole. I was very pleased that I was able to receive feedback from them as a group, as the Elders' Language Authority. In the language and education work, they make recommendations and decisions as a collective group.  Limits of the Study A limitation of this study was the limited time allowed per question. I was able to spend about an hour with each elder. As it is in our practice with our Elders' Language Advisory meetings, information and knowledge is shared more than once, and in different ways.  I felt that some of the people I interviewed might have been uncomfortable  because there was only one opportunity to respond to the questions.  The nature of this  methodology is less true to the way we would normally teach and learn from each other in our language group.  6  The interviewing process I used was the best method to include the voices of different generations of co-participants. Almost all of the co-participants are a part of the Nexwniw'n ta a Imats, Elders' language advisory. Although the voice of each person is heard, the elders are used to use speaking about language in a different meeting structure. Typically, we meet in one group in one of the elder's homes. Memories, teachings, ideas, and knowledge are shared with each person. The ideas and narratives of each individual tend to support one another. More memories arise as each story is shared. The knowledge shared can be incredible. However, interview techniques in a group setting would not have been effective for this study. Oftentimes, the eldest of the group is the first one deferred to by the rest of the group in answering the questions posed. Individual interviews guaranteed that each voice was heard. Explaining the language of the consent forms to the elders was an uncomfortable process. I felt like an outsider coming into the community to study them. Within our community, there has been a history of outsiders coming into research us, sometimes with positive results.  However, in some instances, the results have been extremely  negative. It was the intrinsic trust that was given to me as a person, not as a researcher, that made the interviews possible. When I was given permission by the elders to interview them, I really began to feel the responsibility that was entrusted to me.  7  Indigenous Methodologies As part of the methodology overview, I also explore specific aspects of "Indigenous methodologies".  In particular I examine aspects of decolonization by other  Indigenous researchers (e.g., Smith, Battiste) to also show that Indigenous ways of 1  research differs from mainstream research methodology. Indigenous researchers have become engaged in a critical way with the types of history and methods of imperial research. They dissect the methods of collection of Indigenous knowledge by nonIndigenous researchers: It is important to remember that colonialism was not just about collecting. It was also about re-arrangement, re-presentation and redistribution. 2  I focus on the following research points. The colonial history and scientific intent of research is the gathering, stealing, and observing the 'other'.  Academic and  decolonizing specialist, Linda Smith, refers to this as the 'research agenda'. This agenda disregards the community's own knowledge and does not question the validity of the research used to observe the 'other'.  Colonial History Worldwide, many Indigenous communities have been turned upside down by the exploration and "discovery" by European nations such as England, Spain, and France. Exploration and discovery led to the colonization of territories. Desired lands, resources, or trade routes were procured. Forms of colonization included the following: slavery, massacres, genocide, disease, conquest, theft of resources, overthrowing of established Indigenous Researchers Linda Smith and Marie Battiste assert that colonialism and imperialism control knowledge 2 Smith, from Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples, p. 62: 1999. 1  governments, religious indoctrination, creating reservations, and otherwise imposing restrictions of movement and Indigenous practice. In Indigenous methodology, the terms commonly used to describe these facets of control include colonization and imperialism. The colonization and control of knowledge is more subtle and less bloody. The average Canadian has been lead to believe that the forms of colonization are historic. Like tools, baskets and masks that are featured under glass cases in museums around the world, colonization, as an act, appears to have been committed in the past, and seems to be consigned to history as something that happened long ago and is no longer occurring. As Graham Smith has often stated, "Colonization has not gone away, in many instances it has simply changed form." People may not realize that the control and validity of Indigenous knowledge is still a lived experience; it is ongoing, for peoples everywhere. Smith correlates knowledge and colonization in the following way: The nexus between cultural ways of knowing, scientific discoveries, economic impulses and imperial power enabled the West to make ideological claims to having a superior civilization.. .For many Indigenous peoples the major agency for imposing this positional superiority over knowledge, language and culture was colonial education. 4  Battiste also describes the effects of their knowledge : Colonization brought disorder to Indigenous peoples' lives, to their languages, to their social relations, and to their ways of thinking about, feeling, and interacting with the world... Cognitive imperialism is the hierarchical and patrimonial monologue that has been created by Eurocentrism. 5  Eurocentrism is defined as the "the imaginative and institutional context that informs contemporary scholarship, opinion and law.. .that is built on a set of assumptions Graham Smith. Personal Communication - lecture. 2004. ibid, p.65 . Battiste, from Protecting Indigenous Knowledge p. 13. Also see Fanon, Frantz, (1990), The Wretched of the Earth, Penguin New York.  3  4  5  9  and beliefs that educated Europeans and North Americans habitually accept as true, as supported by "the facts", or as reality. This can also be called the "the voice of truth", as 6  "progress", "historical accountability", the "dominant agenda", and "the writing of the other". For Indigenous researchers and writers, the challenge is to write truthfully. One way of deconstructing the colonization of knowledge is by undoing the work of imperialism and colonialism done via the academy. Smith notes that this critique draws on two major strands: one draws upon a notion of authenticity, of a time before colonization in which we were intact as an Indigenous peoples. Second strand of the language of critique demands that we have an analysis of how we were colonized, of what that has meant in terms of our immediate past and what it means for our present and future. Colonized time and decolonized time. Decolonization encapsulates both sets of ideas.  Smith argues for research methods and projects that begin the process of decolonization and are consistent with the needs of Indigenous peoples as we move forward into the next century. One such project is Revitalizing.  This project attempts to bring the disrupted  community language and cultural practices back. In many communities, such as British Columbia, languages are on the brink of extinction with very few speakers left. The Squamish language is a critically endangered language, given that all of the native fluent speakers are elderly. However, there are second language speakers who have obtained a high degree of fluency in the language; unfortunately, the language is not being passed on inter-generationally from parent to child. Revitalization of the Squamish language is the goal of several committed people who are backed by the community. The aim of this  6 7  Ibid. p.21. Ibid. p. 4.  10  thesis is to document a 'collective v o i c e ' o n language revitalization a n d suggest further w a y s t o i m p l e m e n t p r o g r a m m i n g objectives a n d strategies to r e a c h this d e s t i n a t i o n .  Decolonization through Revitalization - Respectful Research T h e first researcher to enter t h e S q u a m i s h c o m m u n i t y w a s C h a r l e s H i l l - T o u t i n the 1 8 9 7 . H e i n t e r v i e w e d M e l k w s , w h o s p o k e n o E n g l i s h a n d w a s o n e o f the last t r a i n e d oral historians. T h e f o l l o w i n g excerpt is f r o m Hill-Tout: I sought to learn h i s age, b u t this he c o u l d o n l y a p p r o x i m a t e l y g i v e b y i n f o r m i n g m e that h i s m o t h e r w a s a g i r l o n the v e r g e o f w o m a n h o o d w h e n V a n c o u v e r s a i l e d u p H o w e S o u n d at t h e c l o s e o f l a s t c e n t u r y .  H e would,  t h e r e f o r e , b e about 100 years o l d . H i s n a t i v e n a m e , as n e a r as I c o u l d g e t it, is " M u l ' k s " . Squamish  H e c o u l d n o t u n d e r s t a n d a n y E n g l i s h , a n d as h i s a r c h a i c  was beyond  m y poor  knowledge  o f the language,  necessary to have to resort to the tribal interpreter. c o n s e q u e n c e w i l l b e less f u l l a n d literal.  it w a s  T h e account w i l l , i n  Before theo l d m a n could begin  his recital, some preparations were deemed necessary b y the other elderly m e n o f the tribe. These consisted i n m a k i n g a b u n d l e o f short sticks, each about  s i x inches  long.  These  played  the part  o f tallies; each  stick  representing to the reciter a particular paragraph o r chapter i n h i s story. T h e y a p o l o g i z e d f o r m a k i n g t h e s e , a n d w e r e at p a i n s t o e x p l a i n t o m e t h a t these w e r e to t h e m w h a t b o o k s w e r e to the w h i t e m a n . T h e s e sticks w e r e n o w p l a c e d at i n t e r v a l s a l o n g a t a b l e r o u n d w h i c h w e s a t , a n d a f t e r s o m e a n i m a t e d d i s c u s s i o n b e t w e e n t h e interpreter, w h o a c t e d as m a s t e r o f t h e c e r e m o n i e s , a n d t h e other o l d m e n as t o t h e r e l a t i v e o r d e r a n d n a m e s o f the tallies, w e w e r e ready to b e g i n .  T h e first t a l l y w a s p l a c e d i n t h e o l d  m a n ' s h a n d s a n d h e b e g a n h i s r e c i t a l i n a l o u d , h i g h - p i t c h e d k e y , as i f h e were addressing a large audience i n the open air. H e went o n without pause f o r about t e nminutes, a n d then the interpreter t o o k u p the story... T h e o l d m a n r e c i t e d h i s s t o r y c h a p t e r b y chapter, that i s t a l l y b y t a l l y , a n d the interpreter f o l l o w e d i n l i k e order.  8  T h e oral historian h a d a distinct w a y o f m a r k i n g the w o r l d .  The j o b o f reciting  history w a s not done i n isolation. Years o f training were i n v o l v e d i n order to b e c o m e a h i s t o r i a n . P e o p l e w o r k e d together to ensure that t h e w o r k w a s d o n e c o r r e c t l y .  Melkws  Hill-Tout, from Notes on the Cosmogony and History of the Squamish Indians of British Columbia p. 85: 1897.  8  11  was supported b y the p e o p l e , m a r k i n g the chapters o f the story w i t h tallies.  Hill-tout  d e s c r i b e d this research as d i f f i c u l t : T h e story w a s either b e y o n d the interpreter's p o w e r to render into E n g l i s h , or there w a s m u c h i n it he d i d not l i k e to relate to a w h i t e m a n , f o r I d i d not u n f o r t u n a t e l y get a fifth o f w h a t the o l d m a n h a d uttered f r o m h i m , a n d it w a s o n l y b y dint o f q u e s t i o n i n g a n d cross q u e s t i o n i n g  that  e n a b l e d to get a n y t h i n g l i k e a connected narrative f r o m h i m at a l l .  I  was  9  H i l l - T o u t ' s d e s c r i p t i o n o f the situation is f r o m a n outsider's perspective c o m i n g into the c o m m u n i t y . N o t o n l y w a s he attempting to interpret a narrative t h r o u g h a n interpreter, but he also needed to understand the s o c i a l context i n w h i c h it takes place. F o r Indigenous c o m m u n i t i e s , research does not o c c u r i n i s o l a t i o n , o r f r o m a n outsider perspective o f research.  F o r e x a m p l e the S q u a m i s h m e t h o d o l o g y b e g i n s w i t h  Wandxws. V a n e s s a C a m p b e l l , one o f m y teachers a n d colleagues, gave this account o f wandxws  during her interview:  O n e o f the things that w a s interesting w a s w h e n I w a s part o f the e v e n i n g class w i t h adults, U n c l e w o u l d talk to us about us, about o u r o w n l i v e s , about o u r cultures, history, about the p o i n t o f v i e w .  W e w o u l d have a  w o r d , u m I r e m e m b e r the first t i m e w e sat d o w n w i t h h i m , a n d he s a i d w a n a x w s . A n d that w a s , that's the first w o r d , he said. T h a t ' s the m o s t important w o r d , that's what a l l o f o u r elders taught, and a l l o f o u r elders l i v e d a n d it means respect.  A n d he said i f y o u ' r e g o i n g to understand o u r  language, a n d understand o u r p e o p l e then y o u have to b e g i n w i t h that w a n a x w s , w i t h respect. A n d w e learned so m u c h about o u r r e l a t i o n s h i p to the w o r l d , even w h e n w e c a m e to t a l k about things l i k e t i m e . A n d , f o r e x a m p l e , w e learned that w e have names for the days o f the w e e k a n d w e learned that t h e y ' r e based o n W e s t e r n - E u r o p e a n concept o f t i m e a n d it w a s n ' t o r i g i n a l to o u r w a y o f t h i n k i n g , but it h e l p e d understand a w a y that s o m e t h i n g c h a n g e d , and the w a y o u r language adapted to that. H e a l w a y s shared stories about things that a c t u a l l y happened c o n n e c t i n g these things w i t h ideas a n d concepts i n the language, a n d h i s t o r y , legends, c u l t u r a l traditions, a l l o f those things were shared...  9  Ibid, p.86  12  Vanessa wasn't the only one who spoke of respect. The need to show respect arose again and again in this study. As much as this is necessary to fully grasp the language, it is also an integral component of Indigenous methodology for the Squamish Nation: "If you're going to understand our language, and understand our people then you have to begin with that wandxws, with respect."  10  In this chapter I have examined two things: 1)  how colonization has generally been perpetuated through research,  2)  how an Indigenous method specific to the Squamish community is with wandxws, a way of showing respect.  I am aware that I am no expert on the Squamish language and culture. I am, however, involved in the language revitalization movement both personally and professionally. It is more than a choice, it is a responsibility to come to each person with wandxws.  Uncle Louis as restated by Campbell  13  C H A P T E R T W O : T H E DISRUPTION, R E S I S T E N C E A N D R E B U I L D I N G O F  SKWXWU7MESH  UXWUMIXW  This  summarizes  chapter  three  different  periods o f t i m e that i m p a c t e d the  S q u a m i s h s o c i a l structure, relationships a n d t r a n s m i s s i o n o f the language:  Part  1. The Historical  Placement of the Squamish traces  settlement a n d early c o l o n i z a t i o n o f the S q u a m i s h lands,  The Contemporary Placement of the Squamish e x a m i n e s  Part II.  the role o f c o l o n i z a t i o n i n the interference o f s o c i a l , e d u c a t i o n a l , and e c o n o m i c relationships. T h e S q u a m i s h p e o p l e have b e g u n to recover  and  rebuild  from  being  socio-economically  marginalization, and Part III.  The Revitalization of Squamish e x a m i n e s the language  r e v i t a l i z a t i o n efforts o f the S q u a m i s h N a t i o n to date. T h i s chapter e x a m i n e s S q u a m i s h language  decline.  the i m p a c t o f c o l o n i z a t i o n o n S q u a m i s h society a n d D e s p i t e the societal a n d e c o n o m i c a l i m p a c t s o n the  S q u a m i s h , the language is b e i n g rebuilt, as I s h o w b e l o w .  Part I. The Historical Placement of Squamish  Nilh swa 7s ta Skwxwu 7mesh tiwa, Eyks ta S7elken, ta swa7s ta Skwxwu7mesh, Ta7kswit kwi tina. ta schichem ayks ta Shisha7lh, nam ta Schenk, Nilh swa7s ta Skwxwu7mesh k'aymim Hawk wa mi iniwilhem Xwmetskwiyam, Ey Hawk wa mi iniwilhem iytsi Skwxwu7mesh. Wa swa7swit k'aswit wan am kwis wes yelxlhalemwit. Nilh welh-timdswit, syetsems iytsi kwekwin selsi7l. T h i s belongs to the S q u a m i s h , F r o m here ( N o r t h V a n c o u v e r ) to P o i n t G r e y ,  14  belonged to the Squamish, Up to this side of Sechelt, to Gibson's Landing. These are the campsites of the Squamish. None of the Musqueam crossed over and None of the Sechelt crossed over into The area belonging to the Squamish. They had their own places to go food gathering. That's the way the old people of long ago described this. Senlhaliya Aunt Lizzie, Lizzie Jacobs, Skwxwu7mesh Elder born at Xway 'xwiy (Stanley Park) in 1873 Exhibit at the Vancouver Museum  Captain Cook and Naverez: Contact and Confusion  In a race to find the Northwest Passage, the English and their historic rivals, the Spanish, explored British Columbia at virtually the same time. Captain Vancouver led the English party, and Captains Galiano and Valdez led the Spanish. In June 1792, they assembled at the southern portion of Skwxwu7mesh territory, around Point Grey. Under the guise of camaraderie, the two parties hesitantly agreed to share their accounts of exploration with each other.  Evidently they were wary of relying upon each other's  conclusions as they surveyed the area separately anyway. Despite producing separate journals and maps, the Spanish made very few observations of their encounters with the Squamish. Their maps are all that remain. Captain Vancouver's initial contact with the Squamish was described in his journal. On June 13, 1792, near the 200-foot bluff at Prospect Point, and into first narrows at Burrard Inlet Vancouver, his log states: Here we were met by about fifty Indians, in their canoes, who conducted themselves with great decorum and civility, presenting us with several cooked fish....These good people finding we were inclined to make some  15  return f o r their hospitality, s h o w e d m u c h understanding i n p r e f e r r i n g i r o n to copper.  11  T h e S q u a m i s h describe their first encounter w i t h V a n c o u v e r further n o r t h i n H o w e S o u n d at W a t t ' s P o i n t , a p l a c e n a m e d b y the spirit-people place.  Skwxwu7mesh, Xwexwlit'n, first k n o w n as strange  V a n c o u v e r , the o n l y captain to e x p l o r e H o w e S o u n d , r e c o r d e d h i s  account o f the S q u a m i s h at W a t t ' s P o i n t :  P o s s e s s i n g a m o r e ardent desire for c o m m e r c i a l transactions; into the spirit o f w h i c h they entered w i t h i n f i n i t e l y m o r e a v i d i t y than any o f o u r f o r m e r acquaintances, not o n l y i n bartering amongst themselves the different valuables they had obtained f r o m us, but w h e n that trade b e c a m e slack, i n e x c h a n g i n g those articles again w i t h our people; i n w h i c h traffic they a l w a y s t o o k care to g a i n some advantage, and w o u l d frequently exult o n the o c c a s i o n . Iron, i n a l l its forms, they j u d i c i o u s l y preferred to any other article w e had to o f f e r  Interestingly,  Vancouver's  first  documentation  12  of  the  Squamish  describes  their  13  persistence for trade. T h i s w a s the d i s t i n g u i s h i n g q u a l i t y o f the S q u a m i s h .  T h e late U n c l e L o u i s M i r a n d a narrated the f o l l o w i n g v e r s i o n o f contact f r o m the S q u a m i s h perspective to l i n g u i s t A e r t K u i p e r s . T h e story w a s first t o l d i n S q u a m i s h and translated into E n g l i s h .  O n e m o r n i n g an o l d m a n at  Sta7mes got up. H e l o o k e d out at the sea and  saw w h a t he thought to be a f l o a t i n g i s l a n d w i t h trees o n it. aroused his f o l l o w v i l l a g e r s . as C h e a k m u s .  T h e n he  T h e n messengers w e r e sent upstream as far  T h e n the p e o p l e f r o m upstream came d o w n , and there  gathered w h o k n o w s h o w m a n y canoes f u l l o f people. T h e n they w e n t to h a v e a l o o k at w h a t they f a n c i e d to be an island. T h e n they c i r c l e d a r o u n d this w o u l d be i s l a n d . r e a l l y w h i t e faces.  T h e n there appeared w a l k i n g b e i n g s ( o n it) w i t h  O n e Indians said: M a y b e these are the dead, those  ".Hull, Soules, and Soules, from Vancouver's Past p. 13: 1974. M e a n y , from Vancouver's Discovery O f Puget Sound p. 193: 1957. Richard Band, a late mentor and educator within the Squamish nation would always joke that we were the Ferengi (the shrewd traders from Star Trek) of the Northwest Coast. l2  13  16  must be their shrouds, only their faces are visible". For a long time they were invited to come aboard the fancied island' finally they consented. Then they all went aboard; one white man extended his hand, and the Indians thought: Apparently he wants to play the kelexw game. Then one Indian from Sta7mes stepped forward, readied himself and spat on his finger in order to play kelexw. Then the white man moved his hands, as i f to say, "No!". The Indians said: "He seems to consider you no match". Then they called another one, and again the white man declined. So it went on until it became the turn of the strongest of the Cheakmus people, who stepped forward. Then the white man gave maybe he thought that this was how the Indians shook hands. Then he extended his finger, the Indian got hold of it, and the white man's middle finger was pulled out of its joint. After these proceedings it became time for the Indians to leave and go home. They put aboard for them a barrel full of molasses. They also received biscuits to take along, and furthermore they were given silver dollars, and rum. Then the Indians went home to Sta7mes. They opened the barrel with the molasses in it' when they saw it they rubbed it on their heads. The Indians thought it was hair-oil. Then when the molasses dried up their faces became tight, and their hair became stiff. Finally they started to wash their heads until all the molasses came off. Then they approached the next barrel, with the rum in it, and they drank it as they had been shown by they white men. Then when they got drunk they thought that everything was spinning around and that the ground was moving in all directions. Then they decided that the stuff they had drunk was bad. Then they threw all of it out. There remained the biscuits, which the children used as toys, and some of the girls used them for spinningdiscs. But the silver dollars, they were pierced and they made buttons of them. 14  This story has been handed down less strictly than the way that traditional oral histories are normally described (see C H A P T E R ONE). Individual elders include different details and interpretations of this story. One version of this story describes the horrible smell of the vessel that reached the people before it was seen. This contributed to the belief that these people were from the spirit world.  Another interpretation  correlates the noxious odour with the two-headed sea serpent. In Squamish mythology, the giant serpent's smell reaches the people before this creature does, and this pungency  14  See Kuipers.  17  knocked a person unconscious, if not dead.  Nevertheless, both of these detailed  interpretations denoted that something powerful was approaching the Squamish people. Both the Squamish and the English descriptions include elements of trade, social observation and interaction. Vancouver's portrayal of the Squamish people is that they were accomplished in trade. In subsequent accounts by Vancouver, the Squamish men were afraid to fire rifles, but were not directly afraid of the explorers themselves. Vancouver's scant empirical records of the people he encountered contributed to the classification of societies like the Squamish as simple or primitive. This was part of the imperial "collecting" frenzy of information about the flora, fauna, and people of the world: no more, no less. The Squamish history of contact focuses primarily on the unknown people, whose arrival was stl'alkem.  The Squamish word stl'alkem  is defined as something rare,  or supernatural like the two-headed sea serpent. The interaction with these strange spiritpeople was ineffective  and farcical, perhaps even foreshadowing events to come.  Misunderstood intentions and interactions would continue as explorers turned into settlers, outside goods would make their way into the community, and problems with alcohol would exacerbate. Dark times in Squamish history would settle in for the better part of a century.  Colonization: Devastation, Conflict, and Confinement  Disease was the first disorder of colonization. This occurred prior to the explorers sailing into Squamish waters. Epidemics, primarily small pox, swept through traditional trade routes and decimated the Squamish population. The population of Squamish people  18  was estimated to be between 10,000 (conservatively) and 30,000 prior to contact.  15  By  the mid-1800s, the Squamish population fell, numbering between 300 and 600 people. Oral tradition, as told to Hill-tout by Melkws, recounts an epidemic: A dreadful skin disease, loathsome to look upon, broke out upon all alike. None were spared. Men, women and children sickened, took the disease and died in agony by hundreds, so when the spring arrived and fresh food was procurable, there was scarcely a person left of all their numbers to get it. Camp after camp, village after village, was left desolate... Little by little the remnant left by the disease grew into a nation once more, and when the first white men sailed up the Squamish the tribe was strong and numerous again. 16  The cause of the smallpox epidemic is debatable,  hi Melkw's account, the salmon  swimming upstream were riddled with oozing sores, and the people avoided eating them until they were forced to by starvation. The account described suggests that the epidemic originated from the Fraser River, which was the main source of sockeye salmon and a 17  major trade centre between coastal First Nations. The epidemic  brought despair into every  Squamish household.  The old  knowledge-keepers and the young died first. Oral historians, prophets, the ritualists, the Indian doctors - the strongholds in the traditional society - dwindled.  18  The bodies of  loved ones were abandoned. Ancestral names could not be passed on fast enough; lost in this transition was the history associated with each name. Names were given to Although there were no specific studies done with epidemics in the area it is estimated that the epidemics occurred in the late 1700s. Wilson Duff refers to the effect of the smallpox epidemic that "swept across the continent to the Pacific in 1782". Hill-Tout, from Notes on the Cosmogony and History of the Squamish Indians of British Columbia p. 88: 1897. 15  16  17  It is plausible that an overland trade route epidemic moving from east to west could have hit the Squamish well before Vancouver ever dreamed of exploration. Dentalia and other shells originating from British Columbia were used for regalia within the Plains culture. Items of value originated at the ocean, around the Northern section of the Rockies, extending into the Plains culture. Epidemics could have just as easily spread from coast to coast. The Vancouver Museum exhibit defines the sacred rights and powers of the ritualist, the prophet, and the Indian Doctor. 18  19  individuals with lower status or less direct ties to that ancestor.  In spite of the  devastation, traditional Squamish life continued. Before the colonial economy, the Fraser River had always been a major trade centre for coastal people in British Columbia. The sockeye runs, the oolichan, and the Wapato brought First Nations from as far as Vancouver Island to exchange resources.  19  In 1827, the Hudson Bay Company established their trading post on the Fraser River at Fort Langley. The Squamish traded at the fort within the year: "200 canoes of Whooms stopped along side of the wharf as cited in 1828.  Alongside the burgeoning economy,  rape, degradation, despair, and murder developed as a part of the trade culture. Fort Langley and major centres such as New Westminster were known for the violence that 21  ensued. The economic boom that reached the Vancouver area created further troubles for the Squamish. The Hastings Sawmill, formerly known as Stamp's Landing, was founded in 1865, at the foot of Dunvley Street in Vancouver. Pioneer Mills was established a couple of years earlier in 1863, and became the logging town of Moodyville. The initial site for Stamp's landing was a spot near the Skwxwu7mesh site of Schilhus and village of Xway'xway, which are located near Prospect Point and Lumberman's Arch in Stanley  Suttles, from The Ethnographic Significance of the Journals The Fort Langley Journals 1827-1830 p. 172: 1998. 19  20  McMillan and Donald , from Journal Kept by James McMillan and Archibald McDonald, The Fort  Langley Journals 1827-1830 p. 75:1998. In letters to the Colonial Government, Juluis Voight claimed that in 1859 he has saved New Westminster from Indian attack, "that trough (sic) my influence over the Squamish Indians and with the help of their Chief Kleaplannah last summer I did prevent an attack of those Indians on New Westminster when several of them were taken prisoners for an outrage on white men near Westminster". 1860s - Excerpts from 21  Letters of'A.T. Julius Voight to the Colonial Government: originals in the B.C. archives from Major Matthews False Creek Collection. It was communicated to me that the outrage was regarding the rape of a Squamish woman.  20  Park, respectively.  A letter by J.B. Launders to the Colonial Secretary written June 3,  1865 states: In accordance with your orders of the 31 of May, I proceeded to Burrard Inlet arriving there at 3 p.m. and marking out Captain Stamp's Mill the same evening (June 1 ). On referring to the sketch appended it will be seen that the N W corner occurs in the centre of an Indian village to clear which would only give the sawmill about 90 acres. By the appearance of the soil and debris this camping ground is one of the oldest in the inlet. The resident Indians seemed very distrustful of my purpose, and st  st  suspicious of encroachment on their premises.  22  Khaltinaat, Mary Ann Walker, Navy Jack's daughter was interviewed by Vancouver Archivist Major Matthews. She describes her memories of the longhouse at Xway  'xway:  When we got near there were thousands of Indians. "Thousands" of them, from everywhere, Nanaimo, Cowichan, everywhere, and I was frightened. I don't know who gave the potlatch but I think my grandmother's brother, and I think Supple Jack' yes.. .They held the potlatch in a great big shed a huge place, the Indians built it themselves long could put this house inside it.  23  Despite evidence of a large village, the settler's verdict was that the Squamish had no right to the land: I have the honour to state that a Squamish Indian called Supple Jack has squatted for the last three years on the land in Question.. .Capt Stamp has no objection to their remaining where they are. They can at any time be removed, the ground does not belong to their tribe. 24  The "land question" heightened the racism that was percolating throughout British Columbia towards First Nations. Barman, from Stanley Park's Secret The Forgotten Families of Whoi Whoi. Kanaka Ranch and Brockton Point p. 32:2005 Barman also describes the shell middens that were discovered in 1888 when a road was being built near the site of Xway 'xway: " a large deposit of broken and crushed clam shells, as well as skulls and other body parts, about 8 feet deep and 4 acres in size" was unearthed. Matthew, from Conversations with Khahtsahlano p. 212: 1955. 2 2  2 3  24  Barman, from Stanley Park's Secret The Forgotten Families of Whoi Whoi. Kanaka Ranch and Brockton Point p. 33: 2005. 21  Interracial Marriage The newcomers were initially welcomed by the Squamish. From the 1860s until the 1880s interracial marriages were common. Noble daughters of Squamish families married non-native men to secure familial ties with those that came to live on the land, and therefore to secure economic resources and peace.  As Minnie, granddaughter of  Eihu Nahanee, states:  A lot of white men had Indian wives. There was Joe Mannion, Tomkins Brew, Navvy Jack, Gassy Jack (Deighton), Portuguese Joe, Jean Beatty, the Cummings -his family are living in Stanley Park now - and Johnny Baker who had his little house just where the Nine 'O Clock gun is, and Capt. Ettershank the pilot, and, of course, my own father. 25  Several of the important founders of Vancouver quickly married Squamish women; many of these men later abandoned their Squamish wives for white women. Interracial relationships were frowned upon as the population of Vancouver exploded at the later part of the nineteenth century. Many of these Squamish women returned to 26  their extended families or were left to make their own way in the shifting world. Not only was this act of abandonment degrading to Squamish women, the Squamish people's perception of familial obligation and reciprocity with the newcomers was severed.  Barman, from Stanley Park's Secret The Forgotten Families of Whoi Whoi, Kanaka Ranch and Brockton Point p. 68: 2005. In 1886, Vancouver grew from a community of 500 people into a large a metropolitan centre with almost 124,000 people. 2 6  22  Racism and Reserves: Sorting the Christians from the Pagans  Colonel Richard Clement Moody of the Royal Engineers threatened to wipe out the Squamish Indian community by gunfire due to a murder that took place in New Westminster. It was this threat that impelled the missionaries to come to the aid of the Squamish people. There are two different accounts of what happened: In the catholic version of the story, the priest was invited to Eslha7an at the behest of a chief "determined to save his people from annihilation" caused by newcomers' vices of alcohol and prostitution. More likely, the Squamish accepted Christianity in exchange for the Oblates' support in resisting the newcomers' who were increasingly determined to usurp their land and resources". 27  To receive protection the Squamish had to "leave their evil ways and become civilized and Christian".  28  The sorting of Christians and pagans by the church took precedence over family ties when the reserves were created. Chief Snatt, a church-appointed chief, was the Squamish leader behind the selection and construction of the church at Mission reserve: Skwatatxwamkin, the uncle of Chief Snatt, was the first recognized chief at EslhaVan. His people had originally come down from the Squamish River to Capilano, then after some local difficulty he and a few other families moved to Ustlawn. Because his wife was a spiritual dancer, chief Skwatatxwamkin and spouse were asked by Father Durieu to leave Ustlan and returned to Capilano. Snatt, the chief s nephew, was then chosen by Durieu to replace his uncle as chief.  29  The Squamish people who did not convert to Catholicism were banned from Mission Reserve and moved to the village of Xwmelch 'stn.  Barman, from Stanley Park's Secret The Forgotten Families of Whoi Whoi. Kanaka Ranch and Brockton Point p. 35: 2005. Paull, from untitled article Oblate Missions (Dec. 1950 - March 1951), 7-10. Oblate Archives, Vancouver Box 47 — "St. Paul's Church" file 4 -history Lascelles, from Mission on the Inlet p.9: 1984. 2 8  2 9  23  Oral narratives portray a much more divided and painful account.  In  contemporary times, we are reminded by Sxwaliya, Aunt Sally's song, known today as Greeting of the Day. This song was initially a seyuwen slulum, a person's spirit song. She began to sing this song within earshot of the church. The priest came from the church down to the house she was visiting and banned her from the Eslha7an reserve. In the morning, the people of the reserve went down to the beach to watch her leave by canoe. She sang this song one more time before leaving her extended family standing on the shoreline.  L a n g u a g e Decline In some cases of genocide or natural disaster, language decline is immediate. For the Squamish, the demise of the Squamish language use was gradual. The main culprit was the residential school system. The mandatory residential school experience began in the early 1900s, and housed Squamish children in institutions like Saint Paul's in North Vancouver and Coqualeetza, initially a tuberculosis hospital in Sardis. Residential schools for the Squamish extended into the late 1960s, until they were allowed to attend public school.  As is well known, residential schools disrupted the emotional and  cognitive development of the children. The extended family unit was the traditional social unit. Economics, reserves, and the influx of outsiders to the Skwxwu7mesh territory weakened this relationship. Residential schools severed family ties, as parents, grandparents, and extended family were no longer the primary caregivers to their children.  Sibling groups were not  encouraged in residential schools, and brothers and sisters were often intentionally sent to  24  different schools. It was this intentional  break-up of the family, along with the banning of  the mother tongue, that was the primary agent of language decline. The majority of the co-participants in the study experience severed family ties and language loss or interruption due to the residential school experience.  Each co-  participant was exposed to the language for different amounts of time, even if they were similar in age.  One co-participant of the study, Margaret Locke, learned the language  from her grandfather. Her mother had also gone boarding school and therefore spoke English to her as a child.  Margaret also heard her grandfather speak Chinook to the  priest, a trade language that is no longer spoken. The eldest co-participant, whom I interviewed at 94 years of age, Kwitelut, had the following to say about the negative impact of residential school. "That was our mistake because when we went to that school. Saint Paul's school, we were forbidden to speak our language. We couldn't, otherwise we got punished. So a lot of the students, they lost our language, they forgot". Late Frank Miranda relayed his first experience of attending Saint Paul's residential school:  We were told not to speak Squamish. So I met a friend, George Harry from Squamish the first time I went to school I seen him and I started talking Squamish to him. I said "What, What's the matter? I said what?" He says we're not supposed to speak Squamish. "What for," I says, that's our language", I said. We'll get punished, so I had to shut up. Cause you couldn't speak Squamish in the school. Cause, he says, we'll get punished if they hear you talking Squamish. Oh gee, I says. But, I don't know, my father never said nothing about it. Didn't do nothing. I guess that's the only school we could go to.  25  His resilience was strong. "When I got out of school I'd talk to them like anybody else." He also continued to speak Squamish to his father, Louis Miranda, his mother, Jessie Miranda and all of the other elders in the community. The re-emergent speakers of the Squamish language heard and spoke Squamish as children, but residential school took away their parents wish to speak to them in Squamish so they wouldn't face the same punishment they did. In the interviews with them, most of the focus was on their childhood experiences with their grandparents and other elders of the community. The also spoke about the kind old people around them and the values instilled in them, as I discuss in CHAPTER FOUR. Vanessa Campbell, a student of Uncle Louis, describes her memories of community life and the decline of Squamish language within her childhood, in the early to mid 1950s: When I heard the language it was my grandmother talking to my aunt who lived in the same house, and my uncle who worked in logging camps and would come home and my grandmother spoke to them in Squamish. Um, quite a lot but always when they didn't want us to understand what they were talking about. And every time we went to visit, any of the elders there were a lot of elders still alive at that time, and my grandmother, like a lot of the different ladies would take turns, or they'd go and visit them and bring them food they prepared or help them do things at home because these people they were probably, this was in the 1950s and early sixties. They were already say eighty years old or older, and people would make a point to always go and visit them. We all had wood stoves and oil stoves and just everybody made sure they were okay. When we went to visit them, they only spoke in Squamish. And um, I visited with them with my grandmother a lot and I don't know if it was because I wanted to or just because one of us or more than one of us always went with her, and we just sat in the warm kitchen and had tea and listened to them talk. Vanessa didn't just hear language used in conversational settings, but in political venues as well:  26  I guess this would probably be in the, maybe early sixties, a few times, maybe two or three times - I went to our Council Hall which was up on what was called Third Street and Forbes. And I'd go into the Council Hall with my grandmother and there would be a meeting and the people from the Chief and Council would be sitting on the stage and there would always be a Indian Affairs agent, he was always at the meetings, but in the meetings the people who always spoke first were Squamish language speakers. So the chiefs would talk, and um one of the younger men who were on Council like Tim Moody who was their secretary or Uncle Louis (sic) chief for the record and the speakers would stand and talk about the issues and they always spoke in Squamish. Interpreters again would relate what was being said in English and um, later on it got to be that a lot of the older people weren't going to as many of the meetings and there was more English being spoken in these business meetings, they're called the general meetings, even at that time the respect for the language and the freedom to express concerns was always in the language.  As the speakers passed away, the business of the day wasn't communicated bilingually, but in the English language.  Leanne Hinton describes this as involuntary  language shift. "Even when a family continues to use a threatened language in the home, the outside environment may be so steeped in the majority language that the child unconsciously shifts languages around school age and no longer speaks the minority language even at home." This is the nature of domination. Even though the demise of 30  the Squamish language was assisted by the residential school process, the economic, political, and social environment of English was so pervasive that Squamish was rarely spoken daily, except by the elders who only spoke Squamish and by their children who were still able to communicate with them.  Hinton, from The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice p.4: 2001  2 7  Part II. The Contemporary Placement of the Squamish The amalgamation of the Squamish in 1923 was the major political determiner for the rebuilding of the Squamish Nation. The Squamish have always  recognized  themselves as one people, but the Provincial government, coupled with developers, treated each extended family residing on each reserve as small bands. Parcels of land were expropriated and sold to the interests of the Province. The eating away of lands and dislocation of families led to the signing of Amalgamation on July 23, 1923. The sixteen hereditary chiefs of each village signed the "Prayer of Amalgamation" to ensure better dealings with the Provincial and Federal governments and equality for all of the Squamish people.  Rebuilding: Social Issues of the Squamish At present, the total population of the Squamish Nation is 3,292 members, with a total of 1941 members living on reserve.  The Squamish have maintained ownership of  0.4230% of the entire traditional territory. There are a total of 23 reserves that vary in size and development potential. To live on these lands, one has to wait. Only fifteen new homes are built each year for membership. As of 2002, there were 900 Squamish members on the housing list, with one major residential lot remaining in the Lower Mainland capable of holding 310 houses. The lack of power and control over the traditional land base has contributed to the social problems of the Squamish Nation. The last employment study of the nation was conducted in 1989. At that time, the total membership population registered was at 2050.  Employment rates were low: 44%  28  for the on-reserve population, and 50% for the off-reserve members. percent of the population lived on-reserve.  In 1989, 48%  Almost the entire Squamish population, 96%.,  participated in this survey. No statistics have been conducted since this time. However, as of 2005, the employment rate for off-reserve Aboriginal people living in British Columbia was still incredibly low, at 57.2%.  31  Educationally, we are faring slightly better. High school graduation rates are slowly improving, but are nowhere near keeping up with our non-Native counterparts. According to the 2001-2002 statistics for the North Vancouver School district (which services 76% of the Squamish K-12 population in BC) the graduation rate was 35% while 32 33  the non-Aboriginal population has stabilized at 81%. , In spite of this, there are a number of Squamish people who have received their Provincial General Equivalence Degree or Dogwood Diploma through adult education or continuing education programs - this is not accounted for in the statistics.  From the  period of 2000-2002, there were a total of 43 Squamish Nation members who had graduated with diplomas in this way.  34  The 2002 data, complied by Dr. Shirley McBride,  showed that there were 56 nation members enrolled in continuing education programs.  35  The Squamish Nation's post-secondary rates fare much better. In 1986 there were only 23 members enrolled in post secondary education; by 2000 this number had jumped  Statistics Canada ,from "Aboriginal peoples living off-reserve in Western Canada", p. 6:2005. British Columbia Ministry of Education, from "Aboriginal Report - How are we Doing 2004/2005 SD 44 North Vancouver", p.6:2005. McBride, from "Report the Squamish Nation Education Long term Plan to Address Squamish Learner Special Needs Final Report 2003. The Squamish population is 60% of the total Aboriginal population for that district. Compiled from Squamish Nation Education Department Records. McBride, from "Report the Squamish Nation Education Long term Plan to Address Squamish Learner Special Needs Final Report p. 85: 2003. j l  3 2  3 3  3 4  3 5  29  to 136. However, these figures do not include the trades program, where many additional Squamish nation members are enrolled.  Economic Growth The Squamish Nation has been resourceful, and has demonstrated successful business planning to generate its revenue. The Department of Indian Affairs contributes approximately 25 cents for each dollar of own source revenue for the Squamish.  36  The  main source of revenue is derived from 70 leases, such as the Park Royal Shopping Centre, and from the ownership of businesses, such as the Mosquito Creek Marina. Squamish Nation has primarily obtained income as landlords. They are now looking into other avenues of income. Squamish Nation is examining the entrance of major partnerships such as the Seymour  Development.  This  proposal  includes  the  building  of  a  major  retail/entertainment centre. The encroachment of the cities onto the traditional land-base has, ironically, created the possibility of generating economic revenue. Squamish Nation recognizes this irony and does not shy away from companies, such as the forestry giant Interfor.  In December 2005, Squamish Nation purchased a tree licence from them for  $6.5 million to gain timber-harvesting rights, much to the dismay of environmentalists. This move assures some revenue and secures control of sustainable management of the forests. One member of Squamish band council stated that, "we will be looking 100 years down the road in planning".  37  ' Personal Communication with Council member (wishes to remain anonymous). Personal communication 2006.  3 7  30  Within these relationships,  Squamish Nation has always strongly asserted  Aboriginal title over land: The Squamish Nation has existed and prospered within our traditional territory since time immemorial. We are Coast Salish people. Our language is the Squamish language. Our society is, and always has bee, organized and sophisticated, with complex laws and rules governing all forms of social relations, economic rights and relations with other First Nations. We have never ceded or surrendered title to our lands, rights to 38  our resources, or the power to make decisions within our territory. There already have been some political successes. After a long court battle, a portion of the Kitsilano Indian Reserve was reclaimed in 2005, originally expropriated by the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1886 and in 1902. The B C Rail Agreement, another settlement, allows for co-management, land transfer, and opportunities for the Squamish to purchase land back. The Squamish Nation was praised by Greenpeace for the Xaay temixw plan published in 2000. This comprehensive plan outlines land use and management in the wilderness areas of the Squamish traditional territory. Certain areas need to be protected, like the remaining old-growth forest in the territory, or animal habitat. The Squamish Nation realizes that development will occur in their traditional territory, regardless of their interest, and remain seated at the table with government and corporations securing a role in decision making. Although social issues need to be addressed, the Squamish Nation is planning for the future. Economic growth and political will has been a major determiner in the visioning to preserve and continue using the traditional lands for hunting, gathering, fishing, and spiritual uses. The Squamish Nation Assertion of Aboriginal Title as submitted to the British Columbia Treaty Commission, p. 1. 3 8  31  Part III. The Revitalization of Squamish  Culturally, the Squamish people have remained steadfast, holding onto the traditional teachings. After years of being banned by law, the longhouse culture resurfaced in the 1960s. Furthermore, traditional sports such as Lacrosse and the canoe racing have endured, community gatherings and celebrations have increased, and the ocean-going canoes have been revived. Despite endurance and growth, the revitalization of Squamish cannot fully take place without the revitalization of the language - this encompasses the heart, mind, and spirit. The  reclamation of the Squamish language began in the late 1960s, with  community classes being offered as a part of cultural enrichment grants in the early 1970s. language  Squamish Nation has been successful in many revitalization strategies of use,  language  status, and pride within the community.  Five major  implementations of Squamish language revitalization are outlined in this section: a) documentation of language, b) language status-building, c) school and community programming, d) preparation for a Squamish language immersion school, and e) the Elders' Language Advisory Group - Nexwniw'n ta a Imats  -  Teachings for your  Grandchildren.  32  Language Documentation The language was first documented by Franz Boas in the mid-1880s.  He was  followed Charles Hill-Tout in the late 1890s. Homer Barnett studied Squamish in the late 1930s. Aert Kuipers was in the community in the 1950s and 1960s. Finally, the anthropologist Randy Bouchard recorded the elders in the 1970s. Initially, the language was studied for research, but by the late 1960s it became a part of Cultural Enriclrments grants. Louis Miranda began working with Randy Bouchard circa 1968 with the B C Native Language Project.  This was a cross comparison study aimed at recording  conversational First Nations languages, legends, interviews, and history.  The Squamish  Language orthography was developed by Bouchard based on Kuipers' own "phonemic inventory".  Due to the efforts of Louis Miranda, this was the start of the curriculum  materials for community and schools. The 1990s marked a different recording era with the beginnings  of the  Skwxwu7mesh Language Dictionary Project, with a Squamish linguist who had recently received his Master's of Arts in Linguistics, Peter Jacobs. collaborative  research efforts  beginning  in 1995  This enhanced further  between the U B C Linguistics  Department and the Squamish Nation Education Department.  The benefits for the  Squamish Nation included providing more researchers to document and record the remaining speakers, and assisting in the development of a standardized grammar for the language program.  40  "' Language Curriculum has been developed by numerous people since this time. Information from the Squamish Language team's presentation, "Ta na wa nwxwniw'n ta a Imats" at the Stabilizing Indigenous Language Symposium in Victoria, B C 2005 9  4 0  33  All language research work with the Squamish Nation Department of Education has been recorded since 1993, and all the recordings were digitized in 2002 ensuring quality and security for future generations.  L a n g u a g e Status B u i l d i n g  Although the number of Squamish language  speakers' numbers has been  declining over the past twenty years, the Squamish language speakers and supporters have made major headway in language programming and status. Many of these points are covered in other sections of this chapter. There are two points I want to highlight here: the official language status of the Squamish language and two surveys that demonstrate the importance of the language to the community. In 1990, the Squamish language became the official language of the Squamish Nation through the Squamish Nation Chief and Council resolution: Whereas the Skwxwu7mesh Uxwumixw is a distinct First Nation with a unique language and culture, and Whereas the Squamish Language has been our first language from the beginning of time, and Whereas the Squamish people have declared our intention to preserve, protect and enhance our language, Therefore it be resolved that the Squamish Language be accorded full protection and enhancement as an official language of the Squamish Nation. The fact that the Squamish council, our government, has declared Squamish an official language of the Squamish Nation ensures continued program funding by the Squamish Nation and provides a measure for language revitalization activities.  34  The first language survey was conducted in 1975 by Vanessa Campbell. She went from house to house to determine if members wanted the Squamish language taught in the public schools. Although all data was lost in a fire, only two households had negative responses to the language being taught in the public school system.  41  In 2005, on behalf of the Squamish Nation Department of Education, Peter Jacobs and Kirsten Baker-Williams conducted a survey on the community's language use, and gauged community interest in taking adult language classes. The survey methods used were both interviews and mail-outs to individual homes. There were 176 responses. Approximately 9% of the on and off-reserve Squamish Nation members responded (based on the 2001 census of the Squamish Nation at 3,150). The majority of the respondents (99%) believed that the Squamish language was important, with 86% of those were interested in taking adult courses. There was a high response of off-reserve members living throughout British Columbia and the United States who still felt that language was important, despite the fact they no longer live in the community. Both of these surveys conducted 30 years apart indicate that the community's view of the importance of speaking the Squamish language has not changed, and is important to the Squamish people.  41  Vanessa Campbell 2006, Personal Communication.  35  School and Community Programming The first Squamish language program was given at Saint Thomas Aquinas in 1972, and was taught by Louis Miranda. Louis Miranda began teaching at 82 years of age with Vanessa Campbell as his co-teacher. Vanessa summarizes the beginning of this experience:  So, we started going into the school and I think the first year we had something like maybe five or six students. And it turned out, well, the school was built where our residential school was. So the school's purpose when it started was not only for the Catholic education, but for the Native children, and a lot of our young people went there. And there were other Native people from around the Southern coast, but as time went on the students stopped going to the Catholic high school. By offering the language at the school they were also drawing in more young people from our own community which suited their purposes because they were supposed to target our community, but they were losing that draw, and the language helped to get it back.  Ironically, the site of this school was built on top of the residential school that contributed to the erosion of the Squamish language. This was the first place it was taught again to the children. The school was the venue provided for language classes, but all costs of teaching and materials have always been incurred by the Squamish Nation. This included public schools as well.  42  By 1984, as a result of the community's attitude demonstrated in the survey, the Squamish language was taught in eight educational settings - nursery school, daycare, elementary school, and high school. More Squamish language teachers, both elders and students, entered the classroom at this point. The Squamish language is currently being taught in Xwmelch 'stn' Estimiaw 'txw, the Littlest Ones School, four public elementary  The language is still being taught at one nursery school, five public schools, and one high school.  36  schools, and one high school. Squamish language classes in educational institutions have reached hundreds of the Squamish members. Although the language has reached a large portion of the Squamish Nation, and public institutions provide a site for the language to be taught, the schools do not contribute to salary, curriculum or the material expenses of running the program. Further, no fluent speakers of the language have been produced this way.  In order to  jumpstart the revitalization efforts, the Squamish Nation Department of Education has turned towards the development of a Squamish Language Immersion school.  Squamish Language Immersion School The Squamish Nation Department of Education is in the development process of the Squamish Language Immersion School.  Xwmelch 'stn' Estimiaw 'txw, Capilano  Littlest One's school, opened in 2002. Currently there are three classrooms that service three and four-year old students. Kindergarten is being implemented in the fall of 2006. Although the school is open and runs early childhood programs in English, human resource capacity needs to be developed for Squamish Language immersion. The certified teachers that are Squamish either need to be trained in the Squamish language or the Squamish language teachers need to be certified. The Squamish Nation Department of Education has started developing human capacity. Squamish language courses were developed by the Squamish Nation Education Department and articulated through the Nicola Valley Institute of Technology located in Merritt in 2005. The first Squamish Language 100 pilot course ran in June of 2006, and the course is scheduled to be offered to the general Squamish membership later this year.  37  Despite the fact that the Squamish language courses have been developed, the Squamish Nation Department of Education is still in the process of securing partnerships with a post-secondary institution for the Developmental Standard Teaching Certificate. A University needs to back the specialized program that offers courses to meet the content needs of the Squamish Nation community while allowing transferability options to other Universities.  The Squamish Nation has entered discussions with faculty at  Simon Fraser University and the University of Victoria.  E l d e r s ' Language Advisory G r o u p -  Nexwniw'n ta a Imats - Teachings for your  Grandchildren  The Elder's language advisory group was first known as the " G o d Squad", a group o f elders that got together as a prayer group. A t the encouragement o f Louis Miranda, they used the language i n prayer and song. The remaining members o f this group were approached to be advisors on the Squamish Language Dictionary Project and other language projects. Many Squamish language elders have joined this group since its inception. A t the time of writing this thesis, all Squamish Language elders who are i n good health and reside in the communities of North Vancouver and in Squamish are an active part of this group. They are the Squamish Language Authority.  They are the "teachers o f the  teachers", as the language team of the Department of Education likes to say. A n y of the curriculum or resource material for the classroom is vetted through this group. They are the authorities for the Squamish Nation's collaborations with outside organizations and institutions.  38  Vanessa Campbell has identified three main purposes for the Nexwniw'n ta a  Imats: Nichimstway: Chenchensway Ts 'itsaptway:  talking to each other supporting each other (this includes curriculum development) working with each other (this incorporates the vast knowledge and experience that everyone brings to the group)  In a political sense, the Elders' Language Advisory group re-affirms the continuity of the Squamish Nation's working relationships inside and outside of the communities and secures of the Skwxwu7mesh Uxwumixw (Squamish Nation) mission statement:  43  The Skwxwu7mesh Uxwumixw will protect the amalgamation and enhance the Uxwumixw cultural values and traditions through respect, equality, and harmony for all.  Language revitalization is political and involves the support of the community. Most importantly, the revitalization effort needs a group of willing language learners and involves the knowledge and efforts of the Squamish elders who are willing to contribute to the Squamish language revitalization vision.  It is these key people that will bring  revitalization to life.  Information from the Squamish Language team's presentation, "Ta na wa newxwniw'n ta a Imats" at the Stabilizing Indigenous Language Symposium in Victoria, B C 2005.  39  Summary Colonization, encroachment on the land, and massive urban spread have impacted Squamish society.  The history of colonization brought disorder to the Squamish  traditional way of life through disease, dislocation from traditional lands, and disruption of tradition life. The relationship with the newcomers was not initially hostile, although the "land question" made it so. The Squamish have always remained open to the possibility of partnerships with corporations and government to secure economic growth.  Despite this, the Squamish  have always been politically grounded and have never ceded Aboriginal title. The transition from colonial life to modern life has affected Squamish Language use.  The Squamish have been proactively promoting the Squamish language through  several facets, but now must find more ways to utilize the language and create intergenerational transmission in order to revitalize the language.  In order to begin this  process we must investigate other communities' attempts at language revitalization.  40  C H A P T E R T H R E E : R E V I T A L I Z I N G L A N G U A G E S : S T R A T E G I E S IN S E L E C T E D INDIGENOUS C O M M U N I T I E S  In this chapter, I briefly outline the stages of language status, making reference to Bauman and Fishman. I review different language revitalization interventions in selected Indigenous contexts in order to provide background on the possibilities available for language revitalization initiatives.  A feature common to many of these communities is  that they utilize "language nests" and immersion schools.  The communities whose  revitalization initiatives I outline are the Maori, the Hawaiians, and the Masterapprenticeship model of California.  Each of these communities has reversed language  shift as measured by Fishman's stages of language status. The linguist Michel Krauss estimates that, out of the 6,000 languages in the world, more than half of these will be dormant languages by century's end, succumbing to the dominant tongue in each community. Although the situation looks bleak, there are many successful  language  revitalization projects within the world that have altered this course of action. Where there are willing people there is hope.  Question: Answer:  Why revitalize a minority language? The language is valued by the community members.  During my years of language learning, research, and commitment to the language revitalization process, I have observed that the communities which have successfully  41  reversed language shift (speaking the Indigenous language, rather than the dominant language) "just do it".  44  The steps to a successful language program as advised by Darryl Kipp in  Encouragement, Guidance, Insights, and Lessons Learned for Native Language Activists Developing Their Own Tribal Language Programs are as follows:  1) 2) 3) 4) 5)  never ask permission; never beg to save the language. Never; never debate the issues. Never; be very action oriented - just act; show, don't tell; use your language as your curriculum - botany, geography, political science, philosophy, history are all embedded in the language. 45  These points pack a punch in terms of language revitalization "know-how"; however, I find it is important to illuminate some of the pillars that support the process of language revitalization. I have included some quotes that have personally moved me in my own language revitalization work. The following quotes show the types of struggles encountered during language revitalization attempts; they also demonstrate what is lost when a language dies.  •  Land forms the basis of Indigenous languages Language was given to us by the land we live within.. .My own father told me that it was the land that changed to language because there is special knowledge in each different place. A l l my elders say that it is land that holds all knowledge of life and death and is a constant teacher. It is said in Okanagan that the land constantly speaks. It is constantly communicating. Not to  Kaunona Kaunoe. A language revitalization activist from Hawaii, has been notoriously saying this to other Indigenous groups beginning their language revitalization process for years. (Personal Communication) Kipp, from in Encouragement. Guidance. Insights, and Lessons Learned for Native Language Activists Developing Their Own Tribal Language Programs p . l : 2000. 4 5  42  learn its language is to die. We survived and thrived by listening intently to its teachings ~ to its language ~ and then inventing human words to retell its stories to our succeeding generations. It is the land that speaks N'silxcn through the generations of our ancestors to us. 46  •  Ways of knowing stem from Indigenous Languages In the beginning when the Mi'kmaq people awoke naked and lost, we asked our Creator how we should live. Our creator taught us about the constellations and the stars, how to make our way in the darkest of nights, and about the Milky Way which was the path of our spirits into the other world. Our Creator taught us all that was wise and good and then gave us a language, a language in which we might be able to pass on this knowledge to our children so that they could survive and flourish. 47  •  World view is inherent in Indigenous languages Does it confuse you when I refer to animals as people? In my language, this is not confusing. You see, we consider both animals and people to be living beings. In fact, when my people see a creature in the distance, the thing they say is: Awiiyak (Someone is there). It is not that my people fail to distinguish animals from people. Rather, they address them with equal respect. Once they are near and identify the creatures' shadows, then they use their particular name.  •  48  Identity of the people is constructed in Language In the beginning was the Word. And the Word was made flesh. It was so in the beginning, and it is so today. The Language, the Word, carries within it the history, the culture, the traditions, the very life of a people, the flesh. Language is people. We cannot even conceive of a people without a language, or a language without a language, or a language without a people. The two are one and the same. To know one is to know the other. To Love one is to love the other . 49  •  Aesthetics of Language I think the Navajo language is important. When you speak it, it creates a different reality. Language lets us seize the earth as a living vital force. We understand more. English is not that  Armstrong, from "Land Speaking" Speaking for the Generations p. 175-176.  Battiste, from Protecting Indigenous Knowledge and Heritage p 10 McKay, From Royal Commission on Aboriginal People, Vol 4, Chapter 3: 1992. Ulibarri, from New Mexico Public Educational Department: Heritage Language Revitalization. Prologue:2003.  passionate and beautiful. In our prayers, it (the Navajo language) directs us when we use it. 50  •  Language is a Human Right We have maintained our Freedom, our Languages, and our Traditions from time immemorial. We continue to exercise the rights to fulfill the responsibilities and obligations given to us by the Creator for the land upon which we were placed. The Creator has given us the right to govern ourselves and the right to self-determination. The rights and responsibilities given to us by the creator cannot be altered or taken away by another Nation. 51  Language revitalization is about more than decolonization (see C H A P T E R ONE). Its sole purpose is not to undo, or reverse the damage of colonization; rather, the purpose of language revitalization is to revive the core teachings and world view of who "we are" as Indigenous peoples. And in turn, the language renews itself and strengthens the heart of the people challenging and restructuring the world it is spoken in.  Bringing a Language Back: One Step at a Time The first tool for measuring language status within the First Nations political landscape in Canada was given in Bauman's paper, A Guide to Issues in Indian Language Retention in 1980 : 52  •  • •  Flourishing Languages -Intergenerational language transmission still occurs; the language is supported in all parts of community and home life, schooling, and communications Enduring Languages - There are speakers in all generations; however the communities are becoming bilingual Declining Languages - Perhaps half of the adult population still speak the language, but only a portion of youth and children speak the language, most communicate in the dominant language  Makcin Benally 1995. Assembly of First Nations Charter, 1982. Information adapted from The Report of the Task Force on Aboriginal Languages and Cultures p 34: June 2005. 5 0  51  5 2  44  • •  Critical languages - Only a handful speakers remain, most elderly, and no new speakers are being raised through intergenerational transmission Extinct or Sleeping Languages - languages have no remaining speakers who learn the language in natural intergenerational transmission  By this scale, most languages in British Columbia are in a critical state; the Squamish language is no exception. Both the Maori and the Hawaiian people have advanced from critical to declining/enduring languages, reversing language shift. The Californian languages are primarily categorized as sleeping languages because many of the languages have either no speakers or else very few speakers left. They have not given up, and instead have constructed language revitalization programs through a linguistic approach and created teams of Master-apprentices. The model that Canadian First Nations communities follow in judging the health of a language aligns with the methods described by Joshua Fishman in 1991 (Table 3.1). The stages of language status also include steps to reverse language shift for each stage. For example, at the time of writing this thesis, and based on the evidence to date, I would place the Squamish Language at stage eight, as there are only ten known Squamish speakers left.  Despite this, the Squamish Nation Education Department is working  proactively and is making great strides towards language revitalization through immersion school strategies. Table 3.1 is used as a tool to determine the status of a language accompanied with interventions to strengthen languages that are no longer flourishing. It helps to determine the health of a language from near death at stage eight describing evidence of language decline up to stage one, where the language is still widely used by the majority of the population.  45  Table 3.1  Reversing Language Shift  Status of Language  Reversing Language Shift  Stage 8: A few elders speak the language. The speakers are few and scattered.  Document, document, document. Use the skills of linguists. Incorporate legends and teaching grammars for adult pedagogy.  Stage 7: Only adults beyond child-bearing age speak the language  Mobilize elders. Follow the MasterApprenticeship model based on the work in California.  Stage 6: Some intergenerational use of the language  Encourage language at home and promote language use in public. Start classes and support groups for parents.  Stage 5: Language is still very much alive in the community.  Begin offering places for language in the formal education system, such as night or weekend classes.  Stage 4: The minority language is required in the school system  Create immersion schools in the early and primary years with bilingual programming in the later years.  Stage 3: Language is used in specialized Work forces or places of business to Interact with co-workers  less  Integrate language into the workplace.  Stage 2: Language is used by the local Government and by the mass media in the minority community  For First Nations these are the band and tribal offices. Create bi-lingual positions for those in contact with speakers.  Stage 1: Some language Is used by higher levels of Government and in higher education It is used in the business sector Language is used in the mass and Specialized media  Create an official language authority, have language offered in places of higher education like colleges and universities.  46  The fact that Squamish Language is in stage 8 of Fishman's language regression requires a specific response - language documentation. However, the Squamish strategy is more eclectic and it involves multiple sites of language struggle for revitalization - this approach is very similar to what the Maori have attempted to do in New Zealand.  Maori, the First to Pick up the Torch The Maori are role models for any Indigenous communities attempting to revitalize their languages, as they have reversed language shift. By Fishman's scale, in 1978 the Maori were at stage six, with only 20% of mostly elderly Maori fluent in their mother tongue.  53  The most recent data from the 2001 National Maori Language Survey  states that 25% of the population now speak Maori.  The Maori have used different  strategies to move closer to the goal of stabilizing the language to reverse language shift.  54  The rise of language shift began at the grassroots level, as all successful language revitalization attempts must. Some of the key successes include the following: in 1987 the Maori Language became an official language of New Zealand, coinciding with the establishment of the Maori Language Commission of New Zealand; the creation of Te Kohanga Reo language nests in 1982; the development of Kura Kaupapa Maori schools; the creation of Whare Kura secondary immersion schools and Whare Waananga (Maori  Maori Language Commission website According to the Survey, the highly fluent speakers were still beyond the child- bearing years -age 45 and older. However at the time of the survey 54% of all speakers were between the ages of 16 - 34, the first of the batch of the Kura Kaupapa immersion students, would be in this category. Half of this 16-34 yearold group reported speaking Maori before six years of age. 86% percent of the Maori, many of them immersion students, were recorded as the highly fluent speakers. 5 4  47  teriary institutions); and finally, in the late 1980s, the Maori language was incorporated into radio and television programming. The  major factor reversing language shift began in 1981  at the  Hui  55  Whakatauira, at the inception of the Te Kohanga Reo. The primary concept was for the elders and older generations to "feed" the language and knowledge to their grandchildren and children.  The idea of elders as teachers in the classroom did not work. The  developmental needs and amount of energy required was too overwhelming for the elders.  56  Younger adults with child care or teaching qualifications, who also embraced 57  the philosophies of the kaupapa The  58  and whanau, entered the classrooms.  whanau is traditionally based on kinship ties; however, the binding  relationship of the Te Kohanga Reo allows the guidelines of the kaupapa. The kaupapa is based on "the involvement and speaking Maori...all the time and everywhere".  59  principles behind language nests include: • • •  One  The  60  The revitalization of Te Kohanga Reo, (the Maori Language) The revitalization of the whanau, (extended family) The revitalization of the concept of Maori mona motuake (autonomy)  of the critical principles of the Maori language nests is that they aren't just  preschools for the parents to send their children. Rather the parents are responsible to the whanau, to the collective, not just to their children. This ideally this includes the parents  55 5 6  57 58  Definition: Meeting. King, from Te Kohanga Reo The Green Book in Language Revitalization p. 124: 2001. Personal communication with Graham Smith 2006.  Definition: Philosophy. Definition: Extended family or large group who practice extended values and principles.  5 9  King from Te Kohanga Reo The Green Book in Language Revitalization p. 125: 2001.  60  Mead from Nga Alio Te Kakahu Matauranga: the Multiple Layers of Struggle by Maori in Education. Thesis p. 76 1996.  48  taking language classes themselves in order to support their children's language development in the home as well as in the school. Notwithstanding the above, Graham Smith has warned the following: The Te Kohanga Reo and various efforts have been tremendously successful up to a point - at the moment in 2004 we have only arrested the decline of the language - there is still much to do to get the language to regenerate and rise and grow. Furthermore, Te Kohanga Reo - is just one good idea - it has been an excellent intervention, but again we can't stop trying to generate more creative ways to enhance the language. 61  The success of the language nests, community responsibility, and the Maori mana motuake (autonomy) paved the way to the Kura Kaupapa Maori primary schools. Like the First Nations in Canada, the graduation rates of Maori children in the public school system were embarrassingly low. The failure of the education system, coupled with the need for Maori language and pedagogy in the schools, set in motion a sweeping educational movement. The Kura Kaupapa Maori school movement was fuelled by the demand of Maori parents and educators for a nation-wide option for separate schooling.  This schooling  was based on the philosophies and language immersion stemming from Te Kohanga Reo. One 'pilot' school in 1985 increased to 54 Kura Kaupapa Maori schools by 1997.  62  The act of educational decolonization of the Maori involved collective resistance. Transformation can be a struggle, and down-right ugly, but transformation always has purpose and a catalyst.  Kaupapa, the involvement and speaking Maori all the time and  everywhere, combined with the dissatisfaction with the substandard education system, created an educational avalanche. 61  6 2  Graham Smith,New Zealand Association for Research in Education Conference Presentation 2004. Maori Language Commission.  49  This is what Kaupapa Maori strategies have achieved: 1) It has changed state structures and state schooling, 2) It has re-committed many formerly disenchanted Maori parents to again taking schooling and education seriously, 3) It has given hope and developed enthusiasm toward language revitalisation and recovery, 4) It has developed a new group of young Maori language speakers, 5) It has politicised Maori parents to structural impediments which need to be dealt with in order to overthrow educational crises, 6) It has influenced curriculum and pedagogy. 63  The positive educational statistics and community involvement led to more growth. The opening of Whare Kura (immersion secondary schools), and Whare Waananga (Maori tertiary institutions) followed. Enrolment in the tertiary institutions rose from 3.6% of the total student body in 1986 to 9.6 % in 1993.  64  The Maori language has ceased to decline, and the efforts to revitalize are seen as a model that other Indigenous peoples attempt to follow in their own struggles towards language revitalization.  Unfortunately, in comparison with the Maori, the Squamish  Nation has fewer members to do the work. The lessons that can be taken from this example are as follows:  that language revitalization is possible; the highly successful  language nests, the initial key to language revitalization programming, are modelled on philosophies that are inherent to the Maori culture; and the language revitalization movement snowballed into educational, political, cultural, and social transformation. However there are still other ideas still to be discovered.  Smith , from The Development of Kaupapa Maori: Theory and Praxis. 59: 1997. Fettes, from The Nature and Extent of Maori Control Over Education 17: 1995.  50  Hawaiian Renaissance and the Immersion Schools Education has been used as an agency used to stabilize or reverse language shift. The Hawaiians began their educational resistance modelled on the Maori's beginnings of language revitalization. Although these models are similar, the use of the Hawaiian language is unique on each island and different struggles arise within each island. The Hawaiian language is also an endangered language, with the majority of the speakers being elderly. In the early 1980s, there were an estimated 2,000 native speakers of Hawaiian, most over the age of 70. There were, however, 50 children under the age of 18 who spoke Hawaiian fluently.  65  Hawaii was unique in the sense that at this time  Ni'ihau is a privately-owned island where the Hawaiian language is used in the conversation by the families.  Although the language is still endangered, there are  children who have been raised outside of the Ni'ihau island with Hawaiian as their first language in the home and in the schools. The Hawaiian immersion process stems from the political beginnings during the "Hawaiian Renaissance" of the 1970s and 1980s. This was a period of the time when there was renewed interest in Hawaiian language and culture.  A small number of  educators immersed themselves in the Hawaiian language by speaking with the elders. In 1983 this small group of educators founded the Aha Punana Leo, language nest gathering (named in recognition of the recent work of the Maori).  This was the  beginning of the reestablishment of the Hawaiian language schools that had been closed 90 years earlier as a result of the "English-only" policies of the United States. The schools operated "illegally" for three years while the group lobbied to remove the  6 5  Aha Punana Leo website:  51  legislative ban on educating in another language than English.  In 1986 the schools  became "legal". The Kula Kaiapuni elementary immersion schools began with a pilot project in 1987. The schools have since expanded to three model K- 12 schools. In the summer of 2002, Kauanoe Kamana and Bill Wilson, founders of Aha Punana Leo, and their children were on holidays in the Vancouver area. I had just been hired as the Squamish Language Curriculum Writer for the Department of Education and contacted them earlier that spring inquiring about their immersion programming. While in the area, they visited our community for a couple of days. At that time, Pila Wilson and Kauanoe Kamana's children were the first to graduate from the Hawaiian immersion schools.  Their class performed on par or better  than their non-immersion counterparts on standardized testing. were either attending or about to attend university.  Both of their children  Not only were they educated in  Hawaiian, but they were raised in their homes speaking Hawaiian. It was obvious to us that they were raised to know who they are in the world. The Squamish Nation Education Department, the Squamish speaking elders, and select others went on an educational trip to Hawaii during the following spring in 2003 to examine their immersion models and their curricula as it developed over the past twenty years. Their educational philosophy, Kuma Honua Mauli Ola, shaped the curriculum and relationships at the Nawahiokalani 'Opu 'u immersion school in Hilo, Hawaii. In our travels to the school we were welcomed by the entire school population: staff and students from nursery to grade twelve. We began our day outside of the school by participating in their morning routine of chanting. It was apparent that we were witnessing something valuable. The chants were distinctly "Hawaiian". The boys were  52  on one side of the doorway and the girls were on the other side. What wasn't apparent to us as "outsiders" is that they order their lines genealogically.  66  This is a part of the Mauli, which translates into English as "culture"; however, it includes their particular world-view as well as the genealogy and relations to the physical world. A high school student was given the role as an English "translator" for us. A student may take on certain leadership roles, including the role of translator, as they move up the grade levels. They are given the responsibility to formally take the guests through the process of entering the school. They are also responsible for helping the younger students. These roles of responsibility, a part of the Mauli, are geared towards students of all levels as well as to the parents. The parents must commit to mandatory volunteer hours, language training to support the children in the home, as well as paying tuition to the school. This strengthens family commitment to the language, roles, and presence in the schools. The educational philosophy that we witnessed serve three purposes: it allows the child to learn to importance of their genealogy and relations, it demands responsibility in working and learning together, and it allows for graduated leadership roles.  67  The school environment was shaped by aspects of the Mauli as well. This follows the learning methodology of the proverb, Ma ka hana ka 'ike, "in working one learns".  68  Most of the science-based activities occurred outdoors and discussed agriculture, such as  6 6  6 7 6 8  Kamana and Wilson, from The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice P161: 2001. Ibid. p. 160. Yamauchi L . from "The Sociocultural Context of Hawaiian Language Revival and Learning Final Report"p. 20: 2001.  53  the taro patch.  They also taught aquaculture, important to the Hawaiians, by  demonstrating the relationship of interdependent sea life in large tanks. Kupuna,  "elders",  have  been  development and curriculum process.  the  cornerstone  in the  immersion school  Initially they coined new terms for the school.  69  The educators who built this school relied on them for initial language contact and as the cornerstone for building the Kuma Honua Mauli Ola, educational philosophy. The Hawaiian language revitalization process is comparable to the Maori in several ways, but has some different elements that are useful to Squamish revitalization. First of all, the movement began initially with a small group of people. Although the immersion schools are now on a few islands, Kamana Kaunoe stated that each school, 70  for the most part, i s "developing independently"  from the others. The children from  Ni'ihau primarily enter the school system as fluent speakers. Second, viewing how a school embeds the Mauli into the school environment and the curriculum was useful to the Squamish to consider in creating its own philosophy and school structure. Third, the Hawaiians have used the fluent elders in the same way that the Squamish have. There are ways to further advance the immersion cause, such as setting up a process to coin new words. Although education has been a useful tool in reversing language shift, there are other avenues that must be utilized at the same time.  Squamish Nation has very few  fluent speakers left. The speakers must be incorporated into the language revitalization movement in as many creative ways as possible. Many of the languages of California 69  7 0  Kamana and Wilson, from The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice PI 68: 2001. Personal communication 2003.  54  have very few, if any Indigenous language speakers left. They have employed their own strategy for reversing language shift.  California Breath of Life Program Many of the Californian languages are considered extinct. Indigenous peoples in California experienced language extinction and language endangerment through widespread massacres, slavery by the Spanish, and dislocation. Today, there are small groups of people who are "waking up" the languages. The linguist Leann Hinton helped to develop the Advocates for Indigenous California Language Survival after being moved into action by witnessing the last speakers of Californian languages come forward during a 1991 Indian language conference.  71  There are two parts to this organization's mandate. The first, "The Breath of Life Program", is for languages with no living speakers.  The aim is to begin restoring, or  "waking up" a language. Co-participants are trained in elements of research and linguistics. This is exactly what the Squamish language revitalization team is trying to avoid. The second strategy is the Californian Master-Apprentice Language Learning Program. A fluent speaker is teamed with a member who wants to learn the language. They both receive training and must meet weekly for activity-based immersion sessions for 300 hours a year for a total of three years. The goal is conversational proficiency in this amount of time.  71  Tempest, from " A Race to Save Fading Native Languages". The State San ,Francisco Saturday June 8,  2002 .  55  In her book, How to Keep Your Language Alive, Hinton outlines the expectations of language comprehension and speaking abilities over the three-year period, the methodologies used, and how to plan for each session. The book is a helpful reference, but running a program in isolation is difficult. The program in California requires that masters and apprenticeships come in twice a year and keep records of their activities. Support is a fundamental part of this process since the program itself is very demanding. Yet the rewards are numerous. "Learning my language was the hardest and the best thing I ever did in my life", Nancy Steele stated after learning the Kurak language. L . Frank Mariquez spoke of the power of being able to pray in her language. "The language is still there, just like the land is still there, it may be covered in concrete, you may have to pay to park there, but it is still there".  7 2  The Californian Master-Apprenticeship model is useful because it is usable by those who have few elders. The language is centred on activities, rather than lessons. Reemergent speakers benefit by using some of these activities to begin speaking the language to each other again in a comfortable setting. This process, however, is slow. The Squamish Nation cannot afford to train one apprentice every three years.  The Squamish Nation is fortunate in that it has second  language speakers and members trained in different fields such as education and linguistics. I am hopeful that with the specialized human resources that exist within the Nation, some of these methodologies can be successfully employed.  Peter Jacobs is  "Language Revitalization in California" Ninth Annual Stabilizing Indigenous Languages Conference Bozeman Montana, 2 0 0 2 . 7 2  56  receiving his PhD in linguistics and is able to understand applied linguistics as a part of the program that Hinton has developed. The Squamish-speaking elders of our Nation have indicated that they need alternate venues to begin speaking the language in. Elements of this program have the potential to increase comfort in speaking the language and increase fluency amongst second language speakers.  Summary In this chapter I have provided various strategies used by selected Indigenous communities which potentially might assist the Squamish Nation in their own language revitalization processes. The key to all of these strategies is that there is a committed group of people who are zealous about their language. Whether these groups are large or small, they also need to collaborate with the elders in the language revitalization process. In the next chapter I consider those elements which form the foundational components that need to be considered when one considers what is the essence of what we are (as a Squamish Nation) trying to revitalize and preserve within our language struggle.  57  C H A P T E R FOUR:  T H E STUDY  In this chapter I look at the nuances of Squamish language revitalization and consider what counts as the 'essence' of the language. This is done through an interview process with Squamish language elders, second language speakers, and one language learner.  Introduction to the Study  The two main research questions focused around identity and measures we can take to help revitalize the Squamish Language: 1. Is the Squamish language central to the culture and identity of the Squamish Nation? 2. What do we need to do to revitalize the language? The first question frames the chapter. This chapter includes the recommendations and strategies for Squamish language revitalization. I summarize their recommendations on Squamish language revitalization and the role of the Elders' Language Advisory Group. All of the elders I interviewed are a part of Nexwniw'n ta a Imats, the Elders' Language Advisory Group.  They are all fluent, highly proficient speakers, or re-  emergent speakers as identified in CHAPTER ONE.  The second category includes the  second language speakers (also outlined in CHAPTER ONE). They are co-participants of this study. This group of people has specialized knowledge of the Squamish Language that is found no where else in the world. As stated in CHAPTER ONE, the objectives of this thesis are as follows:  58  1)  to document the value the elders place on speaking their mother tongue,  2)  to show why language revitalization is necessary to the community,  3)  to provide the Squamish community and future generations of Squamish language learners with written and oral testimony of three generations of language speakers: fluent language speakers, re-emergent language speakers, and language learners.  4)  to encapsulate the Squamish ways of knowing and show how this will help to enhance a successful language revitalization program,  5)  to identify and improve methods for Squamish Language revitalization programming.  These objectives are discussed through the interviews and are summarized at the end of this chapter, with the exception of objective five, which is discussed in the following chapter, C H A P T E R FIVE. The questions asked were based on two separate sets of interview questions - one for the elders, and the other for the second language speakers. (See Appendix A). The main difference between these two sets of questions has to do with the choice of the second language learners to learn Squamish as adults. The questions and responses were both in English. My research questions, framed around identity, invoked "thematic" answers. M y hypothesis at the beginning of the study was the following: / believe that all of those  speakers of Squamish language and those learning the language will attest that Squamish language is central to the culture and identity as Squamish people. My hypothesis was correct; however, the themes, as articulated by the language speakers, are critical to "identity and culture". They also encapsulate distinct ways of knowing that are necessary to Squamish language revitalization efforts.  59  The two distinct themes surrounding identity and culture developed from the interview questions.  The two major themes are split into two clusters. Each cluster has  separate topics that support the themes. The first cluster is Xw 'nixw,' "The Upbringing", and the Second one is Nilh telhtim a-chet, "Those are our Ways". No theme is an isolate, but I have organized them in this fashion for clarity. overlap.  These themes unsurprisingly  When they are woven together, they form the base for Squamish Language  revitalization. Here are the themes:  Themes Xwnixw' The Upbringing The first cluster, the upbringing, is the traditional way that Squamish children were/are raised. The upbringing includes kindness, respect, understanding one's history and cultural elements of Squamish society.  1.  Wandxws-Respect Respect, in the Squamish sense, is more than minding one's manners. Respect is  a concept that binds the community together.  It is also a collective value. Wandxws  translates best as "to show respect". This respect is shown to each other as human beings, to the land and to oneself. It is a way of speaking that is inherent in the language.  2.  Timistut/T'elhk'em -Exertion/Diligence These themes are related to each other.  Within traditional society, economics  were tied to the land and its resources. Laziness was not an option - the seasons didn't  60  allow it.  These two types of discipline applied themselves in different areas of  specialized work, in government practices, and in spiritual training. The co-participants of this study remember this as a virtue that was demonstrated by their elders.  Nilh telhtim 'a-chet, "Those are our Ways" The beginning of the second cluster, "Those are our Ways", includes Squamish ways of knowing, identity, and culture, and is summarized by one phrase.  3.  Identity One of the main research question focuses on identity.  There were several  responses that demonstrate that language is tied to Squamish identity.  4.  Pride As a part of the reclaiming process, speaking the language invokes a feeling of  self esteem.  5.  Ways of knowing Part of our ways of knowing is in the Squamish narratives. These include the oral  histories, legends, and contemporary experiences.  Many of our "lessons" in life are  expressed in these narratives, whether it is Mink displaying an unworthy quality in many of his mishaps, or the Sky Brothers transforming a part of our territory. A co-participant gives an example of one of these narratives in our Ways of Knowing.  61  6.  Teaching methodology The teaching methodology that was explained by a co-participant in this section is  specific to language learning.  7.  Humour The late Ernie Harry, a fluent speaker of the language, commented that the  language isn't complete without its particular sense of humour. The sense of humour in the Squamish language is subtle, and is also used to teach.  8.  Xen 'xen — Reminiscing/ Remembering old times  Xen 'xen means reminiscing or remembering old times, is also the Squamish word for retracing the family tree. A l l of these aspects are a critical part of relating to one another. It is a part of the collective memory.  9.  Texture Texture is one of the more complicated themes. It represents how one speaks the  language, as there are elements to the language that reflect the distinctly Squamish world view, such as the speed of the language. The Squamish language is spoken at a slower rate than most European languages. The other notion of texture is internal. It is these kinds of intrinsic values that the speakers experience while speaking in Squamish. There are three distinct sections for the interviews. First, there is the expository writing discussing each theme. The interviews themselves follow, where large excerpts of  62  text are included, and finally my field notes.  This is a post modern approach to the  interviews, but this is done for two specific reasons. First, as a part of maintaining the co-participants' voices, their selected responses to the interview questions are primarily kept intact. Their words are necessary to record as a part of Squamish history, and their collective responses are vital for the strategies of Squamish Language revitalization. Second, it allows for my 'voice' to be included in the interviews as well. I am a part of the language revitalization efforts, and my thoughts are reflected in the field notes. The field notes were written in two ways.  I made notes directly after the  interview, and I listened to the recorded interviews before analysing the data. Listening to the interviews and reading the transcripts are completely different experiences. The pauses, the intonations, the crows in the background, each added element makes the setting of the interview distinct. To capture this oral element, and because I am a part of the community, I have included my own 'voice' in the writing process. M y field notes are enclosed by text boxes.  The Interviews Introduction The following interview summaries contain selections of commentary from various interviewees. Each person was subjected to an interview/discussion which centred around certain themes, but did not strictly follow a formal question and answer process. Each interview in this sense was free-ranging and followed the lead and interest of the person who was being interviewed.  63  This technique was designed to be interview-friendly. It also acknowledged that the co-participants were the experts, and that I was a co-participant in the interview process; this enabled me to pursue areas of mutual interest, rather than using an interviewer-dominant approach. All of these points are consistent with Squamish cultural values around respect for elders, respect for those who know, respect for knowledge, and respect for families and history.  Smen 'alh, High Class or Respected People  All of the co-participants in this study are smen 'alh - high class and respected people of the community. A high-class person knows where they "come from". The knowledge of ancestral lineage is necessary to understand the intricate and binding ties that secure familial obligations, responsibilities, and marriage eligibility. Being a respected person means that the person not only understands his or her place of origin, but that he or she has the "upbringing". This includes the Squamishspecific cultural knowledge, values and teachings of the Xw'nixw', the upbringing. The traditional way of introducing a person to someone includes their ancestral names, "who" they come from, and place of origin. Family life and relationships are the cornerstone of Squamish identity. The familial ties of the elders and language speakers overlap. Their places of birth do not necessarily reflect the traditional, or hereditary place they are from. Introducing oneself is also dependant upon the situation at hand. In this thesis, I introduce each co-participant with reference to their language exposure. Each person, except for myself, heard the language from a parent or a grandparent. It is  64  these people I write about. It is the co-participants' interest and dedication in language revitalization that is relevant to this study. The quote that I have chosen from each interview best depicts the reason why each person has become involved in the Squamish language revitalization movement. The responses are laid out thematically, beginning with the highly proficient/ fluent speakers; the re-emergent speakers and second language speakers follow.  65  Introductions  Kwitelut,  Lena J a c o b s Highly Proficient S p e a k e r  It's m y l a n g u a g e . I've  forgotten,  A n d it's just that s o m e w o r d s , it e v a d e s m e ,  but it c o m e s  back,  because  we  s p e a k i n g o u r l a n g u a g e as often as we s h o u l d .  haven't  been  It's better if we  s p e a k o u r l a n g u a g e , like if y o u s e e s o m e b o d y that s p e a k s l a n g u a g e , talk to t h e m in o u r l a n g u a g e , what y o u know.  men wa ha7lh?"  "H/e chexw  yuu".  your  "Chexw  Y o u know t h o s e few w o r d s ,  " H o w a r e y o u a n d take care.  Kwitelut was 95 at the time of this interview. She is the eldest speaker of the Squamish language. She learned the Squamish language from her mother, Molly John. She was sent to boarding school, but left the school after she became sick with whooping cough early in her education. Her mother never sent her back to school and as a result she grew up speaking Squamish:  ...(I)t's  t h e only  language  language  I  heard  was o u r  S h e was a g o o d w o m a n .  Skwxwu7mesh  S h e w a s a g o o d Christian  a n d s h e followed y o u might s a y t h e bible.  And uh,  Nexwniw'n.  Like t h e y said f r o m t h e time y o u ' r e s m a l l , t h e y start t e a c h i n g us our  upbringing,  Xwnixw',  we call it.  S h e started  a b o u t a lot of g o o d things in life that I m u s t follow. treat people a n d y o u will be treated t h e s a m e . good teacher. another  teacher  A n d then s h e married of o u r l a n g u a g e ,  teaching m e How I m u s t  S h e was a very  m y step-father that w a s  because  it w a s t h e only  l a n g u a g e we s p o k e when I w a s growing.  66  Nekwsaliya,  Margaret Locke Highly Proficient S p e a k e r  I've been t e a c h i n g roughly eight y e a r s lets say... I j u s t w a n t e d to...I enjoyed  it.  I  was  glad  I  was  able  to  come  to  speak  again...Encourage t h e m , talk to t h e m (in t h e l a n g u a g e ) , explain to t h e m t h e future. any younger.  They'll be t h e next leaders.  W e ' r e not getting  They'll be t h e next leaders.  Nekwsaliya has been participating in the Nexwniw 'n ta a Imats for about eight years. One of her greatest hopes is to keep the Squamish language alive for future generations, like her grandchildren. Her mother went to boarding school, and as a result spoke primarily English to Margaret. Margaret communicated in the Squamish language with her grandfather, Dick Issac:  I'd s a y I w a s a b o u t  6 or 7 y e a r s o l d .  I heard  it t h o u g h o u r  g r a n d f a t h e r , he'd s p e a k o u r language all of t h e t i m e , h e h ...he did t e a c h us a lot, but w h e n y o u r y o u n g , y o u know y o u d o n ' t p a y that m u c h attention... he knew a lot o u r grandfather.  W e ' d hear h i m  talking to t h e priests in C h i n o o k .  67  T e l s e n t s u t , Frank Miranda Highly Proficient S p e a k e r  C a u s e that's s o m e t h i n g m y father wanted to keep g o i n g , t h e S q u a m i s h l a n g u a g e a n d culture.  (It's important) For t h e y o u n g e r  g e n e r a t i o n s to know who they a r e , not just by n a m e , y o u know, but know their S q u a m i s h a n d their culture. ' C a u s e lot of other b a n d s have lost their l a n g u a g e a n d their culture a n d e v e r y t h i n g .  Telsentsut's father Louis Miranda, fondly referred to as "Uncle Louis" by the community, was the key contributor in the early stages of Squamish language revitalization. He hand-wrote approximately 10,000 pages of Squamish history, legends and language. Frank Miranda was sent to residential school, as all the elders were, but he continued to speak the language throughout his lifetime to a close circle of friends and to his parents, Louis and Jessie Miranda, after leaving Saint Paul's residential school. He participated in the Nexwniw 'n ta a Imats for two years until he passed away in October, 2005.  S o I finally d e c i d e d to go (to the Nexwniw'n  ta a Imats)  I went o v e r  t h e r e w h e n V a n e s s a a s k e d m e . C a u s e that's s o m e t h i n g m y f a t h e r w a n t e d to keep going the S q u a m i s h l a n g u a g e a n d culture.  For t h e  y o u n g e r g e n e r a t i o n s to know who they a r e , not just by n a m e , y o u know, but know their S q u a m i s h a n d their culture.  C a u s e lot of o t h e r  b a n d s h a v e lost their l a n g u a g e a n d their culture a n d e v e r y t h i n g .  68  Sxananalh sawt,  Lucille Nicholson Re-emergent  Speaker  I h a v e heard m y g r a n d m o t h e r saying t h e words in t h e language...  it's slowly  coming  back  to me, t h e words. A n d I feel like if I c a n  s h a r e it with t h e children that would be a w e s o m e . real necessity to h a v e y o u r l a n g u a g e .  I think it's a  E v e r y b o d y else h a s their  l a n g u a g e , e v e r y other nationality.  Sxananalh joined the Nexwniw'n  ta a Imats in the spring of 2004. Her late  mother, Skwetsiya, the late Eva Lewis, was a founding member of Nexwniw  'n ta a Imats.  As a result of attending residential school, Eva did not speak the Squamish language to her children. Lucille heard much of the language from her grandmother:  My earliest m e m o r i e s a r e of m y g r a n d m o t h e r s p e a k i n g . S h e spoke  part of h e r s e n t e n c e  in S q u a m i s h  language  and the  o t h e r part w a s English, I can recall, I'm not too sure a b o u t t h e a g e , but I w a s at h o m e , m y g r a n d m o t h e r looked after m y s e l f a n d m y cousin Ronnie Jo. S o we were with m y g r a n d m o t h e r a lot w h e n I w a s y o u n g e r before I went to school.  W e u s e d to  play cards....think I m a y h a v e been about five o r six... I w a s thinking a b o u t it t h e other d a y , a n d I think s h e w a s a big, big influence in m y life, b e c a u s e I c a n r e m e m b e r h e r s a y i n g how i m p o r t a n t family w a s , etc. S h e didn't s a y so m u c h a b o u t t h e language,  I think m a y b e s h e was a bit afraid of us b e c a u s e  we w e r e n ' t allowed to s p e a k o u r language in boarding s c h o o l , a n d I w a s in boarding school  in m y later life,  m y later y e a r s .  S o I would s a y s h e is a big influence in m y life with her talking her l a n g u a g e , o u r l a n g u a g e , a n d s h e u s e d to tell us a lot of stories.  69  C h i y a l h i y a , Lila J o h n s t o n Re-emergent Speaker  I feel that the l a n g u a g e is so important a n d it's given m y s e l f m o r e self-  esteem  and  being  able  to  speak  to  o v e r w h e l m s m e in the t h o u g h t of like having  back.  anybody.  It  our language  just  come  A n d it m a y b e different, a little bit s o u n d i n g , but it's still o u r  l a n g u a g e that's going to be s a v e d for our own children's c h i l d r e n .  The late Eva Lewis was also Chiyalhiya's mother. Lila joined the Nexwniw 'n ta a  Imats around ten years ago. She recounts the joy language brought her during childhood:  I  was  really  young,  maybe  g r a n d m o t h e r , well actually  four, five,  the two  when  my  mother  and  g r a n d m a s , A n n i e who  was  S t a s h Jack and A g n e s Joe. I u n d e r s t o o d m o s t of the l a n g u a g e as a little girl; I knew m o s t of the words... g r a n d m a A g n e s was really the inspiration of m y life b e c a u s e I used to r u n , lived o v e r here near t h e ,  my  a w a y , a n d I'd  s o n ' s in the  log h o u s e now.  A b o u t five  houses  run o v e r there every day and s h e ' d be so j o y o u s ,  like j u s t g l e a m i n g all over... she couldn't s p e a k English. really nice to be with her.  It  was  A l s o , we used to call A n n i e m y o t h e r  g r a n d m a , used to call her little ta7a c a u s e she was j u s t four feet. Yeah.  A n d t h e y ' d like four or five of t h e m would g a t h e r a r o u n d  m o m ' s place a n d h a v e tea all d a y , a n d j u s t talk nothing but their language.  T h a t was a lot of j o y for m e to s e e that.  70  Tiyaltelut,  A u d r e y Rivers Re-emergent Speaker  I think it is important to s p e a k the S q u a m i s h ( l a n g u a g e ) . m e it's a  rebirth  of our S q u a m i s h a n c e s t o r s .  To  K e e p it alive.  Tiyaltelut became a part of the Nexwniw 'n ta a Imats group around four years ago. Her late sister, Sxananalh, Yvonne Joseph was an original part of the Advisory Group as well. Audrey was immersed in the Squamish language until she was sent to attend residential school. Here she recalls a part of her childhood:  ... (M)y  two g r a n d m o t h e r s , as well as my m o m a n d dad who all  spoke  the  Squamish  language  fluently.  Every  morning  my  g r a n d m o t h e r s would c o m e to m y parent's place for t o a s t a n d tea in the m o r n i n g a n d lunch in the e v e n i n g a n d t h e y only s p o k e the S q u a m i s h l a n g u a g e while they were in the p r e s e n c e of o u r family.  71  S h e l l e n e Paul  Life-long l a n g u a g e learner It was a c o n t i n u a n c e of I what I was trying t o , what was being t a u g h t to m e as a child, b e c a u s e m y uncle always s p o k e S q u a m i s h , my grandma  always  spoke Squamish, Agnes  Ta7a Joe always  spoke  Squamish.  A few of the elders I used to run to the store for always  spoke  S q u a m i s h , like Josie Paull. If y o u went up a n d d o w n the street, m y g r a n d m u m took care of Blind G e o r g e there was a lot of elders that only s p o k e S q u a m i s h that I r e m e m b e r . . . It was j u s t a way of life.  Shellene is the daughter of Lucille Nicolson. She considers herself a lifelong learner of the language. She supports the Squamish language, and has supported the Squamish language programs over the years. I first met Shellene when I was the undergraduate summer student for the Department of Education in 1999. M y responsibilities were to help develop a four-day immersion and cultural camp. Shellene attended the camp with her two sons. The Squamish language was a part other family upbringing:  I  have  Mission,  the  fortune  named  of growing  Ta7a  Agnes  up with  one  Lackett-Joe.  brother, Uncle G e o r g e Lackett-Joe...We'd  of the My  elders  of  grand-mum's  play cards a n d it would  be half English and half S q u a m i s h . . I'm always shy a b o u t s a y i n g that  I  learned  Squamish  language  from  the  first  class  V a n e s s a t a u g h t , V a n e s s a C a m p b e l l , and Uncle Louis M i r a n d a . were the pilot project...  that We  T h e r e was a few of us that were the first  class that got accredited for having t a k e n S q u a m i s h l a n g u a g e in high s c h o o l .  T'naxwtn, Tlh'alhbe',  Peter J a c o b s Second Language Speaker  I think e v e r y group of people has to m a k e a decision a b o u t w h a t t h e y think is i m p o r t a n t for their c o m m u n i t y , a n d w e ' v e m a d e o u r decision.  Eventually its going to be out of o u r h a n d s , a n d in s o m e  s e n s e , a lot of it is out of o u r h a n d s now, a whole g e n e r a t i o n of young  people c o m i n g up who have  their own minds m a d e up  a b o u t w h a t t h e y think is important for o u r community... k e e p s m e going t h e n , is that I've m a d e a  What  choice.  One of T'naxwtn's strengths is language mastery. He graduated with his Master's of Linguistics in the early 1990s! He is currently working on his PhD in Linguistics at the University of British Columbia. He began to work on Squamish language as a Master's student with his grandmother Kwitelut, Lena Jacobs.  Subsequently he found  contract and then full-time employment with the Department of Education. He began his work on the Squamish dictionary with the "God Squad" shortly before the Nexwnixw 'n ta a Imats  was formed under the direction of Education Director, Snitelwet, Deborah  Jacobs. Peter didn't get much exposure to the Squamish Language growing up, rather he heard the Kwak'wa'la language from his mother's family.  His involvement in the  Squamish language was personal:  And  I f o u n d o u t y o u know, there was less t h a n fifty p e o p l e that  s p o k e S q u a m i s h as their own l a n g u a g e at t h e time.  So then I just,  it like b e c a m e a c a u s e for m e . I was thinking other people w e r e c o n c e r n e d a b o u t t h e s e things a n d why a m I not c o n c e r n e d a b o u t m y o w n language...That's how I got interested. T h a t was the initial thing... I think o u r l a n g u a g e is valuable.  73  Vanessa Campbell  Second Language Speaker  W e have the other s p e c t r u m . T h e y d o n ' t put a n y v a l u e into the l a n g u a g e .  T h e y don't think it's n e c e s s a r y , t h e y d o n ' t feel  it has a place in this t i m e , in this world.  A n d that's fair, but that  is v e r y significant b e c a u s e that m e a n s they  still have  a choice.  have  a choice,  they  I believe the future should still have a choice...  T h e only place to learn our language is h e r e , right now.  Vanessa Campbell was one of late Uncle Louis's first students.  She became  involved with working for the Squamish Nation under the guidance of Louis Miranda in the early 1970s. They co-taught a Squamish language course at the first Catholic school in 1973.  She has taught in the public system for twenty-plus years, has developed  teaching and community materials, and is the Squamish language team leader.  Few  people spoke Squamish to her, although the adults often spoke to each other.  She  remembers the Squamish language being that of adults. This experience was echoed in residential school when the nuns would speak French to each other so the children would not understand what was being said. Vanessa was exposed to the language in the homes of elders:  T h i s was already  in the  1950s a n d early sixties, t h e y  like say eighty y e a r s  (the  elders)  were  old or older...People would m a k e  a  point to always go and visit them... W h e n we went to visit t h e m , they  only s p o k e in S q u a m i s h .  A n d I visited with t h e m with  my  g r a n d m o t h e r a lot a n d I don't know if it was b e c a u s e I w a n t e d to or j u s t b e c a u s e o n e of us or m o r e than one of us always went with her, a n d we just sat in the w a r m kitchen a n d had tea a n d listened to t h e m talk.  74  Kirsten Baker-Williams  Researcher  I  became  around  twenty  Later,  I visited  the  Elders'  language  interested and  a late elder  learner.  was fuelled  Bachelor  of  I have  Squamish  Advisory  group  from  than  would  the  evening  prove  more  the materials  with and  useful  I  was  classes. attended interested degree  to  I felt that a to  language  anthropology.  The work of developing  meeting  an  to the language.  years.  includes  as  and  an anthropology/sociology  as the Squamish  four  when  language  lessons,  meetings  worked  the past  language  language  by the exposure  Education efforts  learning  for some  My switch  education  review  attended  Language  revitalization  in  Elders'  Language  projects.  Language  curriculum  curriculum  Advisory  twice  writer  and  for  projects  a month  to  Cluster One: Xwnixw', The Upbringing  Xwnixw' is best translated as the ' U p b r i n g i n g ' .  It i n c l u d e s the v a l u e s that are  i n s t i l l e d i n the c h i l d r e n as w e l l as the w a y o f t e a c h i n g the values.  The foundation o f  xwnixw' is l o v e o f the people. L o v e is b u i l t t h r o u g h k i n d n e s s a n d respect. T h e roots o f these values are e m b e d d e d i n the Skwxwu7mesh snichim, the S q u a m i s h language. L i k e m a n y o f her late peers, prayer is K w i t e l u t ' s t o o l a n d the L o r d is her guide. H e r S q u a m i s h - s p e a k i n g friends and relatives departed this w o r l d d u r i n g the p r e v i o u s f e w years p r i o r to the i n t e r v i e w . A l t h o u g h she misses t h e m dearly, it is her f a i t h that gives her the i n n e r strength and tenacity to c o n t i n u e her w o r k o n the language! T h e other elders i n the E l d e r s ' L a n g u a g e A d v i s o r y group defer to K w i t e l u t i n our sessions before t h e y speak.  S h e has asked the y o u n g ones to listen to what t h e y ' v e b e e n t o l d , to r e m e m b e r  w h a t has b e e n taught to t h e m so they c a n pass it o n . B y y o u n g ones, she meant the s i x t y and seventy y e a r - o l d speakers i n the r o o m .  (Kwitelut, Lena J a c o b s ) I find  that being  language  that  brought  she  a n y t h i n g like that.  was She  up by  my  mother  understanding.  I  and  speaking  wasn't  slapped  our or  m a d e me sit down and she told me if it  was the w r o n g thing I was d o i n g , you know s o m e t i m e s we do get into mischief. that it was upbringing.  A n d s h e ' d talk to me and tell me that it was  the See  wrong thing to d o , and a d v i s e m e , my upbringing  why I ' m a loving p e r s o n . love t h e m .  was  very good.  wrong,  nexwniw'n,  I guess  that's  I like to hug people, s h o w t h e m that I  T h a t was our t e a c h i n g to be kind, and s p e a k kindly to  y o u r friend.  76  When  I arrived  propped heart.  at Kwitelut's  up on her bed with pillows She has her good  kind. She was willing could.  bungalow  She does  to interview supporting  this because  we're  related,  her room.  She was  with an  enormous  her, a tiny woman  days and her bad ones.  to help me on my school  her, I entered  She was tired, but as always so  project as she's  in any way that she reminded  possibly  me once  or  twice  before.  1.  Wandxws, Respect  For this study, in part, I was searching for the fissure between identity and language to assist the revitalization process. I was not entirely sure what that would look like. Kwitelut showed me. Almost immediately she began to speak of the xwnixw'. Although she was the only person to identify this term, there are other aspects of the upbringing that are distinct to Squamish: wandxws, or respect, to which Kwitelut speaks:  Like t h e y were very g o o d , very g o o d . grandfather.  I remember my husband's  In the s u m m e r t i m e we used to go a n d stay t h e r e .  u s e d to w a k e up, y o u know the daylight's early.  He  A b o u t three O ' c l o c k ,  four O'clock, he's u h , he's talking a n d that's all a b o u t the  xwnixw',  the  u p b r i n g i n g , how y o u m u s t live, what y o u m u s t d o , how y o u m u s t treat y o u r wife, how y o u m u s t treat y o u r h u s b a n d , all of t h o s e t h i n g s , how y o u m u s t treat y o u r friends, always show t h e m respect.  Siyam,  they  w e r e like that in the s m o k e h o u s e , when the people c o m e in, the visitors, t h e y ' r e f r o m all o v e r ,  mi chexw uuys, siyam,  c o m e on in h o n o u r e d o n e ,  a n d t h e y ' d go and seat t h e m , y o u have to show respect, all y o u r life. And  p e o p l e , people are watching how you a r e , and t h e n t h e y r e s p e c t  y o u for all the g o o d things that y o u do. You don't have to boast or  77  a n y t h i n g y o u know, no. T h e y always say that people are watching w h a t kind of p e r s o n y o u a r e , so y o u m u s t , t h e s e things y o u m u s t r e m e m b e r . Y e a h , we used to listen to h i m , m y g r a n d m o t h e r she was a g o o d w o m a n , she was  a g o o d cook.  A n d we wanted  to imitate  her  b e c a u s e she was a g o o d cook a n d e v e r y t h i n g , she m a k e s s o m e c a k e s y o u know she used to m a k e , berry, s a l m o n berry p u d d i n g . T h e big p a n , oh y o u ' v e n e v e r tasted pudding until y o u taste what she m a k e s , e h .  S h e used to have raspberries that we u s e d to  pick for her, and anything she c o o k e d , I would s a y that s h e m a d e the best duck s o u p that I've  e v e r t a s t e d , if y o u like d u c k s e h .  I  loved the way she c o o k e d it, y o u know how t h e y used to pluck it. A n d t h e n t h e y ' d burn the little, little feathers, like fluffy f e a t h e r s , she u s e d to m a k e a big pot of, that's what they  m a d e for the  people when they h a v e , t h e y have a big t i m e , e h . T h e y had a big s m o k e h o u s e and they had an o r c h a r d , y o u n a m e it, t h e y had it, trees e h . C h e r r y trees, p l u m s , oh g e e we u s e d to love to go t h e r e , a n d he used t o , her h u s b a n d used to plant his o w n , the p o t a t o e s . T h e y had a big f a r m and plant the p o t a t o e s , all the things that would last, the c a b b a g e and turnips, lots of carrots we u s e d to love to just go there a n d pick the carrots. t h e n it eat.  W e didn't e v e n wash it.  W e ' d j u s t brush it a n d  Everything was clean t h e n in  those days, eh. He was chief.  T h e y called him Chief S q u a m i s h J a c o b a n d that's  the Chieftainship that G i b b y had now.  Yeah.  quite a m a n .  G e t all the wood for the  My, he was a s u p e r m a n .  winter like they u s e d to have big d o , e h , big  He was,  he  was  milhaxw'txw. T h a t ' s  what we called the smilhaxw'txw, where they d a n c e d down h e r e . He had o n e , a big o n e .  But he was the first o n e that e v e r got a  s t o v e , a n d that was the cast iron s t o v e , it was big, e h .  A n d he  u s e d to get wood in the s u m m e r t i m e , carry all that w o o d , a n d that's why I s a y , m y g o o d n e s s that m a n ' s a s u p e r m a n . . .  78  G o f i s h i n g , m y g r a n d m o t h e r used to s m o k e t h e m .  T h e y u s e d to  s m o k e it, a n d t h e y u s e d to h a v e t h o s e big barrels, w o o d e n barrel. Fill it up with the fish you know, and salt it. h u n t e r , he salted the m e a t too.  A n d he was a g o o d  T h e y n e v e r wanted for a n y t h i n g .  T h e y could feed a whole b u n c h of p e o p l e s .  Sometimes even a  whole w e e k s o m e t i m e s , t h e y ' d stay t h e r e .  Her  story  a living with form  the  placed  me  memory.  there,  Kwitelut  old people.  She  of government,  residential ancestral  prior  school root  her  was  able  structures.  voice  changed  has  the highest  was  a child  ever  level  when  Kwitelut  away  She  was  mother-tongue  influences  while  of language  moving  proficiency,  the longhouse  to Amalgamation. to pluck  so slightly  was with  still the  petals  all of us. Telsentsut  she  used old  and  back grew  as the  people begin  spoke  into  of  up sole  before to pull  at  her:  ( T e l s e n t s u t , Frank Miranda) B e c a u s e I've  heard Lena talk about the t e a c h i n g s , Xwenexw'.  she was saying is what my father used to say.  What  H a v e r e s p e c t for  y o u r p e o p l e , for all y o u r people, not just certain p e o p l e , a n d h a v e r e s p e c t for yourself, if y o u don't h a v e respect for yourself,  that's  worse...Cause I used to hear t h e m , m y father say y o u h a v e r e s p e c t for e v e r y o n e , y o u n g a n d o l d , all p e o p l e ,  S q u a m i s h people.  Lena  was telling us that at the last time we s e e n her down there...keep our l a n g u a g e , a n d the y o u n g e r people is the o n e that should be t a u g h t to know who t h e y are.  C u l t u r e , e v e n if t h e y don't practice  it, but as  what the  things. your  long as they  know  culture  is.  And  certain  T h a t ' s what the old people used to s a y , show respect to  p e o p l e , to  everyone,  p e o p l e , to other tribes.  not just  the  Squamish  to  the  other  Y e a h it was nice to hear Lena talking a b o u t  that, respect and stuff like that.  T h a t ' s what I u s e d to hear f r o m  m y father, a n d he told m e that's what he heard f r o m his e l d e r s . Y e a h it was p a s s e d down g e n e r a t i o n .  79  is something  Wanaxws  Vanessa  "passed  out on her balcony,  down  generation".  she was wrapped  paradise,  created  with a chair  and side table  corner.  Complete  with a lamp  on the table,  was reading  and cast a warm  late  The occasional  lazily  winter. respond  oblivious, She spoke  Uncle Louis  at great  of Uncle.  length "Uncle"  to comfortably illuminating  is given  in Burrard  in Vancouver's  up in layers  on her face.  melody  and the boats  encased  lap and spoke  glow  winter  to issues,  As I sat down  grey. concepts,  is m a n - t ta Telsentsut,  A  sit on was nestled  towards  Vanessa  placed  late Frank  their the  Miranda's  chimes  destination,  the novel  within  she  in the  as the wind  move  and history  even  little in a  of the novel  air was nice,  to us by a breeze Inlet  interview  of blankets.  the pages  The fresh  to  on her community.  father,  Late  Miranda.  D i s l o c a t i o n o f the S q u a m i s h f r o m the traditional territory first c a m e t h r o u g h the m a r r i a g e o f c h u r c h and government, creating the reserve system. T h e s e are pieces o f h i s t o r y w h i c h are darker and h i d d e n f r o m p u b l i c scrutiny. Y e t  wandxws s t i l l a l l o w s one  to m a k e a d e c i s i o n about value. T h e values o f l o v e and kindness, f o u n d i n Clrristianity, m a t c h e d the values o f the S q u a m i s h .  (Vanessa Campbell) I think that it is really clear, you know it's v e r y clear in the world t o d a y , s o m e of the great, terrifying things that we are dealing with now is struggling to u n d e r s t a n d  how  m u c h we are the s a m e ,  how m u c h we c h o o s e to e x p r e s s o u r s e l v e s as the s a m e . idea of global e c o n o m i c s ,  and globalization  right now  and  T h e whole and  people  are struggling with that.  But as m u c h as s a m e n e s s we a c k n o w l e d g e each other or each  other  as  human  o u r s e l v e s and e a c h other.  beings,  the  differences  recognize  enrich,  enrich  I think s o m e t i m e s a b o u t how our elders  80  e m b r a c e d a n d a c c e p t e d , r e s p e c t e d Christianity. that  values  are  values,  no  o u t w a r d t r a p p i n g s there are.  matter  they're  expressed  or  A n d c o m e back to that main c o n c e p t  Uncle talked a b o u t which was and  how  And I understand  wanaxws,  respect.  Y o u recognize  value things that are enriching for y o u r lives a n d for e v e r y b o d y  a r o u n d y o u . U m , and in the l a n g u a g e e a c h culture e x p r e s s e s that for  w h a t e v e r r e a s o n , differences existed in the past a n d now t h e y  h a v e to be as i m p o r t a n t as similarities if y o u u n d e r s t a n d b o t h , think  you  Whether  can  get  you  differences,  to  choose  that to  wanaxws,  accept  to  and  that  learn,  or j u s t a c k n o w l e d g e that t h e y ' r e  point of  and  I  respect.  practice  there, and  other they're  v a l u a b l e to s o m e b o d y for s o m e r e a s o n , but not m a y b e for y o u .  So,  the l a n g u a g e e x p r e s s e s that f r o m m y point of view in our culture, it e x p r e s s e s that.  The consequences histories.  or action of not showing respect are evident in our oral  The great flood as told by Melkws to Hill-Tout  ones disrespecting  the animals and old people.  was caused by the young  The prophet warned them to change  their ways, but they did not.  A great flood occurred with only one canoe full of  people surviving  the world.  to repopulate  the people did  Despite great hardship,  survive. As one of our legends discusses.  Hill-Tout  with Xaays, the Sky  smoke  were human beings."  73  transformers, Xaays  It was very long ago, when the they came across an island with smoke the colour of  that indeed this was the Village of the Salmon People.  followers met with Kwu7s feast.  In their journey,  from the village rising from the houses,  signalling  or  records that "Once there were for four brothers named  who went about the country doing wonderful things. animals  Brothers  rainbows,  The Xaays and their  (spring salmon), the chief of the village and prepared for a  Before the Xaays and their followers had arrived, K w u 7 s asked four youth to  enter the sea and swim towards the salmon trap, they were transformed into salmon  73  Hill-Tout from The Salish People: the Local Contribution of Charles Hill-Tout Volume II.P.58: 1978  81  and swam as all salmon do during their running season, jumping and into the traps.  out of the water  The Xaays and his followers were given a great meal of salmon  and were advised to save all of the bones of the fish after they finished eating.  One  of Xaays young followers was curious, as youth often are about the world, and hid some of the bones to see what would happen.  Some of the people in the village  gathered the bones that each person had carefully laid aside and took them down to the sea to return the bones to the water.  These salmon transformed to people.  of the youth, getting out of the water, covered his face with his hands.  One  The youth  went up to the Chief to show his disfigured face, missing were his cheeks and nose. As it is with several Squamish legends, it is often the younger generation all sense of independence,  in  curiosity and rebellion that these teachings are given to  as they make their way into the world Traditionally,  the lesson of the salmon people  is not only to treat animals with respect. There is more to it then that. The spirit of the animals  is equal to our own, and there was a time that we were  indistinguishable  from one another in the living world.  almost  The old people referred to  the legends and oral history to relay knowledge and consequences of actions in the past.  And it is our elders that talk of the old people.  timers" say. have  This is what I saw the old timers do.  to do as the old ones did. However  This is what I heard the "old This doesn't mean the young  they must have  the knowledge  to  understand their actions and beliefs, actions impact the teachings.  A s m u c h as l i v e d l e s s o n s f r o m o u r e l d e r s , l e g e n d s , a n d o r a l h i s t o r i e s g i v e a n understanding o f  Wandxws  wandxws,  I b e l i e v e it i s s o m e t h i n g t o b e l e a r n e d i n the l a n g u a g e as w e l l .  is to s h o w respect t h r o u g h action. I k n o w it is a c o l l e c t i v e value.  How a  p e r s o n b e h a v e s , s i g n i f i e s the t e a c h i n g that t h e y h a v e o r h a v e n ' t r e c e i v e d t h r o u g h t h e i r family.  B u t there is m o r e to it t h a n that, it is i n the l a n g u a g e .  82  ( T ' n a x w t n , Peter J a c o b s )  It's very difficult for us to translate a lot of t h o s e ( w o r d s ) , not just the m e a n i n g of the w o r d s , but  the context of how things are said  a n d t a u g h t f r o m one l a n g u a g e to another..., a lot m o r e . . . g e t ( s )  lost  when y o u ' r e going f r o m S q u a m i s h into English... the w a y s that y o u think a n d talk to o n e another....  B e c a u s e a lot of it c o m e s from t h e s e , w h a t e v e r little particles in the l a n g u a g e that she(his g r a n d m o t h e r ) just adds in, which j u s t a d d a subtle little meaning...  S o I think that m u s t affect how y o u interact  with p e o p l e , a n d how children r e s p o n d to adults a n d to elders a n d stuff like that.  S o m e t h i n g gets lost when y o u ' r e going into E n g l i s h ,  not all of it but s o m e very important stuff I think.  Elements  of respect  Little  nuances  that  we show  are shown  that fluent respect  in the "little  speakers  in these  understand,  subtle  code that I am still years away from  words",  ways  as the elders  but remain  are encoded  cryptic  often to me.  in speaking  call  them.  The way  Squamish.  A  cracking...  83  2.  Timitstut/T'elhk'em, Exertion/Diligence  Timitsut m e a n s exertion. I f the s k i p p e r o f the canoe y e l l s "TimitsutV It m e a n s that e v e r y o n e p a d d l i n g exerts h i m s e l f one step further, breathing harder a n d f i n d i n g that strength, i f not w i t h y o u , then f r o m a greater power. T h i s term c a n be a p p l i e d to n e w dancers i n the l o n g h o u s e as w e l l . A s it has been p o i n t e d out to m e , the teachings r e m a i n the same, regardless o f m o v i n g o n r o u g h water, o r b e i n g under the n e w d a n c e r ' s hat.  ( T e l s e n t s u t , Frank Miranda) Oh.  It's, I don't know how y o u ' d say it, t h e y were m o r e polite, or  in their way of t a l k i n g , in their ways.  It was like m y father  trying to bring back the culture, well he b r o u g h t it - the dancing.  Indian  He got W a l k e r and V i n c e n t to c o m e o v e r f r o m M u s q u e a m  b e c a u s e we didn't have n o b o d y here to do that. got that g o i n g . culture  was  of the  We got that, he  A n d that was t a u g h t the old way. dancing.  It  was  strict.  T h a t was  Y o u know, the to t e a c h  discipline a n d respect...That's the best thing that we c a n d o . k e e p up the way  you Is to  we're g o i n g , t e a c h i n g o u r S q u a m i s h l a n g u a g e .  G e t y o u n g e r people to keep on with it...  I let myself in Telsentsut's  home.  The first time I visited him in his home a year  earlier, he took great care in showing me old sports photos of him in the war canoe, the Saint Theresa, and several photos of his late wife. Miranda,  His father was "Uncle" Louis  the man who got the canoe club going, the longhouse started, helped with  family namings, started teaching the Squamish language at the schools in his early eighties.  Frank saw his father over-extend  himself throughout his lifetime.  Although  people described him as shy, he had a very quick sense of humour, and I was often teased.  Fortunately,  I had a sense of humour;  you can't be Squamish without one.  He was sitting at his arm-chair in the living room waiting for me to get set up.  He  was always very direct, and like his late father, very kind.  84  T'elhk'em, or discipline, is another Squamish value. A l l of the old Squamish people worked hard to support their families, traditionally and in the wage economy. They would spend the better part of a season, away from home, on the road or in a boat. Many Squamish women worked in the camieries or the fields that bore berries or hops. Many grandmothers in the community were basket weavers.  ( S x a n a n a l h sawt, Lucille Nicholson) I'd s a y m y g r a n d m o t h e r b e c a u s e s h e was s o . . . I don't e v e n  know  the word f o r it. Like s u c h a lady. S h e held herself straight, straight. S h e w a s a tall p e r s o n , a n d to m e it w a s like s h e w a s s o p r o u d of her culture, a n d proud to be (a) S q u a m i s h p e r s o n . herself in high e s t e e m .  T h a t s h e held  I c a n r e m e m b e r h e r s a y i n g that  you're,  y o u ' r e , s h e would tell us a b o u t o u r g r a n d p a r e n t s , how t h e y instrumental  were  in t h e c o m m u n i t y , helping to build o u r h o u s e s e t c .  S o s h e left a big, I don't e v e n know t h e w o r d , s h e ... s h e . . .  I often  t h o u g h t I wish I could have been like h e r , s h e w a s s u c h a s t r o n g person.  V e r y strong m i n d e d .  A n d knew what s h e w a n t e d .  She  was h a p p y with what she h a d . T h e y were very hard w o r k i n g .  I can  remember  my grandmother  going d o w n ,  s h e was quite  elderly  a l r e a d y , but s h e ' d g o down to m y c o u s i n ' s a n d pick berries. their working habits also left a big i m p r e s s i o n o n m e .  So  My m o m w a s  the s a m e w a y , s h e did a lot. S h e w o r k e d in t h e c a n n e r y a n d picked s t r a w b e r r i e s , w h a t e v e r there w a s she worked for it. S h e didn't, s h e w a n t e d to be self-sufficient I g u e s s . she w a s v e r y y o u n g .  S h e w o r k e d hard f r o m w h e n  I g u e s s that's t h e i m p r e s s i o n t h e y left o n m e ,  that y o u work hard for what you get.  85  (Tiyaltelut, A u d r e y Rivers) U m m y g r a n d m o t h e r s always taught m e Indian way w h e t h e r it was for  h e a l i n g , a n d t h e y always provided for our n e e d s if our p a r e n t s  could  not  provide for our n e e d s  thirties as t h e y called it. work  like  in the  provide y o u  like I  was  born in the  hungry  A n d lot a t i m e s m y g r a n d m o t h e r s had to  canneries,  make  b a s k e t s , sell  know, their families a n d that's  b a s k e t s , to  what I  recall of  help my  g r a n d m o t h e r s . . . T h e y worked h a r d , m y g r a n d m o t h e r w o r k e d till she was eighty y e a r s o l d , she still c h o p p e d wood and she w o r k e d in the cannery  and  she  still  done  canning,  it  was  my  grandmother  Theresa.  Tiyaltelut, Audrey  Rivers, welcomed me into her home with some  fresh fruit. She had looked the questions over the night before and jotted some notes down to move our discussion along.  She is also  a very busy person and is often whisked away from one meeting to the next to help with opening  protocols  in Squamish  traditional  territory.  She is also very active at the Aboriginal  Vancouver  Friendship  Centre,  a place of gathering  for First Nations from all  over Canada who have decided to call Vancouver  home.  86  Cluster Two: Nilh telhtim'a-chet, Those are Our Ways  3.  Identity  M y central question was based on the concept of identity. The co-participants each spoke of how they correlated language to their own sense of being.  ( S x a n a n a l h sawt, Lucille Nicholson) It's  your,  it's  your...  language...something babies.  it's  your  they  identity,  were  taught  every from  nationality when  has  they  a  were  I w o r k e d in d a y c a r e and I could hear t h e m talking to the  babies in their l a n g u a g e .  A n d I think that gives a p e r s o n a. s e n s e  of security a n d a s e n s e of who y o u are, who y o u really are.  ( C h i y a l h i y a , Lila J o h n s t o n ) I've  s e e n all of the different l a n g u a g e s that children were b r o u g h t  up f r o m , a y o u n g a g e , and at t i m e s I feel a little bit sorrow in here (indicating heart), like all the way up to like right now as an e l d e r a n d I think that it is important for us to have a n o t h e r l a n g u a g e a n d for  o u r children that are growing up, that we s h o u l d be talking o u r  l a n g u a g e to t h e m now.  ( S h e l l e n e Paul) I  benefited  even  greater  c a m e f r o m Hakstn who w h e n she p a s s e d away. 1941.  because  was  my  grandmother's  teachings  well o v e r a o n e - h u n d r e d y e a r s  old  S h e was called a centurion on F e b r u a r y 9,  I think it was a news article by the Province...  And she  would talk a b o u t the t i m e s w h e n contact o c c u r r e d w h e n the first xweliten c a m e to t o w n .  A n d she r e m e m b e r e d the Indian W a r s with  the Yakweltek p e o p l e .  S o I grew up knowing m y culture was rich  a n d I grew  up with a role r e v e r s a l , I grew  up thinking we  were  87  wealthy, a n d we did not have everything that a lot of o t h e r families had,  but I always t h o u g h t we were wealthy  because the church  was next d o o r to u s . A n d in t h e c o n v e n t all t h e p o o r  xwelitn  u s e d to c o m e , a n d we u s e d to have  of o u r n o n -  to take  care  kids  S q u a m i s h friends, so I always t h o u g h t t h e S q u a m i s h were wealthy, a n d in t e r m s of culture a n d m o n e t a r y wealth. thinking I w a s a s e c o n d - c l a s s citizen. that,  a n d I'm  very  fortunate  that  S o I didn't grow up  A n d I'm v e r y f o r t u n a t e f o r  I've  retained  m y Aboriginal  philosophies e v e n t h o u g h I grew up in t h e Catholic c h u r c h .  Lucille  has a plate  before  our interview.  grandmother's and much  more  Shellene  4.  cookies  a child  with a glass of milk. together  emotion  word  does.  waiting  in my own  Lucille is swelled  considerate  up, leaving  to the interviews  The hesitant  for me  breath,  reveals  us so  the rise of  pause.  is Lucille's  language. brings  the printed  chip  me of being  by the end of it. Listening  than  the voice...the  complete  In our interview  teary-eyed  chocolate  It reminds  house,  sensitive.  both  of homemade  daughter.  She has taken  her sons to language  She has always  language classes  classes  been  throughout  an advocate her adult  for the life and  as well.  Pride  To be "worthy" of one's language is a very powerful statement. In Squamish society, upon receiving an ancestral name, one must be able to wear it well, and not drag it through the mud. One must be worthy of that name. As a part of receiving an ancestral name there comes responsibility. The name has to be held in high regards, as it is tied to the ancestors who carried that name beforehand.  88  ( C h i y a l h i y a , Lila J o h n s t o n ) For m y own family I think it would be like the pride that y o u h a v e in yourself, c a u s e u m , gives y o u r self-esteem m o r e , like in y o u r heart that y o u know y o u ' r e worthy of this l a n g u a g e it would be g o o d to k e e p it u p . A n d I feel that w h e n I go into c e l e b r a t i o n , I feel the d r u m beats in m y heart a n d it sort of lifts m e away and I think that part it i m p o r t a n t for us to k e e p it up e v e r y d a y , or at least try.  B e c a u s e w h e n I think of all the  different things that h a p p e n e d in m y life, e v e n w h e n m o m used to tell m e all the different stories about the past, I'd  say g e e , how can y o u  r e m e m b e r like eighty y e a r s a g o ? . . . It was j u s t , give m e g o o s e b u m p s .  The movement  and intentions.  How healing the language  you. I caught up to Lila before one of her church-based literally mean "caught-up".  has been for activities.  I  Lila is one of the busiest people I know, and  she is extremely hard to get a hold of. She told me that one of the safest times to reach her at home is at 5:30 in the morning; day really gets going. searching  5.  this is before  her  Even when I catch her at home she is busy,  for some photos that she must bring to her next meeting.  W a y s of K n o w i n g  The oral narrative and stories thread themselves within our consciousness. The legends are the base of our curriculum. They are timeless and have survived the centuries because they have purpose. They are a part of our collective education.  89  (Kwitelut, Lena J a c o b s )  Oh y e s , K a l ' kalilh. Y o u r e m e m b e r K a l ' kalilh?  Y e a h , they early.  used to tell us t h a t . b e c a u s e t h e y wanted  us to be  home  O r K a l ' k a l i l h will get us.  A n o t h e r old m a n , was Julian.  W h a t was his n a m e now? m y father's c o u s i n .  We called him Julian, a n y w a y .  He was  He was a w a t c h m a n , he u s e d to c o m e a r o u n d  a n d y o u know, starting to get towards e v e n i n g , a n d he'd tell us,  "Nam'  chap t'ukw', nu metwiks  there  u s e d to  tsuns ta sinelhk'ay."  be a t u g b o a t that  You  know  made a sound, "owwww".  It  s o u n d e d weird and he told us it was a two h e a d e d s n a k e , so y o u better go h o m e , it's c o m i n g .  Y o u (claps) s e e n us run h o m e . snake. ago,  W e were s c a r e d of the two h e a d e d  Well it was real to t h e m , the two-headed s n a k e , a long t i m e  eh.  T h e y said it c a m e t h r o u g h in like S q u a m i s h e h .  There's a  place that's kind of like this, h e h .  And  t h e y said that's where  the s n a k e c o m e t h r o u g h t h e r e ,  it took  a long t i m e before it got on the other side, that two h e a d e d s n a k e . T h a t ' s the stories we u s e d to hear. can't r e m e m b e r t h e m all.  We  e n j o y e d their stories.  O n e C h i x s t n ' that's Billy W i l l i a m s ' great-  great- great g r a n d f a t h e r , he was  married to Papa's  mother.  u s e d to tell us stories, we'd all sit d o w n a n d listen to h i m . a g o o d story teller.  He  He was  I wish I could r e m e m b e r t h e m , but I don't.  told us so m a n y , y e a h .  I  He  T h a t was great, the old t i m e r s u s e d to do  90  that, y o u know tell us s o m e stories.  It would be nice if y o u could  remember them.  While telling the story, Kwitelut's  hands moved with the narrative.  Her  hand dipped down and raised suddenly, a rhythm that described the land. Or it paused Kal'kaiilh.  mid-air.  She  Her laughter  indicated  that we all  never seems to be that far in the distance.  remember A giant  cannibal woman who dined on children who were caught alone after dark, eventually Peter's  found her demise in a fire.  young  niece  Katherine,  Although  indignantly  the people feared  pointed  out  to  him  her, that  Kal'kaiilh had to eat too.  6.  Teaching Methodology  A part of traditional teaching methodology is to learn by doing. This is applicable to hunting, weaving, carving, or gathering resources such as cedar bark. For language learning this is included in the stories that come with the language.  ( T ' n a x w t n , Peter J a c o b s ) I think u h , y o u know having been a t e a c h e r for a n u m b e r of y e a r s , and  you've  taught  methodology, eh.  too,  you  start  to  think  about  teaching  A n d that teaching m e t h o d o l o g y is i m p o r t a n t as  what y o u ' r e t e a c h i n g .  You know b e c a u s e it affects how y o u learn  a n d how y o u internalize what y o u are  learning.  A n d all of the  e l d e r s , all the elders that we've w o r k e d with were b r o u g h t up m o r e or less in a traditional way... T h e y started to pay attention to how t h e y w e r e t e a c h i n g things to m e , e h .  Like trying to listen to the  way t h e y were doing it, like not taking t h e s e things a s i d e s . Like L a w r e n c e was great for that, c a u s e he had the m o s t t i m e a n d was j u s t very  patient.  But all of the elders were really  that, a n d realized o k a y , the way  like  that t h e y ' r e t e a c h i n g m e a b o u t  91  this is the way that it's really going to stick with me, and I'm going to really get it. These little stories and these little asides that's the main thing about the language, eh. They're not like things to keep me entertained or something, or keep my attention or something, eh. That's the encapsulation of our culture. How that the people taught, and I realized that's like the same way my mom and dad taught me too. About things I learned from them, so, that's something I got from all of the elders. Cause they all do that, "I remember when I was young", and they would say, "so and so used to say this", and they would go on, eh. Cause I asked a question, "Do you recognize this word",  you know going  in, a methodical way of trying to get translations for all of these words, like that's more accurate or something or a wider range of meaning or whatever. And instead of them giving me like a translation for this word, like okay here's all the possible English translations for this word, (they'd) come up a story about something, you know. Which didn't seem to have anything to do with the word at first, but really was actually what I really needed to learn, eh.  This is how they  understood the word, because that's where, that's the situation they remember hearing about it, eh.  I relate to what Peter said. It was all the asides that the late Uncle Lawrence taught us in language class that helped us to remember.  He would give us  phrases that we might need to communicate with spirits, or he would focus on nick-names, the source of laughter and cause of blushing for the younger students. There were always stories and anecdotes involved in his classes and in language learning.  92  7.  Humour Peter relays to me the story of how his Kwaguilh grandfather would teach him  with humour. His grandfather's humour would catch him off guard and make him concentrate. Humour was used as the teaching methodology to get Peter to listen and to remember what was being said. He expanded on this point of how knowing his grandmother differs in speaking Squamish.  (T'naxwtn, Peter Jacobs) When I go visit my grandmother, whenever I happen to see her, I'll speak Squamish.  She really likes to speak together.  She's very  funny eh. Her sense of humour is different when we're speaking Squamish than in English, eh. It's kind of like meeting someone, getting to know someone again, like my grandmother, who I've known all my life, but speaking Squamish to her is like getting to know a side of her that just doesn't come out the same way in English, eh.  It wasn't until after I had transcribed the interviews and went back through them a second time that I realized Kwitelut, Peter's grandmother, had done the same thing to me.  Kwitelut:  I'm our I'm our  Kirsten:  Thank you.  Kwitelut:  Yeah. Someday when you have a family.  Kirsten:  (Laughs)  Kwitelut:  very happy that you young people are learning language, and then you're teaching, that's very, very happy about that. You, will be teaching language some day, 'cause you're good at it.  Make sure we get that on tape.  Teach them from the time they're babies.  93  The language humour  to make  language  use.  encouragement  8.  is being this This to keep  passed  into  the younger  point  and,  with  kindness,  she  urged  wasn't  just  an  interview  for  my  our language  generation's  hands.  She  used  perpetuation thesis,  but  of also  moving.  Xen 'xen, Reminiscing/Remembering Old Times  Xen 'xen, was described by one of our late elders, Yvonne Joseph, to mean reminiscing, or remembering old times. It is also means to retrace the family tree. These aspects of memory and family connect ourselves to the ancestors and are a part of our ways.  (Nekwsaliya, Margaret Locke) It was good.  Especially our grandfather and the elders.  understood them and respected them.  We  I remember quite a few  elders. A lot of nice ones talked to us. We'd go visit them... We'd go visit them and pack their water and do things for them. about 7 or 8.  I was  They'd give us an apple. We liked that. It was nice  living in the days. Yeah we were happy. No violence around...  (Sxananalh sawt, Lucille Nicholson) Oh for sure, in the field they always spoke in... they'd ask for a cart or whatever in language, my grandmother. My uncle would be with us also, so... There was always a word to ask if in Squamish, if they wanted a basket, or etcetera. If they wanted help they would say it in the language... Oh yes, there was Theresa Paull. She was another elder, she was, she had to be about the same age as my grandmother and I'm sure they had to be in their eighties, I can't even recall how old they were, but they had to be. They wore long skirts,  I can remember they had their knee, to their ankles, and  94  they  go in the fields with these long skirts, and kerchief.  Paull was elderly too and Gatha Moody.  Theresa  She was... had to be the  same age as our ta7a . We called them Ta7as in our age.  Kirsten:  All the elderly ladies?  All the elderly ladies were called ta7as.  Sometimes they'd say  Ta7a"' and ask for one, like I'd be talking to my grandmother, and  n  say "Ta7a" and all the other ta7as would look. We had a great time in the fields...  {Tiyaltelut, Audrey  Rivers)  Okay my grandmother Skesi, ta7a was a basket maker, and she knew how and when to harvest the bark. She made many different types of baskets: berry baskets, trays, etc.  ch'metns,  she made the ch'metns  And she also made  which is made out of sheep's  wool, she made the headbands out of the wool. Which were mainly the colors of red and white.  And she also made the ch'metns for  the baskets, you know she made berry baskets and then she put them, the woven wool on her back.  Nekwsaliya, Margaret Locke, holds the Elders' Language Advisory meetings in her home. We usually visit with each other after the meetings are finished. Like many Squamish women, she has a wonderful fashion sense and has a youthful vigour to her.  Her sense of humour is  contagious, and often we find ourselves with the uncontrollable giggles. As a fluent speaker, she also works with UBC students.  95  9.  Texture  We die. That may be the meaning of life. But we do language. That may be the measure of our lives. - Toni Morrison,  74  Texture is one of the more complicated themes - it is both tangible and intangible. It includes the external and internal threading of the language for each speaker. Externally, the language is spoken in a certain way: at a certain speed, with pauses, and with the right words being drawn out. Internally, it is the "feel" of speaking in Squamish versus speaking in English.  (Telsentsut, Frank Miranda) Like if you listen to the old people, well like me, their Squamish was more slower, like you know. You could understand them, like slower.  Like the way Eva, I mean Lena talks.  Today's language  the younger kids that are trying to, they kind of bite.  man ha7lh, some "Che'xw  man wa ha7lth."  Like, chexw  So the next generation  the Squamish might be different. Like I seen, some, they'd see me and say that didn't  say "Che'xw  men wa ha7lh".  You know you're supposed to say, "Chexw  Oh yeah, yeah.  men wa ha7lh."  But I  think, "Well, he's trying anyhow". The way that we speak to each other, slower, not rushed is the way that we show respect. Earlier in the interview I asked Frank if he thought his life would be different if he wasn't raised speaking Squamish. "Like a xwelitn,"  he states.  But quickly adds, "but I was still raised with the  traditional upbringing". The upbringing that he refers to encompasses the wanaxws,  the respect. It is a place where we still have time to stop and  to visit with each other, even if we are busy in our own lives, we still are related to each other and still value our time with each other.  Nobel Lecture, December 7, 1993. 96  (Sxananalh sawt, Lucille Nicholson) I think there is a desire in our community to speak the language because there is so much in the language that you express in Indian that you don't get through English.  You can say a word in  Squamish and it means, to me it means so much to hear people talking it at meetings or to hear them, how they say it in our language it has so much more... I'm not sure if that's the word, meaning...if you know what I mean.  It's like their speaking the  language and its like it means so much to hear it  and, I guess  expression - how they're saying it, it's comforting... Oh for sure. If I'm expressing joy or anger, any expression like if you see something and you say it, it has so much more meaning than in English. J can see how the language moves you. Just speaking about the language elicits a response, arising from personal memory. Your desire comes from memory, while my desire comes from want. (Chiyalhiya, Lila Johnston) I think they still see the importance, but when I hear it now it sounds a little bit different from when I used to hear my granny Tal'. Some of the words spoken way back, I hear it now and it's a little bit different. It's because of the length of time that it was not spoken...  like when there's certain words that seem to be coming  out with a kindness, of whatever you were saying...The emotion was already there with whatever you were talking about.  That's  what I noticed from the past.  The French and the Italian may fight over who speaks the language of love, but we have the language of kindness.  (Tenaxwtn, Peter Jacobs)  You know like Vanessa talks a lot about how the cadence of speaking Squamish, just the way that you don't speak it fast, eh. And how the elders, you know, because when I first started learning , like I was learning the word for the moon, IhkUch', and I said too fast, k'waxw  I said Ihkaych'  Kemkemin'em  k'axw  and my grandmother sa\d:" Haw  wa nichim".  when you're talking, (laughter).  Don't speak Halkomelem  So that means like Squamish  people in the past, including our speaker today had some kind of awareness just the way you deliver speech, that's the Squamish way of talking, eh... You hear this comment, it's not just Squamish, but people lots of First Nations people they comment on other ethnic  groups  and  how  they  interact,  like  they're  always  interrupting each other when they're talking eh. It's like the number one social sin for First Nations people, it seems like. Other peoples that aren't First Nations are always interrupting each other and they're not giving people the time to talk, and I think that's how that comes through in our language values and Vanessa's the biggest one to talk about it, is not to be rushed when we're talking. ... And that has to do with respect then, eh.  The texture of our language speaks for itself. It ties itself directly into the  Xw'nixw,  the upbringing.  Na Mi K'anatsut Ta Snichim-Chet, Our Language Is Coming Back Insights from the Elders from the Nexwniw'n ta a Imats (Tenaxwtn, Peter Jacobs). Like I really don't believe that you can encapsulate and maintain Squamish  culture  without  the  language,  but what  you get  eventually becomes less and less like what it was meant to be, eh. If it's all done in English or if it's all done in some other language even,  like  people  use, whatever  Halqumelem  or  something. 98  Whatever it is that's Squamish in the world is, starts to get bled out or something, you know becomes like a copy of being Squamish. The thought processes and the ways of feeling and stuff get lost, I think without the language. And I understand this, especially from being a speaker. And I realized okay what the people are saying in the language is not really, it's not complicated or that's not the idea behind what makes the language different, so abstract or something that English can't say the same things eh. But when you're speaking and you're thinking about, it's a l w a y s c o m i n g back to y o u and you hear the elders say this, Mt's a l w a y s c o m i n g back t o y o u ' . I remember the old people saying this, you know. So all the thoughts and feelings you had and the way that they lived and everything, that's what you're saying comes through when you speak and that's what gets lost because it just doesn't come across the same in English. And I see that in travelling the world. Like gee, people's way of living and thinking and talking and interacting will get bled out if they also adapt to just like one language whatever that language happens to be in that country. And the people understand that and I've seen that travelling in Thailand or wherever.  People implicitly understand that or maybe  explicitly,  understand  consciously  that  you're  going  to  start  interacting differently because they're speaking another language besides their own primarily at home.  This section addresses the second central research question, "What do we need to do to revitalize the Squamish Language?" I am concerned about the elders' point of view in this section. This is because of two reasons. First of all, the Elders Language Advisory group is the nexus of language use for the elders. They have a very strong connection to the group and see this as the start of the language revitalization process for  99  the community. Second, they speak of the language as "coming back". They use this phrase for internal language use and for the greater Squamish community. I am also interested in what the elders think is important for language revitalization. Several of co-participants of this study referred to the language as "coming back". The language, in its individual words and sentences, was coming back to the individual elders by speaking and listening to each other in the Nexwniw 'n ta a Imats: (Nekwsaliya, Margaret Locke) I was glad I was able to come to speak again...I enjoyed it. It was a little scary, I didn't now how to come out with it (speaking the language). I'm still learning.  (Sxananalh Saw't, Lucille Nicholson) I think it comes back to you after you've gone for awhile, like words come back, I remember hearing that word awhile ago.  (Tiyaltelut, Audrey Rivers) A lot of words have come back to me, and I often teach daughter, Sheryl, when I get home all what I've  my  learned from  them, and she is learning well right now.  The Nexwniw 'n ta a Imats provides a place where all speakers of the language come together to speak, share knowledge, and work with one another. The elders valued this time, and many of the elders stated that they need more time to visit with each other in the language. The elders also stated that the language was coming back in the sense that there are more people in the community willing to support and to learn the Squamish language.  1 0 0  Many of the elders thanked me for learning the language, and displayed gratitude for the language revitalization work we are doing:  (Sxananalh Saw't, Lucille Nicholson) It has done great wonders for me, just seeing the desire in the young ones to learn like yourself, Peter, Vanessa, helping. It's just amazing how far it has gone in the last, maybe three years, how much and the group, your group has helped me so much. I think it sort of went on the wayside, you know what I mean, it just sort of went on the wayside when you didn't have anybody to help you with it before, you didn't know where to start. The group has helped me, I can't even put into words how much they've helped me, the desire to continue, I see your desire and it helps me big time. (Chiyalhiya, Lila Johnston) I appreciate you coming for my own self, I feel that the language is so important...  It just overwhelms me, the thought of like having  our language come back.  And it maybe different, a little bit  sounding, but it's still our language that's going to be saved for our own children's children.  The Nexwniw'n ta a Imats, is uplifting for both the elders and the second language speakers of Squamish.  In this comer of the Squamish community, the elders, the  speakers, and the supporters of the language will be the ones to create the wake of Squamish language revitalization.  101  Elders' Strategies for Language Revitalization  In this section I summarize what the elders believe needs to happen to help revitalize language.  Their recommendations support further discussion in CHAPTER  FIVE.  Why should we revitalize the Squamish Language? The two clusters of themes that emerged from the interviews contain qualities that are very rich and make up the heart of the language. It is these themes that come from the speakers of the Squamish language, that are the fundamental reasons why we need to commit to language revitalization:  Cluster One:  Xw 'nixw '"The Upbringing"  i. ii.  Cluster Two:  Wandxws - respect Timitstut/Telhkem', Exertion/Diligence  Nilh Lhtim' a-chet, "Those are our Ways"  iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii.  Identity Pride Ways of Knowing Humour Teaching Methodology Texture  102  Cluster One, "the Upbringing" relayed the traditional values that were instilled in a child from the time he or she could crawl, and are essential the Squamish culture. The xw 'nixw' includes the relationship to family, and to each other. They are a part of the relationship to traditional Squamish society, both people and place. Wanaxws, the way of showing respect, was not determined individually, by one's own actions and behaviour, but it was contingent upon the values of the family. The way one showed respect demonstrated the teachings of the family. This part of the upbringing is inherent in the language, and to teach the language is to teach these values. The elders spoke of their elders and how they worked hard and practiced discipline, Timitstut/Telhkem'.  These were qualities that their elders, the  speakers of the language, maintained and passed on to the co-participants influencing their outlook on the value of the language.  It is these types of values that must be  maintained. It is why we must revitalize the language. In Cluster Two, Nilh Lhtim' a-chet, "Those are our Ways", synthesize aspects of 'culture' and 'identity'. Transmission of culture is through the Squamish language and this is lessened when we communicate through English. Instead of giving examples of why the language is important through all of the themes in this cluster, I focus on ways of knowing and texture. Ways of knowing, transmitted through the oral tradition, are imperative to the Squamish people. Kwitelut recollected the stories of Kal'kalilh and sinelhk'ay from her childhood. She began to hear stories as a young child. She was born in 1910. Melkws, the last trained oral historian, was interviewed by Hill-Tout only 13 years prior to this in 1897.  The flood of white people that populated the city of Vancouver coincided with  103  building of the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1886, 24 years prior to Kwitelut's birth. Vancouver is a young city; colonialism did not occur that long ago, but its impact quickly created turbulence, diminishing Squamish ways of knowing with each subsequent generation born. Kwitelut's responses to my questions in the interview were from her memories and filled with details. She was raised by the "old people", the ones who remembered what the territory was like before it became a major city. She speaks like them. The texture of the language refers to the "quality" of the Squamish language. It reflects who we are as a people. It is not a rushed language when speaking it to each other; it is spoken slowly giving respect to the person being spoken to. There are subtle nuances to the language giving it humour, or providing information about how one has received information, directly or indirectly. For the re-emergent speakers, like Lucille Nicholson, speaking the Squamish language, feels different internally, "certain words that seem to be coming out with a kindness, of whatever you were saying...The emotion was already there with whatever you were talking about".  It is critical that this speech  is passed on to the next generation.  What Should Be Done to Revitalize the Language? The elders suggest that the following steps be taken for language revitalization: 1) The children need to learn the language. 2) It must be spoken by multiple age groups. In order to revitalize the Squamish language the elders believe that it is imperative that the children are taught the Squamish language - this needs to occur in the education system and the homes. 104  The Squamish Nation must ensure that a "language nest" and immersion school, similar to the model of the Maori and Hawaiians have priority in the funding scheme. Tiyaltelut stated that the Squamish Nation should ensure financial backing to "have an immersion school which is strictly Squamish".  Having an education system in the  language is not enough. Chiyalhiya, Lila Johnston, said, "I would like to see that happen because I see that when you go into the nursery school and then you come back and we have to continue the language at home also. And that way the little kids can really have respect for their language when they're growing". The language must be spoken in the homes: Young parents need to be targeted, and they will need support in order to learn and speak the language. The parents will need program support, resources, methods, and encouragement.  Almost all of the elders  indicated that encouragement is one of the fundamental means to language revitalization, and is a necessary motivator to ensure that is spoken in the next generation. Nekwsaliya, Margaret Locke, believes that this needs to occur from support of the extended family, "[e]ncourage them, talk to them, explain to them the future. They'll be the next leaders. [Encourage them] so that they'll learn to teach their children when they learn to have a family. To have a generation to teach them, have it go on an on like that".  It is the  strength of the extended family that will bind intergenerational transmission of the Squamish language. Multiple age groups need to hear and speak the language as well. Telsentsut described how important it is to bring the language back into the community: [S]o you can speak to your people at gatherings, I think that's the biggest part, speaking in gatherings to speak Squamish and stuff like that. Cause that what's Lena was saying, she says we should have more speakers speaking in the longhouse, speaking our own language.  105  The language needs to be spoken at cultural houses, as well as at community events and at meetings.  Kwitelut, Lena Jacobs, believes that we should target specific  community interests like the lacrosse players:  Tsexwshit chexw, tsexwshit chexw, texwnew' chexw. And they'd get the white man all confused, they don't know what they were saying. Shoot, shoot, shoot, or throw it to someone that's close to the goal. So that was great to speak our language. I was telling Nathan they should learn how to speak our language, so when they're playing they could speak our language to each other, eh.  Bringing the language back into multiple venues is a way to ensure that it reaches all facets of the community, and it becomes present, again, in day- to-day life.  Summary The Nexwniw 'n ta a Imats, the Elders' Language Advisory, is the key to bringing the language back. The elders are committed to the vision of language revitalization. The Advisory supports language use and is provides encouragement for all members involved. From these interviews, along with Squamish Nation's own legacy of language use in the community, from the literature search, data, and through personal observation, I conclude this thesis with Ten Rules of Engagement in the following chapter. CHAPTER FIVE:  RECOMMENDATIONS  The Squamish Nation has used several avenues to promote language learning and language status within the community.  None of these strategies have been highly  106  successful as very few highly proficient speakers have emerged. Squamish Nation does not have the luxury of time; the language-speaking elders will not be with us forever. We must act.  I recommend Ten Rules of Engagement that are necessary for language  revitalization in the Squamish Nation. These rules stem from the research methodologies, the measures that Squamish Nation has done thus far, the literature review, and the interviews.  A l l of these steps are needed in order for language revitalization to be  successful. The first five rules lay the foundation for engagement and the last five rules are action-oriented.  Ten Rules of Engagement 1)  Commitment  Without commitment, language revitalization will never happen. The Squamish Nation is fortunate in that it already has the commitment of the Elders' Language Advisory and the support of the existing second language speakers and learners. The Department of Education, under the leadership of Snitelwit, Deborah Jacobs, formed the Nexwniw 'n ta a Imats, and at the time of writing, is planning the vision for Squamish Language Immersion School. The Squamish Language surveys that were looked at in CHAPTER TWO show that the community believes the language is important. However, the group does not have to be large.  As we saw in the Californian  Breath of Life Program, they had the commitment of at least one language-speaking elder and one willing language learner. The Hawaiians began their Renaissance with small groups of elders, parents, and educators. The key is that the committed people are willing to act.  107  2)  Counteract Language Stigma Squamish Nation has endured colonialism, the effects of which are still felt in the  community. This impacts the value placed on the language. There still are people who do not see the value of language and may ask: What use is the language today in this modern world? Will the language get my son into college? Will the language bring me a paycheque? The myth that second language acquisition inhibits learning English still exists. Studies show that bilingual children perform better on academic tests then their monolingual counterparts.  75  The quotes from CHAPTER T H R E E ground the value of  the language and show what is lost when a language dies.  Language revitalization  revives the core teachings and world view of who we are, and where we are located as a people.  Squamish Nation has a traditional territory, and the language belongs there.  There is no other place in the world to learn it. This stigma must be acknowledged and discussed to show that it is a part of the hegemony, a trapping of the dominant culture to devalue what is sacred and at the heart of the people.  3)  Vision A vision is needed for language revitalization to occur in the Squamish Nation.  The Department of Education has a vision as it relates for formal schooling and curriculum. This is the Department's mandate. The Squamish Nation, as a whole, needs a plan for the next ten, twenty, and one-hundred years. 75  See Kirkness, Reyhner  108  The Maori's vision stabilized and has slightly reversed language shift.  It  transformed the educational system all the way from Language Nests to the university level. The vision enabled changes at the governmental level in New Zealand, as well as in the public broadcasting sector. Like any vision, it cannot stop there. The Squamish Nation needs to have a vision, separate, yet one that coincides with the Department of Education's planning, as they are the ones that have been facilitating the lion's share of language renewal. A vision for the language planning sessions need to occur within multiple sectors of the community, including elders, government, and youth. From this point, more people can be incorporated into the vision, and strategies can be formed to move the vision forward.  4)  The Elders Language Advisory Group is Core Nexwniw'n ta a Imats, the Elders' Language Advisory, is at the centre of  language revitalization. They are the treasure that we have with us, the ones that grew up speaking the language.  Their support, guidance, and teachings are what ground the  movement. They also need support.  As Vanessa Campbell identified earlier in  CHAPTER TWO, the purpose of the group's meeting is: Nichimstway:  talking to each other  Chenchensway:  supporting each other  Ts 'itsaptway:  working with each other  Although this group accomplishes that, more methods and supports are needed to enable this key group of people to speak to each other in the language on a more regular basis and at different venues.  109  5)  Language Revitalization Involves More than Language Learning Many of the methods used in language revitalization involve more generic  methods of teaching such as Total Physical Response or the Berlitz "Method". Although these methods enable language learning, the essence of the language, as was given in great detail from the interviews, must not be lost.  There is more to a language than  understanding a phrase such as, "Pick up the pencil and put it on the table by my coffee cup", which is common to the Total Physical Response method. The old people began teaching the children the Xw 'nixw', the upbringing, from the time the children were babies. It is critical that this aspect of language is not left out, regardless of the age of the learner.  6)  Mobilize the Speakers The Squamish Nation has the elders, the highly proficient speakers and the re-  emergent speakers, and a group of second language speakers who have a high amount of proficiency in the language.  The elders and the second language speakers need to  develop a mentorship program geared at increasing fluency levels. This program could be modelled after the Master-Apprenticeship approach in California, with more complex objectives other than conversational fluency.  The  Squamish Nation is fortunate to have Peter Jacobs who, at the time of writing this thesis, is intending to write a teaching grammar for the Squamish language as a part of his PhD dissertation.  His expertise, coupled with the willingness and energy of the highly  proficient speakers, is one way to mobilize and strengthen the fluency and involvement of this group.  110  7)  Develop Multiple Formal and Informal Strategies Multiple strategies need to be used in language revitalization.  One of these  formal strategies under development by the Department of Education is the Immersion School planning process, coupled with adult language classes. Informal strategies need further development like utilizing language with cultural groups, such as the canoe family or lacrosse players.  Language can be used while gathering traditional resources or  otherwise being out on the land. Language use within the community needs to be targeted in formal settings as well as in every-day activities. It is also crucial that multiple age groups are targeted for spontaneous language use.  8)  Build Family Networks Intergenerational language use is necessary in reversing language shift.  Many  Indigenous communities have targeted language programming towards young parents and their babies to try and re-introduce language into the home.  Investing in babies  learning the language is the most natural way to produce speakers, as they grow up with the language. The Maori reflected their philosophy of family into the early child-hood nests with the whanan, by creating an extended family within the school system that practice the values and principles central to the language and culture. Young parents will also need some programming and resource support geared towards their child's development as well as their own language learning.  111  9)  Adult Education Adult education courses need to be developed as well.  On top of teaching  strategies for adult second language learners, there is the stigma attached of not being able to speak their language because of residential schooling. First of all, it takes time to learn the language, and classrooms for many people are intimidating. I have seen this personally while attending the adult Squamish language courses that used to be offered at the Recreation Centre. The stigma attached to the language needs to be addressed in each course. The sounds of the language are often very different from English, and it takes a lot of practice to train the to make the right sound.  In June 2006, the Department of  Education staff became students in the Introductory to Squamish Language pilot course offered through NVIT.  One of the tools that helped with "phonemic development" was  an animated computer video that showed where the tongue was placed and how air moved through the mouth when pronouncing each letter of the Squamish alphabet. Tools such help second language acquisition, and further ways of development need to be explored.  10)  Resource Development The Squamish Nation Department of Education has developed curriculum  materials for over twenty years. Many of the materials are at the initiative of individual teachers.  Some of the recent resources developed include a children's book, two adult  learning work books accompanied with audio CDs, a Kal'kalilh C D - R O M bingo game  112  that focuses on family terms. There are also two interactive websites that are geared towards children that focus on traditional territory and on the traditional naming ceremony, in the Squamish language.  Further resources need to be developed that target  the schools and community use.  Summary The above Ten Rules of Engagement are necessary to implement Squamish Language Revitalization.  These are not the only principles of action for language  revitalization; this list is not meant to be exhaustive. There are collaborative partnerships and other strategies that Indigenous communities have engaged in to support their language revitalization efforts. Each community revitalizing their language utilized the available resources and did what works for them. These recommendations were deliberate and crucially were based on the interviews, methodology, literature review of three select Indigenous communities, Squamish history of language, and observations in my own work as a curriculum developer and language learner. The overarching theme is that you need the speakers and the learners to be willing to commit to the language, and the language teaching strategies and curriculum must retain its world-view, ways of knowing, and the context of how it was traditionally learned. The language is at the heart of where people come from - from the traditional territory of the Skwxwu7mesh Uxwumixw in British Columbia - and from the elders who speak the language.  The teachings of the ancestors are wrapped in the Squamish  language, Skwxwu7mesh snichim. Na mi k'anatsut ta snichim-chet.  113  E P I L O G U E  In the long ago, animals used to be in human form. They wrapped themselves in a blanket to transform into the form of animals as we see them today. Swat kwi a sna? She stands wrapped in a blanket, waiting to receive a name that has been passed down for generations. When she has received the kweshamen, the ancestral name, she removes the blanket, and sheds her former identity for a new one. In our traditions we understand our connection to the land and to the animals; it is a part of who we are, and where we come from. Swat kwi a sna? Who do you come from? The kweshamen comes from the ancestors who resided in specific villages. The people who carried the names held certain rights that included land stewardship, spiritual and cultural practices, and were experts in specialized fields of knowledge.  These  ancestral names appear in the legends when beings that were stl 'alkem, supernatural creatures, walked on the earth. There are names of warriors recorded in oral history dating back to times of war with traditional enemies. These names will be here one hundred, two hundred years from now. In our language, we understand not only who we come from, but we understand where we need to go. Na mi k'anatsut ta snichim-chet, our language is coming back  114  BIBLIOGRAPHY  A Race to Save Native Languages. (2002, June 8). Los Angeles Times, p. B12. Aha Punana Leo (2006). Hawaiian Language Nest Movement. Retrieved July 3, 2006, from http:// Assembly of First Nations. (2000). National First Nations Language Strategy: A Time to Listen and the Time to Act Ottawa, ON: Assembly of First Nations Assembly of First Nations. (1990). Towards Linguistic Justice for First Nations Ottawa, ON: Assembly of First Nations Armstrong, J. (1993). Land Speaking, In Oritz (Ed.), Speaking for the Generations: Native Writers on Writing, (pp. 175-194). Tuscon, Arizona: University of Arizona Press. Baker-Williams, K., Campbell V . , Jacobs, P. and Moody V. (2005). Ta WaNexwniw'n Ta a Imats (Teachings for your Grandchildren): The creation and growth of our Squamish Language Elders Advisory Group. Stabilizing Indigenous Languages Symposium. Victoria, BC. Barman, J. (2005). Stanley Park's Secret The Forgotten Families of Whoi Whoi, Kanaka Ranch and Brockton Point. Madeira, British Columbia: Harbour Publishing. Battise, M . , & Youngblood-Hendersen, J. ( 1999). Protecting Indigenous Knowledge and Heritage. Saskatoon, Sk: Purich Publishing Ltd. British Columbia Ministry of Education. (2005). Aboriginal Report - How are we Doing 2004/2005 SD 44 North Vancouver. Victoria, BC: Ministry of Education. Campbell, V . (1997). Wandxwschet Iha Ta7achet Honour to Our Grandmothers. North Vancouver, BC: Squamish Nation Education Department. Cruishank, J. (1998). The Social Life of Stories Narrative and Knowledge in the Yukon Territory. Vancouver, BC: U B C Press. Dunlop, H.(1983). Andy Paull: As I Knew Him and Understood His Times. Vancouver, BC: Order of the O.M.I, of St. Paul's Province/ Standard Press. Education Review Office (1997). What Counts as Quality in Kohanga Reo. Education Review Report, Number Six. Retrieved June 30, 2006, from Fanon, F. (1990). The Wretched of the Earth. NewYork, N Y : Penguin.  115  Fettes, M . (1995). The Nature and Extent of Maori Control Over Education. Ottawa, ON: np. First Nations Education Steering Committee (2001). Aboriginal Language Newsletter. 1 (1). First Nations Education Steering Committee. First Nations Education Steering Committee and the First People's Heritage and Culture Council. (2005). Discussion paper Draft #3 prepared on June 1, 2005. np. First Peoples' Cultural Council.(2004). First Peoples' Newsletter. 1, (1). Victoria BC: First Peoples' Cultural Council. First Peoples' Heritage, Language and Culture Council Board of Directors and the First Nations Education Steering Committee Aboriginal Languages Sub-committee. (2004). Presented in Richmond June 24, 2004. Fishman, J. (1991). Reversing Language Shift; Theoretical and Empirical Foundations of Assistance to Threatened LanguagesJsAultilmgual Matters. Clevedon. Gardiner, E. and Jimmie, M . (1989). Recognition and Legitimization of First Nations Languages: B.C. Challenge. Canadian Journal of Native Education. 16 (2), 3 23. Greymorning, S. (2004). A Will to Survive Indigenous Essays on the Politics of Culture, Language, and Identity. New York, New York: McGraw-Hill Companies. Heavy-Runner, B. Kipp, Darryl. and Greymorning, Stephen. (2004). Fighting the Winds of Change. A Will to Survive Indigenous Essays on the Politics of Culture, Language, and Identity (pp. 183-199). New York, New York: McGraw-Hill Companies. Hill-Tout, C. (1897). Notes on the Cosmogony and History of the Squamish Indians of British Columbia Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada. Vol 3 (2) pp. 85-90. Hinton, L. (1994). Flutes of Fire. Berkeley ,CA: Heyday Books. Hinton, L. (2001). Language Revitalization: A n Overview. In Hinton, L. & Hale, K. (Ed.), The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice (pp. 3-18). San Diego, California: Academic Press. Hinton, L. (2001) The Master-Apprentice Language Learning Program. In Hinton, L. & Hale, K. (Ed.), The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice (pp. 216226). San Diego, California: Academic Press.  116  Hinton, L. (2001).Teaching Methods. In Hinton, L. & Hale, K. (Ed.), The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice, (pp. 179-189). San Diego, California: Academic Press. Hinton, L., Vera, M . , & Steele, N . (2002). How to Keep Your Language Alive. Berkeley, CA: Heyday Books. Hull, R., Soules G., Soules, C. (1974/ Vancouver's Past. Vancouver, BC: University of British Columbia Press. Jacobs, P. (2005). Report on the Skwxwu7mesh Snichim Survey. North Vancouver: np. Kamana, K., & Wilson W. (2001). "Mai Loko Mai O Ka T i n i : Proceeding From A Dream": The 'Aha Punana Leo Connection in Hawaiian Language Revitalization An Overview. In Hinton, L. & Hale, K. (Ed.), The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice (pp. 146-176). San Diego, California: Academic Press. Kamana, K. (2004). Reflections and Feelings Derviving from a Pulakaumaka Within my Heart. A Will to Survive Indigenous Essays on the Politics of Culture,. Language, and Identity, (pp. 200-211).McGraw-Hill Companies. New York, New York. King. J. (2001). Te Kohanga Reo: Maori Language Revitalization: A n Overview. In Hinton, L. & Hale, K. (Ed.), The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice (pp.119-128 ). San Diego, California: Academic Press. Kipp, D. (2000). Encouragement, Guidance, Insights, and Lessons Learned for Native Language Activists Developing their Own Tribal Language Programs Piegan Institiute.Browning, Montana. Kirkness V.J. (1989). Aboriginal Languages Foundation: A Mechanism for Language Renewal. Canadian Journal of Native Education, 16 (2). 2 5 - 4 1 . Kirkness V.J. (1990). First Nations Languages - Language Immersion. Vancouver, BC: The First Nations House of Learning, U B C . np. Kuipers, Aert. (1967). The Squamish Language Grammar, Texts, Dictionary. The Hauge, Netherlands and Paris, France: Mouton and Co. Lascelles, T. (1984). Mission on the Inlet. North Vancouver, BC: Saint Paul's Indian Catholic Church. Maori Language Commission (2006). Maori Language Statistics Retrieved August 1, 2005 from 2006.  117  Maffi, Luisa. (2001). On Biocultural Diversity Linking Language, Knowledge, and the Environment. New York, N Y : Smithsonian Institution. Matthews, J.S. (1955). Converations with Khatsahlano, 1932-1954. Vancouver City Archives: Vancouver. McBride, S. (2003). Report to Squamish Nation Education: Long-term Plan to Address Squamish Learners Special Needs. Unpublished report. North Vancouver, BC. McKay, Alex. (1992). The Royal Commission on Aboriginal People Report Vol 4, Chapter 3. Mcintosh, I. (2001). Intellectual Property Responsibilities Cultural Survival Quarterly Issue on Intellectual Property Rights : Culture as Commodity. 24(4) 4-5. McMillan J. and Donald, A . (1998 Journal Kept by James McMillan and Archibald McDonald,. In M . MacLachlan (edj, The Fort Langley Journals 1827-1830 (pp.52-97). Vancouver, BC: University of British Columbia. Mead, L. (1996). Nga Aho Otekakahu Matauranga, Struggle by Maori in Education. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Auckland, New Zealand. Meany, E.S. (1957) Vancouver's Discovery of Puget Sound. Binford and Mort Publishers. Portland, Oregon. Ministry of Maori Development. (2001). The National Maori Language Survey Summary Report. Auckland, New Zealand: Statistics New Zealand. Miranda, L. Moodyville. North Vancouver, np. Morrison, T. (1997). The Nobel Prize in Literature Nobel Lectures: Literature 19911995. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co. New Mexico Public Education Department. (2003). Heritage Language Revitalization. Planning Manual, np. Paull, A. untitled article Oblate Missions.(Dec. 1950 - March 1951), 7-10. Box 47 - "St. Paul's Church" file 4 -history: Oblate Archives, Vancouver Reyner, J. (1996). Rationale and Needs for Stabilizing Indigenous Languages. Stabilizing Indigenous Languages. Flagstaff, A Z : Centre for Excellence in Education, Northern Arizona University. Retrieved May 01, 2005, from Smith, G. (1997). The Development of Kaupapa Maori: Theory and Praxis. Thesis. University of Auckland.  118  Smith, L. (1999). Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples^ Zed books Ltd. London, England. Smith, G. (2004). Personal Communication. Class lecture. Vancouver, B C : University of British Columbia. Smith, G. (2004). New Zealand Association for Research in Education Conference. Squamish Nation (1990). Squamish Nation - "Managing Our Future. North Vancouver, np. Squamish Nation (1990). Squamish as the official Squamish language. Squamish Nation Resolution: June 20, 1990. North Vancouver, np. Statistics Canada. (2005). Aboriginal peoples living off-reserve in Western Canada. Ottawa, ON: Labour Statistics Division. Mariques, L.F., Steele, N . (2002).Language Revitalization in California Ninth Annual Stabilizing Indigenous Languages Conference Bozeman Montana. Supahan, S., Supahan, T. (2001). Teaching Well, Learning Quickly, CommunicationBased Language Instruction. In Hinton, L. & Hale, K. (Ed.), The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Praclice(pp.\94-\91). San Diego, California: Academic Press. Suttles, W. (1998) from The Ethnographic Significance of the Journals. In M . MacLachlan (ed.), The Fort Langley Journals 1827-1830 (pp. 163-210). Vancouver, BC: University of British Columbia Press. Vancouver Museum, The Gateway to the Pacific. Ongoing exhibit. Vancouver, BC. Warner. S.(2001).The Movement to Revitalize Hawaiian Language and Culture.. In Hinton, L . & Hale, K. (Ed.), The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice, (pp. 133-144). San Diego, California: Academic Press. Yamauchi L. (2001). The Sociocultural Context of Hawaiian Language Revival and Learning Final Report. Centre for Research on Education, Diversity, and Excellence, Project 1.6. Retrieved July 30, 2006, from  119  APPENDIX A Interview Questions  Elders Interview Questions 1.  Please Describe your earliest memories of hearing and speaking Squamish. Who did you first hear the language from, who spoke it to you? How has that person influenced you throughout your life? Where did you grow up?  2.  How do you think that your childhood was different being raised in Squamish than being raised in English? Did you speak the language with your childhood friends? Was there a period of time that you didn't speak it? How did you begin speaking the language again? Was it hard for you?  3.  What changes in the Squamish language have you observed through your lifetime? How has the communitiy's attitude in the language changed in your lifetime?  4.  What does speaking the language mean to you? How does it affect you? Why is speaking the language important? What does the term Skwxwu7mesh Uxwumixw mean to you?  5.  When did you first begin teaching the language to others? What motivated you to do this? What were the challenges? What are the greatest rewards in teaching the language to others?  6.  What were your elders like with the xwnixw'? How is temixw connected to the language? Have you learned anything about the land through the language? Do you ever dream in Squamish?  7.  I've heard that speaking the language is necessary in keeping our culture, is that true?  8.  Do you believe the Squamish language can be revitalized, that it can become a living language, used as much as English in everyday life? If so, what will it take? What do you think our priorities should be in revitalizing our language? What do we need to do in order to save it?  9.  Why is it important to have the people keep speaking the Squamish language in future generations to come?  10.  Is there anything that I haven't asked you that you would like to contribute to this conversation? Is there anything that you would like to add to what you have already said?  120  


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items