UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

From nuisance to amenity : exploring planning policy alternatives for live music venues in Vancouver Pickersgill, Mark 2006

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-ubc_2006-0618.pdf [ 12.96MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0092764.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0092764-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0092764-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0092764-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0092764-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0092764-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0092764-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0092764-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0092764.ris

Full Text

FROM NUISANCE TO AMENITY: EXPLORING PLANNING POLICY ALTERNATIVES FOR LIVE MUSIC VENUES IN VANCOUVER by MARK PICKERSGILL B a c h e l o r of Arts, University of Alberta, 2002  A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F THE REQUIREMENTS FORTHE DEGREE OF  M A S T E R O F A R T S in P L A N N I N G  in  T H E FACULTY O F G R A D U A T E STUDIES  T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F BRITISH C O L U M B I A O C T O B E R 2006  © Mark Pickersgill, 2006  ABSTRACT In V a n c o u v e r , increasing residential p r e s s u r e s on the city have resulted in the loss and e n d a n g e r m e n t of a number of live music v e n u e s . T h i s thesis explores the role of planning policy in integrating a n d retaining live music v e n u e s within urban environments. T h i s thesis asserts that live music v e n u e s are contested s p a c e s . V e n u e s and performance facilities c o m e attached with their own stories, histories, d e v o t e e s , cultural worth, social importance, and e c o n o m i c significance, thus comprising important p i e c e s of cultural fabric. Live m u s i c v e n u e s also help to instill vitality, enjoyment, identity, a n d purpose to a place a s they attract artists, c o n s u m e r s , tourists, entrepreneurs, and industry. It is in this s e n s e that live music v e n u e s constitute a n important amenity to city life. However, from other perspectives music v e n u e s c a n p o s e serious c o n c e r n s regarding noise, crowds, alcohol, unruly behaviour, a n d disorder. Generally planning policy h a s not b e e n able to adequately a d d r e s s live music v e n u e s . A n exploration of how planning policy affects v e n u e s is carried out through a n in-depth review of relevant literature pertaining to land u s e , emerging planning c h a l l e n g e s , a n d amenity. R e s e a r c h reveals that there are 4 basic a r e a s of planning policy that affect live m u s i c v e n u e s most directly: 1) L o n g range and strategic planning 2) Regulation 3) Cultural Planning 4) Financing and the securing of public amenities. U s i n g t h e s e four a r e a s of planning policy a s a n analytical framework, a n examination of c a s e example cities a n d a detailed S W O T analysis of the V a n c o u v e r context is carried out. Overall the research reveals that increasing residential development and a pervasive culture of complaint comprise two of the primary threats to live m u s i c v e n u e s in V a n c o u v e r . T h i s thesis c o n c l u d e s that there is a need to increase the connections between land u s e a n d cultural planning policy in order to foster live music v e n u e s a n d to assert their legitimacy a s a land u s e . A series of potential planning policy alternatives for V a n c o u v e r are s u g g e s t e d with d i s c u s s i o n concluding with a broad look at the role of planners in supporting live music v e n u e s .  T A B L E OF CONTENTS Abstract Table of Contents  ii iii  List of Tables  v  List of Figures  vi  Acknowledgements C H A P T E R 1 - Introduction and T h e s i s Outline 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6  INTRODUCTION PROBLEM STATEMENT RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND OBJECTIVES DEFINITIONS M E T H O D O L O G Y A N D CRITICAL R E S E A R C H P A R A D I G M THESIS OVERVIEW  C H A P T E R 2 - Methods  vii 1 1 2 6 8 9 10  12  2.1 2.2  RESEARCH PROCESS R E S E A R C H ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES  12 13  2.3 2.4 2.5  METHODS S T U D Y LIMITATIONS VALIDITY A N D RELIABILITY  14 21 22  C H A P T E R 3 - Literature Review  24  3.1  T H E P L A C E O F L I V E M U S I C V E N U E S IN L A N D U S E P L A N N I N G  3.2  EMERGING PLANNING C H A L L E N G E S  36  3.3  LIVE MUSIC V E N U E S A S PUBLIC AMENITIES  42  3.4  ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK  51  C H A P T E R 4 - Case Examples 4.1  24  54  INTRODUCTION  54  4.2  MANCHESTER  54  4.3  CALGARY  59  4.4  AUSTIN  4.5  SEATTLE  68  4.6  K E Y FINDINGS A N D T H E M E S  75  C H A P T E R 5 - C a s e Study: The V a n c o u v e r Context  .63  77  5.1  INTRODUCTION  77  5.2  L O N G R A N G E AND STRATEGIC PLANNING  77  5.3  REGULATION  86  5.4  CULTURAL PLANNING  5.5  FINANCING A N D T H E S E C U R I N G O F PUBLIC AMENITIES  5.6  SUMMARY  C H A P T E R 6 - Swot A n a l y s i s  96 99 100  102  6.1  INTRODUCTION  102  6.2  STRENGHTS  104  6.2  WEAKNESSES  6.3  OPPORTUNITIES  6.4  THREATS...  121  6.7  G E N E R A L FINDINGS  126  6.8  SUMMARY  126  C H A P T E R 7 - P o l i c y Alternatives and C o n c l u s i o n s  107 ...115  127  7.1 INTRODUCTION 7.2 I N C O R P O R A T I N G LIVE M U S I C V E N U E S INTO L A N D U S E A N D C U L T U R A L PLANNING POLICY  127  7.3 7.4  PLANNING POLICY ALTERNATIVES P L A N N I N G R O L E S IN A D D R E S S I N G L I V E M U S I C V E N U E S  130 136  7.5  CONCULDING REMARKS  142  128  Bibliography  143  A p p e n d i x A : Sample of Interview Questions  151  A p p e n d i x B : Sample of S u r v e y Questions  153  iv  LIST OF T A B L E S T a b l e 5.1 - Downtown V a n c o u v e r Population Statistics  83  T a b l e 5.2 - A r e a A p p r o a c h e s to Liquor Licensing  94  v  LIST OF FIGURES Figure 4.1  - M a n c h e s t e r ' s Northern Quarter  55  Figure 4.2 - Calgary's Beltline (Approximate)  61  Figure 4.3 - Sixth Street M u s i c District (Austin)  64  Figure 4.4 - Seattle Central A r e a s  70  Figure 5.1 - Downtown S o u t h and Granville Street Theatre R o w  85  Figure 6.1 - Potential Neighbourhood Live M u s i c V e n u e Location a n d G e n e r a l L a n d U s e Classifications  118  vi  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  I a m sincerely grateful to Michael Larice, my first reader a n d urban design s a g e . Y o u r knowledge, e n c o u r a g e m e n t , a n d willingness to not give up on m e m a d e this h a p p e n . I a m also thankful to my s e c o n d reader Michael G o r d o n w h o s e experience, input, e n c o u r a g e m e n t , a n d generosity h e l p e d it all m a k e s o m e kind of s e n s e .  I a m thankful to my S C A R P friends who have b e e n a s o u r c e of  inspiration, knowledge, support, and c o m p a n i o n s h i p . A n d a very big thank you to my family for all of the support you have given m e .  vii  C H A P T E R 1 - INTRODUCTION AND THESIS OUTLINE  "Headin' for the nearest foreign border V a n c o u v e r may just be my kind of town ' c a u s e they don't n e e d the kind of law a n d order that k e e p s a g o o d m a n underground"  Flying Burrito Brothers From the song "My Uncle" (1969)  1.1  INTRODUCTION In the s u m m e r of 2005, "Blim", a one-of-a-kind art a n d m u s i c performance  s p a c e in V a n c o u v e r w a s quickly a n d u n c e r e m o n i o u s l y a s k e d to c e a s e its operations a n d m o v e . A v e n u e with a n avant-garde/electronic bent, Blim w a s served with an eviction notice from their P e n d e r Street location largely b e c a u s e of the perception that the v e n u e w a s chiefly a party place. W h a t Blim lacked in formality a n d mainstream a p p e a l , it more than m a d e up for in creativity, u n i q u e n e s s , a n d a solid operating philosophy that never allowed operations a n d music performances to get out of control. Despite a long list of volunteers a n d a n impressive list of independent exhibitors/performers/musicians, the idea of a w e e k e n d exhibition a n d performance s p a c e situated within a n office building w a s not w e l c o m e d with o p e n a r m s by other building tenants or city regulators. Ironically it is often the c a s e that alternative v e n u e s s u c h a s Blim u s e selfregulation through their customers' self identification a n d conduct to e n s u r e that the ethos of creativity a n d respectable operation are not c o m p r o m i s e d (Chatterton a n d Hollands, 2003). H o w e v e r it a p p e a r s that in this instance, local authorities a n d planning policies were unhelpful a n d unsupportive in terms of  1  recognizing the v e n u e ' s creativity a n d contribution to diverse nightlife culture in the city. T h e loss of a local live m u s i c v e n u e is not a n u n c o m m o n o c c u r r e n c e in V a n c o u v e r . A c c o u n t s in local V a n c o u v e r media when a v e n u e c l o s e s its d o o r s usually e x p r e s s remorse, anger, a n d c o n c e r n over the state of m u s i c a n d culture in the city. It is also typical of s u c h a c c o u n t s to blame V a n c o u v e r ' s 'fun police' a s the culprits who look for every c h a n c e they c a n to shut down a troublesome nuisance a n d to keep people from having a g o o d time. O n e thing that is not reflected in media reports regarding live music v e n u e c l o s u r e s is a d e e p e r understanding of why closures h a p p e n . T h e refrain often g o e s that the city w a s o n c e h o m e to a thriving a n d gritty live music club s c e n e . N o w high e n d c o n d o m i n i u m s and gentrification have p u s h e d v e n u e s a s i d e . S u r e l y there is a n explanation or at least s o m e r e a s o n a s to why s u c h o c c u r r e n c e s h a p p e n ? F r o m this perspective there must also be s o m e w a y s in which the conflicts a n d contested nature of musical s p a c e s in the city c a n be a d d r e s s e d .  1.2  PROBLEM STATEMENT Strong r e s p o n s e s to the loss of live m u s i c v e n u e s reflect that there is  considerable debate over the way that s p a c e is u s e d , regulated, a n d m a d e available in the city. Live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d performance facilities c a n c o m e attached with their own stories, histories, d e v o t e e s , cultural worth, social importance, and e c o n o m i c significance, ultimately comprising a n important piece of cultural fabric. V e n u e s c a n also help to instill vitality, enjoyment, identity, a n d purpose to a place a s they attract artists, c o n s u m e r s , tourists, entrepreneurs, a n d industry. W h e t h e r a v e n u e has h o u s e d a local band that went o n to b e c o m e world f a m o u s or is part of s o m e greater civic identity, there exists both personal and collective attachments to the cultural production of m u s i c a n d place. However, from another perspective, live music v e n u e s c a n also be s e e n a s a type of land u s e that is liable to p o s e serious c o n c e r n s over n o i s e , crowds, alcohol, unruly behaviour, a n d disorder ( H o m a n , 2003). In this resect live m u s i c  2  v e n u e s c a n also be identified a s a n u i s a n c e . T h e s e d i s c r e p a n c i e s point to the idea that live music v e n u e s are contested s p a c e s within the city. F o r the most part, live music v e n u e s have not b e e n well represented or articulated in planning policy. Part of the problem is that live music c a n be experienced in a variety of different ways, by a n u m b e r of different interests in the city. V e n u e operators, a u d i e n c e s , musicians, enforcement a g e n c i e s , planners, politicians, a n d city residents e a c h project distinct n e e d s , c o n c e r n s , a n d expectations regarding the place of live music v e n u e s a n d entertainment in the city. Furthermore e a c h interest is vying for control of the s p a c e , making the v e n u e s a fine example of contested s p a c e . Without proper consideration of the planning policies that affect where a n d how live m u s i c v e n u e s operate, experiential g a p s b e c o m e entrenched between stakeholders in w a y s that c a n dilute live music experiences, negatively impact urban environments, a n d adversely affect opportunities for diverse local culture. L a n d u s e planning policy a p p r o a c h e s to live music v e n u e s have c o m m o n l y b e e n b a s e d o n negative externalities s u c h a s n o i s e , public disorder, and effects o n residential a n d b u s i n e s s interests. In this regard land u s e planning's f o c u s o n projected n e e d s , the public g o o d , a n d order have resulted in a situation where the majority of n e e d s a n d desires of urbanites are not c o n c e i v e d in terms of known experience, but rather in terms of a social order where n e e d s are experienced abstractly (Sennett, 1972: 95). Bylaws, z o n i n g , noise control m e a s u r e s , strategic long range planning initiatives, a n d e v e n participatory planning m o d e l s have all b e e n u s e d to establish the n e e d for order over disorder. While land u s e planning a n d regulatory tools do maintain a n important function within the city, they also have a t e n d e n c y to perpetuate spatial a n d temporal dysfunctionalities, particularly when it c o m e s to urban nighttime entertainment. T h e term "dysfunctionalities" implies a central tension between the ordered nature of planning a n d the organic, fluid, a n d time sensitive nature of live music a n d nighttime activities. F o r o n e , the styles, tastes, locations, a n d d e m a n d s for live m u s i c are constantly in flux ( H o m a n , 2003; Dickout 2004). Another consideration is that live m u s i c activities tend to be oriented towards the  3  nighttime hours. E v e n i n g s and nights are the times that have b e e n structured into society for fun and enjoyment, yet land use planning h a s tendency to prioritize the interests of those not participating in nighttime activities. U s e s g e a r e d towards nighttime activity and entertainment c a n run contrary to the typical order e s p o u s e d by planning. T h e changing physical a n d s o c i o e c o n o m i c character of m a n y urban communities h a s unfortunately meant that higher impact land u s e s s u c h a s live music v e n u e s present a greater potential s o u r c e of friction a n d n u i s a n c e ( C o s t a , 2004; Hutton, 2005). A i d e d a n d abetted by i n c r e a s e d residential growth, the City of V a n c o u v e r s e r v e s a s a n example of emerging North A m e r i c a n cities s e e k i n g residential and cultural redevelopment of their inner core. T h i s trend h a s b e e n epitomized by V a n c o u v e r ' s "living first" ethos, which concisely d e s c r i b e s V a n c o u v e r ' s commitment to making the city a livable place for its residents a n d reinvigorating its central a r e a s . T h e rapid influx of new groups, residents, a n d activities into formerly underutilized, industrial, low intensity residential, a n d expanding a r e a s of cities h a s led to increased p r e s s u r e s o n local councils, planners, a n d regulatory bodies to heavily m a n a g e , remove, or mute noisy m u s i c establishments and other similar active u s e s ( H o m a n , 2003: 5). O n e of the central c o n c e r n s is that locational opportunities c a n be limited by expectations that s o called "noisy" u s e s be located in convivial a r e a s s u c h a s "entertainment districts" or tucked a w a y where disturbance c a n be held to a minimum ( B a b c o c k a n d L a r s o n , 1990). However from o n e perspective few truly convivial p l a c e s exist within in the "residential" or "livable" city. M a n y cities in North A m e r i c a a n d E u r o p e h a v e in recent y e a r s established cultural planning initiatives in order to d e v e l o p a n d administer cultural policies a n d programs, participate in city planning a n d development p r o c e s s e s , a n d to provide a v e n u e s for capital a s s i s t a n c e for facility development a n d arts organizations (Landry, 2005). T h e s e recent turns in policy have heralded the cultural a n d e c o n o m i c importance of providing cultural facilities, fostering 'creative capital', a n d a c c o m m o d a t i n g the new creative c l a s s e s (Florida, 2003; Landry, 2000; L e y 2003; L e y , 1996) into the city.  4  Local planning departments and governments in E u r o p e a n d North A m e r i c a have b e e n quick to r e s p o n d to this idea in making commitments to building city i m a g e s of the vibrant, 24-hour, or creative city through policies that: e n c o u r a g e the development of specialized cultural quarters a n d districts; repurposing s p a c e s for creative industry; marketing civic identity; arranging new funding a n d networking opportunities for culturally b a s e d organizations a n d facilities, and calling for more flexible by-laws a n d regulations (Brown, 2000; Indergaard, 2003). T h e cultural turn in policy h a s given cities the will to transform their urban centers into busy b u s i n e s s and cultural "destinations". S u c h transformations tend ultimately to be aided by large population catchments, regional employment centers, established cosmopolitan reputations, strategic leadership of the local state, a n d significant growth in service-sector professionals: all of which theoretically fuel a latent d e m a n d for entertainment, cultural g o o d s , a n d services (Chatterton a n d Hollands, 2003). However, o n e problem concerning live m u s i c v e n u e s is that cultural or creative city strategies have a tendency to favour the attraction of global capital, industry, tourism, a n d middle-to-upper c l a s s residents s e e k i n g a n urban 'living' experience, over authentic a n d diverse culture a n d activities. Important symbolic a n d e c o n o m i c v a l u e s have now b e e n placed o n creativity, alternative cultures, a n d s p a c e . Within this frame of thought, live m u s i c v e n u e s are o n e of the elements of the urban cultural milieu potentially extolled for their positive e c o n o m i c benefits a n d contribution to city life through their ability to re-enforce a city's cosmopolitan a n d creative e d g e (Dickout, 2004). Despite the potential amenity value of live m u s i c v e n u e s , it s e e m s a s if they have b e e n left out of the p r o c e s s . T h i s cultural turn a p p e a r s to have p r o d u c e d two contradictory and somewhat unfavourable o u t c o m e s for live m u s i c v e n u e s . T h e first is that the s u c c e s s of attracting s o called "creative c l a s s e s " often c o m e s with the elimination of the marginal cultural producers a n d genuine diversity which are often cited a s r e a s o n s for attracting attention in the first place (Florida, 2003; L e y , 2003). A s e c o n d contradiction is that while cities are keen to e x p a n d a n d cosmopolitanise the elements of nightlife a n d activities, generally larger s c a l e a n d corporate forms  5  of entertainment facilities reap most of the benefits to be h a d . A c c o r d i n g to Chatterton a n d Hollands (2003) larger a n d more visible operations are s e e n from a city m a n a g e m e n t perspective a s 'safe bets' in terms of credibility, financial situations, a n d the ability to provide strong impact reduction m e a s u r e s . Abigail Gilmore (2004) ultimately alludes to the idea that p e r h a p s there exists a "complex a n d ambivalent relationship" in the urban regeneration p r o c e s s between different interests in the city, a s d i c h o t o m o u s viewpoints for live m u s i c v e n u e s are reflected in the types of policies that influence opportunities a n d create barriers. Collectively current a p p r o a c h e s a p p e a r to hinder the ability for live m u s i c v e n u e s to b e c o m e a more a m e n a b l e part of urban life a n d culture. Ultimately, this thesis is c o n c e r n e d with exploring the c o n c e r n of how current land u s e a n d cultural planning policies play a central role in creating opportunities a n d barriers for live music v e n u e s in the city. Planning policy for the most part h a s a i m e d at protecting the public interest a n d supporting the quality of life for a community's citizens, in ensuring that certain basic amenities are provided. However this thesis a r g u e s that a s unique a n d potentially valuable parts of urban communities (in that they c a n contribute to cultural growth, creativity, e c o n o m i c development, a n d personal enjoyment) live music v e n u e s n e e d greater attention from policy a n d decision makers, particularly w h e n f a c e d with the serious land u s e c o n c e r n s they c a n present.  1.3  RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND OBJECTIVES T h i s thesis operates under the assertions that live m u s i c v e n u e s are  contested s p a c e s a n d the planning policy (from land u s e a n d cultural perspectives) h a s not c o n s i d e r e d them in w a y s that h a s a d d r e s s e d their p r e s e n c e in increasingly residential urban environments. Planning policies from both land u s e a n d cultural perspectives n e e d to be better integrated a n d responsive in order to a d d r e s s the land u s e c o n c e r n s surrounding live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d to identify their role a s part of the greater public g o o d . T h i s thesis w a s a n attempt to answer the following three questions:  6  1)  Why should live music venues be better considered in planning policies?  2)  How do planning policies (both from land use and cultural perspectives) create opportunities and barriers for live music venues?  3)  How might planning policy alternatives be used to better foster live music venues and address the concerns they may present?  4)  What is the role of a planner?  B a s e d o n these questions, the intended objectives of this research are to: •  Explore how planning policies presently a n d historically have b e e n u s e d to deal with live music v e n u e s ;  •  C r e a t e an analytical framework that better e x p a n d s understanding of why and how planning policies present live music v e n u e opportunities a n d barriers;  •  A n a l y z e a n d evaluate the strength's, w e a k n e s s , opportunities a n d threats related to existing planning policy;  •  Provide a range of potential policy alternatives.  •  D i s c u s s the role of the planner in planning for live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d spaces.  T h e policy alternatives presented at the e n d of this thesis were envisioned a s a m e a n s to better inform V a n c o u v e r authorities, planners, regulators, citizens, m e d i a , v e n u e operators, musicians, m u s i c lovers a n d ultimately policy m a k e r s by providing critical insight into s o m e difficult, elusive, a n d under-explored i s s u e s . It is h o p e d that the policy alternatives could s h e d light on bridging the experiential g a p s surrounding live music v e n u e s in the city.  7  1.4 DEFINITIONS O n e of the most pressing challenges in operationalizing this study w a s to define "live m u s i c venues". T h e study of music v e n u e s c a n be a problematic r e s e a r c h object b e c a u s e of the difficulty in documenting a n inherently erratic field of sites, with a constant birth a n d rebirth of v e n u e s , clientele, and styles ( H o m a n , 2003). T h e r e is also little c o n s e n s u s a s to what should be classified a s a live music v e n u e . F o r instance live m u s i c v e n u e s within the City of V a n c o u v e r c o m e in m a n y forms a n d have m a n y subtle distinctions. Restaurants, community centres, or nightclubs c a n e a c h be viewed a s a live music v e n u e . T h i s thesis w a s not c o n c e r n e d with any particular style or musical subculture, but rather in identifying a n d studying those s p a c e s that promote original live m u s i c performance a n d c o n s u m p t i o n . Popular music scholars s u c h a s S h a n e H o m a n have defined similar objects of study a s live "rock music v e n u e s " or "rock pubs". H o w e v e r in consideration of D J culture a n d other music formats that do not rely o n traditional instrumentation, s u c h labels b e c o m e m e s s y . A d e c i d e d effort w a s m a d e to distinguish the research object from u s e s s u c h a s d a n c e nightclubs, karaoke bars, or other v e n u e s with c a n n e d (or prerecorded) m u s i c that do not rely on a live performance c o m p o n e n t a s part of their entertainment programming. A live m u s i c v e n u e for the p u r p o s e s of this thesis w a s thus defined a s any establishment that incorporates the performance of live music, with a live a u d i e n c e present, a s part of their programmed u s e s a n d activities. T h e other c o n c e r n w a s to define the parameters of planning policy. Planning policy is also a n obtuse research object that c a n take into account m a n y different factors a n d directions. In particular there are two a r e a s of planning policy that were d e e m e d vital to investigate: land u s e a n d cultural policy. L a n d u s e policy it self h a s many considerations, however this thesis defines land u s e policy a s any form of planning that accounts for the present a n d future u s e of land. Cultural policy, while having discerning overlap with a r e a s of land u s e planning is defined a s those a r e a s of policy that account for the present a n d future cultural aims a n d objectives within a city mandate.  8  1.5  METHODOLOGY AND CRITICAL RESEARCH PARADIGM S c h e n s u l , S c h e n s u l a n d L e C o m p t e (1999) declare that a critical paradigm  p l a c e s e m p h a s i s o n r e s e a r c h a s a n empowerment tool, aiming to uncover social inequities a n d find w a y s to transform institutions, through dialogue, policy, political action. In adopting a critical a p p r o a c h , the goal of this thesis w a s to reveal possibilities for institutional transformation in identifying roles of policy in a largely under-explored terrain: planning for live m u s i c v e n u e s in the city. B y definition, a research methodology validates the rationale behind a selected r e s e a r c h d e s i g n a n d provides justification for why it is appropriate in solving the selected research problem. T h e particular research problem outlined in this thesis w a s multifaceted suggesting methodologies to reflect the difficult a n d robust nature of the issue. T h e methodological considerations of this thesis are outlined below.  M i x e d Method R e s e a r c h and Bricolage T h i s project s u g g e s t e d that a language of " c a s e s a n d contexts" be u s e d to go well b e y o n d a quantitative a s s e s s m e n t ( N e u m a n , 2000:122). A 'bricolage' technique w a s thus adopted throughout the extent of this research ( N e u m a n , 2000). T h i s technique required having a d e e p knowledge of materials, a n esoteric set of skills, and the capacity to c o m b i n e t h e s e different skills a n d understandings flexibly. T h e bricolage technique w a s essential in this study b e c a u s e the boundaries a n d distinctions inherent in the study of live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d the policies surrounding them are s o m e w h a t unclear a n d multifaceted. G e n e r a l l y researchers follow a 'path' when conducting their work, which s e r v e s a metaphor for the s e q u e n c e in which research is carried out. In this regard the r e s e a r c h r e s e m b l e d a qualitative research direction in that it d o e s not typically follow a simple linear direction. Rather the direction is more cyclical in nature. Qualitative research a p p r o a c h e s e m p h a s i z e the ability to draw o n a variety of skills, materials, a n d a p p r o a c h e s a s they are n e e d e d , usually without  9  being able to plan for them in a d v a n c e ( N e u m a n ,  2000). In this way, the r e s e a r c h  presented here h a s a strong qualitative element. W h i l e retaining the principle e l e m e n t s of qualitative r e s e a r c h , other more quantitative elements a n d directions were also included. N e u m a n  (2000) notes that researchers who strictly a d h e r e to  either linear quantitative or more nonlinear qualitative styles c a n have a difficult time communicating with o n e another. C o n s i d e r i n g N e u m a n ' s c o m m e n t s on the nature of r e s e a r c h d e s i g n , a n effort w a s m a d e to incorporate mixed methods that could compliment the complexity a n d reciprocal nature of the problem.  Exploratory A p p r o a c h T h e r e s e a r c h a p p r o a c h of this thesis w a s primarily exploratory in nature. R e s e a r c h e r s explore w h e n there  is a lack of scientific knowledge about the  group, p r o c e s s , activity or situation but believe there is s o m e worth in discovering new knowledge. T h e main goal of exploratory r e s e a r c h is to generate inductivelyderived generalizations about the group, p r o c e s s , activity or situation  under  study. With this a p p r o a c h , r e s e a r c h m a y be guided by s o m e theoretical direction; however,  the theoretical  framework  tends to e m e r g e  through the empirical  p r o c e s s itself.  A detailed d i s c u s s i o n of the m e t h o d s u s e d in this thesis is provided in C h a p t e r 2.  1.6  THESIS OVERVIEW Following this introduction, C h a p t e r 2 consists of a breakdown of the  m e t h o d s u s e d in conducting the r e s e a r c h for this thesis. C h a p t e r 3 begins a review of relevant literature. H e r e theoretical a n d historical explorations are u s e d to explain: •  T h e contested nature of live m u s i c v e n u e s ;  •  H o w live  m u s i c v e n u e s have  been  d e s c r i b e d a n d defined in  planning policy;  10  •  H o w planning policies play a role in a d d r e s s i n g live music v e n u e s .  E a c h a s p e c t of this chapter explores the difficulties of integrating  live m u s i c  s p a c e s into city s p a c e s . T h e last section of C h a p t e r 3 identifies an  analytical  framework created a n d u s e d to guide the empirical r e s e a r c h . C h a p t e r 4 consists of the c a s e e x a m p l e s . T h e cities of A u s t i n , C a l g a r y , M a n c h e s t e r , and Seattle are examined  and  discussed  v e n u e s a n d entertainment. Chapter  5  framework  regarding  their  various  a p p r o a c h e s to  live  music  A s u m m a r y is presented at the e n d of the chapter.  is c o m p r i s e d of  a Vancouver case  study. T h e  same  analytical  is applied to this chapter a s w a s u s e d in the c a s e e x a m p l e s . Using  the information provided in the V a n c o u v e r c a s e study, C h a p t e r 6 then consists of a S W O T analysis of planning policies a s they relate to live m u s i c v e n u e s in V a n c o u v e r . Finally, C h a p t e r 7 provides s u m m a r i z e d a n s w e r s to the  research  questions a n d provides policy alternatives for the City of V a n c o u v e r . C o n c l u d i n g remarks a n d s u g g e s t i o n s for further study are then d i s c u s s e d .  11  CHAPTER 2 -  METHODS  T h e objective of this chapter is to describe the methods u s e d in this thesis. A s noted in the previous chapter this thesis e m p l o y e d a mixed method and exploratory a p p r o a c h . T h e r e s e a r c h involved 5 b a s i c p h a s e s : personal observation, gathering of supporting information, d e v e l o p m e n t of a conceptual framework, primary data collection, and analysis. T h e r e s e a r c h p r o c e s s and methods are d e s c r i b e d in detail below. R e s e a r c h a s s u m p t i o n s a n d limitations of the methods selected are also d i s c u s s e d .  2.1  RESEARCH PROCESS  T h e r e s e a r c h p r o c e s s undertaken for this thesis c a n be approximately divided into 5 main p h a s e s : 1.  Personal  observation—the  r e s e a r c h p r o c e s s b e g a n with the observation of  the fact that live m u s i c v e n u e s p o s e a problematic land u s e issue. Having witnessed several live music v e n u e s d i s a p p e a r or f a c e extinction d u e to development  pressure, bylaw violations, or market failure  I developed  a  personal curiosity in exploring the role that planning policy plays in addressing this issue of live music v e n u e s being incorporated into the city. 2.  Gathering  of supporting  information  - the next stage in this p r o c e s s involved  the gathering of literature a n d materials that supported my initial observations and provided d i s c u s s i o n a s to how live m u s i c v e n u e s might be better fostered and a c c o u n t e d for in planning policy. 3.  Development  of a conceptual  framework—  the proceeding step involved the  review of a range of literature that d e s c r i b e s the origins, nature, and impacts of live m u s i c v e n u e s in the city, and provides w a y s through which land u s e and cultural planning policy a p p r o a c h the issue. T h e literature w a s u s e d to develop a framework through which to b a s e the empirical c o m p o n e n t s of the study a n d to illustrate the roles of policy in planning for live m u s i c v e n u e s .  12  4.  Primary  data collection—  employed  for  data  both c a s e example and c a s e study methods were  collection.  The  case  examples  involved  a  detailed  d o c u m e n t review and w e b - s e a r c h for information. T h e c a s e study r e s e a r c h w a s conducted through a d o c u m e n t variety  of  actors  involved,  and  review,  surveys with  structured  interviews  music v e n u e  with a  owners  and  operators. E a c h of these methods is d e s c r i b e d in more detail below. 5. Analysis—the  analysis portion of the thesis f o c u s e d more specifically o n the  V a n c o u v e r c a s e study. F o r e a c h method of data collection a  systematic  a p p r o a c h of documentation and coding data w a s u s e d to gain an overall understanding of the results.  T h e y were then read more systematically and  c o d e d according to key t h e m e s that e m e r g e d (Miles & H u b e r m a n ,  1994).  T h e general frequency of particular r e s p o n s e s and information w a s recorded. C o d i n g differentiated  between different types of policy a s determined in the  analytical framework. Using the information gathered a S W O T analysis w a s then e m p l o y e d considering all of the findings. T h e S W O T analysis w a s also used to re-introduce a n d d i s c u s s the main t h e m e s a s explored in the literature review. A more detailed description of the S W O T analysis is also provided below.  2.2  RESEARCH ASSUMPTIONS AND BIASES T o e n h a n c e the understanding of r e s e a r c h findings, r e s e a r c h e r s should  be aware and acknowledge their own a s s u m p t i o n s and b i a s e s ( P a y n e & P a y n e , 2004). P e r h a p s the most transparent bias o n which this thesis is premised is the belief that having more diverse live m u s i c v e n u e s in the city is a valuable a n d achievable e n d . T h e r e is also a notion that planning policy c a n play a substantive role in addressing live music v e n u e s . I feel strongly that there is substantial value to having greater opportunities for creativity a n d enjoyment in the city. Planning literature indicates that live music v e n u e s are not often well a d d r e s s e d in policy. T h i s thesis will aim to illustrate that policy r e s p o n s e s have b e e n poor at best in addressing the multitude of physical, social, environmental, a n d e c o n o m i c  13  impacts attached to live entertainment a n d m u s i c in the city. T h i s is particularly troubling s i n c e live m u s i c v e n u e s and entertainment are s o ingrained with the realities and conflicts inherent in urban life.  2.3  METHODS C o n s i d e r i n g the broad, complex, s o m e w h a t elusive nature of this study, it  w a s determined that multiple methods were n e e d e d to a c h i e v e the intended o u t c o m e s . T h e triangulation of multiple m e t h o d s w a s thus envisioned a s a m e a n s to e n s u r e that n u m e r o u s perspectives a n d i d e a s could be e x p r e s s e d , a n d also to better e n s u r e the validity a n d reliability of the findings.  Literature Review A literature review w a s u s e d to situate the policy implications of live m u s i c v e n u e s in a theoretical planning context. T h e initial objective w a s to u s e the literature review to explain how live music v e n u e s h a v e b e e n dealt with in the realms of land u s e a n d cultural planning respectively. After considerable exploration a n d consideration, it w a s determined that in order to a c h i e v e the intended o u t c o m e s of providing policy alternatives, the following 3 a r e a s n e e d e d to be elaborated o n : 1) T h e place of live music v e n u e s in land u s e planning 2) N e w land u s e c h a l l e n g e s facing live m u s i c v e n u e s 3) T h e amenity value of live m u s i c v e n u e s Most importantly the literature review itself served a large role in helping to inform the d e v e l o p m e n t of the r e s e a r c h question, m e t h o d s of empirical data collection, a n d the analytical framework. In this s e n s e the literature review h a d a reflexive a n d fundamental role in directing e a c h s u b s e q u e n t a s p e c t of this thesis.  Empirical Data C o l l e c t i o n Empirical data collection implies the gathering of the primary data for analysis. F o r this p u r p o s e this thesis relied o n two overarching a n d distinct  14  methods: c a s e e x a m p l e s and a c a s e study. Explanations for e a c h are provided below. Within e a c h of these two methods there were specific data gathering techniques u s e d .  Case Examples Conducting r e s e a r c h o n more than o n e c a s e (multiple c a s e studies) contributes to the credibility of the results. Yin (2003) a d v i s e d that multiple c a s e s should be conceptualized a s replicating a n experiment.  O n c e conclusions have  b e e n drawn under o n e set of conditions, the experiment c a n be replicated to determine if the results c a n be duplicated. F o r this thesis, it w a s determined that the f o c u s w a s to be o n V a n c o u v e r . H o w e v e r there w a s still a belief in the value of learning from other e x a m p l e s . C a s e 'examples' were thus u s e d a s a m e a n s to obtain important anecdotal information, confirm the appropriateness of the analytical framework, a n d to test the applicability of the framework for the City of V a n c o u v e r . F o r this purpose 4 cities were selected to provide insights into possible policy options a n d scenarios: Manchester, Calgary, Seattle, a n d Austin. T h e selection of e a c h city for the c a s e e x a m p l e s w a s b a s e d o n their respective e x p e r i e n c e s in dealing with live m u s i c a n d entertainment. T h i s c a s e e x a m p l e method offered the ability to view i s s u e s surrounding live m u s i c v e n u e s from a n u m b e r of different contexts without the burden of a detailed multiple c a s e study or comparative c a s e study analysis. F o r the c a s e example c o m p o n e n t , there w a s primarily o n e data r e s e a r c h method e m p l o y e d . A document  and  article  analysis of municipal policies a n d  reports pertaining to live music v e n u e s w a s u s e d . V a r i o u s articles a n d writings were also consulted and a n a l y z e d to obtain background information, items of historical significance, and a s e n s e of the major i s s u e s in e a c h city. D e p e n d i n g on the availability of information, d o c u m e n t s a n d articles were obtained online or through library s e a r c h e s .  T h e analytical framework established a s part of the  literature review served a s the basis of the information collected.  15  C a s e Study A n in depth single c a s e study looking at V a n c o u v e r w a s a central c o m p o n e n t of this thesis (Yin, 1991). Robert Yin (1991) identifies that a n u m b e r of different c a s e study methodologies exist. However the single c a s e study application w a s the most appropriate to a c h i e v e the goals of this thesis, a s the o u t c o m e s were directed specifically to the V a n c o u v e r context. A c a s e study is a detailed enquiry into a single e x a m p l e (of a social p r o c e s s , organization, etc) s e e n a s a holistic unit ( P a y n e & P a y n e , 2004).  For  this p u r p o s e it w a s important to provide a f o c u s e d a n d in depth examination of the r e s e a r c h universe ultimately effected by the p r o p o s e d policy alternatives.  As  described by Yin (2003) a c a s e study:  "investigates a  contemporary p h e n o m e n o n within its real-life  context,  especially w h e n the boundaries between p h e n o m e n o n a n d context are not clearly evident. . . you would u s e the c a s e study method b e c a u s e y o u deliberately want to c o v e r contextual conditions —  believing that they  might be highly pertinent to your p h e n o m e n o n of study" (p.13).  B e c a u s e the level of detail w a s significantly greater than the c a s e e x a m p l e s , m u c h more intensive r e s e a r c h data gathering m e t h o d s were n e e d e d , a s s u c h holistic perspectives invariably suggest multiple m e t h o d s of data collection ( R o b s o n , 2002).  T h e following outline the 3 methods of data collection e m p l o y e d for the V a n c o u v e r c a s e study.  •  Policy and Document Review Municipal policies a n d reports pertaining to live m u s i c v e n u e s were  reviewed extensively. D o c u m e n t s a n d reports were either obtained online or attained through contact with municipal staff. T h e objective of this method w a s to obtain accurate information of policies both past a n d present.  16  •  Interviews Expert, structured interviews were c o n d u c t e d with planners, regulators,  enforcement agents, a n d policy m a k e r s within the City of V a n c o u v e r . All interviews were c o n d u c t e d either in-person or via telephone a s a structured set of questions a n d followed o p e n e n d e d conversation. T h e r e were several criteria u s e d to select interview  participants.  The  individual had to have a) worked for the municipality in s o m e capacity a n d b) worked in a capacity which m a y s o m e h o w impact policy related to live m u s i c venues. Purposive, participants.  snowball  Purposive  representative.  Instead,  sampling  samples  was  are  not  employed aimed  to at  identify being  interview statistically  individuals are selected b e c a u s e their experience is  judged by the researcher to be of interest to the r e s e a r c h objectives. Snowball sampling, which c a n be s e e n a s a particular type of purposive sampling, involves using individuals from the population of interest to identify other m e m b e r s of the population  who  become  participants ( R o b s o n ,  participants  and  also  identify  further  potential  2002). Snowball sampling w a s u s e d in order to identify  additional individuals with experience relevant to the research topic. All interview participants were first a p p r o a c h e d over email or telephone with the delivery of a letter of introduction a n d a description of the r e s e a r c h . Seven  interviews  were  conducted  in total.  The  b a c k g r o u n d s of  the  participating interviewees were varied a n d included those from policy planning, cultural  planning,  enforcement.  community  Ultimately  some  planning,  license  interviewees  and  could be  bylaws, identified  health,  and  a s having  a  background in more than o n e planning a n d policy a r e a . Their e x p e r i e n c e s in various realms ultimately s h a p e d their perspectives a n d e x p e r i e n c e s with live music v e n u e s and policy.  17  A structured interview p r o c e s s w a s u s e d w h e n conducting the interviews. B a s e d on the literature review a n d the resulting analytical framework, a series of questions were d e v e l o p e d in order to gain insights into 5 key a r e a s . T h e first 4 a r e a s are identified in the analytical framework. T h e 5  th  area of questioning w a s  an addition aimed at learning more about the existing conditions of live m u s i c v e n u e s in V a n c o u v e r , with no direct policy orientation. T h i s area w a s f o c u s e d o n obtaining the subjective insights of the interviewees related to live m u s i c v e n u e s themselves. T h e a r e a s of questioning were a s follows: 1)  L o n g R a n g e and Strategic Planning  2)  Regulation  3)  Cultural Planning Initiatives  4)  Financing a n d the S e c u r i n g of Public Amenity  5)  Venue Types  A s a m p l e of the interview questions typically u s e d in these interviews is included in A p p e n d i x A . T h e wording a n d ordering of the questions e m p l o y e d in each  interview  varied  somewhat  specialization of the interviewee.  depending  on  the  experiences  and  Interviews took place in person or over the  p h o n e w h e n an in-person interview w a s not available. E a c h in-person interview took  place  at  the  interviewees'  workplace.  Generally  the  interviews  lasted  between 30 and 50 minutes.  •  Live Music Venue Operators Survey Another data collection method u s e d in this study w a s to survey live m u s i c  v e n u e operators in V a n c o u v e r . T h i s survey w a s devised to gain insight into live music issues from the perspective of those directly involved in v e n u e operation and their relationship to policy. T h e survey w a s targeted at all identifiable live m u s i c v e n u e s in the city of V a n c o u v e r . A d d r e s s e s , email a d d r e s s e s , a n d telephone n u m b e r s were collected from advertisements, telephone directories, a n d the internet. All potential  18  participants were first a p p r o a c h e d over email or over the telephone with a letter of introduction and description of r e s e a r c h . In total there w a s a n attempt to contact 37 v e n u e s in the city. T h i s number did not represent all v e n u e s in the city but only those for which a method of contact w a s m a d e publicly available via a telephone n u m b e r or email a d d r e s s . T h e criteria for participation in the survey were that the v e n u e had to have s o m e form of live music entertainment a n d that the respondent had to have b e e n involved in the m a n a g e m e n t a n d operations of the v e n u e . A total of 14 v e n u e operators were r e a c h e d and a g r e e d to participate in the survey, indicating a n approximately 39%  participation rate. In the c a s e of those that did not r e s p o n d , in  most instances it was d u e to a lack of effectively establishing communication a n d not having requests for participation returned. Often v e n u e operators work unusual and sporadic hours, making contact doubly difficult. All completed surveys were eventually c o n d u c t e d over the telephone or via email correspondence. T h e survey questions t h e m s e l v e s were d e s i g n e d to respect the framework established in C h a p t e r 3. T h e 4 a r e a s of policy established in the analytical framework were thus incorporated into the survey questioning. O n e of the original intentions of the survey w a s to u s e the data collected a s a m e a n s of establishing a typology of live m u s i c v e n u e s in V a n c o u v e r . T h i s would have allowed v e n u e s of different s i z e s a n d orientations to be easily c o m p a r e d . A lack of r e s p o n s e s m a d e this task unfeasible. Despite this setback, questions of a more technical and operational order were incorporated into the questions. A list of the key a r e a s of questioning is s u m m a r i z e d in the following: 1)  L o n g R a n g e a n d Strategic Planning  2)  Regulation  3)  Cultural Planning Initiatives  4)  Financing a n d the S e c u r i n g of Public Amenity  5)  Operational details  A s a m p l e of the S u r v e y questions is provided in A p p e n d i x B.  19  C o m p l e t e d surveys were not isolated to any o n e particular area of the city but represent a broad range of locations. In this s e n s e the sampling method w a s r a n d o m . S i z e and musical orientation were also well distributed.  SWOT Analysis Planners, policy makers, a n d city m a n a g e r s tend to d i s c u s s trends in city m a n a g e m e n t relative to policy function. T h u s there w a s a n e e d to c o n s i d e r policy in w a y s that could be strategic, nimble, and responsive in order to offer useful insights a n d alternatives ( K a u f m a n a n d J a c o b s , 1987). T h e environment for local planning policy is constantly changing with planners needing to stay o n top of a c o m p l e x set of community d y n a m i c s . T h i s is particularly true in dealing with the shifting nature of live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d s u b s e q u e n t policies. With this in mind, another consideration of this thesis w a s to explore the possibilities of applying a strategic planning model to analysis the data. Within the context of this thesis, the notion "Strategic Planning" w a s ideally s e e n a s a n a p p r o a c h that could be helpful for: •  Setting future policy direction a n d actions;  •  Acquiring, developing and m a n a g i n g r e s o u r c e s ;  •  Organizational and collaborative learning, plus innovation a n d improvement;  •  Influencing a n d managing stakeholders  Overall strategic planning s u g g e s t s the identification of a n d r e s p o n s e to c h a n g e s b e y o n d the control of an organization (in this c a s e planning policy), a n d from this provides future direction. With this a p p r o a c h there w a s a great deal of importance placed o n analyzing the specific situation a n d how the environment is c h a n g i n g . Within a planning policy context, there are a great n u m b e r of environmental factors s u c h a s e c o n o m i c a n d political d e v e l o p m e n t s , strategies by private actors a n d government a g e n c i e s , a n d changing regulations a n d techniques that effect live m u s i c v e n u e s . T h e notion behind adopting a n  20  a p p r o a c h of this nature w a s that it incorporated complexity a n d interpretation in order to m a k e clear the opportunities a n d threats over the f o r e s e e a b l e future. T h i s would allow the researcher to m o v e forward with potentially achievable g o a l s a n d alternatives. Central to the strategic planning model w a s the u s e of a S W O T analysis, which identifies Strengths, W e a k n e s s e s , Opportunities and Threats ( S W O T ) , a s the basis for future strategy formulation. A S W O T analysis w a s b e g u n by s c a n n i n g the environment, selecting key i s s u e s , stating a mission and formulating g o a l s , undertaking internal a n d external a n a l y s e s , developing strategies, a n d formulating plans for strategic action (Kaufman and J a c o b s , 1987). In line with the stated objectives of this thesis, e a c h element of the S W O T analysis w a s undertaken with the aim of developing potential planning policy alternatives for live music v e n u e s in the City of V a n c o u v e r .  2.4 STUDY LIMITATIONS If time a n d r e s o u r c e s had permitted, this research could have b e e n strengthened by expanding questioning to include non-planners a n d city officials s u c h a s c o m m u n i t y - m e m b e r s and residents. However, given the exploratory nature of this study, beginning with the perspectives of those involved directly in planning policy a n d live music v e n u e operation were s e e n a s a n appropriate place to begin to look at policy a n d how it is constructed. It is also quite feasible that a multiple c a s e study analysis or a c a s e c o m p a r i s o n study would have also proven effective in this r e s e a r c h . Additional insights into policy a n d live music v e n u e s could have b e e n gained by also exploring a single policy a s p e c t s u c h a s regulation or though looking at the effects of policy o n a single live music v e n u e example. Ultimately trade-offs between depth and breadth must be m a d e w h e n designing r e s e a r c h . T h e study d e s i g n presented here allowed for a detailed understanding of the range of perspectives on policy a n d day to day operations of live music v e n u e s .  21  T h e policy alternatives presented at the end of this thesis were also d e s i g n e d a n d envisioned to act a s limited d i s c u s s i o n s on live m u s i c v e n u e s in V a n c o u v e r a n d the planning policies that affect them. A n initial decision w a s m a d e to limit the physical s c o p e of the study primarily to the City of V a n c o u v e r , both to create a m a n a g e a b l e research universe, a n d in recognition that V a n c o u v e r s e r v e s a s a cultural a n d entertainment hub of the region in which it is situated. A n a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t w a s m a d e that a c o m p r e h e n s i v e study of live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d s u b s e q u e n t policies should involve consideration of a complex interplay of factors a n d c o n c e r n s a s everything from popular tastes a n d a u d i e n c e d e m a n d to political climate a n d real estate e c o n o m i c s c a n have impacts. While t h e s e diverse elements are c o n s i d e r e d o n s o m e level, this thesis w a s b a s e d specifically o n planning policies on a local level. A s a result, certain limitations in this study should be noted. It should also be noted that this thesis knowingly e x c l u d e s a n important a s p e c t of live m u s i c that is tied intricately to v e n u e s . A study of live music s p a c e s should a c k n o w l e d g e that rehearsal a n d creation s p a c e s are linked intimately with performance s p a c e s . M u s i c creation in this instance implies rehearsal a n d studio s p a c e s , or the 'behind the s c e n e ' locations where musicians a n d artists live a s well a s create a n d practice their art.  In d i s c u s s i n g live music v e n u e s , this thesis  c o v e r s the performance realm quite extensively w h e r e a s m u s i c rehearsal a n d production s p a c e s are not integrated or considered greatly in this study. While it is b e y o n d the s c o p e of this thesis to explore creation s p a c e s in detail, the importance of production/rehearsal should not be ignored in broader policy d i s c u s s i o n s b e c a u s e there are inextricable links between music production, performance, a n d c o n s u m p t i o n (City of V a n c o u v e r , 1995a).  2.5 VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY Despite the complexity of the i s s u e s d i s c u s s e d in this thesis it w a s important to c o n s i d e r the reliability a n d validity of the research being c o n d u c t e d .  22  T h e credibility of a study is ultimately determined by the reliability and validity of the r e s e a r c h m e t h o d s e m p l o y e d ( R o b s o n , 2002). In this instance 'reliability' refers to the extent to which the results of the research are replicable, provided that certain basic conditions a n d m e t h o d s remain the s a m e . It is felt that similar r e s e a r c h techniques a s the o n e s e m p l o y e d in this thesis could produce similar findings. H o w e v e r certain time sensitive limitations should be recognized. B y the time of completion of the written c o m p o n e n t of the thesis, 3 of the 14 v e n u e s s u r v e y e d h a d shut down or c h a n g e d ownership. T h i s illustrates the difficulty in selecting live m u s i c v e n u e s a s a r e s e a r c h object. Validity ultimately refers to the ability of the research techniques to capture the characteristics of the c o n c e p t s being studied ( P a y n e and P a y n e , 2004). For this thesis, a n audit trail of r e s e a r c h activities, s u c h a s interview documentation, c o d i n g , a n d data analysis contributes to both the reliability and validity of the r e s e a r c h by reducing the threat of r e s e a r c h e r bias to whatever d e g r e e possible ( R o b s o n , 2002). T h e validity of the r e s e a r c h w a s theoretically a s s u r e d through the u s e of triangulation. In this way multiple s o u r c e s of data e n h a n c e d the rigor of the r e s e a r c h ( R o b s o n , 2002).  23  C H A P T E R 3 - LITERATURE REVIEW  T h e aim of the chapter is to identify the a r e a s of planning policy most pertinent to incorporating live m u s i c v e n u e s into city s p a c e s T o a c h i e v e this aim, the chapter explores pertinent literature in order to identify the place of live m u s i c v e n u e s within land u s e planning, new a n d emerging planning c h a l l e n g e s , a n d live m u s i c v e n u e s a s a n amenity. F r o m the literature a n analytical framework w a s created b a s e d on  the primary ways in which planning policies play a  role  a d d r e s s i n g live m u s i c v e n u e s .  3.1  THE PLACE  OF LIVE MUSIC VENUES IN LAND USE  PLANNING T h e w a y in which land is u s e d , m a n a g e d , a n d regulated h a s a central role in defining a city's character, potential for development, a n d impacts on the natural, social, a n d e c o n o m i c environment ( H o d g e , 2003). T h e practice of zoning w a s p r e m i s e d o n the protection of the public's health, a n d the amelioration of conditions injurious or h a z a r d o u s to the physical well-being of people or property ( L e u n g , 2003). T h e 'public interest' h a s thus b e e n positioned at the forefront of land u s e planning practice, c o n c e r n i n g itself with everything from health and safety, c o n v e n i e n c e , aesthetics, institutional efficiency, a n d equity, to the environment, physical growth, energy, heritage, transportation, infrastructure, housing (affordable housing), a n d amenity. In understanding the d y n a m i c nature of l a n d - u s e planning a n d its relationship to live m u s i c v e n u e s , it is important to explore zoning's roots in North A m e r i c a a n d the s u b s e q u e n t effects this has had in casting live m u s i c v e n u e s a s a n u i s a n c e . A s s u c h health a n d safety h a v e historically b e e n viewed a s the primary justifications for m o d e r n land u s e planning a n d zoning ( H a a r a n d K a y d e n , 1989; L e u n g , 2003). M a n y of today's zoning a n d s u b s e q u e n t public health laws in both C a n a d a a n d the United States have evolved from a n a l o g o u s legal a n c e s t o r s : the " c o m m o n law of public  24  nuisance",  the e x p a n s i o n of state police powers, a n d the protection of private  property rights.  L a n d Use P l a n n i n g and Z o n i n g O r i g i n s L o n g before zoning had b e c o m e a recognized legal planning m e c h a n i s m , various forms of regulation were p u r s u e d a s w a y s of m a n a g i n g land u s e , preserving public order a n d regulating n u i s a n c e . Industrializing cities of the 1 9 and 2 0  t h  th  century e n c o u r a g e d large n u m b e r s of new p e o p l e a n d activities into  cities, often bringing new problems a n d c h a l l e n g e s ( H o d g e , 2003). T h e sanitary provisioning of housing with waste d i s p o s a l , sunlight, transportation opportunities, water s y s t e m s , a n d a host of other s e r v i c e s in industrialized cities would eventually be c o n s i d e r e d vital in tackling the problems of public health, e p i d e m i c d i s e a s e , i n c r e a s e d urban c o n g e s t i o n , noise, a n d pollution c o n n e c t e d to growth ( L e u n g , 2003). W h a t would ultimately c o m e to distinguish zoning a s a n urban m a n a g e m e n t practice w a s the application of land u s e standards by "districts" a n d "pre-prescribed" a r e a s of the city, characterized by a distinct separation of u s e s ( H o d g e , 2003). T h i s practice h a d its b a s i c origins in G e r m a n y a n d quickly s p r e a d to other industrializing parts of the world (Rabin, 1989). Public health a n d w a s often p l a c e d at the forefront of this m o v e m e n t . A landmark court ruling o c c u r r e d in the U . S during the 1926 c a s e of A m b l e r Realty vs. the Village of Euclid where the S u p r e m e Court officially recognized zoning's health basis. T h i s w a s the first instance in which z o n i n g w a s legally permitted. T h e Euclid zoning law protected nearby residential property from the n u i s a n c e of industrial d e v e l o p m e n t sought by the A m b l e r realty firm. H e r e health a n d safety were very visible c o n c e r n s a n d ultimately fundamental in the adoption of zoning law. It w a s proclaimed that Euclid's legal rationale f o c u s e d o n the protection of individual property rights, interests of residential neighborhoods, a n d the public interest a s a whole (Schilling a n d Linton, 2005; H a a r a n d K a y d e n , 1989). Euclid is generally c o n s i d e r e d a hallmark of m o d e r n zoning in North A m e r i c a , helping to define the notion of "as-of-right"  25  development, a n d inscribing the types of laws that cite the intrusion of "nonresidential" u s e s into "residential" u s e a s a significant detriment to the welfare of residents a n d personal property rights (Rabin, 1989).  Nuisance, z o n i n g , and live m u s i c T h e concept of n u i s a n c e is o n e the primary w a y s in which i s s u e s relating to live music v e n u e s a n d nighttime entertainment are c o m m o n l y dealt with ( H o m a n , 2003). T h e "law of nuisance" w a s a c o m m o n law from which zoning e m e r g e d . It essentially prevents o n e landowner from using his or her land in w a y s that would interfere with the productive u s e of a neighbour's land ( L e u n g , 2003). U n d e r the c o m m o n law, p e r s o n s in p o s s e s s i o n of real property are entitled to the quiet enjoyment of their property. If a neighbour interferes with that quiet enjoyment, either by creating smells, s o u n d s , pollution or any other hazard that extends past the boundaries of the property, the affected party m a y m a k e a claim in n u i s a n c e . O v e r t i m e a s the law of n u i s a n c e b e c a m e difficult to administer m a n y jurisdictions adopted a s y s t e m of zoning to d e s c r i b e which activities are acceptable in a given location. Live m u s i c v e n u e s in m a n y instances are a u s e s e e n to bring forth significant zoning c o n c e r n s b e c a u s e of the impacts they have o n surrounding communities a n d u s e s ( H o m a n , 2003). Z o n i n g logic s u g g e s t s that u s e s s u c h a s live m u s i c v e n u e s are to be kept out of the way of certain residential a n d commercial interests. H o w e v e r since the separation of u s e s is not a uniformly simple task in m a n y cities, a n d s i n c e live m u s i c v e n u e s tends to operate within the confines of other commercially defined activities, z o n i n g c o m m o n l y includes regulation of the kinds of activities which will be a c c e p t a b l e o n a particular piece of land. T h e intention of zoning in m a n y w a y s s e r v e s to diminish any potential impacts or n u i s a n c e on communities. In their ideal forms, "zoning practices strive to a c h i e v e utilitarian o u t c o m e s by framing h o m o g e n o u s a r e a s of interests a n d activities, a n d delineating other land uses" ( H o m a n , 2003:117). Z o n i n g thus h a s a built-in-bias to protect the  26  status quo a n d individual property rights ( L e u n g , 2003). While a powerful a n d s u c c e s s f u l land m a n a g e m e n t tool, zoning practices ironically tend to reflect the increasing individualization of modern society and the valorization of personal f r e e d o m s a s m u c h a s they do the public interest. B y controlling land u s e s a n d densities which are not compatible, zoning extols the virtues a n d benefits of u s e separation, exclusion, regulation, and private property rights a s a m e a n s to preserve or e n h a n c e property value, u s e , a n d order (Rabin, 1989). Planning practice h a s also aimed to ameliorate land u s e s that are traditionally ignored by the market (visual amenities, parks, community centres, culture, etc) and help those people that are e x c l u d e d . L e u n g (2003) c o n t e n d s that these types of planning c o n c e r n s , while b a s e d firmly in the public interest, run contrary to the c o n c e p t of z o n i n g , which by nature e m p h a s i z e s land u s e compatibility with 'established interests' in mind. A c c o r d i n g to G e r a l d H o d g e (2003) the 1982 C a n a d i a n Constitution s u g g e s t s that the only true land owner is the S o v e r e i g n state, with "landowners" acting a s "privileged tenants" of the S o v e r e i g n body. Yet land property rights in C a n a d a specify a 'bundle of rights' a s the parameters for land ownership, rather than the single rights of a land owner. T h e notion of a 'bundle of rights' provides the legal b a s i s for C a n a d i a n communities to constrain, through regulation, the u s e s m a d e of all parcels of land. Within this context, the notion of land ownership a n d property rights are something that should be m a n a g e d in the n a m e of the public interest. C o r e elements of health, safety, c o n v e n i e n c e , social equity, e c o n o m i c efficiency, environmental quality, energy, aesthetics, a n d amenity are thus effectively sanctioned by law a s legitimate public p u r p o s e s to be p u r s u e d through land u s e planning ( L e u n g , 2003). However, when d i s c u s s i n g live m u s i c v e n u e s the i s s u e of the "public interest" is a precarious question. T h e irony is that to s u p p o s e that there is a greater "public interest" s u p p o s e s that there is a single public with which s o m e h o w overrides conflicting a n d varying individual, c l a s s , a n d functional interests. T h e question of what constitutes "nuisance" c a n thus be inherently b i a s e d w h e n the zoning a n d regulation n e e d s of singular interests (in this c a s e , residential a n d other b u s i n e s s  27  interests) are u s e d to define parameters. A s c o m m e r c i a l sites often situated within or near residential a r e a s , live music v e n u e s , restaurants, clubs or any other establishment u s e d to host live music events c a n present a c o n s i d e r a b l e zoning a n d regulatory question mark. T h i s is simply b e c a u s e live m u s i c v e n u e s do not easily conform to zoning standards that are typically applied to "commercial u s e s " s u c h a s a s h o p s , office buildings, or residential u s e s a n d dwellings in most jurisdictions.  Policing Power T h e C a n a d i a n constitution and land u s e law inherently instill the idea of C a n a d i a n society a s respectable and orderly. T h i s plays heavily w h e n considering live music v e n u e s . B y fundamentally identifying where live m u s i c v e n u e s c a n exist, a n d by further defining the conditions under which they must operate, zoning a n d regulation play important roles in the location opportunities for culture a n d leisure activities in the city. However more than that, what h a s occurred throughout the 2 0  t h  century h a s b e e n the evolution of zoning a s a land  use planning tool to regulate land u s e within increasingly c o m p l e x physical settings, to something that emulates rudimentary policing power, affecting a multitude of important h u m a n events and activities ( A b e l e s , 1989). C o m m u n i t i e s a n d cities often c o m b i n e n u m e r o u s a s p e c t s of n e e d a n d desire into hybrid general/land u s e plans that contain policies covering everything from environmental, social, e c o n o m i c , housing, infrastructure c o n c e r n s , land classification, spatial growth policy, d e s i g n , aesthetics, a n d d e v e l o p m e n t m a n a g e m e n t programs (which lay out standards a n d p r o c e d u r e s that guide a n d pay for growth) (Kaiser, 1995). Here it b e c o m e s important to note that the m a n n e r and extent to which zoning and land u s e planning influence everyday activities are of central c o n c e r n to live m u s i c v e n u e s , a s zoning a n d broad land u s e plans are widely c o n s i d e r e d important tools in the treatment of certain social ills.  28  In his book on the s o u n d s c a p e of the city, R. Murray S c h a f e r (1994) contends that the modern city is b e c o m i n g increasingly more e n v e l o p e d by noise. P l a n e s , automobiles, construction, a n d an array of other activities comprise the growing multitudes of s o u n d s in the modern metropolis. F r o m a land u s e perspective, many noise s o u r c e s are s e e n a s detrimental to quality of life of a city, while other s o called noise blend unnoticed into the urban tapestry without significant c o n c e r n . T h i s d i s c r e p a n c y p o s e s a n unusual question a s to how the noise of the city is m a n a g e d through land u s e planning. In light of the discussion o n n u i s a n c e , it would s e e m appropriate to extend S c h a f e r ' s notion of "noise" to go beyond simply s o n i c backdrops to also include the multitude of activities, events, a n d people within the city. In this instance "noise" works a s a fine allegory for both the s o u n d s of the city a n d the s o m e t i m e s c o m p l e x a n d m e s s y c o m p o n e n t s of urban life. F r o m this point of departure it is interesting to explore the extent to which m a n y cities aim to control a n d m a n a g e the noise of urban life. A s a prominent a n d usually visible reminder of the s o u n d s a n d n u i s a n c e s of the streetscape, live m u s i c v e n u e s , p u b s , restaurants, a n d bars where live music may be present offer tangible a n d therefore "manageable" targets for reform and regulation ( H o m a n , 2003). A s a result, inherently noisy land u s e s are most often subject to a host of rigorous noise laws (acoustic reports, soundproofing, etc.) a n d regulations. Not unlike the c o n c e r n s over intrusive industrial land u s e s that originally spurred the desire for z o n i n g , noise impacts, parking congestion, public disorder, youth culture, a n d alcohol consumption tend to be regarded a s a similar kinds of "nuisances" within traditional land u s e planning practices. T h e perennial problem in traditional land u s e planning is ultimately how to achieve a consistency amongst private a n d public d e c i s i o n s to "use a n d build upon land s o that, in aggregate; the results c a n represent greater community values" (Hodge, 2003: 92). T h e fact that live music v e n u e s are often a s s o c i a t e d with a number of externalities m a k e s them highly s u s p e c t land u s e s by typical zoning a n d planning standards. T h e circumstances, activities, location, a n d operation of live music v e n u e s c a n be s e e n to run counter to the prevailing  29  values, character, a n d land u s e s with m a n y communities. Margo Huxley explains that most residential amenity laws a n d regulations are in fact "connected to the preservation and maintenance of 'the family', with 'recuperative leisure' central to quality of life" (Huxley a s cited in H o m a n , 2003: 133). It could easily be said that live music v e n u e s represent more active forms of leisure b e c a u s e of their potential externalities, a n d thus fall outside of the realms d e s c r i b e d by Huxley.. S h a n e H o m a n (2003:133) s u g g e s t s that regulatory s c h e m e s a s s o c i a t e d with land u s e planning have evolved to control things s u c h a s "noisy" m u s i c v e n u e s through a variety of stigmatizing a n d discouraging policies. In attempts to preserve the public interest, health standards, safety c o d e s , community character, a n d property v a l u e s live m u s i c v e n u e s are often subject to a host of rigorous laws a n d policies that do not necessarily coincide with the best interests of live music v e n u e s t h e m s e l v e s . A c c o r d i n g to H o m a n , a c o m m o n list of policies that are often attached to live music v e n u e s a n d that c a n adversely affect programming a n d operation include: 1)  N o i s e laws that reinforce private residential rights against c o m m e r c i a l entertainment u s e s .  2)  Stringent "hours of operation" policies.  3)  C o m m i t m e n t to eliminate binge drinking a n d its a s s o c i a t e d behaviours.  4)  T h e improvement of infrastructure a n d the promotion of "respectable" consumption through various redevelopment/restoration initiatives.  5)  Public a s s e m b l y a n d mandatory staffing laws.  6)  Insertion of "public benefit" tests, o p e n h o u s e s , a n d hearings in the consideration of d e v e l o p m e n t s a n d licenses for u s e s that provide live entertainment.  Public Morals: Planning for the Day vs. Planning for the Night T h e r e is a current of planning that s u g g e s t s that land u s e planning must balance the competing interests of residents, b u s i n e s s e s , a n d a myriad of stakeholders. T h i s b e c o m e s a p r o n o u n c e d issue w h e n dealing with live  30  entertainment and the dichotomy inherent between daytime and night u s e s . F o r the most part, nighttime is the adult world's s c h e d u l e d playtime, with the hours between work and sleep constituting the adult window of 'fun' (Dickout, 2004). However the notion of "adult play" is o n e routinely overlooked a n d misunderstood within land u s e planning. T h e performance and consumption of live m u s i c is often a nighttime activity with music v e n u e s representing non-materialistic plays p a c e s where people step out of the real world into a temporary s p h e r e of activity with a disposition of its own. T h i s typically translates into gatherings of people, spending their time, m o n e y , a n d energy o n activities that bring them pleasure a n d indulging in 'imaginative h e d o n i s m ' (Florida, 2002; 167). Florida s u g g e s t s the nightlife l a n d s c a p e is "the ultimate b o n a n z a for e x p e r i e n c e - s e e k i n g , leisure laden, and mobility-charged c o n s u m e r s instilling the individual with a genuine hunger for new experience a n d a desire to experiment with life" (ibid; 167). A liminal state is characterized by ambiguity, o p e n n e s s , a n d indeterminacy. Liminality is a period of transition, during which the normal limits to thought, self-understanding, a n d behavior are relaxed, opening the way to something new. While the daytime is typically filled with the hours of productive work a n d the activities of everyday life, live m u s i c v e n u e s are p l a c e s where people go at night to lose t h e m s e l v e s a n d their inhibitions amidst the s o u n d , activity, a n d h a p p e n i n g s around them. Yet the daytime world dictates a time limited period for this type of adult fun a n d activity, a n d regulations are set up to e n s u r e that nighttime activities do not impede the productivity of the next day. Generally s p e a k i n g , the self-interest of nighttime artists a n d pleasure s e e k e r s teeters o n a delicate b a l a n c e with the d e m a n d s of the next day. While it a p p e a r s that land u s e planning policy is not directly aimed at silencing live music v e n u e s and similar u s e s , it c a n help to m a k e operation difficult a n d locational opportunities s c a r c e . Unfortunately land u s e planning policy often d o e s not reflect performance d e m a n d s , a u d i e n c e sensibilities, or live music culture itself. Rather land u s e policies, be they in the form of zoning or regulations tend to be more directed towards preserving residential tranquility.  31  Difficulties in zoning and regulation for live music venues ultimately stem from the fact that often spaces used in the day for commercial, retail, office, or even residential use at night can quite feasibly become host to, loud music, drunken revelers, dancing, illicit activities, or simply congenial gatherings of people seeking escape and fun. In other words, the types of urban spaces that are generally zoned for live music can completely transform themselves from day to night. In this regard traditional zoning and regulatory notions have difficulty in accommodating a shifting balance between the self interest and enjoyment of those that often 'temporarily' occupy night spaces, and the collective interests of the permanent 'daytime' occupants (Dickout, 2004). It is hard to dispute that land use planning mechanisms such as zoning are mainstream components of city politics and power. Significant extensions and variations to zoning and land use planning have occurred in the past century, with Leung (2003) identifying at least six major additions to the zoning canon: planned unit development regulations, performance zoning, special district zoning, bonus regulations, transfer of development rights, and negotiated development/discretionary zoning. While it is beyond the scope of this thesis to explore each of these zoning tools and variations, it is important to note that each of these tools have also attempted to address conflict, nuisance, and amenity in some form. Despite the evolving nature of zoning and regulatory practice, the basic concepts of zoning have not strayed in their tendency to reflect certain "daytime" biases and impel public morals.  Public Morals Land use planning often reflects a marked consideration of public morals and values attached to nighttime activities. Both zoning and regulations are essentially means to sanction activities and uses deemed appropriate for specific areas or communities. In this light live music venues can become reduced to a question of sanctioned events, activities, and spaces that the public supports, versus unregulated businesses that pipe loud music and create a troublesome burden for nearby residential communities. In this regard live music venues are  32  o n e type of u s e s e e n to require diligent m e a s u r e s of control a n d , if possible, separation b e c a u s e of the moral panics that they are liable to incite ( H o m a n , 2003). T h e notion of public morals plays a significant role in almost any consideration of live m u s i c v e n u e s and entertainment. In this instance the idea of public morals refers to s e c o n d a r y i s s u e s related to the public interest that may be d e e m e d nebulous, potentially conflicting, or immoral. Live m u s i c v e n u e s , nighttime entertainment, gambling, alcohol, and e v e n large s e g m e n t s of the arts often fall under s u c h scrutiny (Leung 2003). H o m a n (2003) similarly d e s c r i b e s live m u s i c v e n u e regulation a s a n issue centered on "moral panics". T h i s term refers to regulatory r e s p o n s e s b a s e d o n the fears society h a s surrounding noise, s u b s t a n c e a b u s e , violence, youth culture, a n d a host of other s o called "deviant" activities that veer from the status quo. Both L e u n g and H o m a n effectively contend that planning r e s p o n s e s to unplanned or unruly elements of society are often manifested in the desire to rigidly control land u s e s that support s u c h activities. Public morals ultimately  play heavily into live m u s i c v e n u e s . T h r o u g h  various c h a n n e l s of entertainment (including live music) people of different a g e s , social c l a s s e s , ethnic a n d racial groups, and lifestyles c a n interact in informal a n d unplanned ways. T h i s mixture hidden fantasies  by drawing  "plays out the eroticism of life a n d uncovers us out from  our s e c u r e  routines  in order  encounter the novel, the strange, a n d the surprising" ( S a n d e r c o c k , 1998:  to  210).  H o w e v e r this idea of surprise is often counter intuitive to m a n y elements of land u s e planning policy which aims to control the  unknown,  reduce harm,  and  essentially eliminate the possibility for experiencing surprise. A s Sennett (1970) d e s c r i b e s , by controlling the frame of what is available in regards to forms of social interaction, the s u b s e q u e n t path of social interaction itself is also t a m e d , altered, or diluted. T h e realities of most planning policy is that it tends to reflect a n inert h u m a n desire to avoid pain a n d create a n "order of living that is immune to variety a n d the inevitable conflicts of life" (Sennett, 1970: 96). In this s e n s e the actual f r e e d o m  a n d diversity within a vibrant  community is s o m e t i m e s less  important than the creation of a community that is conflict free (Sennett, 1970).  33  W h e n conflict arises in the city over something like live music v e n u e s , often  no  real  conception  exists  amongst  most  professional  planning  establishments, regulators, m e d i a , enforcement a g e n c i e s , or e v e n citizens a s to how t h e s e conflicts c a n be e x p r e s s e d fully without leading to violence or harm to individual interests. Richard Sennett (1970) stipulates that m a n y of the desires of planning, z o n i n g , a n d regulation in the 2 0  t h  century have a s a result led to an  a d o l e s c e n t society that is unable to c o p e with complexity, diversity, a n d conflict in cities.  From  his  perspective,  it is rare  that  planning  could e v e n  begin  to  contemplate the promotion of social situations that might lead to any form of c o m m u n a l tension, disturbance, or the e n c o u r a g e m e n t of differences (Sennett, 1970). W h a t s o m e of the literature s e e m s to s u g g e s t is that often lost in planning d i s c u s s i o n s is that tensions a n d conflict, e v e n amongst land u s e s , are a n integral part of what m a k e s urban communities vibrant (Sennett,  1970). O n e of the  biggest i s s u e s that planning policy must contend with w h e n looking at live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d live entertainment  is the idea that conflicts or tensions tend to be  viewed simplistically a s a threat to s o m e idealistic and better 'conflict-free' city life. U s i n g L e u n g ' s (2003) public morals terminology, he c o n t e n d s that the location of establishments s u c h a s c a s i n o s , bars, a n d entertainment v e n u e s are subject to specialized land u s e a n d zoning policies using two major a p p r o a c h e s . T h e first is to concentrate s u c h establishments into o n e location s o that their collective impacts c a n be contained. T h i s might also be d e s c r i b e d a s a clustering a p p r o a c h . T h e s e c o n d a p p r o a c h is to disperse the u s e s in question throughout the community s o that their individual impact c a n be minimized. In the e n d , both a p p r o a c h e s a s s u m e that there is inherently something sinister, immoral, improper, or harmful related to the activities or social o u t c o m e s a s s o c i a t e d with live m u s i c a n d other troublesome u s e s .  34  S p e c i a l District P l a n n i n g A s zoning a n d practice, special district zoning h a s gained a great deal of prominence throughout the latter half of the 2 0  t h  century. "Special district" zoning  h a s evolved with the idea that districts c a n be created with regulations tailor m a d e to the specific c i r c u m s t a n c e s in a particular area ( B a b c o c k a n d L a r s e n , 1990). Furthermore, this method of planning is often u s e d a s a way to e n s u r e that public morals are a d d r e s s e d . N o longer narrowly limiting to very specific u s e s , special districts are b r o a d - b a s e d plans intended to preserve a n d e n h a n c e a r e a s of a city which, b e c a u s e of their singular characteristics are "important to the city's wealth a n d vitality" or conversely detrimental ( B a b c o c k a n d L a r s e n , 1990: 4). Characteristically u s e d to deal with neighbourhood problems, preserve a n d foster important civic amenities, regenerate neighbourhoods, instill civic identity, or to isolate the less desirable elements of the city, special district "solutions" or "cures" h a v e c o m m o n l y manifested a s 'entertainment' or 'arts' districts. Ultimately the u s e of special district planning often implies that there is something that must be fixed: whether it is a lack of cultural s p a c e s , the desire to create a more vital city, or simply to contain troublesome n u i s a n c e s . T h e technique itself h a s b e e n d e s c r i b e d a s a n effective tool in protecting particular a r e a s from reckless d e v e l o p m e n t a n d a d d r e s s i n g smaller unique a r e a s of a city in a f o c u s e d m a n n e r ( B a b c o c k a n d L a r s e n , 1990). B a b c o c k a n d L a r s e n (1990) contend that the political will for special district planning is often the result of neighbourhood planning p r o c e s s e s that f o c u s o n preserving the status q u o . B a b c o c k a n d L a r s e n (1990) also note that while o n p a p e r special districts are politically very attractive, they are administratively very t e n u o u s a n d c o m p l e x to effectively put into action. T h e creation of a n "entertainment district" c a n also reflect a reactive method of planning policy that often gets mired in policing c o n c e r n s a n d control, rather than education, prevention, a n d participatory civic life. T o plan a special district is to ultimately c o n c e d e the n e e d for control despite the potential fun to be h a d . A s a result, diverse activities tend to be "ruled by their lowest c o m m o n denominators", perpetuating sterile, predictable, controlled, and often limited  35  c h o i c e s , be they for entertainment, live music, or living d a y to d a y (Sennett, 1972: 94).  3.2 EMERGING PLANNING  CHALLENGES  Planning h a s b e e n widely counted on a n d expected to help m a n a g e sustainable development, create vital a n d interesting cities, a n d maintain livable communities ( G o d s c h a l k , 2004). H o w e v e r urban s p a c e s in the 2 1  s t  century city  are b e c o m i n g more c o m p l e x a n d are facing increasingly difficult land u s e planning c h a l l e n g e s . A s m a n y cities transition their e c o n o m i e s and s e e k redevelopment of their inner c o r e s , the separation of u s e s characteristic in the industrial a n d post-industrial city of the past have b e g u n to blur ( H o m a n , 2003). C o n c e r n s over the nature of industrial/production s p a c e , c o n s u m p t i o n , privacy, creativity, livability, a n d vitality h a v e seemingly all at o n c e b e c o m e hot button topics, e a c h spawning new d e b a t e s . T h e d i s c u s s i o n here f o c u s e s o n the issue of s p a c e a n d the value of having live m u s i c in those s p a c e s . At the core of this is the notion that differing spatial n e e d s m a k e the g o a l s of creating d y n a m i c urban centers contentious a n d exceedingly difficult. A s T o m Hutton (2004) c o n t e n d s , a collision is occurring between the n e e d for certain basic socio-spatial order, regulation, a n d the "chaotic patterns of 'incipient' p o s t - m o d e r n i s m in the 2 1  s t  century." In other words, the increasingly mixed s p a c e s of living, work, a n d entertainment are b e c o m i n g increasingly contested with growing interests, intentions, a n d ideas of how to u s e s p a c e , a n d what the u s e of s p a c e signifies.  The Creative Multi-textured City and Contested S p a c e T h e rapid influx of new g r o u p s , residents, a n d activities into formerly underutilized a r e a s have the t e n d e n c y to generate increasing stress a n d tensions, a s new s p a c e s of "multiple belongings" have e m e r g e d ( C o s t a , 2004; Hutton, 2004). A i d e d a n d abetted by increased residential growth a n d new industry sectors, the City of V a n c o u v e r s e r v e s a s o n e e x a m p l e of North  36  A m e r i c a n cities s e e k i n g redevelopment of their inner c o r e . E m e r g i n g a n d constitutive new relationships between culture, creativity, e c o n o m y , amenity, and s p a c e have brought forward the n e e d to reevaluate city s p a c e s a n d traditional m e a n s of land m a n a g e m e n t that have typically dealt with difficult u s e s s u c h a s live m u s i c v e n u e s . Friction a n d conflict arises in part b e c a u s e of c h a n g e s in the physical a n d s o c i o e c o n o m i c character of urban communities, with m a n y users vying to o c c u p y the s a m e types of s p a c e s . T h e problem is that without efforts to mitigate the external impacts of s o m e u s e s a n d suitable s p a c e s to a c c o m m o d a t e both residential a n d b u s i n e s s interests, live m u s i c v e n u e s sit in a precariously vulnerable position for m a n y of the r e a s o n s d i s c u s s e d a b o v e . T h e notion of 'contested s p a c e s ' utilized for this thesis w a s b a s e d o n the idea that public s p a c e s a n d the physical l a n d s c a p e of the city are invested with cultural ideology. A d d e d to this are the notions that the l a n d s c a p e c a n h a s the ability to s h a p e the behavior of inhabitants a n d u s e r s , a n d c a n thus be a profound e x p r e s s i o n of social control a n d power. In contested s p a c e s , competing culture groups a n d u s e r s strengthen a n d legitimize t h e m s e l v e s by investing the l a n d s c a p e with their own ideology (Bollens, 2002). In particular, the i s s u e s of diversity, difference, a n d conflict that surround live m u s i c s p a c e s were identified a s having the ability to evolve into situations of division, anxiety, fear a n d violence (Bollens, 2002; S e n n e t , 1972). Live m u s i c v e n u e s in this way were viewed a s contested s p a c e s in this thesis a n d s e e n a s particular elements of the urban l a n d s c a p e that c a n potentially paralyze a n d impoverish community enrichment p r o c e s s e s w h e n not properly c o n s i d e r e d . In keeping with the idea of 'contested s p a c e ' C h a r l e s Landry notes that new inner city populations a n d activities require urban settings that are able to "project s p a c e , o p e n n e s s , a n d social interaction" with "quality of life" now a s s o c i a t e d with a diverse a n d multi-textured cultural milieu (2000:85). T h e ability of a city to provide for a n d define s p a c e s of 'creativity' a n d 'fun' are also two of the characteristics that Richard Florida implores c a n m a k e cities desirable and p r o s p e r o u s (Florida, 2002). T h i s idea reflects the notion there is a d e m a n d for certain types of s p a c e s within the city; o n e s that are rich with amenity, character,  37  and opportunity. Largely directed towards mobile, non-local a n d corporate capital, property d e v e l o p e r s , high i n c o m e urbanites, professional workers, a n d increasingly families, creative a n d c o n s u m p t i o n b a s e d sectors have b e c o m e influential in defining the s h a p e a n d function of nightlife s p a c e s , a n d cities t h e m s e l v e s (Florida, 2002). N e w trends in urban growth a n d d e v e l o p m e n t stress the c o s m o p o l i t a n , culturally diverse, a n d multi-textured urban nature of cities (Florida, 2002). T h i s h a s typically involved a renewed e m p h a s i s o n city-centre living, b u s i n e s s service employment (and the s o called dematerialized a n d k n o w l e d g e - b a s e d E c o n o m y ) , a n d a greater e c o n o m i c role for c o n s u m p t i o n - b a s e d leisure activities (Zukin,1995; W o r p o l e a n d G r e e n h a l g h , 1996; H a n n i g a n , 1 9 9 8 ; Chatterton a n d Hollands, 2002). A s a result, residential mega-projects, new industry, a n d s p a c e s of consumption s o m e of the e l e m e n t s that typify the c h a n g i n g urban l a n d s c a p e (Hutton, 2004). Notions of industry, creativity, livability, lifestyle, a n d s p a c e have in this way b e c o m e inextricably linked to culture a n d amenity, resulting in the generation of new c o m p l e x strategies often combining e l e m e n t s of advertising, s a l e s , industry, retail, h o u s i n g , a n d entertainment (Zukin, 1998, Hutton, 2004). M a n y emerging city a r e a s o n c e viewed a s the urban fringes a n d sites of declining industry a n d deterioration are now taken a s key sites of creativity, lifestyle, a n d subculture (Zukin, 1998). Richard Florida (2002) also routinely invokes the i d e a s of J a n e J a c o b s by expounding the inherent value of multi-textured a n d diverse urban life. During the day,  cities exhibit  their  primary  strengths through job  market diversity  and  e c o n o m i c outputs in global markets. H o w e v e r for a city to be multi-dimensional s p a c e s for nightlife, entertainment, a n d culture have to complement  (not conflict  with) the strength of the city's daytime operations a n d u s e s . In Florida's s c h e m e , the d y n a m i c nature of night s p a c e s a n d activities act a s o n e barometer determining the  e c o n o m i c health a n d overall creative  in  a t m o s p h e r e of a city  (Chatterton, 2000; Lloyd a n d Clark, 2000; Florida, 2002). Essentially the thought g o e s that o n c e a certain level of b a s i c s h o p s , s e r v i c e s , facilities a n d  other  amenities are provided for, the p r e s e n c e of nightlife s p a c e s (such a s live m u s i c  38  v e n u e s ) c a n a d d amenity value to urban s p a c e s (Bianchini, 1995; Florida, 2002; Chatterton a n d Hollands, 2003). However the Florida (2002) a p p r o a c h ultimately fails to a d d r e s s the conflicts that p r o c e s s e s of structural c h a n g e a n d d e v e l o p m e n t inevitably invoke. Florida a p p e a r s to s e e s p a c e s for nighttime entertainment (which are extended here to live music v e n u e s ) a s s o m e w h a t of a 'neutral territory' where p e o p l e feel stimulated and challenged through a type of social contact more socially h e t e r o g e n e o u s than work, s c h o o l , or h o m e environments. While this argument certainly has merit, this position d o e s not recognize conflict in the city a n d the role planning policy h a s typically played at attempting to minimize a n d eliminate conflict. In writing extensively o n rock m u s i c culture a n d m u s i c v e n u e s in Australia G i b s o n a n d H o m a n (2004) are quick to point out that p r o c e s s e s of urban c h a n g e a n d growth have a n u n c a n n y ability to p r o d u c e contradictory o u t c o m e s . W h i l e new firms, workers, a n d residents might be drawn to the congeniality of the inner city's amenities a n d the multi-textured urban environment, these s a m e traits c a n also prove to be a s o u r c e of contention. T h i s is largely a result of two difficult a n d s o m e t i m e s contradictory i d e a s of livability a n d vibrancy. O n o n e level, the notion of a 'livable' city is n e b u l o u s , often suggesting notions of p e a c e f u l , convenient, a n d altogether enjoyable p l a c e s . W h e r e a s vibrancy c a n at the s a m e times run counter to peaceful urban living ( H o m a n , 2003). T h e reality in the multi-textured city is that o n e pertinent type of conflict arises w h e n residential u s e s attempt to o c c u p y the s a m e s p a c e s or are in c l o s e proximity to active a r e a s (often with entertainment or live m u s i c v e n u e s for example). M u c h of what h a s b e e n trumpeted in the emerging "creative city" literature s p e a k s little to the conflicts inherent in multi-textured urban environments. A critical g a p in the literature exists concerning the contested nature of s p a c e , u s e s a n d the problems inherent with a n intensive a n d vibrant urban environment.  39  Over regulation, Gentrification, and Disappearing Opportunities Using Gibson and Homan's critical perspective, the pervading view of the "creative city" also turns its back on the potential gentrification, exclusionary outcomes, and conflict choosing instead to focus more on economic competitiveness, attractiveness, amenity, and prescribed diversity. The attraction of successful industry, artists, professionals, and most recently families, to live, work, and play is a central component of the creative city. While there are many perceived benefits to this rationale, new development and the accommodation of the creative classes can also represent a move towards more 'security and amenity based urbanism' (Davis, 1992). This idea represents a political culture where, despite the physical realities of multi-textured urban life, attempts are made to distance itself from the unpleasant realities such as inequality, raucous activity, noise, crime, poverty and homelessness (Chatterton and Hollands (2002). Despite the so called urban renaissance, what is inherent in new urbanization processes has been an intensification of socioeconomic inequalities. According to Chatterton and Hollands (2002) this results in the persistence of polarizations in terms of land use, labour, and housing markets. Planning policies designed to improve or maintain certain levels of amenity tend also tend to follow shifts in the class nature of an area (Kendig as cited in Homan, 2003). This can result in the displacement of existing populations and activities. Godschalk (2004) refers to this as the "gentrification conflict". This conflict is something that arises from competing beliefs in the preservation of urban neighborhoods for the benefit of their present populations and use, versus redevelopment and upgrading in order to attract middle to upper class populations and families back to the central city (Godschalk, 2004). In the case of many inner city locations, where many music venues and artists themselves have traditionally located due to affordability, general tolerance, diversity, and ample space, a gentrification process has the real possibility of pushing uses such as live music venues out. There are also concerns that dominant audiences for live music and entertainment can tend to be mainstream, higher-spending, consumption groups  40  s u c h a s young professionals. T h i s is an example of where other groups (such a s y o u n g people, those with few resources a n d 'alternative' cultures) c a n be marginalized ( T o o n , 2000; M a c D o n a l d , 1997). S h a n e H o m a n (2002) furthers this idea and contends that new c y c l e s of gentrification lead to unevenly regulated high-density development clusters, which tend to be o c c u p i e d by groups a n d individuals who manifest their own conceptions of visual, tactile, a n d acoustic privacy. T h u s the very creative, active, a n d artistic a m b i a n c e d e e m e d important to draw people to urban p l a c e s in the first place c a n ironically be diluted and subverted by those s a m e people who e n a m o r to m a k e the community their h o m e . A c c o r d i n g to Laura P o p e (2002a) the issue of nuisance surrounding u s e s s u c h a s live music is about property owners not wanting 'non-owners' to o c c u p y or c o m p r o m i s e their s p a c e , resulting in the desire to implement appropriate m e a s u r e s of control (i.e. curfews) a n d regulation. W h a t b e c o m e s more apparent in the multi-textural city is a d y n a m i c tension between the liminal characteristics of live music v e n u e s a n d ironically the right to private a n d quiet enjoyment of urban s p a c e . R e g a r d l e s s of where tensions stand, the burden of over-regulation  is a consistent complaint heard  from those that provide m u s i c entertainment ( H o m a n , 2003). Yet certain g r o u p s a n d individuals, including residents groups, city governments, police departments, a n d e v e n planning departments, do not always take the s a m e position. M a n y of these c o n c e r n e d community groups a n d residents c a n tend to argue that too m u c h regulation and intervention is never e n o u g h w h e n it c o m e s to sites of music, drinking, gambling, d a n c i n g , a n d entertainment ( H o m a n 2003). V o c a l residents associations and anti-noise communities typically dispute any label which s u g g e s t s they are a group of dedicated 'fun haters' trying to destroy nighttime fun a n d b u s i n e s s profits. P o p e (2002b) s u g g e s t s that g r o u p s who d o tend to o p p o s e nighttime u s e s generally regard externalities a s a natural by-product of popular cities undergoing unwieldy growth a n d c h a n g e . T h i s represents a n acknowledgment of the tensions between the interests of residents a n d b u s i n e s s e s in sharing the s a m e city centers a n d s p a c e s . H o w e v e r P o p e  41  (2002b) also c o n v e y s that there is a lack of education and c o m p r o m i s e . s o a s not to unduly polarize s e g m e n t s of the permanent population. Difficulty still lies in ensuring that live music v e n u e s are not put at a disadvantage (as they too h a v e a rightful stake in how s p a c e a n d land is used). T h e point is that c o n c e r n s over externalities c a n not be separated from the expectations, v a l u e s , a n d understanding that there are both a d v a n t a g e s a n d d i s a d v a n t a g e s in c h o o s i n g to live in a multi-textured urban environment.  3.3 LIVE MUSIC VENUES AS PUBLIC AMENITIES U p to this point m u c h h a s b e e n d i s c u s s e d in regards to the w a y s in which the negative impacts of live m u s i c v e n u e s in the city play a role in policy. However there is also a considerable amount of literature that also s u g g e s t s the great importance of live music v e n u e s in urban s p a c e s .  Live M u s i c V e n u e s as 3  r d  S p a c e s - the s o c i a l benefits of live m u s i c  Live m u s i c performance maintains a great social importance that g o e s beyond mere consumption or entertainment. A s a generator of collective c o n s c i o u s n e s s a n d identity, m u s i c c a n help to s h a p e community, civic, a n d e v e n regional identify (Gill, 1993). Cities a n d regions are known to pride t h e m s e l v e s o n the incubation of nationally a n d internationally s u c c e s s f u l artists a n d m u s i c s c e n e s . W a r r e n Gill (1993) h a s d o c u m e n t e d this p h e n o m e n o n in the Pacific Northwest by describing the "Northwest S o u n d " . Including V a n c o u v e r a s part of his analysis, he d i s c u s s e s the birth of a regional s o u n d and music community b a s e d on g a r a g e rock in the Pacific Northwest throughout the late sixties a n d into the early 1980's. While the work of W a r r e n Gill a n d a number of other ethno-musicologists often s p e a k to s o m e of the more broad implications of m u s i c identity, smaller instances a n d opportunities for live m u s i c at the local level are equally important to the social life of a city. A s Frederic J a m e s o n notes, it is in the social realm, a n d  42  through p l a c e s s u c h a s live performance s p a c e s , that the public is formed, a n d where public attitudes are generated ( J a m e s o n cited in Attali, 1983). H a y d e n (1995) furthers the idea that stories and local identity are often associated with physical s p a c e s (such a s live music v e n u e s ) , which act a s "storehouses for social memories" (9). W a r r e n Gill (1993) e m p h a s i z e s that the "production a n d reproduction of social life are a result of a d y n a m i c p r o c e s s of conflict between individuals or groups a n d the structural elements that constitute society" (122). A s a social p h e n o m e n o n live music performance s p a c e s themselves function a s a site of social e x c h a n g e , often a c c o m m o d a t i n g a plurality of communities, activities, identities, and histories (Bennett, 2000). In this regard, live m u s i c v e n u e s have long provided outlets for a c c e s s i b l e local music making a n d opportunities for social interaction (Bennett, 2000). Although sometimes a s s o c i a t e d with r a u c o u s a n d disorderly behavior, live m u s i c v e n u e s allow people (whether artist or a u d i e n c e member) to lay a s i d e the burdens of regimented society to f o c u s on the sensations, activities, a n d s o u n d s that bring pleasure (Dickout, 2004). In the 'Great G o o d Place", Oldenburg (1999) alludes to these types of s p a c e s a s "third places". "Third places" are p l a c e s where people c a n gather, put aside the c o n c e r n s of work a n d h o m e for the pleasures of g o o d c o m p a n y , lively conversation, or personal fulfillment.  In e s s e n c e Oldenburg (1999) argues that  these activities are at the heart of a community's social vitality a n d the grassroots of d e m o c r a c y . However live m u s i c v e n u e s are unique in that they are able to provide a dynamic interface between the a u d i e n c e , musicians, and the s p a c e itself, e a c h playing essential a n d reciprocal roles. M o r e importantly local m u s i c v e n u e s act to particularize p r o c e s s e s of musical production a n d consumption, with artists a n d a u d i e n c e linked by c o m m o n locality a n d experience. W a r r e n Gill (1993) characterizes the d y n a m i c p r o c e s s e s created by live music v e n u e s through a n analysis of what he refers to a s the "locale", which he d e s c r i b e s a s a specific setting for interaction. Gill (1993) further s p e c u l a t e s that local facilities a n d live music v e n u e s are principal s o u r c e s of innovation a n d c h a n g e .  43  The Political-Economy of Live Music In addition to live music performance s p a c e s being important sites of culture and socialization, they are also inextricably linked to d y n a m i c e c o n o m i c p r o c e s s e s a n d s p e c t a c l e . T h e s e idea are linked to s o m e d e g r e e by the idea that live music requires s p a c e s to be both p r o d u c e d a n d c o n s u m e d . A n increasing body of work h a s b e g u n to examine how culture, entertainment, a n d c o n s u m p t i o n relate to urban development (Clark, 2004a). P e o p l e live, work, a n d play in cities, with e a c h of these a s p e c t s of urban life informing where and how e a c h of these activities takes place. A s d i s c u s s e d at length in the a b o v e sections, m a n y local authorities are now concentrating upon re-invigorating city centres, promoting urban tourism, a n d building cultural capital. A s a result Clark (2004) states that the old mantra citing the importance of land, labour, a n d capital m a n a g e m e n t a s the m e a n s to generate e c o n o m i c development has b e c o m e too simple. U r b a n public officials, b u s i n e s s e s , a n d non-profit groups are now using culture, entertainment, a n d urban amenities a s a central tool for e c o n o m i c growth a n d urban development (Clark, 2004). M u c h political and urban thought in the past h a s treated "entertainment" a s fluff and insignificant. S o called "trivial" issues surrounding arts a n d culture h a v e b e g u n to a s s u m e larger political meaning a n d importance. A c c o r d i n g to Clark (2004) this is b e c a u s e most people relate on s o m e level to personal consumption i s s u e s a n d that they are beginning take o n a heightened political power in reshaping more traditional e c o n o m i c outlooks. Typically the production a n d consumption of m u s i c is explained by reference to national (or international agencies): the music b u s i n e s s , broadcasters, a n d the industry that defines a u d i e n c e s a n d tastes nationally a n d internationally. H o w e v e r there is also a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t of the importance of local m u s i c a s playing a n important albeit small role a s a corollary of national/international c y c l e s of production a n d consumption (Wallis a n d M a l m , 1984). F r o m this perspective it would a p p e a r that m u s i c production and consumption at the local  44  level serve the broader national and international p r o c e s s e s at play. Live music v e n u e s at the local level have very important a n d largely under-acknowledged roles in the creation of s p a c e s for performance that help a n d allow the m u s i c industry to take s h a p e . Ultimately locally b a s e d "cultural facilities" or "locales" c a n serve a s part of a broader global community of m u s i c i a n s , a u d i e n c e s , a n d industry. F o r m this standpoint "cultural facilities" s u c h a s local live m u s i c v e n u e s help to attract a u d i e n c e s and people, project local identity to wider markets, provide both creative a n d e c o n o m i c opportunities, a n d e n c o u r a g e consumption of place at a more or less local level (Scott, 1997;  Landry, 2000; Chatterton a n d Hollands,  2003). A s Lily K o n g (2000) remarks, the relationship between culture a n d e c o n o m i c s is dialectical, in the s e n s e that while local cultures contribute to the nature of e c o n o m i c activity, e c o n o m i c activity is also part of culture generating a n d innovation cycle itself. In this regard local live m u s i c v e n u e circuits are widely regarded a s 'incubators' for artists seeking larger national a n d international s u c c e s s . M u s i c i a n s , m a n a g e r s , a n d recording c o m p a n i e s c o m m o n l y share a belief in the value of the live circuit in preparing artists for a s u c c e s s f u l c a r e e r ( H o m a n 2003). A s W a r r e n Gill (1993) also iterates, the goal of m a n y aspiring musicians is to achieve a certain d e g r e e of regional, national, or international recognition. G e n e r a l s u c c e s s is largely contingent o n the styles, trends, a n d opportunities available a s a result of specific local conditions. Therefore limited opportunities for live m u s i c performance could effectively h a m p e r the extent to which local music development is c o n d u c t e d ( H o m a n , 2002). T h e m u s i c industry operates o n a n u m b e r of different functional levels ( C o h e n , 1991). In this d i s c u s s i o n it is a disadvantage to diverge too m u c h from the task of looking at how policy interacts with live m u s i c v e n u e s at the local level. However the m u s i c industry is characterized by a wide variety and diversity of skills and b u s i n e s s e s (ranging from individual musicians, m e d i a , retail stores, marketing a g e n c i e s , a n d m u s i c v e n u e s ) . While there is no denying the influence a n d power of national a n d international actors o n taste and c o n s u m p t i o n , C o h e n (1991) a n d F i n n e g a n (1989) together point to the fact that the c i r c u m s t a n c e s of  45  local activities c a n mediate and subvert the effects of centralized power a n d influence, with live performance s p a c e s serving a s a primary entry point for music producers a n d c o n s u m e r s alike. A s Attali (1985) bluntly d e s c r i b e s , wherever there is music, m o n e y is not far behind. Little a c a d e m i c study h a s b e e n d o n e directly looking at the e c o n o m i c implications of live music v e n u e s specifically. H o w e v e r a growing body of literature h a s explored the political-economy of the entertainment industry a n d it's various facets (Attali, 1985; Bianchini, 1995; E v a n s , 2001; Florida, 2002; Clark, 2004). T h i s is an important consideration b e c a u s e live music v e n u e s c a n figure prominently within this area of study. S o m e specific e x a m p l e s exist of cities that have f o c u s e d on music and entertainment a s prominent a n d profitable c o m p o n e n t s of cultural, social a n d e c o n o m i c life. Cities s u c h a s M a n c h e s t e r , Nashville, L a s V e g a s , Austin, M e m p h i s , a n d N e w O r l e a n s have crafted m u s i c entertainment a s defining points of civic identify. While only a few of these cities are to be explored in greater detail in the s u b s e q u e n t c a s e example chapter, the important element to c o n s i d e r is that for m a n y of t h e s e cities, live m u s i c is first a n d foremost c o n s i d e r e d an industry that is propelled by local d e m a n d a n d innovation. B e y o n d this music in t h e s e cities is also heavily influenced a n d supported by regional, national, a n d international interests in the m u s i c industry. A n d while a c a d e m i c literature h a s b e e n largely s c a r c e w h e n investigating the direct effect a n d importance of live m u s i c v e n u e s , cities s u c h a s Austin have c o m m i s s i o n e d studies that have specifically identified how m u s i c a n d live v e n u e s figure into the local e c o n o m y and policy considerations.  Cultural P l a n n i n g Cultural planning might generally be d e s c r i b e d a s a n alternative framework for urban cultural development. It is a framework that offers m e t h o d s to a d d r e s s the "bottom-up" strategy of fostering community cultural centers. M u c h of this h a s strong roots in the idea of local community n e e d s . In s o m e important w a y s cultural planning is also a r e s p o n s e to the notion that arts a n d culture p o s s e s a n important e c o n o m i c dimension (as d i s c u s s e d above), whether  46  justified by social welfare, community rationales, or commercial entertainment desires ( E v a n s , 2004). O n e particularly particularly important facet of cultural planning e x p r e s s e s the desire to treat the 'symbolic e c o n o m y ' of the city in e c o n o m i c terms ( E v a n s , 2004). H o w e v e r o n e of the fundamental aims of cultural planning is to help provide r e s o u r c e s a n d offer w a y s for public sector interventions to improve society, communities, a n d municipalities ( E v a n s , 2000). A s a facet of planning cultural planning is quite broad a n d complex, however s o m e the characteristic aims of cultural planning a s noted by B a e k e r a n d C r o t e a u (2002) include: •  Cutting a c r o s s disciplinary perspectives focused on a specific point of orientation with the goal of integrated cultural policy a p p r o a c h e s .  •  Creating community development principles, which stress the d e v e l o p m e n t of linkages, alliances and relationships a m o n g s t organizations at the community level. T h i s includes more than just cultural organizations, but also b u s i n e s s e s , municipal governments, a n d civil society organizations.  •  Constructing of cultural planning paradigms promoting culture a s a n a s s e t that c a n m a k e a contribution to all forms of development.  •  Framing of culture a s arts a n d heritage, a n d the broader framework of culture a s a way of life.  •  Utilizing new g o v e r n a n c e / d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g m o d e l s at the local level including cultural forums, roundtables, and ongoing coordinating efforts with the community.  Despite the broad a n d altruistic aims of cultural planning, there also exist s o m e pertinent criticisms of cultural planning a g e n d a s . T h e s e failures in particular have significant implications for the ability of cultural planning programs to a d d r e s s live m u s i c v e n u e s . Criticisms include the fact that: •  F o c u s h a s b e e n at the city centre, leaving the periphery marginalized.  47  •  Most public funding h a s b e e n designated towards existing facilities a n d institutions, with little available r e s o u r c e s to invest energy a n d capital into new creative or c o m m e r c i a l activities or programs.  •  Cultural strategies are often driven by tourism imperatives a n d there is a n e e d to m o v e from broader cultural strategies to those more integrated into other facets, s u c h a s e c o n o m i c a n d social development.  •  Barriers exist within municipal government structures a n d land u s e policies. (Baeker a n d C r o t e a u , 2002)  Public Amenities Public Amenities  might be best defined a s those elements of the urban  l a n d s c a p e that are provided by government for the benefit of the public to meet the n e e d s of residents, a n d e n h a n c e the livability of a community. Planning has traditionally b e e n rooted in the notion of providing for or safeguarding the public g o o d . W h i l e this is generally understood a s having a fundamental role in the protecting of the public from harm, it also requires providing certain public amenities that e n h a n c e the livability of a community (Mitteco, 2005). E l e m e n t s s u c h a s social housing, parks, waterfront a c c e s s , d a y c a r e centers a n d art are typically a m o n g the m a n y features that meet the daily n e e d s of residents a n d help define the quality of a community. H o w e v e r public amenities do not c o m e c h e a p . T h e financial burden of amenity provision is particularly difficult for local governments during the current era of d e c r e a s e d funding from senior levels of government; higher costs of providing services; escalating land costs; a n d a strong public aversion to property tax i n c r e a s e s (Mitteco, 2005). In m a n y municipalities, fiscal constraints are often c o u p l e d with rapid population growth a n d the d e m a n d s of providing infrastructure a n d amenities to serve new residents. G i v e n t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , municipalities have b e e n left with little c h o i c e but to look b e y o n d traditional revenue s o u r c e s to d i s c o v e r new amenity finance strategies. T h i s is typically d o n e in the form of  48  amenity contributions from d e v e l o p m e n t . Obtaining public amenities from new d e v e l o p m e n t in the from of in-lieu c a s h payments or the devotion of land or s p a c e are often a c h i e v e d a s a result of projects that require density i n c r e a s e s or land u s e c h a n g e s . While d e v e l o p e r s are not legally obligated to do s o , they will often agree to provide public amenities in order to a d d r e s s the c o n c e r n s of the municipality a n d increase the c h a n c e of their own project approval (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005a).  Typically the rationales a n d definitions of arts a n d cultural industries a n d facilities h a v e fallen into the following 3 categories:  Cultural  industries  - print a n d broadcast m e d i a , recorded music, d e s i g n ,  art markets, digital technology, a n d the "creative industries'  Cultural  tourism - arts a n d cultural v e n u e s , heritage sites and m o n u m e n t s ,  events a n d festivals  Arts amenities  - arts facilities a s public g o o d s , s u b s i d i z e d high/legitimated  arts, civic a n d local arts a n d entertainment facilities. ( E v a n s , 2004)  The 3  r d  definition noted a b o v e s u g g e s t s that local planning policies c a n have a  profound effect o n live m u s i c v e n u e s , particularly in helping to s e c u r e p l a c e s in the city. T h i s third definition is a l s o p e r h a p s most pertinent to this thesis. A n argument is m a d e by E v a n s (2004) that the social welfare c o n c e r n s a d d r e s s e d in the 3  r d  definition h a v e b e e n losing their place in resource a n d planning priorities.  A point of contention is that large facets of cultural planning tend to ignore more commercially b a s e d artistic e n d e a v o u r s . T h i s is particularly true in regards to popular m u s i c which c a n often blur the lines between c o m m e r c i a l arts, entertainment, a n d s u b s i d i z e d art forms.  49  N o n e t h e l e s s cultural facilities are o n e of the types of amenities typically d i s c u s s e d in relation to arts a n d culture. W h i l e arts, culture a n d heritage m a y not be typical "needs" in terms of a c c o m m o d a t i n g growth, policy often identifies that arts a n d culture help a c h i e v e other community objectives by: •  improving livability;  •  celebrating local identity;  •  promoting tourism;  •  improving the public realm;  •  creating a complete community by providing arts a n d cultural opportunities within the community.  H o w e v e r m a n y public sector amenity initiatives a n d cultural planning programs often f o c u s u p o n the more "traditional" or "high arts", with others d e s i g n e d to e n c o m p a s s art a s a broad term to e m p h a s i z e community involvement. Live music v e n u e s unfortunately tend to not fall in line with the typical parameters for the funding of public amenities, despite the c o n s i d e r a b l e amenity value they m a y provide a n d the fact that if well c o n s i d e r e d their ability to meet the a b o v e stated objectives of amenity planning. Ultimately two primary barriers exist a s to why m a n y live m u s i c v e n u e s are often not better included within the consideration of public amenities:  1)  T h e rationale for public a s s i s t a n c e is that often public amenities do  not generate profit a n d are less likely to be provided for by the private market. Unlike traditional art forms, live m u s i c v e n u e s (or at least m a n y popular m u s i c forms) h a v e often d e v e l o p e d a s c o m m e r c i a l a n d often forprofit enterprises. T h u s they are treated with overall reluctance by public support m e c h a n i s m s . T h e relationship between c o m m e r c i a l arts, entertainment, a n d the s u b s i d i z e d arts is s e e n a s a n important consideration that is largely unexplored a n d u n q u a l i f i e d ( E v a n s , 2004).  50  2)  Live music v e n u e s represent a unique a n d contested idea of what  c a n constitute a public amenity. T h e y have a t e n d e n c y to operate a s high intensity u s e s . T h i s p l a c e s live m u s i c v e n u e s in a c o n u n d r u m , a s there are significant s e g m e n t s of society that are liable to view their p r e s e n c e a s more a n u i s a n c e than a n amenity.  Live music v e n u e s are not just a n individualized or private sector c o n c e r n ( H o m a n , 2003; E v a n s , 2004, C o h e n , 1991). T h e irony of excluding live m u s i c v e n u e s from consideration a s a n amenity is that there are marginalized groups of people in the prevailing mainstream marketplace that could greatly benefit from greater public support, particularly in securing a d e q u a t e s p a c e . T h e s e include grassroots organizations a n d youth a m o n g s t others. Important government a n d collective d e c i s i o n s at a local level ultimately have t r e m e n d o u s public effects a n d have the ability to create great public amenity in regards to live m u s i c s p a c e s . T h e s e d e c i s i o n s in turn c a n shift options a n d opportunities for live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d entertainment. Using d e v e l o p e r amenity contributions m a y be o n e s u c h m a n n e r in which this area could be further explored.  3.4 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK T h e objective of this literature review w a s to explore how planning policies from both land u s e a n d cultural planning perspectives h a v e a d d r e s s e d live m u s i c venues. T h e overall p r o c e s s of this literature review itself w a s a reflexive a n d changing p r o c e s s . In consideration of the overall objectives of this thesis it s e e m e d appropriate to set out basis parameters and to put forth a n analytical framework to complete the empirical c o m p o n e n t s of this study. In consideration of the major i d e a s e x p r e s s e d in the previous three sections of this chapter, it b e c a m e apparent that there w a s a n e e d to e x a m i n e the role of local governments a n d planning policy in creating both opportunities and constraints for live m u s i c v e n u e s . A major contention by Street (1993) is that  51  live m u s i c is influenced by local politics. H e c o n t e n d s that local authorities have b e e n able to affect (and have b e e n affected by) the c o n s u m p t i o n a n d production of music within relatively definable limits through 4 forms of direct planning policy action. H e lists the following: o  Regulation  o  Finance  o  Cultural Policy  o  Industrial/Economic Policy L o n g range planning  It b e c a m e apparent through the literature review that there were considerable similarities between Street's (1993) supposition a n d the objective a i m s of this thesis. S o m e slight adjustments were m a d e to the list provided by Street (1993) reflecting the literature a n d focusing more squarely o n live m u s i c v e n u e s . It w a s then determined that the units of analysis listed below could serve a s a strong analytical framework to evaluate planning policy in regards to live music. E a c h unit of analysis reflects o n e w a y that planning policy h a s s o m e influence o n live music v e n u e s . E a c h is d e s c r i b e d below.  Long Range  and Strategic  Planning  - this refers to the long range policies  a n d plans that e n c o m p a s s everything from land u s e strategies, e c o n o m i c development, a n d employment.  Regulation  - this refers to zoning a n d s u b s e q u e n t bylaws, restrictions, a n d  enforcement policies.  Cultural Planning  - this refers to broad b a s e d arts plans a n d cultural  e c o n o m y strategies a n d the p r e s e n c e of disciplinary perspectives with the goal of integrated cultural policy a p p r o a c h e s . F u n d a m e n t a l are the u s e s a n d promotion of community development principles stressing the linkages, alliances a n d relationships amongst organizations at the community level. T h i s includes b u s i n e s s e s , municipal governments, a n d civil society organizations.  52  Financing  and securing  of Public Amenities  - this refers to the s y s t e m s by  which the funding for cultural facilities a n d amenities is a c h i e v e d through public mechanisms.  T h e four units of analysis were selected b e c a u s e they represented the a r e a s in which planning policies have the greatest influence o n live m u s i c v e n u e s . T h e result w a s a n analytical framework that w a s applied to both the c a s e s e x a m p l e s a n d a more detailed c a s e study involving the City of V a n c o u v e r .  53  C H A P T E R 4 - C A S E EXAMPLES  4.1  INTRODUCTION T h e following c a s e e x a m p l e s look at live entertainment a s part of city  policies. It w a s beyond the s c o p e a n d the intentions of this thesis to explore the detailed practices of zoning a n d planning in e a c h city, a s e a c h operates within unique political, social, e c o n o m i c , a n d cultural contexts.  However e a c h of t h e s e  c a s e cities c a n be u s e d to illustrate c o m m o n threads related to live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d entertainment and their place in the city. T h e ultimate purpose of this exercise w a s to obtain insights into how live music v e n u e s c a n better be fostered through planning policies a n d practice, a s well a s to gain a s e n s e of policy strategies that have allowed live music entertainment to both flourish a n d fail. T h e 4 units of analysis d e v e l o p e d a s part of the analytical framework in the previous chapter were u s e d to guide research a n d d i s c u s s i o n .  4.2  MANCHESTER M a n c h e s t e r w a s born of the Industrial Revolution a n d c a m e to the  forefront of world textile manufacture a n d production. T h i s w a s a position it held until the 1960's. T o d a y it is a vibrant, d y n a m i c city, a n d o n e of the largest metropolitan conurbations in the United K i n g d o m . Significant de-industrialization over the past 20 years h a s meant that the city has looked to other a v e n u e s for investment a n d growth with both high tech industries a n d culture b e c o m i n g part of the new wave. In bringing M a n c h e s t e r back into prominence, a strong m u s i c s c e n e w a s recognized early o n a s a way to promote a n d regenerate the city. Live music plays heavily into the city's p s y c h e a s the city of M a n c h e s t e r h a s had a rich a n d distinctive history of rock a n d pop b a n d s achieving international s u c c e s s . T h e city is also cited a s o n e of the birthplaces of m o d e r n d a n c e a n d  54  h o u s e music. D u b b e d "Madchester" by the British music press in the late 80's a n d early 90's, the city lays claim to having helped launch the burgeoning careers of the Fall, the B u z z c o c k s , the H a p p y M o n d a y s , the Smiths, J o y Division, the S t o n e R o s e s , and w a s o n c e h o m e to the seminal d a n c e music label Factory R e c o r d s . Influential a s a movement, the "Madchester" s c e n e is believed to have contributed to a 2 5 % increase in student applications to the city's 3 universities, o n c e again stressing how live music v e n u e s c a n play a n important role in the city.  L o n g Range and Strategic P l a n n i n g : T h e heart of M a n c h e s t e r ' s music s c e n e is said to be in the city's Northern Quarter (Figure 4.1).  Figure 4.1  - M a n c h e s t e r ' s Northern Quarter  o °ar ndale  shopping centr  royal exchange exchi theatre  i  ft}  st atniete sq.  i ifc*  Piccadilly^ ^gardens town hall  v  °  central library and theatre  [sf. 3  <o° c ii t y a r t allery^  chorlton street bus station  o.  nex itre bridgewater % hall  *  % o  ^ o %  Piccadilly railway station  >rf>eld st.  fa  palace ^ theatre  ^  Source: Northern Quarter Network  55  T h i s area w a s devastated by 1960's redevelopment, e c o n o m i c disinvestment, a n d further v a n q u i s h e d by the building of a large indoor shopping mall in the 1970's. Neglect and disinvestment in the Northern Quarter (after the collapse of the textile industry) fortuitously resulted in a g o o d deal of potential cultural infrastructure being left behind. Into the 1980's the Northern Quarter b e c a m e a h a v e n of c h e a p rents, flexible l e a s e s , high v a c a n c y , a n d small properties - all conditions suitable for the growth of a live music s c e n e and the creation of v e n u e s . O n e of the primary i s s u e s initially resulting from the rebirth of the Northern Quarter was that m u c h of it w a s in poor physical condition, with m a n y of the buildings u s e d a s live music s p a c e s (amongst other things) u n s o u n d a n d unsuited for any major activities. H o w e v e r the Enterprise A l l o w a n c e S c h e m e s o o n helped the proliferation of m u s i c v e n u e s , record stores, a n d a strong m u s i c community within the Northern Quarter. T h i s s c h e m e w a s o n e of the first e x a m p l e s of where a b a s i c infrastructure program allowed for live m u s i c v e n u e s to be promoted in a high profile way. Part of what h a s b e e n understood thus far in M a n c h e s t e r is that building  conditions  are important for the s u c c e s s of live  music v e n u e s , particularly in mitigating s o m e of the perceived problems a s s o c i a t e d with their operation s u c h a s noise a n d safety. F r o m this perspective poor buildings are ultimately s e e n to restrict both artistic a n d long term e c o n o m i c possibilities. T h e cultural infrastructure programs in M a n c h e s t e r have therefore helped renew building stock in the Northern Quarter a n d consequently also helped create a stronger tourism infrastructure that markets M a n c h e s t e r a s the e s s e n c e of a vibrant, late night, E u r o p e a n city. In recent times the city h a s a c k n o w l e d g e d a g a p in the n u m b e r of large to medium s c a l e v e n u e s that are suited for both local a n d touring acts. While the push towards having a strong musical s c e n e h a s helped to promote a n d regenerate the city, it h a s not necessarily guaranteed v e n u e s . In particular, o n e of the i s s u e s facing live m u s i c v e n u e s in the regeneration p r o c e s s has b e e n the high costs a n d difficulties in repair a n d v e n u e startup. A s a result of costs, there h a s e m e r g e d a n e e d for investment/community groups to fundraise a n d obtain  56  e n o u g h capital to initiate projects. T h i s in turn h a s raised the issue of how to attract investors for u s e s s u c h a s live music v e n u e s .  Regulation: Like m a n y other cities with a p r o n o u n c e d nightlife, regulatory i s s u e s play a n important part in the operation of live music v e n u e s in Manchester. A s w a s mentioned previously, existing building conditions in a r e a s like the Northern Quarter p o s e problems w h e n m a t c h e d up to newer style regulations that specify safety a n d structural requirements. Other large regulatory c o n c e r n s in M a n c h e s t e r are tied to the City's own 24hr City initiatives. Drug u s e a n d illicit activities in a n d around clubs a n d v e n u e s remains a constant point of contention. T h e r e is a constant fear that nightlife activities are ill suited to a well natured society, a n d must thus be subject to intense regulation and enforcement. Battles are being w a g e d over relaxing licensing laws in the city. T h e r e is also a n ongoing belief within the nighttime entertainment industry that it should not have barriers attached to it a n d that a true 24hour city must allow its b u s i n e s s e s to operate in a way that mirrors a leisez-faire philosophy.  Cultural P l a n n i n g : T h e Manchester  Cultural  Strategy  has b e e n adopted by M a n c h e s t e r  council with a direct f o c u s o n regeneration of the city. Out of this h a s c o m e the Cultural Strategy T e a m ( C S T ) , which w a s established in April 2 0 0 3 by merging two groups of staff responsible for arts policy a n d cultural infrastructure projects respectively. All of the work of the C S T is directed towards the twin goals of increasing participation in culture by the people of M a n c h e s t e r , a n d using culture a s a m e a n s to improve the profile of the city with the aim of attracting people to live, work a n d play in M a n c h e s t e r . A regeneration division within the city h a s also b e e n established that is d e s i g n e d to m o v e forward with "24hour City" initiatives promoted by council. T h e Cultural Quarter Initiative for the Northern Quarter h a s also b e e n an integral part of this movement.  57  Financing and the Securing of Public Amenities: F o r the development and preservation of live music v e n u e s financial a s s i s t a n c e is available from City C o u n c i l and regional Development organizations ( N W Development A g e n c y and the E u r o p e a n Regional Development Fund). At the federal level the "All M u s i c Party G r o u p " w a s started in the U K with a group of M e m b e r s of Parliament and Lords taken to task o n key i s s u e s facing the contemporary music industry. However financial a s s i s t a n c e is granted o n the basis of charity organizations within the music community of M a n c h e s t e r to promote music v e n u e s and m u s i c making. T h e "Greater M a n c h e s t e r M u s i c Action Z o n e " for instance w a s f o u n d e d in 2001 with funding from another not-for-profit called "Youth Music". Its remit w a s to deliver m u s i c w o r k s h o p s to socially excluded y o u n g people a c r o s s the 10 boroughs of Greater Manchester. 20 partners a c r o s s the region were included, delivering w o r k s h o p s in diverse music styles from hip-hop to C h i n e s e music and everything in between. M u c h h a s b e e n written in the local media a n d papers on the infamous live music v e n u e "Band o n the Wall". T o d a y the v e n u e represents a triumph in community directed redevelopment, a n d holds a place a s the signature live music s p a c e in M a n c h e s t e r ' s Northern Quarter. M a n y cite how M a n c h e s t e r a n d the region would not have had the benefit of being able to hear m a n y of top-level touring b a n d s if the v e n u e c e a s e d to exist. In addition to hosting first rate touring groups, the v e n u e h a s always b e e n a significant outlet, a n d s o m e t i m e s a stepping stone, for local b a n d s . In the 90's it w a s r e v a m p e d a s part of the "Band on the W a l l - S p a c e for M u s i c Project" which w a s a robust publicly financed initiative to s a v e , preserve, a n d e n h a n c e the valuable v e n u e . Inner City M u s i c , a registered charity, currently operates the v e n u e .  58  4.3  CALGARY A s a n emerging center for oil a n d financial power, C a l g a r y h a s b e e n o n a n  exponential growth trajectory for the last 20 o d d years. However this growth h a s not c o m e without costs. T h e city f a c e s substantial i s s u e s related to sprawl a n d h a s struggled to find w a y s to deal with a n d successfully promote urban nightlife. D u e to its association with the 1988 Winter O l y m p i c s a n d the annual C a l g a r y S t a m p e d e , most C a l g a r i a n s will tell y o u that the city is a party town. T o d a y C a l g a r y is a city trying to rediscover a n d redevelop its "center". The Blueprint  the Beltline a n d The Beltline Initiative: Re-Discovering  for  the Centre are two recent  urban strategy d o c u m e n t s that s p e a k to the improvement of residential environmental quality a n d the desire to 'make the Beltline the coolest district in the west' through promoting a mix of livability, density, cosmopolitan v a l u e s , a n d culture (Beltline Outlook,). However the m o v e m e n t to shut down C a l g a r y ' s problematic entertainment district (Electric A v e n u e ) in the early 1990's still lingers in the public's m e m o r y a n d continues to have a profound affect o n live music v e n u e s a n d nightlife planning in the city. Despite regulatory actions, C a l g a r y is today h o m e to a n a b u n d a n c e a n d variety of v e n u e s supportive to live entertainment. S o m e s u s p e c t that over the last ten years there h a s b e e n a net gain in m u s i c v e n u e s , with a majority of them located in C a l g a r y ' s emerging Beltline a r e a . H o w e v e r C a l g a r y a p p e a r s to be struggling to find a place (figuratively a n d literally) for its cultural e n d e a v o r s a n d genuinely a p p e a r s to stand by a n attitude that s a y s "if it isn't broken, don't fix it".  L o n g R a n g e a n d Strategic P l a n n i n g : During the mid 1980s, C a l g a r y b e g a n to d e v e l o p a reputation a s "the place to go for entertainment" a n d by the 1988 Winter O l y m p i c G a m e s , 24 bars had located in a o n e - a n d - a - h a l f block section of 11th A v e n u e S . W . T h i s area b e c a m e known a s "Electric A v e n u e . " a n d quickly b e c a m e a single-use destination (for live m u s i c v e n u e s , bars, a n d nightclubs) for m a n y C a l g a r y partygoers. H o w e v e r this area w a s fraught with problems. "Electric A v e n u e "  59  today is completely transformed a s a result of the Electric Avenue  Mini-Plan  (1993) which basically outlined the procedures for shutting down the nightlife activity. High-end boutiques, big-box outlet stores, a n d high-tech offices now characterize this area of C a l g a r y (Dickout 2004). T h e spiritual and in s o m e w a y s geographical s u c c e s s o r to Electric A v e n u e today is located on 17th A v e S W , in a n a r e a known a s T h e R e d Mile ( n a m e d after C a l g a r y F l a m e s fans who line the street after N H L g a m e s ) . O n the border of the so-called Beltline, the R e d Mile a n d surrounding area is host to the largest concentration of live m u s i c v e n u e s in the city. T h e rough boundaries of the Beltline consist of the C P R tracks to the north, 17th A v e n u e S W to the south, 14th Street S W to the west and M a c L e o d Trail to the east. T h e a r e a is c o m p r i s e d of two communities: C o n n a u g h t a n d W e s t Victoria a n d c o v e r s three B u s i n e s s Revitalization Z o n e s (Figure 4.2). T h i s is a n a r e a of C a l g a r y where a g o o d deal of nightlife infrastructure exists. In recent y e a r s the City of C a l g a r y has committed to intense inner-city redevelopment of the Beltline. T h e Beltline, is typically d e s c r i b e d a s the city's 'trendy hot spot', a n d is in fact o n e of the City's oldest neighbourhoods. U p until 1999, the Beltline did not e v e n factor into the city's re-development plans. H o w e v e r in recent y e a r s , the u n i q u e n e s s of the Beltline h a s received greater attention not only a s a n important character district within Calgary, but also a s an a r e a c o n d u c i v e to more-intensive c o m m e r c i a l a n d residential d e v e l o p m e n t catering to a high profile c o m m e r c i a l market. In 2002, the Beltline's population n u m b e r e d a roughly 17,400. With increased development attention a n d people returning to the inner city to live, population estimates and d e v e l o p m e n t inertia indicate that a target of 40,000 inhabitants in the area by 2024 is not u n r e a s o n a b l e (Lyons et al., 2003). M o m e n t u m is picking up a s the community h a s a s s u m e d a direction with aspirations of being an intense live-work-p/ay neighbourhood.  60  Figure 4.2 - C a l g a r y ' s Beltline  (Approximate)  V>/  Barely  ,  A v e  .  Owe  AV<-* ^  2  ,t  Ave.  >-~-™  R  ,  y  w  1.v.,y,:.i  j L_zi«cn i—i n i—r '  ,JArfv«8rty  5  4 Ave  :  :  3  a  a  i  llll—l Ln ' HI j  L i millli »•  4 Ave. . 5 Ave. .  ^Ave  6  a a  A  LZD c3tn a g Avis  —  ..J P *>  '  i5F  —~*  ^ _  Ave._  n|t=3jgr-n|r=!^=  3 Eat Lzi cn l  11 "  s  9 Ave.  11 a  i  "a  o  JBj IB  «,—His  l3  I  ill  24 Ave I D  i •  a  hi c r e s t  {*&  pn r—n C Z 3  Stampede  t"N"iiii»iJ  m \3 r j '  i"  Source: Public Works and Government Services  Canada  Regulation: During it's time Electric A v e n u e w a s "the place to go for a g o o d time," where the rules of everyday society no longer applied (Calgary Police F o r c e , 1994). C r i m e , noise, a n d other nightlife spill-offs b e c a m e e x p o u n d e d by the fact that nearly 10,000 revelers would h e a d to the area e a c h w e e k e n d . T h e surrounding residential community suffered, a n d a s a result this area s a w a n ever escalating police p r e s e n c e , tighter controls o n commercial u s e s , a n d the eventual shutdown of nightlife o n the street. T h e ghosts of the Electric A v e n u e experience dictate m u c h of planning a n d regulation regarding a n y kind of urban nightlife in Calgary today. C o n c e r n i n g  61  live music, there is presently a noise bylaw that has a reputation in the city of getting in the way of some concerts and live music events.  Cultural P l a n n i n g : From a cultural standpoint Calgary hopes to be a place of "variety, choice, and uniqueness that is responsive to the needs of its people" (City of Calgary, 1998; 62). Nightlife planning coincides with the Beltline and Calgary's objective to increase the community's vibrancy and cultural capital. Future development aims to be visionary, strategic, and long-term with the purpose of developing a more exciting, cosmopolitan city, with residential communities acting as the hub (Lyons et al, 2003: 9; City of Calgary, 1998). Overall Calgary's cultural ambitions are tied tightly to their development acumen. Attracting and retaining land-uses that support the ongoing viability of heritage buildings, catering to an evolving community, and providing an entertainment infrastructure for people are all well articulated goals (Lyons et al, 2003; City of Calgary, 1998). However there are no direct policies addressing live entertainment or music. Within the city's Civic Arts Policy Review it is noted that a "vibrant local music and theatre scene attracts thousands of visitors and entertains thousands of locals each week", but there is no follow-up to these claims. The report denotes that cultural policies are connected to all the major issues of society including economic development, education, and community building and involve more than simply allocating money, that involves a fundamental shift in overall city planning and development strategies. However as of the time of writing this, Calgary does not appear to have set out sufficient mechanisms that directly act in the name of live entertainment.  Financing and the S e c u r i n g of P u b l i c Amenities: No direct link or program was discovered looking into the public funding or financing of public facilities or amenities (such as live music venues) through development. This is an area requiring further invenstigation.  62  4.4  AUSTIN In 1991 Austin blues musician Lillian Standfield, identified that the City  n e e d e d a s l o g a n to better promote Austin's rich musical heritage. Diverse cultural groups have b e e n attracted to Austin throughout its history, including immigrants from E u r o p e , Africa, M e x i c o , a n d , most recently, A s i a . All of t h e s e g r o u p s have enriched Austin's civic a n d cultural life, including its recent anointment a s a M e c c a for live music. Austin's musical rebirth b e g a n in the 1970s, w h e n artists s u c h a s David R o d r i g u e z a n d Willie N e l s o n b e g a n to draw national attention to the city. N o w o n a n y given night in the self proclaimed "Live M u s i c Capital of the World", s c o r e s of artists c a n be heard playing c o u n t l e s s musical styles in the city's nightclubs a n d concert halls.  L o n g Range and Strategic P l a n n i n g : A magnet for nonconformists, m u s i c i a n s , actors, alternative lifestyles, a n d political activists, Austin is known a s m u c h for its cultural life a n d high-tech innovations a s it is for its legislative a n d political history a s capital city of the state of T e x a s . H o w e v e r the s u c c e s s e s that have gained the city a national reputation have also brought with it m a n y difficult c h o i c e s a n d conflicts a s the city s e e k s to grow. Despite this live m u s i c is continually recognized a s a key e c o n o m i c driver of the community. L o c a t e d in downtown A u s t i n , Sixth Street is a n a r e a lined with nightclubs a n d m u s i c v e n u e s . (Figure  4.3)  63  Figure 4.3 - Sixth Street Music District (Austin)  S o u r c e : Map Q u e s t  Established as a music district in the early 1990's new venues were encouraged to open up on Sixth Street, the heart of the "music district", as well as in nearby parts of the downtown. Numerous clubs exist that are well known for their live music, such as Antone's, the Back Room, La Zona Rosa, Emo's, and Stubb's. However clubs and venues in other parts of Austin have slowly began to disappear as abstract economic forces lead to the contraction of Austin's musical infrastructure. On some level, ever growing suburban sprawl is said to be tied to the decline of live music spaces in Austin, as suburban residential areas and shopping malls offer few places for rehearsal and performance and ultimately detract from the life of the central city. Meanwhile downtown spaces suitable for live music have become coveted for high-tech and other supporting industries  64  which the city is also trying to accommodate. A fundamental redefinition of downtown Austin from a space of creative nonconformity into an area geared towards design and high-tech industries has thus greatly affected live music opportunities. The cost pressures on music venues are also becoming well pronounced. A municipally commissioned Austin Music Economic Impact Study noted that the recent growth of the technology community has helped push real estate prices higher in many areas traditionally home to live music venues. Despite the changing nature of the city, there are currently more live music venues per capita than Nashville, Memphis, Los Angeles, Las Vegas or New York City. However many see Austin's great musical infrastructure facing a shrinking base of quality clubs and live music venues, with a concerning gap related to the provision of allage and alternative music spaces.  Regulation: It is understood that Austin's "Music district" in and around the Sixth Street area was defined not just to sharpen the image of the city's downtown core, but also to ensure that the "troublemakers" were kept in one place. In this instance the consolidation of music venues is an issue of control as much as it is about allowing spaces for live music to have the freedom of expression. In this instance the Sixth Street "Music District" designation was not entirely different in intention than that of a red light district, with loud music and alcohol consumption being the questionable activities under the microscope. Despite the initiative of promoting a "music district", the way in which live music is regulated in Austin has been a source of contention from both industry and patron points of view. Essentially many feel that there is a discrepancy between the types of policies developed for the live music district and their implementation. Liquor and drinking laws, operating hours, as well as noise ordinances have all been questioned in this manner. The noise factor in particular has been a particular sour spot. Venue operators in the music district feel that being in the "music district" gives them a  65  certain amount of discretion with noise. However the " o b s e s s i v e policing of noise" would indicate the opposite is true. Recently the city h a s b e e n experimenting with anti-smoking bylaws in public facilities. T h i s h a s raised c o n c e r n s that disallowing s m o k i n g in bars would effectively hurt attendance at live music v e n u e s . T h e city h a s m o v e d forward with " S m o k e free M o n d a y s " on a trial basis.  Cultural P l a n n i n g : Live music is a driver of the "creative e c o n o m y " that translates into millions of dollars annually for Austin. Austin City government r e c o g n i z e s that music is o n e of the things that m a k e s Austin special, a n d h a s tried to establish several programs to help musicians a n d to promote their m u s i c (City of Austin, 2005). T h e Austin  Music Commission  w a s established by City resolution o n  J a n u a r y 5, 1989. T h i s body serves a n advisory capacity to the City C o u n c i l o n all music related issues. Activities include promoting continued studies regarding the development of the music industry, developing criteria for live performance v e n u e designations; overseeing the creation of the m u s i c district, a n d to hold public hearings on s u c h matters which may affect or influence the m u s i c industry in Austin. O n e m e m b e r of the Austin M u s i c C o m m i s s i o n is also a s s i g n e d to the city's "Downtown C o m m i s s i o n " to represent the interests of the Austin m u s i c community a s it f a c e s the development of the Austin downtown a r e a . In 1994 the City of Austin created the Austin M u s i c Network (which w a s web and radio based) a s a n e c o n o m i c development project to s h o w c a s e local music a n d musicians. Although not directly tied to creating opportunities for live music v e n u e s per s e , the network served a s a 24 hour non profit independent music c h a n n e l which s h o w c a s e d the best of Austin a n d T e x a s music. E a c h d a y featured original music videos a n d uninterrupted concert p e r f o r m a n c e s with s o m e national music not s e e n anywhere else, mixed in between. T h e Austin M u s i c Network h a s since c e a s e d operations a s of A u g u s t 31, 2 0 0 5 , to m u c h c o n c e r n of the local music s c e n e .  66  F i n a n c i n g and the S e c u r i n g of Public Amenities: The Creative Industries Loan (CIL) Guarantee Program has been set up in Austin to encourage private lenders to provide financing for creative industries, non-profits related to creative industries, and individuals involved in creative industries in Austin. The individuals, non-profits and businesses involved in these creative industries are sighted as a vital component of Austin's job creation and retention abilities. Eligible borrowers in this program include those whose work is primarily related to music, film, art, and technology industries such as the digital and video game industries. While this program does not specifically accrue to live music venues, it does suggest that as part of the City's ongoing efforts to promote live music and the local music scene, new venues, or simply those looking to upgrade spaces can benefit from such a program. The Redrum is one of the few venues in Austin that hosts all-age shows every night of the week. For bands in the under-18 set, it is one of a handful of clubs to enjoy performance music. In a competitive live music scene like Austin's, it is an important place for alternative culture and music (Schroeder, 2005). The venue books roughly 28 bands a week, which is roughly four bands a night. Both touring acts and locals are booked at the venue. Almost every genre of music has been represented: indie, punk, blues, country, hardcore, hip-hop, even techno. The venue itself is located is off of the typical beaten path of the Austin music scene, in a stand-alone building on the Northeast corner of Sabine and East 4th Street, South of G a s Pipe on East 5th Street, just east of the city's new parking garage/cooling plant, and about one block west of IH-35 (Figure 4.3). The all age venue represents a grassroots approach to live music venues in the city that is still underdeveloped but veers from the typical nightclub based entertainment marketed more commonly throughout the city.  67  4.5  SEATTLE Seattle's music history can be traced as far back as its origins. The city  itself has historically been tied closely to cycles of boom or bust, having almost been sent into permanent decline at times by the loss of industry, the city has had an uncanny knack successfully maintaining infrastructure, both physically and culturally. During the Yukon Gold Rush, lumberjacks, sailors and miners en route to Alaska found good times and good music in an infamous entertainment zone in the old downtown, Pioneer Square, and on up Jackson Street (City of Seattle, 2005a). In fact jazz nightclubs once lined Jackson Street and surrounding area with dancing, bootleg liquor, and music spilling into the streets around the clock. Ray Charles, Quincy Jones, and Ernestine Anderson are just a few artists whose careers were launched on these blocks of downtown Seattle. It was in areas such as these that Seattle's first vibrant music scene arose. However, development of the 1-5 highway (through the heart of downtown) was soon followed by the slow erosion of clubs and live entertainment facilities in the central city. Located somewhere on the periphery of the traditional music business, the city has been commonly viewed as one of three things: a place where a few musicians have occasionally stepped into stardom, a convenient place to begin or end a national tour, or a classic midsized secondary market. However as Seattle entered the 1990's, things began to change, and live music took on a whole new importance with the advent of Grunge. In the wake of the Grunge rock movement juggernaut of the early 1990's, the international music industry descended on the city. Close to a decade after the peak of the Grunge rock movement, Seattle today is considered a diverse musical place with a broad array of musical styles, and a thriving alternative music culture. The continued commitment, dedication, and support of local music communities, the relatively low costs of living (compared to other music centers such as Los Angeles or New York City), a well educated populace sympathetic to the arts, and the legacy of the "grunge" music  68  movement have all allowed the scene to thrive in numerous ways (Beyers, 2005; City of Seattle, 2005a). At any given time there is no shortage of new talent and diverse opportunities, making it just as easy to bump into an internationally renowned techno producer at a local tavern as it would be to meet a member of an up-and-coming garage band (Beyers, 2005). A number of very successful independent record labels currently call Seattle home, while a multitude of diverse music venue opportunities have allowed both mainstream and alternative : music scenes to thrive. But the city is also changing, and the central area of downtown is now poised to become home to a residential boom of its own.  L o n g Range and Strategic P l a n n i n g : A significant movement to increase the residential presence in Seattle's central city has been growing over the past 2 decades. With the growth pressures of residential development has also come the need to mitigate the external impacts of entertainment and cultural activities. Of particular interest is an area known as Belltown. Formerly a low-rent semi-industrial/arts district named Denny Regrade, it has been transformed into a neighborhood of upscale restaurants, nightclubs, and condominiums, somewhat analogus in to the character of Vancouver's Yaletown district. Located in and around this area are a number of venues, most notablly the Crocodile Cafe, a venue seen as intergral in launching the careers of bands such as Nirvana. Belltown marked Seattle's first major foray into the creation of livable neighbourhoods in central Seattle. At the time of writing, further amendments have been proposed to rezone more areas of downtown Seattle for residential development. The "City Center Strategy" aims to further enhance the residential component of downtown, while building an active, safe, 24hour living environment. The proposed changes are seen to have a positive impact on building design, residential and commercial growth, and affordable housing. In May of 2005 the Mayor of Seattle presented his "City Center Strategy" as a vision for reshaping Seattle's greater downtown area and setting a new direction for the significant growth coming to Seattle in response to calls for more housing and  69  jobs. The proposal ultimately encourages more housing immediately adjacent to the traditional downtown commercial core. The changes would most directly affect the Commercial Core, Denny Triangle, and portions of Belltown (Figure 4.4).  Figure 4 . 4 - Seattle Central Areas  S o u r c e : C i t y of S e a t t l e  As to how this could potentially affect live music and entertainment venues is still somewhat undetermined. However, in order to keep and attract businesses, support residents, and to keep the cities renowned entertainment attractions, the city is ultimately intent on creating a collection of unique, but connected, neighborhoods.  70  Presently in Seattle, large historic theatres and concert halls—such as Benaroya Hall, the Marion Oliver McCaw Opera House, the 5th Avenue Theatre, and Paramount Theatre host all genres of live performances. Many smaller theatres also exist throughout the city, ranging in size from the tiny "Jewel Box" to mid-sized facilities such as Meany Hall and Chop Suey. A wide range of clubs, taverns, bars, and other facilities provide nightly opportunities for live music and DJs. For the most part, venues are spread throughout many of the city's neighbourhoods, with a nightlife number of concentrations found in and around the neighbourhoods of central Seattle. The "Capitol Hill" neighborhood is one such neighbourhood that figures prominently into Seattle's nightlife and entertainment, with many spaces chosing to host live music events. This was the area of Seattle made famous during the Grunge scene, although most of the best-known music venues of that era were actually located slightly outside of the neighbourhood. While this neighbourhood has not undergone the same development pressures as other areas in the city, the commercial and artistic heritage of the area is seen as integral to nightlife in the city. Pioneer Square is also important to consider when it comes to nightlife and live music. In the 1960's, Pioneer Square was an area of blight, and ultimately became a target of urban renewal. However in 1970, preservationists succeeded in demarcating it as a national historic district, with the city refocusing their efforts on the preservation and enhancement of the area. Nowadays, Pioneer Square is home to art galleries, Internet companies, cafes, sports bars, nightclubs, bookstores and is often described as a hallmark if Seattle's nightlife.  Regulation: The mid-1980's represented a dark time for live music venues in Seattle, particularly for those under the drinking age. Teen dances/concerts were banned, public postering and advertisements were outlawed, and nightclubs were routinely harassed by police who selectively enforced an outdated noise ordinance (City of Seattle, 2005a). The live music scene deflated considerably  71  when big clubs like the Rainbow, Golden Crown and Astor Park folded as well. To this day, Seattle maintains relatively strict policies in regards to noise, having established a Noise Abatement Program within the Department of Planning and Development. However it appears that since the mid- 1980's many of Seattle's live music venues have found unique ways to adapt. A s it stands today, live music entertainment in Seattle is constrained by the treat of noise complaints, event hour restrictions, and security concerns posed by increased residential development in many parts of the central area of the city. In dealing with concerns of residential and entertainment compatibility, indoor venues and clubs in Seattle have generally done a good job in mediating negative externalities (City of Vancouver, 2005d). Impacts from indoor entertainment uses on housing and residential uses have been well mitigated through design, the buffering of incompatible land uses to address adjacency issues, and a careful consideration of the overall land use mix (City of Seattle, 2005a). Concerns over live music in public places however are slightly more unresolved (Beyers et al., 2004). The 18-week "Summer Nights at the Pier" concert series is one example of such a concern because of its location adjacent to new residential developments in Belltown. Regardless there does appear to be some political will to ensure that both residential and creative uses of space can be mutually accommodated. Stemming from regulatory crackdowns in the mid-1980's a deep concern has grown in Seattle over youth access to the arts and the musical expression of young people (Beyers et al., 2004). Often young people interested in music are steered toward more commercial, adult-oriented venues that only offer music for its entertainment value. According to the Vera Project, by the time the new millennium hit, the city's music community decided to organize. An unprecedented civic effort resulted in an active dialogue among City officials, music professionals, and youth, resulting in the passing of 2002's All Ages Dance Ordinance, a more effective means of regulating the safety of youth-oriented spaces. This new civic spirit also gave birth to the Vera Project, Seattle's first City-supported all-ages venue, where under-aged audiences can see live music  72  every week and learn music-related skills from break dancing to sound engineering (City of Seattle, 2005d).  Cultural P l a n n i n g : The City of Seattle clearly articulates that music is an important component to the city, in that it adds excitement, promises career-boosting jobs for local talent, and millions of dollars in revenue for local businesses (City of Seattle 2005a). It also appears to be well understood within the Seattle community that a successful live music scene demands the energy, commitment, and dedication of a network of individuals and organizations if it is to develop and flourish (City of Seattle, 2005a). A number of advocacy groups exist throughout the city to support musical activity. These include the unions that represent players and others associated with the industry, groups that help raise funds to cover expenses of non-profit organizations (such as ArtsFund), and arts service organizations that help raise funds to support activity within this segment of the local economy (such as the Mayor's Office of Arts and Cultural Affairs). Although community and advocacy groups are not always directly associated with the City, their continued and concerted efforts do appear to be part of the Seattle's overall cultural strategy and commitment to live music. Recently the Mayor's Film and Music Office was established to help maintain Seattle's reputation as a professional, efficient, and hospitable location in which to record, produce and perform live music. Part of the mandate of the Mayor's Office is currently to provide resources for musicians and information for music lovers, while also providing links and connections between the various music organizations in the City. Of particular note is the formation of the Music and Youth Commission as a result of the recommendations made by the Music and Youth Task Force (MYTF) which convened in 1999 to confront problems preventing youth access to music, and to outline potential solutions. The resolution which created the commission articulated the need for youth to have access to the arts and to encourage the artistic and musical expression of young people as well as ensure  73  their safety in doing so. This 12 member commission is currently comprised of city employees and community folks who have strong interest in seeing that this city's youth have access to venues that provide entertainment and creative expression, that provide focus, motivation, and interactive experience for teens and young adults, in a safe, comfortable, drug and alcohol free environment. The Music and Youth Commission is designed to reflect cultural and stylistic changes in music and dance, subsequent effects on access and the well-being of youth patrons.  F i n a n c i n g and the S e c u r i n g of P u b l i c A m e n i t i e s : Out of the MYTF's recommendations, which directed the City of Seattle to create a city funded all-age music and performing arts venue, arose the Vera Project. In November  2  0  0  0  ,  the City of Seattle agreed to give The Vera Project a  portion of what was needed to run its first year of programming. Support was echoed by funding from the Seattle Arts Commission, Parks and Recreation, and the Seattle Center, enabling The Vera Project to undertake an ambitious series of music programs and the formation of a recognized not-for-profit organization. According to the Vera website, the organization currently collaborates with over 20 agencies and groups annually to co-produce events both at Vera and elsewhere. Since its inception in  2  0  0  0  ,  Vera has provided a unique resource to  Seattle's youth and music community by maintaining a safe, alcohol and smoke free environment for people of all ages to come together and experience music in a way that transcends commercial entertainment and erases divisions between performer, staff and audience.) Vera uses its downtown location as a means to bridge the divisions that exist between neighborhoods and bring people together in a neutral and open space. Weekly concerts and events fuse with educational programming and a participatory governance structure to give young people an empowering, inclusive sense of music that stresses their ability to positively affect their  74  surroundings, both within the organization and in their daily lives. (Vera Project, 2005)  4.6  KEY FINDINGS AND THEMES A few key themes resonate across these 4 examples. While each example  provides unique sets of situations and approaches, some common features are important to consider for a greater in depth analysis of Vancouver as the primary case study. The following outlines the key themes and considerations that emerged as a result of this exercise. Each of the four areas is discussed in general terms with the hope that lessons may be taken away.  L o n g Range and Strategic P l a n n i n g : In each of these cities, inner core redevelopment has had a direct effect on the opportunities for, and the diversity of, live music venues. Many of the spaces in and on the periphery of inner city areas are in danger of being 'priced out', while an increase in residential presence may potential pose significant land use concerns. Typically the so called creative and high tech industries compete for the same types of residual spaces often coveted and sought after for live music venues. In one form or another each of theses examples has adopted some form of "special district" planning strategy for entertainment and culture. The extent and details of how this type of strategy has been implemented varies from city to city. However it is important to recognize that "special district" planning is a common planning response to entertainment and culture, which ultimately has a pronounced effect on live music venues. This type of planning strategy tends to come attached with other concerns over regulation and control.  Regulation: In each of these case example cities the regulatory function of planning policy often conceives of live music entertainment as a nuisance, commonly 75  associating itself with noise substance abuse, rowdiness, crowds, crime, and youth gatherings. Physical changes resulting from the increased residential presence and redevelopment of the central areas have bring about concerns over the types of regulation that affect live music venues and nighttime entertainment's ability to be diverse and amenable to city life. Each of these example cities referenced the need to mitigate the impacts of live entertainment and noise on residential populations.  Cultural P l a n n i n g : Each of the cities explored have developed, or are in the process of developing, some form of cultural plan or strategy acknowledging the links between a thriving arts scene, economic and community development, and tourism. The importance of live music is also stated quite consistently across most cultural plans to be part of the cultural milieu, with the exception of Calgary. However each city has very different approaches as to how commercial and alternative forms of live music are incorporated into overall cultural strategies. 3 of the 4 examples have some body or related body acting on the part of the local government in regards to live music related issues.  Financing and the S e c u r i n g of P u b l i c A m e n i t i e s : Correspondingly a look at these four case examples sheds light onto the fact cultural policies tend to be concerned and best equipped to deal with the mechanics of funding for facilities. In this instance, public funding and the securing of live music spaces as a public amenity does exist, albeit in different forms in different cities. It was difficult to determine the extent of this area of inquiry without further investigation and more detailed study. However Manchester and Seattle in particular demonstrate some manner of using public programs as a means to aid in the development and operation of live music venues based on their abilities to serve as amenities to the city.  76  C H A P T E R 5 - C A S E STUDY: T H E VANCOUVER CONTEXT  5.1  INTRODUCTION T h i s chapter will explore the 4 planning policy a r e a s d i s c u s s e d in the  analytical framework regards to V a n c o u v e r . Information from this section w a s culled through a combination of the policy d o c u m e n t analysis, interviews, a n d surveys.  5.2  LONG RANGE AND STRATEGIC PLANNING  Local Area Planning T h e c o n c e p t of L o c a l A r e a Planning is b a s e d o n the belief that planning c a n be a c c o m p l i s h e d more effectively a s a local level rather than at a city s c a l e . L o c a l a r e a planning f o c u s e s o n a smaller a r e a of the city rather than the whole. T h i s program takes a very c l o s e look at individual neighbourhoods in terms of their own problems a n d possibilities a n d relates this to the city a s a whole. (City of V a n c o u v e r , 1986) S i n c e the mid 2 0  t h  century, the nature of planning practice shifted from a n  elitist and technocratic pursuit to a framework built more o n community participation supported by fiscally g r o u n d e d actions (Kaiser, 1995). In V a n c o u v e r this w a s reflected in the m o v e toward local a r e a planning practices in the 1970's to reexamine a n d redefine the role of the "neighbourhood". V a n c o u v e r ' s foray into L o c a l A r e a planning b e g a n in 1973, a s coordinated by the City's S o c i a l Planning P r o g r a m . In 1974, L o c a l A r e a Planning w a s further spurred by major federal a s s i s t a n c e programs in the form of the Residential Rehabilitation A s s i s t a n c e P r o g r a m a n d N e i g h b o u r h o o d Improvement P r o g r a m s  77  (Punter, 2004). These programs along with a shift in planning focus ultimately aimed to expand planning resources for neighbourhoods and to create opportunities for a greater range of public input (Punter, 2004). The 1950's and 60's in Vancouver marked a time when zoning, and conversely planning practice, were both becoming increasingly rationalized. A s the City entered the 1970's a political climate that emphasized neighbourhood preservation and the right of citizens to participate, an acknowledgement of the failing existing policies, and the growing complexity of market forces and land use changes served as indicators that change was needed (City of Vancouver, 1986). In responding principally to the failures of high density urban renewal, master planning, and freeway construction throughout the city Local Area Planning in Vancouver was an attempt to revisit and redefine the proper planning 'scale' for the city. Land use conflicts (high rise versus mid-rise and conservation), traffic, the resurgence of the middle class, and the notion of citywide versus neighbourhood interests became hallmarks of a new neighbourhood and participatory based planning approach. Through the establishment of Local Area Planning the City of Vancouver recognized the right for communities to live in amenable and attractive neighbourhoods (City of Vancouver, 1986). Between the years of 1973 and 1985 Local Area Programs were initiated in 11 neighbourhoods and areas around the city. Part of the Local Area Planning mindset operated with an understanding that different approaches were needed in each neighborhood. Involving citizens resulted in specific policies for a diversity of communities-Strathcona, the West End, Grandview and Shaughnessy, to name but a few. The emphasis was on a two-way planning process with community participation. What is of central importance to this thesis is the way in which Local Area Plans served as a way to fine tune basic land uses, resulting in the establishment of pedestrian oriented commercial districts. New zoning policies were a large part of this outcome in neighbourhoods such as Kitsilano were C - 2 C zoning was created in 1976 as a means encourage shops and services to cater to district residents (City of Vancouver, 1977).  78  One of the effects of Local Area Planning in adjusting land uses was a rationalization that allowed the exclusion of nighttime urban activity and vitality in neighbourhoods. With the exception of the Grandview-Woodland Area Policy Plan (1980), most neighbourhood area plans did not address issues related to culture or nighttime activity (City of Vancouver, 1977; City of Vancouver 1980; City of Vancouver, 1986). Furthermore, in the Grandview-Woodlands Area Policy Plan, restaurants and urban nightlife were described as "concerns" and not items to be carefully considered (City of Vancouver, 1980). Overall Local Area Planning and it's focus on neighbourhoods firmly established the city neighbourhoods as a "place to live", and not necessarily a place to experience things such as live music, that bring life and activity to the city. CityPlan Vancouver's unique collection of neighbourhoods each have their own characteristics, however, according to John Punter (2004), by 1990 the absence of an overarching citywide planning strategy for Vancouver became a political issue, particularly in dealing with urban growth and intensification (Punter, 2004). Local Area Planning strategies had been content with creating sub- area official development plans for neighbourhoods and a similar policy statement for downtown (Punter, 2004). Prior to CityPlan Vancouver had many policies but no overall framework or plan to guide development decisions. A s a result the City of Vancouver started a project called CityPlan to involve city residents in how they wanted their neighbourhoods to grow. Over 20,000 people actively participated in the initial CityPlan process by making submissions, responding to surveys, and attending consultation events. Through this grand process, Vancouver residents and City Council agreed on directions for the city's future. In June 1995, City Council approved "CityPlan: Directions for Vancouver". CityPlan was instated as a city-wide plan that provided a framework for decisions over the next 30 years. It included directions on a range of topics from transportation and the arts to housing, community services, and employment (City of Vancouver, 1996).  79  In 1997, the second phase of CityPlan was launched with the Community Visions Program as a means to bring CityPlan to the neighbourhood level. Dunbar and Kensington-Cedar Cottage were the first two communities to try this new approach to local planning. A s part of the CityPlan process, a "Choices" survey was sent out to neighbourhood residents to determine possible future directions. The survey covers common issues such as traffic and transportation; safety and community services; housing; shopping areas; environment; and community involvement. Survey directions supported by a neighbourhood or community then become part of the final Community Vision, which was then subject to approval by council. In neighbourhoods with approved council approved Community Visions, City staff and the community then start working on making their Visions a reality. Overall CityPlan (1995b) capitulates that Vancouverites want to experience the arts and culture in their everyday lives with more activities and facilities located in their neighbourhoods. Yet this does not imply that opportunities for activities such as live music are included within broader consideration of neighbourhood livability. Furthering the aims of Local Area Planning before it, CityPlan was designed as a tool to help build support for a "well planned approach to residential intensification", and provide a means for public endorsement of the many planning principles that the city had pursued over the pervious few decades; "promoting a broadly defined sustainable form of development, restricting building heights, ensuring development fit into it's context, and ensuring redevelopment yields a range of public amenities and facilities" (Punter, 2003: 166). According to Punter (2003) CityPlan left unresolved a number of contentious issues related to land use and residential intensification. One such issue was live entertainment and live music venues. Central A r e a Plan - " L i v i n g First" In 1991 the City of Vancouver adopted its Central Area Plan (City of Vancouver, 1991a). The plan "redefined a differentiated future for the various sub-areas and fringe neighbourhoods of downtown" by reducing the size of the  80  central business district, creating a variety of mixed use and high density residential areas, conserving the heritage character of Gastown, Chinatown, Victory Square, Yaletown, and Granville Street, and by diversifying the townscape, economy, and society of the central area" (Punter, 2003: 241) (Figure 5.1)  Figure 5.1 - Vancouver's Central Area  - I I  I  I  I  K I  I  (City of Vancouver, 2006a)  The Central Area Plan laid the groundwork for a downtown that was to be shaped by a "living first" growth strategy, emphasizing housing and neighbourhoods in preference over all other inner-city uses (Beasley, 2000). According to Larry Beasley (2000), part of the living first strategy involved developing complete and coherent neighbourhood units, with all amenities and services at the center, offering "third spaces" for after home and work, where neighbourhoods create culture (Oldenburg, 1999).  81  The creation of a vibrant culture is one of the major tenants of the Central Area Plan, reflecting the desire to develop an 'Alive Downtown' comprised of a central area that can sustain a mix of activities where people are able to play, live and work (City of Vancouver, 1991a). CityPlan echoed the ideals of the Central Area Plan a few years later such that its directions are consistent. Vancouver's central area, surrounded by Burrard Inlet and English Bay, and encircling False Creek is comprise of two major office districts — the region's prestige office location in the downtown central business district and the medical-civic "uptown" on Broadway. CityPlan states that surrounding the business districts should be different kinds of residential neighbourhoods to provide livable environments for a variety of people, specialty character and heritage areas, lively retail streets, waterfront walkways, and diverse plazas and open spaces to act as welcoming public places for residents, employees, visitors, and tourists (City of Vancouver, 1995b). The "living first" formula espoused by the Central Area Plan was premised on the idea that planning and design solutions allow density and downtown urban living to work and to be sustainable. Within this logic high density generates enough value to carry quality  materials, excellent on-site amenities, and  development  can  cost  levies  that  contribute  to  quality  neighbourhood  infrastructure (Beasley, 2000). Complete and supportive neighbourhoods were seen as a way to draw all kinds of people back from the suburbs through the competitive advantage of an urban lifestyle. A cooperative planning approach is also trumpeted where citizens, developers, politicians and staff interact positively to conceive and build the residential city using a discretionary  regulatory  framework, emphasizing guidelines and incentives over hard regulation. Largely successful in increasing residential density the population of Vancouver's downtown peninsula has seen exponential growth. Between the 1996 and 2001 census Downtown Vancouver increased in population by almost 10,500, for a population change of roughly 60.8% over 5 years (Table 5.1).  82  Table 5.1 - Downtown Vancouver Population Statistics  1996  Community Statistics Census data  2001 Cfty of  Downtown  Vancouver*  375  11,467  Downtown  City of  Vancouver*  Area of (and Hectares  11,467  Population 17,405  514,008  27,990  Population 5 years prior  8,880  471,844  17,405  545,671 514,008  Population change In 5 years  96.0%  8.9%  60.8%  6.2%  Census Population  Age Groups 5.5%  19.2%  20-39  49.2%  38.4%  7.5% 50.0%  36.6%  40-64  35.0%  29.5%  33.7%  31.9%  65 and over  10.3%  12.9%  8.8%  12.9%  English  65.8%  51.8%  4.3%  1.6%  Chinese  14.0%  24.5%  60.1% 3.2% 16.4%  49.4%  French  19 and under  18.6%  Language - Mother Tongue (single response) 1.7% 26.4%  Spanish  1.2%  1.4%  2.1%  1.5%  Korean  not available  0.7%  1.9%  1.0%  German  1.6%  1.6%  1.5%  1.3%  Japanese  1.4%  1.2%  not available  1.1%  85.3%  57.7%  81,1%  Number of private households  11.830  218,540  One-person households  69.1%  38.0%  17,770 60.9% 1.5 $49,325 36.0%  Population who moved since the last census  Households  Average size of household Average household Income {In 2000$) ** Population in low Income households  1.4  2.3  $36,142  $50,527  47.8%  31.0%  236,095 38.8% 2.3 $57,916 27.0%  Families Plo.i^o see notes Ijelow Number of families  2,545  119,110  Children living at home  1,225  133,075  Single parent families  12.2%  16.4%  $70,871  $60,544  Average family Income (in 2000$) **  134,380 142,980  11.51  17.0% $69,190  (Census Canada,  2001)  The data also indicates a very high population number for those aged 20-39, perhaps reflecting a demand for entertainment and cultural amenities in the downtown core. Notable as well is the nearly doubling of the number of families in downtown core every 5 years over the previous 3 census counts.  In many  83  w a y s the increase in both of these population s e g m e n t s signifies a  potential  conflict in future n e e d s in the downtown core.  Entertainment District O n e of the central drivers in V a n c o u v e r adopting their own special/entertainment district strategy w a s initially over new residents vying to m o v e into previously u n d e r d e v e l o p e d a n d former industrial a r e a s of Downtown S o u t h . T h e Granville Street entertainment district initiative w a s c o n c e i v e d both a s a way to revive historical Theatre R o w on downtown Granville Street a n d to bring cultural u s e s back into the central core. In r e s p o n s e to the Central A r e a Plan a n d the Downtown S o u t h C o m m u n i t y Plan (1991b), the V a n c o u v e r City C o u n c i l , in 1992, p l a c e d a moratorium on new liquor licensed seats in Downtown S o u t h to a s a way to help e n c o u r a g e the creation of a "livable" residential community (City of V a n c o u v e r , 1997). C o u n c i l subsequently approved in principle a corresponding Downtown Liquor Licensing Policy, which identified Theatre R o w (700 to 900 Blocks of Granville Street) a s a n "entertainment district", effectively concentrating many nighttime activities into select a r e a s of the downtown peninsula (City of V a n c o u v e r , 1997) (Figure 5.2.). N e w downtown resident reactions to the existing p r e s e n c e of nightclubs a n d m u s i c v e n u e s in Downtown S o u t h h a s led to greater scrutiny of v e n u e d e s i g n , licensing, a n d m a n a g e m e n t with the city using its licensing powers to e n c o u r a g e a transfer to Granville Street. T h i s w a s s e e n a s a m e a n s to reduce land u s e conflict. Although most live m u s i c v e n u e s in the Downtown S o u t h area h a v e either migrated to the entertainment district or f a d e d away, a few still remain. Despite the aims to limit conflict, problems and complaints in regards to m u s i c a n d entertainment remain a prevalent issue in downtown V a n c o u v e r .  84  Figure 5.1 - Downtown South and Granville Street Theatre Row  (City of Vancouver, 2006a)  The Yaletown neighbourhood in Downtown South serves as an example of the increasing types of pressures that have emerged for live music venues. Once a light industrial district with several legendary nightclubs and music venues stashed in its pockets, Yaletown now better resembles a clean, quiet residential neighbourhood full of densely packed high-rise towers. Yaletown showcases quite succinctly how the rapid influx of new groups, residents, and activities into formerly underutilized, industrial, low intensity residential, and expanding areas of Vancouver have led to increased pressures on local councils,  85  planners, a n d regulatory bodies to m a n a g e , remove, or mute noisy music establishments a n d other active u s e s ( H o m a n , 2003: 5).  5.3  REGULATION Chatterton a n d Hollands (2002) remark that "it is the the moral history'  surrounding urban drinking that partially explains the regulatory views of the night-time e c o n o m y . V a n c o u v e r aptly lives up to this assertion. T h e City of V a n c o u v e r ' s relationship to live m u s i c v e n u e s should start with recognition of the city's frontier origins a n d historical ties to drinking establishments a n d entertainment. S a l o o n k e e p e r s s u c h a s " G a s s y " J a c k Deighton are often sighted with the d u b i o u s distinction a s the founders of the City of V a n c o u v e r . A l c o h o l a n d revelry were s u c h significant parts of early V a n c o u v e r culture that by 1888, over 45 s a l o o n s existed in the waterfront area of present d a y V a n c o u v e r ( C a m p b e l l , 1992). H o w e v e r the prohibition of 1917 (which lasted until 1921) also had a significant impact o n the f a c e of the city a n d the nature of public drinking almost irrevocably. V a n c o u v e r h a s s i n c e this time tried to establish itself a s a respectable a n d cosmopolitan type of city ( C a m p b e l l , 1992).  No F u n City and the Culture of C o m p l a i n t "No F u n City" is a term that h a s b e e n attached to V a n c o u v e r d u e a n u m b e r of factors. T h e s e include perceptions of the City's strict licensing (liquor a n d b u s i n e s s ) a n d noise laws, overly bureaucratic decision making p r o c e s s e s a n d a n institutionalized 'culture of complaint'. T h e term culture of complaint here refers to the way in which complaints have b e c o m e a legitimized way of dealing with conflicts in the urban l a n d s c a p e . At the heart of this d i s c u s s i o n is the idea that V a n c o u v e r is no fun b e c a u s e people complain. A counter effort to dispel the no fun city myth h a s evolved over the past n u m b e r of years in a n attempt to reclaim the city a s "Funcouver". T h i s new n a m e s t e m s from a c a m p a i g n started prior to the 2002 civic election a s a m e a n s to  86  raise i s s u e s regarding the commitment to creative a n d cultural pursuits in the city. In the 2002 municipal election V a n c o u v e r "fun" lobbyists forced almost every candidate to promise to commitment to fun and to get out of the way of strict regulation. Accordingly "fun" b e c a m e o n e of the biggest i s s u e s in the N o v e m b e r 2002 election with m a n y of the decidedly 'anti-fun' candidates being d e f e a t e d . T h e council elected in N o v e m b e r 2002 w a s s e e n a s responsible for deciding whether V a n c o u v e r would begin to e m b r a c e a n d nurture its dormant creative soul, not allowing N I M B Y i s m a n d a culture of complaint to pervade. All in all, V a n c o u v e r h a s not s u d d e n l y a n d miraculously b e e n transformed into funcouver. H o w e v e r there d o e s a p p e a r to be an understanding that m e a s u r e s must be taken to e n s u r e that opportunities for creativity a n d expression are not lost. T h e challenge a s m a n y s e e it is to o v e r c o m e the m a n y w a y s in which complaint h a s b e c o m e institutionalized a n d legitimized.  Zoning Z o n i n g stipulates the types of u s e s permitted on any given parcel of land a n d the conditions under which live m u s i c must operate. U n d e r the City of V a n c o u v e r Z o n i n g Bylaw c o m m e r c i a l z o n i n g classifications (that allow for live music) primarily a p p e a r under the C - 2 (mixed u s e commercial) designation a n d its s u b s e q u e n t offshoots. In 1989 the C - 2 zoning designation in V a n c o u v e r w a s a m e n d e d to r e m o v e disincentives to residential, a n d provide more opportunity for h o u s i n g . W h i l e this w a s s u c c e s s f u l in generating housing, d e v e l o p m e n t s often s p a r k e d complaints from community residents about impacts o n adjacent residential d e v e l o p m e n t s , s c a l e , a n d the d e s i g n quality of projects. T h e C - 2 zoning designation itself is today intended to a c c o m m o d a t e a wide variety of c o m m e r c i a l u s e s - r e t a i l , service, a n d office—that c a n serve both local and citywide markets, generally occurring along arterials throughout the city. However in most instances C - 2 sites are adjacent to low-medium density residential z o n e s s u c h a s those for single family dwelling or multiple family dwelling. S i n c e 1989, a significant n u m b e r of four storey mixed u s e commercial/residential d e v e l o p m e n t s have b e e n built. At the s a m e time the c o m m e r c i a l c o m p o n e n t s of mixed u s e  87  d e v e l o p m e n t s s u c h a s "restaurant entertainment", have b e e n noted by the City a s significant s o u r c e s of noise a n d n u i s a n c e that disturb residents. C - 2 zoning guidelines exist in m a n y a r e a s of V a n c o u v e r , but are not a r e a specific. C D - 1 ( c o m p r e h e n s i v e development) z o n i n g classifications operate under specific guidelines b a s e d individual projects, with a majority located in V a n c o u v e r ' s central locations. A n u m b e r of C D -1 also allows live m u s i c a n d entertainment. H o w e v e r most V a n c o u v e r C D - 1 z o n i n g s also recognize c o n c e r n s with entertainment u s e s s u c h a s live m u s i c v e n u e s (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2001). In 2 0 0 5 a n a m e n d m e n t c h a n g e d the definitions of Restaurant C l a s s l a n d Restaurant C l a s s 2 c o n c e r n i n g live entertainment. T h i s w a s a significant c h a n g e for V a n c o u v e r a n d live m u s i c v e n u e s . T h e previous definitions a n d policies o n live entertainment in restaurants were a s follows: •  Restaurant C l a s s 1 - limited to two p e r s o n s a n d no d a n c i n g or amplified musical instruments permitted. A n y entertainment that went b e y o n d this required approval a s a Restaurant - C l a s s 2 which w a s only permitted o n a conditional basis.  •  Restaurant C l a s s 2 - live entertainment is provided by three or more p e r s o n s , or where there is d a n c i n g by c u s t o m e r s , or the u s e of any amplified musical instruments are present. T h i s classification is usually required to provide acoustical upgrading a n d air conditioning. Other stipulations apply that state that there is to be separation of the facility by a lane or street from residential districts a n d u s e s , s c h o o l s , c h u r c h e s , community centers or other institutional buildings. D e v e l o p m e n t permit approvals were provided o n a time-limited b a s i s . (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2 0 0 5 a )  T h e original regulations for restaurant entertainment were adopted in 1988 in r e s p o n s e to a n u m b e r of restaurants operating more like cabarets (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005a). A c c o r d i n g to the City of V a n c o u v e r policies were adopted to e n s u r e that entertainment w a s a n a c c e s s o r y feature of the main restaurant operation (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005a).  88  Despite the aims of the City to k e e p live entertainment a n d m u s i c a low key c o m p o n e n t of restaurant operation, the planning department had identified a trend of neighbourhood restaurants converting t h e m s e l v e s to karaoke bars a n d music s p a c e s , and installing more powerful s o u n d s y s t e m s without proper s o u n d muffling construction (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005a). In this regard a n u m b e r of restaurants had b e e n inconsistent with the existing regulation strategies for entertainment despite the 1988 reform. T h e failure of t h e s e restaurants to conform to commercial zoning requirements led inevitably to conflict a n d the n e e d to re-evaluate V a n c o u v e r ' s policies. A s part of the evaluation p r o c e s s , a survey of C l a s s 1 Restaurants w a s c o m m i s s i o n e d by the City of V a n c o u v e r to determine the extent of live m u s i c entertainment being offered in restaurant establishments. A c c o r d i n g to the City there are more than 1500 b u s i n e s s l i c e n s e s i s s u e d for restaurants in V a n c o u v e r . Accordingly 52 restaurants were found to h a v e advertisements in local p a p e r s a n d the telephone directory listing live m u s i c entertainment (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005a). B y identifying that restaurants are able to provide important live opportunities for musicians a n d performers in the city, the city r e c o m m e n d e d a review of restaurant entertainment definitions a n d policies with the following the following objectives in mind: •  Support for arts a n d cultural activities by increasing entertainment opportunities  •  Providing opportunities for "fun city" activities  •  Mitigating neighbourhood impacts - expectation of quiet enjoyment for neighbours especially for adjacent residential u s e r s  •  Promoting fair a n d equitable treatment between b u s i n e s s e s (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005a)  T h e restaurant a m e n d m e n t s now legally allows for more entertainment in restaurants by removing limits o n the n u m b e r of entertainers a n d permitting amplified musical instruments in a C l a s s 1 Restaurants.  89  T h e City of V a n c o u v e r (2005a) r e c o g n i z e s a certain n u m b e r of trade-offs in regards to neighbourhood impacts with a c h a n g e to the bylaw. T h e c h a n g e s to the By-law would essentially m e a n greater opportunities for live m u s i c a n d entertainment, conversely resulting in greater neighbourhood impacts a n d potential noise complaints. A Restaurant C l a s s 1 with live entertainment could thus be approved o n an outright basis in a r e a s where this would h a v e previously not b e e n possible. T h i s is particularly significant in zoning a r e a s that contain a mix of residential and c o m m e r c i a l u s e s . Ultimately there is a c o n c e r n that s u c h c h a n g e s will serve to undermine the larger land u s e a s p e c t s of the Z o n i n g Bylaw. A s a result, provisions for the hours where entertainment is permitted h a v e also been suggested.  Noise A s V a n c o u v e r builds out a n d densifies, c o n c e r n s over noise h a v e b e e n increasing, a n d have b e c o m e more c o m m o n in mixed u s e a r e a s with residential a n d commercial u s e s adjacent to e a c h other. E x c e s s i v e noise from entertainment establishments is high o n the list of a n n o y a n c e s for V a n c o u v e r city residents, a n d of c o n c e r n for regulators (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2001). M a n y existing entertainment facilities are "leaky" in terms of allowing s o u n d levels form amplified music to impact surrounding communities (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005a). T h i s is a n important consideration regarding new zoning by-law a m e n d m e n t s b e c a u s e m a n y v e n u e s do not have their buildings adequately d e s i g n e d to k e e p entertainment noise within their four walls. T h e fact that live m u s i c is often played at unhealthy levels (greater than 100 d B s ) a d d s to this c o n c e r n . T h e City's Noise Control Bylaw (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2004a) is d e s i g n e d in s u c h a way a s to run parallel to the V a n c o u v e r Z o n i n g Bylaw. A s d i s c u s s e d in the literature review, noise is o n e of the most visible (and audible) reminders of urban activity a n d life, a n d it thus often a tangible subject of regulation a n d reform. A c c o r d i n g to the V a n c o u v e r N o i s e Bylaw m u s i c or voice amplification equipment a n d musical instruments (recorded or live, amplified or not) are " d e e m e d objectionable or liable to disturb the quiet, p e a c e , rest, enjoyment,  90  comfort or c o n v e n i e n c e of individuals or the public" (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2004: 4a). T h e Noise Bylaw distinguishes appropriate levels a n d locations for elevated noise levels through the classification of Active, Intermediate a n d Quiet z o n e s . Active z o n e s are those a r e a s that have a t e n d e n c y for noise production. F o r the most part these refer to industrial zoning c l a s s e s a n d a large n u m b e r of C D - 1 ( C o m p r e h e n s i v e Development) sites in the downtown. O n e s u c h Active a r e a is V a n c o u v e r ' s entertainment district along Granville. A n u m b e r of other a r e a s in Downtown V a n c o u v e r are also designated a s s u c h a n d are h o m e to a n u m b e r of C a b a r e t s a n d s o m e C l a s s - 2 Restaurants. Intermediate z o n e s include all a r e a s classified a s C o m m e r c i a l , Heritage, a n d a n u m b e r of C D - 1 sites a s well. F o r the most part Intermediate z o n e s contain a mix of c o m m e r c i a l a n d residential u s e s . Generally most establishments, restaurants, theatres, nightclubs, a n d restaurants, are located in either Active or Intermediate z o n e s . T h e nature of noise impacts on residents living in the vicinity of active nightlife u s e s ultimately h a s its roots in land u s e a n d licensing d e c i s i o n s . T h e City of V a n c o u v e r takes the position that prevention is a valuable strategy that n e e d s to play a part in resolving c o n c e r n s related to entertainment n o i s e . E n f o r c e m e n t of the N o i s e Control By-law in V a n c o u v e r is b a s e d o n r e s p o n s e s to complaints. If a n establishment is located in a n exclusively commercial/industrial a r e a or a n Active a r e a a n d is not generating complaints, e v e n though the noise levels being produced e x c e e d the sanctioned levels, enforcement is not p u s h e d . W h e n complaints are m a d e , the current N o i s e Control By-law regulations for live entertainment require that that noise readings be taken at the location of a complaint to determine c o m p l i a n c e . M e a s u r e m e n t s are taken with a noise detector from point of detection, however readings c a n often be unreliable a s noise d o e s fluctuate, a n d it is often difficult to isolate s o u n d in a n urban environment. In 1997 V a n c o u v e r City C o u n c i l s p o n s o r e d the U r b a n N o i s e T a s k F o r c e identified a continually growing problem with mixed u s e C D - 1 z o n i n g , a s well a s in a r e a s s u c h a s G a s t o w n a n d Yaletown. T h e T a s k F o r c e went o n to s u g g e s t a  91  number of recommendations for dealing with excessive noise from cabarets and other sites of live entertainment. The Vancouver Noise Bylaw identifies that interior sound levels are directly tied to the noise disseminated into communities. The City Noise Task Force Report recommended that noise measurements from within commercial premises should be used to establish maximum interior sound levels for entertainment facilities to ensure that sound levels transmitted into the community and neighbouring residences are minimized. With the inclusion of such a provision City Noise Task Force recognized the limitations of many existing building envelopes to retain extremely high noise levels within. A s interior sound levels exceed 100 decibels, they tax the noise isolation capabilities of even the most modern construction methods and soundproofing. At present new music and entertainment establishments are required submit an acoustical report, which establishes the necessary building envelope standards to meet bylaw requirements. This is important because many venues can differ when considering construction and materials used. Although most pronounced in the downtown portions of Vancouver, the city is one bursting with nighttime tourists, music lovers, and partiers, with a growing number of areas comprised of both businesses and residences. Ultimately regulatory solutions within the Noise By-law are, in the words of the city, "not meant to resolve once and for all the inherent conflict of uses" (City of Vancouver, 2001). However venue and restaurant operators whose businesses include a live music component see the enforcement of the Noise Control Bylaw as part of the City's desires to control noise as part of a larger issue of re-making the fabric of the city into one that is devoid of fun, live music, and musical innovation.  Liquor Licenses Drinking and revelry form the backbone of what might be now referred to as the commercial live music venue industry and nighttime economy. Liquor licensing is a big factor in determining where entertainment is located and how  92  v e n u e s operate in V a n c o u v e r . Furthermore recent liberalization of liquor policies has in s o m e ways also a d d r e s s e d live music entertainment despite the fact that this w a s not the original intention. 2002 Provincial liquor licensing reforms resulted in the n e e d for the City of V a n c o u v e r to develop new policies around liquor service. T h e City of V a n c o u v e r has thus b e e n working o n a liquor license policy for new v e n u e s with a particular f o c u s o n seating capacity a n d v e n u e location (City of V a n c o u v e r 2004b; City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005b). T h i s work h a s 3 main c o m p o n e n t s : •  updating the definitions in the L i c e n s e B y - L a w ;  •  determining what size v e n u e is appropriate in e a c h neighbourhood of the city (i.e. larger v e n u e s best situated in commercial/industrial areas);  •  determining how m a n y v e n u e s are appropriate for a given n e i g h b o u r h o o d , a n d what the distancing requirements m a y be.  In July 2 0 0 5 City C o u n c i l a p p r o v e d a m e n d m e n t s to the L i c e n s e By-law to provide new definitions for b u s i n e s s e s with a Liquor Primary function b a s e d on a c l a s s s y s t e m . E a c h c o m e s with policies a n d guidelines relating to the size a n d location restrictions of establishments.  T h e c l a s s e s are defined a s follows :  C l a s s 1 - Boutique P u b / W i n e B a r - up to 65 seats C l a s s 2 - P u b - 66 to 120 seats C l a s s 3 - L o u n g e - 1 2 1 to 250 seats Class 4 -  Nightclub -  C l a s s 5 - Large  251 to 450 seats  Nightclub -  451 to 950 seats  C l a s s 6 - S p e c i a l Entertainment V e n u e - 950+ seats (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005b)  A two-tiered licensing s y s t e m with a n area a p p r o a c h in regards to hours of liquor service is also an important c o m p o n e n t of the City's liquor policies. T h e licensing model establishes three "areas" b a s e d on factors s u c h a s level of  93  commercial intensity a n d mix of u s e s , a n d establishes b a s e hours and extended hours for e a c h . T h e categories include primarily c o m m e r c i a l , primarily mixed-use and primarily residential a r e a s which are b a s e d o n land-use zoning, existing City policy, a n d future directions (i.e. CityPlan) (Table  5.2)  T a b l e 5.2 - A r e a A p p r o a c h e s to Liquor Licensing  Area Designation  "Primarily commercial"  Components  •  Little or no residential c o m p o n e n t .  •  Identified through policy a s entertainment a r e a s or a r e a s suitable for specific types of entertainment, a n d therefore incorporate a higher tolerance for noise a n d other impacts related to entertainment a r e a s .  •  L e a s t restrictive hours of liquor service. In the downtown includes the Granville Street Entertainment District a n d the core of the Central B u s i n e s s District; outside the downtown, may include s o m e industrial areas.  "Primarily mixed-use"  •  M i x e d - u s e a r e a s which are c o m p r i s e d of a variety of l a n d - u s e s , including c o m m e r c i a l , entertainment a n d residential u s e s , a n d are c o n s i d e r e d high activity z o n e s .  •  Hours of liquor service in t h e s e a r e a s are slightly more restrictive.  -  In the downtown includes Yaletown, G a s t o w n , the W e s t E n d c o m m e r c i a l a r e a s , a n d non-core a r e a s of the Central B u s i n e s s District; outside the downtown includes a r e a s s u c h a s portions of Central Broadway, 4th A v e n u e , Main Street a n d C o m m e r c i a l Drive.  "Primarily residential"  -  A n y c o m m e r c i a l a r e a s permitting Liquor Primary u s e s not falling into either of the preceding categories.  •  Most restrictive hours of liquor service.  94  •  In the downtown includes non-conforming Liquor Primary establishments located in the residential a r e a s of Downtown S o u t h ; outside the downtown includes quieter lower activity commercial z o n e s . (City of Vancouver, 2005b)  Virtually all d i s c u s s i o n s of the nightlife e c o n o m y inevitably turn to i s s u e s related to liquor licensing, a s it is through these m e a n s that m a n y of the i s s u e s concerning live music v e n u e s are typically a d d r e s s e d .  Enforcement and Impact R e d u c t i o n Undertaken on a complaint basis, bylaw enforcement is handled by inspectors a n d Environmental Health staff (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005a). If a n d when establishments operate b e y o n d their prescribed limits, a long a n d s o m e t i m e s arduous task of gathering e v i d e n c e is then undertaken. In general most v e n u e s that have s o m e form of live m u s i c are operating beyond what is permitted or prescribed by land u s e a n d licensing (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005a). A key c o m p o n e n t V a n c o u v e r ' s a p p r o a c h to live music entertainment regulation is f o c u s e d o n employing "impact reduction m e a s u r e s " . V a n c o u v e r d o e s note that i s s u e s surrounding entertainment impacts generally fall into two groups: •  P r o b l e m s occurring inside establishments - which includes high noise levels, crowding, over service of alcohol, a n d poor r e s p o n s e by operators to community complaints.  •  P r o b l e m s occurring outside establishments - which includes noise leakage from the establishment, noise a s s o c i a t e d with patrons, poor behaviour of patrons a n d disruption of the surrounding community, violence, and drunk driving. (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005b)  95  T h e City of V a n c o u v e r ' s general philosophy is that many of the impacts from live m u s i c and other active u s e s c a n be mitigated through m a n a g e m e n t procedures and actions directly taken by owners a n d operators. N e w liquor policies recognize operational differences, a n d ultimately impacts b a s e d on size, generally differentiating between smaller establishments s u c h a s neighbourhood oriented pubs, restaurants, and larger nightclubs. Private clubs (such a s community or cultural centers) another layer, however t h e s e are a s s e s s e d individually b a s e d on their capacity, type of operation, enforcement history, a n d perceived community impact.  5.4  CULTURAL PLANNING In m a n y ways cultural planning starts with the recognition of arts a n d culture in CityPlan (1991). Here r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s for arts a n d culture in CityPlan mirror the 1993 V a n c o u v e r Arts Initiative which w a s created to a d d r e s s i s s u e s related to art a n d culture in V a n c o u v e r ' s communities. T h e s e recommendations include: •  increasing a c c e s s to the arts for children and youth;  •  a n e x p a n d e d range of art and cultural activities ;  •  increased neighbourhood participation in art a n d culture;  •  more individual learning a n d expression;  •  create new arts facilities through partnerships between the private sector, non-profit organizations, a n d the City.  (City of V a n c o u v e r , 1995b)  O v e r the years V a n c o u v e r has d e v e l o p e d a fairly robust cultural planning department to meet these n e e d s .  Office of Cultural Affairs T h e Office of Cultural Affairs ( O C A ) is a division of the City of V a n c o u v e r that h a s b e e n created to advise V a n c o u v e r City C o u n c i l o n issues a n d strategies  96  related to culture. Evolving out of social planning this division also d e v e l o p s and administers cultural policies a n d programs, and participates in city planning and d e v e l o p m e n t p r o c e s s e s (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2006b). T h e activities of the O C A are informed by research and analysis of trends in V a n c o u v e r ' s cultural sector a n d the s u p p o s e d best practices in other cities. T h e goals of the O C A are a s follows: •  T o promote a high level of creativity a n d excellence in the cultural life of Vancouver.  •  T o promote diversity in the artistic life of the community, including both professional a n d non-professional, the traditional a n d the innovative, a n d the established a n d the aspiring.  •  T o e n c o u r a g e financial a n d managerial efficiency in the operation of V a n c o u v e r ' s cultural organizations.  •  T o e n s u r e the existence of adequate  facilities for the creation a n d  presentation of the arts in V a n c o u v e r . •  T o e n s u r e that all V a n c o u v e r residents and visitors, including senior citizens, youth, low i n c o m e people, m e m b e r s of ethnic minorities a n d other distinct groups have opportunities to enjoy a n d participate in cultural activities. (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2006c)  T h e O C A d o e s note that appropriate cultural facilities are essential to the community a n d key to the e c o n o m i c health of the city. Facilities are said to serve residents, attract tourists, maintain b u s i n e s s e s , a n d overall c a n help to e n h a n c e quality of life. T h e Office of Cultural Affairs works to sustain and e n h a n c e V a n c o u v e r ' s cultural a n d social infrastructure through the following: •  T h r e e civic theatres  •  City-owned land a n d buildings (the Firehall Arts C e n t r e , Heritage Hall, V a n c o u v e r E a s t Cultural Centre, a n d Pacific C i n e c e n t r e , a m o n g others), which are l e a s e d at nominal rent  97  •  Live/work studio spaces for individual artists, including the 30-unit CORE Artists Live/Work Co-op and the studios for the City's artist residency awards.  •  A capital grants program that allows not-for-profit social service and cultural organizations to purchase facilities or to renovate and refurbish facilities not owned by the City.  •  Facility development and project management.  Unfortunately live music performance venues and more commercial forms of entertainment are not typically addressed through the OCA, nor do the recommendations noted in CityPlan have any firm identification of live music or entertainment.  Creative City Task Force In December 2004, Vancouver City Council approved the creation of a Creative City Task Force. Comprised of City Councilors, community representatives, and City staff, the goal is to begin a stakeholder consultation process to identify strategic goals, directions and priority objectives together with recommendations for the City's role in development of the arts, culture, community celebrations, and special events. At present the Creative City Task Force is in the process of creating a Cultural Strategic Plan for the City of Vancouver. The Cultural Strategic Plan is to be a document to guide the City's future role in the arts and culture. The overall purpose of the plan is to provide direction which will enable the City to best align its programs, services, infrastructure, processes, organizational structure, and budgets with the identified priorities, mission and objectives. One important element of the Plan is the identification of external factors that could affect achievement of long-term goals and ultimately to set out strategies to influence  98  t h e s e factors. At the time of writing this thesis, the T a s k F o r c e w a s in what they h a v e d u b b e d the "Learning P h a s e " in creating the Strategic Plan. S i n c e T a s k F o r c e m e m b e r s hold varying levels of familiarity with the myriad of a s p e c t s of the arts a n d cultural sector locally, nationally a n d internationally the learning p h a s e h a s b e e n d e s i g n e d to d e v e l o p a c o m m o n language, context and b a s e knowledge. T h e extent to which live m u s i c v e n u e s are a d d r e s s e d or will be a d d r e s s e d is unclear.  Performing A r t s Facilities Inventory A s part of the Office of Cultural Affairs the City of V a n c o u v e r recently set out to create a Performing Arts Facilities Inventory. T h e purpose of the inventory is to provide a c o m p r e h e n s i v e listing of all performance a n d rehearsal facilities in V a n c o u v e r including detailed information o n stage a n d seating configurations, rehearsal room d i m e n s i o n s , lobby a n d public a r e a s , technical equipment, etc. a s well a s rental rates a n d policies. Linked to a website run by the City, information a n d photographs are contained in the d a t a b a s e , provided by e a c h facility. Information is to be kept current with reliance o n facilities t h e m s e l v e s to provide accurate a n d timely data. S o m e of V a n c o u v e r ' s live m u s i c v e n u e s are included o n this d a t a b a s e . H o w e v e r most are not.  5.5  FINANCING A N D T H E S E C U R I N G O F P U B L I C AMENITIES Ensuring a c c e s s to appropriate a n d affordable facilities is challenging,  especially in V a n c o u v e r ' s rapidly developing real estate market. A s h a s b e e n d i s c u s s e d , this is a particularly growing c o n c e r n for live m u s i c performance spaces. T h e Office of Cultural Affairs participates in City planning p r o c e s s e s to help s e c u r e a c c e s s to facilities through C o m m u n i t y U s e A g r e e m e n t s . T h e s e include a g r e e m e n t s that provide a c c e s s at minimal cost to indoor facilities s u c h a s U B C at R o b s o n S q u a r e a n d to outdoor s p a c e s s u c h a s the P l a z a of Nations a n d the W a l l C e n t r e P l a z a . T h i s is a program that theoretically would allow a  99  group or organization that w i s h e s to put o n live m u s i c events to do s o at nominal cost. Generally the City of V a n c o u v e r ' s Office of Cultural Affairs works a s a non-profit organization, offering direct support a n d information s e r v i c e s to large a n d small not-for profit cultural organizations a n d coordinating civic grant programs that assist with the costs of operations, projects, organizational development, a n d capital expenditures. In regards to live music, the idea is that the O C A helps to support live m u s i c facilities that would not easily exist without public support or funding. Working with other civic departments, O C A participates in the d e v e l o p m e n t a n d upgrading of City-owned a n d other cultural facilities through zoning incentives a n d capital funding. T h e City d o e s explore creative w a y s to a d d r e s s cultural a n d social n e e d s through zoning incentives for new d e v e l o p m e n t s , in the form of amenity contributions (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2005c). T h i s includes a density b o n u s program that allows the City, in partnership with private d e v e l o p e r s , to create cultural facilities a n d amenities at little direct cost to taxpayers. H o w e v e r to date there h a v e b e e n few attempts at using t h e s e tools a s a m e a n s to create or operate live m u s i c v e n u e s . T h e r e is a feeling however that opportunities do exist to u s e this method of financing in the future. It is said this would require greater organization o n the part of the m u s i c community in V a n c o u v e r a n d that a n u m b e r of other location a n d zoning requirements be c o n s i d e r e d in unison.  5.6  SUMMARY V a n c o u v e r is often c o n s i d e r e d a major regional centre for the  d e v e l o p m e n t of C a n a d i a n m u s i c . In the early 1980's V a n c o u v e r played a n important role in the d e v e l o p m e n t of punk rock a n d industrial music. A number of legendary a n d now defunct live m u s i c clubs existed in a r e a s of the downtown a n d contributed greatly to the musical d e v e l o p m e n t of the city. C o m m o n outside perceptions are of V a n c o u v e r a s a relaxed city, particularly by North A m e r i c a n  100  standards. H o w e v e r those o n the inside ususally s e e it a s anything but relaxed a n d is s o m e t i m e s d e s c r i b e d a s the "no fun city". O v e r the years the city h a s prided itself a s a "city pf neighbourhoods", e a c h with distinct character a n d ethnic mixes. P l a n n e r s in the late 1950s a n d into the 1970's e n c o u r a g e d the d e v e l o p m e n t of high-rise c o n d o m i n i u m towers in the W e s t E n d downtown n e i g h b o u r h o o d . T h i s resulted in a more c o m p a c t urban core. V a n c o u v e r h a s also s e e n a n ongoing downtown c o n d o m i n i u m construction b o o m that b e g a n in the late 1990s. T h i s h a s i n c r e a s e d residential c o m p o n e n t s in the downtown dramatically. T h i s d e v e l o p m e n t trend h a s had a t r e m e n d o u s effect o n live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d  entertainment.  W h a t is certain is that for live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d live entertainment m a n y a r e a s of V a n c o u v e r have b e c o m e threatened a s a result of growth a n d development. T h i s is aided by a n u n c a n n y knack for V a n c o u v e r i t e s to c o m p l a i n .  101  C H A P T E R 6 - SWOT ANALYSIS 6.1  INTRODUCTION Presented in this chapter is a SWOT analysis of municipal planning  policies in Vancouver as they relate to live music venues. Based on a strategic planning model, the SWOT-analysis implies the identification of and response to changes both beyond and within the control of an organization, with the end purpose of providing future direction for the organization. Sorkin, Ferris, and Hudak (1984) identify that the strategic planning approach 1) has an action and results orientation; 2) promotes more diverse participation in planning; 3) scans the environment; 4) assesses strengths and weaknesses in the context opportunities and threats.  The SWOT analysis is a fundamental tool used in strategic planning originally developed within the corporate world as a means to map internal strengths and weaknesses and to identify external opportunities and threats (Kaufman and Jacobs, 1987). The 'organization' explored in this thesis refers broadly to Vancouver's various planning policy responses to live music venues. The goal was to have this SWOT analysis act as the preliminary stage of decision-making and as a precursor to further planning policy applications. The SWOT analysis provided the ability to explore successful, redundant, irrelevant, outdated, and or misguided policy directions and then to subsequently suggest potentially innovative, relevant, and effective alternatives.  102  The analysis presented here has been culled from the multitude of sources including the literature review, document analysis, interviews with planners and important actors, and surveys with music venue operators. The analytical framework set out in the last section of chapter 3 provides the basis for evaluation and criteria. This SWOT analysis pulls together and identifies the strengths and weaknesses of Vancouver's current planning policies, as well as the external opportunities and threats facing live music venues in the city. The information culled from the case examples was also helpful in providing examples of potential alternatives. Each of the data and information sources is discussed below. The literature review was used in establishing both the theoretical basis of the problem and to bring forward a number of perspectives to discuss the specific Vancouver context. The document analysis component of the study was helpful in the SWOT analysis as it identified existing policies and provided the grounds for potential policy alternatives. Documents and official policy papers were also supplemented by information obtained through the interviews and surveys. Interviews and surveys complimented the policy analysis in that they provided unique insights into the issues surrounding live music venues that may have otherwise been missed through the document analysis alone. In most instances the interviews provided interesting perspectives on policies, the different players involved, and the subjective issues related to live music venues in the city. The interviews were conducted with a range of individuals representing as diverse range of actors. Planners, public officials, health officials, enforcement agencies, policy researchers, and other interests directly linked to the live music industry were contacted. Different approaches and views of live music venues were fundamental to this project as the intent was to better interpret differing roles within current policy. The surveys conducted with music venue operators were used alternately to obtain a better impression issues from those who are directly involved and affected by planning policies surrounding live music on an operating level.  103  It should be noted that planning policies are generally obtuse and typically must manage a great number of environmental factors such as economic and political developments, strategies by private actors and government agencies, changing relationships, and management techniques. All efforts were taken to focus the SWOT analysis on policies related to land use and cultural planning. The next few sections will detail the strengths, weakness, opportunities and threats as they relate to live music venues in Vancouver.  6.2  STRENGHTS In noting the strengths of current policies with respect to live music venues in  Vancouver, the SWOT analysis was selected to scrutinize policy from an institutional perspective. Presented here are explanations of existing policies that reinforce the successful attributes of land use and cultural planning policy in addressing live music venues. •  New zoning bylaw changes for entertainment and live music in Restaurants.  A recent City of Vancouver zoning bylaw amendment to update and change the definitions of restaurants and the types of entertainment permitted illustrates a considerable strength within current planning policy. As was demonstrated in the amendment process, there was recognition by the City of Vancouver that the previously existing bylaw definitions for restaurants were inadequate for allowing culturally based activities and live music. The old bylaw definitions were recognized to be unreflective of what was happening on the ground, with entertainment being offered in many establishments regardless of the bylaw. Concerns and reservations over the bylaw amendment still exist on the part of the City, residents, restaurant owners, and venue operators in regards to issues over noise, operating hours, and the broadened ability for more businesses to provide live music entertainment. According to the City of Vancouver, the new bylaw follows a commitment to  104  provide more opportunities for cultural a n d artistic e x p r e s s i o n , particularly at the neighbourhood level. A s o n e planner noted, this bylaw a m e n d m e n t is "potentially the first step to other adjustments in how bars a n d nightclubs are m a n a g e d " . H o w e v e r a general feeling a m o n g s t a n u m b e r of the planners a n d city officials interviewed noted that these bylaw c h a n g e s are not intended to incite r e c k l e s s n e s s or h e a v y - h a n d e d m a n a g e m e n t , but rather a step towards diligence a n d flexibility in managing i s s u e s surrounding entertainment.  •  Consistent monitoring and reevaluation of programs. T h e City of V a n c o u v e r is presently experimenting with on-going regulatory  reforms for live entertainment, liquor licensing, a n d hours of operation. Part of this includes a desire o n the part of the City to increase opportunities for live music a n d entertainment a s well a s to mitigate the negative impacts of nighttime activities that result. Bylaw a m e n d m e n t s , extended bar hour policies, liquor reforms, a n d a re-evaluation of capacity guidelines, are a few of the programs a n d policies under continual review a n d monitoring. W h i l e this d o e s not e n s u r e that V a n c o u v e r is undertaking the proper m e a s u r e s to o v e r c o m e its dubious moniker a s the "no fun city" or to adequately a d d r e s s i s s u e s related to live music, it a p p e a r s to indicate that the n e e d for a constant reevaluation of s u c h policies is well r e c o g n i z e d . T h e question of whether the most a d e q u a t e policies are being p u r s u e d , a n d whether or not the tools currently available are going to benefit or further hinder live music v e n u e s is not abundantly clear. While land u s e policies in the form of zoning a n d regulations are large role players, the research also m a d e it clear that initiative of the owners a n d operators of establishments to not only h a v e live music, but also to e n s u r e that appropriate standards are set. A s o n e city planner noted "many of the technicalities a n d policy m e c h a n i s m s for allowing live music v e n u e s are already in place", a n d do in fact allow live music v e n u e s to operate, should the owners c h o s e . However t h e s e m e c h a n i s m s do not necessarily a c c o u n t for the difficult a n d s o m e t i m e s e x p e n s i v e p r o c e s s e s  105  involved in getting a live music venue into operation and arranging the requirements to ensure quality and responsible live music programming.  •  Commitment to Balanced Regulation. Interviews with City of Vancouver planners and other key informants,  alongside the policy document review indicated that at a base level the policies and regulations currently in place do well to support live music venues in a balanced manner. A s one planner noted "a balance amongst the policies that affect nighttime entertainment as well as the people and residents impacted is a fundamental aim of the city." In this respect, it was clearly stated that "there is no systematic or purposeful attempt to discourage the presence of live music venues." A s was commonly iterated by City of Vancouver staff, the location and operation of establishments that wish to have live music are required to simply to comply with the prescribed uses and restrictions outlined in zoning and other relevant bylaws. In this sense policy is ultimately geared towards "permitting" live music venues in appropriate locations with specific regulations aimed at ameliorating negative externalities.  •  Recognition of "Cultural Activities" in Policy. Taking into account the policy document review as well as the comments  of those interviewed for this study, it became evident that cultural activities are important and valued components of life in Vancouver. Each of the interviewees, including the police and enforcement agents, expressed the importance and worth of spaces such as live music venues. Long range planning agendas such as City Plan and the Central Area Plan, as well as cultural planning policies each indicate a strong acceptance and desire for cultural spaces and activities. However as the next section on weaknesses will identify, definitions of what constitutes cultural spaces and activities in these plans are not well defined and do not directly address live music venues.  106  .2  WEAKNESSES  Like strengths, the S W O T analysis w a s aimed at scrutinizing planning policies related to live music from an institutional perspective. Presented here are existing policies that were s e e n a s neglectful or inconsiderate of the n e e d s of live music v e n u e s .  •  Living First Continuation of the "living first" strategy for development p o s e s a problem  for live music v e n u e s . Although there are great c o n c e s s i o n s offered with this policy geared towards creating a more livable a n d inviting city to live in, there are a number of drawbacks. In advocating for a n "Alive Downtown" V a n c o u v e r ' s Central A r e a Plan h a s tried to create a central a r e a that contains a mix of activities, people, and environments, where residential u s e s lay in c l o s e proximity to more active a r e a s of the city for people to s h o p , play, and work (City of V a n c o u v e r , 2001). Yet at the s a m e time there is a n e x p r e s s e d desire to limit this mix. Policy 4.4 of the Central A r e a Plan (1991) explicitly states the desire to limit incompatible u s e s . In a r e a s designated primarily for housing the aim is to limit restaurant, retail, and entertainment u s e s (to ensure that the list of commercial u s e s permitted will be compatible with housing) and to develop design solutions to a d d r e s s c o n c e r n s s u c h a s restaurant noise and odors (City of V a n c o u v e r , 1991). Despite best intensions, V a n c o u v e r ' s "living first" a g e n d a bestows a level of primacy to residential interests. T h u s residential, b u s i n e s s , government desires to remove, or at least mute noisy music (amongst other u s e s and activities) establishments reveal a potent form in which various "factional interests invoke the notion of public interest in upholding private property values" ( H o m a n , 2003: 5). Further adding to this d i s c u s s i o n , recent reports have also stated that the things that attract people who revitalize cities and central a r e a s , s u c h a s d e n s e housing, fashionable restaurants and s h o p s , entertainment, a n d m a s s transit are prone to drive children and families out by making n e i g h b o r h o o d s  107  both too e x p e n s i v e a n d unsuited for y o u n g families ( E g a n , 2005). Data from the 2001 c e n s u s indicates that this h a s not actually h a p p e n e d in V a n c o u v e r . B y the s a m e token, in trying to promote a vibrant city, a n influx of families a n d large quotients of residential u s e s into a community c a n diminish the ability for nighttime entertainment  a n d active u s e s s u c h a s live music v e n u e s to  thrive. T h e question then b e c o m e s o n e of how livability is to be a c h i e v e d without fundamentally d a m a g i n g opportunities for live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d other forms of nighttime  culture. O n e planner noted that there  is no intent to  discourage live music v e n u e s , but a d d e d "there is something to be said in finding the right balance between different interests". All things c o n s i d e r e d , a multitude  of  stakeholders  and  interests  concerning  the  management,  regulation, a n d incorporation of live m u s i c v e n u e s into the "living first" city m a k e "livability" v e r s u s "vibrancy" d e b a t e s heated. In e s s e n c e , this w e a k n e s s stipulates that contested terrain in the city h a s not b e e n fully a d d r e s s e d in current policy. Live music v e n u e s in V a n c o u v e r are to s o m e d e g r e e dictated by the conditions of the development market a n d the n e e d for amicable s p a c e . A s the market for land continues to b o o m , constraints o n available land a n d easily adapted s p a c e s for active u s e s b e c o m e more p r o n o u n c e d . T h e City of V a n c o u v e r h a s u s e d this a s leverage to e n c o u r a g e d e v e l o p e r s to be flexible and  creative  with  the  procurement  of  cultural  facilities  and  amenities.  However no s u c h programs have b e e n u s e d to facilitate the creation of live music v e n u e s , particularly to those that operate in primarily c o m m e r c i a l w a y s . T h e municipality has to s o m e d e g r e e adopted a pro-development a p p r o a c h and a p p e a r s reluctant to p u s h for projects that m a y have unpredictable social or environmental impacts on residential interests.  •  Limited Funding Resources and Assistance A s d i s c o v e r e d through interviews a n d the policy d o c u m e n t review, the City  of V a n c o u v e r helps to fund major arts organizations a n d cultural facilities. However the r e s e a r c h s e e m s to indicate that the range of live m u s i c v e n u e s  108  supported by t h e s e types of initiatives are limited. Most financial support for cultural facilities is a c h i e v e d through a pooling of r e s o u r c e s a m o n g s t civic a g e n c i e s , non-profit organizations, and private sectors. Historically, most of the City's funding for arts a n d culture h a s f o c u s e d on major civic facilities a n d the arts organizations that u s e them, s u c h a s the V a n c o u v e r S y m p h o n y O r c h e s t r a at the O r p h e u m Theatre, the O p e r a at the Q u e e n Elizabeth T h e a t r e , a n d the P l a y h o u s e T h e a t r e C o m p a n y . S i n c e City r e s o u r c e s are limited, there is a recognized challenge to find new s o u r c e s of donations, s p o n s o r s h i p s , and revenue for e v e n the prominent a n d established City operated v e n u e s . C o m m e r c i a l l y b a s e d , smaller, a n d "off the radar" live m u s i c v e n u e s o n the other hand tend not to benefit from public support a n d are typically not included within cultural planning a g e n d a s a n d support frameworks. T h i s leaves s o m e v e n u e s at the h a n d s of a n often unsupportive marketplace, and m a n a g e d within unsupportive planning policy. Overall, funding a s s i s t a n c e and public support programs for live music facilities in V a n c o u v e r illustrate s o m e very stark limitations. H o w e v e r it should be noted that o n e cultural planner remarked that it is not so m u c h that more commercially b a s e d live m u s i c v e n u e s are not included within a cultural planning framework, it is just that they are difficult to define a n d operate o n m a n y different levels.  •  Art as Organizations Interestingly e n o u g h CityPlan notes that V a n c o u v e r i t e s in general are not  willing to leave the funding of art and cultural activities to the private market. H o w e v e r establishments, facilities, a n d s p a c e s u s e d for live m u s i c performance might easily be slotted s o m e w h e r e between and within both the private a n d the public s p h e r e s . M a n y nightclubs, restaurants, and e v e n s o m e art/performance s p a c e s operate within the private s p h e r e without a recognized organization at the helm guiding their creative activities a n d events. Civically o w n e d or publicly operated theatres, concert halls, a n d e v e n community centres usually have a m u c h more public orientation, often with  109  larger and stronger organizational structures at the helm. Civic arts funding as connected to the Office of Cultural Affairs in Vancouver seems to emphasize the notion of "art as organizations". This idea concedes that for facilities to gain access to funding or creative support from civic, provincial, federal sources, as well as non-profit organizations, and the private sectors, they are best to operate under the framework of an established arts organization. This is largely detrimental to the grassroots and commercial components of the city's music community. A n issue of this nature has a tendency to devolve into a discussion of support for popular culture versus established cultural institutions such as the Symphony Orchestra. However one planner noted that "no prescribed distinction is made between the types of music supported". One argument was that live music venues can be risky, ephemeral, and often associated with residential concerns. Thus the liminal and organic qualities of live music entertainment are effectively limiting. There is a tendency to leave venues geared towards certain musical forms such as rock music, hip-hop, and a host of other types of music with lesser consideration from City directed policy. Furthermore public funding and support is typically directed towards organizations and facilities that are stable and have strong or long-standing organizational capacities. From this perspective one might conclude that the sometimes fickle and unstable elements of many live music venues and spaces (as a whole) make public support less feasible or attractive. Not made clear are the options and possibilities for live music venues within a broader framework that includes both commercial and publicly assisted spaces.  •  Piecemeal Responsibility Perhaps one of the most difficult tasks in conducting this research was  identifying specifically who to contact for information and interviews. A number of people within different City departments, including land use and policy planning, bylaws and licensing, public health, police, and cultural  110  planning were eventually interviewed. O n l y after individuals from e a c h of t h e s e diverse departments were identified was it possible to begin constructing a more complete picture of the policies t h e m s e l v e s . W h a t w a s most notable throughout the interviews w a s that in most instances the individual interactions a n d knowledge of live music related i s s u e s a n d policies tended to be peripheral in nature. T h e overall impression taken w a s that live music v e n u e s are dealt with on a n issue by issue basis a c r o s s n u m e r o u s departments, with e a c h department or a r e a taking responsibility for a small c o m p o n e n t of the overall picture. T h i s m a d e p r o c e s s i n g and gathering information tedious a n d s o m e w h a t daunting. Interviews with the diverse range of City officials revealed that specific i s s u e s related to live m u s i c v e n u e s were tied to s o m e portion of their work portfolio. Naturally t h e s e primary a r e a s of expertise do have a significant role in dealing with live m u s i c v e n u e s , but ultimately fail to a d d r e s s the i s s u e s in a holistic manner. W h i l e a s e e m i n g l y i n n o c u o u s conclusion, the r e s e a r c h reveals that policy concerning live m u s i c v e n u e s s p a n s a c r o s s everything from land u s e planning, regulation, cultural, health, a n d enforcement. B e c a u s e of the diversity of i s s u e s a n d expertise, planning policy on all levels s e e m s to lose sight of the overall nature of the u s e a n d activity taking place: live music. T h e lack of a "point person" or a more consolidated m a n n e r with which to a d d r e s s i s s u e s surrounding live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d entertainment in a holistic or coordinated w a y proves to be a major w e a k n e s s of current policies overall. O n s o m e level this s p e a k s to a lack of effective communication between departments in regards to m a n a g e m e n t and objectives. More appropriately however, it s p e a k s to how s p a c e s for live entertainment a n d live music specifically h a v e not garnered direct a n d multi-faceted attention.  •  N o Separate Live M u s i c B u s i n e s s L i c e n s e S y s t e m T h e city's a p p r o a c h to regulating entertainment is unique. M a n y other  cities typically allow entertainment in restaurants a s a n a c c e s s o r y u s e on a  111  conditional basis (City of Vancouver, 2005). The City of Vancouver has made strides to broaden the variety of entertainment permitted in many facilities by re-evaluating entertainment in restaurants through bylaw amendment. The intent of this action was to better provide the ability to require mitigation measures to address any potential negative impacts of music and entertainment. However these changes do not necessarily makes things more clear-cut or obvious for live music. Other cities often require separate business licenses for entertainment based on meeting land use, licensing, and other requirements. No separate business license system for live music exists in Vancouver. A s one planner commented, discussing live music in regards to regulation was "difficult because it is tied so intricately with so many other components". In not having a system that clearly articulates and separates live music as an activity, a number of adverse outcomes appear to have resulted. One such outcome is a decidedly complex, difficult, and often expensive set of procedures for facilities and venues that wish to provide live music or entertainment, and particularly if they wish to serve alcohol. Without further delving into special permit licenses and permits for after hours dance clubs, one planner indicated that an unintended consequence of not having a more defined or direct licensing system (as an example) for live music and entertainment is that other activities tend to influence live music possibilities. Thus the creative components and cultural benefits of live music venues tend to have no significant role in how they are managed or regulated. From the perspective of this thesis it is seen as important to distinguish (although not separate) the act of music making and entertainment from those other activities such as alcohol consumption in order that musical activities not be relegated to secondary status.  •  Liquor licensing Perhaps the most profound discovery in looking at live music venue  related policy in Vancouver was the influence liquor licensing. Virtually all  112  interviews a n d s u r v e y s contained s o m e d i s c u s s i o n or c o m m e n t o n the nature of liquor licensing a n d the complications this c a n present for v e n u e s and facilities in providing live m u s i c entertainment. V a n c o u v e r h a s had a storied history of dealing with liquor regulation. H o w e v e r it s e e m s almost detrimental that most d i s c u s s i o n s surrounding live m u s i c must involve alcohol before any notion of the amenity value of live m u s i c v e n u e s c a n be d i s c u s s e d . A s o n e City representative explained, m u c h of what is d i s c u s s e d in regards to live music " d e p e n d s o n whether a n establishment wants to serve liquor of not."  •  Entertainment district s h o r t c o m i n g s T h e intention of concentrating entertainment a n d liquor u s e s onto  Granville Street h a s p r o d u c e d a n u m b e r of contradictory a n d unfavourable o u t c o m e s for live m u s i c v e n u e s . A few highly regarded a n d s u c c e s s f u l music v e n u e s (such a s the C o m m o d o r e Ballroom) presently offer citizens s o m e important flagship live m u s i c facilities in this a r e a . H o w e v e r a significantly large portion of the established entertainment district h a s no significant live music entertainment c o m p o n e n t . A n u m b e r of p e o p l e s u r v e y e d a n d interviewed indicated that the entertainment district h a s b e e n ineffective it its aim of concentrating u s e s a n d limiting tensions. Furthermore, alternative s p a c e s h a v e b e e n d i s e n g a g e d a n d distanced from the regeneration p r o c e s s o n Granville Street, with the area dominated by high-end bars a n d nightclubs. O n e v e n u e m a n a g e r surveyed s u g g e s t e d that e v e n t h o s e it is a benefit to that particular b u s i n e s s , "the entertainment district is too busy" a n d that "it limits entertainment options elsewhere in the city".  •  Confused objectives in Official Plans CityPlan's directions are b a s e d o n dual g o a l s of both strengthening the  cultural center of the city and s p r e a d i n g arts a n d cultural activity into n e i g h b o u r h o o d s . T h e s e are two very different a i m s . Residential intensification leads to c o n c e r n s over active land u s e s s u c h a s live m u s i c v e n u e s . W h e n  113  situated near residential uses live music venues can pose concerns due to externalities related to noise, street activity, and the like. For neighbourhoods located outside of the downtown core, there is a greater expectation that more active uses are effectively contained within the central area so as not to affect residential quality. However this situation becomes more convoluted because residential uses are increasingly a large component of downtown living as well. Both CityPlan and the Central Area Plan imply a desire to have 'destination' type uses in the downtown. Each also suggests that such uses be appropriately buffered from residential communities. One City representative noted that live music venues are a type of destination that often attracts people from both local neighbourhoods and from around the region. Furthermore "any type of use that brings people to a destination can bring people out onto the street afterwards". Despite the expressed desire of Vancouverites for vibrancy and culture within their communities, the City also identifies that most people do not want to live next to or be bothered by active uses. A 500 seat music venue located in an area not typical of a destination area presents a difficult land use question. The attempt through Vancouver's long range plans is to avoid bringing unwanted or conflicting activities into neighbourhoods and to avoid potentially detracting from the role of downtown Vancouver as a principal destination. Yet there is also a stated desire to broaden art and culture activity at the neighbourhood level to provide opportunities for resident participation. CityPlan and the Central Area Plan are in many ways a continuation of Local Area Planning's previous aim to cast Vancouver as a place to live. While notions of vibrancy and "alive" neighbourhoods are warranted by the likes of CityPlan and desired by the people of Vancouver, "alive" neighbourhoods also imply increased impacts from land uses other than residential. It became apparent in the interviews that while live music venues could be viewed by each interviewee as an important amenity from a planning policy perspective, there was also general recognition that live music venues  114  demand a higher degree of management than other uses typically accounted for by CityPlan, the Central Area Plan, and other long range planning agendas. A s a result, live entertainment, music venues, and entertainment uses have a tendency to be edited out or neglected as possible neighbourhood amenities that contribute to the creativity and culture of the city. One City of Vancouver interviewee suggested that uses such as live music venues are generally supported in "locations and ways that best fit the overall city vision." However it would appear that the City's vision is somewhat unclear. If potential impacts on residential communities are too pronounced certain land uses and activities such as live music venues are unwelcome. Neighbourhood based live music entertainment is thus discouraged on these grounds, regardless of changes to the bylaws and regulations concerning live music entertainment.  6.3  OPPORTUNITIES Identifying opportunities is different than noting strengths and weaknesses.  Opportunities are elements of the environment that exist outside of the institution and current policy but that also have the ability to affect policy directions. In other words these are areas where policy where there are gaps in the external environment. If the gaps can be considered, there is hope that it could lead to more reflexive and responsive policies in the future. The unique thing in discussing opportunities is that both the strengths and weakness noted above serve to help identify opportunities.  •  Youth and "all age" s p a c e s A common theme to emerge from this research was that there appear to  be considerable opportunities to orient energies and resources towards the promotion of more all age live music events and venues geared towards a youth audience. The term "all age" simply means an event that does not  115  require attendees to be above the legal drinking age and where limited or no alcohol service is provided. A number of interviewees and survey respondents indicated a general lack of all age spaces in the city. One planner in particular noted that there seems to be a "general reluctance in the city for live music events, particularly in established venues". The primary purpose in raising the issue of music spaces for youth and all age events is that they offer opportunities to focus attention on music making and performance, personal development, and grassroots organizational initiatives such as the ones demonstrated in Seattle and Austin. Furthermore, a focus on youth spaces can help to better distinguish the benefits of live music and creativity from alcohol sales and the extremely difficult issues that come attached to it. Research revealed that there are few sanctioned venues that house live music events for all age crowds. Most all age events tend to be based in community centres and club halls that are rented out for special event purposes. Barring these locations, all age events also happen in nonsanctioned locations or in other municipalities. Only a handful of restaurants, nightclubs, and venues where liquor is served consistently promote live music events for an all age crowd. It should also be noted there is currently no venue specifically geared towards youth. While it is quite common to direct the focus of planning for youth spaces to activities such as skateboarding and other art initiatives, there is a considerable gap when it comes to music and music performance spaces that could be better considered.  •  M u s i c Venue G a p s One of the questions asked of both interview and survey respondents was  in regards to where there were current gaps in live music venues in the city. A s such it was revealed that there are certain types of venues not totally prevalent within the city's musical landscape. Many of those interviewed and surveyed felt that Vancouver has a number of critical gaps in the types of live music venues particularly for the mid to large size commercial venues that  116  typically hold s o m e w h e r e between 100 - 600 people. T h i s type a n d size of v e n u e is generally u s e d to stage s h o w s for mid-level national a n d international touring acts, popular local musicians, a n d larger s c a l e events. At present a vast majority of the v e n u e s in V a n c o u v e r typically fall under the 50 seat capacity range. D u e to the size of a 100 or more p e r s o n v e n u e , for example, many of the c o n c e r n s over active land u s e s a n d tight regulations m a k e these types of v e n u e s difficult to locate outside of certain specified a r e a s of the city. A planner at the City of V a n c o u v e r also noted that the critical types of v e n u e s missing in the city are those "places to go o n a regular basis a n d simply watch live music." While there m a y be p l a c e s throughout the city to enjoy live music, there are few p l a c e s that exist for the purpose of m u s i c performance and consumption on a regular b a s i s . In a s e n s e the g a p in v e n u e s could easily be construed a s both a n opportunity a n d threat for quite separate r e a s o n s . H o w e v e r a n acknowledgement of this g a p also implies that there is room for growth, both in regards to b u s i n e s s opportunities a n d for policy to be u s e d in a way that c a n serve to help ameliorate this g a p . T h i s also points to a n e e d to look at live m u s i c v e n u e retention strategies.  •  L o c a l Creative Capital M a n y of those a p p r o a c h e d for both the interviews a n d surveys felt there is  a wealth of creativity, talent, a n d interest for live m u s i c that h a s g o n e untapped in the city. T h i s implies that there are plenty of m u s i c i a n s a n d performers e a g e r to play a n d perform, but have few enticing or viable options for performance. T h e "Funcouver" website in particular notes that this situation p o s e s a problem in that there are considerable roadblocks for hungry musicians, artists, a n d fans. R e g a r d l e s s of how a n d why this h a s occurred, it s e e m s promising that despite the o b s t a c l e s , there is s e n s e that there are creative energies to be tapped.  117  •  Suitable N e i g h b o u r h o o d Locations. One of the areas of research and discussion was to determine if and  where locational opportunities for live music venues might occur. This information was derived at primarily through the interviews and surveys. A general question was asked of both interviewees and survey respondents as to where amenable places for live music might be. Another similar area of questioning was to look at what the qualities of prime music venue location were. Unsurprisingly there were a number of elements that were seen to make the incorporation of live music venues plausible and even desirable. The qualities generally identified throughout the course of this research included: Good accessibility for potential audiences, limited residential conflicts, strong sense of community and acceptance of music in the community, clusters of other venues, and existing venue infrastructure and sites. A map of the areas discussed is provided on the next page with a general description of each area provided below (Figure 6.2).  Granville Street Entertainment District - The Granville Street Entertainment District was noted quite often as a natural site for this type of activity. However there were also inclinations from many sides to look beyond the area largely because of some of the shortcomings and problems discussed in the weaknesses noted above. At least 3 venue operators surveyed noted that from a profit perspective, Granville Street would be ideal, but there are limited opportunities for live music.  Commercial Drive - The Commercial Drive area was seen and identified commonly as an important and emerging area for potential live music venues. Already lined with restaurants and a few live music venues, this is an area of Vancouver that is seen to have a good deal of tolerance and a great deal of appreciation for arts and culture. However there does not appear to be a  118  great of opportunity for mid-large range capacity venues due to the concentrated residential population of the area.  Figure 6.1 - Potential Neighbourhood Live Music Venue Locations and General Land Use Classifications  O  Granville Street Entertainment District  ©  Q  Gastown and Surrounding Area  Q  Kitsilano - 4th Ave/Broadway  0  Davie Street Corridor  Q  Granville Island  ©  North Main Street  Commercial Drive  (City of Vancouver, 2006a)  Gastown (and proximate area) - This is an area of the city that is home to a number of venues that have recently redirected their activities towards live music. Although the socioeconomic character of this area is in flux, opportunities to enhance and promote this area as area for live music  119  entertainment a p p e a r s to be promising a s it offers a central location with nightlife already having a strong p r e s e n c e in the area. T h e area however is undergoing significant gentrification a n d development p r e s s u r e s which may in the future have an effect on longer term viability for potential v e n u e s .  West End-  T h i s too w a s a n area identified a s having a central location.  T h e area is high density in nature but h a s in the past b e e n generally supportive of nightlife culture. T h e r e are also a n u m b e r of clubs a n d establishments that could potentially support more live music entertainment. In m a n y respects existing s p a c e s s e e m to have questions about programming.  Granville  Island - A s o n e planner noted, "it s e e m s a n a n o m a l y that  Granville Island d o e s not already have more live music v e n u e s a n d activities than it does". With little in the way of residential conflict in the heart of the a r e a , an a b u n d a n c e of potentially flexible medium-large s p a c e s , a n already booming tourism business, and a strong arts community present, this a r e a is o n e that offers ample of opportunity.  Main Street (south of Broadway)  - T h e a r e a between the north of  B r o a d w a y a n d south of Chinatown w a s also noted a s a potential a r e a for live music v e n u e s . A cultural planner e x p r e s s e d that there is "some real potential for a n area s u c h a s this", however w a s also quick to a d d that there would likely be a number of c o n c e r n s a n d hurdles before it ever c a m e to be. T h e area presents a nice transition between light industrial, c o m m e r c i a l , a n d residential u s e s . T h e r e are also s o m e City o w n e d properties in a n d around this a r e a .  Kitsliano  (Broadway/4 ) th  - 4  th  a v e n u e in Kitsilano w a s at o n e time h o m e to  a n u m b e r of live music s p a c e s . T o d a y both 4  th  A v e n u e a n d B r o a d w a y remain  a s viable and vital c o m m e r c i a l strips with live m u s i c v e n u e s s p r e a d out along  120  their length. While any type of large scale entertainment may be difficult in this area, a number of great possibilities exist for smaller and more intimate types of spaces.  Overall, change in the definition of restaurants in the zoning bylaw offers significant opportunities for more neighbourhood based live music entertainment in Vancouver. The bylaw changes make some strides towards allowing the legitimate presence of more types of live music in areas of the city that are not necessarily centered on entertainment such as the downtown core. The changes and continual evaluation of policies in regards to entertainment uses could also be seen as an adequate way of facilitating live music growth, particularly since the policy changes were aimed at better reflecting actions on the ground. While some areas of the city may be more 'well suited' for live music, this should not discourage smaller instances of live music that may exist elsewhere.  6.4  THREATS  Threats are the elements of the environment that exist outside of the institution and current policy that have an ability to negatively affect policy outcomes. In other words these are areas where there are gaps in the external environment that pose barriers to building on existing strengths and successfully following through on opportunities.  •  Gentrification Continued focus on residential development in Vancouver has the  potential to be quite unfavourable towards live music venues. Coupled with the fact the real-estate market has in some instances made many of the same sites identified above (or at least sites in close proximity) attractive for redevelopment. A current example is the present site of "Richards on Richards", located on Richards Street in downtown Vancouver abutting the 121  western edge of Yaletown. The 450 seat venue has been hosting live music for local, national, and international artists steadily for the better part of 20 years. The property was recently sold with the new owners having applied for redevelopment of the site. Beyond zoning, the city does not have the power to alter such a choice. However the original intent in creating the Granville Street entertainment district was to iron out non-conforming uses and to move entertainment uses away from emerging residential areas downtown. Fortunately "Richards on Richards" intends to reopen in another location which is yet to be determined. Unfortunately if the record of evicted or relocated venues finding new locations continues the way it has in the past, there is a very good chance that Vancouver will simply lose another 450 seat venue altogether.  •  Improperly mobilized local music community Lack of a mobilized and organized music community was cited by a  number of interviewees as a considerable barrier to establishing a greater number of live music venues. A s one survey respondent noted "Vancouver seems to lack enough venues to establish a thriving scene... lots of bands want to play, but there are only so many places that can do a good job of it and there does not seem to be a critical mass to push the issue". This is not to claim that no music considerable community exists in the city. Rather this notion speaks to the need of the music community to organize around an idea. A s one planner noted, "there are appears to be lots of people interested in live music in the city, but there is presently not much in the way of organization amongst the community" in regards to securing space. Accessing potential funding, pushing for more public support, and challenging city regulations come as part of being organized. Examples cited in Austin and Seattle where local "music commissions" have been established illustrates how such mobilization and organization might occur.  122  T h e s a m e planner also noted that if people demonstrate that live music v e n u e s are in d e m a n d , n e e d e d a n d c a n be s u c c e s s f u l , than more people will be willing to program live m u s i c or to start new v e n u e s .  •  Culture of complaint A s a m e m b e r of V a n c o u v e r ' s Police force c o m m e n t e d abruptly,  " V a n c o u v e r is no fun b e c a u s e people complain". "Culture of Complaint" is a term that h a s b e e n u s e d in this thesis to e x p r e s s how citizen complaints have b e c o m e a systematized a n d institutionalized r e s p o n s e to conflicts in the urban l a n d s c a p e . Referring back to C h a p t e r 5's d i s c u s s i o n o n the 'no fun city', the e s s e n c e of the threat to live music v e n u e s is that people in V a n c o u v e r complain. C o m p l a i n t s register strongly with enforcement agents, politicians, a n d e v e n planners in determining c o m p l i a n c e a n d acceptability. In m a n y w a y s this situation b e g s the n e e d to c o n s i d e r preconceived notions of how life in the city is to be lived. Naturally there are very real c o n c e r n s from the public regarding v e n u e s a n d establishments that may e n g a g e in activities which c r o s s the line of acceptability. However the "culture of complaint" implies that anything at all, c r o s s e s the line. Unfortunately this situation h a s cast a dire s h a d o w over not just live m u s i c v e n u e s , but any n u m b e r of u s e s a n d activities in the city. A c c o r d i n g to o n e city public health official, stories of residents complaining of live rock music emanating from restaurants or v e n u e s are not u n c o m m o n . S a d l y also u n c o m m o n is to "have the city respond to s u c h complaints a n d find out that it w a s an entirely different establishment pumping out c a n n e d music or simply a b o o m - c a r o n the street". T h e d a n g e r is that the culture of complaint h a s the ability to predetermine levels of acceptability without a proper dialogue or understanding of what the real i s s u e s a n d expectations are. If live m u s i c v e n u e s are located where there m a y be conflict, particularly in residential neighbourhoods, the way in which  123  complaints are taken, internalized, a n d r e s p o n d e d to, are important considerations.  •  Homogenization of nightlife culture T h e r e s e a r c h indicated genuine c o n c e r n from those interviewed and  s u r v e y e d over the homogenization of nightlife in V a n c o u v e r . It is s u g g e s t e d in s o m e of the literature that m a n y nighttime b u s i n e s s operators within the s o called 'mainstream' f o c u s upon profit maximization through things s u c h a s v o l u m e alcohol s a l e s , which ultimately undermine attempts at more tolerant, pluralistic, a n d diverse nightlife s p a c e s (Chatterton a n d Hollands, 2003). T h i s by all a c c o u n t s a p p e a r s to be true for m a n y of the b u s i n e s s e s located on Granville Street in the entertainment district a n d a c r o s s the board. A s a cultural planner s a i d , "if live m u s i c v e n u e s operators c a n m a k e m o n e y off of b o o z e , then it is likely what they will do...it is unfortunate, but true". Unfortunately t h e s e types of situations not only have a t e n d e n c y to e x a c e r b a t e the problems of social disorder which they are ironically attempting to dispel with the creation of entertainment districts or a r e a s of nighttime c o n s u m p t i o n , but a f o c u s o n mainstreaming a n d profit maximization in nightlife c a n also d i s c o u r a g e d i s p e r s e d , diverse, a n d alternative forms of nighttime entertainment.. In this s e n s e the creative a n d social a s p e c t s of live music v e n u e s c a n get lost in the shuffle not d e e m e d profitable e n o u g h . Furthermore, certain g r o u p s , s u c h a s those with few r e s o u r c e s , youth, and 'alternative" creative cultures c a n b e c o m e marginalized within prevailing mainstream nightlife opportunities ( T o o n , 2000). W h i l e s o m e marginal groups m a y be incorporated into the corporate structures of the night-time e c o n o m y through things s u c h a s specialist m u s i c nights or the o c c a s i o n a l live music event, there is little to s u g g e s t that m u c h is d o n e below the surface to e n c o u r a g e real intermingling or 'authentic' creative environments (Chatterton a n d Hollands, 2003). H o m o g e n i z a t i o n ultimately d e s c r i b e s a situation where e x p e r i e n c e s are framed by brands, characterized by attempts at sanitization, a n d s e g m e n t e d around a dominant mainstream that d o e s not always include  124  activities s u c h a s live music. In this instance true variety a n d opportunities for alternative cultures a n d residual m u s i c e x p e r i e n c e s c a n be diminished (Chatterton a n d Hollands, 2003; H a n n i g a n , 1998). O n e survey respondent in particular noted how Granville Street h a s b e e n a "victim of its own s u c c e s s e s and e x c e s s e s " .  •  Unpredictability of the market and the environment. A s o n e planner remarked "the market is generally going to be the greatest provider a n d detractor of live m u s i c venues". If there is no c o n s u m e r d e m a n d for live m u s i c , then v e n u e s (and potential v e n u e s ) will program their activities in other directions or simply not exist. Increased d e m a n d however is s e e n to result in a d e c i d e d increase in the n u m b e r of live m u s i c v e n u e s . T h e counter argument is that increased d e m a n d c a n only a c c o m p a n y a n a d e q u a t e supply of v e n u e s s o that a u d i e n c e s m a y be built, touring acts c a n be attracted to play in the city, a n d s o that local artists c a n d e v e l o p their craft. A s a s u p p l y - d e m a n d question, this d i s c u s s i o n c a n thus b e c o m e highly circular. In the e n d , potential operators often m a k e d e c i s i o n s b a s e d o n what will best serve t h e m . O n e v e n u e operator said that he continually programs live m u s i c into his b u s i n e s s b e c a u s e he loves it. T h i s type of attitude is positive but did not a p p e a r to be a c o m m o n sentiment of those v e n u e operators s u r v e y e d . Overall the surveys a n d s o m e first hand investigation s h o w e d that few live m u s i c v e n u e s in the Granville Street entertainment district tend to f o c u s o n programming with a live m u s i c c o m p o n e n t . T h i s relates in s o m e respect to the homogenization of entertainment o n Granville Street a n d the t e n d e n c y to m o v e away from diversity a n d ingenuity in favour of the lowest c o m m o n denominator a n d profit.  125  6.7  GENERAL FINDINGS  The first notable outcome of the S W O T analysis was a discovery that strengths and weaknesses had a means of overlapping and transcending the classifications. For example, strengths quite often presented opportunities, and opportunities could also be viewed as threats if taken differently. This situation clearly illustrates the non-linear nature of documenting the internal strengths and weaknesses of planning policy and the external opportunities and threats to live music venues more broadly. There was thus an attempt to generalize findings for the sake of clarity and to reduce redundancy in the analysis. A s a general picture, the distribution of Strengths and Weaknesses was not equal. A quick glace will reveal noticeably more documented weaknesses than strengths. This result was not planned but merely reflected the information that was given. A n attempt was made to ensure that the findings were as unbiased as the research question would allow. All attempts were made to provide objective data based on only the information collected.  6.8  SUMMARY  This S W O T analysis indicated that land use and cultural planning policy have many areas of strength and weakness in dealing with live music venues in Vancouver. Subsequently the research also identified that there are considerable opportunities and threats to live music venues as well. One of the most persistent themes uncovered through this research was related to Vancouver's "Culture of Complaint". In some ways this points to the idea that perhaps at the heart of the issue related to live music is the task of developing a more tolerant and permissive civic culture. Live music venues are based in the notion that space is paramount in both the production and consumption of music. With this in mind live music venues can pose significant land use concerns however they have not been well addressed holistically from  126  social, e c o n o m i c , a n d cultural viewpoints. T h i s points to the n e e d to better bridge land u s e a n d cultural planning objectives.  C H A P T E R 7 - POLICY ALTERNATIVES AND CONCLUSIONS  7.1 INTRODUCTION T h e aim of this final chapter is to d i s c u s s the findings in the context of the overarching objectives guiding this r e s e a r c h . C h a p t e r 2 explored how planning policies both presently a n d historically have dealt with live m u s i c v e n u e s . C h a p t e r s 3 through 5 identified a n analytical framework  to examine the different roles of planning policy in supporting live  music v e n u e s . T h i s framework  f o c u s e d o n both c a s e e x a m p l e s a s well a s a  detailed c a s e study of the City of V a n c o u v e r . U s i n g the information a n d data gathered throughout the c o u r s e of this thesis C h a p t e r 6 then e m p l o y e d a S W O T analysis looking at the planning policies in the City of V a n c o u v e r demarcating the strengths a n d w e a k n e s s e s of current planning policy, a s well a s the opportunities a n d threats for future c h a n g e . W h a t remains in this chapter is to take the results a n d information  of all previous chapters to begin envisioning potential  policy  alternatives that could be c o n s i d e r e d by the City of V a n c o u v e r .  T h e remaining d i s c u s s i o n will be organized into three sections:  1.  Incorporating live m u s i c v e n u e s into land u s e a n d cultural planning policy.  2.  Identification a n d d i s c u s s i o n of potential policy alternatives.  127  3. Concluding statements.  7.2  INCORPORATING LIVE MUSIC VENUES INTO LAND USE AND CULTURAL PLANNING POLICY  Why live music venues should be better acknowledged  in planning  policies.  This thesis asserts that live music venues need greater attention within planning policy because of their contested nature. At the outset, it was argued that there are certain conditions and trajectories related to city policy and growth that have made a better understanding of contested uses such as live music important.  Land use and cultural planning have well defined aims and goals  when it comes to dealing with certain activities and use, that while seemingly complimentary have seldom been considered in unison. Land use planning has a role in ensuring that certain property rights, housing, services, and amenities are adequately provided and secured. Using basic tools of urban spatial configuration and management, land use planning has typically done a poor job at acknowledging the economic and use value of live entertainment and live music venues. Instead land use planning policies have tended to address live music venues by casting them as a nuisance. This is important to consider, particularly in the face of rapid urban change and increasing residential development. Literature as discussed in Chapter 3 identified how zoning, land use, and current development trends lend additional justification for greater consideration of policy in the area of live music venues. Short sited land use planning policies and the culture of complaint can often be  128  blind to the amenity c o m p o n e n t of live music v e n u e s . T h e empirical r e s e a r c h confirmed that land u s e policy should a d d r e s s land conflicts in more effective w a y s a s they continue to grow. T h e cultural policy a s p e c t of planning is shown to play a slightly different although no less important  role. First and foremost, cultural planning policy  affords cities the ability to support the role of arts, culture, a n d entertainment in civic life. In this respect cultural planning is in a position to strengthen  the  amenity value of live m u s i c v e n u e s . Still it has not always d o n e a g o o d job. T h e r e are m a n y factors at play in this failure, including land u s e conflicts a n d the commercial nature of most live music v e n u e s a n d facilities. However, not unlike land u s e planning, without considerable attention to the particular place of live music v e n u e s in communities, there  is risk that potentially valuable  cultural  c o m p o n e n t s of the city c a n be c o m p r o m i s e d or lost.  How do planning policies (both from land use and cultural perspectives) create opportunities and barriers for live m u s i c v e n u e s ?  C h a p t e r s four through six outlined the w a y s in which, operationally, live music v e n u e s are a d d r e s s e d by planning policies. Four, not necessarily mutually exclusive, a r e a s of policy in particular were identified: 1 / long range a n d strategic planning 21 regulation 3/ cultural planning initiatives 4 / financing a n d the securing of Live M u s i c v e n u e s a s public amenities. U s i n g both the c a s e e x a m p l e s from Manchester, Seattle, Calgary, a n d Austin, a s well a s the V a n c o u v e r c a s e study to construct the analytical framework, t h e s e specific policy a r e a s are the ways in which planning  Long Range  policies  and Strategic  primary  play a role a d d r e s s i n g live m u s i c v e n u e s .  Planning  - this refers to the long range policies  a n d plans that e n c o m p a s s everything from land u s e strategies, e c o n o m i c development, a n d employment.  129  Regulation  - this refers to zoning and s u b s e q u e n t bylaws, restrictions, a n d  enforcement policies.  Cultural  Planning  - this refers to broad b a s e d arts plans and cultural  e c o n o m y strategies, a s well a s the incorporation of multi-disciplinary perspectives in order to integrate cultural policy a p p r o a c h e s . F u n d a m e n t a l are the u s e s a n d promotion of community development principles stressing the linkages, alliances, a n d relationships amongst organizations at the community level. T h i s includes b u s i n e s s e s , municipal governments, a n d civil society organizations.  Financing  and securing  of Public Amenities  - this refers to the s y s t e m s by  which the funding a n d s p a c e for cultural facilities is a c h i e v e d through private sector negotiation a n d public m e c h a n i s m s .  7.3  PLANNING POLICY ALTERNATIVES Using the findings a n d key considerations of the S W O T analysis this  section presents a n u m b e r of potential policy alternatives to be explored by the City of V a n c o u v e r . T h e s e policy alternatives cover both land u s e a n d cultural perspectives a n d were c o n c e i v e d a s broad, albeit, pragmatic directions for future action. Selection w a s b a s e d on the specific V a n c o u v e r context, with future implementation d e p e n d e n t on a n u m b e r of factors and environmental conditions that may be subject to c h a n g e . Other potential policy alternatives not listed here may have also b e e n s u g g e s t e d however the attempt w a s to offer alternatives that were informative, timely, and responsive to the V a n c o u v e r condition. In considering how planning policies a d d r e s s live m u s i c v e n u e s it w a s imperative to include e a c h of the ways in which planning  policies  interface with  live music v e n u e s . T h u s e a c h of the 4 types of planning policy (Long range a n d strategic planning, regulation, cultural planning, and financing a n d the securing of public amenities) is represented, although e a c h alternative is not mutually  130  exclusive. Descriptions of the policy alternatives are provided along with rationales and desired outcomes.  1) Explore instituting separate business licenses for live music venues. Having separate business licenses for live music venues is a way to potentially mitigate the confusion and complexity of managing live music in the city. This is also potentially a means of ensuring that live music does not get stagnated or wound up within other concerns such as liquor and business licensing. Live music is a distinct activity and it is important to ensure that clear lines of communication and standards are set. This policy may induce added bureaucracy, however.  2) Create an arts or entertainment plan for the city that addresses issues related to live music and entertainment. Current cultural and arts plans in Vancouver make no mention of live music venues or commercial live entertainment. However both of these elements are valuable components of the city's creative milieu. A central issue at play is that live music venues and entertainment are valuable, prominent, and yet problematic uses. Within this alternative there are two possible options. The first is related to the City's current process of developing the Metropolitan Core Jobs and Economy Land Use Plan which has been devised as a way to help determine how land in the central area of the city is to be used in the future to accommodate business growth, economic activity, and transportation needs. Efforts could be made to better include issues surrounding live music venues and entertainment within this plan as they are prominent land uses in the city's central area. A second direction would be to develop a separate arts and entertainment plan that effectively covers the whole city. This option would allow land use and other cultural concerns to be addressed on a city-wide basis, recognizing that there are opportunities and potential threats for  131  these types of cultural e n d e a v o r s in the city. T h i s could include a detailed strategy for live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d nighttime entertainment.  3) Investigate the possibilities of considering of live music performance spaces as a public amenity that can benefit from civic amenity programs. T o date C o m m u n i t y Amenity Contributions ( C A C ' s ) and capital funding m e c h a n i s m s in V a n c o u v e r have not often b e e n u s e d towards the securing of live m u s i c facilities a s public amenities. C o n s i d e r i n g the limited financial r e s o u r c e s available to the City for arts facilities, there are opportunities to u s e d e v e l o p m e n t leverage a s a m e a n s to s e c u r e funding a n d or s p a c e for potential live music facilities. T h e types of live m u s i c facilities envisioned in this c a s e should be s e e n a s public amenities that are o p e n to various musical forms, styles, abilities, a n d interests, a n d to potentially provide greater range of services than just simply a performance s p a c e . T h e e x a m p l e s of the "Vera Project" in Seattle or the "Band on the Wall" project in M a n c h e s t e r serve a s excellent e x a m p l e s of the w a y s in which this might be envisioned a n d how funding a n d s p a c e arrangements could be s e c u r e d . In this regard there is considerable opportunity for a n all a g e m u s i c facility to be seriously c o n s i d e r e d . A lack of a defined public youth m u s i c facility, plus the City's involvement in other programs to promote a n d d e v e l o p other types youth s p a c e s help to m a k e this type of arrangement more f o r e s e e a b l e . Citing the potential e c o n o m i c , social, a n d cultural benefits a s s o c i a t e d with live m u s i c performance s p a c e s it d o e s not s e e m u n r e a s o n a b l e to c o n s i d e r them a s part of future amenity initiatives.  4) Develop a framework to retain significant live music venues in the event of displacement. T i e d closely with the previous alternative, this suggestion is a i m e d at e a s i n g and ameliorating the effects of displacement on live m u s i c v e n u e s and culture. Central i s s u e s in dealing with live m u s i c v e n u e s in a  132  region with tremendous development pressures relate to displacement effects. A few examples such as "Richards on Richards" were suggested in this thesis. In the event that a venue is lost due to development pressure, what is suggested is that a framework be developed to assist and aid live music venues and facilities in finding alternative locations or facilities, be they temporary or permanent. A s was noted, venues in Vancouver (particularly commercially based enterprises) have a poor record of relocating and retention. The factors that contribute to displacement are numerous, but much can be related to the difficulty in finding appropriate, affordable, and potentially profitable spaces. A n alternative pf this nature suggests that the retention of venues, particularly of mid to larger sizes is important to prevent a widening venue gap in the city. This recognizes the value of retention in fostering live music socially, culturally, and economically, and is an alternative that could be integrated with other potential strategies noted above. This might also imply that the City of Vancouver manage/own a space that would allow such activities to take place.  5) Encourage live music venues throughout Vancouver neighbourhoods  (aided  by continual regulatory reform). The bylaw amendment to restaurant definitions was a potentially important first step in this regard. However other regulatory mechanisms may be instituted or simply relaxed to help encourage live music venues in locations and neighbourhoods around the city. Adjustments to future land use designations, zoning, and designated activity zones are some theoretical examples of regulatory reform. Naturally, any reforms of this nature would require further study. However a list of potential neighbourhood opportunities and locations is provided in the previous chapter and give a good indication of what might best be achievable and appropriate. A rationale for this alternative is that there may be underexplored areas that are suitable for live music venues should the demand  133  be there. A general willingness to see activities such as live music in different neighbourhoods across the city is another justification to look more closely at this type of alternative. Granted an alternative of this nature would not guarantee that live music venues become a prominent part of every neighbourhood. Rather various actions (or non-actions) could provide guidance to create a greater range of opportunities. This type of alternative could also potentially be well addressed in conjunction with the creation of a city arts and entertainment plan as noted above.  6) Update and Expand the "Performing Arts Facilities Inventory" to include a wider range of live music venues and facilities. This is a simple measure to expand on an already existing resource and to further include live music within cultural planning initiatives. This potential policy alternative would involve listing a full range of music performance spaces and not simply those associated with the City. This inventory could be a useful tool in identifying facilities and resources around the city. It could also potentially aid musicians, booking agents, event planners, and organizations in finding spaces for music events. Furthermore it could be an excellent promotional tool in promoting live music in the city more generally. It is not suggested that all live music venues in the city be included, as this would be an arduous and near continuous task due to the sometimes fickle nature of the business. However there is inherent value in providing an updated and as comprehensive inventory as possible for many of the reasons stated above.  7) Help establish a citizen commission focused on addressing live music and entertainment related issues in the city. The City of Vancouver has a number of issues and concerns related to live music venues and entertainment, but little in the way of a consolidated or legitimized public voice for concerns and support. A n  134  advisory body is o n e of the many w a y s residents c a n have a public voice a n d contribute to the operations of the City of V a n c o u v e r . A c o m m i s s i o n or citizens committee to look at entertainment and live music in the city could help fulfill a role in a d d r e s s i n g d e e p e r c o n c e r n s related to live music, entertainment, alcohol, operation hours, and a myriad of other a s s o c i a t e d i s s u e s . O f particular note is creating a body that c a n more objectively deal with the prevalent culture of complaint. T h i s type of committee could also help in the way of a d v o c a c y and in strengthen the organizational capacities of those involved in the music and entertainment s c e n e .  8) Create a position devoted to live music and entertainment planning in Vancouver. T h e lack of any defined resource person within the City of V a n c o u v e r for broader (and not simply regulatory a n d  management)  i s s u e s related to live m u s i c v e n u e s is a c o n c e r n . A s noted, planning responsibility for live music and entertainment at present is a d i s p e r s e d affair within the City, with those responsible usually involved in limited capacities. T h e lack of a "point person" or a more consolidated m a n n e r with which to a d d r e s s i s s u e s surrounding live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d entertainment in a holistic way c a n be detrimental, a s planning for live music a n d entertainment c a n entail a great deal of consideration a n d complexity. A position dedicated or at least responsible for live m u s i c a n d entertainment m a y help to e a s e the communication g a p s currently within the s y s t e m . R e g a r d l e s s of where a n d how a position might be created, it should incorporate the ability to not only deal with land u s e a n d enforcement i s s u e s , but also serve a n a d v o c a c y role. T h i s d e m a n d s a n understanding of the n u a n c e s of the cultural, social a n d e c o n o m i c i s s u e s surrounding live m u s i c a s well an ability to look at v e n u e s from both c o m m e r c i a l a n d public perspectives.  135  9) Work with affected populations and interests to create a "rules and considerations"  framework. This framework should concern active uses, land use  conflicts, and the nature of art and entertainment in the city. What is suggested here is that the City look into working with communities, residents, businesses, and the real estate industry to create a framework to deal with the expectations and considerations associated with live music venues and entertainment. The aim of such an alternative would be to counteract the persistent culture of complaint in Vancouver. The crux of this alternative is that all interests understand the conditions of complaint. In this regard, certain rights to complain should be examined, particularly when they are attributed to legitimate and valued uses such as live music venues. The effect of this type of alternative would be to affirm the legitimacy of active uses such as live music venues and to establish certain expectations around complaint. It is understood that such a suggestion negative responses from certain sectors, however the idea is that new avenues of communication and ways to bridge experiential gaps be explored in whatever forms are most applicable.  In all, these policy alternatives represent only a few small potential actions. The reason these particular alternatives were been identified is that they address some specific conditions within the Vancouver context. Overall it was seen that there is considerable opportunity and potential to use these ideas in addressing live music venues through planning. However these considerations must also incite the need explore how planning positions itself to make changes or to simply deal with live music venues.  7.4  PLANNING ROLES IN ADDRESSING LIVE MUSIC VENUES  7.4.1  KEY THEMES AND CONSIDERATIONS  136  T h e following is a s u m m a r y of the key considerations and t h e m e s that e m e r g e d throughout this r e s e a r c h . O n e of the main g o a l s of this thesis w a s to contribute to a wider body of knowledge. S i n c e the alternatives presented in this chapter are specific to the V a n c o u v e r context, it w a s also important to identify s o m e of the broader considerations. T h e following t h e m e s have b e e n culled from the r e s e a r c h a s a m e a n s to illustrate s o m e of these broad a r e a s of consideration for planning to be better able to a d d r e s s live music v e n u e s .  •  Urban Development  - U r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t is situated at the centre of  m a n y i s s u e s surrounding live m u s i c v e n u e s . Both continued growth a n d residential d e v e l o p m e n t are critical in this regard. Live music v e n u e s n e e d s p a c e to operate a n d exist. A s growth a n d c h a n g e h a p p e n , quite often s u c h s p a c e s c a n b e c o m e s c a r c e a s gentrification o c c u r s . C o n v e r s e l y , a s more p e o p l e a n d interests begin to vie for the s a m e s p a c e s , live m u s i c v e n u e s are o n e type of u s e that c a n b e c o m e threatened. In most instances land u s e conflicts a n d the affordability of s p a c e are s o u r c e s of great c o n c e r n regarding the location a n d m a n a g e m e n t of live m u s i c v e n u e s . H o w e v e r to c a s t a n d m a n a g e live m u s i c v e n u e s a n d nighttime entertainment simply a s n u i s a n c e s d o e s not recognize or e m b r a c e the potentially significant contributions these s p a c e s c a n offer to urban life a n d culture.  •  Rhythms  of Urban Life - Regulations without consideration of the rhythmic  nature of urban life h a v e a t e n d e n c y to put live m u s i c a n d entertainment v e n u e s out of rhythm with surrounding communities in both subtle a n d not so subtle w a y s . Often there c a n be a certain d i s h a r m o n y between m u s i c recreation, local b u s i n e s s hours, alcohol service, residential expectations, a n d s e r v i c e s s u c h a s nearby public transportation a n d restaurants. Live m u s i c a n d nightlife more generally c a n have a life of its own that s o m e t i m e s differs from everyday daytime n e e d s . Understanding that nighttime n e e d s exist in the city a s well should be paramount.  137  Flexible  Regulations  - Regulations t h e m s e l v e s , like nighttime  entertainment a n d live music, c a n be a fluid, o n g o i n g , a n d u n e v e n p r o c e s s rather than a single achievable state. A c c o r d i n g to Dickout (2004), to generate a vibrant a n d healthy night s c e n e , all of those involved n e e d to understand that, music, nightlife, a n d e v e n urban regeneration work best w h e n they h a p p e n organically. Policies, plans, a n d initiatives should be flexible a n d not aim to assert too m u c h rigidity s o a s to better reflect the organic nature a n d liminal characteristics of nightlife a n d live music.  Considering  Live Music  Venues  for Live Music - T h e identification of live  music a s a distinct a n d legitimate activity c a n be a n important step in a d d r e s s i n g m a n y i s s u e s both perceived a n d real. T h i s s p e a k s to the n e e d to m a k e policy both symbolically a n d functionally more representative a n d to give live m u s i c v e n u e s a greater s e n s e of legitimacy a s a n urban land use.  Effective  Planning  Processes  and Communication  - T h e City of V a n c o u v e r  for e x a m p l e , h a s b e e n involved in planning p r o c e s s e s that have actively solicited citizen involvement. T h e s e p r o c e s s e s h a v e b e e n g e a r e d at understanding neighbourhood n e e d s a n d tailoring citywide policies to reflect local community vision. H o w e v e r t h e s e types of p r o c e s s e s c a n also h a v e a t e n d e n c y to not c o n s i d e r active u s e s s u c h a s live music v e n u e s or entertainment. L o n g range plans a n d p r o c e s s e s have a t e n d e n c y to neglect or ignore activities a n d land u s e s s u c h live music v e n u e s that c a n p o s e s o m e w h a t of a question mark in regards to public acceptability a n d support. T h i s s p e a k s to general lack of understanding w h e n it c o m e s to conflicts over urban s p a c e s a n d a n unwillingness to e m b r a c e e l e m e n t s of the unknown or u n p l a n n e d . It also represents a failure to effectively c o m m u n i c a t e the positive a n d legitimate a s p e c t s of live m u s i c a n d entertainment u s e s . With impending d e v e l o p m e n t a n d  138  s u b s e q u e n t conflicts over s p a c e , a more r e a s o n a b l e m e a n s of establishing residential expectations is vital. Part of this also implies the n e e d to foster a civic culture that is permissive a n d critical rather than o n e that is solely legitimized by complaint.  Taking Responsibility  for Live Music - Opportunities for a diverse range pf  live m u s i c v e n u e s lies not only in the c o n c e r t e d r e s p o n s e of the music, hospitality, entertainment a n d leisure b a s e d industries, but also m e m b e r s of the community, governmental b o d i e s , d e v e l o p e r s , planners a n d regulators. T h e r e is a task to e n s u r e that responsibility is not being s p r e a d too thin or is given too m u c h into the h a n d s of o n e particular faction. At the s a m e time there is a n e e d to effectively organize a n d work with divergent interests, be they public, private, b u s i n e s s , residents, or artists, or organizations.  Homogenization,  Diversity  and Supply  - T h e homogenization of nightlife  activity c a n h a v e detrimental effects o n diversity a n d creativity in the city. T h e r e is also a d a n g e r that homogenization a n d special district planning c a n lead to other problems with things s u c h a s binge drinking, public disorder, a n d limited opportunities for m u s i c , fun, a n d revelry. T h i s thesis s u g g e s t s that diversity of live m u s i c v e n u e s is a desired a n d w e l c o m e d condition. In this instance diversity is very m u c h tied to supply. With g a p s in the types of v e n u e s available, certain a r e a s of d e m a n d c a n be unmet. In this regard, a range of v e n u e types, s i z e s , a n d styles n e e d to be able to a c c o m m o d a t e everything from small fringe acts a n d s y m p h o n i e s , to mid level touring acts a n d popular local rock b a n d s . Having v e n u e s that c a n attract artists locally, regionally, a n d globally is ultimately a condition of d e m a n d that is tied to a n u m b e r of other c o m p o n e n t s of the m u s i c industry a n d the nature of popular taste. H o w e v e r v e n u e s h a v e the ability to create opportunity, attract artists, a n d create local energy.  139  •  Live music venues have value as amenities - There are significant economic and social benefits to having live music venues of all sizes in the city. However there have been few ways in which this has been articulated in planning policy both from land use and cultural standpoints. From a social amenity point of view, venues can provide potential avenues for interaction and socialization. There are also a number of positive community outcomes associated with live music venues that may include the fostering of locally based art and culture. From an economic perspective, the fostering of local talent is just one example of the potentially significant economic benefits related to music venues. Subsequently there are a great number of positive economic spin offs related to live music venues related to industry (music, restaurant and service, alcohol, urban tourism, and the attraction of capital).  A s a whole these considerations speak to the areas that that should be considered when planning policy is considered for live music venues and entertainment. The considerations themselves are not meant to be prescriptive, but rather provide an indication of the multitude of issues to consider in order to better foster music and activity in the city. These considerations should also give some indication as to the different and diverse roles of the planner.  7.3.2  THE ROLE OF THE PLANNER From one perspective this thesis suggests that planning policy needs to  better identify that informed, insightful, and creative urban management is one of the ways in which music venues will be able to exist and thrive in the 2 1 century s t  city. The reality of the changing city 2 1 century city (as uses compete and vie for s t  legitimacy) means that better incorporating nighttime spaces into the city poses the fundamental challenge of re-imagining the city and rethinking planning policy holistically. The problem is that many traditional planning mechanisms have  140  treated live music venues as nuisances to be managed. In this regard, live music venues can pose considerable concerns from land use planning perspectives regarding noise, alcohol, disorder, trouble, and nuisance. A number of the policy alternatives explored in this thesis for Vancouver clearly present more managerial options, but are nonetheless based the notion that there is some level of equity and balance desired. Overall the role of the planner in this instance can be posited as that of a manager striving to achieve a balance between interests and uses. On the other hand there can also be significant social and economic amenity values related to live music venues. Often a managerial approach is unresponsive to the more positive social and economic aspects of music venues. A more appropriate viewpoint when looking at the benefits of live music venues is to identify that a planner can also be situated as an advocate. As such a number of the alternatives presented for Vancouver imply more of an advocacy role for the planner. Generally, advocacy planning implies greater responsibility to engage, support, foster, promote, and develop the positive aspects of community, which in this thesis is centered on live music, art, and entertainment. A number of aspects of cultural planning have taken on the advocacy role. However it appears that there has been hesitancy on the part of cultural planning to better integrate elements of commercial and popular entertainment within cultural planning frameworks. This failure is where a great deal of potential and opportunity still exist. The idea of advocacy planning according to Leonie Sandercock (1998:89) is that those who have had previously been unrepresented or underrepresented can potentially be brought into conversation with those throughout the community who can bring new ideas and pertinent issues on to the policy table. As Sandercock (1998) has identified, there are some pertinent criticisms of the advocacy model. However, in addressing live music venues, an advocacy planning role appears to be one potentially effective means of establishing greater connections between different interests, fostering organizational capacities, and better engaging in dialogue with factional interests.  141  In recognizing that land use planning and cultural policies have different ways of addressing and viewing live music venues, it also becomes clear that there are multiple roles for a planner. By all accounts it appears necessary to find ways of increasing the connections between these two areas of planning and between multiple planning roles. The policy alternatives suggested in this thesis are indeed specific to the Vancouver context, however they indicate the multiplicity of considerations and roles required in dealing with live music venues and entertainment effectively. This thesis has made the assertion that both management and advocacy roles may have some validity and impact in dealing with live music venues within the current political-economy. Homan and Johnson (2002) have similarly concluded that one of the primary tasks of planning involves the opening of more effective lines of communication between stakeholders (be they venues operators, local residents, planners, or politicians). The form in which this communication takes shape may ultimately be the key to planning for a city that is diverse, creative, inviting, tolerant, considerate, equitable, livable, and fun.  7.5  CONCULDING REMARKS Upon completion of this thesis it became apparent that this project was  based on an inherent desire to challenge to the planning profession and its practices. Planning has done a poor job of addressing live music venues. As a result, wanting to explore ways to better foster live music venues meant reconstituting the aims and traditional viewpoints of planning practice. This thesis has made an argument that suggests a legitimate and important place for live music venues in urban environments. But ultimately what this thesis has shown is that there are no easy answers or magic bullet solutions to better plan for these important and sometimes difficult spaces, however this thesis has begun the process of asking some of the difficult questions.  142  BIBLIOGRAPHY  A b e l e s , P. (1989). Planning and Z o n i n g . In C . H a a r & J . K a y d e n (Eds.), and the American  Dream:  Promises  Zoning  Still to Keep (pp. 122-152). C h i c a g o :  Planner's P r e s s . Attali, J (1985) Noise: the Political Press, Manchester  Economy  of Music,  M a n c h e s t e r University  B a b c o c k , R . F . a n d W . U . L a r s e n (1990) Special Districts: The Ultimate in Neighbourhood Zoning. Lincoln Institute of L a n d Policy, C a m b r i d g e , M A Baeker, G . a n d M. C r o t e a u (2002) S e s s i o n II: U r b a n Planning a n d Cultural R e s o u r c e s . C a n a d i a n Heritage. Retrieved F e b 10, 2006 from http://vvvvw.pch.gc.ca/pc-ch/mindep/atelier-workshop/session-ii-e.htm B a n d o n the Wall (2005) B a n d o n the Wall: S p a c e for Music. Retrieved D e c e m b e r 2, 2005 from http://www.bandonthewall.org/about.htm B e a s l e y , L (2000) D e s i g n F o r Living in V a n c o u v e r . Presented Politics  of Place,  June  Bennett, A . (2000) Popular  17,  at CNU 2000:  The  2000.  Music and Youth Culture:  Music, identity and  place.  St.Martin's P r e s s , New York, N Y . B e y e r s , W . , A . B o n d s , A . W e n z l , a n d P. S o m m e r s (2004) T h e E c o n o m i c impact of Seattle's M u s i c Industry: A Report for the City of Seattle's Office of E c o n o m i c Development, City of Seattle. Bianchini, F. (1995) Night cultures, night e c o n o m i e s . Planning Research,  10, 121 -  Practice  and  133  Bollens, S . A . 2002. "Urban Planning a n d Intergroup Conflict: Confronting a Fractured Public Interest", Journal of the American Planning Association, 6 8 ( 1 ) , 22-42. Bonazelli, A . , C a s s i d y , L., Dawdy, P. a n d M.Matos (2005) Five W a y s the M u s i c Industry Is C h a n g i n g in Seattle (and Everywhere E l s e ) , Seattle W e e k l y February 23 - M a r c h 1, Retrieved N o v e m b e r 14, 2006 from http://seattleweeklv.com/features/0508/050223 music c h a n g e s . p h p Brown, A . , S C o h e n , a n d J . O ' C o n n o r (1998) M u s i c Policy in Sheffield, M a n c h e s t e r a n d Liverpool: A Report for C o m e d i a , Manchester: M I P C  143  Brown, A., J. O'Connor, and S. Cohen (2000) Local music policies within a global music industry: cultural quarters in Manchester and Sheffield. Geoforum, 31,437-451 Calgary Police Service (1994) Electric Avenue: Taming an Entertainment District. Campbell, R. (1992) Sit Down and Drink Your Beer: Regulating Vancouver's Beer Parlours, 1925-1954. University of Toronto Press. Census Canada (2001) Downtown Vancouver - Community Statistics. Chatterton, P. and R. Hollands (2002) Theorizing Urban Playscapes: Producing, Regulating and Consuming Youthful Nightlife City Spaces. Urban Studies, Vol. 39, No. 1, 95-116 City of Austin (2005a) The music page. Retrieved November 6, 2005 from http://www.ci.austin.tx.us/music/ City of Austin (2005b) Creative Industries Loan (CIL) Guarantee Program. Retrieved November 6, 2005 from http://www.ci.austin.tx.us/telecom/downloads/milproq01.pdf City of Calgary. (2003). The Blueprint for the Beltline. Planning and Building Dep., Calgary. City of Calgary. (1998). The Calgary Plan. Planning and Building Dep., Calgary. City of Calgary. (1993). The Electric Avenue Mini-Plan. Planning and Building Dep., Calgary. City of Manchester (2005) Manchester City Council. Retrieved November 3, 2005 from http://www.manchester.qov.uk/ City of Seattle (2005a) Seattle's Music History. Mayors office of film and music. Retrieved November 6, 2005 from http://www.seattle.gov/music/ City of Seattle (2005b) Downtown Zoning Changes. Department of Planning and Development. Retrieved November 6, 2005 from http://www.ci.seattle.wa.us/DPD/Planning/Downtown Zoning Changes/O verview City of Seattle (2005c) Center City Seattle. Office of the Mayor. Retrieved November 14, 2005 from http://www.seattle.qov/mavor/issues/centercitv/ City of Seattle (2005d) Seattle Music Map: All Ages. Retrieved November 14 , 2005 from http://www.seattle.gov/music/map/vera proiect.htm th  144  City of V a n c o u v e r (1977) Kitsilano Neighbourhood P l a n . City of V a n c o u v e r (1980) Grandview W o o d l a n d - A r e a Policy Plan City of V a n c o u v e r (1986) L o c a l A r e a Planning Program Review City of V a n c o u v e r . (1991a). Central Area Plan. C o m m u n i t y S e r v i c e s City of V a n c o u v e r (1991 b) Downtown S o u t h C o m m u n i t y P l a n . City of V a n c o u v e r (1993) V a n c o u v e r Arts Initiative. City of V a n c o u v e r (1994) Central A r e a Plan: G o a l s a n d L a n d U s e Policy. City of V a n c o u v e r (1995a) Artist Live/Work Studio Policy Review . City of V a n c o u v e r . (1995b). CityPlan:  Directions  for Vancouver.  Retrieved  D e c e m b e r 11, 2005, from http://vancouver.ca/commsvcs/planninq/cityplan/dfvf.htm City of V a n c o u v e r (1996) K e y City Policies - S u m m a r y of key City of V a n c o u v e r policies.  1  City of V a n c o u v e r (1997) Policy Report: T h e a t r e R o w Liquor Licensing Policy City of V a n c o u v e r (2000) Policy Report: Update on the T h e a t r e R o w - Granville Street Entertainment District. City of V a n c o u v e r (2001) Policy Report: N o i s e By-law A m e n d m e n t s - Controlling Music N o i s e L e v e l s F r o m Entertainment Facilities. City of V a n c o u v e r (2003) L a n d U s e and Development Policies and Guidelines: Community Services, C-2 G U I D E L I N E S City of V a n c o u v e r (2004a) N o i s e Control B y - L a w No. 6555. City of V a n c o u v e r (2004b) Report o n Hours of Liquor S e r v i c e in Major Cities: E x p e r i e n c e s , Strategies a n d K e y M e s s a g e s for V a n c o u v e r . City of V a n c o u v e r (2005a) Policy Report: A m e n d m e n t s to Restaurant C l a s s 1 a n d C l a s s 2 Definitions City of V a n c o u v e r (2005b) Policy Report: Liquor L i c e n s e Policy - Liquor Primary S i z e , Capacity, a n d Location.  145  City of V a n c o u v e r (2005c) C o m m u n i t y Amenity Contributions through R e z o n i n g s . Retrieved April 2, 2006 from http://vancouver.ca/commsvcs/planning/infobul2.htm City of V a n c o u v e r (2005d) Policy Report: P l a z a of Nations L a n d U s e Study. City of V a n c o u v e r (2006a) V a n M a p . Retrieved J u n e 1, 2006 from http://www.vancouver.ca/vanmap/index.htm City of V a n c o u v e r (2006b) Office of Cultural Affairs. Retrieved J a n u a r y 2, 2006 from http://www.city.vancouver.be.ca/commsvcs/oca/ City of V a n c o u v e r (2006c) T h e City's Involvement in Cultural Development. Retrieved J a n u a r y 2, 2006 from http://www.citv.vancouver.bc.ca/commsvcs/oca/overview/index.htm Clark, T . N . (2004) Taking Entertainment Seriously. In The City as  Machine:  Research  Entertainment  in Urban Policy, Volume 9, P g 1-17. T . N . Clark e d .  Elsevier, New York, N Y . C o h e n , S (1991) Popular M u s i c a n d urban regeneration: the music industries of M e r s e y s i d e , Cultural  Studies,  5, 332-346  C o s t a , P. (2004) "Milieu Effects a n d Sustainable Development in the Cultural Quarter: the ' B a r b Alto - C h i a d a ' area in Lisbon", p a p e r presented at the 100  th  annual meeting of the A s s o c i a t i o n of A m e r i c a n G e o g r a p h e r s ,  Philadelphia, P A : 15-19  March  Davis, M. (1992) City of Quartz: Excavating  the Future in Los Angeles.  Vintage,  N e w York Dickout, D. (2004) Embracing  the Dark: Planning  for Nightlife  in the  Beltline.  Master's T h e s i s , University of Calgary, Faculty of Environmental D e s i g n . E g a n , T . (2005) Vibrant Cities Find O n e T h i n g Missing: Children. New  York  Times. T h u r s d a y , M a r c h 24 Late Edition (Final), S e c t i o n A , P a g e 1 , Column 1 Elliot, C . (2002) W h e r e have all the R o c k V e n u e s g o n e ? Sea Coast  Online.  Retrieved J a n 13, 2006 from http://www.seacoastonline.eom/calendar/2002/3  21 coverstory.htm  E v a n s , G , (2001) Cultural Planning: an urban r e n a i s s a n c e ? Routledge: New York  Finnegan, R. (1989) T h e Hidden Musicians:  Music Making in an English  Town.  University of C a m b r i d g e P r e s s , C a m b r i d g e , U K  146  Florida, R. (2002) The Rise of the Creative  Class.  B a s i c B o o k s , N e w York, N Y  G i b s o n , C . a n d S . H o m a n (2004) U r b a n R e d e v e l o p m e n t , Live Music, and Public S p a c e : Cultural performance and the re-making of Marrickville. International  Journal  of Cultural  Policy,  10(1)  Gill, W . (1993) R e g i o n , A g e n c y , a n d Popular Music: T h e Northwest S o u n d 19581966. The Canadian Geographer, 37(2), 120-31. Gilmore, A (2004) Popular M u s i c , U r b a n Regeneration ad Cultural Quarters: T h e c a s e of the R o p e W a l k s , Liverpool. In City of Quarters: the Contemporary  Urban Villages  in  City. P g 109-130. Bell, D & M. J a y n e e d s . A s h g a t e ,  London, U K G o d s c h a l k , D.R. (2004) C o p i n g with Conflicts in V i s i o n s of Sustainable D e v e l o p m e n t and Livable C o m m u n i t i e s . Journal Association.  of the American  Planning  70(1): 5-13.  Haar, C M . a n d J . S . K a y d e n (1989) Zoning and the American Still to Keep. Planners P r e s s , C h i c a g o , IL. H a y d e n , D. (1995) 777e Power  of Place:  Urban Landscapes  Dream:  as Public  Promises  History.  MIT P r e s s , L o n d o n a n d C a m b r i d g e , M A . H o d g e G . (2003) Planning  Canadian  Communities.  Nelson. Scarborough,  Ontario H o m a n , S . a n d B. J o h n s o n (2002) 'Vanishing popular  music opportunities  in NSW.  Acts: an inquiry into the state of live S y d n e y , Australia C o u n c i l / N S W  Ministry of Arts. H o m a n , S (2003) The Mayor's Sydney.  a Square:  Live music and law and order in  L o c a l C o n s u m p t i o n s Publications. Newtown N S W .  H o m a n , S . (2002) Cultural industry or social problem? T h e c a s e of Australian live music. Media  International  Australia:  88-101.  Hutton, T . (2004) Post-Industrialism, P o s t - m o d e r n i s m a n d the Reproduction of V a n c o u v e r ' s Central A r e a : Retheorising the 2 1 Studies.  s t  century city.  Urban  40(10), 1953-82.  Huxley, M. (1994) Planning a s a Framework of Power: Utilitarian reform, enlightenment logic, a n d control of urban s p a c e . In Ferber, S . , Healy C , a n d McAuliffe, C . (eds) Beasts Australian  Suburbs.  of Suburbia:  Reinterpreting  Cultures  in  Melbourne University P r e s s . Melbourne, Australia.  147  Indergaard, M. (2003) Silicon Alley: the rise and fall of New  York's new  media  district. Routledge: N e w York Kaiser, E . J . , G o d s c h a l k , and R. David (1995) Twentieth Century L a n d U s e Planning. Journal  of the American  Planning  Association,  Summer95,  61(3)  K a u f m a n , J e r o m e L. & Harvey M. J a c o b s (1987) "A Public Planning Perspective o n Strategic Planning". Journal  of the American  Planning  Association,  Vol.  53, 1 (Reprinted in C a m p b e l l , S . and Fainstein, S . (eds.): R e a d i n g s in Urban T h e o r y , pp. 323-343) K o n g , L. (2000) Culture, e c o n o m y , policy: trends and developments.  Geoforum.  31,385-390. Landry, C . (2000) The Creative  City: A toolkit for urban innovators.  Earthscan  Publications Ltd., L o n d o n , U K . L e y , D. (1996). The New Middle  Class  and the Remaking  of the Central  City.  Oxford: University P r e s s . L e y , D. (2003). "Artists, Aestheticization, and the Field of Gentrification" Studies,  Urban  40(12): 2 5 2 7 - 2 5 4 4 .  L e u n g , H. (2003J Land Use Planning  Made Plain - 2  n d  E d . University of Toronto  P r e s s , Toronto, Ont. L y o n s , Venini, and A s s o c i a t e s Ltd. (2003). The Beltline the  Initiative:  Re-Discovering  Centre.  M a c D o n a l d , R. (Ed.) (1997) Youth, the 'Underclass'and  Social  Exclusion.  L o n d o n : Routledge. Miles, M., & H u b e r m a n , M. (1994). Qualitative  Data Analysis.  Thousand Oaks:  S a g e Publications. Miller, D., A . H o l t - J e n s e n (1997) B e r g e n and Seattle: A T a l e of Strategic Planning in T w o Cities. European Mitteco, G . (2005) Securing Strategies  for amenity  Westminster.  Planning  public amenities selection  Studies,  5/12.  through developer  and prioritization  contributions:  in the City of  New  Professional Project, University of British C o l u m b i a  N a s h , P . H . , and G . O . C a r n e y (1996) T h e S e v e n T h e m e s of M u s i c G e o g r a p h y . The Canadian  Geographer,  40(1): 69-74.  148  Neuman. L.W. (2000) Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches. Allyn and Bacon. Needham Heights, MA. Oldenburg, R. (1999) The Great Good Place: Cafes, Coffee Shops, Bookstores, Bars, Hair Salons, and Other Hangouts at the Heart of a Community. Marlowe & Company. New York, NY Payne, G., & Payne, J. (2004). Key Concepts in Social Research. London: Sage Publications. Pope, L (2002a) Leveled by decibles. Sea Coast Online. Retrieved on December 1, 2005 from http://www.seacoastonline.eom/calendar/2002/6 13coverstorv.htm Pope, L. (2002b) City takes aim at Noise. Sea Coast Online Retrieved on December 1, 2005 from http://www.seacoastonline.eom/calendar/2002/7 11coverstory.htm Punter, J. (2003) The Vancouver Achievement: Urban Planning and Design. UBC Press. Vancouver, BC. Rabin. Y. (1989) Expulsive Zoning: The Inequitable Legacy of Euclid. In Zoning and the American Dream: Promises Still to Keep; 101-21; Haar, C M . and J.S. Kayden eds; Planners Press, Chicago, IL. Robson, C. (2002). Real World Research: A Resource for Social Scientists and Practitioner-Researchers. Maiden: Blackwell Publishing. Sandercock, L (1998) Towards Cosmopolis: Planning for Multicultural Cities. John Wiley & Sons. Hoboken, NJ. Schafer, R.M. (1994) SoundScape: Our sonic environment and the tuning of the world. Destiny Books. Rochester, NY. Schilling, J. and L. Linton (2005) The public health roots of zoning: In search of active living's legal genealogy. American Journal of Preventive Medicine; Feb2005, Schroeder, A. (2005) Chest Cavities, Empty Kneecaps, and Elbows: Redrum's real life, all-ages 'School of Rock'. The Austin Chronical, Nov 11. Retrieved, December 1, 2005 from http://www.austinchronicle.com/issues/dispatch/2005-11 11/music feature.html Schensul, S.L., Schensul, J.J., and M. D. LeCompte. (1999). Validity and reliability in ethnographic research. In, Essential Ethnographic Methods,  149  edited by S . L. S c h e n s u , J . J . S c h e n s u l , and M.D. L e C o m p t e . Walnut C r e e k : Altamira P r e s s . P p . 271 -290. Scott, A . J . (1997) The Cultural Sennett ,R (1970) The Uses  Economy  of Disorder:  of Cities. Blackwell, Oxford, U K Personal  Identity and City Life.  W.W.  Norton. N e w York, N Y . Sorkin, D.L., N . B . Ferris and J . Hudak. (1984) Strategies for Cities and C o u n t i e s : A Strategic Planning G u i d e . W a s h i n g t o n , D. C : Public T e c h n o l o g y , Inc., 1984. Street, J . (1993) L o c a l Differences? P o p u l a r M u s i c and the L o c a l State. Music,  Popular  12(1): 43-55.  T o o n , I. (2000) Finding a place in the street: C C T V surveillance and y o u n g people's u s e of urban public s p a c e , in: D. Bell and A . H a d d o u r (Eds) City Visions,  pp. 1 4 1 - 1 6 1 . H a r l o w : P e a r s o n E d u c a t i o n .  V e r a Project (2005) History. Retrieved N o v e m b e r 28, 2 0 0 5 from http://www.theveraproiect.org/ Wallis, R. a n d K. M a l m (1984) Big Sound in Small Countries. Y i n , R. (2003). Case  from Small People:  The Music  Industry  C o n s t a b l e and C o m p a n y , L o n d o n , U K  Study Research  Design  and Methods.  Thousand Oaks:  S a g e Publications. Zukin, S . (1998) Urban Lifestyles: Diversity and Standardization in S p a c e s of C o n s u m p t i o n . Urban Studies vol. 35(5-6), 825-839.  150  APPENDIX A SAMPLE OF INTERVIEW QUESTIONS Long Range and Strategic Planning - How are live music venues addressed in long range plans? - What is the city's attitude towards the promotion of live music venues and is there a willingness to foster popular live music? - What are the issues inherent in accounting for live music venues in long range plans? - Has increasing residential development in the inner urban core had any affect on live music venues? - Are there available locations in the city that are well suited for live music? - Have land use strategies been employed that attempt to deal with conflicts between venue owners, residents, and business owners? Regulation - Under which portfolio do issues of live music regulation fall? - How are land use regulations and restrictions pertaining to live music venues articulated and defined? - Are there particular issues with live music venues that need to be addressed? - Do you feel that regulations are set up in such a way that is permissive for live music venues? - Are mechanisms set up that distinguish between the differing venue sizes, locations, activities, performance frequency, and styles of music? - What are some of most recognized impacts associated with amplified live music venues in the city? - What are the most typical and most frequent types of citizen complaints regarding amplified live music? - What are the enforcement responses to the negative impacts of live music? - Do you have any creative suggestions or ideas for mitigation? Cultural Planning Initiatives - Is live music accounted for in the city's cultural policies? Where are they mentioned? What concessions are made? - Is a distinction made between popular music forms and more traditional forms of music performance in cultural policies? - Does the city identify any value (social, economic, or environment) in live music venues? What are they? - Are there any programs to deal with or promote live music venues?  Finance and the Securing of Public Amenity  151  -  W h a t programs offer a s s i s t a n c e a n d support for live m u s i c v e n u e s . D o e s competition for land a n d rent i n c r e a s e s have significant effects of the location a n d viability of live m u s i c v e n u e s in the city?  -  H a v e land u s e or development strategies b e e n e m p l o y e d u s e d to leverage s p a c e for u s e s s u c h a s live m u s i c ?  T y p e s of Live M u s i c S p a c e s : -  F r o m you perspective what are the most pressing i s s u e s related to live music v e n u e s in the city?  -  W h a t type of v e n u e s is the city lacking? H a v e a n a b u n d a n c e of? Do you have a n y information or c o m m e n t s o n the existence of impromptu/informal/illegal m u s i c performance s p a c e s in the city?  152  APPENDIX B SAMPLE OF SURVEY QUESTIONS  1.  D o e s your establishment host live m u s i c e v e n t s ? (y/n)  2.  H o w m a n y times per week/month do you host live m u s i c e v e n t s ?  3.  W h a t kind of live music d o e s your business/liquor license allow y o u to promote?  4.  W h a t styles of m u s i c do you host?  5.  W h a t kind of live musical acts/artists acts d o e s your v e n u e present: o  Local  o  Touring  o  Special Events  o  Other:  6.  W h a t is your fire seating capacity?  7.  D o y o u believe city planning polices are supportive of live m u s i c v e n u e s ?  8.  H a v e you experienced any complaints or c o n c e r n s from residents or other neighbours regarding live m u s i c ? (y/n) If Y E S -  what is the frequency of  complaints? W h a t Is the nature? 9.  H a s your establishment ever had a n y policing or enforcement i s s u e s ? (y/n)  10. W h a t forms of resolution have b e e n u s e d to mitigate c o n c e r n s from neighbours, citizens, enforcement a g e n c i e s , a n d the City related to this establishment? 11. H a v e you ever had any other i s s u e s or difficulties with regulators a n d / o r the City of V a n c o u v e r ? (y/n) If Y E S - p l e a s e d e s c r i b e 12. A r e there any specific characteristics of the surrounding community that y o u feel affect the ability of the v e n u e to host amplified live m u s i c e v e n t s ? 13. D o you think that s o m e a r e a s of the city offer more opportunities (eager clientele, lenient restrictions, neighbourhood a m b i a n c e , more a c c o m m o d a t i n g rents) 14. W o u l d you s a y that z o n i n g , b u s i n e s s , a n d liquor licenses m a k e the presentation of amplified live music: o  easy  o  difficult  o  the s a m e  o  no opinion  15. A s a v e n u e manager, what barriers (if any) d o y o u feel exist in presenting live m u s i c at your establishment? 16. A r e you aware of any programs for a s s i s t a n c e financially or o t h e r w i s e for live m u s i c v e n u e s ? 17. W h a t kind of music v e n u e s do you feel V a n c o u v e r is lacking? O r h a s a n a b u n d a n c e of?  153  

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0092764/manifest

Comment

Related Items