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From nuisance to amenity : exploring planning policy alternatives for live music venues in Vancouver Pickersgill, Mark 2006

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FROM NUISANCE TO AMENITY: EXPLORING PLANNING POLICY ALTERNATIVES FOR LIVE MUSIC VENUES IN VANCOUVER by M A R K P I C K E R S G I L L Bachelor of Arts, University of Alberta, 2002 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN PARTIAL F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S in P L A N N I N G in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S T H E UNIVERSITY O F BRITISH C O L U M B I A O C T O B E R 2006 © Mark Pickersgill, 2006 ABSTRACT In Vancouver, increasing residential pressures on the city have resulted in the loss and endangerment of a number of live music venues. This thesis explores the role of planning policy in integrating and retaining live music venues within urban environments. This thesis asserts that live music venues are contested spaces . Venues and performance facilities come attached with their own stories, histories, devotees, cultural worth, social importance, and economic significance, thus comprising important pieces of cultural fabric. Live music venues also help to instill vitality, enjoyment, identity, and purpose to a place as they attract artists, consumers, tourists, entrepreneurs, and industry. It is in this sense that live music venues constitute an important amenity to city life. However, from other perspectives music venues can pose serious concerns regarding noise, crowds, alcohol, unruly behaviour, and disorder. Generally planning policy has not been able to adequately address live music venues. A n exploration of how planning policy affects venues is carried out through an in-depth review of relevant literature pertaining to land use, emerging planning challenges, and amenity. Research reveals that there are 4 basic areas of planning policy that affect live music venues most directly: 1) Long range and strategic planning 2) Regulation 3) Cultural Planning 4) Financing and the securing of public amenities. Using these four areas of planning policy as an analytical framework, an examination of case example cities and a detailed S W O T analysis of the Vancouver context is carried out. Overall the research reveals that increasing residential development and a pervasive culture of complaint comprise two of the primary threats to live music venues in Vancouver. This thesis concludes that there is a need to increase the connections between land use and cultural planning policy in order to foster live music venues and to assert their legitimacy as a land use. A series of potential planning policy alternatives for Vancouver are suggested with discussion concluding with a broad look at the role of planners in supporting live music venues. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Tables v List of Figures vi Acknowledgements vii C H A P T E R 1 - Introduction and Thesis Outline 1 1.1 I N T R O D U C T I O N 1 1.2 P R O B L E M S T A T E M E N T 2 1.3 R E S E A R C H Q U E S T I O N S A N D O B J E C T I V E S 6 1.4 DEFINITIONS 8 1.5 M E T H O D O L O G Y A N D CRIT ICAL R E S E A R C H P A R A D I G M 9 1.6 T H E S I S O V E R V I E W 10 C H A P T E R 2 - Methods 12 2.1 R E S E A R C H P R O C E S S 12 2.2 R E S E A R C H A S S U M P T I O N S A N D B I A S E S 13 2.3 M E T H O D S 14 2.4 S T U D Y LIMITATIONS 21 2.5 VALIDITY A N D RELIABILITY 22 C H A P T E R 3 - Literature Review 24 3.1 T H E P L A C E O F LIVE M U S I C V E N U E S IN L A N D U S E P L A N N I N G 24 3.2 E M E R G I N G P L A N N I N G C H A L L E N G E S 36 3.3 LIVE M U S I C V E N U E S A S P U B L I C A M E N I T I E S 42 3.4 A N A L Y T I C A L F R A M E W O R K 51 C H A P T E R 4 - Case Examples 54 4.1 I N T R O D U C T I O N 54 4.2 M A N C H E S T E R 54 4.3 C A L G A R Y 59 4.4 A U S T I N . 6 3 4.5 S E A T T L E 68 4.6 K E Y FINDINGS A N D T H E M E S 75 C H A P T E R 5 - Case Study: The Vancouver Context 77 5.1 I N T R O D U C T I O N 77 5.2 L O N G R A N G E A N D S T R A T E G I C P L A N N I N G 77 5.3 R E G U L A T I O N 86 5.4 C U L T U R A L P L A N N I N G 96 5.5 F INANCING A N D T H E S E C U R I N G O F P U B L I C A M E N I T I E S 99 5.6 S U M M A R Y 100 C H A P T E R 6 - Swot Analys i s 102 6.1 I N T R O D U C T I O N 102 6.2 S T R E N G H T S 104 6.2 W E A K N E S S E S 107 6.3 O P P O R T U N I T I E S . . .115 6.4 T H R E A T S . . . 121 6.7 G E N E R A L FINDINGS 126 6.8 S U M M A R Y 126 C H A P T E R 7 - Pol icy Alternatives and Conc lus ions 127 7.1 I N T R O D U C T I O N 127 7.2 I N C O R P O R A T I N G LIVE M U S I C V E N U E S INTO L A N D U S E A N D C U L T U R A L P L A N N I N G P O L I C Y 128 7.3 P L A N N I N G P O L I C Y A L T E R N A T I V E S 130 7.4 P L A N N I N G R O L E S IN A D D R E S S I N G LIVE M U S I C V E N U E S 136 7.5 C O N C U L D I N G R E M A R K S 142 Bibliography 143 Appendix A : Sample of Interview Questions 151 Appendix B : Sample of Survey Questions 153 i v LIST OF TABLES Table 5.1 - Downtown Vancouver Population Statistics 83 Table 5.2 - Area Approaches to Liquor Licensing 94 v LIST OF FIGURES Figure 4.1 - Manchester's Northern Quarter 55 Figure 4.2 - Calgary's Beltline (Approximate) 61 Figure 4.3 - Sixth Street Music District (Austin) 64 Figure 4.4 - Seattle Central Areas 70 Figure 5.1 - Downtown South and Granville Street Theatre Row 85 Figure 6.1 - Potential Neighbourhood Live Music Venue Location and General Land Use Classifications 118 vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am sincerely grateful to Michael Larice, my first reader and urban design sage. Your knowledge, encouragement, and willingness to not give up on me made this happen. I am also thankful to my second reader Michael Gordon whose experience, input, encouragement, and generosity helped it all make some kind of sense. I am thankful to my S C A R P friends who have been a source of inspiration, knowledge, support, and companionship. And a very big thank you to my family for all of the support you have given me. vii C H A P T E R 1 - INTRODUCTION AND THESIS OUTLINE "Headin' for the nearest foreign border Vancouver may just be my kind of town 'cause they don't need the kind of law and order that keeps a good man underground" Flying Burrito Brothers From the song "My Uncle" (1969) 1.1 INTRODUCTION In the summer of 2005, "Blim", a one-of-a-kind art and music performance space in Vancouver was quickly and unceremoniously asked to c e a s e its operations and move. A venue with an avant-garde/electronic bent, Blim was served with an eviction notice from their Pender Street location largely because of the perception that the venue was chiefly a party place. What Blim lacked in formality and mainstream appeal , it more than made up for in creativity, uniqueness, and a solid operating philosophy that never allowed operations and music performances to get out of control. Despite a long list of volunteers and an impressive list of independent exhibitors/performers/musicians, the idea of a weekend exhibition and performance space situated within an office building was not welcomed with open arms by other building tenants or city regulators. Ironically it is often the case that alternative venues such as Blim use self-regulation through their customers' self identification and conduct to ensure that the ethos of creativity and respectable operation are not compromised (Chatterton and Hollands, 2003). However it appears that in this instance, local authorities and planning policies were unhelpful and unsupportive in terms of 1 recognizing the venue's creativity and contribution to diverse nightlife culture in the city. T h e loss of a local live music venue is not an uncommon occurrence in Vancouver. Accounts in local Vancouver media when a venue closes its doors usually express remorse, anger, and concern over the state of music and culture in the city. It is also typical of such accounts to blame Vancouver 's 'fun police' as the culprits who look for every chance they can to shut down a troublesome nuisance and to keep people from having a good time. O n e thing that is not reflected in media reports regarding live music venue closures is a deeper understanding of why closures happen. The refrain often goes that the city was once home to a thriving and gritty live music club scene. Now high end condominiums and gentrification have pushed venues aside. Surely there is an explanation or at least some reason as to why such occurrences happen? From this perspective there must also be some ways in which the conflicts and contested nature of musical spaces in the city can be addressed. 1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT Strong responses to the loss of live music venues reflect that there is considerable debate over the way that space is used, regulated, and made available in the city. Live music venues and performance facilities can come attached with their own stories, histories, devotees, cultural worth, social importance, and economic significance, ultimately comprising an important piece of cultural fabric. Venues can also help to instill vitality, enjoyment, identity, and purpose to a place as they attract artists, consumers, tourists, entrepreneurs, and industry. Whether a venue has housed a local band that went on to become world famous or is part of some greater civic identity, there exists both personal and collective attachments to the cultural production of music and place. However, from another perspective, live music venues can also be seen as a type of land use that is liable to pose serious concerns over noise, crowds, alcohol, unruly behaviour, and disorder (Homan, 2003). In this resect live music 2 venues can also be identified as a nuisance. T h e s e discrepancies point to the idea that live music venues are contested spaces within the city. For the most part, live music venues have not been well represented or articulated in planning policy. Part of the problem is that live music can be experienced in a variety of different ways, by a number of different interests in the city. Venue operators, audiences, musicians, enforcement agencies, planners, politicians, and city residents each project distinct needs, concerns, and expectations regarding the place of live music venues and entertainment in the city. Furthermore each interest is vying for control of the space , making the venues a fine example of contested space. Without proper consideration of the planning policies that affect where and how live music venues operate, experiential gaps become entrenched between stakeholders in ways that can dilute live music experiences, negatively impact urban environments, and adversely affect opportunities for diverse local culture. Land use planning policy approaches to live music venues have commonly been based on negative externalities such as noise, public disorder, and effects on residential and business interests. In this regard land use planning's focus on projected needs, the public good, and order have resulted in a situation where the majority of needs and desires of urbanites are not conceived in terms of known experience, but rather in terms of a social order where needs are experienced abstractly (Sennett, 1972: 95). Bylaws, zoning, noise control measures, strategic long range planning initiatives, and even participatory planning models have all been used to establish the need for order over disorder. While land use planning and regulatory tools do maintain an important function within the city, they also have a tendency to perpetuate spatial and temporal dysfunctionalities, particularly when it comes to urban nighttime entertainment. The term "dysfunctionalities" implies a central tension between the ordered nature of planning and the organic, fluid, and time sensitive nature of live music and nighttime activities. For one, the styles, tastes, locations, and demands for live music are constantly in flux (Homan, 2003; Dickout 2004). Another consideration is that live music activities tend to be oriented towards the 3 nighttime hours. Evenings and nights are the times that have been structured into society for fun and enjoyment, yet land use planning has tendency to prioritize the interests of those not participating in nighttime activities. U s e s geared towards nighttime activity and entertainment can run contrary to the typical order espoused by planning. T h e changing physical and socioeconomic character of many urban communities has unfortunately meant that higher impact land uses such as live music venues present a greater potential source of friction and nuisance (Costa, 2004; Hutton, 2005). Aided and abetted by increased residential growth, the City of Vancouver serves as an example of emerging North American cities seeking residential and cultural redevelopment of their inner core. This trend has been epitomized by Vancouver 's "living first" ethos, which concisely describes Vancouver 's commitment to making the city a livable place for its residents and reinvigorating its central areas. The rapid influx of new groups, residents, and activities into formerly underutilized, industrial, low intensity residential, and expanding areas of cities has led to increased pressures on local councils, planners, and regulatory bodies to heavily manage, remove, or mute noisy music establishments and other similar active uses (Homan, 2003: 5). O n e of the central concerns is that locational opportunities can be limited by expectations that so called "noisy" uses be located in convivial areas such as "entertainment districts" or tucked away where disturbance can be held to a minimum (Babcock and Larson, 1990). However from one perspective few truly convivial places exist within in the "residential" or "livable" city. Many cities in North America and Europe have in recent years established cultural planning initiatives in order to develop and administer cultural policies and programs, participate in city planning and development processes, and to provide avenues for capital assistance for facility development and arts organizations (Landry, 2005). T h e s e recent turns in policy have heralded the cultural and economic importance of providing cultural facilities, fostering 'creative capital', and accommodating the new creative c lasses (Florida, 2003; Landry, 2000; Ley 2003; Ley, 1996) into the city. 4 Local planning departments and governments in Europe and North America have been quick to respond to this idea in making commitments to building city images of the vibrant, 24-hour, or creative city through policies that: encourage the development of specialized cultural quarters and districts; repurposing spaces for creative industry; marketing civic identity; arranging new funding and networking opportunities for culturally based organizations and facilities, and calling for more flexible by-laws and regulations (Brown, 2000; Indergaard, 2003). T h e cultural turn in policy has given cities the will to transform their urban centers into busy business and cultural "destinations". Such transformations tend ultimately to be aided by large population catchments, regional employment centers, established cosmopolitan reputations, strategic leadership of the local state, and significant growth in service-sector professionals: all of which theoretically fuel a latent demand for entertainment, cultural goods, and services (Chatterton and Hollands, 2003). However, one problem concerning live music venues is that cultural or creative city strategies have a tendency to favour the attraction of global capital, industry, tourism, and middle-to-upper class residents seeking an urban 'living' experience, over authentic and diverse culture and activities. Important symbolic and economic values have now been placed on creativity, alternative cultures, and space. Within this frame of thought, live music venues are one of the elements of the urban cultural milieu potentially extolled for their positive economic benefits and contribution to city life through their ability to re-enforce a city's cosmopolitan and creative edge (Dickout, 2004). Despite the potential amenity value of live music venues, it seems as if they have been left out of the process. This cultural turn appears to have produced two contradictory and somewhat unfavourable outcomes for live music venues. T h e first is that the success of attracting so called "creative classes" often comes with the elimination of the marginal cultural producers and genuine diversity which are often cited as reasons for attracting attention in the first place (Florida, 2003; Ley, 2003). A second contradiction is that while cities are keen to expand and cosmopolitanise the elements of nightlife and activities, generally larger scale and corporate forms 5 of entertainment facilities reap most of the benefits to be had. According to Chatterton and Hollands (2003) larger and more visible operations are seen from a city management perspective as 'safe bets' in terms of credibility, financial situations, and the ability to provide strong impact reduction measures. Abigail Gilmore (2004) ultimately alludes to the idea that perhaps there exists a "complex and ambivalent relationship" in the urban regeneration process between different interests in the city, as dichotomous viewpoints for live music venues are reflected in the types of policies that influence opportunities and create barriers. Collectively current approaches appear to hinder the ability for live music venues to become a more amenable part of urban life and culture. Ultimately, this thesis is concerned with exploring the concern of how current land use and cultural planning policies play a central role in creating opportunities and barriers for live music venues in the city. Planning policy for the most part has aimed at protecting the public interest and supporting the quality of life for a community's citizens, in ensuring that certain basic amenities are provided. However this thesis argues that as unique and potentially valuable parts of urban communities (in that they can contribute to cultural growth, creativity, economic development, and personal enjoyment) live music venues need greater attention from policy and decision makers, particularly when faced with the serious land use concerns they can present. 1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND OBJECTIVES This thesis operates under the assertions that live music venues are contested spaces and the planning policy (from land use and cultural perspectives) has not considered them in ways that has addressed their presence in increasingly residential urban environments. Planning policies from both land use and cultural perspectives need to be better integrated and responsive in order to address the land use concerns surrounding live music venues and to identify their role as part of the greater public good. This thesis was an attempt to answer the following three questions: 6 1) Why should live music venues be better considered in planning policies? 2) How do planning policies (both from land use and cultural perspectives) create opportunities and barriers for live music venues? 3) How might planning policy alternatives be used to better foster live music venues and address the concerns they may present? 4) What is the role of a planner? Based on these questions, the intended objectives of this research are to: • Explore how planning policies presently and historically have been used to deal with live music venues; • Create an analytical framework that better expands understanding of why and how planning policies present live music venue opportunities and barriers; • Analyze and evaluate the strength's, weakness, opportunities and threats related to existing planning policy; • Provide a range of potential policy alternatives. • Discuss the role of the planner in planning for live music venues and spaces. T h e policy alternatives presented at the end of this thesis were envisioned as a means to better inform Vancouver authorities, planners, regulators, citizens, media, venue operators, musicians, music lovers and ultimately policy makers by providing critical insight into some difficult, elusive, and under-explored issues. It is hoped that the policy alternatives could shed light on bridging the experiential gaps surrounding live music venues in the city. 7 1.4 DEFINITIONS O n e of the most pressing challenges in operationalizing this study was to define "live music venues". The study of music venues can be a problematic research object because of the difficulty in documenting an inherently erratic field of sites, with a constant birth and rebirth of venues, clientele, and styles (Homan, 2003). There is also little consensus as to what should be classified as a live music venue. For instance live music venues within the City of Vancouver come in many forms and have many subtle distinctions. Restaurants, community centres, or nightclubs can each be viewed as a live music venue. This thesis was not concerned with any particular style or musical subculture, but rather in identifying and studying those spaces that promote original live music performance and consumption. Popular music scholars such as S h a n e Homan have defined similar objects of study as live "rock music venues" or "rock pubs". However in consideration of DJ culture and other music formats that do not rely on traditional instrumentation, such labels become messy. A decided effort was made to distinguish the research object from uses such as dance nightclubs, karaoke bars, or other venues with canned (or prerecorded) music that do not rely on a live performance component as part of their entertainment programming. A live music venue for the purposes of this thesis was thus defined as any establishment that incorporates the performance of live music, with a live audience present, as part of their programmed uses and activities. T h e other concern was to define the parameters of planning policy. Planning policy is also an obtuse research object that can take into account many different factors and directions. In particular there are two areas of planning policy that were deemed vital to investigate: land use and cultural policy. Land use policy it self has many considerations, however this thesis defines land use policy as any form of planning that accounts for the present and future use of land. Cultural policy, while having discerning overlap with areas of land use planning is defined as those areas of policy that account for the present and future cultural aims and objectives within a city mandate. 8 1.5 METHODOLOGY AND CRITICAL RESEARCH PARADIGM Schensul , Schensul and LeCompte (1999) declare that a critical paradigm places emphasis on research as an empowerment tool, aiming to uncover social inequities and find ways to transform institutions, through dialogue, policy, political action. In adopting a critical approach, the goal of this thesis was to reveal possibilities for institutional transformation in identifying roles of policy in a largely under-explored terrain: planning for live music venues in the city. By definition, a research methodology validates the rationale behind a selected research design and provides justification for why it is appropriate in solving the selected research problem. T h e particular research problem outlined in this thesis was multifaceted suggesting methodologies to reflect the difficult and robust nature of the issue. T h e methodological considerations of this thesis are outlined below. Mixed Method Research and Bricolage This project suggested that a language of "cases and contexts" be used to go well beyond a quantitative assessment (Neuman, 2000:122). A 'bricolage' technique was thus adopted throughout the extent of this research (Neuman, 2000). This technique required having a deep knowledge of materials, an esoteric set of skills, and the capacity to combine these different skills and understandings flexibly. T h e bricolage technique was essential in this study because the boundaries and distinctions inherent in the study of live music venues and the policies surrounding them are somewhat unclear and multifaceted. Generally researchers follow a 'path' when conducting their work, which serves a metaphor for the sequence in which research is carried out. In this regard the research resembled a qualitative research direction in that it does not typically follow a simple linear direction. Rather the direction is more cyclical in nature. Qualitative research approaches emphasize the ability to draw on a variety of skills, materials, and approaches as they are needed, usually without 9 being able to plan for them in advance (Neuman, 2000). In this way, the research presented here has a strong qualitative element. While retaining the principle elements of qualitative research, other more quantitative elements and directions were also included. Neuman (2000) notes that researchers who strictly adhere to either linear quantitative or more nonlinear qualitative styles can have a difficult time communicating with one another. Considering Neuman's comments on the nature of research design, an effort was made to incorporate mixed methods that could compliment the complexity and reciprocal nature of the problem. Exploratory Approach T h e research approach of this thesis was primarily exploratory in nature. Researchers explore when there is a lack of scientific knowledge about the group, process, activity or situation but believe there is some worth in discovering new knowledge. T h e main goal of exploratory research is to generate inductively-derived generalizations about the group, process, activity or situation under study. With this approach, research may be guided by some theoretical direction; however, the theoretical framework tends to emerge through the empirical process itself. A detailed discussion of the methods used in this thesis is provided in Chapter 2. 1.6 THESIS OVERVIEW Following this introduction, Chapter 2 consists of a breakdown of the methods used in conducting the research for this thesis. Chapter 3 begins a review of relevant literature. Here theoretical and historical explorations are used to explain: • T h e contested nature of live music venues; • How live music venues have been described and defined in planning policy; 10 • How planning policies play a role in addressing live music venues. E a c h aspect of this chapter explores the difficulties of integrating live music spaces into city spaces . T h e last section of Chapter 3 identifies an analytical framework created and used to guide the empirical research. Chapter 4 consists of the case examples. T h e cities of Austin, Calgary, Manchester, and Seattle are examined and discussed regarding their various approaches to live music venues and entertainment. A summary is presented at the end of the chapter. Chapter 5 is comprised of a Vancouver case study. T h e same analytical framework is applied to this chapter as was used in the case examples. Using the information provided in the Vancouver case study, Chapter 6 then consists of a S W O T analysis of planning policies as they relate to live music venues in Vancouver. Finally, Chapter 7 provides summarized answers to the research questions and provides policy alternatives for the City of Vancouver. Concluding remarks and suggestions for further study are then d iscussed. 11 C H A P T E R 2 - METHODS T h e objective of this chapter is to describe the methods used in this thesis. A s noted in the previous chapter this thesis employed a mixed method and exploratory approach. T h e research involved 5 basic phases: personal observation, gathering of supporting information, development of a conceptual framework, primary data collection, and analysis. T h e research process and methods are described in detail below. Research assumptions and limitations of the methods selected are also d iscussed. 2.1 RESEARCH PROCESS T h e research process undertaken for this thesis can be approximately divided into 5 main phases: 1. Personal observation—the research process began with the observation of the fact that live music venues pose a problematic land use issue. Having witnessed several live music venues disappear or face extinction due to development pressure, bylaw violations, or market failure I developed a personal curiosity in exploring the role that planning policy plays in addressing this issue of live music venues being incorporated into the city. 2. Gathering of supporting information - the next stage in this process involved the gathering of literature and materials that supported my initial observations and provided discussion as to how live music venues might be better fostered and accounted for in planning policy. 3. Development of a conceptual framework— the proceeding step involved the review of a range of literature that describes the origins, nature, and impacts of live music venues in the city, and provides ways through which land use and cultural planning policy approach the issue. T h e literature was used to develop a framework through which to base the empirical components of the study and to illustrate the roles of policy in planning for live music venues. 12 4. Primary data collection— both case example and case study methods were employed for data collection. T h e case examples involved a detailed document review and web-search for information. T h e case study research was conducted through a document review, structured interviews with a variety of actors involved, and surveys with music venue owners and operators. E a c h of these methods is described in more detail below. 5. Analysis—the analysis portion of the thesis focused more specifically on the Vancouver case study. For each method of data collection a systematic approach of documentation and coding data was used to gain an overall understanding of the results. They were then read more systematically and coded according to key themes that emerged (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The general frequency of particular responses and information was recorded. Coding differentiated between different types of policy as determined in the analytical framework. Using the information gathered a S W O T analysis was then employed considering all of the findings. T h e S W O T analysis was also used to re-introduce and discuss the main themes as explored in the literature review. A more detailed description of the S W O T analysis is also provided below. 2.2 RESEARCH ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES T o enhance the understanding of research findings, researchers should be aware and acknowledge their own assumptions and biases (Payne & Payne, 2004). Perhaps the most transparent bias on which this thesis is premised is the belief that having more diverse live music venues in the city is a valuable and achievable end. There is also a notion that planning policy can play a substantive role in addressing live music venues. I feel strongly that there is substantial value to having greater opportunities for creativity and enjoyment in the city. Planning literature indicates that live music venues are not often well addressed in policy. This thesis will aim to illustrate that policy responses have been poor at best in addressing the multitude of physical, social, environmental, and economic 13 impacts attached to live entertainment and music in the city. This is particularly troubling since live music venues and entertainment are so ingrained with the realities and conflicts inherent in urban life. 2.3 METHODS Considering the broad, complex, somewhat elusive nature of this study, it was determined that multiple methods were needed to achieve the intended outcomes. T h e triangulation of multiple methods was thus envisioned as a means to ensure that numerous perspectives and ideas could be expressed, and also to better ensure the validity and reliability of the findings. Literature Review A literature review was used to situate the policy implications of live music venues in a theoretical planning context. T h e initial objective was to use the literature review to explain how live music venues have been dealt with in the realms of land use and cultural planning respectively. After considerable exploration and consideration, it was determined that in order to achieve the intended outcomes of providing policy alternatives, the following 3 areas needed to be elaborated on: 1) T h e place of live music venues in land use planning 2) New land use challenges facing live music venues 3) T h e amenity value of live music venues Most importantly the literature review itself served a large role in helping to inform the development of the research question, methods of empirical data collection, and the analytical framework. In this sense the literature review had a reflexive and fundamental role in directing each subsequent aspect of this thesis. Empirical Data Collect ion Empirical data collection implies the gathering of the primary data for analysis. For this purpose this thesis relied on two overarching and distinct 14 methods: case examples and a case study. Explanations for each are provided below. Within each of these two methods there were specific data gathering techniques used. Case Examples Conducting research on more than one case (multiple case studies) contributes to the credibility of the results. Yin (2003) advised that multiple c a s e s should be conceptualized as replicating an experiment. O n c e conclusions have been drawn under one set of conditions, the experiment can be replicated to determine if the results can be duplicated. For this thesis, it was determined that the focus was to be on Vancouver. However there was still a belief in the value of learning from other examples. C a s e 'examples' were thus used as a means to obtain important anecdotal information, confirm the appropriateness of the analytical framework, and to test the applicability of the framework for the City of Vancouver. For this purpose 4 cities were selected to provide insights into possible policy options and scenarios: Manchester, Calgary, Seattle, and Austin. T h e selection of each city for the case examples was based on their respective experiences in dealing with live music and entertainment. This case example method offered the ability to view issues surrounding live music venues from a number of different contexts without the burden of a detailed multiple case study or comparative case study analysis. For the case example component, there was primarily one data research method employed. A document and article analysis of municipal policies and reports pertaining to live music venues was used. Various articles and writings were also consulted and analyzed to obtain background information, items of historical significance, and a sense of the major issues in each city. Depending on the availability of information, documents and articles were obtained online or through library searches. T h e analytical framework established as part of the literature review served as the basis of the information collected. 15 Case Study A n in depth single case study looking at Vancouver was a central component of this thesis (Yin, 1991). Robert Yin (1991) identifies that a number of different case study methodologies exist. However the single case study application was the most appropriate to achieve the goals of this thesis, as the outcomes were directed specifically to the Vancouver context. A case study is a detailed enquiry into a single example (of a social process, organization, etc) seen as a holistic unit (Payne & Payne, 2004). For this purpose it was important to provide a focused and in depth examination of the research universe ultimately effected by the proposed policy alternatives. A s described by Yin (2003) a case study: "investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident. . . you would use the case study method because you deliberately want to cover contextual conditions — believing that they might be highly pertinent to your phenomenon of study" (p.13). Because the level of detail was significantly greater than the case examples, much more intensive research data gathering methods were needed, as such holistic perspectives invariably suggest multiple methods of data collection (Robson, 2002). The following outline the 3 methods of data collection employed for the Vancouver case study. • Policy and Document Review Municipal policies and reports pertaining to live music venues were reviewed extensively. Documents and reports were either obtained online or attained through contact with municipal staff. The objective of this method was to obtain accurate information of policies both past and present. 16 • Interviews Expert, structured interviews were conducted with planners, regulators, enforcement agents, and policy makers within the City of Vancouver. All interviews were conducted either in-person or via telephone as a structured set of questions and followed open ended conversation. There were several criteria used to select interview participants. T h e individual had to have a) worked for the municipality in some capacity and b) worked in a capacity which may somehow impact policy related to live music venues. Purposive, snowball sampling was employed to identify interview participants. Purposive samples are not aimed at being statistically representative. Instead, individuals are selected because their experience is judged by the researcher to be of interest to the research objectives. Snowball sampling, which can be seen as a particular type of purposive sampling, involves using individuals from the population of interest to identify other members of the population who become participants and also identify further potential participants (Robson, 2002). Snowball sampling was used in order to identify additional individuals with experience relevant to the research topic. All interview participants were first approached over email or telephone with the delivery of a letter of introduction and a description of the research. S e v e n interviews were conducted in total. T h e backgrounds of the participating interviewees were varied and included those from policy planning, cultural planning, community planning, license and bylaws, health, and enforcement. Ultimately some interviewees could be identified as having a background in more than one planning and policy area. Their experiences in various realms ultimately shaped their perspectives and experiences with live music venues and policy. 17 A structured interview process was used when conducting the interviews. Based on the literature review and the resulting analytical framework, a series of questions were developed in order to gain insights into 5 key areas. T h e first 4 areas are identified in the analytical framework. The 5 t h area of questioning was an addition aimed at learning more about the existing conditions of live music venues in Vancouver, with no direct policy orientation. This area was focused on obtaining the subjective insights of the interviewees related to live music venues themselves. The areas of questioning were as follows: 1) Long Range and Strategic Planning 2) Regulation 3) Cultural Planning Initiatives 4) Financing and the Securing of Public Amenity 5) Venue Types A sample of the interview questions typically used in these interviews is included in Appendix A . The wording and ordering of the questions employed in each interview varied somewhat depending on the experiences and specialization of the interviewee. Interviews took place in person or over the phone when an in-person interview was not available. E a c h in-person interview took place at the interviewees' workplace. Generally the interviews lasted between 30 and 50 minutes. • Live Music Venue Operators Survey Another data collection method used in this study was to survey live music venue operators in Vancouver. This survey was devised to gain insight into live music issues from the perspective of those directly involved in venue operation and their relationship to policy. The survey was targeted at all identifiable live music venues in the city of Vancouver. Addresses , email addresses, and telephone numbers were collected from advertisements, telephone directories, and the internet. All potential 18 participants were first approached over email or over the telephone with a letter of introduction and description of research. In total there was an attempt to contact 37 venues in the city. This number did not represent all venues in the city but only those for which a method of contact was made publicly available via a telephone number or email address. T h e criteria for participation in the survey were that the venue had to have some form of live music entertainment and that the respondent had to have been involved in the management and operations of the venue. A total of 14 venue operators were reached and agreed to participate in the survey, indicating an approximately 39% participation rate. In the case of those that did not respond, in most instances it was due to a lack of effectively establishing communication and not having requests for participation returned. Often venue operators work unusual and sporadic hours, making contact doubly difficult. All completed surveys were eventually conducted over the telephone or via email correspondence. T h e survey questions themselves were designed to respect the framework established in Chapter 3. T h e 4 areas of policy established in the analytical framework were thus incorporated into the survey questioning. O n e of the original intentions of the survey was to use the data collected as a means of establishing a typology of live music venues in Vancouver. This would have allowed venues of different sizes and orientations to be easily compared. A lack of responses made this task unfeasible. Despite this setback, questions of a more technical and operational order were incorporated into the questions. A list of the key areas of questioning is summarized in the following: 1) Long Range and Strategic Planning 2) Regulation 3) Cultural Planning Initiatives 4) Financing and the Securing of Public Amenity 5) Operational details A sample of the Survey questions is provided in Appendix B. 19 Completed surveys were not isolated to any one particular area of the city but represent a broad range of locations. In this sense the sampling method was random. Size and musical orientation were also well distributed. S W O T Analys is Planners, policy makers, and city managers tend to discuss trends in city management relative to policy function. Thus there was a need to consider policy in ways that could be strategic, nimble, and responsive in order to offer useful insights and alternatives (Kaufman and Jacobs , 1987). T h e environment for local planning policy is constantly changing with planners needing to stay on top of a complex set of community dynamics. This is particularly true in dealing with the shifting nature of live music venues and subsequent policies. With this in mind, another consideration of this thesis was to explore the possibilities of applying a strategic planning model to analysis the data. Within the context of this thesis, the notion "Strategic Planning" was ideally seen as an approach that could be helpful for: • Setting future policy direction and actions; • Acquiring, developing and managing resources; • Organizational and collaborative learning, plus innovation and improvement; • Influencing and managing stakeholders Overall strategic planning suggests the identification of and response to changes beyond the control of an organization (in this case planning policy), and from this provides future direction. With this approach there was a great deal of importance placed on analyzing the specific situation and how the environment is changing. Within a planning policy context, there are a great number of environmental factors such as economic and political developments, strategies by private actors and government agencies, and changing regulations and techniques that effect live music venues. The notion behind adopting an 20 approach of this nature was that it incorporated complexity and interpretation in order to make clear the opportunities and threats over the foreseeable future. This would allow the researcher to move forward with potentially achievable goals and alternatives. Central to the strategic planning model was the use of a S W O T analysis, which identifies Strengths, W e a k n e s s e s , Opportunities and Threats ( S W O T ) , as the basis for future strategy formulation. A S W O T analysis was begun by scanning the environment, selecting key issues, stating a mission and formulating goals, undertaking internal and external analyses, developing strategies, and formulating plans for strategic action (Kaufman and Jacobs , 1987). In line with the stated objectives of this thesis, each element of the S W O T analysis was undertaken with the aim of developing potential planning policy alternatives for live music venues in the City of Vancouver. 2.4 STUDY LIMITATIONS If time and resources had permitted, this research could have been strengthened by expanding questioning to include non-planners and city officials such as community-members and residents. However, given the exploratory nature of this study, beginning with the perspectives of those involved directly in planning policy and live music venue operation were seen as an appropriate place to begin to look at policy and how it is constructed. It is also quite feasible that a multiple case study analysis or a case comparison study would have also proven effective in this research. Additional insights into policy and live music venues could have been gained by also exploring a single policy aspect such as regulation or though looking at the effects of policy on a single live music venue example. Ultimately trade-offs between depth and breadth must be made when designing research. T h e study design presented here allowed for a detailed understanding of the range of perspectives on policy and day to day operations of live music venues. 21 T h e policy alternatives presented at the end of this thesis were also designed and envisioned to act as limited discussions on live music venues in Vancouver and the planning policies that affect them. A n initial decision was made to limit the physical scope of the study primarily to the City of Vancouver, both to create a manageable research universe, and in recognition that Vancouver serves as a cultural and entertainment hub of the region in which it is situated. A n acknowledgement was made that a comprehensive study of live music venues and subsequent policies should involve consideration of a complex interplay of factors and concerns as everything from popular tastes and audience demand to political climate and real estate economics can have impacts. While these diverse elements are considered on some level, this thesis was based specifically on planning policies on a local level. A s a result, certain limitations in this study should be noted. It should also be noted that this thesis knowingly excludes an important aspect of live music that is tied intricately to venues. A study of live music spaces should acknowledge that rehearsal and creation spaces are linked intimately with performance spaces . Music creation in this instance implies rehearsal and studio spaces , or the 'behind the scene' locations where musicians and artists live as well as create and practice their art. In discussing live music venues, this thesis covers the performance realm quite extensively whereas music rehearsal and production s p a c e s are not integrated or considered greatly in this study. While it is beyond the scope of this thesis to explore creation spaces in detail, the importance of production/rehearsal should not be ignored in broader policy discussions because there are inextricable links between music production, performance, and consumption (City of Vancouver, 1995a). 2.5 VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY Despite the complexity of the issues discussed in this thesis it was important to consider the reliability and validity of the research being conducted. 22 T h e credibility of a study is ultimately determined by the reliability and validity of the research methods employed (Robson, 2002). In this instance 'reliability' refers to the extent to which the results of the research are replicable, provided that certain basic conditions and methods remain the same. It is felt that similar research techniques as the ones employed in this thesis could produce similar findings. However certain time sensitive limitations should be recognized. By the time of completion of the written component of the thesis, 3 of the 14 venues surveyed had shut down or changed ownership. This illustrates the difficulty in selecting live music venues as a research object. Validity ultimately refers to the ability of the research techniques to capture the characteristics of the concepts being studied (Payne and Payne, 2004). For this thesis, an audit trail of research activities, such as interview documentation, coding, and data analysis contributes to both the reliability and validity of the research by reducing the threat of researcher bias to whatever degree possible (Robson, 2002). T h e validity of the research was theoretically assured through the use of triangulation. In this way multiple sources of data enhanced the rigor of the research (Robson, 2002). 23 C H A P T E R 3 - LITERATURE REVIEW T h e aim of the chapter is to identify the areas of planning policy most pertinent to incorporating live music venues into city spaces T o achieve this aim, the chapter explores pertinent literature in order to identify the place of live music venues within land use planning, new and emerging planning challenges, and live music venues as an amenity. From the literature an analytical framework was created based on the primary ways in which planning policies play a role addressing live music venues. 3.1 THE PLACE OF LIVE MUSIC VENUES IN LAND USE PLANNING T h e way in which land is used, managed, and regulated has a central role in defining a city's character, potential for development, and impacts on the natural, social, and economic environment (Hodge, 2003). T h e practice of zoning was premised on the protection of the public's health, and the amelioration of conditions injurious or hazardous to the physical well-being of people or property (Leung, 2003). T h e 'public interest' has thus been positioned at the forefront of land use planning practice, concerning itself with everything from health and safety, convenience, aesthetics, institutional efficiency, and equity, to the environment, physical growth, energy, heritage, transportation, infrastructure, housing (affordable housing), and amenity. In understanding the dynamic nature of land-use planning and its relationship to live music venues, it is important to explore zoning's roots in North America and the subsequent effects this has had in casting live music venues as a nuisance. A s such health and safety have historically been viewed as the primary justifications for modern land use planning and zoning ( H a a r a n d Kayden, 1989; Leung, 2003). Many of today's zoning and subsequent public health laws in both C a n a d a and the United States have evolved from analogous legal ancestors: the "common law of public 24 nuisance", the expansion of state police powers, and the protection of private property rights. Land Use Planning and Zoning Origins Long before zoning had become a recognized legal planning mechanism, various forms of regulation were pursued as ways of managing land use, preserving public order and regulating nuisance. Industrializing cities of the 19 t h and 20 t h century encouraged large numbers of new people and activities into cities, often bringing new problems and challenges (Hodge, 2003). T h e sanitary provisioning of housing with waste disposal , sunlight, transportation opportunities, water systems, and a host of other services in industrialized cities would eventually be considered vital in tackling the problems of public health, epidemic disease, increased urban congestion, noise, and pollution connected to growth (Leung, 2003). What would ultimately come to distinguish zoning as an urban management practice was the application of land use standards by "districts" and "pre-prescribed" areas of the city, characterized by a distinct separation of uses (Hodge, 2003). This practice had its basic origins in Germany and quickly spread to other industrializing parts of the world (Rabin, 1989). Public health and was often placed at the forefront of this movement. A landmark court ruling occurred in the U.S during the 1926 case of Ambler Realty vs. the Village of Euclid where the Supreme Court officially recognized zoning's health basis. This was the first instance in which zoning was legally permitted. T h e Euclid zoning law protected nearby residential property from the nuisance of industrial development sought by the Ambler realty firm. Here health and safety were very visible concerns and ultimately fundamental in the adoption of zoning law. It was proclaimed that Euclid's legal rationale focused on the protection of individual property rights, interests of residential neighborhoods, and the public interest as a whole (Schilling and Linton, 2005; Haar and Kayden, 1989). Euclid is generally considered a hallmark of modern zoning in North America, helping to define the notion of "as-of-right" 25 development, and inscribing the types of laws that cite the intrusion of "nonresidential" uses into "residential" use as a significant detriment to the welfare of residents and personal property rights (Rabin, 1989). Nuisance, zoning, and live music T h e concept of nuisance is one the primary ways in which issues relating to live music venues and nighttime entertainment are commonly dealt with (Homan, 2003). T h e "law of nuisance" was a common law from which zoning emerged. It essentially prevents one landowner from using his or her land in ways that would interfere with the productive use of a neighbour's land (Leung, 2003). Under the common law, persons in possession of real property are entitled to the quiet enjoyment of their property. If a neighbour interferes with that quiet enjoyment, either by creating smells, sounds, pollution or any other hazard that extends past the boundaries of the property, the affected party may make a claim in nuisance. Over t ime as the law of nuisance became difficult to administer many jurisdictions adopted a system of zoning to describe which activities are acceptable in a given location. Live music venues in many instances are a use seen to bring forth significant zoning concerns because of the impacts they have on surrounding communities and uses (Homan, 2003). Zoning logic suggests that uses such as live music venues are to be kept out of the way of certain residential and commercial interests. However since the separation of uses is not a uniformly simple task in many cities, and since live music venues tends to operate within the confines of other commercially defined activities, zoning commonly includes regulation of the kinds of activities which will be acceptable on a particular piece of land. T h e intention of zoning in many ways serves to diminish any potential impacts or nuisance on communities. In their ideal forms, "zoning practices strive to achieve utilitarian outcomes by framing homogenous areas of interests and activities, and delineating other land uses" (Homan, 2003:117). Zoning thus has a built-in-bias to protect the 26 status quo and individual property rights (Leung, 2003). While a powerful and successful land management tool, zoning practices ironically tend to reflect the increasing individualization of modern society and the valorization of personal freedoms as much as they do the public interest. By controlling land uses and densities which are not compatible, zoning extols the virtues and benefits of use separation, exclusion, regulation, and private property rights as a means to preserve or enhance property value, use, and order (Rabin, 1989). Planning practice has also aimed to ameliorate land uses that are traditionally ignored by the market (visual amenities, parks, community centres, culture, etc) and help those people that are excluded. Leung (2003) contends that these types of planning concerns, while based firmly in the public interest, run contrary to the concept of zoning, which by nature emphasizes land use compatibility with 'established interests' in mind. According to Gerald Hodge (2003) the 1982 Canadian Constitution suggests that the only true land owner is the Sovereign state, with "landowners" acting as "privileged tenants" of the Sovereign body. Yet land property rights in C a n a d a specify a 'bundle of rights' as the parameters for land ownership, rather than the single rights of a land owner. T h e notion of a 'bundle of rights' provides the legal basis for Canadian communities to constrain, through regulation, the uses made of all parcels of land. Within this context, the notion of land ownership and property rights are something that should be managed in the name of the public interest. Core elements of health, safety, convenience, social equity, economic efficiency, environmental quality, energy, aesthetics, and amenity are thus effectively sanctioned by law as legitimate public purposes to be pursued through land use planning (Leung, 2003). However, when discussing live music venues the issue of the "public interest" is a precarious question. T h e irony is that to suppose that there is a greater "public interest" supposes that there is a single public with which somehow overrides conflicting and varying individual, c lass, and functional interests. T h e question of what constitutes "nuisance" can thus be inherently biased when the zoning and regulation needs of singular interests (in this case , residential and other business 27 interests) are used to define parameters. A s commercial sites often situated within or near residential areas, live music venues, restaurants, clubs or any other establishment used to host live music events can present a considerable zoning and regulatory question mark. This is simply because live music venues do not easily conform to zoning standards that are typically applied to "commercial uses" such as a shops, office buildings, or residential uses and dwellings in most jurisdictions. Pol ic ing Power T h e Canadian constitution and land use law inherently instill the idea of Canadian society as respectable and orderly. This plays heavily when considering live music venues. By fundamentally identifying where live music venues can exist, and by further defining the conditions under which they must operate, zoning and regulation play important roles in the location opportunities for culture and leisure activities in the city. However more than that, what has occurred throughout the 20 t h century has been the evolution of zoning as a land use planning tool to regulate land use within increasingly complex physical settings, to something that emulates rudimentary policing power, affecting a multitude of important human events and activities (Abeles, 1989). Communit ies and cities often combine numerous aspects of need and desire into hybrid general/land use plans that contain policies covering everything from environmental, social, economic, housing, infrastructure concerns, land classification, spatial growth policy, design, aesthetics, and development management programs (which lay out standards and procedures that guide and pay for growth) (Kaiser, 1995). Here it becomes important to note that the manner and extent to which zoning and land use planning influence everyday activities are of central concern to live music venues, as zoning and broad land use plans are widely considered important tools in the treatment of certain social ills. 28 In his book on the soundscape of the city, R. Murray Schafer (1994) contends that the modern city is becoming increasingly more enveloped by noise. Planes, automobiles, construction, and an array of other activities comprise the growing multitudes of sounds in the modern metropolis. From a land use perspective, many noise sources are seen as detrimental to quality of life of a city, while other so called noise blend unnoticed into the urban tapestry without significant concern. This discrepancy poses an unusual question as to how the noise of the city is managed through land use planning. In light of the discussion on nuisance, it would seem appropriate to extend Schafer 's notion of "noise" to go beyond simply sonic backdrops to also include the multitude of activities, events, and people within the city. In this instance "noise" works as a fine allegory for both the sounds of the city and the sometimes complex and messy components of urban life. From this point of departure it is interesting to explore the extent to which many cities aim to control and manage the noise of urban life. A s a prominent and usually visible reminder of the sounds and nuisances of the streetscape, live music venues, pubs, restaurants, and bars where live music may be present offer tangible and therefore "manageable" targets for reform and regulation (Homan, 2003). A s a result, inherently noisy land uses are most often subject to a host of rigorous noise laws (acoustic reports, soundproofing, etc.) and regulations. Not unlike the concerns over intrusive industrial land uses that originally spurred the desire for zoning, noise impacts, parking congestion, public disorder, youth culture, and alcohol consumption tend to be regarded as a similar kinds of "nuisances" within traditional land use planning practices. T h e perennial problem in traditional land use planning is ultimately how to achieve a consistency amongst private and public decisions to "use and build upon land so that, in aggregate; the results can represent greater community values" (Hodge, 2003: 92). The fact that live music venues are often associated with a number of externalities makes them highly suspect land uses by typical zoning and planning standards. The circumstances, activities, location, and operation of live music venues can be seen to run counter to the prevailing 29 values, character, and land uses with many communities. Margo Huxley explains that most residential amenity laws and regulations are in fact "connected to the preservation and maintenance of 'the family', with 'recuperative leisure' central to quality of life" (Huxley as cited in Homan, 2003: 133). It could easily be said that live music venues represent more active forms of leisure because of their potential externalities, and thus fall outside of the realms described by Huxley.. Shane Homan (2003:133) suggests that regulatory schemes associated with land use planning have evolved to control things such as "noisy" music venues through a variety of stigmatizing and discouraging policies. In attempts to preserve the public interest, health standards, safety codes, community character, and property values live music venues are often subject to a host of rigorous laws and policies that do not necessarily coincide with the best interests of live music venues themselves. According to Homan, a common list of policies that are often attached to live music venues and that can adversely affect programming and operation include: 1) Noise laws that reinforce private residential rights against commercial entertainment uses. 2) Stringent "hours of operation" policies. 3) Commitment to eliminate binge drinking and its associated behaviours. 4) T h e improvement of infrastructure and the promotion of "respectable" consumption through various redevelopment/restoration initiatives. 5) Public assembly and mandatory staffing laws. 6) Insertion of "public benefit" tests, open houses, and hearings in the consideration of developments and licenses for uses that provide live entertainment. Public Morals: Planning for the Day vs. Planning for the Night There is a current of planning that suggests that land use planning must balance the competing interests of residents, businesses, and a myriad of stakeholders. This becomes a pronounced issue when dealing with live 30 entertainment and the dichotomy inherent between daytime and night uses. For the most part, nighttime is the adult world's scheduled playtime, with the hours between work and sleep constituting the adult window of 'fun' (Dickout, 2004). However the notion of "adult play" is one routinely overlooked and misunderstood within land use planning. The performance and consumption of live music is often a nighttime activity with music venues representing non-materialistic play-spaces where people step out of the real world into a temporary sphere of activity with a disposition of its own. This typically translates into gatherings of people, spending their time, money, and energy on activities that bring them pleasure and indulging in 'imaginative hedonism' (Florida, 2002; 167). Florida suggests the nightlife landscape is "the ultimate bonanza for experience-seeking, leisure laden, and mobility-charged consumers instilling the individual with a genuine hunger for new experience and a desire to experiment with life" (ibid; 167). A liminal state is characterized by ambiguity, openness, and indeterminacy. Liminality is a period of transition, during which the normal limits to thought, self-understanding, and behavior are relaxed, opening the way to something new. While the daytime is typically filled with the hours of productive work and the activities of everyday life, live music venues are places where people go at night to lose themselves and their inhibitions amidst the sound, activity, and happenings around them. Yet the daytime world dictates a time limited period for this type of adult fun and activity, and regulations are set up to ensure that nighttime activities do not impede the productivity of the next day. Generally speaking, the self-interest of nighttime artists and pleasure seekers teeters on a delicate balance with the demands of the next day. While it appears that land use planning policy is not directly aimed at silencing live music venues and similar uses, it can help to make operation difficult and locational opportunities scarce. Unfortunately land use planning policy often does not reflect performance demands, audience sensibilities, or live music culture itself. Rather land use policies, be they in the form of zoning or regulations tend to be more directed towards preserving residential tranquility. 31 Difficulties in zoning and regulation for live music venues ultimately stem from the fact that often spaces used in the day for commercial, retail, office, or even residential use at night can quite feasibly become host to, loud music, drunken revelers, dancing, illicit activities, or simply congenial gatherings of people seeking escape and fun. In other words, the types of urban spaces that are generally zoned for live music can completely transform themselves from day to night. In this regard traditional zoning and regulatory notions have difficulty in accommodating a shifting balance between the self interest and enjoyment of those that often 'temporarily' occupy night spaces, and the collective interests of the permanent 'daytime' occupants (Dickout, 2004). It is hard to dispute that land use planning mechanisms such as zoning are mainstream components of city politics and power. Significant extensions and variations to zoning and land use planning have occurred in the past century, with Leung (2003) identifying at least six major additions to the zoning canon: planned unit development regulations, performance zoning, special district zoning, bonus regulations, transfer of development rights, and negotiated development/discretionary zoning. While it is beyond the scope of this thesis to explore each of these zoning tools and variations, it is important to note that each of these tools have also attempted to address conflict, nuisance, and amenity in some form. Despite the evolving nature of zoning and regulatory practice, the basic concepts of zoning have not strayed in their tendency to reflect certain "daytime" biases and impel public morals. Public Morals Land use planning often reflects a marked consideration of public morals and values attached to nighttime activities. Both zoning and regulations are essentially means to sanction activities and uses deemed appropriate for specific areas or communities. In this light live music venues can become reduced to a question of sanctioned events, activities, and spaces that the public supports, versus unregulated businesses that pipe loud music and create a troublesome burden for nearby residential communities. In this regard live music venues are 32 one type of use seen to require diligent measures of control and, if possible, separation because of the moral panics that they are liable to incite (Homan, 2003). T h e notion of public morals plays a significant role in almost any consideration of live music venues and entertainment. In this instance the idea of public morals refers to secondary issues related to the public interest that may be deemed nebulous, potentially conflicting, or immoral. Live music venues, nighttime entertainment, gambling, alcohol, and even large segments of the arts often fall under such scrutiny (Leung 2003). Homan (2003) similarly describes live music venue regulation as an issue centered on "moral panics". This term refers to regulatory responses based on the fears society has surrounding noise, substance abuse, violence, youth culture, and a host of other so called "deviant" activities that veer from the status quo. Both Leung and Homan effectively contend that planning responses to unplanned or unruly elements of society are often manifested in the desire to rigidly control land uses that support such activities. Public morals ultimately play heavily into live music venues. Through various channels of entertainment (including live music) people of different ages, social c lasses, ethnic and racial groups, and lifestyles can interact in informal and unplanned ways. This mixture "plays out the eroticism of life and uncovers hidden fantasies by drawing us out from our secure routines in order to encounter the novel, the strange, and the surprising" (Sandercock, 1998: 210). However this idea of surprise is often counter intuitive to many elements of land use planning policy which aims to control the unknown, reduce harm, and essentially eliminate the possibility for experiencing surprise. A s Sennett (1970) describes, by controlling the frame of what is available in regards to forms of social interaction, the subsequent path of social interaction itself is also tamed, altered, or diluted. T h e realities of most planning policy is that it tends to reflect an inert human desire to avoid pain and create an "order of living that is immune to variety and the inevitable conflicts of life" (Sennett, 1970: 96). In this sense the actual freedom and diversity within a vibrant community is sometimes less important than the creation of a community that is conflict free (Sennett, 1970). 33 W h e n conflict arises in the city over something like live music venues, often no real conception exists amongst most professional planning establishments, regulators, media, enforcement agencies, or even citizens as to how these conflicts can be expressed fully without leading to violence or harm to individual interests. Richard Sennett (1970) stipulates that many of the desires of planning, zoning, and regulation in the 20 t h century have as a result led to an adolescent society that is unable to cope with complexity, diversity, and conflict in cities. From his perspective, it is rare that planning could even begin to contemplate the promotion of social situations that might lead to any form of communal tension, disturbance, or the encouragement of differences (Sennett, 1970). What some of the literature seems to suggest is that often lost in planning discussions is that tensions and conflict, even amongst land uses, are an integral part of what makes urban communities vibrant (Sennett, 1970). O n e of the biggest issues that planning policy must contend with when looking at live music venues and live entertainment is the idea that conflicts or tensions tend to be viewed simplistically as a threat to some idealistic and better 'conflict-free' city life. Using Leung's (2003) public morals terminology, he contends that the location of establishments such as casinos, bars, and entertainment venues are subject to specialized land use and zoning policies using two major approaches. T h e first is to concentrate such establishments into one location so that their collective impacts can be contained. This might also be described as a clustering approach. T h e second approach is to disperse the uses in question throughout the community so that their individual impact can be minimized. In the end, both approaches assume that there is inherently something sinister, immoral, improper, or harmful related to the activities or social outcomes associated with live music and other troublesome uses. 34 Special District Planning A s zoning and practice, special district zoning has gained a great deal of prominence throughout the latter half of the 20 t h century. "Special district" zoning has evolved with the idea that districts can be created with regulations tailor made to the specific circumstances in a particular area (Babcock and Larsen, 1990). Furthermore, this method of planning is often used as a way to ensure that public morals are addressed. No longer narrowly limiting to very specific uses, special districts are broad-based plans intended to preserve and enhance areas of a city which, because of their singular characteristics are "important to the city's wealth and vitality" or conversely detrimental (Babcock and Larsen, 1990: 4). Characteristically used to deal with neighbourhood problems, preserve and foster important civic amenities, regenerate neighbourhoods, instill civic identity, or to isolate the less desirable elements of the city, special district "solutions" or "cures" have commonly manifested as 'entertainment' or 'arts' districts. Ultimately the use of special district planning often implies that there is something that must be fixed: whether it is a lack of cultural spaces , the desire to create a more vital city, or simply to contain troublesome nuisances. T h e technique itself has been described as an effective tool in protecting particular areas from reckless development and addressing smaller unique areas of a city in a focused manner (Babcock and Larsen, 1990). Babcock and Larsen (1990) contend that the political will for special district planning is often the result of neighbourhood planning processes that focus on preserving the status quo. Babcock and Larsen (1990) also note that while on paper special districts are politically very attractive, they are administratively very tenuous and complex to effectively put into action. T h e creation of an "entertainment district" can also reflect a reactive method of planning policy that often gets mired in policing concerns and control, rather than education, prevention, and participatory civic life. T o plan a special district is to ultimately concede the need for control despite the potential fun to be had. A s a result, diverse activities tend to be "ruled by their lowest common denominators", perpetuating sterile, predictable, controlled, and often limited 35 choices, be they for entertainment, live music, or living day to day (Sennett, 1972: 94). 3.2 EMERGING PLANNING CHALLENGES Planning has been widely counted on and expected to help manage sustainable development, create vital and interesting cities, and maintain livable communities (Godschalk, 2004). However urban spaces in the 2 1 s t century city are becoming more complex and are facing increasingly difficult land use planning challenges. A s many cities transition their economies and seek redevelopment of their inner cores, the separation of uses characteristic in the industrial and post-industrial city of the past have begun to blur (Homan, 2003). Concerns over the nature of industrial/production space, consumption, privacy, creativity, livability, and vitality have seemingly all at once become hot button topics, each spawning new debates. T h e discussion here focuses on the issue of space and the value of having live music in those spaces . At the core of this is the notion that differing spatial needs make the goals of creating dynamic urban centers contentious and exceedingly difficult. A s T o m Hutton (2004) contends, a collision is occurring between the need for certain basic socio-spatial order, regulation, and the "chaotic patterns of 'incipient' post-modernism in the 2 1 s t century." In other words, the increasingly mixed spaces of living, work, and entertainment are becoming increasingly contested with growing interests, intentions, and ideas of how to use space , and what the use of space signifies. The Creative Multi-textured City and Contested Space T h e rapid influx of new groups, residents, and activities into formerly underutilized areas have the tendency to generate increasing stress and tensions, as new s p a c e s of "multiple belongings" have emerged (Costa, 2004; Hutton, 2004). Aided and abetted by increased residential growth and new industry sectors, the City of Vancouver serves as one example of North 36 American cities seeking redevelopment of their inner core. Emerging and constitutive new relationships between culture, creativity, economy, amenity, and space have brought forward the need to reevaluate city spaces and traditional means of land management that have typically dealt with difficult uses such as live music venues. Friction and conflict arises in part because of changes in the physical and socioeconomic character of urban communities, with many users vying to occupy the s a m e types of spaces . T h e problem is that without efforts to mitigate the external impacts of some uses and suitable spaces to accommodate both residential and business interests, live music venues sit in a precariously vulnerable position for many of the reasons discussed above. T h e notion of 'contested spaces ' utilized for this thesis was based on the idea that public spaces and the physical landscape of the city are invested with cultural ideology. A d d e d to this are the notions that the landscape can has the ability to shape the behavior of inhabitants and users, and can thus be a profound expression of social control and power. In contested spaces , competing culture groups and users strengthen and legitimize themselves by investing the landscape with their own ideology (Bollens, 2002). In particular, the issues of diversity, difference, and conflict that surround live music spaces were identified as having the ability to evolve into situations of division, anxiety, fear and violence (Bollens, 2002; Sennet, 1972). Live music venues in this way were viewed as contested spaces in this thesis and seen as particular elements of the urban landscape that can potentially paralyze and impoverish community enrichment processes when not properly considered. In keeping with the idea of 'contested space ' Char les Landry notes that new inner city populations and activities require urban settings that are able to "project space , openness, and social interaction" with "quality of life" now associated with a diverse and multi-textured cultural milieu (2000:85). T h e ability of a city to provide for and define spaces of 'creativity' and 'fun' are also two of the characteristics that Richard Florida implores can make cities desirable and prosperous (Florida, 2002). This idea reflects the notion there is a demand for certain types of spaces within the city; ones that are rich with amenity, character, 37 and opportunity. Largely directed towards mobile, non-local and corporate capital, property developers, high income urbanites, professional workers, and increasingly families, creative and consumption based sectors have become influential in defining the shape and function of nightlife spaces , and cities themselves (Florida, 2002). New trends in urban growth and development stress the cosmopolitan, culturally diverse, and multi-textured urban nature of cities (Florida, 2002). This has typically involved a renewed emphasis on city-centre living, business service employment (and the so called dematerialized and knowledge-based Economy), and a greater economic role for consumption-based leisure activities (Zukin,1995; Worpole and Greenhalgh, 1996; Hannigan,1998; Chatterton and Hollands, 2002). A s a result, residential mega-projects, new industry, and spaces of consumption some of the elements that typify the changing urban landscape (Hutton, 2004). Notions of industry, creativity, livability, lifestyle, and space have in this way become inextricably linked to culture and amenity, resulting in the generation of new complex strategies often combining elements of advertising, sales, industry, retail, housing, and entertainment (Zukin, 1998, Hutton, 2004). Many emerging city areas once viewed as the urban fringes and sites of declining industry and deterioration are now taken as key sites of creativity, lifestyle, and subculture (Zukin, 1998). Richard Florida (2002) also routinely invokes the ideas of Jane Jacobs by expounding the inherent value of multi-textured and diverse urban life. During the day, cities exhibit their primary strengths through job market diversity and economic outputs in global markets. However for a city to be multi-dimensional spaces for nightlife, entertainment, and culture have to complement (not conflict with) the strength of the city's daytime operations and uses. In Florida's scheme, the dynamic nature of night spaces and activities act as one barometer in determining the economic health and overall creative atmosphere of a city (Chatterton, 2000; Lloyd and Clark, 2000; Florida, 2002). Essentially the thought goes that once a certain level of basic shops, services, facilities and other amenities are provided for, the presence of nightlife spaces (such as live music 38 venues) can add amenity value to urban spaces (Bianchini, 1995; Florida, 2002; Chatterton and Hollands, 2003). However the Florida (2002) approach ultimately fails to address the conflicts that processes of structural change and development inevitably invoke. Florida appears to see spaces for nighttime entertainment (which are extended here to live music venues) as somewhat of a 'neutral territory' where people feel stimulated and challenged through a type of social contact more socially heterogeneous than work, school , or home environments. While this argument certainly has merit, this position does not recognize conflict in the city and the role planning policy has typically played at attempting to minimize and eliminate conflict. In writing extensively on rock music culture and music venues in Australia Gibson and Homan (2004) are quick to point out that processes of urban change and growth have an uncanny ability to produce contradictory outcomes. While new firms, workers, and residents might be drawn to the congeniality of the inner city's amenities and the multi-textured urban environment, these s a m e traits can also prove to be a source of contention. This is largely a result of two difficult and sometimes contradictory ideas of livability and vibrancy. O n one level, the notion of a 'livable' city is nebulous, often suggesting notions of peaceful, convenient, and altogether enjoyable places. Whereas vibrancy can at the s a m e times run counter to peaceful urban living (Homan, 2003). T h e reality in the multi-textured city is that one pertinent type of conflict arises when residential uses attempt to occupy the same spaces or are in close proximity to active areas (often with entertainment or live music venues for example). Much of what has been trumpeted in the emerging "creative city" literature speaks little to the conflicts inherent in multi-textured urban environments. A critical gap in the literature exists concerning the contested nature of space , uses and the problems inherent with an intensive and vibrant urban environment. 39 Over regulation, Gentrification, and Disappearing Opportunities Using Gibson and Homan's critical perspective, the pervading view of the "creative city" also turns its back on the potential gentrification, exclusionary outcomes, and conflict choosing instead to focus more on economic competitiveness, attractiveness, amenity, and prescribed diversity. The attraction of successful industry, artists, professionals, and most recently families, to live, work, and play is a central component of the creative city. While there are many perceived benefits to this rationale, new development and the accommodation of the creative classes can also represent a move towards more 'security and amenity based urbanism' (Davis, 1992). This idea represents a political culture where, despite the physical realities of multi-textured urban life, attempts are made to distance itself from the unpleasant realities such as inequality, raucous activity, noise, crime, poverty and homelessness (Chatterton and Hollands (2002). Despite the so called urban renaissance, what is inherent in new urbanization processes has been an intensification of socioeconomic inequalities. According to Chatterton and Hollands (2002) this results in the persistence of polarizations in terms of land use, labour, and housing markets. Planning policies designed to improve or maintain certain levels of amenity tend also tend to follow shifts in the class nature of an area (Kendig as cited in Homan, 2003). This can result in the displacement of existing populations and activities. Godschalk (2004) refers to this as the "gentrification conflict". This conflict is something that arises from competing beliefs in the preservation of urban neighborhoods for the benefit of their present populations and use, versus redevelopment and upgrading in order to attract middle to upper class populations and families back to the central city (Godschalk, 2004). In the case of many inner city locations, where many music venues and artists themselves have traditionally located due to affordability, general tolerance, diversity, and ample space, a gentrification process has the real possibility of pushing uses such as live music venues out. There are also concerns that dominant audiences for live music and entertainment can tend to be mainstream, higher-spending, consumption groups 40 such as young professionals. This is an example of where other groups (such as young people, those with few resources and 'alternative' cultures) can be marginalized (Toon, 2000; MacDonald, 1997). Shane Homan (2002) furthers this idea and contends that new cycles of gentrification lead to unevenly regulated high-density development clusters, which tend to be occupied by groups and individuals who manifest their own conceptions of visual, tactile, and acoustic privacy. Thus the very creative, active, and artistic ambiance deemed important to draw people to urban places in the first place can ironically be diluted and subverted by those same people who enamor to make the community their home. According to Laura Pope (2002a) the issue of nuisance surrounding uses such as live music is about property owners not wanting 'non-owners' to occupy or compromise their space , resulting in the desire to implement appropriate measures of control (i.e. curfews) and regulation. What becomes more apparent in the multi-textural city is a dynamic tension between the liminal characteristics of live music venues and ironically the right to private and quiet enjoyment of urban space. Regardless of where tensions stand, the burden of over-regulation is a consistent complaint heard from those that provide music entertainment (Homan, 2003). Yet certain groups and individuals, including residents groups, city governments, police departments, and even planning departments, do not always take the same position. Many of these concerned community groups and residents can tend to argue that too much regulation and intervention is never enough when it comes to sites of music, drinking, gambling, dancing, and entertainment (Homan 2003). Vocal residents associations and anti-noise communities typically dispute any label which suggests they are a group of dedicated 'fun haters' trying to destroy nighttime fun and business profits. Pope (2002b) suggests that groups who do tend to oppose nighttime uses generally regard externalities as a natural by-product of popular cities undergoing unwieldy growth and change. This represents an acknowledgment of the tensions between the interests of residents and businesses in sharing the same city centers and spaces . However Pope 41 (2002b) also conveys that there is a lack of education and compromise.so as not to unduly polarize segments of the permanent population. Difficulty still lies in ensuring that live music venues are not put at a disadvantage (as they too have a rightful stake in how space and land is used). The point is that concerns over externalities can not be separated from the expectations, values, and understanding that there are both advantages and disadvantages in choosing to live in a multi-textured urban environment. 3.3 LIVE MUSIC VENUES AS PUBLIC AMENITIES Up to this point much has been discussed in regards to the ways in which the negative impacts of live music venues in the city play a role in policy. However there is also a considerable amount of literature that also suggests the great importance of live music venues in urban spaces . Live Music Venues as 3 r d Spaces - the socia l benefits of live music Live music performance maintains a great social importance that goes beyond mere consumption or entertainment. A s a generator of collective consciousness and identity, music can help to shape community, civic, and even regional identify (Gill, 1993). Cities and regions are known to pride themselves on the incubation of nationally and internationally successful artists and music scenes . Warren Gill (1993) has documented this phenomenon in the Pacific Northwest by describing the "Northwest Sound". Including Vancouver as part of his analysis, he discusses the birth of a regional sound and music community based on garage rock in the Pacific Northwest throughout the late sixties and into the early 1980's. While the work of Warren Gill and a number of other ethno-musicologists often speak to some of the more broad implications of music identity, smaller instances and opportunities for live music at the local level are equally important to the social life of a city. A s Frederic J a m e s o n notes, it is in the social realm, and 42 through places such as live performance spaces , that the public is formed, and where public attitudes are generated (Jameson cited in Attali, 1983). Hayden (1995) furthers the idea that stories and local identity are often associated with physical spaces (such as live music venues), which act as "storehouses for social memories" (9). Warren Gill (1993) emphasizes that the "production and reproduction of social life are a result of a dynamic process of conflict between individuals or groups and the structural elements that constitute society" (122). A s a social phenomenon live music performance spaces themselves function as a site of social exchange, often accommodating a plurality of communities, activities, identities, and histories (Bennett, 2000). In this regard, live music venues have long provided outlets for accessible local music making and opportunities for social interaction (Bennett, 2000). Although sometimes associated with raucous and disorderly behavior, live music venues allow people (whether artist or audience member) to lay aside the burdens of regimented society to focus on the sensations, activities, and sounds that bring pleasure (Dickout, 2004). In the 'Great G o o d Place", Oldenburg (1999) alludes to these types of spaces as "third places". "Third places" are places where people can gather, put aside the concerns of work and home for the pleasures of good company, lively conversation, or personal fulfillment. In essence Oldenburg (1999) argues that these activities are at the heart of a community's social vitality and the grassroots of democracy. However live music venues are unique in that they are able to provide a dynamic interface between the audience, musicians, and the space itself, each playing essential and reciprocal roles. More importantly local music venues act to particularize processes of musical production and consumption, with artists and audience linked by common locality and experience. Warren Gill (1993) characterizes the dynamic processes created by live music venues through an analysis of what he refers to as the "locale", which he describes as a specific setting for interaction. Gill (1993) further speculates that local facilities and live music venues are principal sources of innovation and change. 43 The Political-Economy of Live Music In addition to live music performance spaces being important sites of culture and socialization, they are also inextricably linked to dynamic economic processes and spectacle. T h e s e idea are linked to some degree by the idea that live music requires spaces to be both produced and consumed. A n increasing body of work has begun to examine how culture, entertainment, and consumption relate to urban development (Clark, 2004a). People live, work, and play in cities, with each of these aspects of urban life informing where and how each of these activities takes place. A s discussed at length in the above sections, many local authorities are now concentrating upon re-invigorating city centres, promoting urban tourism, and building cultural capital. A s a result Clark (2004) states that the old mantra citing the importance of land, labour, and capital management as the means to generate economic development has become too simple. Urban public officials, businesses, and non-profit groups are now using culture, entertainment, and urban amenities as a central tool for economic growth and urban development (Clark, 2004). Much political and urban thought in the past has treated "entertainment" as fluff and insignificant. S o called "trivial" issues surrounding arts and culture have begun to assume larger political meaning and importance. According to Clark (2004) this is because most people relate on some level to personal consumption issues and that they are beginning take on a heightened political power in reshaping more traditional economic outlooks. Typically the production and consumption of music is explained by reference to national (or international agencies): the music business, broadcasters, and the industry that defines audiences and tastes nationally and internationally. However there is also acknowledgement of the importance of local music as playing an important albeit small role as a corollary of national/international cycles of production and consumption (Wallis and Malm, 1984). From this perspective it would appear that music production and consumption at the local 44 level serve the broader national and international processes at play. Live music venues at the local level have very important and largely under-acknowledged roles in the creation of spaces for performance that help and allow the music industry to take shape. Ultimately locally based "cultural facilities" or "locales" can serve as part of a broader global community of musicians, audiences, and industry. Form this standpoint "cultural facilities" such as local live music venues help to attract audiences and people, project local identity to wider markets, provide both creative and economic opportunities, and encourage consumption of place at a more or less local level (Scott, 1997; Landry, 2000; Chatterton and Hollands, 2003). A s Lily Kong (2000) remarks, the relationship between culture and economics is dialectical, in the sense that while local cultures contribute to the nature of economic activity, economic activity is also part of culture generating and innovation cycle itself. In this regard local live music venue circuits are widely regarded as 'incubators' for artists seeking larger national and international success . Musicians, managers, and recording companies commonly share a belief in the value of the live circuit in preparing artists for a successful career (Homan 2003). A s Warren Gill (1993) also iterates, the goal of many aspiring musicians is to achieve a certain degree of regional, national, or international recognition. General success is largely contingent on the styles, trends, and opportunities available as a result of specific local conditions. Therefore limited opportunities for live music performance could effectively hamper the extent to which local music development is conducted (Homan, 2002). The music industry operates on a number of different functional levels (Cohen, 1991). In this discussion it is a disadvantage to diverge too much from the task of looking at how policy interacts with live music venues at the local level. However the music industry is characterized by a wide variety and diversity of skills and businesses (ranging from individual musicians, media, retail stores, marketing agencies, and music venues). While there is no denying the influence and power of national and international actors on taste and consumption, C o h e n (1991) and Finnegan (1989) together point to the fact that the circumstances of 45 local activities can mediate and subvert the effects of centralized power and influence, with live performance spaces serving as a primary entry point for music producers and consumers alike. A s Attali (1985) bluntly describes, wherever there is music, money is not far behind. Little academic study has been done directly looking at the economic implications of live music venues specifically. However a growing body of literature has explored the political-economy of the entertainment industry and it's various facets (Attali, 1985; Bianchini, 1995; Evans, 2001; Florida, 2002; Clark, 2004). This is an important consideration because live music venues can figure prominently within this area of study. S o m e specific examples exist of cities that have focused on music and entertainment as prominent and profitable components of cultural, social and economic life. Cities such as Manchester, Nashville, Las Vegas , Austin, Memphis, and New Orleans have crafted music entertainment as defining points of civic identify. While only a few of these cities are to be explored in greater detail in the subsequent case example chapter, the important element to consider is that for many of these cities, live music is first and foremost considered an industry that is propelled by local demand and innovation. Beyond this music in these cities is also heavily influenced and supported by regional, national, and international interests in the music industry. And while academic literature has been largely scarce when investigating the direct effect and importance of live music venues, cities such as Austin have commissioned studies that have specifically identified how music and live venues figure into the local economy and policy considerations. Cultural Planning Cultural planning might generally be described as an alternative framework for urban cultural development. It is a framework that offers methods to address the "bottom-up" strategy of fostering community cultural centers. Much of this has strong roots in the idea of local community needs. In some important ways cultural planning is also a response to the notion that arts and culture posses an important economic dimension (as discussed above), whether 46 justified by social welfare, community rationales, or commercial entertainment desires (Evans, 2004). O n e particularly particularly important facet of cultural planning expresses the desire to treat the 'symbolic economy' of the city in economic terms (Evans, 2004). However one of the fundamental aims of cultural planning is to help provide resources and offer ways for public sector interventions to improve society, communities, and municipalities (Evans, 2000). A s a facet of planning cultural planning is quite broad and complex, however some the characteristic aims of cultural planning as noted by Baeker and Croteau (2002) include: • Cutting across disciplinary perspectives focused on a specific point of orientation with the goal of integrated cultural policy approaches. • Creating community development principles, which stress the development of linkages, alliances and relationships amongst organizations at the community level. This includes more than just cultural organizations, but also businesses, municipal governments, and civil society organizations. • Constructing of cultural planning paradigms promoting culture as an asset that can make a contribution to all forms of development. • Framing of culture as arts and heritage, and the broader framework of culture as a way of life. • Utilizing new governance/decision-making models at the local level including cultural forums, roundtables, and ongoing coordinating efforts with the community. Despite the broad and altruistic aims of cultural planning, there also exist some pertinent criticisms of cultural planning agendas. T h e s e failures in particular have significant implications for the ability of cultural planning programs to address live music venues. Criticisms include the fact that: • Focus has been at the city centre, leaving the periphery marginalized. 47 • Most public funding has been designated towards existing facilities and institutions, with little available resources to invest energy and capital into new creative or commercial activities or programs. • Cultural strategies are often driven by tourism imperatives and there is a need to move from broader cultural strategies to those more integrated into other facets, such as economic and social development. • Barriers exist within municipal government structures and land use policies. (Baeker and Croteau, 2002) Public Amenities Public Amenities might be best defined as those elements of the urban landscape that are provided by government for the benefit of the public to meet the needs of residents, and enhance the livability of a community. Planning has traditionally been rooted in the notion of providing for or safeguarding the public good. While this is generally understood as having a fundamental role in the protecting of the public from harm, it also requires providing certain public amenities that enhance the livability of a community (Mitteco, 2005). Elements such as social housing, parks, waterfront access , daycare centers and art are typically among the many features that meet the daily needs of residents and help define the quality of a community. However public amenities do not come cheap. The financial burden of amenity provision is particularly difficult for local governments during the current era of decreased funding from senior levels of government; higher costs of providing services; escalating land costs; and a strong public aversion to property tax increases (Mitteco, 2005). In many municipalities, fiscal constraints are often coupled with rapid population growth and the demands of providing infrastructure and amenities to serve new residents. Given these circumstances, municipalities have been left with little choice but to look beyond traditional revenue sources to discover new amenity finance strategies. This is typically done in the form of 48 amenity contributions from development. Obtaining public amenities from new development in the from of in-lieu cash payments or the devotion of land or space are often achieved as a result of projects that require density increases or land use changes. While developers are not legally obligated to do so, they will often agree to provide public amenities in order to address the concerns of the municipality and increase the chance of their own project approval (City of Vancouver, 2005a). Typically the rationales and definitions of arts and cultural industries and facilities have fallen into the following 3 categories: Cultural industries - print and broadcast media, recorded music, design, art markets, digital technology, and the "creative industries' Cultural tourism - arts and cultural venues, heritage sites and monuments, events and festivals Arts amenities - arts facilities as public goods, subsidized high/legitimated arts, civic and local arts and entertainment facilities. (Evans, 2004) T h e 3 r d definition noted above suggests that local planning policies can have a profound effect on live music venues, particularly in helping to secure places in the city. This third definition is also perhaps most pertinent to this thesis. A n argument is made by Evans (2004) that the social welfare concerns addressed in the 3 r d definition have been losing their place in resource and planning priorities. A point of contention is that large facets of cultural planning tend to ignore more commercially based artistic endeavours. This is particularly true in regards to popular music which can often blur the lines between commercial arts, entertainment, and subsidized art forms. 49 Nonetheless cultural facilities are one of the types of amenities typically discussed in relation to arts and culture. While arts, culture and heritage may not be typical "needs" in terms of accommodating growth, policy often identifies that arts and culture help achieve other community objectives by: • improving livability; • celebrating local identity; • promoting tourism; • improving the public realm; • creating a complete community by providing arts and cultural opportunities within the community. However many public sector amenity initiatives and cultural planning programs often focus upon the more "traditional" or "high arts", with others designed to encompass art as a broad term to emphasize community involvement. Live music venues unfortunately tend to not fall in line with the typical parameters for the funding of public amenities, despite the considerable amenity value they may provide and the fact that if well considered their ability to meet the above stated objectives of amenity planning. Ultimately two primary barriers exist as to why many live music venues are often not better included within the consideration of public amenities: 1) T h e rationale for public assistance is that often public amenities do not generate profit and are less likely to be provided for by the private market. Unlike traditional art forms, live music venues (or at least many popular music forms) have often developed as commercial and often for-profit enterprises. T h u s they are treated with overall reluctance by public support mechanisms. T h e relationship between commercial arts, entertainment, and the subsidized arts is seen as an important consideration that is largely unexplored and unqua l i f i ed (Evans, 2004). 50 2) Live music venues represent a unique and contested idea of what can constitute a public amenity. T h e y have a tendency to operate as high intensity uses. This places live music venues in a conundrum, as there are significant segments of society that are liable to view their presence as more a nuisance than an amenity. Live music venues are not just an individualized or private sector concern (Homan, 2003; Evans, 2004, C o h e n , 1991). T h e irony of excluding live music venues from consideration as an amenity is that there are marginalized groups of people in the prevailing mainstream marketplace that could greatly benefit from greater public support, particularly in securing adequate space . T h e s e include grassroots organizations and youth amongst others. Important government and collective decisions at a local level ultimately have tremendous public effects and have the ability to create great public amenity in regards to live music spaces . T h e s e decisions in turn can shift options and opportunities for live music venues and entertainment. Using developer amenity contributions may be one such manner in which this area could be further explored. 3.4 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK T h e objective of this literature review was to explore how planning policies from both land use and cultural planning perspectives have addressed live music venues. T h e overall process of this literature review itself was a reflexive and changing process. In consideration of the overall objectives of this thesis it seemed appropriate to set out basis parameters and to put forth an analytical framework to complete the empirical components of this study. In consideration of the major ideas expressed in the previous three sections of this chapter, it became apparent that there was a need to examine the role of local governments and planning policy in creating both opportunities and constraints for live music venues. A major contention by Street (1993) is that 51 live music is influenced by local politics. He contends that local authorities have been able to affect (and have been affected by) the consumption and production of music within relatively definable limits through 4 forms of direct planning policy action. He lists the following: o Regulation o Finance o Cultural Policy o Industrial/Economic Policy Long range planning It became apparent through the literature review that there were considerable similarities between Street's (1993) supposition and the objective aims of this thesis. S o m e slight adjustments were made to the list provided by Street (1993) reflecting the literature and focusing more squarely on live music venues. It was then determined that the units of analysis listed below could serve as a strong analytical framework to evaluate planning policy in regards to live music. E a c h unit of analysis reflects one way that planning policy has some influence on live music venues. E a c h is described below. Long Range and Strategic Planning - this refers to the long range policies and plans that encompass everything from land use strategies, economic development, and employment. Regulation - this refers to zoning and subsequent bylaws, restrictions, and enforcement policies. Cultural Planning - this refers to broad based arts plans and cultural economy strategies and the presence of disciplinary perspectives with the goal of integrated cultural policy approaches. Fundamental are the uses and promotion of community development principles stressing the linkages, alliances and relationships amongst organizations at the community level. This includes businesses, municipal governments, and civil society organizations. 52 Financing and securing of Public Amenities - this refers to the systems by which the funding for cultural facilities and amenities is achieved through public mechanisms. T h e four units of analysis were selected because they represented the areas in which planning policies have the greatest influence on live music venues. T h e result was an analytical framework that was applied to both the cases examples and a more detailed case study involving the City of Vancouver. 53 C H A P T E R 4 - CASE EXAMPLES 4.1 INTRODUCTION T h e following case examples look at live entertainment as part of city policies. It was beyond the scope and the intentions of this thesis to explore the detailed practices of zoning and planning in each city, as each operates within unique political, social, economic, and cultural contexts. However each of these case cities can be used to illustrate common threads related to live music venues and entertainment and their place in the city. The ultimate purpose of this exercise was to obtain insights into how live music venues can better be fostered through planning policies and practice, as well as to gain a sense of policy strategies that have allowed live music entertainment to both flourish and fail. The 4 units of analysis developed as part of the analytical framework in the previous chapter were used to guide research and discussion. 4.2 MANCHESTER Manchester was born of the Industrial Revolution and came to the forefront of world textile manufacture and production. This was a position it held until the 1960's. Today it is a vibrant, dynamic city, and one of the largest metropolitan conurbations in the United Kingdom. Significant de-industrialization over the past 20 years has meant that the city has looked to other avenues for investment and growth with both high tech industries and culture becoming part of the new wave. In bringing Manchester back into prominence, a strong music scene was recognized early on as a way to promote and regenerate the city. Live music plays heavily into the city's psyche as the city of Manchester has had a rich and distinctive history of rock and pop bands achieving international success . T h e city is also cited as one of the birthplaces of modern dance and 54 house music. Dubbed "Madchester" by the British music press in the late 80's and early 90's, the city lays claim to having helped launch the burgeoning careers of the Fall, the Buzzcocks, the Happy Mondays, the Smiths, Joy Division, the Stone Roses , and was once home to the seminal dance music label Factory Records. Influential as a movement, the "Madchester" scene is believed to have contributed to a 25% increase in student applications to the city's 3 universities, once again stressing how live music venues can play an important role in the city. Long Range and Strategic Planning: The heart of Manchester's music scene is said to be in the city's Northern Quarter (Figure 4.1). Figure 4.1 - Manchester's Northern Quarter r o y a l e x c h i t h e a t r e o ° a r n d a l e shopping i ange centr ft} st atniete sq. i P i c c a d i l l y ^ * ^ g a r d e n s i f c * t o w n h a l l v ° <o° c i t y a r t c e n t r a l [sf. l i b r a r y 3 a n d t h e a t r e i t  t a l l e r y ^ o. nex itre c h o r l t o n % s t r e e t o b u s s t a t i o n ^ o P i c c a d i l l y % r a i l w a y s t a t i o n b r i d g e w a t e r % p a l a c e ^ ^ h a l l t h e a t r e fa>rf>eld st. Source: Northern Quarter Network 55 This area was devastated by 1960's redevelopment, economic disinvestment, and further vanquished by the building of a large indoor shopping mall in the 1970's. Neglect and disinvestment in the Northern Quarter (after the collapse of the textile industry) fortuitously resulted in a good deal of potential cultural infrastructure being left behind. Into the 1980's the Northern Quarter became a haven of cheap rents, flexible leases, high vacancy, and small properties - all conditions suitable for the growth of a live music scene and the creation of venues. O n e of the primary issues initially resulting from the rebirth of the Northern Quarter was that much of it was in poor physical condition, with many of the buildings used as live music spaces (amongst other things) unsound and unsuited for any major activities. However the Enterprise Allowance S c h e m e soon helped the proliferation of music venues, record stores, and a strong music community within the Northern Quarter. This scheme was one of the first examples of where a basic infrastructure program allowed for live music venues to be promoted in a high profile way. Part of what has been understood thus far in Manchester is that building conditions are important for the success of live music venues, particularly in mitigating some of the perceived problems associated with their operation such as noise and safety. From this perspective poor buildings are ultimately seen to restrict both artistic and long term economic possibilities. T h e cultural infrastructure programs in Manchester have therefore helped renew building stock in the Northern Quarter and consequently also helped create a stronger tourism infrastructure that markets Manchester as the essence of a vibrant, late night, European city. In recent times the city has acknowledged a gap in the number of large to medium scale venues that are suited for both local and touring acts. While the push towards having a strong musical scene has helped to promote and regenerate the city, it has not necessarily guaranteed venues. In particular, one of the issues facing live music venues in the regeneration process has been the high costs and difficulties in repair and venue startup. A s a result of costs, there has emerged a need for investment/community groups to fundraise and obtain 56 enough capital to initiate projects. This in turn has raised the issue of how to attract investors for uses such as live music venues. Regulation: Like many other cities with a pronounced nightlife, regulatory issues play an important part in the operation of live music venues in Manchester. A s was mentioned previously, existing building conditions in areas like the Northern Quarter pose problems when matched up to newer style regulations that specify safety and structural requirements. Other large regulatory concerns in Manchester are tied to the City's own 24hr City initiatives. Drug use and illicit activities in and around clubs and venues remains a constant point of contention. There is a constant fear that nightlife activities are ill suited to a well natured society, and must thus be subject to intense regulation and enforcement. Battles are being waged over relaxing licensing laws in the city. There is also an ongoing belief within the nighttime entertainment industry that it should not have barriers attached to it and that a true 24hour city must allow its businesses to operate in a way that mirrors a leisez-faire philosophy. Cultural Planning: T h e Manchester Cultural Strategy has been adopted by Manchester council with a direct focus on regeneration of the city. Out of this has come the Cultural Strategy T e a m (CST) , which was established in April 2003 by merging two groups of staff responsible for arts policy and cultural infrastructure projects respectively. All of the work of the C S T is directed towards the twin goals of increasing participation in culture by the people of Manchester, and using culture as a means to improve the profile of the city with the aim of attracting people to live, work and play in Manchester. A regeneration division within the city has also been established that is designed to move forward with "24hour City" initiatives promoted by council. T h e Cultural Quarter Initiative for the Northern Quarter has also been an integral part of this movement. 57 Financing and the Securing of Public Amenities: For the development and preservation of live music venues financial assistance is available from City Council and regional Development organizations (NW Development Agency and the European Regional Development Fund). At the federal level the "All Music Party Group" was started in the U K with a group of Members of Parliament and Lords taken to task on key issues facing the contemporary music industry. However financial assistance is granted on the basis of charity organizations within the music community of Manchester to promote music venues and music making. T h e "Greater Manchester Music Action Zone" for instance was founded in 2001 with funding from another not-for-profit called "Youth Music". Its remit was to deliver music workshops to socially excluded young people across the 10 boroughs of Greater Manchester. 20 partners across the region were included, delivering workshops in diverse music styles from hip-hop to Chinese music and everything in between. Much has been written in the local media and papers on the infamous live music venue "Band on the Wall". Today the venue represents a triumph in community directed redevelopment, and holds a place as the signature live music space in Manchester's Northern Quarter. Many cite how Manchester and the region would not have had the benefit of being able to hear many of top-level touring bands if the venue ceased to exist. In addition to hosting first rate touring groups, the venue has always been a significant outlet, and sometimes a stepping stone, for local bands. In the 90's it was revamped as part of the "Band on the Wall - S p a c e for Music Project" which was a robust publicly financed initiative to save, preserve, and enhance the valuable venue. Inner City Music, a registered charity, currently operates the venue. 58 4.3 CALGARY A s an emerging center for oil and financial power, Calgary has been on an exponential growth trajectory for the last 20 odd years. However this growth has not come without costs. The city faces substantial issues related to sprawl and has struggled to find ways to deal with and successfully promote urban nightlife. Due to its association with the 1988 Winter Olympics and the annual Calgary Stampede, most Calgarians will tell you that the city is a party town. Today Calgary is a city trying to rediscover and redevelop its "center". The Blueprint for the Beltline and The Beltline Initiative: Re-Discovering the Centre are two recent urban strategy documents that speak to the improvement of residential environmental quality and the desire to 'make the Beltline the coolest district in the west' through promoting a mix of livability, density, cosmopolitan values, and culture (Beltline Outlook,). However the movement to shut down Calgary's problematic entertainment district (Electric Avenue) in the early 1990's still lingers in the public's memory and continues to have a profound affect on live music venues and nightlife planning in the city. Despite regulatory actions, Calgary is today home to an abundance and variety of venues supportive to live entertainment. S o m e suspect that over the last ten years there has been a net gain in music venues, with a majority of them located in Calgary's emerging Beltline area. However Calgary appears to be struggling to find a place (figuratively and literally) for its cultural endeavors and genuinely appears to stand by an attitude that says "if it isn't broken, don't fix it". Long Range and Strategic Planning: During the mid 1980s, Calgary began to develop a reputation as "the place to go for entertainment" and by the 1988 Winter Olympic G a m e s , 24 bars had located in a one-and-a-half block section of 11th Avenue S . W . This area became known as "Electric Avenue." and quickly became a single-use destination (for live music venues, bars, and nightclubs) for many Calgary partygoers. However this area was fraught with problems. "Electric Avenue" 59 today is completely transformed as a result of the Electric Avenue Mini-Plan (1993) which basically outlined the procedures for shutting down the nightlife activity. High-end boutiques, big-box outlet stores, and high-tech offices now characterize this area of Calgary (Dickout 2004). T h e spiritual and in some ways geographical successor to Electric Avenue today is located on 17th A v e S W , in an area known as T h e Red Mile (named after Calgary F lames fans who line the street after N H L games). O n the border of the so-called Beltline, the Red Mile and surrounding area is host to the largest concentration of live music venues in the city. T h e rough boundaries of the Beltline consist of the C P R tracks to the north, 17th Avenue S W to the south, 14th Street S W to the west and MacLeod Trail to the east. T h e area is comprised of two communities: Connaught and West Victoria and covers three Business Revitalization Zones (Figure 4.2). This is an area of Calgary where a good deal of nightlife infrastructure exists. In recent years the City of Calgary has committed to intense inner-city redevelopment of the Beltline. T h e Beltline, is typically described as the city's 'trendy hot spot', and is in fact one of the City's oldest neighbourhoods. Up until 1999, the Beltline did not even factor into the city's re-development plans. However in recent years, the uniqueness of the Beltline has received greater attention not only as an important character district within Calgary, but also as an area conducive to more-intensive commercial and residential development catering to a high profile commercial market. In 2002, the Beltline's population numbered a roughly 17,400. With increased development attention and people returning to the inner city to live, population estimates and development inertia indicate that a target of 40,000 inhabitants in the area by 2024 is not unreasonable (Lyons et al., 2003). Momentum is picking up as the community has assumed a direction with aspirations of being an intense live-work-p/ay neighbourhood. 60 Figure 4.2 - Calgary's Beltline (Approximate) V > / Barely , A v e . Owe A v e . R , y w 2 AV<-* ^ ,t>-~-™ 1.v.,y,:.i j L_zi«cn i—i n i—r ' 4 Ave : : 3 a a ,JArfv«8rty 5 ^ A v e a a A LZD c3tn a ' g Avis — —~* i llll—l Ln ' HI j L i millli »• . . J *P> 4 Ave. ^ . 5 Ave. . _ 6 Ave._ i5Fn|t=3jgr-n|r=!^= 3 Eat Lzi cn s l 11 " 9 Ave. a i 11 IB l 3 {*& "a o JBj 24 Ave I D i • a «,—His pn r—n CZ3 I t"N"iiii»iJ m \3 r j ' hi c rest i" Stampede i l l Source: Public Works and Government Services Canada Regulation: During it's time Electric Avenue was "the place to go for a good time," where the rules of everyday society no longer applied (Calgary Police Force, 1994). Crime, noise, and other nightlife spill-offs became expounded by the fact that nearly 10,000 revelers would head to the area each weekend. The surrounding residential community suffered, and as a result this area saw an ever escalating police presence, tighter controls on commercial uses, and the eventual shutdown of nightlife on the street. T h e ghosts of the Electric Avenue experience dictate much of planning and regulation regarding any kind of urban nightlife in Calgary today. Concerning 61 live music, there is presently a noise bylaw that has a reputation in the city of getting in the way of some concerts and live music events. Cultural Planning: From a cultural standpoint Calgary hopes to be a place of "variety, choice, and uniqueness that is responsive to the needs of its people" (City of Calgary, 1998; 62). Nightlife planning coincides with the Beltline and Calgary's objective to increase the community's vibrancy and cultural capital. Future development aims to be visionary, strategic, and long-term with the purpose of developing a more exciting, cosmopolitan city, with residential communities acting as the hub (Lyons et al, 2003: 9; City of Calgary, 1998). Overall Calgary's cultural ambitions are tied tightly to their development acumen. Attracting and retaining land-uses that support the ongoing viability of heritage buildings, catering to an evolving community, and providing an entertainment infrastructure for people are all well articulated goals (Lyons et al, 2003; City of Calgary, 1998). However there are no direct policies addressing live entertainment or music. Within the city's Civic Arts Policy Review it is noted that a "vibrant local music and theatre scene attracts thousands of visitors and entertains thousands of locals each week", but there is no follow-up to these claims. The report denotes that cultural policies are connected to all the major issues of society including economic development, education, and community building and involve more than simply allocating money, that involves a fundamental shift in overall city planning and development strategies. However as of the time of writing this, Calgary does not appear to have set out sufficient mechanisms that directly act in the name of live entertainment. Financing and the Secur ing of Publ ic Amenit ies : No direct link or program was discovered looking into the public funding or financing of public facilities or amenities (such as live music venues) through development. This is an area requiring further invenstigation. 6 2 4.4 AUSTIN In 1991 Austin blues musician Lillian Standfield, identified that the City needed a slogan to better promote Austin's rich musical heritage. Diverse cultural groups have been attracted to Austin throughout its history, including immigrants from Europe, Africa, Mexico, and, most recently, As ia . All of these groups have enriched Austin's civic and cultural life, including its recent anointment as a Mecca for live music. Austin's musical rebirth began in the 1970s, when artists such as David Rodriguez and Willie Nelson began to draw national attention to the city. Now on any given night in the self proclaimed "Live Music Capital of the World", scores of artists can be heard playing countless musical styles in the city's nightclubs and concert halls. Long Range and Strategic Planning: A magnet for nonconformists, musicians, actors, alternative lifestyles, and political activists, Austin is known as much for its cultural life and high-tech innovations as it is for its legislative and political history as capital city of the state of Texas . However the s u c c e s s e s that have gained the city a national reputation have also brought with it many difficult choices and conflicts as the city seeks to grow. Despite this live music is continually recognized as a key economic driver of the community. Located in downtown Austin, Sixth Street is an area lined with nightclubs and music venues. (Figure 4.3) 63 Figure 4.3 - Sixth Street Music District (Austin) S o u r c e : Map Q u e s t Established as a music district in the early 1990's new venues were encouraged to open up on Sixth Street, the heart of the "music district", as well as in nearby parts of the downtown. Numerous clubs exist that are well known for their live music, such as Antone's, the Back Room, La Zona Rosa, Emo's, and Stubb's. However clubs and venues in other parts of Austin have slowly began to disappear as abstract economic forces lead to the contraction of Austin's musical infrastructure. On some level, ever growing suburban sprawl is said to be tied to the decline of live music spaces in Austin, as suburban residential areas and shopping malls offer few places for rehearsal and performance and ultimately detract from the life of the central city. Meanwhile downtown spaces suitable for live music have become coveted for high-tech and other supporting industries 64 which the city is also trying to accommodate. A fundamental redefinition of downtown Austin from a space of creative nonconformity into an area geared towards design and high-tech industries has thus greatly affected live music opportunities. The cost pressures on music venues are also becoming well pronounced. A municipally commissioned Austin Music Economic Impact Study noted that the recent growth of the technology community has helped push real estate prices higher in many areas traditionally home to live music venues. Despite the changing nature of the city, there are currently more live music venues per capita than Nashville, Memphis, Los Angeles, Las Vegas or New York City. However many see Austin's great musical infrastructure facing a shrinking base of quality clubs and live music venues, with a concerning gap related to the provision of all-age and alternative music spaces. Regulation: It is understood that Austin's "Music district" in and around the Sixth Street area was defined not just to sharpen the image of the city's downtown core, but also to ensure that the "troublemakers" were kept in one place. In this instance the consolidation of music venues is an issue of control as much as it is about allowing spaces for live music to have the freedom of expression. In this instance the Sixth Street "Music District" designation was not entirely different in intention than that of a red light district, with loud music and alcohol consumption being the questionable activities under the microscope. Despite the initiative of promoting a "music district", the way in which live music is regulated in Austin has been a source of contention from both industry and patron points of view. Essentially many feel that there is a discrepancy between the types of policies developed for the live music district and their implementation. Liquor and drinking laws, operating hours, as well as noise ordinances have all been questioned in this manner. The noise factor in particular has been a particular sour spot. Venue operators in the music district feel that being in the "music district" gives them a 65 certain amount of discretion with noise. However the "obsessive policing of noise" would indicate the opposite is true. Recently the city has been experimenting with anti-smoking bylaws in public facilities. This has raised concerns that disallowing smoking in bars would effectively hurt attendance at live music venues. The city has moved forward with "Smoke free Mondays" on a trial basis. Cultural Planning: Live music is a driver of the "creative economy" that translates into millions of dollars annually for Austin. Austin City government recognizes that music is one of the things that makes Austin special, and has tried to establish several programs to help musicians and to promote their music (City of Austin, 2005). T h e Austin Music Commission was established by City resolution on January 5, 1989. This body serves an advisory capacity to the City Council on all music related issues. Activities include promoting continued studies regarding the development of the music industry, developing criteria for live performance venue designations; overseeing the creation of the music district, and to hold public hearings on such matters which may affect or influence the music industry in Austin. O n e member of the Austin Music Commission is also assigned to the city's "Downtown Commission" to represent the interests of the Austin music community as it faces the development of the Austin downtown area. In 1994 the City of Austin created the Austin Music Network (which was web and radio based) as an economic development project to showcase local music and musicians. Although not directly tied to creating opportunities for live music venues per se, the network served as a 24 hour non profit independent music channel which showcased the best of Austin and Texas music. E a c h day featured original music videos and uninterrupted concert performances with some national music not seen anywhere else, mixed in between. T h e Austin Music Network has since ceased operations as of August 31, 2005, to much concern of the local music scene. 66 Financing and the Securing of Public Amenit ies: The Creative Industries Loan (CIL) Guarantee Program has been set up in Austin to encourage private lenders to provide financing for creative industries, non-profits related to creative industries, and individuals involved in creative industries in Austin. The individuals, non-profits and businesses involved in these creative industries are sighted as a vital component of Austin's job creation and retention abilities. Eligible borrowers in this program include those whose work is primarily related to music, film, art, and technology industries such as the digital and video game industries. While this program does not specifically accrue to live music venues, it does suggest that as part of the City's ongoing efforts to promote live music and the local music scene, new venues, or simply those looking to upgrade spaces can benefit from such a program. The Redrum is one of the few venues in Austin that hosts all-age shows every night of the week. For bands in the under-18 set, it is one of a handful of clubs to enjoy performance music. In a competitive live music scene like Austin's, it is an important place for alternative culture and music (Schroeder, 2005). The venue books roughly 28 bands a week, which is roughly four bands a night. Both touring acts and locals are booked at the venue. Almost every genre of music has been represented: indie, punk, blues, country, hardcore, hip-hop, even techno. The venue itself is located is off of the typical beaten path of the Austin music scene, in a stand-alone building on the Northeast corner of Sabine and East 4th Street, South of Gas Pipe on East 5th Street, just east of the city's new parking garage/cooling plant, and about one block west of IH-35 (Figure 4.3). The all age venue represents a grassroots approach to live music venues in the city that is still underdeveloped but veers from the typical nightclub based entertainment marketed more commonly throughout the city. 67 4.5 SEATTLE Seattle's music history can be traced as far back as its origins. The city itself has historically been tied closely to cycles of boom or bust, having almost been sent into permanent decline at times by the loss of industry, the city has had an uncanny knack successfully maintaining infrastructure, both physically and culturally. During the Yukon Gold Rush, lumberjacks, sailors and miners en route to Alaska found good times and good music in an infamous entertainment zone in the old downtown, Pioneer Square, and on up Jackson Street (City of Seattle, 2005a). In fact jazz nightclubs once lined Jackson Street and surrounding area with dancing, bootleg liquor, and music spilling into the streets around the clock. Ray Charles, Quincy Jones, and Ernestine Anderson are just a few artists whose careers were launched on these blocks of downtown Seattle. It was in areas such as these that Seattle's first vibrant music scene arose. However, development of the 1-5 highway (through the heart of downtown) was soon followed by the slow erosion of clubs and live entertainment facilities in the central city. Located somewhere on the periphery of the traditional music business, the city has been commonly viewed as one of three things: a place where a few musicians have occasionally stepped into stardom, a convenient place to begin or end a national tour, or a classic midsized secondary market. However as Seattle entered the 1990's, things began to change, and live music took on a whole new importance with the advent of Grunge. In the wake of the Grunge rock movement juggernaut of the early 1990's, the international music industry descended on the city. Close to a decade after the peak of the Grunge rock movement, Seattle today is considered a diverse musical place with a broad array of musical styles, and a thriving alternative music culture. The continued commitment, dedication, and support of local music communities, the relatively low costs of living (compared to other music centers such as Los Angeles or New York City), a well educated populace sympathetic to the arts, and the legacy of the "grunge" music 68 movement have all allowed the scene to thrive in numerous ways (Beyers, 2005; City of Seattle, 2005a). At any given time there is no shortage of new talent and diverse opportunities, making it just as easy to bump into an internationally renowned techno producer at a local tavern as it would be to meet a member of an up-and-coming garage band (Beyers, 2005). A number of very successful independent record labels currently call Seattle home, while a multitude of diverse music venue opportunities have allowed both mainstream and alternative : music scenes to thrive. But the city is also changing, and the central area of downtown is now poised to become home to a residential boom of its own. Long Range and Strategic Planning: A significant movement to increase the residential presence in Seattle's central city has been growing over the past 2 decades. With the growth pressures of residential development has also come the need to mitigate the external impacts of entertainment and cultural activities. Of particular interest is an area known as Belltown. Formerly a low-rent semi-industrial/arts district named Denny Regrade, it has been transformed into a neighborhood of upscale restaurants, nightclubs, and condominiums, somewhat analogus in to the character of Vancouver's Yaletown district. Located in and around this area are a number of venues, most notablly the Crocodile Cafe, a venue seen as intergral in launching the careers of bands such as Nirvana. Belltown marked Seattle's first major foray into the creation of livable neighbourhoods in central Seattle. At the time of writing, further amendments have been proposed to rezone more areas of downtown Seattle for residential development. The "City Center Strategy" aims to further enhance the residential component of downtown, while building an active, safe, 24hour living environment. The proposed changes are seen to have a positive impact on building design, residential and commercial growth, and affordable housing. In May of 2005 the Mayor of Seattle presented his "City Center Strategy" as a vision for reshaping Seattle's greater downtown area and setting a new direction for the significant growth coming to Seattle in response to calls for more housing and 69 jobs. The proposal ultimately encourages more housing immediately adjacent to the traditional downtown commercial core. The changes would most directly affect the Commercial Core, Denny Triangle, and portions of Belltown (Figure 4 .4 ) . Figure 4 . 4 - Seattle Central Areas S o u r c e : Ci ty of Seat t le As to how this could potentially affect live music and entertainment venues is still somewhat undetermined. However, in order to keep and attract businesses, support residents, and to keep the cities renowned entertainment attractions, the city is ultimately intent on creating a collection of unique, but connected, neighborhoods. 70 Presently in Seattle, large historic theatres and concert halls—such as Benaroya Hall, the Marion Oliver McCaw Opera House, the 5th Avenue Theatre, and Paramount Theatre host all genres of live performances. Many smaller theatres also exist throughout the city, ranging in size from the tiny "Jewel Box" to mid-sized facilities such as Meany Hall and Chop Suey. A wide range of clubs, taverns, bars, and other facilities provide nightly opportunities for live music and DJs. For the most part, venues are spread throughout many of the city's neighbourhoods, with a nightlife number of concentrations found in and around the neighbourhoods of central Seattle. The "Capitol Hill" neighborhood is one such neighbourhood that figures prominently into Seattle's nightlife and entertainment, with many spaces chosing to host live music events. This was the area of Seattle made famous during the Grunge scene, although most of the best-known music venues of that era were actually located slightly outside of the neighbourhood. While this neighbourhood has not undergone the same development pressures as other areas in the city, the commercial and artistic heritage of the area is seen as integral to nightlife in the city. Pioneer Square is also important to consider when it comes to nightlife and live music. In the 1960's, Pioneer Square was an area of blight, and ultimately became a target of urban renewal. However in 1970, preservationists succeeded in demarcating it as a national historic district, with the city refocusing their efforts on the preservation and enhancement of the area. Nowadays, Pioneer Square is home to art galleries, Internet companies, cafes, sports bars, nightclubs, bookstores and is often described as a hallmark if Seattle's nightlife. Regulation: The mid-1980's represented a dark time for live music venues in Seattle, particularly for those under the drinking age. Teen dances/concerts were banned, public postering and advertisements were outlawed, and nightclubs were routinely harassed by police who selectively enforced an outdated noise ordinance (City of Seattle, 2005a). The live music scene deflated considerably 71 when big clubs like the Rainbow, Golden Crown and Astor Park folded as well. To this day, Seattle maintains relatively strict policies in regards to noise, having established a Noise Abatement Program within the Department of Planning and Development. However it appears that since the mid- 1980's many of Seattle's live music venues have found unique ways to adapt. As it stands today, live music entertainment in Seattle is constrained by the treat of noise complaints, event hour restrictions, and security concerns posed by increased residential development in many parts of the central area of the city. In dealing with concerns of residential and entertainment compatibility, indoor venues and clubs in Seattle have generally done a good job in mediating negative externalities (City of Vancouver, 2005d). Impacts from indoor entertainment uses on housing and residential uses have been well mitigated through design, the buffering of incompatible land uses to address adjacency issues, and a careful consideration of the overall land use mix (City of Seattle, 2005a). Concerns over live music in public places however are slightly more unresolved (Beyers et al., 2004). The 18-week "Summer Nights at the Pier" concert series is one example of such a concern because of its location adjacent to new residential developments in Belltown. Regardless there does appear to be some political will to ensure that both residential and creative uses of space can be mutually accommodated. Stemming from regulatory crackdowns in the mid-1980's a deep concern has grown in Seattle over youth access to the arts and the musical expression of young people (Beyers et al., 2004). Often young people interested in music are steered toward more commercial, adult-oriented venues that only offer music for its entertainment value. According to the Vera Project, by the time the new millennium hit, the city's music community decided to organize. An unprecedented civic effort resulted in an active dialogue among City officials, music professionals, and youth, resulting in the passing of 2002's All Ages Dance Ordinance, a more effective means of regulating the safety of youth-oriented spaces. This new civic spirit also gave birth to the Vera Project, Seattle's first City-supported all-ages venue, where under-aged audiences can see live music 7 2 every week and learn music-related skills from break dancing to sound engineering (City of Seattle, 2005d). Cultural Planning: The City of Seattle clearly articulates that music is an important component to the city, in that it adds excitement, promises career-boosting jobs for local talent, and millions of dollars in revenue for local businesses (City of Seattle 2005a). It also appears to be well understood within the Seattle community that a successful live music scene demands the energy, commitment, and dedication of a network of individuals and organizations if it is to develop and flourish (City of Seattle, 2005a). A number of advocacy groups exist throughout the city to support musical activity. These include the unions that represent players and others associated with the industry, groups that help raise funds to cover expenses of non-profit organizations (such as ArtsFund), and arts service organizations that help raise funds to support activity within this segment of the local economy (such as the Mayor's Office of Arts and Cultural Affairs). Although community and advocacy groups are not always directly associated with the City, their continued and concerted efforts do appear to be part of the Seattle's overall cultural strategy and commitment to live music. Recently the Mayor's Film and Music Office was established to help maintain Seattle's reputation as a professional, efficient, and hospitable location in which to record, produce and perform live music. Part of the mandate of the Mayor's Office is currently to provide resources for musicians and information for music lovers, while also providing links and connections between the various music organizations in the City. Of particular note is the formation of the Music and Youth Commission as a result of the recommendations made by the Music and Youth Task Force (MYTF) which convened in 1999 to confront problems preventing youth access to music, and to outline potential solutions. The resolution which created the commission articulated the need for youth to have access to the arts and to encourage the artistic and musical expression of young people as well as ensure 73 their safety in doing so. This 12 member commission is currently comprised of city employees and community folks who have strong interest in seeing that this city's youth have access to venues that provide entertainment and creative expression, that provide focus, motivation, and interactive experience for teens and young adults, in a safe, comfortable, drug and alcohol free environment. The Music and Youth Commission is designed to reflect cultural and stylistic changes in music and dance, subsequent effects on access and the well-being of youth patrons. Financing and the Secur ing of Publ ic Amenit ies: Out of the MYTF's recommendations, which directed the City of Seattle to create a city funded all-age music and performing arts venue, arose the Vera Project. In November 2 0 0 0 , the City of Seattle agreed to give The Vera Project a portion of what was needed to run its first year of programming. Support was echoed by funding from the Seattle Arts Commission, Parks and Recreation, and the Seattle Center, enabling The Vera Project to undertake an ambitious series of music programs and the formation of a recognized not-for-profit organization. According to the Vera website, the organization currently collaborates with over 20 agencies and groups annually to co-produce events both at Vera and elsewhere. Since its inception in 2 0 0 0 , Vera has provided a unique resource to Seattle's youth and music community by maintaining a safe, alcohol and smoke free environment for people of all ages to come together and experience music in a way that transcends commercial entertainment and erases divisions between performer, staff and audience.) Vera uses its downtown location as a means to bridge the divisions that exist between neighborhoods and bring people together in a neutral and open space. Weekly concerts and events fuse with educational programming and a participatory governance structure to give young people an empowering, inclusive sense of music that stresses their ability to positively affect their 74 surroundings, both within the organization and in their daily lives. (Vera Project, 2005) 4.6 KEY FINDINGS AND THEMES A few key themes resonate across these 4 examples. While each example provides unique sets of situations and approaches, some common features are important to consider for a greater in depth analysis of Vancouver as the primary case study. The following outlines the key themes and considerations that emerged as a result of this exercise. Each of the four areas is discussed in general terms with the hope that lessons may be taken away. Long Range and Strategic Planning: In each of these cities, inner core redevelopment has had a direct effect on the opportunities for, and the diversity of, live music venues. Many of the spaces in and on the periphery of inner city areas are in danger of being 'priced out', while an increase in residential presence may potential pose significant land use concerns. Typically the so called creative and high tech industries compete for the same types of residual spaces often coveted and sought after for live music venues. In one form or another each of theses examples has adopted some form of "special district" planning strategy for entertainment and culture. The extent and details of how this type of strategy has been implemented varies from city to city. However it is important to recognize that "special district" planning is a common planning response to entertainment and culture, which ultimately has a pronounced effect on live music venues. This type of planning strategy tends to come attached with other concerns over regulation and control. Regulation: In each of these case example cities the regulatory function of planning policy often conceives of live music entertainment as a nuisance, commonly 75 associating itself with noise substance abuse, rowdiness, crowds, crime, and youth gatherings. Physical changes resulting from the increased residential presence and redevelopment of the central areas have bring about concerns over the types of regulation that affect live music venues and nighttime entertainment's ability to be diverse and amenable to city life. Each of these example cities referenced the need to mitigate the impacts of live entertainment and noise on residential populations. Cultural Planning: Each of the cities explored have developed, or are in the process of developing, some form of cultural plan or strategy acknowledging the links between a thriving arts scene, economic and community development, and tourism. The importance of live music is also stated quite consistently across most cultural plans to be part of the cultural milieu, with the exception of Calgary. However each city has very different approaches as to how commercial and alternative forms of live music are incorporated into overall cultural strategies. 3 of the 4 examples have some body or related body acting on the part of the local government in regards to live music related issues. Financing and the Secur ing of Publ ic Amenit ies : Correspondingly a look at these four case examples sheds light onto the fact cultural policies tend to be concerned and best equipped to deal with the mechanics of funding for facilities. In this instance, public funding and the securing of live music spaces as a public amenity does exist, albeit in different forms in different cities. It was difficult to determine the extent of this area of inquiry without further investigation and more detailed study. However Manchester and Seattle in particular demonstrate some manner of using public programs as a means to aid in the development and operation of live music venues based on their abilities to serve as amenities to the city. 76 C H A P T E R 5 - C A S E STUDY: THE VANCOUVER CONTEXT 5.1 INTRODUCTION This chapter will explore the 4 planning policy areas discussed in the analytical framework regards to Vancouver. Information from this section was culled through a combination of the policy document analysis, interviews, and surveys. 5.2 LONG RANGE AND STRATEGIC PLANNING Local Area Planning T h e concept of Local Area Planning is based on the belief that planning can be accomplished more effectively as a local level rather than at a city scale. Local area planning focuses on a smaller area of the city rather than the whole. This program takes a very close look at individual neighbourhoods in terms of their own problems and possibilities and relates this to the city as a whole. (City of Vancouver, 1986) Since the mid 20 t h century, the nature of planning practice shifted from an elitist and technocratic pursuit to a framework built more on community participation supported by fiscally grounded actions (Kaiser, 1995). In Vancouver this was reflected in the move toward local area planning practices in the 1970's to reexamine and redefine the role of the "neighbourhood". Vancouver 's foray into Local Area planning began in 1973, as coordinated by the City's Social Planning Program. In 1974, Local Area Planning was further spurred by major federal assistance programs in the form of the Residential Rehabilitation Assistance Program and Neighbourhood Improvement Programs 77 (Punter, 2004). These programs along with a shift in planning focus ultimately aimed to expand planning resources for neighbourhoods and to create opportunities for a greater range of public input (Punter, 2004). The 1950's and 60's in Vancouver marked a time when zoning, and conversely planning practice, were both becoming increasingly rationalized. As the City entered the 1970's a political climate that emphasized neighbourhood preservation and the right of citizens to participate, an acknowledgement of the failing existing policies, and the growing complexity of market forces and land use changes served as indicators that change was needed (City of Vancouver, 1986). In responding principally to the failures of high density urban renewal, master planning, and freeway construction throughout the city Local Area Planning in Vancouver was an attempt to revisit and redefine the proper planning 'scale' for the city. Land use conflicts (high rise versus mid-rise and conservation), traffic, the resurgence of the middle class, and the notion of citywide versus neighbourhood interests became hallmarks of a new neighbourhood and participatory based planning approach. Through the establishment of Local Area Planning the City of Vancouver recognized the right for communities to live in amenable and attractive neighbourhoods (City of Vancouver, 1986). Between the years of 1973 and 1985 Local Area Programs were initiated in 11 neighbourhoods and areas around the city. Part of the Local Area Planning mindset operated with an understanding that different approaches were needed in each neighborhood. Involving citizens resulted in specific policies for a diversity of communities-Strathcona, the West End, Grandview and Shaughnessy, to name but a few. The emphasis was on a two-way planning process with community participation. What is of central importance to this thesis is the way in which Local Area Plans served as a way to fine tune basic land uses, resulting in the establishment of pedestrian oriented commercial districts. New zoning policies were a large part of this outcome in neighbourhoods such as Kitsilano were C-2C zoning was created in 1976 as a means encourage shops and services to cater to district residents (City of Vancouver, 1977). 78 One of the effects of Local Area Planning in adjusting land uses was a rationalization that allowed the exclusion of nighttime urban activity and vitality in neighbourhoods. With the exception of the Grandview-Woodland Area Policy Plan (1980), most neighbourhood area plans did not address issues related to culture or nighttime activity (City of Vancouver, 1977; City of Vancouver 1980; City of Vancouver, 1986). Furthermore, in the Grandview-Woodlands Area Policy Plan, restaurants and urban nightlife were described as "concerns" and not items to be carefully considered (City of Vancouver, 1980). Overall Local Area Planning and it's focus on neighbourhoods firmly established the city neighbourhoods as a "place to live", and not necessarily a place to experience things such as live music, that bring life and activity to the city. CityPlan Vancouver's unique collection of neighbourhoods each have their own characteristics, however, according to John Punter (2004), by 1990 the absence of an overarching citywide planning strategy for Vancouver became a political issue, particularly in dealing with urban growth and intensification (Punter, 2004). Local Area Planning strategies had been content with creating sub- area official development plans for neighbourhoods and a similar policy statement for downtown (Punter, 2004). Prior to CityPlan Vancouver had many policies but no overall framework or plan to guide development decisions. As a result the City of Vancouver started a project called CityPlan to involve city residents in how they wanted their neighbourhoods to grow. Over 20,000 people actively participated in the initial CityPlan process by making submissions, responding to surveys, and attending consultation events. Through this grand process, Vancouver residents and City Council agreed on directions for the city's future. In June 1995, City Council approved "CityPlan: Directions for Vancouver". CityPlan was instated as a city-wide plan that provided a framework for decisions over the next 30 years. It included directions on a range of topics from transportation and the arts to housing, community services, and employment (City of Vancouver, 1996). 79 In 1997, the second phase of CityPlan was launched with the Community Visions Program as a means to bring CityPlan to the neighbourhood level. Dunbar and Kensington-Cedar Cottage were the first two communities to try this new approach to local planning. As part of the CityPlan process, a "Choices" survey was sent out to neighbourhood residents to determine possible future directions. The survey covers common issues such as traffic and transportation; safety and community services; housing; shopping areas; environment; and community involvement. Survey directions supported by a neighbourhood or community then become part of the final Community Vision, which was then subject to approval by council. In neighbourhoods with approved council approved Community Visions, City staff and the community then start working on making their Visions a reality. Overall CityPlan (1995b) capitulates that Vancouverites want to experience the arts and culture in their everyday lives with more activities and facilities located in their neighbourhoods. Yet this does not imply that opportunities for activities such as live music are included within broader consideration of neighbourhood livability. Furthering the aims of Local Area Planning before it, CityPlan was designed as a tool to help build support for a "well planned approach to residential intensification", and provide a means for public endorsement of the many planning principles that the city had pursued over the pervious few decades; "promoting a broadly defined sustainable form of development, restricting building heights, ensuring development fit into it's context, and ensuring redevelopment yields a range of public amenities and facilities" (Punter, 2003: 166). According to Punter (2003) CityPlan left unresolved a number of contentious issues related to land use and residential intensification. One such issue was live entertainment and live music venues. Central Area Plan - "L iv ing First" In 1991 the City of Vancouver adopted its Central Area Plan (City of Vancouver, 1991a). The plan "redefined a differentiated future for the various sub-areas and fringe neighbourhoods of downtown" by reducing the size of the 80 central business district, creating a variety of mixed use and high density residential areas, conserving the heritage character of Gastown, Chinatown, Victory Square, Yaletown, and Granville Street, and by diversifying the townscape, economy, and society of the central area" (Punter, 2003: 241) (Figure 5.1) Figure 5.1 - Vancouver's Central Area - I I I I I K I I (City of Vancouver, 2006a) The Central Area Plan laid the groundwork for a downtown that was to be shaped by a "living first" growth strategy, emphasizing housing and neighbourhoods in preference over all other inner-city uses (Beasley, 2000). According to Larry Beasley (2000), part of the living first strategy involved developing complete and coherent neighbourhood units, with all amenities and services at the center, offering "third spaces" for after home and work, where neighbourhoods create culture (Oldenburg, 1999). 81 The creation of a vibrant culture is one of the major tenants of the Central Area Plan, reflecting the desire to develop an 'Alive Downtown' comprised of a central area that can sustain a mix of activities where people are able to play, live and work (City of Vancouver, 1991a). CityPlan echoed the ideals of the Central Area Plan a few years later such that its directions are consistent. Vancouver's central area, surrounded by Burrard Inlet and English Bay, and encircling False Creek is comprise of two major office districts — the region's prestige office location in the downtown central business district and the medical-civic "uptown" on Broadway. CityPlan states that surrounding the business districts should be different kinds of residential neighbourhoods to provide livable environments for a variety of people, specialty character and heritage areas, lively retail streets, waterfront walkways, and diverse plazas and open spaces to act as welcoming public places for residents, employees, visitors, and tourists (City of Vancouver, 1995b). The "living first" formula espoused by the Central Area Plan was premised on the idea that planning and design solutions allow density and downtown urban living to work and to be sustainable. Within this logic high density generates enough value to carry quality materials, excellent on-site amenities, and development cost levies that can contribute to quality neighbourhood infrastructure (Beasley, 2000). Complete and supportive neighbourhoods were seen as a way to draw all kinds of people back from the suburbs through the competitive advantage of an urban lifestyle. A cooperative planning approach is also trumpeted where citizens, developers, politicians and staff interact positively to conceive and build the residential city using a discretionary regulatory framework, emphasizing guidelines and incentives over hard regulation. Largely successful in increasing residential density the population of Vancouver's downtown peninsula has seen exponential growth. Between the 1996 and 2001 census Downtown Vancouver increased in population by almost 10,500, for a population change of roughly 60.8% over 5 years (Table 5.1). 8 2 Table 5.1 - Downtown Vancouver Population Statistics C o m m u n i t y S ta t i s t ics Census da ta 1996 Cfty of Downtown Vancouver* Downtown Area of (and Hectares 375 11,467 Population Census Population 17,405 514,008 Population 5 years prior 8,880 471,844 Population change In 5 years 96.0% 8.9% Age Groups 19 and under 5.5% 19.2% 20-39 49.2% 38.4% 40-64 35.0% 29.5% 65 and over 10.3% 12.9% Language - Mother Tongue (single response) English 65.8% 51.8% French 4.3% 1.6% Chinese 14.0% 24.5% Spanish 1.2% 1.4% Korean not available 0.7% German 1.6% 1.6% Japanese 1.4% 1.2% Population who moved since the last census 85.3% 57.7% Households Number of private households 11.830 218,540 One-person households 69.1% 38.0% Average size of household 1.4 2.3 Average household Income {In 2000$) ** $36,142 $50,527 Population in low Income households 47.8% 31.0% Families Plo.i^o see notes Ijelow Number of families 2,545 119,110 Children living at home 1,225 133,075 Single parent families 12.2% 16.4% Average family Income (in 2000$) ** $70,871 $60,544 27,990 17,405 2001 City of Vancouver* 11,467 545,671 514,008 60.8% 6.2% 7.5% 18.6% 50.0% 36.6% 33.7% 31.9% 8.8% 12.9% 60.1% 3.2% 16.4% 2.1% 1.9% 1.5% not available 81,1% 17,770 60.9% 1.5 $49,325 36.0% 11.51 49.4% 1.7% 26.4% 1.5% 1.0% 1.3% 1.1% 236,095 38.8% 2.3 $57,916 27.0% 134,380 142,980 17.0% $69,190 ( C e n s u s C a n a d a , 2001) The data also indicates a very high population number for those aged 20-39, perhaps reflecting a demand for entertainment and cultural amenities in the downtown core. Notable as well is the nearly doubling of the number of families in downtown core every 5 years over the previous 3 census counts. In many 83 ways the increase in both of these population segments signifies a potential conflict in future needs in the downtown core. Entertainment District O n e of the central drivers in Vancouver adopting their own special/entertainment district strategy was initially over new residents vying to move into previously underdeveloped and former industrial areas of Downtown South. T h e Granville Street entertainment district initiative was conceived both as a way to revive historical Theatre Row on downtown Granville Street and to bring cultural uses back into the central core. In response to the Central Area Plan and the Downtown South Community Plan (1991b), the Vancouver City Counci l , in 1992, placed a moratorium on new liquor licensed seats in Downtown South to as a way to help encourage the creation of a "livable" residential community (City of Vancouver, 1997). Council subsequently approved in principle a corresponding Downtown Liquor Licensing Policy, which identified Theatre Row (700 to 900 Blocks of Granville Street) as an "entertainment district", effectively concentrating many nighttime activities into select areas of the downtown peninsula (City of Vancouver, 1997) (Figure 5.2.). New downtown resident reactions to the existing presence of nightclubs and music venues in Downtown South has led to greater scrutiny of venue design, licensing, and management with the city using its licensing powers to encourage a transfer to Granville Street. This was seen as a means to reduce land use conflict. Although most live music venues in the Downtown South area have either migrated to the entertainment district or faded away, a few still remain. Despite the aims to limit conflict, problems and complaints in regards to music and entertainment remain a prevalent issue in downtown Vancouver. 84 Figure 5.1 - Downtown South and Granville Street Theatre Row (City of Vancouver, 2006a) The Yaletown neighbourhood in Downtown South serves as an example of the increasing types of pressures that have emerged for live music venues. Once a light industrial district with several legendary nightclubs and music venues stashed in its pockets, Yaletown now better resembles a clean, quiet residential neighbourhood full of densely packed high-rise towers. Yaletown showcases quite succinctly how the rapid influx of new groups, residents, and activities into formerly underutilized, industrial, low intensity residential, and expanding areas of Vancouver have led to increased pressures on local councils, 85 planners, and regulatory bodies to manage, remove, or mute noisy music establishments and other active uses (Homan, 2003: 5). 5.3 REGULATION Chatterton and Hollands (2002) remark that "it is the the moral history' surrounding urban drinking that partially explains the regulatory views of the night-time economy. Vancouver aptly lives up to this assertion. The City of Vancouver 's relationship to live music venues should start with recognition of the city's frontier origins and historical ties to drinking establishments and entertainment. Sa loon keepers such as "Gassy" Jack Deighton are often sighted with the dubious distinction as the founders of the City of Vancouver. Alcohol and revelry were such significant parts of early Vancouver culture that by 1888, over 45 saloons existed in the waterfront area of present day Vancouver (Campbell , 1992). However the prohibition of 1917 (which lasted until 1921) also had a significant impact on the face of the city and the nature of public drinking almost irrevocably. Vancouver has since this time tried to establish itself as a respectable and cosmopolitan type of city (Campbell , 1992). No Fun City and the Culture of Complaint "No Fun City" is a term that has been attached to Vancouver due a number of factors. T h e s e include perceptions of the City's strict licensing (liquor and business) and noise laws, overly bureaucratic decision making processes and an institutionalized 'culture of complaint'. T h e term culture of complaint here refers to the way in which complaints have become a legitimized way of dealing with conflicts in the urban landscape. At the heart of this discussion is the idea that Vancouver is no fun because people complain. A counter effort to dispel the no fun city myth has evolved over the past number of years in an attempt to reclaim the city as "Funcouver". This new name stems from a campaign started prior to the 2002 civic election as a means to 86 raise issues regarding the commitment to creative and cultural pursuits in the city. In the 2002 municipal election Vancouver "fun" lobbyists forced almost every candidate to promise to commitment to fun and to get out of the way of strict regulation. Accordingly "fun" became one of the biggest issues in the November 2002 election with many of the decidedly 'anti-fun' candidates being defeated. T h e council elected in November 2002 was seen as responsible for deciding whether Vancouver would begin to embrace and nurture its dormant creative soul, not allowing NIMBYism and a culture of complaint to pervade. All in all, Vancouver has not suddenly and miraculously been transformed into funcouver. However there does appear to be an understanding that measures must be taken to ensure that opportunities for creativity and expression are not lost. T h e challenge as many see it is to overcome the many ways in which complaint has become institutionalized and legitimized. Zoning Zoning stipulates the types of uses permitted on any given parcel of land and the conditions under which live music must operate. Under the City of Vancouver Zoning Bylaw commercial zoning classifications (that allow for live music) primarily appear under the C-2 (mixed use commercial) designation and its subsequent offshoots. In 1989 the C-2 zoning designation in Vancouver was amended to remove disincentives to residential, and provide more opportunity for housing. While this was successful in generating housing, developments often sparked complaints from community residents about impacts on adjacent residential developments, scale, and the design quality of projects. T h e C-2 zoning designation itself is today intended to accommodate a wide variety of commercial uses-reta i l , service, and office—that can serve both local and citywide markets, generally occurring along arterials throughout the city. However in most instances C-2 sites are adjacent to low-medium density residential zones such as those for single family dwelling or multiple family dwelling. Since 1989, a significant number of four storey mixed use commercial/residential developments have been built. At the same time the commercial components of mixed use 87 developments such as "restaurant entertainment", have been noted by the City as significant sources of noise and nuisance that disturb residents. C-2 zoning guidelines exist in many areas of Vancouver, but are not area-specific. CD-1 (comprehensive development) zoning classifications operate under specific guidelines based individual projects, with a majority located in Vancouver 's central locations. A number of C D -1 also allows live music and entertainment. However most Vancouver CD-1 zonings also recognize concerns with entertainment uses such as live music venues (City of Vancouver, 2001). In 2005 an amendment changed the definitions of Restaurant C l a s s l and Restaurant C lass 2 concerning live entertainment. This was a significant change for Vancouver and live music venues. T h e previous definitions and policies on live entertainment in restaurants were as follows: • Restaurant C lass 1 - limited to two persons and no dancing or amplified musical instruments permitted. Any entertainment that went beyond this required approval as a Restaurant - C l a s s 2 which was only permitted on a conditional basis. • Restaurant C lass 2 - live entertainment is provided by three or more persons, or where there is dancing by customers, or the use of any amplified musical instruments are present. This classification is usually required to provide acoustical upgrading and air conditioning. Other stipulations apply that state that there is to be separation of the facility by a lane or street from residential districts and uses, schools, churches, community centers or other institutional buildings. Development permit approvals were provided on a time-limited basis. (City of Vancouver, 2005a) T h e original regulations for restaurant entertainment were adopted in 1988 in response to a number of restaurants operating more like cabarets (City of Vancouver, 2005a). According to the City of Vancouver policies were adopted to ensure that entertainment was an accessory feature of the main restaurant operation (City of Vancouver, 2005a). 88 Despite the aims of the City to keep live entertainment and music a low key component of restaurant operation, the planning department had identified a trend of neighbourhood restaurants converting themselves to karaoke bars and music spaces , and installing more powerful sound systems without proper sound muffling construction (City of Vancouver, 2005a). In this regard a number of restaurants had been inconsistent with the existing regulation strategies for entertainment despite the 1988 reform. T h e failure of these restaurants to conform to commercial zoning requirements led inevitably to conflict and the need to re-evaluate Vancouver 's policies. A s part of the evaluation process, a survey of C l a s s 1 Restaurants was commissioned by the City of Vancouver to determine the extent of live music entertainment being offered in restaurant establishments. According to the City there are more than 1500 business l icenses issued for restaurants in Vancouver. Accordingly 52 restaurants were found to have advertisements in local papers and the telephone directory listing live music entertainment (City of Vancouver, 2005a). By identifying that restaurants are able to provide important live opportunities for musicians and performers in the city, the city recommended a review of restaurant entertainment definitions and policies with the following the following objectives in mind: • Support for arts and cultural activities by increasing entertainment opportunities • Providing opportunities for "fun city" activities • Mitigating neighbourhood impacts - expectation of quiet enjoyment for neighbours especially for adjacent residential users • Promoting fair and equitable treatment between businesses (City of Vancouver, 2005a) T h e restaurant amendments now legally allows for more entertainment in restaurants by removing limits on the number of entertainers and permitting amplified musical instruments in a C lass 1 Restaurants. 89 The City of Vancouver (2005a) recognizes a certain number of trade-offs in regards to neighbourhood impacts with a change to the bylaw. T h e changes to the By-law would essentially mean greater opportunities for live music and entertainment, conversely resulting in greater neighbourhood impacts and potential noise complaints. A Restaurant C lass 1 with live entertainment could thus be approved on an outright basis in areas where this would have previously not been possible. This is particularly significant in zoning areas that contain a mix of residential and commercial uses. Ultimately there is a concern that such changes will serve to undermine the larger land use aspects of the Zoning Bylaw. A s a result, provisions for the hours where entertainment is permitted have also been suggested. Noise A s Vancouver builds out and densifies, concerns over noise have been increasing, and have become more common in mixed use areas with residential and commercial uses adjacent to each other. Excessive noise from entertainment establishments is high on the list of annoyances for Vancouver city residents, and of concern for regulators (City of Vancouver, 2001). Many existing entertainment facilities are "leaky" in terms of allowing sound levels form amplified music to impact surrounding communities (City of Vancouver , 2005a). This is an important consideration regarding new zoning by-law amendments because many venues do not have their buildings adequately designed to keep entertainment noise within their four walls. T h e fact that live music is often played at unhealthy levels (greater than 100 dBs) adds to this concern. T h e City's Noise Control Bylaw (City of Vancouver, 2004a) is designed in such a way as to run parallel to the Vancouver Zoning Bylaw. A s d iscussed in the literature review, noise is one of the most visible (and audible) reminders of urban activity and life, and it thus often a tangible subject of regulation and reform. According to the Vancouver Noise Bylaw music or voice amplification equipment and musical instruments (recorded or live, amplified or not) are "deemed objectionable or liable to disturb the quiet, peace, rest, enjoyment, 90 comfort or convenience of individuals or the public" (City of Vancouver, 2004: 4a). The Noise Bylaw distinguishes appropriate levels and locations for elevated noise levels through the classification of Active, Intermediate and Quiet zones. Active zones are those areas that have a tendency for noise production. For the most part these refer to industrial zoning c lasses and a large number of CD-1 (Comprehensive Development) sites in the downtown. O n e such Active area is Vancouver 's entertainment district along Granville. A number of other areas in Downtown Vancouver are also designated as such and are home to a number of Cabarets and some Class-2 Restaurants. Intermediate zones include all areas classified as Commercial , Heritage, and a number of CD-1 sites as well. For the most part Intermediate zones contain a mix of commercial and residential uses. Generally most establishments, restaurants, theatres, nightclubs, and restaurants, are located in either Active or Intermediate zones. T h e nature of noise impacts on residents living in the vicinity of active nightlife uses ultimately has its roots in land use and licensing decisions. T h e City of Vancouver takes the position that prevention is a valuable strategy that needs to play a part in resolving concerns related to entertainment noise. Enforcement of the Noise Control By-law in Vancouver is based on responses to complaints. If an establishment is located in an exclusively commercial/industrial area or an Active area and is not generating complaints, even though the noise levels being produced exceed the sanctioned levels, enforcement is not pushed. W h e n complaints are made, the current Noise Control By-law regulations for live entertainment require that that noise readings be taken at the location of a complaint to determine compliance. Measurements are taken with a noise detector from point of detection, however readings can often be unreliable as noise does fluctuate, and it is often difficult to isolate sound in an urban environment. In 1997 Vancouver City Council sponsored the Urban Noise Task Force identified a continually growing problem with mixed use CD-1 zoning, as well as in areas such as Gastown and Yaletown. T h e Task Force went on to suggest a 91 number of recommendations for dealing with excessive noise from cabarets and other sites of live entertainment. The Vancouver Noise Bylaw identifies that interior sound levels are directly tied to the noise disseminated into communities. The City Noise Task Force Report recommended that noise measurements from within commercial premises should be used to establish maximum interior sound levels for entertainment facilities to ensure that sound levels transmitted into the community and neighbouring residences are minimized. With the inclusion of such a provision City Noise Task Force recognized the limitations of many existing building envelopes to retain extremely high noise levels within. As interior sound levels exceed 100 decibels, they tax the noise isolation capabilities of even the most modern construction methods and soundproofing. At present new music and entertainment establishments are required submit an acoustical report, which establishes the necessary building envelope standards to meet by-law requirements. This is important because many venues can differ when considering construction and materials used. Although most pronounced in the downtown portions of Vancouver, the city is one bursting with nighttime tourists, music lovers, and partiers, with a growing number of areas comprised of both businesses and residences. Ultimately regulatory solutions within the Noise By-law are, in the words of the city, "not meant to resolve once and for all the inherent conflict of uses" (City of Vancouver, 2001). However venue and restaurant operators whose businesses include a live music component see the enforcement of the Noise Control Bylaw as part of the City's desires to control noise as part of a larger issue of re-making the fabric of the city into one that is devoid of fun, live music, and musical innovation. Liquor Licenses Drinking and revelry form the backbone of what might be now referred to as the commercial live music venue industry and nighttime economy. Liquor licensing is a big factor in determining where entertainment is located and how 92 venues operate in Vancouver. Furthermore recent liberalization of liquor policies has in some ways also addressed live music entertainment despite the fact that this was not the original intention. 2002 Provincial liquor licensing reforms resulted in the need for the City of Vancouver to develop new policies around liquor service. T h e City of Vancouver has thus been working on a liquor license policy for new venues with a particular focus on seating capacity and venue location (City of Vancouver 2004b; City of Vancouver, 2005b). This work has 3 main components: • updating the definitions in the License By-Law; • determining what size venue is appropriate in each neighbourhood of the city (i.e. larger venues best situated in commercial/industrial areas); • determining how many venues are appropriate for a given neighbourhood, and what the distancing requirements may be. In July 2005 City Council approved amendments to the License By-law to provide new definitions for businesses with a Liquor Primary function based on a class system. E a c h comes with policies and guidelines relating to the size and location restrictions of establishments. The c lasses are defined as follows : C lass 1 - Boutique Pub/Wine Bar - up to 65 seats C lass 2 - Pub - 66 to 120 seats C lass 3 - Lounge -121 to 250 seats C lass 4 - Nightclub - 251 to 450 seats C lass 5 - Large Nightclub - 451 to 950 seats C lass 6 - Special Entertainment Venue - 950+ seats (City of Vancouver, 2005b) A two-tiered licensing system with an area approach in regards to hours of liquor service is also an important component of the City's liquor policies. T h e licensing model establishes three "areas" based on factors such as level of 93 commercial intensity and mix of uses, and establishes base hours and extended hours for each. The categories include primarily commercial, primarily mixed-use and primarily residential areas which are based on land-use zoning, existing City policy, and future directions (i.e. CityPlan) (Table 5.2) Table 5.2 - Area Approaches to Liquor Licensing Area Designation Components "Primarily commercial" • Little or no residential component. • Identified through policy as entertainment areas or areas suitable for specific types of entertainment, and therefore incorporate a higher tolerance for noise and other impacts related to entertainment areas. - Least restrictive hours of liquor service. • In the downtown includes the Granville Street Entertainment District and the core of the Central Business District; outside the downtown, may include some industrial areas. "Primarily mixed-use" • Mixed-use areas which are comprised of a variety of land-uses, including commercial , entertainment and residential uses, and are considered high activity zones. • Hours of liquor service in these areas are slightly more restrictive. - In the downtown includes Yaletown, Gastown, the West End commercial areas, and non-core areas of the Central Business District; outside the downtown includes areas such as portions of Central Broadway, 4th Avenue, Main Street and Commercial Drive. "Primarily residential" - Any commercial areas permitting Liquor Primary uses not falling into either of the preceding categories. • Most restrictive hours of liquor service. 94 • In the downtown includes non-conforming Liquor Primary establishments located in the residential areas of Downtown South; outside the downtown includes quieter lower activity commercial zones. (City of Vancouver, 2005b) Virtually all discussions of the nightlife economy inevitably turn to issues related to liquor licensing, as it is through these means that many of the issues concerning live music venues are typically addressed. Enforcement and Impact Reduction Undertaken on a complaint basis, bylaw enforcement is handled by inspectors and Environmental Health staff (City of Vancouver, 2005a). If and when establishments operate beyond their prescribed limits, a long and sometimes arduous task of gathering evidence is then undertaken. In general most venues that have some form of live music are operating beyond what is permitted or prescribed by land use and licensing (City of Vancouver, 2005a). A key component Vancouver 's approach to live music entertainment regulation is focused on employing "impact reduction measures". Vancouver does note that issues surrounding entertainment impacts generally fall into two groups: • Problems occurring inside establishments - which includes high noise levels, crowding, over service of alcohol, and poor response by operators to community complaints. • Problems occurring outside establishments - which includes noise leakage from the establishment, noise associated with patrons, poor behaviour of patrons and disruption of the surrounding community, violence, and drunk driving. (City of Vancouver, 2005b) 95 T h e City of Vancouver 's general philosophy is that many of the impacts from live music and other active uses can be mitigated through management procedures and actions directly taken by owners and operators. New liquor policies recognize operational differences, and ultimately impacts based on size, generally differentiating between smaller establishments such as neighbourhood oriented pubs, restaurants, and larger nightclubs. Private clubs (such as community or cultural centers) another layer, however these are a s s e s s e d individually based on their capacity, type of operation, enforcement history, and perceived community impact. 5.4 C U L T U R A L PLANNING In many ways cultural planning starts with the recognition of arts and culture in CityPlan (1991). Here recommendations for arts and culture in CityPlan mirror the 1993 Vancouver Arts Initiative which was created to address issues related to art and culture in Vancouver 's communities. T h e s e recommendations include: • increasing access to the arts for children and youth; • an expanded range of art and cultural activities ; • increased neighbourhood participation in art and culture; • more individual learning and expression; • create new arts facilities through partnerships between the private sector, non-profit organizations, and the City. (City of Vancouver, 1995b) Over the years Vancouver has developed a fairly robust cultural planning department to meet these needs. Office of Cultural Affairs T h e Office of Cultural Affairs (OCA) is a division of the City of Vancouver that has been created to advise Vancouver City Council on issues and strategies 96 related to culture. Evolving out of social planning this division also develops and administers cultural policies and programs, and participates in city planning and development processes (City of Vancouver, 2006b). T h e activities of the O C A are informed by research and analysis of trends in Vancouver 's cultural sector and the supposed best practices in other cities. T h e goals of the O C A are as follows: • T o promote a high level of creativity and excellence in the cultural life of Vancouver. • T o promote diversity in the artistic life of the community, including both professional and non-professional, the traditional and the innovative, and the established and the aspiring. • T o encourage financial and managerial efficiency in the operation of Vancouver 's cultural organizations. • T o ensure the existence of adequate facilities for the creation and presentation of the arts in Vancouver. • T o ensure that all Vancouver residents and visitors, including senior citizens, youth, low income people, members of ethnic minorities and other distinct groups have opportunities to enjoy and participate in cultural activities. (City of Vancouver, 2006c) T h e O C A does note that appropriate cultural facilities are essential to the community and key to the economic health of the city. Facilities are said to serve residents, attract tourists, maintain businesses, and overall can help to enhance quality of life. T h e Office of Cultural Affairs works to sustain and enhance Vancouver 's cultural and social infrastructure through the following: • Three civic theatres • City-owned land and buildings (the Firehall Arts Centre, Heritage Hall, Vancouver East Cultural Centre, and Pacific Cinecentre, among others), which are leased at nominal rent 97 • Live/work studio spaces for individual artists, including the 30-unit CORE Artists Live/Work Co-op and the studios for the City's artist residency awards. • A capital grants program that allows not-for-profit social service and cultural organizations to purchase facilities or to renovate and refurbish facilities not owned by the City. • Facility development and project management. Unfortunately live music performance venues and more commercial forms of entertainment are not typically addressed through the OCA, nor do the recommendations noted in CityPlan have any firm identification of live music or entertainment. Creative City Task Force In December 2004, Vancouver City Council approved the creation of a Creative City Task Force. Comprised of City Councilors, community representatives, and City staff, the goal is to begin a stakeholder consultation process to identify strategic goals, directions and priority objectives together with recommendations for the City's role in development of the arts, culture, community celebrations, and special events. At present the Creative City Task Force is in the process of creating a Cultural Strategic Plan for the City of Vancouver. The Cultural Strategic Plan is to be a document to guide the City's future role in the arts and culture. The overall purpose of the plan is to provide direction which will enable the City to best align its programs, services, infrastructure, processes, organizational structure, and budgets with the identified priorities, mission and objectives. One important element of the Plan is the identification of external factors that could affect achievement of long-term goals and ultimately to set out strategies to influence 98 these factors. At the time of writing this thesis, the Task Force was in what they have dubbed the "Learning Phase" in creating the Strategic Plan. S ince Task Force members hold varying levels of familiarity with the myriad of aspects of the arts and cultural sector locally, nationally and internationally the learning phase has been designed to develop a common language, context and base knowledge. T h e extent to which live music venues are addressed or will be addressed is unclear. Performing Arts Facili t ies Inventory A s part of the Office of Cultural Affairs the City of Vancouver recently set out to create a Performing Arts Facilities Inventory. T h e purpose of the inventory is to provide a comprehensive listing of all performance and rehearsal facilities in Vancouver including detailed information on stage and seating configurations, rehearsal room dimensions, lobby and public areas, technical equipment, etc. as well as rental rates and policies. Linked to a website run by the City, information and photographs are contained in the database, provided by each facility. Information is to be kept current with reliance on facilities themselves to provide accurate and timely data. S o m e of Vancouver 's live music venues are included on this database. However most are not. 5.5 FINANCING A N D THE S E C U R I N G OF P U B L I C AMENITIES Ensuring a c c e s s to appropriate and affordable facilities is challenging, especially in Vancouver 's rapidly developing real estate market. A s has been d iscussed, this is a particularly growing concern for live music performance spaces . T h e Office of Cultural Affairs participates in City planning processes to help secure a c c e s s to facilities through Community Use Agreements. T h e s e include agreements that provide a c c e s s at minimal cost to indoor facilities such as U B C at Robson Square and to outdoor spaces such as the Plaza of Nations and the Wall Centre Plaza. This is a program that theoretically would allow a 99 group or organization that wishes to put on live music events to do so at nominal cost. Generally the City of Vancouver 's Office of Cultural Affairs works as a non-profit organization, offering direct support and information services to large and small not-for profit cultural organizations and coordinating civic grant programs that assist with the costs of operations, projects, organizational development, and capital expenditures. In regards to live music, the idea is that the O C A helps to support live music facilities that would not easily exist without public support or funding. Working with other civic departments, O C A participates in the development and upgrading of City-owned and other cultural facilities through zoning incentives and capital funding. T h e City does explore creative ways to address cultural and social needs through zoning incentives for new developments, in the form of amenity contributions (City of Vancouver, 2005c). This includes a density bonus program that allows the City, in partnership with private developers, to create cultural facilities and amenities at little direct cost to taxpayers. However to date there have been few attempts at using these tools as a means to create or operate live music venues. There is a feeling however that opportunities do exist to use this method of financing in the future. It is said this would require greater organization on the part of the music community in Vancouver and that a number of other location and zoning requirements be considered in unison. 5.6 SUMMARY Vancouver is often considered a major regional centre for the development of Canadian music. In the early 1980's Vancouver played an important role in the development of punk rock and industrial music. A number of legendary and now defunct live music clubs existed in areas of the downtown and contributed greatly to the musical development of the city. C o m m o n outside perceptions are of Vancouver as a relaxed city, particularly by North American 100 standards. However those on the inside ususally see it as anything but relaxed and is sometimes described as the "no fun city". Over the years the city has prided itself as a "city pf neighbourhoods", each with distinct character and ethnic mixes. Planners in the late 1950s and into the 1970's encouraged the development of high-rise condominium towers in the West End downtown neighbourhood. This resulted in a more compact urban core. Vancouver has also seen an ongoing downtown condominium construction boom that began in the late 1990s. This has increased residential components in the downtown dramatically. This development trend has had a tremendous effect on live music venues and entertainment. What is certain is that for live music venues and live entertainment many areas of Vancouver have become threatened as a result of growth and development. This is aided by an uncanny knack for Vancouverites to complain. 101 C H A P T E R 6 - SWOT ANALYSIS 6.1 INTRODUCTION Presented in this chapter is a SWOT analysis of municipal planning policies in Vancouver as they relate to live music venues. Based on a strategic planning model, the SWOT-analysis implies the identification of and response to changes both beyond and within the control of an organization, with the end purpose of providing future direction for the organization. Sorkin, Ferris, and Hudak (1984) identify that the strategic planning approach 1) has an action and results orientation; 2) promotes more diverse participation in planning; 3) scans the environment; 4) assesses strengths and weaknesses in the context opportunities and threats. The SWOT analysis is a fundamental tool used in strategic planning originally developed within the corporate world as a means to map internal strengths and weaknesses and to identify external opportunities and threats (Kaufman and Jacobs, 1987). The 'organization' explored in this thesis refers broadly to Vancouver's various planning policy responses to live music venues. The goal was to have this SWOT analysis act as the preliminary stage of decision-making and as a precursor to further planning policy applications. The SWOT analysis provided the ability to explore successful, redundant, irrelevant, outdated, and or misguided policy directions and then to subsequently suggest potentially innovative, relevant, and effective alternatives. 102 The analysis presented here has been culled from the multitude of sources including the literature review, document analysis, interviews with planners and important actors, and surveys with music venue operators. The analytical framework set out in the last section of chapter 3 provides the basis for evaluation and criteria. This SWOT analysis pulls together and identifies the strengths and weaknesses of Vancouver's current planning policies, as well as the external opportunities and threats facing live music venues in the city. The information culled from the case examples was also helpful in providing examples of potential alternatives. Each of the data and information sources is discussed below. The literature review was used in establishing both the theoretical basis of the problem and to bring forward a number of perspectives to discuss the specific Vancouver context. The document analysis component of the study was helpful in the SWOT analysis as it identified existing policies and provided the grounds for potential policy alternatives. Documents and official policy papers were also supplemented by information obtained through the interviews and surveys. Interviews and surveys complimented the policy analysis in that they provided unique insights into the issues surrounding live music venues that may have otherwise been missed through the document analysis alone. In most instances the interviews provided interesting perspectives on policies, the different players involved, and the subjective issues related to live music venues in the city. The interviews were conducted with a range of individuals representing as diverse range of actors. Planners, public officials, health officials, enforcement agencies, policy researchers, and other interests directly linked to the live music industry were contacted. Different approaches and views of live music venues were fundamental to this project as the intent was to better interpret differing roles within current policy. The surveys conducted with music venue operators were used alternately to obtain a better impression issues from those who are directly involved and affected by planning policies surrounding live music on an operating level. 103 It should be noted that planning policies are generally obtuse and typically must manage a great number of environmental factors such as economic and political developments, strategies by private actors and government agencies, changing relationships, and management techniques. All efforts were taken to focus the SWOT analysis on policies related to land use and cultural planning. The next few sections will detail the strengths, weakness, opportunities and threats as they relate to live music venues in Vancouver. 6.2 STRENGHTS In noting the strengths of current policies with respect to live music venues in Vancouver, the SWOT analysis was selected to scrutinize policy from an institutional perspective. Presented here are explanations of existing policies that reinforce the successful attributes of land use and cultural planning policy in addressing live music venues. • New zoning bylaw changes for entertainment and live music in Restaurants. A recent City of Vancouver zoning bylaw amendment to update and change the definitions of restaurants and the types of entertainment permitted illustrates a considerable strength within current planning policy. As was demonstrated in the amendment process, there was recognition by the City of Vancouver that the previously existing bylaw definitions for restaurants were inadequate for allowing culturally based activities and live music. The old bylaw definitions were recognized to be unreflective of what was happening on the ground, with entertainment being offered in many establishments regardless of the bylaw. Concerns and reservations over the bylaw amendment still exist on the part of the City, residents, restaurant owners, and venue operators in regards to issues over noise, operating hours, and the broadened ability for more businesses to provide live music entertainment. According to the City of Vancouver, the new bylaw follows a commitment to 104 provide more opportunities for cultural and artistic expression, particularly at the neighbourhood level. A s one planner noted, this bylaw amendment is "potentially the first step to other adjustments in how bars and nightclubs are managed". However a general feeling amongst a number of the planners and city officials interviewed noted that these bylaw changes are not intended to incite recklessness or heavy-handed management, but rather a step towards diligence and flexibility in managing issues surrounding entertainment. • Consistent monitoring and reevaluation of programs. The City of Vancouver is presently experimenting with on-going regulatory reforms for live entertainment, liquor licensing, and hours of operation. Part of this includes a desire on the part of the City to increase opportunities for live music and entertainment as well as to mitigate the negative impacts of nighttime activities that result. Bylaw amendments, extended bar hour policies, liquor reforms, and a re-evaluation of capacity guidelines, are a few of the programs and policies under continual review and monitoring. While this does not ensure that Vancouver is undertaking the proper measures to overcome its dubious moniker as the "no fun city" or to adequately address issues related to live music, it appears to indicate that the need for a constant reevaluation of such policies is well recognized. T h e question of whether the most adequate policies are being pursued, and whether or not the tools currently available are going to benefit or further hinder live music venues is not abundantly clear. While land use policies in the form of zoning and regulations are large role players, the research also made it clear that initiative of the owners and operators of establishments to not only have live music, but also to ensure that appropriate standards are set. A s one city planner noted "many of the technicalities and policy mechanisms for allowing live music venues are already in place", and do in fact allow live music venues to operate, should the owners chose. However these mechanisms do not necessarily account for the difficult and sometimes expensive processes 105 involved in getting a live music venue into operation and arranging the requirements to ensure quality and responsible live music programming. • Commitment to Balanced Regulation. Interviews with City of Vancouver planners and other key informants, alongside the policy document review indicated that at a base level the policies and regulations currently in place do well to support live music venues in a balanced manner. As one planner noted "a balance amongst the policies that affect nighttime entertainment as well as the people and residents impacted is a fundamental aim of the city." In this respect, it was clearly stated that "there is no systematic or purposeful attempt to discourage the presence of live music venues." As was commonly iterated by City of Vancouver staff, the location and operation of establishments that wish to have live music are required to simply to comply with the prescribed uses and restrictions outlined in zoning and other relevant bylaws. In this sense policy is ultimately geared towards "permitting" live music venues in appropriate locations with specific regulations aimed at ameliorating negative externalities. • Recognition of "Cultural Activities" in Policy. Taking into account the policy document review as well as the comments of those interviewed for this study, it became evident that cultural activities are important and valued components of life in Vancouver. Each of the interviewees, including the police and enforcement agents, expressed the importance and worth of spaces such as live music venues. Long range planning agendas such as City Plan and the Central Area Plan, as well as cultural planning policies each indicate a strong acceptance and desire for cultural spaces and activities. However as the next section on weaknesses will identify, definitions of what constitutes cultural spaces and activities in these plans are not well defined and do not directly address live music venues. 106 .2 WEAKNESSES Like strengths, the S W O T analysis was aimed at scrutinizing planning policies related to live music from an institutional perspective. Presented here are existing policies that were seen as neglectful or inconsiderate of the needs of live music venues. • Living First Continuation of the "living first" strategy for development poses a problem for live music venues. Although there are great concessions offered with this policy geared towards creating a more livable and inviting city to live in, there are a number of drawbacks. In advocating for an "Alive Downtown" Vancouver 's Central Area Plan has tried to create a central area that contains a mix of activities, people, and environments, where residential uses lay in close proximity to more active areas of the city for people to shop, play, and work (City of Vancouver, 2001). Yet at the same time there is an expressed desire to limit this mix. Policy 4.4 of the Central Area Plan (1991) explicitly states the desire to limit incompatible uses. In areas designated primarily for housing the aim is to limit restaurant, retail, and entertainment uses (to ensure that the list of commercial uses permitted will be compatible with housing) and to develop design solutions to address concerns such as restaurant noise and odors (City of Vancouver, 1991). Despite best intensions, Vancouver 's "living first" agenda bestows a level of primacy to residential interests. Thus residential, business, government desires to remove, or at least mute noisy music (amongst other uses and activities) establishments reveal a potent form in which various "factional interests invoke the notion of public interest in upholding private property values" (Homan, 2003: 5). Further adding to this discussion, recent reports have also stated that the things that attract people who revitalize cities and central areas, such as dense housing, fashionable restaurants and shops, entertainment, and mass transit are prone to drive children and families out by making neighborhoods 107 both too expensive and unsuited for young families (Egan, 2005). Data from the 2001 census indicates that this has not actually happened in Vancouver. By the same token, in trying to promote a vibrant city, an influx of families and large quotients of residential uses into a community can diminish the ability for nighttime entertainment and active uses such as live music venues to thrive. The question then becomes one of how livability is to be achieved without fundamentally damaging opportunities for live music venues and other forms of nighttime culture. O n e planner noted that there is no intent to discourage live music venues, but added "there is something to be said in finding the right balance between different interests". All things considered, a multitude of stakeholders and interests concerning the management, regulation, and incorporation of live music venues into the "living first" city make "livability" versus "vibrancy" debates heated. In essence , this weakness stipulates that contested terrain in the city has not been fully addressed in current policy. Live music venues in Vancouver are to some degree dictated by the conditions of the development market and the need for amicable space . A s the market for land continues to boom, constraints on available land and easily adapted spaces for active uses become more pronounced. T h e City of Vancouver has used this as leverage to encourage developers to be flexible and creative with the procurement of cultural facilities and amenities. However no such programs have been used to facilitate the creation of live music venues, particularly to those that operate in primarily commercial ways. T h e municipality has to some degree adopted a pro-development approach and appears reluctant to push for projects that may have unpredictable social or environmental impacts on residential interests. • Limited Funding Resources and Assistance A s discovered through interviews and the policy document review, the City of Vancouver helps to fund major arts organizations and cultural facilities. However the research seems to indicate that the range of live music venues 108 supported by these types of initiatives are limited. Most financial support for cultural facilities is achieved through a pooling of resources amongst civic agencies, non-profit organizations, and private sectors. Historically, most of the City's funding for arts and culture has focused on major civic facilities and the arts organizations that use them, such as the Vancouver Symphony Orchestra at the Orpheum Theatre, the Opera at the Q u e e n Elizabeth Theatre, and the Playhouse Theatre Company. S ince City resources are limited, there is a recognized challenge to find new sources of donations, sponsorships, and revenue for even the prominent and established City operated venues. Commercially based, smaller, and "off the radar" live music venues on the other hand tend not to benefit from public support and are typically not included within cultural planning agendas and support frameworks. This leaves some venues at the hands of an often unsupportive marketplace, and managed within unsupportive planning policy. Overall, funding assistance and public support programs for live music facilities in Vancouver illustrate some very stark limitations. However it should be noted that one cultural planner remarked that it is not so much that more commercially based live music venues are not included within a cultural planning framework, it is just that they are difficult to define and operate on many different levels. • Art as Organizations Interestingly enough CityPlan notes that Vancouverites in general are not willing to leave the funding of art and cultural activities to the private market. However establishments, facilities, and spaces used for live music performance might easily be slotted somewhere between and within both the private and the public spheres. Many nightclubs, restaurants, and even some art/performance spaces operate within the private sphere without a recognized organization at the helm guiding their creative activities and events. Civically owned or publicly operated theatres, concert halls, and even community centres usually have a much more public orientation, often with 109 larger and stronger organizational structures at the helm. Civic arts funding as connected to the Office of Cultural Affairs in Vancouver seems to emphasize the notion of "art as organizations". This idea concedes that for facilities to gain access to funding or creative support from civic, provincial, federal sources, as well as non-profit organizations, and the private sectors, they are best to operate under the framework of an established arts organization. This is largely detrimental to the grassroots and commercial components of the city's music community. An issue of this nature has a tendency to devolve into a discussion of support for popular culture versus established cultural institutions such as the Symphony Orchestra. However one planner noted that "no prescribed distinction is made between the types of music supported". One argument was that live music venues can be risky, ephemeral, and often associated with residential concerns. Thus the liminal and organic qualities of live music entertainment are effectively limiting. There is a tendency to leave venues geared towards certain musical forms such as rock music, hip-hop, and a host of other types of music with lesser consideration from City directed policy. Furthermore public funding and support is typically directed towards organizations and facilities that are stable and have strong or long-standing organizational capacities. From this perspective one might conclude that the sometimes fickle and unstable elements of many live music venues and spaces (as a whole) make public support less feasible or attractive. Not made clear are the options and possibilities for live music venues within a broader framework that includes both commercial and publicly assisted spaces. • Piecemeal Responsibility Perhaps one of the most difficult tasks in conducting this research was identifying specifically who to contact for information and interviews. A number of people within different City departments, including land use and policy planning, bylaws and licensing, public health, police, and cultural 110 planning were eventually interviewed. Only after individuals from each of these diverse departments were identified was it possible to begin constructing a more complete picture of the policies themselves. What was most notable throughout the interviews was that in most instances the individual interactions and knowledge of live music related issues and policies tended to be peripheral in nature. T h e overall impression taken was that live music venues are dealt with on an issue by issue basis across numerous departments, with each department or area taking responsibility for a small component of the overall picture. This made processing and gathering information tedious and somewhat daunting. Interviews with the diverse range of City officials revealed that specific issues related to live music venues were tied to some portion of their work portfolio. Naturally these primary areas of expertise do have a significant role in dealing with live music venues, but ultimately fail to address the issues in a holistic manner. While a seemingly innocuous conclusion, the research reveals that policy concerning live music venues spans across everything from land use planning, regulation, cultural, health, and enforcement. Because of the diversity of issues and expertise, planning policy on all levels seems to lose sight of the overall nature of the use and activity taking place: live music. T h e lack of a "point person" or a more consolidated manner with which to address issues surrounding live music venues and entertainment in a holistic or coordinated way proves to be a major weakness of current policies overall. O n some level this speaks to a lack of effective communication between departments in regards to management and objectives. More appropriately however, it speaks to how spaces for live entertainment and live music specifically have not garnered direct and multi-faceted attention. • No Separate Live Mus ic Bus iness License System T h e city's approach to regulating entertainment is unique. Many other cities typically allow entertainment in restaurants as an accessory use on a 111 conditional basis (City of Vancouver, 2005). The City of Vancouver has made strides to broaden the variety of entertainment permitted in many facilities by re-evaluating entertainment in restaurants through bylaw amendment. The intent of this action was to better provide the ability to require mitigation measures to address any potential negative impacts of music and entertainment. However these changes do not necessarily makes things more clear-cut or obvious for live music. Other cities often require separate business licenses for entertainment based on meeting land use, licensing, and other requirements. No separate business license system for live music exists in Vancouver. As one planner commented, discussing live music in regards to regulation was "difficult because it is tied so intricately with so many other components". In not having a system that clearly articulates and separates live music as an activity, a number of adverse outcomes appear to have resulted. One such outcome is a decidedly complex, difficult, and often expensive set of procedures for facilities and venues that wish to provide live music or entertainment, and particularly if they wish to serve alcohol. Without further delving into special permit licenses and permits for after hours dance clubs, one planner indicated that an unintended consequence of not having a more defined or direct licensing system (as an example) for live music and entertainment is that other activities tend to influence live music possibilities. Thus the creative components and cultural benefits of live music venues tend to have no significant role in how they are managed or regulated. From the perspective of this thesis it is seen as important to distinguish (although not separate) the act of music making and entertainment from those other activities such as alcohol consumption in order that musical activities not be relegated to secondary status. • Liquor licensing Perhaps the most profound discovery in looking at live music venue related policy in Vancouver was the influence liquor licensing. Virtually all 112 interviews and surveys contained some discussion or comment on the nature of liquor licensing and the complications this can present for venues and facilities in providing live music entertainment. Vancouver has had a storied history of dealing with liquor regulation. However it s e e m s almost detrimental that most discussions surrounding live music must involve alcohol before any notion of the amenity value of live music venues can be d iscussed. A s one City representative explained, much of what is d iscussed in regards to live music "depends on whether an establishment wants to serve liquor of not." • Entertainment district shor tcomings T h e intention of concentrating entertainment and liquor uses onto Granville Street has produced a number of contradictory and unfavourable outcomes for live music venues. A few highly regarded and successful music venues (such as the C o m m o d o r e Ballroom) presently offer citizens some important flagship live music facilities in this area. However a significantly large portion of the established entertainment district has no significant live music entertainment component. A number of people surveyed and interviewed indicated that the entertainment district has been ineffective it its aim of concentrating uses and limiting tensions. Furthermore, alternative spaces have been disengaged and distanced from the regeneration process on Granville Street, with the area dominated by high-end bars and nightclubs. O n e venue manager surveyed suggested that even those it is a benefit to that particular business, "the entertainment district is too busy" and that "it limits entertainment options elsewhere in the city". • Confused objectives in Official Plans CityPlan's directions are based on dual goals of both strengthening the cultural center of the city and spreading arts and cultural activity into neighbourhoods. T h e s e are two very different aims. Residential intensification leads to concerns over active land uses such as live music venues. W h e n 113 situated near residential uses live music venues can pose concerns due to externalities related to noise, street activity, and the like. For neighbourhoods located outside of the downtown core, there is a greater expectation that more active uses are effectively contained within the central area so as not to affect residential quality. However this situation becomes more convoluted because residential uses are increasingly a large component of downtown living as well. Both CityPlan and the Central Area Plan imply a desire to have 'destination' type uses in the downtown. Each also suggests that such uses be appropriately buffered from residential communities. One City representative noted that live music venues are a type of destination that often attracts people from both local neighbourhoods and from around the region. Furthermore "any type of use that brings people to a destination can bring people out onto the street afterwards". Despite the expressed desire of Vancouverites for vibrancy and culture within their communities, the City also identifies that most people do not want to live next to or be bothered by active uses. A 500 seat music venue located in an area not typical of a destination area presents a difficult land use question. The attempt through Vancouver's long range plans is to avoid bringing unwanted or conflicting activities into neighbourhoods and to avoid potentially detracting from the role of downtown Vancouver as a principal destination. Yet there is also a stated desire to broaden art and culture activity at the neighbourhood level to provide opportunities for resident participation. CityPlan and the Central Area Plan are in many ways a continuation of Local Area Planning's previous aim to cast Vancouver as a place to live. While notions of vibrancy and "alive" neighbourhoods are warranted by the likes of CityPlan and desired by the people of Vancouver, "alive" neighbourhoods also imply increased impacts from land uses other than residential. It became apparent in the interviews that while live music venues could be viewed by each interviewee as an important amenity from a planning policy perspective, there was also general recognition that live music venues 114 demand a higher degree of management than other uses typically accounted for by CityPlan, the Central Area Plan, and other long range planning agendas. As a result, live entertainment, music venues, and entertainment uses have a tendency to be edited out or neglected as possible neighbourhood amenities that contribute to the creativity and culture of the city. One City of Vancouver interviewee suggested that uses such as live music venues are generally supported in "locations and ways that best fit the overall city vision." However it would appear that the City's vision is somewhat unclear. If potential impacts on residential communities are too pronounced certain land uses and activities such as live music venues are unwelcome. Neighbourhood based live music entertainment is thus discouraged on these grounds, regardless of changes to the bylaws and regulations concerning live music entertainment. 6.3 OPPORTUNITIES Identifying opportunities is different than noting strengths and weaknesses. Opportunities are elements of the environment that exist outside of the institution and current policy but that also have the ability to affect policy directions. In other words these are areas where policy where there are gaps in the external environment. If the gaps can be considered, there is hope that it could lead to more reflexive and responsive policies in the future. The unique thing in discussing opportunities is that both the strengths and weakness noted above serve to help identify opportunities. • Youth and "al l age" spaces A common theme to emerge from this research was that there appear to be considerable opportunities to orient energies and resources towards the promotion of more all age live music events and venues geared towards a youth audience. The term "all age" simply means an event that does not 115 require attendees to be above the legal drinking age and where limited or no alcohol service is provided. A number of interviewees and survey respondents indicated a general lack of all age spaces in the city. One planner in particular noted that there seems to be a "general reluctance in the city for live music events, particularly in established venues". The primary purpose in raising the issue of music spaces for youth and all age events is that they offer opportunities to focus attention on music making and performance, personal development, and grassroots organizational initiatives such as the ones demonstrated in Seattle and Austin. Furthermore, a focus on youth spaces can help to better distinguish the benefits of live music and creativity from alcohol sales and the extremely difficult issues that come attached to it. Research revealed that there are few sanctioned venues that house live music events for all age crowds. Most all age events tend to be based in community centres and club halls that are rented out for special event purposes. Barring these locations, all age events also happen in non-sanctioned locations or in other municipalities. Only a handful of restaurants, nightclubs, and venues where liquor is served consistently promote live music events for an all age crowd. It should also be noted there is currently no venue specifically geared towards youth. While it is quite common to direct the focus of planning for youth spaces to activities such as skateboarding and other art initiatives, there is a considerable gap when it comes to music and music performance spaces that could be better considered. • Music Venue Gaps One of the questions asked of both interview and survey respondents was in regards to where there were current gaps in live music venues in the city. As such it was revealed that there are certain types of venues not totally prevalent within the city's musical landscape. Many of those interviewed and surveyed felt that Vancouver has a number of critical gaps in the types of live music venues particularly for the mid to large size commercial venues that 116 typically hold somewhere between 100 - 600 people. This type and size of venue is generally used to stage shows for mid-level national and international touring acts, popular local musicians, and larger scale events. At present a vast majority of the venues in Vancouver typically fall under the 50 seat capacity range. Due to the size of a 100 or more person venue, for example, many of the concerns over active land uses and tight regulations make these types of venues difficult to locate outside of certain specified areas of the city. A planner at the City of Vancouver also noted that the critical types of venues missing in the city are those "places to go on a regular basis and simply watch live music." While there may be places throughout the city to enjoy live music, there are few places that exist for the purpose of music performance and consumption on a regular basis. In a sense the gap in venues could easily be construed as both an opportunity and threat for quite separate reasons. However an acknowledgement of this gap also implies that there is room for growth, both in regards to business opportunities and for policy to be used in a way that can serve to help ameliorate this gap. This also points to a need to look at live music venue retention strategies. • Loca l Creative Capital Many of those approached for both the interviews and surveys felt there is a wealth of creativity, talent, and interest for live music that has gone untapped in the city. This implies that there are plenty of musicians and performers eager to play and perform, but have few enticing or viable options for performance. The "Funcouver" website in particular notes that this situation poses a problem in that there are considerable roadblocks for hungry musicians, artists, and fans. Regardless of how and why this has occurred, it seems promising that despite the obstacles, there is sense that there are creative energies to be tapped. 117 • Suitable Neighbourhood Locations. One of the areas of research and discussion was to determine if and where locational opportunities for live music venues might occur. This information was derived at primarily through the interviews and surveys. A general question was asked of both interviewees and survey respondents as to where amenable places for live music might be. Another similar area of questioning was to look at what the qualities of prime music venue location were. Unsurprisingly there were a number of elements that were seen to make the incorporation of live music venues plausible and even desirable. The qualities generally identified throughout the course of this research included: Good accessibility for potential audiences, limited residential conflicts, strong sense of community and acceptance of music in the community, clusters of other venues, and existing venue infrastructure and sites. A map of the areas discussed is provided on the next page with a general description of each area provided below (Figure 6.2). Granville Street Entertainment District - The Granville Street Entertainment District was noted quite often as a natural site for this type of activity. However there were also inclinations from many sides to look beyond the area largely because of some of the shortcomings and problems discussed in the weaknesses noted above. At least 3 venue operators surveyed noted that from a profit perspective, Granville Street would be ideal, but there are limited opportunities for live music. Commercial Drive - The Commercial Drive area was seen and identified commonly as an important and emerging area for potential live music venues. Already lined with restaurants and a few live music venues, this is an area of Vancouver that is seen to have a good deal of tolerance and a great deal of appreciation for arts and culture. However there does not appear to be a 118 great of opportunity for mid-large range capacity venues due to the concentrated residential population of the area. Figure 6.1 - Potential Neighbourhood Live Music Venue Locations and General Land Use Classifications O Granville Street Entertainment District © Commercial Drive Q Gastown and Surrounding Area Q Kitsilano - 4th Ave/Broadway 0 Davie Street Corridor Q Granville Island © North Main Street (City of Vancouver, 2006a) Gastown (and proximate area) - This is an area of the city that is home to a number of venues that have recently redirected their activities towards live music. Although the socioeconomic character of this area is in flux, opportunities to enhance and promote this area as area for live music 119 entertainment appears to be promising as it offers a central location with nightlife already having a strong presence in the area. T h e area however is undergoing significant gentrification and development pressures which may in the future have an effect on longer term viability for potential venues. West End- This too was an area identified as having a central location. T h e area is high density in nature but has in the past been generally supportive of nightlife culture. There are also a number of clubs and establishments that could potentially support more live music entertainment. In many respects existing spaces seem to have questions about programming. Granville Island - A s one planner noted, "it seems an anomaly that Granville Island does not already have more live music venues and activities than it does". With little in the way of residential conflict in the heart of the area, an abundance of potentially flexible medium-large spaces , an already booming tourism business, and a strong arts community present, this area is one that offers ample of opportunity. Main Street (south of Broadway) - T h e area between the north of Broadway and south of Chinatown was also noted as a potential area for live music venues. A cultural planner expressed that there is "some real potential for an area such as this", however was also quick to add that there would likely be a number of concerns and hurdles before it ever came to be. T h e area presents a nice transition between light industrial, commercial, and residential uses. There are also some City owned properties in and around this area. Kitsliano (Broadway/4th) - 4 t h avenue in Kitsilano was at one time home to a number of live music spaces . Today both 4 t h Avenue and Broadway remain as viable and vital commercial strips with live music venues spread out along 120 their length. While any type of large scale entertainment may be difficult in this area, a number of great possibilities exist for smaller and more intimate types of spaces. Overall, change in the definition of restaurants in the zoning bylaw offers significant opportunities for more neighbourhood based live music entertainment in Vancouver. The bylaw changes make some strides towards allowing the legitimate presence of more types of live music in areas of the city that are not necessarily centered on entertainment such as the downtown core. The changes and continual evaluation of policies in regards to entertainment uses could also be seen as an adequate way of facilitating live music growth, particularly since the policy changes were aimed at better reflecting actions on the ground. While some areas of the city may be more 'well suited' for live music, this should not discourage smaller instances of live music that may exist elsewhere. 6.4 THREATS Threats are the elements of the environment that exist outside of the institution and current policy that have an ability to negatively affect policy outcomes. In other words these are areas where there are gaps in the external environment that pose barriers to building on existing strengths and successfully following through on opportunities. • Gentrification Continued focus on residential development in Vancouver has the potential to be quite unfavourable towards live music venues. Coupled with the fact the real-estate market has in some instances made many of the same sites identified above (or at least sites in close proximity) attractive for redevelopment. A current example is the present site of "Richards on Richards", located on Richards Street in downtown Vancouver abutting the 121 western edge of Yaletown. The 450 seat venue has been hosting live music for local, national, and international artists steadily for the better part of 20 years. The property was recently sold with the new owners having applied for redevelopment of the site. Beyond zoning, the city does not have the power to alter such a choice. However the original intent in creating the Granville Street entertainment district was to iron out non-conforming uses and to move entertainment uses away from emerging residential areas downtown. Fortunately "Richards on Richards" intends to reopen in another location which is yet to be determined. Unfortunately if the record of evicted or relocated venues finding new locations continues the way it has in the past, there is a very good chance that Vancouver will simply lose another 450 seat venue altogether. • Improperly mobilized local music community Lack of a mobilized and organized music community was cited by a number of interviewees as a considerable barrier to establishing a greater number of live music venues. As one survey respondent noted "Vancouver seems to lack enough venues to establish a thriving scene... lots of bands want to play, but there are only so many places that can do a good job of it and there does not seem to be a critical mass to push the issue". This is not to claim that no music considerable community exists in the city. Rather this notion speaks to the need of the music community to organize around an idea. As one planner noted, "there are appears to be lots of people interested in live music in the city, but there is presently not much in the way of organization amongst the community" in regards to securing space. Accessing potential funding, pushing for more public support, and challenging city regulations come as part of being organized. Examples cited in Austin and Seattle where local "music commissions" have been established illustrates how such mobilization and organization might occur. 122 T h e same planner also noted that if people demonstrate that live music venues are in demand, needed and can be successful , than more people will be willing to program live music or to start new venues. • Culture of complaint A s a member of Vancouver 's Police force commented abruptly, "Vancouver is no fun because people complain". "Culture of Complaint" is a term that has been used in this thesis to express how citizen complaints have become a systematized and institutionalized response to conflicts in the urban landscape. Referring back to Chapter 5's discussion on the 'no fun city', the essence of the threat to live music venues is that people in Vancouver complain. Complaints register strongly with enforcement agents, politicians, and even planners in determining compliance and acceptability. In many ways this situation begs the need to consider preconceived notions of how life in the city is to be lived. Naturally there are very real concerns from the public regarding venues and establishments that may engage in activities which cross the line of acceptability. However the "culture of complaint" implies that anything at all, crosses the line. Unfortunately this situation has cast a dire shadow over not just live music venues, but any number of uses and activities in the city. According to one city public health official, stories of residents complaining of live rock music emanating from restaurants or venues are not uncommon. Sadly also uncommon is to "have the city respond to such complaints and find out that it was an entirely different establishment pumping out canned music or simply a boom-car on the street". T h e danger is that the culture of complaint has the ability to predetermine levels of acceptability without a proper dialogue or understanding of what the real issues and expectations are. If live music venues are located where there may be conflict, particularly in residential neighbourhoods, the way in which 123 complaints are taken, internalized, and responded to, are important considerations. • Homogenization of nightlife culture T h e research indicated genuine concern from those interviewed and surveyed over the homogenization of nightlife in Vancouver. It is suggested in some of the literature that many nighttime business operators within the so called 'mainstream' focus upon profit maximization through things such as volume alcohol sales, which ultimately undermine attempts at more tolerant, pluralistic, and diverse nightlife spaces (Chatterton and Hollands, 2003). This by all accounts appears to be true for many of the businesses located on Granville Street in the entertainment district and across the board. A s a cultural planner said, "if live music venues operators can make money off of booze, then it is likely what they will do...it is unfortunate, but true". Unfortunately these types of situations not only have a tendency to exacerbate the problems of social disorder which they are ironically attempting to dispel with the creation of entertainment districts or areas of nighttime consumption, but a focus on mainstreaming and profit maximization in nightlife can also discourage dispersed, diverse, and alternative forms of nighttime entertainment.. In this sense the creative and social aspects of live music venues can get lost in the shuffle not deemed profitable enough. Furthermore, certain groups, such as those with few resources, youth, and 'alternative" creative cultures can become marginalized within prevailing mainstream nightlife opportunities (Toon, 2000). While some marginal groups may be incorporated into the corporate structures of the night-time economy through things such as specialist music nights or the occasional live music event, there is little to suggest that much is done below the surface to encourage real intermingling or 'authentic' creative environments (Chatterton and Hollands, 2003). Homogenization ultimately describes a situation where experiences are framed by brands, characterized by attempts at sanitization, and segmented around a dominant mainstream that does not always include 1 2 4 activities such as live music. In this instance true variety and opportunities for alternative cultures and residual music experiences can be diminished (Chatterton and Hollands, 2003; Hannigan, 1998). O n e survey respondent in particular noted how Granville Street has been a "victim of its own s u c c e s s e s and excesses". • Unpredictability of the market and the environment. A s one planner remarked "the market is generally going to be the greatest provider and detractor of live music venues". If there is no consumer demand for live music, then venues (and potential venues) will program their activities in other directions or simply not exist. Increased demand however is seen to result in a decided increase in the number of live music venues. T h e counter argument is that increased demand can only accompany an adequate supply of venues so that audiences may be built, touring acts can be attracted to play in the city, and so that local artists can develop their craft. A s a supply-demand question, this discussion can thus become highly circular. In the end, potential operators often make decisions based on what will best serve them. O n e venue operator said that he continually programs live music into his business because he loves it. This type of attitude is positive but did not appear to be a common sentiment of those venue operators surveyed. Overall the surveys and some first hand investigation showed that few live music venues in the Granville Street entertainment district tend to focus on programming with a live music component. This relates in some respect to the homogenization of entertainment on Granville Street and the tendency to move away from diversity and ingenuity in favour of the lowest common denominator and profit. 125 6.7 GENERAL FINDINGS The first notable outcome of the S W O T analysis was a discovery that strengths and weaknesses had a means of overlapping and transcending the classifications. For example, strengths quite often presented opportunities, and opportunities could also be viewed as threats if taken differently. This situation clearly illustrates the non-linear nature of documenting the internal strengths and weaknesses of planning policy and the external opportunities and threats to live music venues more broadly. There was thus an attempt to generalize findings for the sake of clarity and to reduce redundancy in the analysis. As a general picture, the distribution of Strengths and Weaknesses was not equal. A quick glace will reveal noticeably more documented weaknesses than strengths. This result was not planned but merely reflected the information that was given. An attempt was made to ensure that the findings were as unbiased as the research question would allow. All attempts were made to provide objective data based on only the information collected. 6.8 SUMMARY This S W O T analysis indicated that land use and cultural planning policy have many areas of strength and weakness in dealing with live music venues in Vancouver. Subsequently the research also identified that there are considerable opportunities and threats to live music venues as well. One of the most persistent themes uncovered through this research was related to Vancouver's "Culture of Complaint". In some ways this points to the idea that perhaps at the heart of the issue related to live music is the task of developing a more tolerant and permissive civic culture. Live music venues are based in the notion that space is paramount in both the production and consumption of music. With this in mind live music venues can pose significant land use concerns however they have not been well addressed holistically from 126 social, economic, and cultural viewpoints. This points to the need to better bridge land use and cultural planning objectives. C H A P T E R 7 - POLICY ALTERNATIVES AND CONCLUSIONS 7.1 INTRODUCTION The aim of this final chapter is to discuss the findings in the context of the overarching objectives guiding this research. Chapter 2 explored how planning policies both presently and historically have dealt with live music venues. Chapters 3 through 5 identified an analytical framework to examine the different roles of planning policy in supporting live music venues. This framework focused on both case examples as well as a detailed case study of the City of Vancouver. Using the information and data gathered throughout the course of this thesis Chapter 6 then employed a S W O T analysis looking at the planning policies in the City of Vancouver demarcating the strengths and weaknesses of current planning policy, as well as the opportunities and threats for future change. What remains in this chapter is to take the results and information of all previous chapters to begin envisioning potential policy alternatives that could be considered by the City of Vancouver. T h e remaining discussion will be organized into three sections: 1. Incorporating live music venues into land use and cultural planning policy. 2. Identification and discussion of potential policy alternatives. 127 3. Concluding statements. 7.2 INCORPORATING LIVE MUSIC VENUES INTO LAND USE AND CULTURAL PLANNING POLICY Why live music venues should be better acknowledged in planning policies. This thesis asserts that live music venues need greater attention within planning policy because of their contested nature. At the outset, it was argued that there are certain conditions and trajectories related to city policy and growth that have made a better understanding of contested uses such as live music important. Land use and cultural planning have well defined aims and goals when it comes to dealing with certain activities and use, that while seemingly complimentary have seldom been considered in unison. Land use planning has a role in ensuring that certain property rights, housing, services, and amenities are adequately provided and secured. Using basic tools of urban spatial configuration and management, land use planning has typically done a poor job at acknowledging the economic and use value of live entertainment and live music venues. Instead land use planning policies have tended to address live music venues by casting them as a nuisance. This is important to consider, particularly in the face of rapid urban change and increasing residential development. Literature as discussed in Chapter 3 identified how zoning, land use, and current development trends lend additional justification for greater consideration of policy in the area of live music venues. Short sited land use planning policies and the culture of complaint can often be 128 blind to the amenity component of live music venues. T h e empirical research confirmed that land use policy should address land conflicts in more effective ways as they continue to grow. T h e cultural policy aspect of planning is shown to play a slightly different although no less important role. First and foremost, cultural planning policy affords cities the ability to support the role of arts, culture, and entertainment in civic life. In this respect cultural planning is in a position to strengthen the amenity value of live music venues. Still it has not always done a good job. There are many factors at play in this failure, including land use conflicts and the commercial nature of most live music venues and facilities. However, not unlike land use planning, without considerable attention to the particular place of live music venues in communities, there is risk that potentially valuable cultural components of the city can be compromised or lost. How do planning policies (both from land use and cultural perspectives) create opportunities and barriers for live music venues? Chapters four through six outlined the ways in which, operationally, live music venues are addressed by planning policies. Four, not necessarily mutually exclusive, areas of policy in particular were identified: 1 / long range and strategic planning 21 regulation 3/ cultural planning initiatives 4 / financing and the securing of Live Music venues as public amenities. Using both the case examples from Manchester, Seattle, Calgary, and Austin, as well as the Vancouver case study to construct the analytical framework, these specific policy areas are the primary ways in which planning policies play a role addressing live music venues. Long Range and Strategic Planning - this refers to the long range policies and plans that encompass everything from land use strategies, economic development, and employment. 129 Regulation - this refers to zoning and subsequent bylaws, restrictions, and enforcement policies. Cultural Planning - this refers to broad based arts plans and cultural economy strategies, as well as the incorporation of multi-disciplinary perspectives in order to integrate cultural policy approaches. Fundamental are the uses and promotion of community development principles stressing the linkages, alliances, and relationships amongst organizations at the community level. This includes businesses, municipal governments, and civil society organizations. Financing and securing of Public Amenities - this refers to the systems by which the funding and space for cultural facilities is achieved through private sector negotiation and public mechanisms. 7.3 PLANNING POLICY ALTERNATIVES Using the findings and key considerations of the S W O T analysis this section presents a number of potential policy alternatives to be explored by the City of Vancouver. T h e s e policy alternatives cover both land use and cultural perspectives and were conceived as broad, albeit, pragmatic directions for future action. Selection was based on the specific Vancouver context, with future implementation dependent on a number of factors and environmental conditions that may be subject to change. Other potential policy alternatives not listed here may have also been suggested however the attempt was to offer alternatives that were informative, timely, and responsive to the Vancouver condition. In considering how planning policies address live music venues it was imperative to include each of the ways in which planning policies interface with live music venues. T h u s each of the 4 types of planning policy (Long range and strategic planning, regulation, cultural planning, and financing and the securing of public amenities) is represented, although each alternative is not mutually 130 exclusive. Descriptions of the policy alternatives are provided along with rationales and desired outcomes. 1) Explore instituting separate business licenses for live music venues. Having separate business licenses for live music venues is a way to potentially mitigate the confusion and complexity of managing live music in the city. This is also potentially a means of ensuring that live music does not get stagnated or wound up within other concerns such as liquor and business licensing. Live music is a distinct activity and it is important to ensure that clear lines of communication and standards are set. This policy may induce added bureaucracy, however. 2) Create an arts or entertainment plan for the city that addresses issues related to live music and entertainment. Current cultural and arts plans in Vancouver make no mention of live music venues or commercial live entertainment. However both of these elements are valuable components of the city's creative milieu. A central issue at play is that live music venues and entertainment are valuable, prominent, and yet problematic uses. Within this alternative there are two possible options. The first is related to the City's current process of developing the Metropolitan Core Jobs and Economy Land Use Plan which has been devised as a way to help determine how land in the central area of the city is to be used in the future to accommodate business growth, economic activity, and transportation needs. Efforts could be made to better include issues surrounding live music venues and entertainment within this plan as they are prominent land uses in the city's central area. A second direction would be to develop a separate arts and entertainment plan that effectively covers the whole city. This option would allow land use and other cultural concerns to be addressed on a city-wide basis, recognizing that there are opportunities and potential threats for 131 these types of cultural endeavors in the city. This could include a detailed strategy for live music venues and nighttime entertainment. 3) Investigate the possibilities of considering of live music performance spaces as a public amenity that can benefit from civic amenity programs. T o date Community Amenity Contributions (CAC's ) and capital funding mechanisms in Vancouver have not often been used towards the securing of live music facilities as public amenities. Considering the limited financial resources available to the City for arts facilities, there are opportunities to use development leverage as a means to secure funding and or space for potential live music facilities. The types of live music facilities envisioned in this case should be seen as public amenities that are open to various musical forms, styles, abilities, and interests, and to potentially provide greater range of services than just simply a performance space. T h e examples of the "Vera Project" in Seattle or the "Band on the Wall" project in Manchester serve as excellent examples of the ways in which this might be envisioned and how funding and space arrangements could be secured. In this regard there is considerable opportunity for an all age music facility to be seriously considered. A lack of a defined public youth music facility, plus the City's involvement in other programs to promote and develop other types youth spaces help to make this type of arrangement more foreseeable. Citing the potential economic, social, and cultural benefits associated with live music performance spaces it does not seem unreasonable to consider them as part of future amenity initiatives. 4) Develop a framework to retain significant live music venues in the event of displacement. Tied closely with the previous alternative, this suggestion is aimed at easing and ameliorating the effects of displacement on live music venues and culture. Central issues in dealing with live music venues in a 132 region with tremendous development pressures relate to displacement effects. A few examples such as "Richards on Richards" were suggested in this thesis. In the event that a venue is lost due to development pressure, what is suggested is that a framework be developed to assist and aid live music venues and facilities in finding alternative locations or facilities, be they temporary or permanent. As was noted, venues in Vancouver (particularly commercially based enterprises) have a poor record of relocating and retention. The factors that contribute to displacement are numerous, but much can be related to the difficulty in finding appropriate, affordable, and potentially profitable spaces. An alternative pf this nature suggests that the retention of venues, particularly of mid to larger sizes is important to prevent a widening venue gap in the city. This recognizes the value of retention in fostering live music socially, culturally, and economically, and is an alternative that could be integrated with other potential strategies noted above. This might also imply that the City of Vancouver manage/own a space that would allow such activities to take place. 5) Encourage live music venues throughout Vancouver neighbourhoods (aided by continual regulatory reform). The bylaw amendment to restaurant definitions was a potentially important first step in this regard. However other regulatory mechanisms may be instituted or simply relaxed to help encourage live music venues in locations and neighbourhoods around the city. Adjustments to future land use designations, zoning, and designated activity zones are some theoretical examples of regulatory reform. Naturally, any reforms of this nature would require further study. However a list of potential neighbourhood opportunities and locations is provided in the previous chapter and give a good indication of what might best be achievable and appropriate. A rationale for this alternative is that there may be under-explored areas that are suitable for live music venues should the demand 133 be there. A general willingness to see activities such as live music in different neighbourhoods across the city is another justification to look more closely at this type of alternative. Granted an alternative of this nature would not guarantee that live music venues become a prominent part of every neighbourhood. Rather various actions (or non-actions) could provide guidance to create a greater range of opportunities. This type of alternative could also potentially be well addressed in conjunction with the creation of a city arts and entertainment plan as noted above. 6) Update and Expand the "Performing Arts Facilities Inventory" to include a wider range of live music venues and facilities. This is a simple measure to expand on an already existing resource and to further include live music within cultural planning initiatives. This potential policy alternative would involve listing a full range of music performance spaces and not simply those associated with the City. This inventory could be a useful tool in identifying facilities and resources around the city. It could also potentially aid musicians, booking agents, event planners, and organizations in finding spaces for music events. Furthermore it could be an excellent promotional tool in promoting live music in the city more generally. It is not suggested that all live music venues in the city be included, as this would be an arduous and near continuous task due to the sometimes fickle nature of the business. However there is inherent value in providing an updated and as comprehensive inventory as possible for many of the reasons stated above. 7) Help establish a citizen commission focused on addressing live music and entertainment related issues in the city. The City of Vancouver has a number of issues and concerns related to live music venues and entertainment, but little in the way of a consolidated or legitimized public voice for concerns and support. An 134 advisory body is one of the many ways residents can have a public voice and contribute to the operations of the City of Vancouver. A commission or citizens committee to look at entertainment and live music in the city could help fulfill a role in addressing deeper concerns related to live music, entertainment, alcohol, operation hours, and a myriad of other associated issues. Of particular note is creating a body that can more objectively deal with the prevalent culture of complaint. This type of committee could also help in the way of advocacy and in strengthen the organizational capacities of those involved in the music and entertainment scene. 8) Create a position devoted to live music and entertainment planning in Vancouver. T h e lack of any defined resource person within the City of Vancouver for broader (and not simply regulatory and management) issues related to live music venues is a concern. A s noted, planning responsibility for live music and entertainment at present is a dispersed affair within the City, with those responsible usually involved in limited capacities. T h e lack of a "point person" or a more consolidated manner with which to address issues surrounding live music venues and entertainment in a holistic way can be detrimental, as planning for live music and entertainment can entail a great deal of consideration and complexity. A position dedicated or at least responsible for live music and entertainment may help to ease the communication gaps currently within the system. Regardless of where and how a position might be created, it should incorporate the ability to not only deal with land use and enforcement issues, but also serve an advocacy role. This demands an understanding of the nuances of the cultural, social and economic issues surrounding live music as well an ability to look at venues from both commercial and public perspectives. 135 9) Work with affected populations and interests to create a "rules and considerations" framework. This framework should concern active uses, land use conflicts, and the nature of art and entertainment in the city. What is suggested here is that the City look into working with communities, residents, businesses, and the real estate industry to create a framework to deal with the expectations and considerations associated with live music venues and entertainment. The aim of such an alternative would be to counteract the persistent culture of complaint in Vancouver. The crux of this alternative is that all interests understand the conditions of complaint. In this regard, certain rights to complain should be examined, particularly when they are attributed to legitimate and valued uses such as live music venues. The effect of this type of alternative would be to affirm the legitimacy of active uses such as live music venues and to establish certain expectations around complaint. It is understood that such a suggestion negative responses from certain sectors, however the idea is that new avenues of communication and ways to bridge experiential gaps be explored in whatever forms are most applicable. In all, these policy alternatives represent only a few small potential actions. The reason these particular alternatives were been identified is that they address some specific conditions within the Vancouver context. Overall it was seen that there is considerable opportunity and potential to use these ideas in addressing live music venues through planning. However these considerations must also incite the need explore how planning positions itself to make changes or to simply deal with live music venues. 7.4 PLANNING ROLES IN ADDRESSING LIVE MUSIC VENUES 7.4.1 KEY THEMES AND CONSIDERATIONS 136 T h e following is a summary of the key considerations and themes that emerged throughout this research. O n e of the main goals of this thesis was to contribute to a wider body of knowledge. Since the alternatives presented in this chapter are specific to the Vancouver context, it was also important to identify some of the broader considerations. T h e following themes have been culled from the research as a means to illustrate some of these broad areas of consideration for planning to be better able to address live music venues. • Urban Development - Urban development is situated at the centre of many issues surrounding live music venues. Both continued growth and residential development are critical in this regard. Live music venues need space to operate and exist. A s growth and change happen, quite often such spaces can become scarce as gentrification occurs. Conversely, as more people and interests begin to vie for the same spaces , live music venues are one type of use that can become threatened. In most instances land use conflicts and the affordability of space are sources of great concern regarding the location and management of live music venues. However to cast and manage live music venues and nighttime entertainment simply as nuisances does not recognize or embrace the potentially significant contributions these spaces can offer to urban life and culture. • Rhythms of Urban Life - Regulations without consideration of the rhythmic nature of urban life have a tendency to put live music and entertainment venues out of rhythm with surrounding communities in both subtle and not so subtle ways. Often there can be a certain disharmony between music recreation, local business hours, alcohol service, residential expectations, and services such as nearby public transportation and restaurants. Live music and nightlife more generally can have a life of its own that sometimes differs from everyday daytime needs. Understanding that nighttime needs exist in the city as well should be paramount. 137 Flexible Regulations - Regulations themselves, like nighttime entertainment and live music, can be a fluid, ongoing, and uneven process rather than a single achievable state. According to Dickout (2004), to generate a vibrant and healthy night scene, all of those involved need to understand that, music, nightlife, and even urban regeneration work best when they happen organically. Policies, plans, and initiatives should be flexible and not aim to assert too much rigidity so as to better reflect the organic nature and liminal characteristics of nightlife and live music. Considering Live Music Venues for Live Music - T h e identification of live music as a distinct and legitimate activity can be an important step in addressing many issues both perceived and real. This speaks to the need to make policy both symbolically and functionally more representative and to give live music venues a greater sense of legitimacy as an urban land use. Effective Planning Processes and Communication - T h e City of Vancouver for example, has been involved in planning processes that have actively solicited citizen involvement. T h e s e processes have been geared at understanding neighbourhood needs and tailoring citywide policies to reflect local community vision. However these types of processes can also have a tendency to not consider active uses such as live music venues or entertainment. Long range plans and processes have a tendency to neglect or ignore activities and land uses such live music venues that can pose somewhat of a question mark in regards to public acceptability and support. This speaks to general lack of understanding when it comes to conflicts over urban spaces and an unwillingness to embrace elements of the unknown or unplanned. It also represents a failure to effectively communicate the positive and legitimate aspects of live music and entertainment uses. With impending development and 138 subsequent conflicts over space , a more reasonable means of establishing residential expectations is vital. Part of this also implies the need to foster a civic culture that is permissive and critical rather than one that is solely legitimized by complaint. Taking Responsibility for Live Music - Opportunities for a diverse range pf live music venues lies not only in the concerted response of the music, hospitality, entertainment and leisure based industries, but also members of the community, governmental bodies, developers, planners and regulators. There is a task to ensure that responsibility is not being spread too thin or is given too much into the hands of one particular faction. At the same time there is a need to effectively organize and work with divergent interests, be they public, private, business, residents, or artists, or organizations. Homogenization, Diversity and Supply - T h e homogenization of nightlife activity can have detrimental effects on diversity and creativity in the city. There is also a danger that homogenization and special district planning can lead to other problems with things such as binge drinking, public disorder, and limited opportunities for music, fun, and revelry. This thesis suggests that diversity of live music venues is a desired and welcomed condition. In this instance diversity is very much tied to supply. With gaps in the types of venues available, certain areas of demand can be unmet. In this regard, a range of venue types, sizes, and styles need to be able to accommodate everything from small fringe acts and symphonies, to mid level touring acts and popular local rock bands. Having venues that can attract artists locally, regionally, and globally is ultimately a condition of demand that is tied to a number of other components of the music industry and the nature of popular taste. However venues have the ability to create opportunity, attract artists, and create local energy. 139 • Live music venues have value as amenities - There are significant economic and social benefits to having live music venues of all sizes in the city. However there have been few ways in which this has been articulated in planning policy both from land use and cultural standpoints. From a social amenity point of view, venues can provide potential avenues for interaction and socialization. There are also a number of positive community outcomes associated with live music venues that may include the fostering of locally based art and culture. From an economic perspective, the fostering of local talent is just one example of the potentially significant economic benefits related to music venues. Subsequently there are a great number of positive economic spin offs related to live music venues related to industry (music, restaurant and service, alcohol, urban tourism, and the attraction of capital). As a whole these considerations speak to the areas that that should be considered when planning policy is considered for live music venues and entertainment. The considerations themselves are not meant to be prescriptive, but rather provide an indication of the multitude of issues to consider in order to better foster music and activity in the city. These considerations should also give some indication as to the different and diverse roles of the planner. 7.3.2 THE ROLE OF THE PLANNER From one perspective this thesis suggests that planning policy needs to better identify that informed, insightful, and creative urban management is one of the ways in which music venues will be able to exist and thrive in the 2 1 s t century city. The reality of the changing city 2 1 s t century city (as uses compete and vie for legitimacy) means that better incorporating nighttime spaces into the city poses the fundamental challenge of re-imagining the city and rethinking planning policy holistically. The problem is that many traditional planning mechanisms have 140 treated live music venues as nuisances to be managed. In this regard, live music venues can pose considerable concerns from land use planning perspectives regarding noise, alcohol, disorder, trouble, and nuisance. A number of the policy alternatives explored in this thesis for Vancouver clearly present more managerial options, but are nonetheless based the notion that there is some level of equity and balance desired. Overall the role of the planner in this instance can be posited as that of a manager striving to achieve a balance between interests and uses. On the other hand there can also be significant social and economic amenity values related to live music venues. Often a managerial approach is unresponsive to the more positive social and economic aspects of music venues. A more appropriate viewpoint when looking at the benefits of live music venues is to identify that a planner can also be situated as an advocate. As such a number of the alternatives presented for Vancouver imply more of an advocacy role for the planner. Generally, advocacy planning implies greater responsibility to engage, support, foster, promote, and develop the positive aspects of community, which in this thesis is centered on live music, art, and entertainment. A number of aspects of cultural planning have taken on the advocacy role. However it appears that there has been hesitancy on the part of cultural planning to better integrate elements of commercial and popular entertainment within cultural planning frameworks. This failure is where a great deal of potential and opportunity still exist. The idea of advocacy planning according to Leonie Sandercock (1998:89) is that those who have had previously been unrepresented or underrepresented can potentially be brought into conversation with those throughout the community who can bring new ideas and pertinent issues on to the policy table. As Sandercock (1998) has identified, there are some pertinent criticisms of the advocacy model. However, in addressing live music venues, an advocacy planning role appears to be one potentially effective means of establishing greater connections between different interests, fostering organizational capacities, and better engaging in dialogue with factional interests. 141 In recognizing that land use planning and cultural policies have different ways of addressing and viewing live music venues, it also becomes clear that there are multiple roles for a planner. By all accounts it appears necessary to find ways of increasing the connections between these two areas of planning and between multiple planning roles. The policy alternatives suggested in this thesis are indeed specific to the Vancouver context, however they indicate the multiplicity of considerations and roles required in dealing with live music venues and entertainment effectively. This thesis has made the assertion that both management and advocacy roles may have some validity and impact in dealing with live music venues within the current political-economy. Homan and Johnson (2002) have similarly concluded that one of the primary tasks of planning involves the opening of more effective lines of communication between stakeholders (be they venues operators, local residents, planners, or politicians). The form in which this communication takes shape may ultimately be the key to planning for a city that is diverse, creative, inviting, tolerant, considerate, equitable, livable, and fun. 7.5 CONCULDING REMARKS Upon completion of this thesis it became apparent that this project was based on an inherent desire to challenge to the planning profession and its practices. Planning has done a poor job of addressing live music venues. As a result, wanting to explore ways to better foster live music venues meant reconstituting the aims and traditional viewpoints of planning practice. This thesis has made an argument that suggests a legitimate and important place for live music venues in urban environments. But ultimately what this thesis has shown is that there are no easy answers or magic bullet solutions to better plan for these important and sometimes difficult spaces, however this thesis has begun the process of asking some of the difficult questions. 142 BIBLIOGRAPHY Abeles, P. (1989). Planning and Zoning. In C . Haar & J . Kayden (Eds.), Zoning and the American Dream: Promises Still to Keep (pp. 122-152). Chicago: Planner's Press. Attali, J (1985) Noise: the Political Economy of Music, Manchester University Press, Manchester Babcock, R.F. and W . U . Larsen (1990) Special Districts: The Ultimate in Neighbourhood Zoning. Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, Cambridge, M A Baeker, G . and M. 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Urban Studies vol. 35(5-6), 825-839. 150 APPENDIX A SAMPLE OF INTERVIEW QUESTIONS Long Range and Strategic Planning - How are live music venues addressed in long range plans? - What is the city's attitude towards the promotion of live music venues and is there a willingness to foster popular live music? - What are the issues inherent in accounting for live music venues in long range plans? - Has increasing residential development in the inner urban core had any affect on live music venues? - Are there available locations in the city that are well suited for live music? - Have land use strategies been employed that attempt to deal with conflicts between venue owners, residents, and business owners? Regulation - Under which portfolio do issues of live music regulation fall? - How are land use regulations and restrictions pertaining to live music venues articulated and defined? - Are there particular issues with live music venues that need to be addressed? - Do you feel that regulations are set up in such a way that is permissive for live music venues? - Are mechanisms set up that distinguish between the differing venue sizes, locations, activities, performance frequency, and styles of music? - What are some of most recognized impacts associated with amplified live music venues in the city? - What are the most typical and most frequent types of citizen complaints regarding amplified live music? - What are the enforcement responses to the negative impacts of live music? - Do you have any creative suggestions or ideas for mitigation? Cultural Planning Initiatives - Is live music accounted for in the city's cultural policies? Where are they mentioned? What concessions are made? - Is a distinction made between popular music forms and more traditional forms of music performance in cultural policies? - Does the city identify any value (social, economic, or environment) in live music venues? What are they? - Are there any programs to deal with or promote live music venues? Finance and the Securing of Public Amenity 151 - What programs offer assistance and support for live music venues. - Does competition for land and rent increases have significant effects of the location and viability of live music venues in the city? - Have land use or development strategies been employed used to leverage space for uses such as live music? Types of Live Music S p a c e s : - From you perspective what are the most pressing issues related to live music venues in the city? - What type of venues is the city lacking? Have an abundance of? - Do you have any information or comments on the existence of impromptu/informal/illegal music performance spaces in the city? 152 APPENDIX B SAMPLE OF SURVEY QUESTIONS 1. Does your establishment host live music events? (y/n) 2. How many times per week/month do you host live music events? 3. What kind of live music does your business/liquor license allow you to promote? 4. What styles of music do you host? 5. What kind of live musical acts/artists acts does your venue present: o Local o Touring o Special Events o Other : 6. What is your fire seating capacity? 7. Do you believe city planning polices are supportive of live music venues? 8. Have you experienced any complaints or concerns from residents or other neighbours regarding live music? (y/n) If Y E S - what is the frequency of complaints? What Is the nature? 9. Has your establishment ever had any policing or enforcement issues? (y/n) 10. What forms of resolution have been used to mitigate concerns from neighbours, citizens, enforcement agencies, and the City related to this establishment? 11. Have you ever had any other issues or difficulties with regulators and/or the City of Vancouver? (y/n) If Y E S - please describe 12. Are there any specific characteristics of the surrounding community that you feel affect the ability of the venue to host amplified live music events? 13. Do you think that some areas of the city offer more opportunities (eager clientele, lenient restrictions, neighbourhood ambiance, more accommodating rents) 14. Would you say that zoning, business, and liquor l icenses make the presentation of amplified live music: o easy o difficult o the same o no opinion 15. A s a venue manager, what barriers (if any) do you feel exist in presenting live music at your establishment? 16. Are you aware of any programs for assistance financially or otherwise for live music venues? 17. What kind of music venues do you feel Vancouver is lacking? Or has an abundance of? 153 


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