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The politics of fit : the genesis of candidacy in a suburban municipality Peterson, Sharon Anne 2006

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THE POLITICS OF FIT: THE GENESIS OF CANDIDACY IN A SUBURBAN MUNICIPALITY by Sharon A n n e Peterson B.A., S i m o n Fraser University, 2001 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S in The Faculty of Graduate Studies (Anthropology) U N I V E R S I T Y O F BRIT ISH C O L U M B I A Apri l 2006 © Sharon A n n e Peterson, 2006 Abstract In a democratic society, there is an assumption that any individual with the will and the means can become a candidate in an election, especially at the local level of governance. However, in a municipal election, those candidates that have the means or access to means (financial support and volunteers) are usually those endorsed by a civic party. Party executives and municipal politicians actively seek potential candidates who "fit." The research into what the political elite in the municipality of Delta mean by fit indicates that it is a gloss to naturalize a process by which the political elite perpetuates their ideology by carefully choosing their candidates. The politics of fit, therefore, is a phrase coined to describe the recruitment strategies employed to give these potential candidates a higher community profile and while potentially limiting political access by those who do not "fit." Table of Contents Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Tables iv List of Figures v Acknowledgements vi Dedication vii Politics and Anthropology 2 Delta 5 Municipal Governance and Political Parties 6 Connections with Civic Associations 11 Civic Committees 17 The Importance of Staff 25 The Public Meeting 27 Civic Parties and Candidates 28 Discussion and Conclusion 33 Bibliography 36 Appendix 40 iii List of Tables Table 1 Delta Population 6 Table 2 Election Results 10 Table 3 Candidate Summary 32 Appendix Delta's Boards, Committees and Commissions: A simple statistical analysis 40 2002 Election Summary 46 iv List of Figures Figure 1 Major Civic Parties of Delta, 1989 to present Acknowledgements Numerous faculty and students in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology have encouraged my research and offered different points of view for me to explore. I am grateful to them for sharing their knowledge with me. I thank Dr. D. Pokotylo for his ongoing support and Dr. B. Miller for his insightful challenges which made this a better paper. I am most grateful for having Dr. Charles Menzies as my advisor. Mature students with families and embedded in community life often have educational experiences that differs from and is somewhat more difficult than that of much younger students. Dr. Menzies, a sympathetic listener, helped balance the demands between studies and home. The people of Delta who willingly showed me the inner workings of governance deserve thanks, especially Guy Gentner, Vicki Huntington and Bruce McDonald. These three counselors freely shared their knowledge and experiences and, in their own way, encouraged me to become more involved in public life. The research for this paper truly began long ago with a phone call from Guy asking to meet for coffee. Special thanks go to my family, my parents and siblings who support and encourage all my endeavours. Thanks also are due to my children who have attended many university classes and have never known me to not be taking one course or another. And finally, many thanks are owed to my husband, a loving companion and another life-long learner, who suggested that I go back to school and finish what I had begun. vi Dedication Jor my girCs, Imma and "Rebecca vii The opportunity to enter into the world of politics came unexpectedly with a phone call: would I run for city council? Why? Because I fit. In the suburban city of Delta, I am an active volunteer and for a while I hosted a local cable magazine show. As host, I met and mingled with many of Delta's public figures and came to know some of them as, if not friends, at least good acquaintances. On reflection, the call should not have been so unexpected. However, my initial response (after declining the offer) was, what did the caller, the president of a civic party, mean by fit? In a liberal democracy, presumably individuals who have political ambitions can participate in whatever form they choose, such as joining political parties and becoming a candidate. The use of the term fit immediately presupposes that there are individuals who do not fit, which effectively limits who can become a party candidate contrary to the concept of democracy. I had no ambition to enter politics prior to being called; I had given the process little thought other than to be knowledgeable of current issues when interviewing political figures for the cable show. Further, I had little sense of the existence of a political elite in Delta. Until I began to study social and political connections, and reflectively examine my own position within these networks, my understanding of Delta's society is that it is a typical suburb with gradations of socio-economic classes. This thesis is an ethnography to determine what is meant by fit in terms of candidacy. Therefore, I use my own experiences and observations to study how civic parties recruit individuals. I found that fit describes individuals who are long-term residents, are conversant with current issues and have a working knowledge of Delta's history. These individuals are considered hardworking and dedicated to community welfare and are known by the leaders of Delta's society. By this definition, I know many active volunteers who fit. However, few will become political candidates. Despite a common sense understanding of liberal democracy wherein candidates choose to run or 1 are recruited by merit, I found that there are additional requirements sought by political recruiters who tend to favour certain individuals. Further, these recruiters can actively influence an individual's political opportunities through such means as civic participation. The term fit is less a description of an individual and more a gloss that disguises selection criteria of the political elite. This criteria is summarized as the ability to execute the basic principles of a party platform in addition to those attributes mentioned above. Therefore, I argue that the politics of fit are those strategies used by the political elite to select particular individuals as candidates. In this context, I seek to illustrate some of these strategies in Delta and discuss key issues that these raise. 1 Politics and Anthropology The connection between the public life of an individual and political fit is not a linear causal arrow but a complex web of inter-connections between the individual and the social milieu of Delta and possibly beyond. Ted Lewellen, a political anthropologist, writes that, anthropologists have focused on two elements which have been largely ignored by political scientists: first, they have described the informal groups, based on class, interests, age, and education, that function within formal organizations; second, they have shown the relation between the organization, the individuals that comprise it, and the wider environment. (Lewellen 1983:124, 125) 11 am currently involved in the political milieu of Delta, B.C., and sit as a member of two civic committees. This participatory-observational experience (in both formal and informal settings) is augmented by formal interviews of three sitting municipal councillors: Guy Gentner, Vicki Huntington, and Bruce McDonald. In connecting social or public activities to political fit, I examined public statements and short biographies given by candidates to local newspapers for the 2002, 1999 and 1996 elections. I include an analysis of committee membership lists and draw from public documents such as committee minutes. 2 This neat summation of an anthropological perspective acknowledges human behaviour cannot easily be quantified, unlike discrete categories such as ethnicity, gender, class, and education. Lewellen points out that the real system of how things get done in politics (or any formal organization, for that matter) barely resembles the formal descriptions of responsibility and policy statements. In fact, according to Lewellen, "a basic and universal aspect of politics is certainly the socialization of those who aspire to power" (Lewellen 1983:227). In this regard, models of human behaviour found in sociology and political science literature, especially in regards to candidacy and political access do not adequately represent the actuality as found in daily political practice. Joan Vincent's comprehensive survey of political anthropology (1990, 2002) likewise finds that anthropological studies of political systems are best focussed on informal interactions. However, Vincent cautions that too much focus on individual actions negate the effects of the political environment, a criticism that encompasses F.G. Bailey's approach to political stratagems (Vincent 1990: 361-362). As an example, Vincent includes in her anthology (2002) authors who not only describe informal interactions or connections, but also examine them within the context of external competing forces. In acknowledging that there is an externally framed context within which political competition takes place, it is the local interplay of connections that is of interest here. Vincent quotes Lucy Mair, who states that, there are always and everywhere persons with conflicting and competing interests, seeking to have disputes settled in their favor and to influence community decisions (policy) in accordance with their interests. This is politics. (Vincent 1990:349) According to F.G. Bailey, politics is understandable through game theory. The winners gets to develop policy in accordance with their interests because they have won the position of power through which this can be done. Bailey is less interested in the (normative or formal) rules per se, than he is in how the political players go about 3 circumventing them. The strategies employed by the players become Bailey's pragmatic rules, which, unlike the broadly defined limits understood by both sides, are the "practical instructions about how to win" (Bailey 1969:4, 5). The pragmatic strategizing of political aspirants takes place within political structures, which include a political community (political followers, holders of normative rules, and idealists), a political elite (political contestants), and political teams (recruited supporters) (Bailey 1969:20, 23-26). Bottomore (1993), however, includes as the political elite those currently in government, high administrators, military leaders, political families and economic leaders. The political class is comprised of opposition members, out-of-office leaders, social interest representatives, trade union leaders, business groups, active intellectuals and so forth. Within a democratic society, the circulation of elites is perceived to be more open but it is the elites who form political parties and compete to represent the electorate. While some movement into the ranks of the political elite occurs through merit-based recruitment from the political class, Bottomore argues that most recruitment occurs from within the political elites' own social class. Economic inequality separates individuals with adequate resources (funds, connections, education) from those whose life circumstances limit their opportunities. Further, echoing Marx, Bottomore suggests that the political elite, by recruiting from their own social class not only have their ideology (of privilege) supported, but will also elect from within their ranks a second tier of political governance removing direct voting as a means of an effective checking mechanism (e.g., the Greater Vancouver Regional District Board and the Translink Board). Liberal democracy, therefore, is an exercise of power between a small number of competing individuals and groups, supported by a "passive" electorate. Politics, to summarize, is understood to be the enactment of power for a specific goal. What is of interest, from an anthropological perspective, are the strategies that groups and individuals employ. After a brief description of Delta and municipal 4 governance, the following sections examine aspects of the connections between the political elite and potential candidates from within the ranks of the political community from the perspective of my own experiences and the observations of the municipal councillors who I interviewed. Delta Delta is medium-sized municipality in the lower mainland of British Columbia. It comprises three geographical centers, Tsawwassen, Ladner/East Delta and North Delta. Geographically, it is located at the southwest delta of the Fraser River and most of the land was initially marsh and bog wetlands with Tsawwassen and North Delta on bluffs. The Tsawwassen First Nations were moved to their current location along the western beach of the flatlands in 1871 as early settlers pre-empted lands east and west of the Chilukthan Slough and proceeded to dyke the lands for agriculture (Phillips 2003). It was incorporated as a municipality in 1880 with William Ladner as Delta's first reeve. The early industries were farming, fishing and canning. The agricultural community still plays a significant role in Delta's politics. Delta is recognized as two separate communities2, North and South, and this divide has profound implications for municipal governance as well as candidacy. Table one is a brief summary of the population and differences between the two communities. 2 Councillors, public documents, provincial and federal ridings, BC and Canada statistics etcetera, confirm this. North Delta is located east of Highway 91 and north of the East Delta flatlands along Boundary Bay. South Delta includes all the flatlands (Ladner and East Delta, Burns Bog, River Road industrial area, Tilbury Island, Annacis Island, Westham Island) and Tsawwassen. 5 Table 1: Delta Population Total Population Avg family income Visible Minorities Religion (30% no religion) Topography North Delta 52,108 $71,505 17,490 34% of ND pop. 1. Catholic 2. Sikh Post WWII suburban sprawl with commercial strip along Surrey to east, industry west and north, parkland/ flats south South Delta 45,321 $85,874 5,015 9% of SD pop. 1. Catholic 2. United, and Anglican Two town or village (heritage) centers surrounded by rural agricultural lands, river and sea Total 97,429 22,505 Source: 2001 Statistics Canada ; B C Stats 2004 report In South Delta, the visible minorities are approximately 40% South Asian and 30% Chinese. In North Delta, 60% of the visible minorities are South Asian and 20% are Chinese. The breakdown in Table One reflects significant factors expressed by the councillors in discussing candidacy considerations. Municipal Governance and Political Parties Municipalities are set and governed by provincial charter, which in B C is known as the Local Government Act (previously the Municipal Act until 2000). 3 According to Sancton (2000), the historical and primary purpose of local government in Canada is land-use planning and this is where real power resides in municipalities. Sancton observes that prior to the1970's when citizen groups began mobilizing to protect existing neighborhoods, pro-development politicians dominated municipal elections and Canadian cities grew rapidly. However, anti-development activists, according to Sancton, were not often effective on council as they "had no common view concerning the role of municipal government" (Sancton 2000:433^434) in protecting versus developing land. Sancton further notes that there is suspicion and cynicism by these 3 The gendering of issues in local governance structures will be discussed later in this paper (under civic committees) but as a means of contextualizing local government and its relevant power within provincial and federal governance structures, the Local Government Act is currently located within the Ministry of Community, Aboriginal and Women's Services of BC. 6 urban activists due to the ability of developers to appeal municipal decisions at the provincial level, the lack of municipal decisions to be considered final (especially as council can overrule previous council decisions), and the perception that council members are not sensitive to local neighbourhood issues (Sancton 2000: 434). Although urban activists have challenged and changed Canadian perception of "city," Sancton observes that the functions and capabilities of municipal government changed very little. If anything, new provincial regulations relating to such matters as environmental assessments had the effect of reducing the capacity of municipal governments to manage their own affairs. (Sancton 2000: 434) Sancton argues that the demarcation between pro- and anti- development is not as clear as in the past and that these simplistic divisions do not in themselves spur the development of civic parties (Sancton 2000: 435). However, in 1989, a large development proposal irrevocably changed Delta's civic parties. The owners (a large real estate holdings company) of what was once the Spetifore farm applied to develop a housing estate of 1900 homes on the flatlands abutting the Tsawwassen bluff and along Centennial Beach area—the acreage now known as the "Southlands." The proposal went to a public hearing in the spring of 1989, which became the longest running public hearing in Canada (Hansard, June 12, 1992:2548). Night after night for over five weeks (Hansard, June 5, 1992:7228), residents came forward to argue against this proposal. The proposal was defeated. Deltans formed alliances and associations to lobby for or against the Southlands proposal. Some of these alliances had a direct impact on the civic parties at that time (Citizens Association of Delta, Citadel, the oldest civic party in Delta; and the Delta Voters Association, DVA). The Independent Delta Electors Association, IDEA, was formed with moderate liberals joining forces with Citadel members. They gathered like-7 minded people including Conservative Member of Parliament, T.E. Siddon, Bruce McDonald, Beth Johnson, Vicki Huntington and others and successfully ousted the pro-development council in 1991. IDEA subsequently dominated the elections in 1993 (Gentner and McDonald interviews). The Delta Voters Association, DVA, led by Doug Husband (a descendant of long-term family residents) and the dominant, pro-development civic party prior to 1991, reformed to become the Delta Electors Committee, DEC. Delta's current mayor, Lois Jackson, was a councillor for D E C along with Ann Claggett, and past mayor Ernie Burnett. However, sitting IDEA councillors and half the board rejected a bid by Lois Jackson to be a candidate. Five board members resigned and formed TriDelta successfully running Jackson as their only candidate (Delta News Leader and Delta Optimist, September 28, 1996; McDonald interview, May 24, 2004). Citadel members struggled between supporting a more centralized view to increase their candidates' chances of being elected or staying true to their NDP connections (Gentner interview, April 14, 2004). They chose the latter. Although Citadel still exists, as evidenced by the endorsement of a number of school board candidates in 2002 (none of whom were elected), they are no longer considered a powerful civic party. D E C members formed the Delta Non-Partisan Party, NPA, whose only elected member, Councillor Ann Claggett, was not re-elected in 2002. By 1999, TriDelta's slate included the previously conservative Jackson for mayor (who defeated Bruce McDonald's bid for mayor), Councillor Gentner (the ex-Citadel, NDP proponent), and conservatives from South Delta, Councillor Robert Campbell and Councillor Vicki Huntington, who first ran for election in 1991 with IDEA. TriDelta subsequently dominated the 1999 and 2002 elections. In response, Councillor McDonald and IDEA have joined with the NPA to form Delta First, a "unification of several groups and individuals" (Gulyas, The Surrey NOW, Saturday, June 25, 2005: 16). 8 Currently, the two dominant civic parties are TriDelta and Delta First. Citadel and IDEA still exist, if in name only, while ProDelta, comprising several previously independent candidates existed briefly for the 2002 election. Sancton (2000) writes that, in general, provincial and federal parties do not get involved in civic parties. However, locally, Citadel are strongly linked with the NDP and DEC members were connected with the provincial Social Credit Party. Delta First candidates (with the exception of one) are all provincial Liberal members (which were formed with the remnants of the Socred party) while TriDelta candidates are not members of any political party but ideology range from left to right.4 Ted Murphy, editor of the Delta Optimist, writes that is impossible to determine what the "left or right side of a particular issue is" in Delta (Murphy Optimist October 26, 1996). Debates, in Delta, are framed in terms of pro- or anti-development, or for/against greenhouses, port development or highway by-pass proposals. These are all land-use planning issues. Contrary to Sancton's assessment regarding civic parties, the undeniable power embedded in land-use management has had a profound impact in the formation of civic parties in Delta for the past fifteen years. See Table 2 for Delta election results for the past twenty-five years and Figure 1 for major civic parties and party alignment with pro and anti development. The perceptions of pro and anti development are subjective, as TriDelta and IDEA share very similar platforms and both call for "controlled development" and the protection of farmlands (TriDelta platform, interviews). This was dropped by the Delta First team, but quickly added back in due to public pressure (2005 Delta First web-site). 4 These candidates either ran for MLA as a Liberal or worked for Liberal candidates in campaign offices, door knocking, signs, etc. Further, Delta First's manager was a Liberal campaign manager in the last provincial election, May 2005. 9 Figure 1: Major Civic Parties of Delta, 1989 to present "Pro" Development Delta Electors Committee, DEC 1989 1996 2005 Non-Partisan Association, NPA Although not formally merging, both parties formed Delta First for the 2005 election. "Anti" Development Citizens Association of Delta, Citadel Independent Delta Electors Association, IDEA TriDelta TriDelta Citadel (or Cit-A-Del) Not running or endorsing candidates for 2005. Table 2: Election Results. (Councillors were Aldermen prior to 1993.) Year Mayor Councillor Councillor Councillor Councillor Councillor Councillor 2002 Lois Jackson TriDelta Robert Campbell TriDelta Krista Engelland Independent Guy Gentner TriDelta Scott Hamilton TriDelta Vicki Huntington Independent Bruce McDonald IDEA 1999 Lois Jackson TriDelta Robert Campbell TriDelta Ann Claggett NPA Krista Engelland IDEA Guy Gentner TriDelta George Hawksworth IDEA Vicki Huntington TriDelta 1996 Beth Johnson IDEA/Citadel Krista Engelland IDEA George Hawksworth IDEA/Citadel Vicki Huntington IDEA Lois Jackson TriDelta Wendy Jeske IDEA Bruce McDonald IDEA/Citadel 1993 Beth Johnson IDEA Krista Engelland IDEA George Hawksworth IDEA Vicki Huntington IDEA Wendy Jeske IDEA Bruce McDonald IDEA Robert Mountfort IDEA 1990 Beth Johnson IDEA Ann Claggett DEC George Hawksworth IDEA Lois Jackson DEC Wendy Jeske IDEA Bruce McDonald IDEA Robert Mountfort IDEA 1987 Doug Husband DEC Doug Brown DEC Sheldon Busey DEC Ann Claggett DEC Richard Green DEC Lois Jackson DEC Bruce McDonald Citadel 1985 Ernie Burnett Sheldon Busey Lois Jackson Beth Johnson Norm Lortie Karl Moser John Savage 1983 Ernie Burnett Doug Husband Lois Jackson Beth Johnson Norm Lortie Karl Moser Paul Swenson 1981 Ernie Burnett Walter Hayward Doug Husband Lois Jackson/ Beth Johnson Norm Lortie Karl Moser Paul Swenson 1979 Thomas Goode / Ernie Burnett Ernie Burnett / Norm Lortie Lois Jackson Karl Moser Donald Porter William Reid Godfrey Wilbee Note: Where there are two names, the first person was in office for the first part of a term, the second person held office for the second part of the term. 10 Connections with Civic Associations The infamous Southlands is currently leased to a local farmer but is still not protected by A L R legislation. A December 2004 draft of Delta's Chamber of Commerce's A Sustainable Community Economic Strategy for Delta contained several references recommending the development of the Southlands. Members of the Tsawwassen Homeowners Association, THA, an organization which, like IDEA, developed as a direct result of the Southland hearings, have expressed concern. Councillor Gentner summarizes why there is a strong focus for land conservation and the reason why left-right designations do not work in Delta: the TriDelta executive have the ability to raise money, and they had raised money for IDEA before and were concerned of IDEA 'S shifting position on the greenhouse issue: how IDEA was now allowing softening their position on industrial farming on good arable soil, farmland. And it was always a major point particularly in Tsawwassen. Many of the affluent people, business people, regardless of their right-wing convictions, were green. The fact remains is that, believe it or not, this is my view, if you're a small 'c' conservative, you're also into conservation. They like to keep things the way they are, right? And really, when you think about Ladner and Tsawwassen, it is a great place to live. Why do you want to become Richmond? Why do you want to expand it? Why do you want to ruin it? So there is a small 'c' conservative notion which is akin to environmentalism, if you will. Keep the status quo. (Gentner interview, April 14, 2004) The THA supported a number of TriDelta candidates (predominantly the past THA president, lawyer Robert Campbell) while some Ladner Business Association (LBA) members and the Chamber of Commerce members (two pro-development organizations) supported NPA candidates and consequently Delta First. Predictably, there are numerous crossover memberships; for example, Leone Cox, a powerful force behind the THA sits as a TriDelta executive. Maria DeVries, current vice-president of Delta's Chamber of Commerce ran for IDEA in 2002 as did director Dan Southard (who 11 ran as an independent in 1996 before joining IDEA in 1999), but Executive Director Ashford ran with the NPA in 1996 before running as an independent in 1999 and 2002. While the NPA failed to have one of their candidates elected to council in 2002, they swept the school board elections. Many of the school board members are also executive members of the LBA, and coincidental^, one was in real estate. The school board has since tried to sell off designated excess lands for development (public documents: 2004, 2005 applications, C D C , P E A C minutes for November 2004), which has motivated support, especially in North Delta, behind TriDelta. North Delta sports associations, Tsawwassen business, labour organizations, and environmental groups line up behind TriDelta while greenhouse owners and farmers financially donated to IDEA and subsequently Delta First.5 The farming community includes some of Delta's more noted families including the Husbands, the Savages, the Roddicks, the Patersons, and others who are descended from early settlers or have lived in Delta for multiple generations. Many of these names appear on old council lists beginning with the Ladner brothers in the late 1800s. Until about fifteen years ago, farming families were a force to be considered in Delta. For example both John Savage, past MLA and alderman, and Doug Husband, past mayor and alderman are descendents of earlier council members. Councillor Gentner claims, "The family compact is alive and well" and is associated with the "Anglican Church in Ladner.... If you're going to climb the ladder, politically, you will go to All Saints [in Ladner]" (Gentner interview, April 14, 2004). The other two councillors wave aside the suggestion that the old families have any real say in local politics. However, members of these families are still active in such 5 Source for these statements are McDonald, Gentner and Huntington interviews, numerous newspaper clippings and verbal statements made in informal settings. 12 associations as the Delta Farmers Wildlife Trust, the Ladner Business Association (LBA), Delta Arts Council (DAC), Delta Heritage Advisory Commission (DHAC), Chamber of Commerce, and can be found on party executives at all levels of politics. The influence of large land-holding families, as well as other long-standing families cannot be denied. Connections between the political elite and civic associations support, are variously described as social capital (Bourdieu 1990; Putnam 1995a, 1995b; Portes 1998; Lin 2001), and social networks (Lin 201; Wilier 1999). Those who critique Putnam's social capital (Etzioni 2000; Wilson 2000; Edwards and Foley 2000; Portes 1998) rightly point out his conclusions, that good governance needs an active civil society, but an active civil society requires a well-governed state to exist, is contradictory. However, for the purposes of this study, the connections between civic associations and the political elite can be described as reciprocal networks. Both Lin (2001) and Wilier (1999) describe two forms of networks wherein individuals can access resources with the underlying motivating factor is outcomes of interest. Reciprocity, therefore, becomes highly strategic. Closed or exclusive networks focus on preserving or maintaining resources; open networks operate as a means of gaining resources with the transfer or exchange of power as the ultimate resource. As Ulf Hannerz points out, studying networks is useful for an anthropologist studying urban relationships (Hannerz 1980: 172). Delta's collection of associations, service organizations, sports leagues, parent groups, and such special interest groups as Save 6 This innocuous association is comprised of quietly and inordinately powerful landowners in Delta. At a luncheon at MLA Val Roddick's farm on Westham Island some years ago, I interviewed for Delta Cable, the Duke of Westminster, one of the largest if not the largest landowner in the world, so I was told, and Rod Bell-Irving. A number of other attendees defy the image of farming as a local affair. These individuals also finance political campaigns, something that is not lost on civic party boards and underlies the split between supporters and critics of greenhouses. Incidentally, the Duke of Westminster was invited to speak on the importance of hedgerows, something environmentalists in Delta have been advocating for years. 13 Our Hospital, comprise Bailey's political community or Bottomore's political class. They form an open network of individuals connecting with each other and with those of the political elite. These connections enable individuals who have political aspirations to gain knowledge of local issues, Delta's history and potentially access local resources. However, Mike Reilly challenges the assumption that candidates need political and social connections. As an independent candidate for mayor in 1999, the then unknown Reilly said that, after watching council meetings aired live on Delta Cable TV, he could easily do the job (McDonald interview, May 16, 2004; comments Reilly made during Delta Cable interviews7). His published statement included no reference to public service or Delta affiliations ("no political baggage," South Delta Leader November 12, 1999). He also did not think it necessary to become a councillor first, learn about municipal governance before becoming mayor. He claimed that his business experience in real estate and dealing with city planning departments was more than sufficient experience (Surrey NOW, November 10, 1999; Delta Optimist November 3, 6, 10, 13, 17, 1999; South Delta Leader November 12, 26, 1999). He failed to be elected. After disparaging any and all affiliations and their potential influences, he has since joined the Delta Arts Council, DAC (which has several influential members on the executive and connections to "old families" including the Husbands and the Savages—see Table 2), became a director for the Chamber of Commerce, the vice-president of the Scott Road Business Association, and a member of the Ladner Business Association, LBA. He ran unsuccessfully for councillor on the NPA slate in 2002. 71 w o r k e d a s a reporter for Del ta C a b l e for approximate ly four y e a r s until 2001.1 inc lude s t a t e m e n t s m a d e to m e during interviews from this t ime a s any c o m m e n t s m a d e to reporters are c o n s i d e r e d publ ic information u n l e s s c learly stated "off the record." F u r t h e r m o r e , I d o not inc lude s ta tements m a d e to m e in informal sett ings unless t h e s e s tatements are c o n f i r m e d through other s o u r c e s a n d c o u l d comfortably be c a l l e d publ ic k n o w l e d g e . 14 All candidates for the 2002 municipal election in Delta typically included in their published biographies length of residency, educational and/or professional attainments, and, most importantly, a list of associations and affiliations (Delta Optimist November 13, 2002:14-19). These biographies are constrained by the media format and so candidates list community groups rather than professional associations. (See Appendix: 2002 Election Summary for candidate "lists.") The three councillors interviewed discuss the importance for individuals to be well connected within the community through association and group memberships. These associative networks potentially become part of the party resources when strategizing an upcoming election. For example, Councillor Gentner is connected with the North Delta Ratepayers Association and the Sunshine Hills Homeowners Association supported Councillor McDonald in the 1980s. The politics behind "the fit is knowing the facts" is having resources and being able to access resources. In summarizing what civic parties seek in an individual, Councillor Huntington states that a potential candidate is someone who is articulate, who can be brought along, who is intelligent, who shows specific interests by activity within the municipality. You would like them to be fairly well known so that it's not such a huge step to get their name out there as a candidate. You would like them to bring on their own people because you need that kind of assistance. You would love them to bring on some money. But those aren't necessarily all the considerations, it's—are they presentable to the public? Do they stand a chance of winning? Those are the first two... Then you look then really the things that brought them to your attention, you might look at after that. Are they well known in the area? Have they participated in the community at all?.... But what draws you to them, what brings them to your attention? Contacts. Experience in committees. Experience in sports. Really, you have to become known in some respect in order to be brought to somebody's attention. [Emphasis mine] (Huntington interview, May 11, 2004) 1 5 Councillor Gentner states that the process of selection is not like an open nomination meeting "where you have 500 people show up... who you don't know and they, with the numbers game, elect people who've never been heard of before or know this political position" (Gentner interview, April 14, 2004) 8. Selection is done through committee and board approval of individuals who work hard in the community and whose interests are in line with the party platform. Councillor McDonald phrases this somewhat differently in a conversation regarding potential candidates paying their dues: Most of the people, who get involved in municipal politics, get there because they were involved in an issue, ...and it either whetted their appetite or it raised their profile. And then other people said, "Well, look...you have a voice and we'd like you to get involved..." There's not a lot of municipal politicians that I think set out to be politicians. I think most of them were concerned about something happening in their community and went on from there. And I do believe, to a large extent, the majority of the people involved in municipal politics are service oriented.... I think people do look and say, have they paid their dues? How did you get here? It's like, who was it? Oh, Reilly, the guy who ran for mayor—from nowhere. And I remember talking with him and it's like, you know, how do you think you can do this, I mean, you don't even understand the mechanics of a council and you want to be king.... I can't imagine that, and I can't imagine the community with—unless somebody had a huge profile, some other way, people will look at it and say he hasn't, he or she hasn't paid their dues. They haven't done that, they haven't gotten inserted into the community enough to know that putting the playschool off of Highway 10 was a real hard chore to get that through and any number of other issues that have occurred.... How well do they know the community? And I guess you do that by being involved in committees and commissions and societies and clubs and stuff. And that's why people trot out their little shopping list of "this is all the stuff I've done." (McDonald interview, May 14, 2004) This highly prescient statement made in April 2004, foreshadows a subsequent nomination battle Gentner had for the NDP nomination for Delta North that began in a November 2004 nomination meeting and has only recently been resolved by the provincial NDP executive by appointing Gentner as candidate. 16 To summarize this discussion, a party board, along with sitting councillors, pre-determines a number of individuals who fit: defined as someone who will able to "execute" the basic principles that the party executive had agreed upon; someone who is dedicated and hardworking; is involved in the community; is a relatively long-term resident and is visible. Civic Committees Knack (2002) argues that associations and other community organizations are not sufficient indicators of good governance. Expanding on Putnam's social capital, Knack determined that "involvement in 'good government' groups is found to be conducive to better state government performance, but involvement in groups more generally has no impact" (Knack 2002: 783). In Delta, such good 'government groups' are those that are organized with the goal of addressing civic concerns (such as Save Our Hospital Society, or the more recently formed Against Port Expansion group and any of the business associations). The civic advisory committees are more directly linked to municipal governance and, in a sense, bridge the distance between civic associations and governance and as such, are of particular interest. As previously noted civic associations form an open network and interested individuals can attain membership. Membership in civic committees, however, is closed in comparison yet these committees have a stronger connection with civic governance and therefore with the political elite. Consequently, I will endeavor to describe this smaller network, which can loosely be compared with Bailey's political teams. After the 2002 election, only Scott Hamilton was new to council. Lois Jackson, first woman councillor in Delta (1971) and incumbent mayor, was re-elected. The other incumbents re-elected included Krista Engelland and Vicki Huntington. Both ran for IDEA in 1996, Engelland continued with IDEA in 1999 and Huntington moved to TriDelta. As 17 popular long-term councillors, both ran successfully as independents in 2002. McDonald, defeated in 1999 in the mayor's race, returned as councillor in 2002. Gentner and Campbell were easily re-elected for a second term. Malcolm Ashford running as an independent came very close to succeeding. NPA's Ann Claggett failed by a small margin to be re-elected while TriDelta's Christine Puder was not far behind. Rounding out the top ten is IDEA'S Jeannie Kanakos. There is a substantial drop of 1,200 votes to the eleventh candidate (election results, Vancouver Sun, Sunday, November 17, 2002; Appendix: 2002 Election Summary; interviews). The significance of these election results is that the top ten candidates out of a field of twenty have belonged to one or more civic committees. Of the bottom ten who listed various associations, most significantly connected with Delta Hospital and sports affiliations, only two indicated membership on a civic committee. With very few exceptions, the 1999 and 1996 successful and near successful candidates were more likely to belong to civic committees than the candidates that failed to garner significant votes. Lewellen's discussion of the means for the socialization of politicians encompassing the importance of government committee membership may help explain the significance of civic committees. Committees are a means by which freshman senators, in Lewellen's example, "gradually build up at least a modicum of power" with each committee membership bringing with it "new staff which can be added to the senator's clan" (Lewellen 1983:128). Further, committees are stratified from less to more powerful with membership determined by the level of power previously achieved by senators. Although very different in structure and purpose than Lewellen's senate example, Delta's civic committees are likewise seen as perhaps the training ground of future politicians. The process is publicly open as anyone in Delta can apply to be a member of one of the committees in response to the annual call for volunteers in December. However, Council then meets some time in January, significantly in an in-camera or non-public meeting, to 18 determine who will be on which committee. Further, councillors are known to invite certain individuals on to these committees (interviews and conversations with committee members). My own experience is that Councillor Gentner invited me. Councillor Gentner gives some insight to how the choosing is done: [For example], I remember one committee I was involved in. We changed the membership completely—all but one, because we needed corporate memory, but we also needed new blood... when we made some appointments on our parks committee—influential people who are involved with groups but also have fire in their bellies was also important. Even though I don't agree with them but it was really important to get that chemistry going. And when we select committees, it's not based on expertise. It used to be. When the environment committee they made sure everybody with PhDs, professionals, were appointed to the committee. Anybody involved in the Planning was a planner here or in Vancouver or an architect. That's how it worked.... Our [present] selection is very different than that. W e look at representation. Mechanic, yeah, need a mechanic, right? Why not? A former developer, he's semi-retired, Tsawwassen, Chinese Canadian, a different perspective. A long-time Ladnerite, a meat cutter.... We always try putting in a wild card, you don't know anything about this person but it's good for the municipality.... It's a laboratory. You're not under a microscope [so] just have fun. So anyway, we try to get a real mix of different interests at the table, not experts, per se. Staff should be the experts, if we need experts, we hire the experts, to shepherd it along. But it's really important to get different views from different people, I think for the chemistry to work. (Gentner interview, April 14, 2004) In addition members being chosen, certain committees appear to have more sway with council than others. Initially, my perception from observations is that the Parks, Recreation and Culture Commission, because of its $10M plus budget, seemed to be the more powerful of the civic committees. Of the top ten candidates mentioned above, seven (Gentner, Puder, Hamilton, McDonald, Campbell, Claggett, and Ashcroft) sat on this committee. The other committee that appeared to have a strong profile was the Delta Advisory Planning Commission, DAPC. A number of civic party board members 19 and known community members (from LBA, THA and others) sat on this committee and it was, at one time, chaired by Councillor Huntington before she was first elected in 1991. In discussing this perception with Councillor Huntington, she responded that, the issue is the profile of the committee. And no committee has any power unless you are at the seat of the power and that means you have the ear of the mayor. And therefore you have the ear of staff. You can either scare staff to death and they'll do whatever you want. Or you have the ear of the mayor then you say you want to do that, and that, and they'll do what you want. That's how committees power play. (Huntington interview, May 11, 2004) Councillor Huntington now chairs the Delta Heritage Advisory Committee (DHAC) but in the past she was involved with the Environment Advisory Committee and D A P C . These two committees were merged after the 2002 election into one, the Planning and Environmental Advisory Committee, P E A C , which Councillor Huntington referred to as the super committee, the one with the highest profile since it is chaired by Councillor Gentner and has the direct ear of the mayor. In "A Study of the Advancement of Women in Municipal Government Bureaucracies: Persistence of Glass Ceilings?" (Reid et al 2000), municipal agencies were divided into three general categories: distributive, regulatory and redistributive. The distributive agencies are those that encompass streets and highways, sanitation and sewage, utilities, transportation, community development, natural resources and parks and recreation. They are the ones that "typically employ large numbers of subject specialists from fields dominated by men and their employees operate in cultures that may emphasize professional norms" over due process and organizational policy such as gender and population representation (Reid et al 2000:40). Regulatory agencies, such as fire and police, focus on enforcement regulations and are typically "bastions of male-dominance" (Reid et al 2000:40). Redistributive encompass the social, health and welfare agencies. Reid et al find that "glass ceilings are less likely to persist... [However, 20 their findings] provide support for [their] contention that even though women will be crowded or packed into agencies that administer redistributive policy, in most cities women in these agencies are still likely to face... glass ceilings" (Reid et all 2000:47). For this study, I extrapolated from their descriptions and categorized Delta's civic committees into distributive, regulatory and redistributive categories for the years 1996 to 2004. I tabulated the total number of members, the number of women, the number of visible minorities and the number of new members per year. I further collated the results into a summary table. The results of this are recorded in the Appendix. My findings are that there are distinct differences between distributive and redistributive committees. Of the two regulatory committees, the Police Board averaged 50% women and no visible minorities. Most of the positions are municipally and provincially appointed. The Hunting Regulation, with the exception of Councillor Huntington who co-chairs with Councillor McDonald, the members have consistently been male, again no visible minorities. The distributive committees, which would include P E A C and Parks, had roughly 20 to 25% women and, depending on the year, less than 20% new members. The redistributive committees which include the Delta Heritage Advisory Committee and the Environment Advisory Committee (until it merged with D A P C to form PEAC) , averaged 45 to 50% women and again, depending on the year anywhere from 20 to 70% new members. Visible minorities maintained a low 2 to 7% membership. I also noted several other trends contained in the tables. There are more members appointed the year after an election and fewer recorded the year of an election. Furthermore, in examining the gender of council representatives for each committee, a role that changed in 2003 from being a contact to the more formal, hands-on position of chair and vice-chair, males dominated in the distributive category. This is particularly the case during the years 1996 to 1999 when council only had two male members. 21 There were fewer turnovers in high profile committees. Furthermore, there are a number of multiple memberships. For example, the new super committee, P E A C , formed from the merger of D A P C and the E A C listed all members for that year as new. However, most of these new members were long term members of the previous committees, two came from other civic committees and only three were actually new to civic involvement. Of these three, one is a long-term environmental activist, one is the wild card that Councillor Gentner referred to above, and one is yours truly. Of these three, I remain. All of the current P E A C members sit on at least one other committee (either a sub-committee of P E A C or a linked committee), and two members sit on a third. Several of the members are also members of civic parties and there are a number of associations represented through sitting members. There is only one new member for 2005. In regards to gender differences, women are well represented in Delta in recent years on both council and the variously linked associations. However, women are more likely to be members of the socially oriented redistributive committees than the distributive and regulatory committees. Reid et al (2000) found that women in municipal bureaucracies not only have a glass ceiling, but have glass walls as well. They are largely partitioned off into the so-called softer redistributive agencies. What Reid et al do not address, as they determined their conclusions from a large data set of employment figures, is agency, such as whether women choose the more socially oriented committees. P E A C and C D C committees advise on development proposals and environmental assessments. In order to effectively do this, members are required to read extensive documents (for example, the South Fraser Perimeter Road Environmental pre-application draft was well over 500 pages without the appendices) and attend public meetings. In comparison, the Community Services Advisory Commission meets infrequently due to lack of referrals from council (committee minutes, conversation with 22 staff member). Since the inception of P E A C , the two women who resigned cited time conflicts with their children's activities as their reasons. A third woman sometimes cannot attend for the same reason. The only woman other than myself who attends regularly has grown children. This often leaves a ratio of two women to seven men at P E A C meetings. The one man who resigned simply cited a lack of interest in continuing. Laurel Elder (2004) determined that care of children is the primary reason why women do not enter today's political arena. Elder surveyed four cohorts (high school, college, young and older age groups) and concluded that while gender role socialization still accounts for the gender gaps in perception of who would make a good politician, a regression analysis determined that, unlike marriage, children hindered "women's political ambitions while it does not have an equivalent effect on men. Moreover, the analysis showed that women are more likely to take marriage and children into their decision making calculus than men" (Elder 2004:45). As Councillor Gentner speculates on the issue of women representation, Well, for TriDelta, our gender—five candidates, two are women, with Vicki [Huntington] and Lois [Jackson]. The second time it was Lois and Christine [Puder]. Not 50-50, but the mayor has a greater authority than that of a councillor.... I think that's subjective, but I think that it's almost subliminal on the part—I don't think the board says we need at least one third, I don't think the board looks at it like assertive [sic] action. (Gentner interview, April 14, 2004) Since committee membership is done in-camera, I cannot definitely determine whether women apply for distributive committees in sufficient numbers or are not chosen. The issue of visible minorities is less clear. The demographics in Table One indicate that in North Delta, 34% of the population is non-white, while in South Delta, 9% are minorities. The total for the whole of Delta is 22,500 persons or 23% (Statistics Canada: 2001 Community Profiles). The civic committees consistently show a very low representation of minorities. As Councillor Gentner comments, 23 we've had some members before on committees, and then they slip away and we never see them again. It's a very strong community but how much it's integrated with the municipality is difficult, it takes time. But it's got to happen. So ethnicity plays a role. I think it's, there's network there. I'm finding myself ethnicity is as diverse in their political thinking. There's an NDP-er here, there's Liberal over here, they're very diverse. It's no different than anywhere else. (Gentner interview, April 14, 2004) Currently, though council and staff are actively seeking public input from the larger South Asian population in North Delta, in particular for the Official Community Plan (OCP), they have not succeeded (Community and Development Committee (CDC) January minutes). Further, in 1996, one ran as an independent and there were three visible minority candidates in 1999, one with NPA and two independents. In 2002 and 2005 there were none. Based on my observation at several public open houses regarding the O C P that were held January and February of 2004, plus two public meetings held by the C D C in July and August of 2004, the issue of re-development in older, small house neighborhoods has sparked an "us-them" dichotomy between long-term residents and the predominantly South Asian developers seeking to build larger homes. Neighborhood confrontations and tensions began in the late 1990s and early 2000s as large house development became more noticeable, especially in North Delta where there is a growing South Asian population. Delta's new by-law limiting house size has decreased the tension somewhat, but South Asian developers do not support the TriDelta council members. In the recently released 2005 membership list there are no South Asians listed. 9 As noted before, the political elite, in the form of council, chooses committee members. As Councillor Gentner suggests, members are chosen through experience, knowledge and an ability to work with others. However, the tables (plus a working 9 A past South Asian civic member was Conservative MP Gurmant Grewal. 24 knowledge of individual members) show that most members are routinely re-appointed, especially in the distributive committees. Access into these committees is limited to a very few each year. Councillors have the opportunity, therefore, to recruit committee members who will support their policies. Members are also socialized as Lewellen suggests through learning in a more intimate setting how governance works. Finally, these committees serve as a means for the political elite to experiment, to observe, and to determine a potential candidate's fit. The Importance of Staff An effective committee member is a knowledgeable one. The keepers of that knowledge are the staff at city hall such as the planners, the engineers, and the clerks. 1 0 This knowledge is invaluable since there are no formal municipal archives under the care of a trained archivist accessible to the public. Files are kept in various storage facilities and some, according to two independent eyewitnesses, were inadvertently destroyed during the move from the old municipal hall to the new. The Delta Museum and Archives Society manages a considerable amount of historical information but have few municipal documents in the collection. 1 1 Councillor McDonald raises this connection in a discussion of the current council: One of the problems that I have with this council is the first time, it is the first time in all the years I've been involved municipally, that I've heard part of council referred to as "the opposition"—Vicki [Huntington] and Krista [Engelland]. And that's a huge departure because if you treat municipal councillors like in legislature or parliament, you're ignoring the safeguards that are built into those two institutions. Opposition is the honourable opposition in parliament and the legislature. You are there to oppose. 1 0 This study could not have been done without the kind assistance of staff members who collected election statistics and membership lists for me, as well as freely sharing their own observations. 1 1 From a discussion with Kathy Bossort, archivist at the DMA, and several DMA directors. I was a trustee at the DMA for two years. 25 You are there to hold the government to account, to try and alter. And those organizations provide you with the resources to do it. You have staff paid for, you have researchers, you have whatever in order to do that opposition. Municipalities don't do that. You have a council that is supposed to debate and discuss and come to a consensus. And if you have a 4/3 split that's going to come down that way then the three people who aren't in that group don't have the resources to do that opposition thing properly. Now if you're an old crock like me who's been around forever and I know where all the skeletons are and all the rocks, I can still probably hang in. It would be very difficult for a new person to be caught in that kind of situation. And I can tell you that when I was elected in Doug Husband's council, I was the opposition. I was the one person who wasn't in their group. I never had any information denied to me. I was always fully up-to-date. I was always fully briefed on everything. I always felt that I was at the table with a full set of cards. I don't feel that way.... When you go to a meeting and some councillors have background information that the rest of us don't have, why is that? Okay? And I thought for a while that Vicki was kind of paranoid... but just because you're paranoid doesn't mean that somebody's not following you. (McDonald interview, May 14, 2004) If knowledge is power, then Councillor McDonald is connecting political power with the flow of knowledge from staff. Terry Moe (1990) argues that the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats require close study due to "the political foundations of public bureaucracy" (Moe 1990:149) and strategic decision-making processes. Quite simply, politicians make decisions based on reports by staff, recommendations given by relevant committees and input from the public. However, those decisions can potentially affect particular staff projects or even employment. If, as Councillor McDonald's and Councillor Huntington's interview comments suggest, there is political interference in who gets what information, then I can only speculate that staff members may be motivated, as Moe argues, by self-interest to ensure their projects continue with political support. However, in my years of involvement, I have not been denied any information nor have I observed selectivity in information distribution but there are committee members who, like 26 McDonald and Huntington, feel that they are not receiving all necessary information (personal discussions and committee minutes). The Public Meeting Civic committee membership is controlled by council, as noted in the previous discussion, unlike the more open civic associations such as sports organizations and business groups. However, a reading of the Summary table in the Appendix indicates that the number of individuals involved on these committees (including multiple crossover memberships) ranges from just fewer than 100 (in 2003) to over 200 (in 2000). Certainly this is a smaller, and arguably more politically aware, pool of potential recruits. However, as the following discussion illustrates, there may exist another selection criteria, that of public meeting participation. In a post-meeting "debriefing" session held in a local pub, the topic of discussion was a recent public meeting. The Community and Development Committee is mandated to hold public meetings in the event there is a conflict between a developer and the potential neighbours of a new home. As mentioned in the discussion of visible minorities, this issue engenders very tense public meetings. As the C D C members told of their first experiences to those present, several P E A C members contributed their own experiences of "sitting behind the table." The sharing of "war stories" was done in a very camaraderie style as if to say, "welcome to the club of public meeting veterans." This revelation led to a re-examination of the recent top ten candidates. All had, at some point, "sat behind the table." Councillor McDonald began with the Sunshine Hills Property Association, Councillor Gentner with the Parks and Rec as did Ashford, Councillor Hamilton, past Councillor Claggett, and Puder. Parks and Rec held and still holds numerous public meetings for various issues such as lights for playing fields (Puder, who also chaired the Patterson Park Commission), the expansion of Sungod 27 recreation centre (Hamilton and Ashford) and so forth. Claggett chaired the cultural sub-committee for Parks and Rec. Councillor Huntington chaired D A P C , which in the past received delegations and participated in public meetings, as did Councillor Engelland (conversations, interviews, and committee minutes). It certainly appears that candidates who fit the formal and informal criteria as determined by political elite are more likely to be chosen from this much smaller group of committee members. These veterans have mastered the poker face required when receiving information from an irate public member, having learned to control themselves and others while dealing with a heated issue. The shy, the antagonistic, and the bombastic individuals are very quickly encouraged to find another committee or are not re-appointed. A local cable producer once asked how is it that council members and committee members, sitting behind the table, can remain so calm despite being called names and facing an obviously hostile individual. The response from a veteran is that staff members train the committee members, supply ample information so that members can respond knowledgeably, are standing or sitting at hand to respond to committee queries, plus there is the trick with the water glass. However, as a council member mentioned in an informal setting, you get tough. An individual's public behaviour would certainly determine whether there is a possibility of a fit or not. Chairing one of these more public committees or commissions is not something an individual chooses for him or herself, but rather, council appoints that individual. Civic Parties and Candidates I have used the term political elite to encompass a number of individuals that belong to one or more leadership categories (civic party, council member, economic leader, etc.). I have not explored the relationship between these sub-groups as my focus has been on how the political elite, in particular council members, recruits candidates. Both Councillor 28 McDonald and Councillor Huntington discuss the persuasiveness of party executives. Councillor McDonald describes his experiences with party affiliations from the perspective of years of involvement: ... With Citadel, [the civic party that McDonald first belonged to before IDEA] I had the understanding and everybody understood that you present yourself to the group, they decide whether they're going to support you or not, but there's no control, there are no strings on it. IDEA was that way, too. What happened though with IDEA was that a group of people didn't like some of the things we were doing that's why they broke away and formed TriDelta. That's why they also told Vicki [Huntington] that she could no longer run with them because she refused to be directed. I've never been directed and never will. That's the joy, from my perspective of municipal politics is that even though you run with a group of people... nobody comes to me and says we think you should do this for this reason. Well, they may say that, but they would never say you must do this. Or it will be a very short conversation. I've announced that I'm going to run for mayor. Part of the reason for that is that we're discussing with various groups and organizations and we will be doing candidate searches. That's what I would expect. I would expect people to come and say, these are the things I stand for, these are the things I believe.... Let me say this too, 80% of what happens in a municipality will happen if you elected monkeys— 80% will still happen. (McDonald interview, May 14, 2004) Councillor McDonald, a large barrel-shaped man, widowed for many years with three adult children and near retirement, is not easily swayed. Councillor Huntington, however, having run for both IDEA and TriDelta observes that On that point quite often it's the organization that determines the candidate. In IDEA for instance and TriDelta, TriDelta especially really controls that process, which they will accept as a candidate. No candidate is in a position to enact power. It is the enactment of authority to select candidates based on some criteria, almost as if we should be talking about organizations. The criteria they are looking for to select candidates, what abilities are even wanted, it goes back to the issues we discussed earlier, like ability, how well they are known, etc. Are the existing candidates willing to work with them? Are they ready to commit to a series of 29 principles? Does anybody care if those principles are enacted without hypocrisy or not, you know... that's where the initial selection takes place. There's all sorts of really good people, business people, involved people [in the community we wish we could encourage to run so we] are always searching for someone who can contribute to the community intelligently. [Emphasis mine] (Huntington interview, May 11, 2004) With TriDelta, the final recruitment of candidate is by a selection committee who presents their choices to the board executive. The committee interviews a potential candidate before introducing that person to the board. A potential candidate, as I found through personal experience and conversations with councillors, is subjected to rigorous questioning regarding local knowledge and positions on issues as well as personal philosophies and so forth. The individual become a candidate when all members are satisfied. Other parties hold very similar meetings (conversations with past candidates, interviews). Civic political parties in Delta are not large-scale organizations. None have web sites in the period between election campaigns or listings in the local associations' directories. There are no formal published announcements of board members after an annual general meeting. Access, quite often, is through knowing someone. Individuals wanting to run often contact councillors who are publicly accessible in hopes of being introduced to party executives (Gentner conversation). Civic parties are, in essence, ad hoc groups of like-minded individuals who have the experience and resources to manage a campaign. In Delta, some of these individuals belong to a higher socio-economic class but most are active members of other associations, particularly those that Knack referred to as good government groups, e.g. the Tsawwassen Homeowners Association and the Chamber of Commerce. Some of these individuals belong to provincial and federal parties and, through these affiliations, have access to party resources and campaign knowledge while others were candidates (successful or unsuccessful) at all levels of government (interviews, conversations, past election records). As Sancton argues, there 30 are few formal civic parties in Canada due to the limitations of municipal power (Sancton 2000:434-435). However, at the municipal level, being supported by an ad hoc or formal party is preferable to running independently, and this gives the organizers of these parties power in the governance structure of the municipality. Mike Reilly's example of independence was a challenge to not having social connections within the community, however, a number of well-connected individuals have run as independents. The reasons vary with the individual and I will not presume to determine what these are. With the exception of the election of Vicki Huntington and Krista Engelland as independents in 2002, no independent candidate has been elected in Delta in recent years. Accounts vary, but it appears that loosely formed predecessors of civic parties coincided with the onset of development in the 1950s and 1960s. Certainly by the 1970s there are civic parties and the number of independent candidates decreased. Independent candidates, while eschewing the party platform and determining for themselves the priority issues in Delta, something that appealed to councillors Huntington and Engelland, who both found themselves in conflict with their party executives in the mid- to late 1990s, will find themselves challenged to mount an effective campaign against civic party candidates. What the civic party can do, provide material resources and the ability to rally an army of volunteers, is difficult, if not impossible for independent candidates to achieve on their own. Mike Reilly managed the materials resources by spending up to $40,000 of his own money for his campaign (South Delta Leader, November 26, 1999) but failed to garner local support through volunteers rallying to his cause. For the 2002 election campaign IDEA spent $53,000, TriDelta's costs were $49,000 and NPA tallied $45,000. Candidates spent over $219,000 in total on their campaigns (Delta Optimist On-line, March 2003). Volunteers are an invaluable resource for setting up and maintaining signs, phone campaigns, door 31 knocking, pamphlet/brochure distributions and so forth. Unless an individual has, in Bruce McDonald's words, "a huge profile," then access to these resources is necessary through party connections and networks. Huntington and Engelland mounted successful independent campaigns in 2002. However, as three term incumbents, they have a huge profile in Delta particularly with the more politically active South Deltans (poll results, 2002). However, for the 2005 campaign, Engelland joined TriDelta—a move that surprised many, as she had been an outspoken critic of the TriDelta council. She made no secret of the fact that running as an independent is very difficult as she relied more on her own finances and close family and friends as resources (conversations, public speaking engagements). A s for Huntington, she enjoys her independence and requires little in terms of resources as she was considered "a lock" prior to 1999 elections (Murphy, Delta Optimist On-Line, April 2002). She has consistently topped the polls since and, as an independent, came very close to unseating incumbent Liberal MLA Roddick in May 2005. For the three elections studied, Table 3 summarizes the number of candidates for each party. Table 3: Candidate Summary 2002 1999 1996 Mayor IDEA 1 1 1 TriDelta 1 1 Independents 2 1 2 Councillors BC Youth Coalition 1 Citadel 4 D.E.L.T.A. 1 IDEA 6 5 6 Independents 3 5^  4 NPA 4 6 5 ProDelta 3 TriDelta 4 4 1 32 As Bruce McDonald said, most people get involved because they are particularly interested in an issue, usually land-use management issues. However, as Table Three illustrates, few run as independents, most candidates run with a party. Given the amount of resources that have to be gathered by fundraisers and volunteer coordinators, party organizers or the political elite are going to ensure that their candidates best represent the party platform (or, as referred to in the theory discussion, the elite ideology). These strategies are not overtly recognized as such but can be determined through experiences of the candidates themselves and my own observations. Bruce McDonald's cryptic summary of his own experience is a classic example and echoes Huntington, Gentner and my own experience: and because I had spoken in front of Council I was approached by a couple of council members and asked if I would be on the advisory planning commission [DAPC], and I went on that. And then was elected chairman of it. And subsequently, it was sort of fish-or-cut-bait, you know, if you want to keep having a say in what's going on here then you really should run for council. (McDonald interview, May 14, 2004) Discussion and Conclusion I began this study as an ethnographic exploration into how an individual becomes recruited by a civic party in the municipality of Delta. Civic parties in Delta have split, changed names, and informally merged over the period studied (1989-2005) but the organizers are the same group of individuals with strong ideas on how they want Delta to be governed. Municipal government's power lies in land-use management and as such, development and developers play key roles in party politics not social issues. The prospect of developing the Southlands was raised again in the period before the 2005 election and the pro-development party, Delta First, had to back away from this due to public opposition. One of the questions that TriDelta executives asked prospective 33 candidates is, "Yes or no, do you support developing the Spetifore farm?" The "correct" answer is no. A prospective candidate, according to the councillors interviewed, begins as someone who is dedicated to the community as demonstrated by his or her involvement in local civic associations such as sports organizations, charity organizations, lobby associations (such as Save Our Hospital and Against Port Expansion), and so forth. The individual is somehow brought to the attention of councillors and civic party executives either through taking a particular (and public) stand on an issue (such as Councillor McDonald's 1989 challenge to the development of Spetifore) or gaining a reputation as someone who gets things done. Other initial requirements include a working knowledge of Delta's history and issues and a length of residency indicating stability. However, of these qualities, the councillors emphasize the individual's connections with local associations. The political elite views these associations as potential resources (providing funding and volunteers) when organizing a campaign. However, as this study demonstrates, the political elite seeks individuals with qualities that fit. Councillors invite potential candidates to sit on certain civic committees ensuring individuals gain insight into municipal governance while at the same time giving them a higher profile in the community. While on these committees, the individuals are watched by the councillors to determine their ability to work with the material, staff, committee members and councillors. Reid et al (2000) categorized municipal governance organization into distributive, regulatory and redistributive activities with the latter as the least powerful. Therefore, individuals sitting on distributive (land-use management) committees are in a better position as potential candidates than those sitting on social service committees. Certain individuals are then given the opportunity by council members to "sit behind the table," to chair public meetings which raises their profile again. At all times, the stand that individuals take on certain issues, particular 34 those concerning development, are noted. The profiles of the top ten candidates in the 2002 election demonstrated their involvement through to this level while those in the bottom half had varying levels of involvement in the community but had not chaired a civic committee or a civic public meeting. In a liberal democracy, the controlled access to civic committees, which ultimately aids in the selection of (and possibly the success of) prospective candidates challenge the perception of equal opportunity. As Bottomore has noted, without the extensive resources of a civic party organization, economic inequality limits opportunities of those without adequate resources to have their issues represented. Fit, as used by the political elite (councillors and party organizers alike), is a gloss or a colloquial term used to naturalize the processes of candidate selection while the political elite ensure that their ideology, framed as a party platform, is supported and perpetuated. The politics of fit, therefore, are as much a means of limiting political access as it is a recruitment strategy, and as such proves problematic for effective representation of issues other than land-use or resource based management. 35 Bibliography Interviews Guy Gentner, Delta Councillor, TriDelta, April 14, 2004. Vickie Huntington, Delta Councillor, Independent, May 11, 2004. Bruce McDonald, Delta Councillor, IDEA, May 14, 2004. Texts Bailey, F.G. 1969 Stratagems and Spoils: A Social Anthropology of Politics. New York: Schocken Books. Bottomore, Tom 1993 Elites and Society. 2 n d ed. London, England: Rutledge. Bourdieu, Pierre 1990 The Logic of Practice. Richard Nice, trans. Stanford, Ca . : Stanford University Press. Edwards, Bob and Michael W. Foley 2001 "Much Ado About Social Capital." Contemporary Sociology. Vol. 30, No. 3, pp. 227-230. Elder, Laurel 2004 Why Women Don't run: Explaining Women's Underrepresentation in America's Political Institutions. Women and Politics. Vol. 26, No. 2, pp. 27-56. Etzioni, Amitai 2001 Is Bowling Together Sociologically Lite? Contemporary Sociology. Vol. 30, No. 3, pp. 223-224. Hannerz, Ulf 1980 Exploring the City: Inquiries Towards an Urban Anthropology. New York: Columbia University Press. Knack, Stephen 2002 Social Capital and the Quality of Government: Evidence from the States. American Journal of Political Science. Vol. 46, No. 4, pp. 772-785. Lewellen, Ted C. 1983 Political Anthropology: An Introduction. S. Hadley, Mass.: Bergin & Garvey Publishers, Inc. Lin, Nan 2001 Social Capital: A theory of Social Structure and Action. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 36 Moe, Terry M. 1990 Towards a Theory of Public Bureaucracy. In Organization Theory: From Chester Barnard to the Present and Beyond. Oliver E. Williamson, ed. New York: Oxford University Press. Pp. 116-154. Philips, Terrence 2003 [1988] Harvesting the Fraser: A History of Early Delta. 2 n d edition. Alex Gabriel and Laura Cheadle, eds. Delta, BC: Delta Museum and Archives. Portes, Alejandro 1998 Social Capital: Its Origins and Applications in Modern Sociology. Annual Review of Sociology. Vol. 24, pp. 1-24. Putnam, Robert 1995a Bowling Alone: America's Declining Social Capital. Journal of Democracy. Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 65-78. 1995b Tuning In, Tuning Out: The Strange Disappearance of Social Capital in America. Political Science and Politics. Vol. 28, No. 4, pp. 664-683. 2000 Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon and Schuster. Putnam, Robert and Lewis M. Feldstein 2003 Better Together: Restoring the American Community. With Don Cohen. New York: Simon & Schuster. Reid, Margaret, Brinck Kerr, and William H. Miller 2000 A Study of the Advancement of Women in Municipal Government Bureaucracies: Persistence of Glass Ceilings? Women & Politics. Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 35-53. Sancton, Andrew 2000 The Municipal Role in the Governance of Canadian Cities. In Canadian Cities in Transition: The Twenty-first Century, 2 n d Ed. Trudi Bunting and Pierre Filion, eds. Toronto: Oxford University Press. Pp 425-442. Vincent, Joan 2002 The Anthropology of Politics: A Reader in Ethnography, Theory, and Critique. Ed. Maiden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 1990 Anthropology and Politics: Visions, Traditions, and Trends. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press. Wilier, David 1999 Network Exchange Theory. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. Wilson, John 2001 Dr. Putnam's Social Lubricant. Contemporary Sociology. Vol. 30, No. 3, pp. 225-227. 37 Government reports Author(s) unknown 2000 Local Government Act. Ministry of Community, Aboriginal and Women's Services. Province of British Columbia. www.mcaws.gov.bc.ca/lgd/pol_research/MAR/ Author(s) unknown 1989 British Columbia Official Report of Debates of the Legislative Assembly. Hansard. Monday, June 5, 1989. http://www.legis.gov.bc.ca/hansard/34th3rd/34p_03s_890605p.htm 1992 British Columbia Official Report of Debates of the Legislative Assembly. Hansard. Friday, June 12, 1992. http://www.legis.gov.bc.ca/handsard/35th1t/h0612am.htm B C Statistics 2004 Provincial Electoral District Profile (Delta North and Delta South) based on the 2001 Census, May 14, 2001. www.bcstats.gov.bc.ca/data/cen01/profiles. Statistics Canada 2001 Community Profile - Delta. wwwl 2.statcan.ca/English/profil01 /Details/detailsl pop.cfm? Newspapers and documents Note: citations regarding dates and pages are sometimes lacking on archival clippings. Delta Optimist: 1996 Citadel endorses 9 for municipal election. Delta Optimist, date unknown. 1996 Ruling bloc splits over council bid: The 'Jackson 5' say mayor wanted to block candidacy. September 28: A1 , A6. 1996 IDEA directors resign. September 28: ? 1996 Candidate biographies. October 26: 8. 1996 Native council candidate hopes to bring communities together. October 26: ? 1996 Ted Murphy, ed. Civic issues don't fit left-right tags. October 26: ? 1996 Candidate biographies. October 30: 8. 1996 Candidate consensus: Little difference in platforms of competing slates. November 2: ? 1996 Candidate biographies. November 2: 10. 1996 Candidate biographies. November 6: 8. 1999 Candidate Introductions. November 3: 8. 1999 Candidates on Future of Burns Bog. November 6: 8. 1999 Candidates on Development and Greenhouses. November 10: 8. 1999 Candidates on Secondary Suites. November 13: 8. 1999 Candidates on Taxation and Finances. November 17: 8. 1999 Ted Murphy, ed. North Delta proves to be different. November 24: 6. 2002 Candidate profiles. November 13: 14-19. 2002 Candidates split on hospital referendum. November 13: 20. 38 South Delta Leader 1999 Delta Candidates. November 12: 17, 18. 1999 Reilly says it was worth the effort. November 26: 9. Surrey/North Delta Leader 1996 Candidate profiles. November 9: A15-A17. 1996 Delta incumbents sweep. November 20: A4. 1999 Jeske to exit Delta council. April 21: ? Surrey/North Delta Now 1999 Candidate profiles. November 10: 10-12. Delta civic committees: Community and Development Committee Minutes. 2004-05. C D C public meeting reports and recommendations, prepared by vice-chair Anne Peterson, 2004-05. Planning and Environment Advisory Committee Minutes. 2003-05. 39 Delta's Boards, Committees and Commissions > A simple statistical analysis to assess trends in membership ^ <D Definitions Q_ The determination of Distributive, Regulatory and Redistributive committees is extrapolated from Reid, Kerr and Miller, "A Study of the Advancement of Women in Municipal Government Bureaucracies: Persistence of Glass Ceilings?" in Women & Politics, Vol. 21(1) 2000. Although the correlation is not exact, the categorization is based on the intent or purpose of committees with that of generally corresponding bureaucratic agencies. Distributive: • "Typically employ large numbers of subject specialists from fields dominated by men and their employees operate in cultures that may emphasize professional norms" (Reid et al 2000:40) over due process and organizational policy. • Includes streets and highways, sanitation and sewage, utilities and transportation, community development, natural resources, parks and recreation and land-use management policies. Regulatory: • "Such as police and fire are characterized in the literature as bastions of male-dominance" (Reid et al 2000:40) which are known for keeping women out. • Includes Fire and Police agencies and other similar agencies requiring enforcement rather than policy oversight. Redistributive: • "Glass ceilings are less likely to persist in redistributive agencies.... [however, these findings] provide support for our contention that even though women will be crowded or packed into agencies that administer redistributive policy, in most cities women in these agencies are still likely to face... glass ceilings..." (Reid et al 2000:47). • Includes health, hospitals etc., and public welfare. I add here arts, culture and the environment as being part of social redistributive policies. Comments This data includes the years 1996 to 2004 as records were apparently not kept prior to 1996. The records for 1997 are missing. In regards to the data as presented, the year following election years (1996, 1999, 2002) have a predictable higher turnover as the new council "shuffles" committee members. Further, the New Member percentage is a bit misleading as some individuals shift to different committees or return after taking a break and are noted as "new." Likewise, there are a number of individuals who sit on more than one committee/sub-committee at a time. Therefore, the total number of members is higher than the actual number of individuals belonging to civic committees. The number of visible minorities is determined by name recognition and is therefore not to be considered definitive. These calculations were simply done to determine possible trends in committee memberships rather than to provide a completely accurate portrait of Delta's civic committees. Addendum: The membership recently confirmed in February for 2005 is very similar to 2004. A new committee was struck May 2004, the Delta 2010 Standing Committee which had three council members, four women and no visible minorities comprising seven members. There were new members in the following committees: Advisory Design Panel (1 male); Parks and Rec (1 male), Parks and Rec Civic Properties (1 female); Planning and Environment (1 male); and Traffic and Safety added 3 (1 male, 2 female). Source: The Corporation of Delta: Boards, Committees & Commissions Public Documents membership lists for years 1996, 1998-2005. Thanks go to municipal clerks Lynn McPherson and Melody Wallace who compiled the documents from municipal files for this research. Committees 1996 1998 1999 2000 Analysis Council (M and/or F) %of women % of visible minorities % of new members o c 3 o O %of women % of visible minorities % of new members o c 3 o O %of women % of visible minorities % of new members o c 3 o O %of women % of visible minorities % of new members Distributive Advisory Design Panel (Professional) F 0/5 0 4/5 80% — 0/5 0 0 — 0/6 0/6 0/6 F 0/6 0/6 1/6 17% Agricultural Advisory Committee - - - — — — — — — — — — — 2/9 2 2 % 0 " Boundary Bay Airport Commission M 1/7 14% 0 4/7 57% M 0/8 0 4/8 50% M 0/8 0 1/8 13% M 3/10 30% 0 3/10 30% Board of Var iance - - - — — 2/4 50% 0% — — 2/4 50% 0 0 — 2/5 4 0 % 0 2/5 4 0 % Civic Properties Construction Task Force - - - — — — — — ~ 0/3 0 - " M 0 0 1/4 2 5 % Delta Advisory Planning Commission F 1/13 8% 1/13 8% 3/13 2 3 % FF 2/15 13% 1/15 7% 4/15 27% — 2/17 12% 1/17 6% 5/17 2 9 % F 1/15 7% 2/15 13% 5/15 3 3 % Ladner A rea Planning Committee M F 6/10 6 0 % 1/10 10% — Task completed and presented to council Parks and Recreation Commission M M F 3/9 3 3 % 1/9 1 1 % 2/9 2 2 % M M F 3/11 27% 2/11 1 8 .% 2/11 18% M M F 4/12 33% 2/12 17% 2/12 17% M M F 4/12 3 3 % 0 9/12 7 5 % P & R e c Sub-cte: Parks and Fields - - - — - — — — — -- — M 3/7 4 3 % 0 P & R e c Sub-cte: Civ ic Properties - - — — — — — — — M 0/4 0% 0 ™ Patterson Park Task Force - - — — — — — — — — — — M 5/16 3 1 % 0 River Road East Strategic Plan Advisory Group - — - — — - — — — — — — 1/10 10% 1/10 10% Sanitary Landfill Cte (1998: Landfill Stakeholder Cte) — 1/4 2 5 % 0/4 2/4 50% — 2/12 17% 0/12 0% — — — — — Committees 1996 1998 1999 2000 Analysis Council (M and/or F) %of women % of visible minorities % of new members o c 3 o O %of women % of visible minorities % of new members o c o O %of women % of visible minorities % of new members o c o O % of women % of visible minorities % of new members Tour de Delta Board of Directors - - - - - - — - — — — — M 2/7 29% 1/7 14% — Traffic and Safety Committee (2000 Transportation Committee) - - - — F 4/9 44% 0 — F 5/8 63% 0 2/8 25% M 3/13 23% 1/13 8% — Transportation Sub-cte: Ladner, S. Delta Traffic/Safety - - — - — — — — — — — — F 2/7 29% 0 — Transportation Sub-cte: North Delta Traffic and Safety - - - — — — — — — — — — M 1/7 14% 1/7 14/5 — Treaty Advisory Task Force - - - - MF 4/14 29% 0 — M 4/14 29% 0 0 MF 4/15 27% 0 0 Regulatory Delta Police Board F May-or 3/5 60% 0 F May-or 3/5 60% 0 2/5 40% Hunting Regulation Committee - - - — M 0/6 0/6 — M 0/7 0/7 1/7 14% F 0/10 0 5/10 50% Redistributive Community Grants Committee F 3/7 43% 0% 2/7 29% - 3/4 75% 0 3/4 75% — 3/6 50% 0 2/6 33% — 4/7 57% 0 3/7 43% Community Services Advisory Cte MM 7/13 54% 2/13 15% 7/13 54% M 5/10 50% 0/10 0% 8/10 80% M 9/14 64% 1/14 7% 4/15 36% M 8/14 57% 0 7/14 50% Council Youth Cte F 4/9 44% 1/9 11% 1/9 11% - - — - — — — — — — — — Delta Heritage Advisory Commission F 3/9 33% 0 4/9 44% F 3/7 43% 0 5/7 71% F 6/11 55% 0 5/11 45% F 7/11 64% 0 3/11 27% Environmental Advisory Committee *" MF 4/11 36% 1/11 9% 3/11 27% F 2/8 25% 1/8 13% 5/8 63% F 2/12 17% 2/12 17% 4/12 33% F 2/13 15% 2/13 15% 3/13 23% Family Court Committee F 5/7 71% 0 2/7 29% — — — — — — — — — — — — Ladner Healthy Community Cte 5/12 42% 1/12 ? 8% N.Delta Healthy Community Cte (2000: Task Force on Quality of Life) FF 13/29 45% 2/29 7% F May-or 6/17 35% 1/17 6% Parks and Rec Sub-cte: Arts, Culture and Seniors - — — — — — — — — -- — — F 5/7 71% 0 Table continues with 2001 to 2004. Committees 2001* 2002 2003** 2004 Analysis Council M/F (Tot # of cte members) % of women % of visible minorities % of new members o c o O %0f women % of visible minorities % of new members o c o O % of women % of visible minorities % of new members o c o O %of women % of visible minorities % of new members Distributive Advisory Design Panel (Professional) (5) 0/5 0 0 (5) 0/5 0 0 (5) 0/5 0 2/5 40% (5) 1/5 20% 0 1/5 20% Agricultural Advisory Committee F (9) 3/9 33% 0 0 F (9) 3/8 38% 0 0 — — — — — — — Boundary Bay Airport Commission M (8) 3/9 33% 0 0 F (8) 3/8 38% 0 0 M (8) 3/9 33% 0 2/9 22% M (9) 3/9 33% 0 0 Board of Variance (3 year term) (5) 2/5 40% 0 0 (5) 2/5 40% 0 0 — — — — (5) 2/5 40% 0 3/5 60% Civic Properties Constr'n Task Force Delta Advisory Planning Commission F (13) 1/13 8% 1/13 8% 4/13 31% F (13) 1/13 8% 1/13 8% 0 2003: DAPC merged with Environment Advisory Committee (EAC) to form the Planning and Environment Advisory Committee (PEAC) Parks and Recreation Commission MMF (13) 3/12 25% 0 0 MMF (13) 4/11 36% 0 0 MMF (13) 5/13 38% 0 5/13 38% MMF (13) 5/13 38% 0 0 P & Rec Sub-cte: Parks and Fields M (7) 3/7 43% 0 0 M (7) 2/4 50% 0 0 M (4) 2/5 40% 0 2/5 40% M (7) 3/7 43% 0 0 P & Rec Sub-cte: Civic Properties M (4) 0/4 0 0 M 0/4 0 0 M (4) 0/5 0 3/5 60% M (7) 1/7 14% 0 1/7 14% Patterson Park Task Force MF (12) 4/12 33% 0 0 Task force complete and recommendations to council Planning and Environment Advisory Committee New committee formed by combining DAPC and EAC. Members from both became "new" members of PEAC. Only three members are actually new to civic committees. MF (10) 5/12 42% 1/12 8% 3/12 25% MF (13) 4/12 33% 2/12 17% 2/12 17% PEAC Communities & Development Sub-cte (May 2004 est. as full Cte) (7) 2/7 29% 2/7 29% 1/7 14% PEAC Foreshores & Harbours Sub-cte MM (8) 3/8 38% 1/8 13% 0 River Road East Strategic Plan Advisory Group (2004 hold for review) (11) 1/8 13% 1/8 13% 0 M (11) 1/11 9% 1/11 9% 1/11 9% M 1/8 13% 1/8 13% 0 Landfill Stakeholder Cte 2003: Standing Cte on Finance (Councillors and appointed members) MFF (6) 2/6 33% 0 MFF (6) 2/6 +C 33% 0 1/6 17% MMF (6) 2/6 33% 0 1/6 17% MMF (6) 2/6 33% 0 0 Tour de Delta Board of Directors M 4/10 40% 0 5/10 50% M 4/10 40% 0 0 M (11) 4/11 36? 0 5/11 45% Committees 2001* 2002 2003** 2004 Analysis Council M/F (Tot # of cte members) %0f women % of visible minorities % of new members o c 3 o O %of women % of visible minorities % of new members o c 3 o O %of women % of visible minorities % of new members o c 3 o O %of women % of visible minorities % of new members Traffic and Safety Advisory Cte T S A C (2000 Transportation Committee) M (13) 3/13 2 3 % 1/13 8% 1/13 8% M (13) 4/13 3 1 % 1/13 8% 0 Re -turn to the T S A C M M (8) 3/10 30% 0 0 M M (9) 4/9 44% 0 1/9 1 1 % Transportation Sub-cte: Ladner, South Delta Traffic and Safety F (7) 2/7 +F 2 9 % 0 0 F (7) 2/7 +F 2 9 % 0 0 Transportation Sub-cte: North Delta Traffic and Safety M (7) 2/7 +M 2 9 % 1/7 14% 0 M (7) 2/6 +M 3 3 % 0 0 Treaty Advisory Task Force M F 3/12 2 5 % 0 0 M F 12+Q 7 3/14 2 1 % 0 2/14 14% M M (8) 3/15 20% 0 0 M M (8) 2/12 17% 0 0 Regulatory Delta Police Board F Mayo r 4/8 50% 0 2/8 2 5 % F Mayo r 3/6 50% 0 2/6 3 3 % F Mayo r 2/6 3 3 % 0 0 Hunting Regulation Committee F 0/11 0 0 F 0/10 0 0 M F (5) 1/7 14% 0 0 M F (7) 2/7 2 9 % 0 1/7 14% Redistributive Community Grants Committee (2005 on hold for review) (7) 3/5 60% 0 0 (7) 2/3 66% 0 0 (5) 3/5 60% 0 4/5 80% (5) 3/5 50% 0 1/5 20% Community Services Advisory Cte M (15) 6/11 55% 0 0 M (15) 4/10 40% 0 6/10 60% M F (10) 5/12 4 2 % 1/12 8% 4/12 3 3 % M F (12) 4/12 3 3 % 1/12 8% 4/12 3 3 % Council Youth Cte Delta Heritage Advisory Commission F (11) 5/9 56% 0 0 F (12) 6/12 50% 0 5/12 4 2 % F (9) 7/11 64% 0 1/11 9% F (12) 4/9 4 4 % 0 2/9 2 2 % Environmental Advisory Committee F 4+/Q 6 2/10 20% 1/10 10% 0 F 4+/Q 5 2/9 2 2 % 1/9 11% 0 2003: E A C merged with Delta Advisory Planning Commission (DAPC) to form the Planning and Environment Advisory Committee (PEAC) Family Court Committee Ladner Healthy Community Cte N.Delta Healthy Community Cte (2000: Task Force on Quality of Life) " 4/15 27% 1/15 7% 0 Parks and R e c Sub-cte: Arts, Culture and Seniors (2003: Youth, Culture...) F (7) 6/8 7 5 % 0 1/8 13% F (7) 4/7 57% 0 0 F ( 4 ) 3/5 60% 0 2/5 40% F (8) 4/8 50% 0 3/8 38% *From 2001, committee lists include the membership number and quorum (50% plus 1 person). This is included with the council gender. **After the election in 2002, the municipal council made it a policy that all committees will have a council member as chair and/or vice-chair. These council members are therefore included in the percentage calculations for 2003 and 2004. Summary Totals for each Year Total Number of Committees*** Number of Members Council Representation Percentage of Women (W) Percentage of Visible Minorities Percentage of New Members (N) Year Dis (# over 50%) Reg (# over 50%) Redist (# over 50%) CO b O) CD or -*-» CO TJ CD or co b CU or CO TJ CD or CO b CU or "co TJ CD or CO b CD or •+-» CO TJ CD or co b CD CD or co TJ CD or 1996 6 ( 1 W 3N) 0 8 (2W 1N) 48 0 97 4 M 4F 0 3 M 7F 12/48 25% 0 44/97 45% 3/48 6% 0 7/97 7% 15/48 3 1 % 0 19/97 2 0 % 1998 8(1N) 1 4 ( 2 W 4N) 74 6 29 4 M 5F 1M 1M 2F 17/74 23% 0 13/29 45% 3/74 4% 0 1/29 3% 10/74 13% 0 21/29 7 2 % 1999 8 (2W) 2 (1W) 4 (3W) 72 12 43 4 M 2F 1M 1F 1M 2F 17/72 24% 3/12 25% 20/43 47% 3/72 4% 0 3/43 7% 10/72 14% 1/12 8% 15/43 34% 2000 16 (1N) 2 (1W 1N) 6 (4W 2N) 143 15 69 11M 5F 2F 1M 4F 33/14 3 23% 3/12 25% 32/69 46% 6/143 4% 0 3/69 4% 21/14 3 15% 7/15 4 7 % 16/69 2 3 % 2001 16 (1N) 2 (1W) 6 (4W) 139 19 58 11M 8F 2F 1M 3F 36/13 9 26% 4/19 2 1 % 26/58 4 5 % 4/138 3% 0 2/58 3% 10/13 9 7% 2/19 11 /% 1/58 2 % 2002 15 (1W) 2 (1W) 5 ( 3 W 1N) 125 16 41 10M 8F 2F 1M 3F 33/12 5 26% 3/16 19% 18/41 44% 3/125 2% 0 1/41 2 % 3/125 2 % 2/16 13% 11/41 2 7 % 2003 9(1N) 2 4 (3W 1N) 54 13 33 12M 3F 1M 2F 1M 3F 23/54 4 3 % 4/13 31//5 18/33 55% 1/54 2% 0 1/33 3% 18/54 33% 0 11/33 3 3 % 2004 14 (1N) 2 4 (2W) 119 13 34 16M 3F 1M 2F 1M 3F 37/11 9 31% 4/13 3 1 % 15/34 44% 6/119 5% 0 1/34 3% 14/11 9 12% 1/13 8% 10/34 2 9 % ***The first number in these columns is the total number of committees. Committees that had 50% or greater representation of women, visible minorities and/or new members, are counted in the brackets. E.g., in 1996 there are a total of 6 distributive committees, 1 of which had 50% or more women members (Ladner Area Planning committee) and 3 are comprised of 50% or more new members. 2002 Election Summary Source: The Delta Optimist, November 13, 2002 pp. 14-19 Mayor Elected in BOLD font Michael Hansen, IND -many years board member of non-profit groups, notably Canadian Hemp Growers Assoc. -"The old dynamic of political thought that you must have at least a six-figure income, you must have at least a six-year degree and you must belong to at least six business "clubs" in order to participate in your own local politics, is just that, old." 715 votes Lois Jackson, TRI-DELTA -33 year resident -first woman elected on council, 1971 -mayor incumbent -councillor for 23 years -chair Delta police board, director GVRD, member planning and environment ctes -founding member of Deltassist and Delta Family Court Cte -director of Boys and Girls Club and Variety Farm 12,647 votes Wendy Jeske, IDEA -23 year resident -councillor 1990-1999 -co-founded Delta Farmland & Wildlife Trust -current chair of BC Chicken Marketing Board -BA Commerce 10,714 votes David Serry, IND -no stated community involvement -retired marine surveyor and urban land economist 438 votes Councillors Malcom Ashford, IND -12 years exp as elected civic politician [Vancouver Parks Board] -25 years sm. business owner -3 years on Delta's Parks and Rec cte -business degree ran in 1999 and 1996 8,664 votes Robert Cambell, TRI-D -1 term councillor, incumbent running again -lawyer 11,114 votes Ann Claggett, NPA -3 term councillor, incumbent -past chair Delta Hospital Board -long-time resident -17 years on parks and rec cte -served on most municipal ctes 8,418 votes Maria Devries, IDEA -20 years active in community/business -Director of Chamber of Commerce, DAC, Save Delta Hospital, Delta Youth Festival, Burns Bog, 9/11 memorial 6.056 votes Krista Engelland, IND -first elected 1993, 3 term incumbent -active in many forums for Delta 9,566 votes 46 Guy Gentner, TRI-D -Muncipal cte's: parks and rec, finance, traffic and safety, outdoor facilities/parks, GVRD parks, Mayor's task forces (N.Delta and Bog), Heritage (DHAC), board of variance -Tour de Delta -1 term incumbent 10,419 votes John Hague, IDEA -33 year resident -BA, chartered accountant -served community on many fronts 4,990 votes Scott Hamilton, TRI-D -16 year resident -23 years business exp. in IT -member Parks and Rec: on numerous task forces and sub-ctes. ran for school board in 1999 8,876 votes David Hoyt, NPA -resident nearly 10 years -volunteer with Ladner Minor Baseball, legal cte of Save Delta Hospital Society ran in 1999 2,494 votes Vicki Huntington, IND -councillor 1993-2002, incumbent -BA Pol.Sci, grad studies -prod. Mgr. in family firm; exec. Ass't. Solicitor General; policy advisor Minister of Indian Affairs 10,786 votes Jeannie Kanakos, IDEA -MA, cert. Dispute resolution, "community development specialist" -coach (basketball), other community, PAC and church ctes -DHAC ran for council 1999, ran for school board 1996 7,296 votes Gerry Kilcup, NPA -resident since 1984 -retired Kwantlen president and past pres. Justice Institute of BC -member Delta police board 'til July 2002 2,796 votes Bruce McDonald, IDEA -34 year resident -leadership roles in church, sports, municipal groups -councillor 1988-1999 -35 year in air traffic control Ran for mayor 1999 11,771 votes Colin Mclver, PRODELTA -9 year resident -retired peace officer, worked in construction, manufacturing, insurance 1,468 votes Ben Phillips, PRODELTA -31 year resident, extensive local kn. -participation in over 25 groups, -active on several community/business ctes -mgt. and tax consultant Ran in 1999, 1996 2,143 votes Christine Puder, TRI-D -resident since 1990 -active volunteer since 1990 -5 years, Parks and Rec 8,377 votes Mike Reilly, NPA "Since last election..." -director Delta Chamber of Commerce, VP Scott Road Bus. Ass'n, member LBA -3 r d year on DAC Ran for mayor 1999 3,362 votes Dan Southard, IDEA -longtime resident -chair Ladner May Days, member Ladner Lions and Save Delta Hospital Society -elected chair of Delta Advisory Planning Cte (DAPC), on sign bylaw cte. Ran in 1999, 1996 5.054 votes Peter Sziklai, IDEA -resident since 1994 47 -MBA, owner Tsa Collision -past pres Delta Chamber of Commerce -25 years community involvement 4,827 votes Phil Weinstein, PRODelta -15 year resident -21 years with Royal Canadian Legion, volunteer in many legion activities -operates elevator company 1,551 votes Major issues: Hospital "Are you in favour of an additional 1.24 per cent annual municipal Referendum tax levy to provide an operation grant to the Fraser Health Authority, based on a commitment from the FHA that they will maintain historical emergency service levels at Delta Hospital including 24/7 physician-staffed emergency services and three emergency patient stabilization beds? Yes or No." -Council voted unanimously for this referendum. IDEA and ProDelta advocating NO, while Tri-Delta support. Chamber of Commerce; NO. N P A split. Only IND response was Ashford's, uncertain. -Delta "could use the results as evidence in its planned injunction against the province should further hospital service reductions occur." -Opponents argue against increased taxes, for provincial financial responsibility, against downloading, FHA having no plan -Issue seen as more a South Delta concern than North Delta Optimist, November 13, 2002: 20 Transportation, Major issue in 2002, 1999 and 1996 elections. Will be a major Traffic issue in 2005 elections, [many sources formal and informal; mentioned by nearly every candidate listed above and in previous elections; discussed in the three interviews; and all too frequently in cte meetings. Cte: committee DAC: Delta Arts Council D A P C : Delta Advisory Planning Commission DHAC Delta Heritage Advisory Commission IDEA Independent Delta Electors Association LBA Ladner Business Association NPA Non Partisan Association Tri-D TriDelta Tsa: Tsawwassen 48 


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