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Natural spaces, utopian places : natural history and the elite project in early independent Mexico Westgard, Clint 2004

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NATURAL SPACES, UTOPIAN PLACES: NATURAL HISTORY AND THE ELITE PROJECT IN EARLY INDEPENDENT MEXICO by CLINT WESTGARD B.A., The University of Calgary, 2002 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER'S in THE FACULTY OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2004 © Clint Westgard, 2004 Library Authorization In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment  of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Clint Westgard 09/10/2004 Name of Author (please  print)  Date (dd/mm/yyyy) Title of Thesis: Natural Places, Utopian Spaces: the elite project in early independent Mexico Degree: Master of Arts Year: 2 Department of History The University of British Columbia Vancouver, BC Canada One of  the fundamental  problems facing  the creole elite following  independence from  Spain was how to construct an identity for  themselves as elite citizens and leaders of  a republic, rather than elite subjects of  a monarch. Mexican intellectuals constituted their authority by establishing specific  modes of  seeing, derived from  the practice of  natural history, which allowed them to articulate particular notions about individuals and the nation as naturally ordered. The mode of seeing adopted by the elite required the formation  of  ideal spaces, spaces outside space, that could act as a position from  which they could view the nation as a whole. It is through an investigation of  space, specifically  conceptualizations of  space like the city, the museum and the garden, that allow an exploration of  the Mexican elite's notions of  the nation, family,  the individual and nature. With the authority they claimed from  occupying their unique viewing position, the elite justified  their reform  projects and their attempts to craft  a nation and a populace that matched the Utopian imaginings they sought to make apparent in such spaces as the museum, the garden and the city. Ill Table of  Contents iii Acknowledgements iv Introduction 1 The Aztec City 9 Exhibiting the Ordered City: Museums and Gardens 15 A Civilized Space: Regulation and Self-Regulation  24 Redefining  the Family 32 Nature and the Model Citizen 37 Classifying  Nature 42 Conclusion 48 Bibliography 52 Acknowledgements Having finished  it, this thesis seems far  more massive an undertaking than when I began. Along the way I have incurred many debts, perhaps most importantly to my supervisor Bill French. Not only has he helped enormously with comments and suggestions on various drafts, but without the two wonderfully  stimulating seminars I took with him while at the University of British Columbia I would hardly have known where to begin. I would also like to thank Geoffrey Spurling who ,not only was a discerning second reader, but also a pleasure to work with and helped to make my experience as a teaching assistant an invaluable one. Finally I have been a member of  an interesting community of  graduate students during my time here, a great many of whom have enriched my experience in seminars and in general. I would particularly like to single out for  thanks- for  their friendship,  stimulating discussion and the lending of  televisions during hockey playoffs-Jennifer  Anderson, Justin Bengry, Anthony Cantor, Michele Happamaki and James MacNevin. Introduction Following the wars of  independence from  Spain the central question facing  the Mexican ruling elite was how they were to recast themselves as citizens of  a nation, while maintaining the strict hierarchies that had granted them prestige and authority as subjects of  the Spanish crown. This far  ranging process required the redefinition  of  notions of  the individual, family,  the city, nation, the state, and nature. Mexican intellectuals' construction of  these terms can only be understood through an investigation of  space, specifically  conceptualizations of  spaces like the city, the museum and the garden. These functioned  as ideal places, where the Utopian imaginings and reform  projects that were proliferating  in the periodical press of  the day were to take form.  I would argue that the elite were attempting, in the formation  of  these specific  spaces which they identified  with themselves, to construct a space outside of  space from  which they could view the nation as a whole.1 The establishment of  a viewing position was central to the elite's self-fashioning,  as well as the construction of  the nation and the determination of  those who were to be members of  it. The development of  this particular mode of  seeing, so intimately related to space and perspective, was derived from  natural history practices. While natural history was a wide-ranging discipline encompassing a variety of  practices, including experimentation, cultivation, collecting and 1 The construction of  a space outside of  space is the creation of  an ideal space, that is, a space that is unaffected  by changes in the material world and within whose boundaries the entirety of  the world is represented. This is most clearly illustrated in places like the botanical garden or the museum, where all the spaces and times of nature and the nation are collected in one place, something which is not possible in the world as it is, hence the necessity of  creating a space outside of  space to achieve it. For a general discussion of  such spaces see Michel Foucault, "Of  Other Spaces," in The  Visual  Culture  Reader  2nd  edition,  Nicholas Mirzoeff  (ed.), New York:. (Routledge Press, 2002), 229-237. preserving, those which were most salient to the development of  the mode of  seeing adopted by Mexican intellectuals were the observation, description and classification  of  the field  naturalist.2 While only being able to observe specific  parts of  nature in the field,  by classifying,  and establishing the relationships between these disparate pieces, the naturalist was able to construct nature as a totality in which the observer occupied no position.3 This way of  seeing is reflected in the idealization of  the city, an idealization that rendered it ordered, and thus meaningful,  and ultimately separate from,  yet inextricably linked to, nature as the place from  which it was to be viewed and represented. Nature was perceived by many naturalists as following  laws derived from  its design by God, but this regulation could only be perceived by those who had been trained and educated to observe it properly and who were able to offer  descriptions of  it with an eye towards quantifiable  data and classification.  Thus natural history offered  an enlightened mode of  seeing, one which allowed the Mexican elite to lay claim to the same understanding and authority Europeans had. The classification  of  flora  and fauna  within broad taxonomical systems that such description afforded  the naturalist was easily transferable,  at least in terms of  its central project of  defining  categories as a way of  claiming knowledge, to those seeking to write about the nation and its inhabitants.4 Thus the elite's constitution of  their authority required establishing specific  modes of  seeing, as well as positions from  which they could observe, which allowed 2 E. C. Spary, Utopia's  Garden:  French  Natural  History  from  the Old  Regime to Revolution,  Chicago: (University of  Chicago Press, 2000), 5. 3 Mary Louise Pratt has pointed out that natural history functioned  by applying itself  everywhere while the observer has no place in the description. Imperial  Eyes: Travel  Writing  and  Transculturation,  New York: (Routledge, 1992), 32, 36. 4 As E. C. Spary has noted, "The practice of  natural history itself  reflected  the concern of  eighteenth century naturalists to explore processes of  political, physical and moral preservation and improvement. The involvement of scientific  and medical practitioners in countless projects for  improvement, conceived on a national scale, led them to portray themselves as able managers of  the lower social levels." Utopia's  Garden,  8. them to articulate particular notions about individuals and the nation as naturally ordered. Fundamentally it allowed them to claim for  themselves a position of  equality with Europeans as civilized and modern, within the ideal spaces they had constituted, decrying the backwardness of much of  the populace without implicating themselves in it. It is within these overlapping binaries of  city/nature, center/periphery, modern/unmodern, and civilized/barbarous that the Mexican elite navigate. By charting the way in which these binaries interacted I will interrogate the way in which the elite saw the world. In all cases the creation of  polar binaries allowed intellectuals to justify  their reforms  while also providing them with the means to construct their own specific  identities. It is the way in which Mexican intellectuals conceptualized space and the specific  modes of  seeing they utilized to do so that allowed them to create such binaries, as well as deeply informing  their vision of  the nation and themselves within it. In looking at the works of  Tadeo Ortiz de Ayala (1780-1833) and, to a lesser extent, Luis de la Rosa (1804-56), especially their writings on urban reform,  as well as the way in which their understanding of  nature informed  such projects, I will illustrate how space and vision, and the understanding of  order that underlay them, fundamentally  shaped the nation, and the individuals and their relations, that liberal intellectuals sought to construct. Turning more specifically  to nature, I will investigate how its conceptualization, especially in terms of order, was deeply intertwined with the creation of  the identity of  the intellectual, and how this shaped the role they saw for  themselves in the new nation.5 5 There has been a great deal written recently on the concept of  nature and the various meanings it has carried in what might be called the cultural history of  science. My own discussion of  nature and the modes of  seeing related to natural history fits  into that larger discussion as well. See Ludmilla Jordanova's collection of  essays Nature  Displayed:  Gender,  Science, and  Medicine,  1760-1820,  London: (Longman, 1999) for  a fine  example, as well as Donna Haraway, "The Promises of  Monsters: A Regenerative Politics for  Inapprprate/d Others," in Cultural Studies,  Lawrence Grossberg, Cary Nelson, and Paula A. Treichler (eds.), New York: (Routledge, 1992)." Ortiz and de la Rosa are illustrative of  particular trends among Mexican intellectuals of the early republic. Both were involved in the continuing establishment of  the mechanisms of  the state, and both also occupied the position of  intellectual in a society where freedom  of  the press was altering the identity and the role of  that figure. 6 As did many others, they cast themselves as saviors of  the nation who, because of  their knowledge and reason, should be prominent leaders. Perhaps most important in their writings we can see the significance  of  perception and space to their understanding of  the world and their vision for  the nation. This is in large part due to the fact  that both were deeply influenced  by the works of  naturalists, in particular Alexander von Humboldt, while much of  their written work utilized natural history as the basis on which ideas of  the nation and the self  were developed. The periodical press, where much of  their work was published, offered  an emerging space for  intellectuals of  the early republic both to condemn the failures  of  the current state of  affairs  and to propound their image of  a model society.7 Their vision was Utopian, and remained so in large part because the state was incapable of  maintaining effective  control of  the vast new nation and its populace. Yet it was ultimately their creation of spaces which could act as positions where they could view the nation as a whole that allowed them to constitute themselves as the elite of  the republic while still maintaining an ideology of 6 de la Rosa was a deputy in the legislator and was a member of  the delegation that carried out negotiations with the United States following  the Mexican-American War. He wrote extensively for  the periodical press in a variety of  genres including nature poetry, natural history, and history. Ortiz was active in promoting colonization of the Tehuantepec and Texas regions and the few  government postings he held were related to his activities in this area. He published a statistical work Resumen de  la estadistica  del  imperio mexicano (1822), a natural history survey of  Tehuantepec published in El  Sol  (1823-24) and most importantly his work on the nation as a whole Mexico Considerado  Como Nation  Independiente  y Libre (1832). For a discussion of  the periodical press in the early nineteenth century see Jean Franco, "Waiting for  a Bourgeoisie: The Formation of  the Mexican Intelligentsia in the Age of  Independence," in Critical  Passions, Mary Louise Pratt and Kathleen Newman (eds.), Durham: (Duke University Pres, 1999) 477. She also discusses literature as a Utopian project 483. liberal equality. There has been much recent work by historians delving into the cultural shifts  resulting from  the establishment of  the Mexican republic, including works that investigate the mutual fashioning  of  an elite identity and the nation.8 In exploring imaginings of  the nation and of individuals these works have underlined the fundamental  importance of  cultural effort  in the construction of  categories taken as self-evident,  even as their meanings were being strenuously debated. I too am interested in exploring the ways in which imaginings of  the nation and the construction of  particular subjectivities interact. But by looking at the way in which notions of space and visuality impacted on understandings of  the nation and the individual I am offering  a very different  perspective on the elite project during the early republic, one that emphasizes viewing position and relations of  power. In his discussion of  the 1910 Centenario in Mexico City and the Porfirian  elite's development of  an ideal city Mauricio Tenorio Trillo outlines various plans to build monuments, public buildings and change street names to symblize both the modernity and the history of  the nation, plans that are remarkably similar to those I will discuss shortly.9 Tenorio Trillo sees the ideal city as being conceived as a conquest over tradition and chaos. In a similar vein, Pamela Voekel argues that the elite of  the early republic distinguished g Pamela Voekel has looked at the way in which elite identity was reconstituted from  the colonial to the republican era, while Jean Franco has investigated the subjectivity of  women in nineteenth century Mexico and the relationship of  that construction to the nation-building projects of  the elite, and Claudio Lomnitz has interrogated the imagining of  the Mexican nation and the development of  Mexican nationalism. See Pamela Voekel, Alone Before God:  The  Religious Origins of  Modernity  in Mexico,  Durham: (Duke University Press, 2002) and "Peeing on the Palace: Bodily Resistance to Bourbon Reforms  in Mexico City," in Journal  of  Historical  Sociology,  Vol. 5 No. 2 (1992); Jean Franco, Plotting  Women:  Gender  and  Representation  in Mexico,  New York: (Columbia University Press, 1989); and Claudio Lomnitz, Deep Mexico,  Silent  Mexico:  An Anthropology  of  Nationalism,  Minneapolis: (University of  Minnesota Press, 2001). 9 Mauricio Tenorio Trillo, "1910 Mexico City: Space and Nation in the City of  the Centenario," in Journal of  Latin American Studies,  Vol. 28 No. 1 (Feb. 1996), 86. themselves from  the lower classes on the basis of  their culture, which emphasized order, cleanliness, decorum and simplicity while denigrating the plebeian culture as backward.10 While I would agree that the establishment of  a distinct elite culture that defined  itself  as modern and set itself  against the perceived chaos and backwardness of  the popular classes was integral to the Creole elite's identity, what gave them their authority as rulers of  the republic, and their sense that it was they who must lead, was the way in which they looked upon the rest of  the nation. This mode of  looking was dependent on the establishment of  spaces outside space from  which the elite could establish their perspective. Intellectuals like Ortiz and de la Rosa sought, ultimately, to transform  a colonial society into a national one without the collapse of  its hierarchies, imagining Mexico as a particular community with specifically  categorized relationships between individuals, subjects and the state. They used their authority, as both citizens in the nation and as intellectuals, to define  the nature of  the relationships between state institutions and the populace, construing those comprising the latter category as proto-citizens who were dependent on the state in order to enter citizenhood.11 Rather than seeking to establish horizontal bonds, as Benedict Anderson emphasizes as the defining  aspect of  the national community, the Mexican elite's vision was strictly hierarchical.12 As important as the fraternal  bonds linking citizens were, bonds of 1 0 See her "Peeing on the Palace." See also Franco's discussion of  Fernandez y Lizardi in Plotting  Women. 1 1 Claudio Lomnitz emphasizes the establishment of  relationships of  dependence by the Mexican elite in the early republic in his discussion of  the development of  Mexican nationalism. Beyond the distinction between themselves and the broader populace a further  categorization was made by the elite between 'el pueblo', those of  the lower classes who were dependent on and acted within the same system the elite did, and 'la plebe', those who were outside the control of  the state and a threat to its existence. Lomnitz, Deep Mexico,  Silent  Mexico,  64-5, 13, 30. 1 2 Benedict Anderson, Imagined  Communities:  reflections  on the origin and  spread  of  nationalism,  New York : (Verso, 1991), 7. dependence needed to be established between the institutions of  the state and the broader populace to bring them within their specific  imagining of  the nation. However, the nature of  the elite's authority was irrevocably altered with the wars of  independence and the rise of  a republican state. To an extent they would be forced  to rely on the broader male populace to maintain their control of  the state bureaucracy. In this light we can understand the importance for the elite of  establishing relationships of  dependence through the institutions of  the state, for  if  the populace could not be tied to the government in some way they very likely could act outside and against it. This was a possibility which the Mexican elite were palpably aware of  following  a decade of  intractable conflict  during the wars of  independence, while the slave revolt of  Haiti stood as a warning of  just how dangerous the lower classes could potentially be. As one writer put it, without the state, and by association the intellectuals who supported it, encouraging education and the establishment of  educative relationships of  dependence, "ignorance would triumph without remedy...making a general contagion inevitable."13 In response, just as nature was represented by the naturalist as an inherently ordered space, the nation and the populace were thought to be naturally ordered as well. By inculcating ideals of  civility in the populace, intellectuals hoped to create an ordered citizenry that, like the ordered nature, could be utilized by the state. It is easy to see how the interconnectedness of  concepts like civility and utility reinforced the perception of  their inherent naturalness. Civilization was based on order and regulation, on 1 3 "triunfa  sin remedio la ignorancia...y se hace inevitable el contagion general." Jose Justo Gomez de la Cortina, "Sobre la coleccion de las mejores producciones cientificas  y literarias de nuestras poetas y nuestras prosistas modernas, proyectada por Ignacio Cumplido," in La Mision  del  Escritor:  Ensayos Mexicanos  del  Siglo XIX,  Jorge Ruedas de la Serna (ed), Mexico City: (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1996), 56. proper modes of  action which were uniform  across society regardless of  an individual's particular station. The utility of  the individual or the broader population was dependent on their regularity and uniformity  as well, but establishing this required incorporating them within a broader system of  order. In the case of  the populace this meant establishing educative relationships that functioned  to discipline their actions, whether it was in the development of policing institutions, urban planning that sought to create straight streets, or the creation of cultural institutions like the museum or a national literature. Even in defining  the family  the intellectuals sought to establish similar hierarchical relationships that, because the family  was viewed as a natural entity, could be seen as representative of  all relationships within the nation, with a paternalistic figure  who could act as father,  leader and teacher. Order was reflected materially in both act and dress, and ideologically it was felt  to be a matter of  common sense. What no one seemed capable of  ultimately explaining is how something that was 'obvious' and based on rational principles of  the natural order, indeed the basis of  the functioning  of  the universe under god, had managed to escape the understanding of  the vast majority of  the population. Why was it not self-evident  to them? What I am suggesting of  course is that order existed only in the presence of  disorder, just as nature was only an abstract entity in the face  of the unnatural; as a result we need to see the planning and establishment of  technologies of  order by the Mexican state and Creole intellectuals as part of  efforts  by the elite to constitute themselves as citizens of  the nation. While, for  them, order was transparent in both society and nature, perceiving that order required specific  modes of  seeing that were intimately connected to the creole elite's self-fashioning. The Aztec City There are, it seems, two cities, one real, one imagined. One is an abstraction, visible only in a planner's mind, intelligible only to those who can read the signs. The other is constituted by people and their interactions. Yet the line demarcating the real from  the imagined is rarely so solid. People walk in others' abstractions, whether or not they understand the signs. Intellectuals may live in ivory towers, but they still tend to go grocery shopping. The problem of distinguishing the two becomes more acute once the city has been built, for  then the ideal becomes temporal and subject to the vagaries of  day to day existence, while urban planners become reformers  seeking to restore the ideal supposed to be inherent in the design. To follow Angel Rama, the imagined city of  the Mexican intellectual was a city exclusive to the intellectual elite who developed a symbolic system whose "function-founded  on reason and instituted through legal mechanisms-[was] to prescribe an order for  the physical world, to construct norms for  community life,  to limit the development of  spontaneous social innovations, and to prevent them spreading to the body politic."14 Thus, both the real and the imagined were inextricably intertwined, at moments indistinguishable and dependent on each other for  their existence. While we might sharply question this simplistic division of  real and ideal and probe its limits, the Mexican intelligentsia presumed the two to be separate; indeed, it was essential for their identity that this be so. Beginning in the late eighteenth century, with the Bourbon monarchy attempting radically to reshape its colonial possessions, the elites of  Mexico City 1 4 Angel Rama, The  Lettered  City,  edited and translated by John Charles Chasteen Durham, NC: (Duke University Press, 1996), 25. sought to reform  the urban center, to transform  and regulate it according to laws of  reason and beauty, health and safety. 15 Following Descartes, they saw space as predating society where no two points could occupy the same space and all points could be described in systematic relation.16 The ideal existed before  the material city, and the elite sought to transform  the material to match their ideal, based ultimately on their view of  nature as ordered and following  regular and universal laws. This resulted in a struggle between the elite and popular classes over control of public space, with the elite attempting to transform  society by transforming  the space in which it existed. There were attempts to order the streets, providing them new names and numbers and placing them on a map, as well as efforts  to control the places where the populace interacted. Reforms  to build sewer systems, to control the construction of  drinking establishments and the lighting of  the streets at night were just some of  the attempts to create a uniform  public behavior among the masses by making the place they existed uniform. 17 Reform  projects of  this type continued unabated in the independence period. While in many ways the new proposals would have been utterly familiar  to their colonial counterparts, what was new was the context in which intellectuals like Tadeo Ortiz placed their plans. The enlightened Bourbon reformers  had desired a productive populace as part of  their general project to extract more wealth from  their possessions, but while Ortiz, as a member of  the elite, pursued the same extractive goals, he did so for  the nation.18 Indeed, the means to approach Ortiz's 1 5 Juan Pedro Viquiera Alban, Propriety  and  Permissiveness in Bourbon Mexico,  Sonya Lipsett-Rivera and Sergio Rivera Ayala (trans.), Wilmington: (Scholarly Resources Inc., 1999), 174. 1 6 Ibid., 176. 1 7 Ibid., 102-3. Pamela Voekel, "Peeing on the Palace," 194. 1 8 Voekel, "Peeing on the Palace," 183. conception of  the nation and its corresponding citizenry is through his discussion of  Mexico City, and his image of  what the city was to be, in his work Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation Independiente  y Libre (1832). The capital was to be the centerpiece of  the nation, "la metropoli de America", that would encapsulate all that the nation would be. That he saw the city as cardinal to the nation is hardly surprising given the centrality of  the urban setting to intellectual life  in Mexico. Rama has discussed the priority given to urban centers in Spanish colonization, as well as the resultant class of  lettered men, known as letrados, who sought to control and maintain access to the written word, what he refers  to as the 'universe of  signs'. Throughout the colonial period and the nineteenth century in Mexico, power and authority were deeply linked to literacy and the ability it granted to order, classify  and establish norms. It gave intellectuals the authority to write laws and regulations, as well as to construct ideologies that justified  the exclusivity of  their position in a largely illiterate society.19 Both their concentration in the city and their control of  the means of  communication allowed the lettered elite to predominate in the colonial period and beyond.20 In this light we can see the importance of  the periodical press in the early nineteenth century, for  it allowed the possibility-never present before-of  a new type of  lettered professional. Instead of  by necessity being associated with the monarchy or the Church, the traditional realms where the letrado had gained predominance, in theory one could now earn a living by writing.21 Works like Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation  sharply brought into question those in control of 1 9 Rama, The  Lettered  City,  16,27-9. 2 0 Ibid., 23. 11 Jean Franco discusses Fernandez de Lizardi as someone who made his living writing for  the press in "Waiting for  a Bourgeoisie," 479-80. the state in ways that had not been possible during the colonial period, critiquing the policies and actions of  specific  governments without necessarily bringing into question the authority and the predominance of  the elite as a whole. Here again Ortiz's emphasis on the city was significant, for  from  the colonial period on the city was categorized as a node of  civilization in a hostile space, and ultimately as a place from  which civilization could be spread by education or evangelization.22 The nation was centered on the city, an ideal city looking out on its vast territory. While Rama notes that the ideal city represented all that the nation was or could be for the intellectuals who functioned  within its confines,  more fundamentally  it also served as a viewing position. It was the center from  which the elite could look out upon the nation as a whole. By removing themselves from  what was being observed, they rendered it an object which they could represent as they saw fit.  The transformation  of  the city into a uniform  ideal space was, thus, necessary for  the constitution of  the nation as a whole, for  the nation as they envisioned it could not function  without the space provided by the ideal city. For Ortiz this transformation  was very much linked with his vision of  the Mexican past and he constructed both the ideal city and Mexico's history, specifically  its Aztec past, as Utopias. In the same way that the ideal city existed before  the material one, the Mexican nation had existed during the time of  the Aztecs as a paradise in Ortiz's mind. Not only did Mexico have a glorious past, it was unique, without roots in European civilization. These unique roots justified  Mexico's independence, while also allowing intellectuals to draw favorable comparisons between the Aztecs and the ancient Roman and Greek civilizations. By arguing strongly for  the distinctiveness of  Mexican history, as well as by tying its progression to the 2 2 Rama, The  Lettered  City,  13. necessity of  his reforms,  Ortiz outlined an ideal nation that was possible because it could be imagined. Within this narrative, the Spanish conquest had resulted in the downfall  of  that Utopia, while independence granted Mexicans the opportunity to refashion  the nation, to reconstruct it in such a way that would make it both modern and in the image of  their glorious past. In an era when neoclassical art predominated and the Roman republic was seen as the highest form  of state, the intertwining of  the ancient with the modern was not inherently contradictory. The order and symmetry which the enlightened perceived in neoclassical art and governing were in fact  the very symbols of  modernity.23 Ortiz thus began his discussion of  the necessary reforms  for  the betterment of  Mexico City with a discussion of  the capital's history. The city which the Aztecs had constructed was, he felt,  "magnificent  [with] regular streets, beautiful  plazas, sumptuous temples...and useful aqueducts [and] delicious gardens," among other splendours.24 More broadly, the empire, of which the capital was the centerpiece, was also comprised of monarchs who were instructors, philosophers and legislators, learned police ordinances and laws, scientific establishments that provided regular instruction, colossal, grand and scientific  monuments like the pyramids of  Teotihuacan, Cholula and Cempoala...[and] superb palaces of  beautiful  and solid architecture following all the symmetrical rules of  the curious Aztec order.25 Dorinda Outram, "The Enlightenment our Contemporary," in The  Sciences in Enlightened  Europe, edited by William Clark, Jan Golinski, and Simon Schaffer,  Chicago : (University of  Chicago Press, 1999), 40. 2 4 Tadeo Ortiz de Ayala, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nacion  Independiente  y Libre, o sea algunas indicaciones  sobre los deberes  mas esenciales de  los mexicanos, Mexico City: (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1996), 308. 2 5 "que habian tenido monarcas instruidos, filosofos  y legisladores, sabias ordenanzas y leyes de policia admirables, establecimientos cientificos  y de instruction regulares; colosales, grandiosos y cientificos  monumentos como las piramides de Teotihuacan, Cholula y Cempoala...soberbios palacios de arquitectura bellisima, solida y con todas las reglas simetricas del curioso orden azteca." Ibid., 165-6. He compared its founding  with that of  Rome's, declaring that both had begun as republics only to develop into great empires. He turned to Rome again when deflecting  the obvious criticisms that had been levelled against the barbarism of  the Aztec religious rites, asking:"What people of  the earth have escaped similar blemishes?" The Romans themselves had used slaves and prisoners of  war as gladiators in duels to the death and that "was not due to the effect  of  fanaticism,  but the object of  a public diversion."26 It seemed clear to Ortiz that the Aztecs had a magnificent  culture and a grand civilization that was the equal of  Rome's, and if  their achievements were unknown, it had more to do with the "vandalous and barbarous spirif'of  the conquistadors than with any failures  of  the Aztecs themselves.27 For Ortiz the ideal city of  his envisioning had existed with Tenochtitlan while the failures of  the Spanish rulers had destroyed it. As a result, its restoration could only be achieved with independence. If  the ancient capital was to be heralded for  the regularity of  its design then, in Ortiz' mind, the present situation of  Mexico City was to be decried for  its lack in this regard. The city built after  the Spanish destruction of  Tenochtitlan lacked such order and symmetry as had previously existed, "disfiguring  one of  the most coordinated and beautiful  cities that could be erected...[and these] abuses greatly affected  the health, police and embellishments of  its inhabitants."28 To give an example, Ortiz considered that the city's only formal  market, in the Plaza de Volador, threatened to infect  the entire city with "pestilence and disorder" because it 26"que pueblo de la tierra se escapo de semej antes manchas?", "no fueron  efecto  del fanatismo,  sino objeto de una diversion publica." Ibid., 168. 17 "espiritu de vandalismo y barbarie," Ibid., 167. 28 "desfigurando  una de las mis coordinadas y hermosas poblaciones que pudieron fundarse...cuyos  abusos importan mucho a la salubridad, policia y embellecimiento de sus habitants." Ibid., 319. was poorly covered and dirty.29 It is interesting that Ortiz highlights the Plaza de Volador market for  disparagement because the creation of  the market had been part of  the Bourbon state's efforts to reform  the city and regulate it. The Volador Plaza had only become the central marketplace in the 1790's, before  the market had been held in the Plaza Mayor, and it had been painstakingly organized so that the stalls were arranged symmetrically and grouped by type. The plaza itself had been cobblestoned and seventy-four  street lamps had been erected to help the juez de plaza in patrolling at night.30 However, Ortiz felt  that it was too small and that it exposed the National Palace to fire,  as well as the population to pestilence, and was "a receptacle of  the germs of pestilence and disorder rather than the attractor of  Flora, Pomona and Ceres."31 It compared poorly with the ancient market of  Tlatelolco, which was "directed by the ordinances and police of a people who the Europeans freely  described as barbarous because they did not dress as they did, in spite of  their living with more order, and probably without as many vices or complicated regulations in their administration!"32 Exhibiting the Ordered City: Museums and Gardens It was essential for  Ortiz to link the nation of  the Creole elite with the Aztec empire, to 2 9 Ibid., 317. 3 0 Voekel, "Peeing on the Palace," 194. 31 "es mas bien receptaculo de los g^rmenes de la pestilencia y el desorden, que el atractivo de Flora, Pomona y Ceres." Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,  317. 32 dirigido por las ordenanzas y policia de un pueblo que gratuitamente calificaron  los europeos de barbaro porque no vestia como ellos, a pesar de vivir con mas arreglo, y probablemente, sin tantos vicios ni complicados reglamentos en su administration!" Ibid., 317. cast modern intellectuals as the inheritors of  this heritage. To do so he sought to link the past and future  together in the ordered ideal city in a museum, a tangible form  that would document the nation's achievements. The Aztecs themselves had, he pointed out, what could be considered a museum in "the sumptuous pantheon of  Chalcantongo, meeting place of  so many precious relics of  sculpture, painting and architecture."33 The conquistadors had destroyed it during the conquest, but he felt  the museum associated with the university could be an adequate replacement. It simply needed more Aztec artifacts,  particularly the 'incomparable' Aztec calendar stone, to illustrate the complex understanding of  the universe the Aztecs possessed. Ortiz proposed that the two-story museum be divided, with modern productions of  art and nature on the top floor,  while 'las antiguedades mexicanas' were to be housed below with a teacher to assist in their study.34 The Aztec 'artifacts'  would be viewed in terms of  Creole achievements, as well as placing the Aztecs within a narrative of  the creole nation. In his study of  the development of  museums and museum culture in the nineteenth century, Tony Bennett has noted that the "museum provided its visitors with a set of  resources through which they might actively inset themselves within a particular vision of  history by fashioning  themselves to contribute to its development."35 In Ortiz's envisioning of  history it was the creole elite, as the inheritors of  Aztec achievement and culture, who were facilitating  the development of  the Mexican nation. The museum was the ideal city made material, taking all the times of  history and placing 3 3 "el suntuoso panteon de Chalcantongo, reunion de tantas preciosidades de escultura, pintura y arquitectura, que se puede reputar como el museo de los aztecas." Ibid., 166. 34Ibid., 171-2. The museum's art was to be drawn from  across the spectrum of  both colonial and modern artists, while the natural history objects were to be taken from  throughout Mexico's unique natural landscapes. 3 5 Tony Bennett, The  Birth of  the Museum:  History,  Theory,  and  Politics,  London: (Routledge, 1995), 47. them in a single place. In its construction it reflected  the order of  history, as well as its progression from  the ancient to the modern. It was both separate from  the rest of  the city and distinct, displayed there to educate the populace, illustrating what the city was supposed to be. The museum was linked for  Ortiz with several other public edifices  that represented the ideology of  the state: the university and its library, La Academia de Nobles Artes, and the botanical garden.36 What is significant  about each of  them is their collections, and he makes various recommendations about what needed to be added to make them more complete. In them the whole range of  the Creole intellectual enterprise was brought together, from  all times and all spaces within Mexico. Here it is clear that the capital was to represent the nation, that the whole nation could be viewed from  Mexico City. The city was to be the privileged viewing position, offering  a panoramic, totalizing view. The botanical garden and the museum in particular shared many of  these ideological aspects, just as their collections overlapped, for  much of  the top floor of  the museum was to consist of  natural history objects. Both sought to impose structures of authority between expert and the public, establishing a specifically  educative relationship, rendering all of  nature and history visible, but in a very particular imagining of  it that reflected the form  of  society they wished to develop.37 Gardens of  all types were loaded with meaning at this juncture, especially botanical 3 6 All of  them are discussed in conjunction. Ortiz, Mexico  Conisderado  Como Nation,  168-74. 3 7 Outram discusses the way in which the Museum d'Histoire Naturelle of  Paris was constituted as a space of  educative authority, "New Spaces in Natural History," in Cultures  of  Natural  History,  N. Jardine, J. A. Secord and E. C. Spary (eds.), Cambridge: (Cambridge University Press, 1996), 253. Bennett notes that in the same way the museum was a social space that used representation to display culture and nature in order to educate, as well as being a space of  observation and regulation where people were to learn a way of  acting in public. The  Birth of  the Museum,  24. Franco has noted that the pensadores  of  Mexico, because of  their control of  cultural capital, in the case of  the periodical press or the museum, styled themselves as teachers in the classroom of  the nation. Plotting  Women, 82. gardens, because of  the importance of  nature and the natural as values and norms.38 They reflected  the order of  nature, indeed the peak to which the ordering of  nature could rise. The botanic gardens of  Europe, which were proliferating  in this period, were often  referred  to by naturalists and others as an earthly Utopia, a veritable Eden, because of  the way they made transparent the order of  nature.39 The ideals of  gardening, perfected  in the naturalist's botanical garden, which emphasized pruned, uniform  vegetation and the 'ambiance of  regularity', illustrated conceptions of  the social order and policing, with each individual having an appointed place in society within the gaze of  others.40 Botanical gardens, dependent as they were on the collection of  samples, also represented the power of  the state to extract resources and control nature, a control that could only be gained by understanding natural laws. The practice of  Natural History, it should be emphasized, was extractive, and as such it was linked to both European colonial projects and nascent industrial capitalism.41 Put bluntly, in order to fill  the botanical gardens, territory had to be conquered and brought within the order of  the state. In the same way, the lower classes had to be brought within an ordered universe, one that regulated their actions 38 Nature was not a stable concept, and although it generated norms, the need to invoke it as a moral and ethical norm arose from  the perception of  the unnatural. Nature was often  perceived as feminine,  as innocent, as ordered, and it had erotic potential as well. Jordanova, "Feminine Figures: Nature Display'd," in Nature  Displayed, 34-5, 39. 39 Georges Cuvier, the French naturalist referred  to the botanical garden of  Paris as a temple, "the most beautiful  ever consecrated." Outram, "The Spaces of  Natural History," 257-58. 4 0 This particular envisioning of  the social order in the order of  nature found  in gardens had its roots in colonial elite culture, which can clearly be seen in its rigorously hierarchical understanding of  order and regularity. Although the gardens may have been horizontally ordered it was categorized into vertical categories by the Mexican elite. Alban, Propriety  and  Permissiveness in Bourbon Mexico,  173. However, gardens could be read quite differently.  The revolutionary government in France saw the botanical gardens of  the Museum National d'Histoire Naturelle reflecting  the collectivity of  the 'nation' they were creating. Thus the laws that ordered nature were contiguous with republican law. Dorinda Outram, "New Spaces in Natural History," 257-58. 4 1 Pratt, Imperial  Eyes, 36. and would ultimately lead to the creation of  an ideal citizenry of  uniform  individuals. This involved not only regulatory bodies, like the police or education, but also the regularization of the physical space Mexicans inhabited. Thus, the display of  natural laws in institutions like the museum or the botanical garden was part of  the larger system of  edification  which reformers  like Ortiz were attempting to construct, for  these laws were mirrored by the laws of  the state and individual propriety. As nature was regulated and uniform,  so too should the individual be, especially in regards to his interaction with the state.42 Like Ortiz, Luis de la Rosa emphasized the garden as the harbinger of  both order and civilization, linking natural history's conception of  nature and order with Mexico's Aztec past. Tenochtitlan was marked not only by the order of  its design but also by the symmetry and distribution of  its gardens where the Aztecs displayed flowers  and plants collected from  across Mexico.43 As constructed by de la Rosa, the center of  the empire had been a space outside space, where the Aztec nobility could view their possessions as a whole, in a way that was not so distant from  the enlightened naturalist in a botanical garden. The varied strenuous assertions of  the essential civility of  the Aztecs by Mexican intellectuals served two purposes. On the one hand, just as discerning the regularity of  nature provided justification  for  efforts  to reform  urban spaces and the populace, finding  an ideal city in existence in their past illustrated their need to create such a space in the present. But it was not enough for  them to create a space from  which to 4 2 Spary has noted that the Museum National d'Histoire Naturelle was a site for  public instruction for  the Revolutionary state. The state also sought to enlarge what constituted public issues so that all aspects of  the individual's existence could be made to conform  to their republican ideals. The laws of  nature and its order were displayed in the museum's collections and in viewing them it was thought the public could be inculcated with a proper sensibility. Spary, Utopia's  Garden,  236. 4 3 de la Rosa, "Jardines antiguo de Mexico," in Obras: Periodismo  y Obra Literaria,  Mexico City: (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico Instituto Mora, 1996), 152. establish their all-encompassing perspective; they had to demonstrate to Europeans who doubted their civility, and thus their ability to adopt the same mode of  seeing, that they could occupy the same space. Thus Mexican writers were continually forced  to engage in the larger debate over the nature of  the New World that had begun with the Europeans' arrival and had reached a pitch with the fluorescence  of  creole nationalism at the end of  the eighteenth century. Drawing on longstanding theories, which they updated with enlightened rhetoric, European intellectuals dismissed the New World as too wet, with a climate that fostered  disease and inhibited the growth and development of  plants, animals and humans. Those men born in the New World were of  inferior  quality, with the indigenous described as indolent, while it was felt  that Europeans and Creoles suffered  decline in these regions. Europeans also dismissed the achievements of  the indigenous civilizations of  the New World as little more than the delusions of  illiterate conquistadors trying to elevate their achievements for  a European audience.44 In attacking colonial Spanish rulers, and especially the enlightened Bourbon reformers,  Ortiz and de la Rosa were attacking general European perceptions of  Mexico and attempting the belie them. Ortiz continually insisted upon the ignorance of  the Europeans towards the nature of  the Aztecs, especially in regards to the stereotypical view of  the limitations of  the Nahua tongue. He expressed amazement that Europeans still believed the Nahuatl language was incapable of forming  abstract ideas and that native speakers were without the ability to voice anything beyond the most base of  topics. He pointed out that the works of  Netzahualcoyotl had been extensively 4 4 See Brading, The  First  America: the Spanish monarchy, Creole  patriots,  and  the Liberal state 1492-1867,  Cambridge: (Cambridge University Press, 1991), 422-46 and Jorge Cafiizares-Esguerra,  How  to Write  the History  of  the New  World:  Histories,  Epistemologies,  and  Identities  in the Eighteenth  Century  Atlantic  World, Stanford:  (Stanford  University Press, 2001), 60-129. translated and they illustrated that the Aztec language was "beautiful,  abundant and harmonious."45 Ortiz's energetic defense  was necessary to assert the essential civility of  the Aztec Empire because it was upon this idea that the justification  for  independence and for  the modern Mexican nation as an independent intellectual entity depended. It was crucial that the traditional binary opposition of  civilized Europe and an uncivilized, untamed New World be twisted, so that it was the Europeans who were savages for  not realizing the civility of  the Mexicans and for  actively destroying and repressing their civilization. His statements also stood as a declaration of Mexico's equal intellectual standing with Europe. The comparisons with Roman civilization were not by chance at a time when enlightened political and literary models were drawn from classical Greek and Roman civilizations. If  there was little difference  between the barbarity of the Romans and the Aztecs, the opposite could also be true; their achievements might be comparable as well, and the same could be true for  the Mexican contemporaries of  the European intellectual elite. However, it was not enough for  Ortiz to draw attention to the great achievements of  the ancient past, he had to make it an inextricable part of  the Mexican present. Ortiz tied Mexican intellectuals to Aztec achievements as their inheritors by constructing a chronology of  Mexican science and history free  of  European influence.  In essence he created a specifically  Mexican intellectual history by assembling an unbroken chain of  thinkers from  the Aztec past to the 4 5 "los mexicanos antiguos hablaban un idioma bello, copioso y armonico." Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado Como Nation,  167. See Brading, The  First  America, for  a discussion of  the various disparagements of  Aztec civilization and the indigenous of  Mexico throughout European intellectual thought from  the time of  the first encounter. national present, naming and detailing the achievements of  all the great scientists, historians and artists of  Mexico, formulating  a canon that linked them together as Mexican. To justify  his inclusions Ortiz made reference  to later figures,  particularly modern figures  like Francisco Javier Clavijero, who confirmed  their importance and influence.  For example, Clavijero affirmed  the intellectual achievements of  Tobar-Moctezuma, a native historian of  the early colonial period, by utilizing his work as a source for  his own study, Historia  Antigua de  America.46 We thus have an echo of  Ortiz's discourse surrounding the museum, with Aztec or native achievements being interpreted by Creoles in the light of  their own exploits. Ortiz's construction of  a canon of intellectuals, following  one upon the other chronologically, was to illustrate, not only the magnificent  heritage that modern thinkers had to draw from,  but also to imply that this heritage was merely the starting point, for  the penultimate achievements of  Mexican culture still remained. History for  Ortiz was marked above all else by an ordered progression. Mexico was not something new, emerging with independence, but a nation centuries in existence with a storied past and a people who had survived three centuries of  conquest, the production of  the republic in the 1820s being merely the outcome of  centuries' worth of  dialogue.47 As Ortiz stated: "The monuments and authentic events cited...not only demonstrate the extension of  the noble thoughts and grand ideas of  the ancient and modern Mexicans, but immortalizes them, 4 6 Clavijero was arguably the most important Mexican intellectual of  the eighteenth century. A Jesuit writing in exile, his history of  New Spain, in particular of  the Aztec empire, was written to challenge the assertions of Europeans as to the essential nature of  the New World and its peoples. Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation, 130-1. 4 7 Ibid., 130-58. placing them among the inventive and civilized people of  the earth."48 For Ortiz the root of  a truly 'Mexican' thought could be found  with two figures, Netzahualcoyotl and his son Netzahualpilli. The father,  a poet and ruler of  Texcoco, had encouraged the flourishing  of  the arts and of  'good' laws, as well as the development of  the noble and sublime 'Mexican' philosophy, while the son had been instrumental in the development of the Aztec calendar, adjusting it precisely to three hundred seventy days.49 As Ovid wrote of Caesar, so Ortiz says the ancient Mexicans spoke of  Netzahuilpilli, "[who] did not die, but was marvelously taken to the heavens."50 Although it is perhaps unsurprising that the pre-Cortesian indigenous referred  to by Ortiz are kings and emperors, it is noteworthy that he strives to link the indigenous scholars of  the conquest period with the royal families  of  the Aztec nobility. Generally speaking, while most of  the natives who became scholars in the sixteenth century were from  the nobility, a fact  which does not escape Ortiz, he emphasizes those of  royal birth. Alva Ixtlilxochitl descended from  the kings of  Texcoco, Tobar-Moctezuma from  the emperors of Mexico, Hitzimengari was the grandson of  the king of  Caltzontzin, while Pomar was the bastard son of  the kings of  Texcoco.51 Once he begins his discussion of  the seventeenth century these native voices disappear, submerged within the emerging creole elite, and Ortiz's emphasis falls on Mexican birth as justification  for  inclusion in his canon. 'Los antiguos mexicanos' who Ortiz 4 8 "Los monumentos y hechos autenticos que citamos...no solamente prueban la extension de pensamientos nobles e ideas grandiosas de los antiguos y modernos mexicanos, sino que inmortalizan a unos, colocandolos entre los pueblos inventores y civilizados de la tierra." Ibid., 167. 4 9 Ibid., 130. 5 0 "que no murio, sino que fue  arrebutado prodigiosamente a la region de las estrellas." Ibid., 130. 5 1 Ibid., 131-2. elevates as the founders  of  the sublime Mexican philosophy are thus of  the ruling elite, as are the heirs to their thought, the creole intellectuals. While in the colonial period the creole elite had relied upon the Crown to establish their precedence, following  independence, when the state was based on a liberal ideology that made all citizens ostensibly equal, the intelligentsia looked for new means to reconstitute their authority over the indigenous masses. Ortiz saw the creole intellectuals as inheriting their authority, not from  the Spanish monarch, but the noble intellectual tradition that had its roots in Aztec society. A Civilized Space: Regulation and Self-Regulation While it was relatively simple for  Mexican intellectuals to craft  an encompassing narrative of  history, it was somewhat more complicated for  them to establish the city as an ideal space, where the same totalizing vision could be applied, not to time, but to the territory of  the nation. With independence Ortiz felt  the time was ripe for  improving and ordering the capital, providing new establishments to encourage public health and comfort,  creating "in sum a new and mended order of  things" which would allow Mexico City to be "considered as a metropolis of  a nation independent and free." 52 To achieve this the nation was first  quantified,  situating it in relation to the rest of  the modern world, allowing statistics to be compared and conclusions to be drawn. Ortiz specifically  viewed Mexico City in terms of  its size, the number of  people living 52 "en suma, de un nueva y arreglado orden de cosas, considerada como la metropoli de una nation independiente y libre." Ibid., 320. there, its elevation and its longitude and latitude.'53 This 'numbered world' made possible planning and projects of  the sort Ortiz was engaged in because it suggested an order. Statistics marked both the constants and the deviations from  the norm, and, most importantly, suggested the steps that needed to be taken to modify  this reality.54 It further  reflects  what Foucault refers to as a project for  a technology of  population wherein the "biological traits of  a population become relevant factors  for  economic management, and it becomes necessary to organize around them an apparatus that will ensure not only their subjection but the constant increase of  their utility."55 The nation was objectified  in its rendering as numbers-in much the same way that naturalists quantified  nature through meteorological and geological studies- which allowed the elite to represent the nation, reflecting  their absence from  that which was quantified  as a result of their occupying spaces like the museum or the garden. The specific  image of  the nation and its capital that Ortiz created as a result of  his quantification  was one that emphasized the necessity of  order for  both the physical space of  the city and the populace within it for  their utility to be maximized and capitalized on. As a result, Ortiz envisioned a fundamental  reshaping of  the city that would lead to a transformed  populace. Streets were to be renamed and have their positions fixed  within clearly defined  neighborhood and parish boundaries. The city was to be clean and symmetrical, with 5 3 Ibid., 328-32. 5 4 If  epidemics struck then strict hygiene laws and quarantines could be enacted to control them, and if criminal activity increased then the laws could be reformulated.  Leticia Mayer Cz\is,Entre  el infierno  de  una realidady  el cielo de  un imaginario : estadisticay  comunidad  cientifica  en el Mexico  de  la primer a mitad  del  siglo XIX,  Mexico City: (Colegio de Mexico, Centro de Estudios Historicos, 1999), 23, 71. 5 5 Michel Foucault, "The Politics of  Health in the Eighteenth Century," in Power/Knowledge:  Selected Interviews  and  Other Writings  1972-1977,  Colin Gordon (ed.), New York: (Pantheon Books, 1980), 172. open areas lined by trees where people would gather.56 The neighborhoods and streets would be named after  the nation's principal heroes, as would the states, rivers, lakes and mountains of  the republic. Public monuments were to be constructed, as for  example in the Palacio de Justicia where Ortiz proposed paintings of  the pronunciamiento of  Hidalgo and other depictions of  the heroes of  independence struggle, as well as great men of  science. There were to be other centers dedicated to the pantheon of  the nation's heroes, lined by trees and with impeccable, and most likely regular and symmetrical, architecture. Open areas were to be utilized for  military and national parades, as well as for  holidays as spaces for  people to safely  congregate.57 The renaming of  the streets and construction of  monuments was, as with the museum, to mark both the longstanding existence of  a Mexican history and its triumphant liberation in the creation of the Mexican nation, and it also served as part of  a broader project to inculcate a series of  ideals and values in the lower classes. The creole elite realized that liberating their history from  the oppression of  the Spanish was not enough to constitute themselves as a nation. To fully  ensure their independence they had to conquer the rest of  Mexico, both figuratively,  through the enlightening of  the indigenous masses, and literally, in reforming  the very space they inhabited. When Ortiz looked upon the streets of  the capital he saw chaos. He noted that the byways of  Mexico City were "disturbed by the noise of  the beggars, processions, bells... and the continuous reverences and obeisance that forces  on the passerby and trader the practices of  a 5 6 Ibid., 328-32. As Alban states, "houses, like trees, had to be of  the same height and placed on a straight line. The city...had to be symmetrical, clean and pleasant." Viquiera Alban, Propriety  and  Permissiveness, 173. 5 7 Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,,  328,330,332. devotion poorly understood."58 Not only would it be more useful  and convenient for  industry and morality if  such disturbances were limited or fell  into disuse, he felt  that it would also allow the populace to find  a true understanding of  religion.59 The Mexican elite had such an investment in the control of  public space, because if  they could control it they could also attempt to control the actions of  the populace, which they perceived as a threat to order. Given their reliance on the populace to maintain their positions in the government, the elite made great efforts  to bring the masses within the confines  of  the state in order to create the 'civilized' society they desired. But the regulation of  the streets alone was not enough to ensure their propriety, its inhabitants had to be civilized and their activity and industry housed.60 This was to be established through policing organizations which would encourage moral behavior ensuring the people were "docile and predisposed to the advantages of  industry and civilization."61 In this Ortiz was merely following in the footsteps  of  many other enlightened Mexican reformers  who sought to clean and purify  the streets, discouraging crime and ensuring the development of  a rational space that would be marked by its usefulness  and its productivity.62 CO "se alteran por el ruido de los pordioseros, procesiones, campanas... y las continuas reverencias y acatamientos que obligan al viandante y traficante  las practicas de una devotion mal entendida." Ibid., 318. 5 9 Ibid., 318. Ortiz' critique of  religious devotion is strikingly similar to that articulated in Pamela Voekel's Alone Before  God.  In her work she points to a shift  from  a Catholicism that privileged ostentatious display as a show of  faith  and social standing to what she terms an 'enlightened' Catholicism. Her work focuses  on campaigns over control of  burials and cemeteries, but Ortiz was more concerned that the ostentation and apparent piety of  the devoted was taking money that would be better spent on hospitals and correctional institutes. 176. 6 0 Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,  317. Franco discusses the importance attached to clothing as a symbol of  modern attitudes in Latin America following  independence. "Waiting for  a Bourgeoisie," 482-83. 6 1 "d6cil y predispuesto a los adelantos de la industria y la civilization." Ibid., 319. 6 2 The primary function  of  the street was seen as the efficient  movement of  people and goods. Ma. Dolores Morales, "Cambios en la Traza de la Estructura Vial de la Ciudad de Mexico, 1770-1855," in La ciudad  de  Mexico en la primera mitad  del  sigloXIXvol.  1, Regina Hernandez Franyuti (ed.), Mexico City: (Instituto de Investigaciones Dr. Jose Maria Luis Mora, 1994), 162. For a discussion of  urban reform  projects that places Ortiz in To that end he proposed the creation of  a magistrate for  the city, whose role would be to achieve a rational and civilized space in the material city, in effect  to create the ideal city. One of the central issues that surrounded discussion of  the disorder of  the street was its resulting dirtiness. An obsession with cleanliness was tied to the establishment of  technologies of population in urban reform  projects because of  the need to maintain a healthy populace for  a viable economy.63 Thus Ortiz argued for  a doctor and surgeon to be made available in each neighborhood and advocated purifying  the canal waters and cleaning the streets. He also suggested that the hospital system be modernized, with separate hospitals for  different  types of illnesses and patients, such as venereal diseases, chronic conditions, the aged infirm,  and children. Even within more general hospitals sanitary systems had to be developed in order to separate individuals by ailment, depending on how grave the symptoms were. The stage the illness was in was also seen as important. Those who were convalescing should have a separate room, while the sexes also needed to kept separate.64 The hospitals themselves had to be better ventilated so that diseased air could be circulated out, while gardens should be planted in the vicinity to purify  the air and produce medicinal plants as well as for  the recreation of the context of  the similar written works from  the late colonial period and the first  half  of  the nineteenth century see this essay and Regina Hernandez Franyuti, "Ideologia, Proyectos y Urbanization en la Ciudad de Mexico, 1760-1850," in La ciudad  de  Mexico  vol. 1, 116-160. 6 3 The city became a medicalizable object for  reformers  where control of  urban space was essential to ensuring that it was a safe  and healthy environment for  the population. The density of  the populace, sewage and drainage systems, ventilation, the sites for  cemeteries and hospitals were all factors  that could result in a pathogenic urban setting. Foucault, "The Politics of  Health," 175. 6 4 This was important in order to keep separate diseases common to the poor. Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado Como Nation,  179-80. convalescents.65 In addition to the creation of  a magistrate for  the city, Ortiz felt  that the police of  the capital required a special administration separate from  the political and municipal administrations to ensure the "good order, health and embellishment of  a population destined...to exercise a great influence  on the civilized world."66 It was necessary that the congress institute vigorous legislation to regulate both the neighborhoods of  the city and their populations in order to assure that a "criminal apathy and neglect" did not disfigure  them.67 It was fear  of  crowds and the disorderly conduct that was seen as inherent to them that drove the policing institutions in Mexico, leading them to regulate taverns and other gathering places of  the lower classes in order to ensure that propriety and proper morality were maintained.68 Education and honest distractions were needed, along with other methods of  control, to lead the populace away from bad customs and to "stimulate work and the social spirit."69 Ortiz spoke strongly about the need to eradicate the 'gentes viciosas y vagabundas' and the scandals and vices they brought about 6 5 Ibid., 178, 325-26. It should also be noted that this period saw the rise of  doctors distinguishing patients in their records by race, as well as recording whether a woman was a mujer popular.  See Olivia Lopez Sanchez, Enfermas,  Mentirosasy  Tempermentales:  La conception medica  del  cuerpo feminino  durante  la segunda  mitad  del siglo XIX  en Mexico,  Mexico City: (CEAPAC, 1998), 24, 58. For a discussion of  the development of  the hospital see Foucault, "The Politics of  Health in the Eighteenth Century," 346-50. Of  particular note is that the single hospital that could deal with all the sick was viewed as inadequate and possibly threatening to an urban population. Thus a balance had to be struck between having hospitals outside the city where they could be better ventilated or having several smaller hospitals within the city in order for  the public to have better access to them. Ortiz' solution was the latter, and the planting of  gardens was clearly to help alleviate the problem of  miasmas from  the diseased within. 6 6 "del buen orden, salubridad y embellecimiento de una poblacion destinada...a ejercer un grande influjo  en el mundo civilizado." Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,  318. 6 7 Ibid., 319. 6 8 Voekel, "Peeing on the Palace," 183. 6 9 "estimulado el trabajo y el espi'ritu de sociabilidad." Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,  335 because of  the lack of  regulation of  pulperias.70 It was only by necessity, he felt,  that the masses were forced  into questionable activities due to a dearth in proper nocturnal distractions, which the new state had to work to provide. He suggested that the Plaza de Volador, which because of its location attracted large evening crowds, should have a 'portal de gusto' dedicated to stores selling books and high art. It should be lined by orange trees with a fountain  and five  statues of 'nuestros grandes hombres y sabios': Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora, Jose Antonio Alzate y Ramirez, Clavijero, Joaquin Velasquez y Leon and Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz.71 This reflects  a shift  from  the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century in the conceptualization of  the government as a regulator in that, rather than simply improving the regulatory functions  of  the state the goal was to create a self-regulating  individual. High culture, whether in the museum or in public art and books stalls, was seen as having the capacity to alter the inner being of individuals, transforming  their behavior.72 It also reflected  Ortiz's desire to establish spaces like the museum throughout the city, places of  order that served to inculcate the populace in regular living, resulting in the establishment of  the ideal city throughout the material one, expanding the 7 0 Ibid., 321. Ortiz was also deeply concerned with the threat of  crime from  la gente viciosa y vagabunda. An interesting contrast is found  in the statistical works of  Jose Justo Gomez de la Cortina, who, in his work "Poblacion" concluded that Mexico City had far  fewer  delinquents than Paris and that, as a result, the Mexican people were superior to the French. The Mexican was the hombre tipo. Mayer Celis, Entre  el Infierno  de  una realidad,  59-70. Gomez de la Cortina (1799-1860) was an important figure  in intellectual circles in the first  half  of nineteenth century Mexico, most importantly with his membership in scientific  societies and in his statistical works that Mayer Celis discusses, but he was also a highly active contributor to the periodical press on a variety of  subjects. 71 Ines de la Cruz was the famed  poet and intellectual. Clavijero was of  course the Jesuit historian of  the eighteenth century, while Siguenza was the famed  mathematician historian and astronomer of  the seventeenth century. Both Velasquez and Alzate were important scientific  figures  in the late eighteenth century. Alzate published the Gazeta de  Mexico  and its articles largely dealt with natural history, astronomy, the economy or other particularly enlightened concerns while Velasquez was an important astronomer, the first  to accurately measure the longitude and latitude of  Mexico City. Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,  335. 7 2 Bennett, The  Birth of  the Museum,  20. realm where the elite could claim authority and power. There were ultimately two reasons why the Mexican elite desired a new individual to constitute a civilized lower class. First, an ordered and regulated citizenry was more easily utilized by the state for  its various economic projects. The other was that it ensured the stability of  the state itself.  Ortiz concurred with Montesquieu that the most effective  way to preserve a government without violence was through education.73 Education of  the vulgar classes was absolutely necessary, indeed urgent, since it was the most efficacious  instrument to impress upon the masses the sentiments of  improvement, enjoyment, order, humanity, justice, love of  the nation through the knowledge of  its institutions, their rights and the fulfillment  of  their obligations, [which are] the only sound guarantees of  the security of  the superior and influential  classes who together constitute the support of  the government.74 Education would thus serve to bring 'la masa del pueblo infimo'  within the purview of  the state and was indispensable for  society since they "constituted the fundamental  basis on which the social order rested."75 Without effective  control of  the population the state, at least in the elites' minds, was not viable. Reflecting  this concern, Ortiz declared that education should enforce "discipline, instruction, customs, religion, and...the details of  the food,  dress, exercise and practice of  the daily regime."76 73 Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,,  93-4. 7 4 "instrumento mas eficaz  para imprimir en las masas los sentimientos de mejoras, de goces, de orden, humanidad, justicia, amor a la patria por el conocimiento de sus instituciones, de sus derechos y cumplimiento de sus obligaciones, unicas garantias solidas de la seguridad de las clases superiors e influyentes,  que reunidas forman  el apoyo del gobierno." Ibid., 96. 75 "constituye la esencial base y el fundamento  primordial en que reposa el orden social." Ibid., 118. 76 "la disciplina, la instruction, las costumbres, la religion y hasta a los detalles y promenores de los alimentos, vestidos, ejercicios y pratica del regimen comun." Ibid., 108. The daily lives of  the people were to be transformed  to create well-ordered and hence civilized individuals. The entire apparatus of  the state was to be turned to this goal, along with reforming  the space in which the populace existed, for  Ortiz wanted to create a Utopian space in the capital, to transform  it into an expanse from  which the elite could view the entire nation, just as they were to view the entire history of  Mexico in the museum. History as well was central to his project, for  it provided the model and justified  his proposed reforms  while also being instrumental in the education and development of  the self-regulating  individual the state required for  the forms  of  industrial capitalism which the elite sought to impose. It is here that we can see how definitions  of  order and disorder were inextricably linked to the elite's self-definition,  for the establishment of  a uniform  daily life  for  the populace served to benefit  them, both economically and in their attempts to maintain control of  the state. The disorder and chaos supposed to be inherent to the lower classes reflected  attempts by the elite to construct an identity distinct from  the masses, and as order was fundamental  to their self-conception  the broader populace had to be constituted as disordered. It is to the particular way in which intellectuals constructed themselves as enlightened, regulated and capable of  perceiving order, as opposed to the lower classes, that I shall now turn. Redefining  the Family For the Creole elite to transform  the daily lives of  the populace they needed to redefine  the relationships individuals would have with the broader society, the most important and elemental of  these being the family.  The concept of  'family',  and the relations shared within it, were deeply linked to ideologies of  governmentality, because of  the assumption that such relationships were natural.77 If  the family  represented the natural and most basic form  of  human organization, then ideal familial  relationships, as they were imagined, could be applied to the nation as a whole and the various forms  of  government within the state. Within the education system, for  example, Ortiz felt  that students should be given a sense of  what their relationship to the state was going to be, "by means of...a  director of  the college who, not only is a head and a father  of  a family,  but the leader of  a tiny state."78 The suggestion that the role of  father  and head of  state were interchangeable supports Jean Franco's argument that Mexican intellectuals were "thinking of  a new type of  state where, if  necessary, paternalistic discourse-related to the family,  but separated from  it-could override the voice of  the natural father." 79 This was made palpable in orphanages, and it was here that Ortiz saw the failures  of  the new state writ large. One could not, he felt, enter any of  the orphanages without being overcome by horror at their dilapidated state and the inhumane conditions under which the children were forced  to live. It was beyond his belief  that the scandals which he observed were "tolerated by the administration of  a civilized and sensible nation!"80 7 7 Bennett, The  Birth of  the Museum,  18. Jordanova, "Cultural Effort,"  in Nature  Displayed,  2. 78"por manera que segun su doctrina, un directr de un colgeio no solamente es un institutor y un padre de familia,  sino un jefe  de un pequeno Estado." Ibid., 108. 79 Franco, "Waiting for  a Bourgeoisie," 488. In addition to this were efforts  by writers to provide a blueprint for  the bourgeois family,  wherein the father  was the indisputable head while the mother saw that the children and servants received proper religious instruction. Among those things in which young women were to be instructed were "the rudiments of  history, particularly of  the nation, with the solid principles of  religion, of  pure morals and what should be the obligations of  a women considered as a mother of  a family."  "rudimentos de la historia, particulamente de la patria, con los solidos principios de la religion, de la moral pura y los deberes y obligaciones de una mujer considerada como madre de familia."  Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,  107. 80 "se tolere por la administration de una nation civilizada y sensible!" Ibid., 177. The result of  this failure  of  administration was that the children ended up on the streets of the city begging, and so we can see that the disorder of  the streets, which he so decried, was the result of  the lack of  a proper father,  either natural or in the form  of  the state. What the orphanages required was a system of  severe policing, and as well a garden for  exercise and distraction where there would be a strict separation of  the sexes.81 He also suggested that they be taught how to apply themselves to 'la industria fabril'  as well as how to cultivate vegetables, for the food  of  this class was better suited for  the production of  disease than sustenance.82 Thus, physical nature had to be utilized to combat the unnaturalness of  the particular situation of  the orphans. Youth constituted another category in relation to the family  which Ortiz delineated as important. The young could be a problem because they could act against their parents or the public order and involve themselves with criminal or low elements. What is interesting is that youth as a category were clearly not derived from  the lower classes but were comprised of members of  the upper class who had simply deviated from  the norm, and as a result their correction had to be done with moderation and care.83 To facilitate  this, and to ensure the youth stayed on the right path, Ortiz proposed that Mexicans adopt the penitentiary system of  cultured nations and create a casa de  filantropia  where wayward youths could reside and be directed by "education and work, and the practice of  a rigid and laborious life...so  that the youth live by their 8 1 Ibid., 177. Gardens and nature in general could carry connotations of  pleasure. Jordanova notes that women were often  depicted in unspecified  'natural' settings. Jordanova, "Feminine Figures," 39. 82 Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,  177. 8 3 Ibid., 184. by their work and reform  themselves."84 The elite individual's position in society was made plain in the responsibilities they were to take in the edification  of  servants. For, "in spite of  the great docility and fidelity  of  the classes who fulfilled  [this task]," Ortiz noted, they "increased the disorder and not any of  the conveniences and economy that are commonly seen in the family's  bosom."85 It was the responsibility of  the head of  the household, as well as the policing institutions of  the state, to educate and instruct the servant class in honest pleasures. The key to encouraging this was the reform  of  the servants' Sundays to encourage them to adopt a sensible and reduced celebration of only one patron saint in a simple church. The rest of  the Sunday following  church could be spent in the countryside with banquets and dancing, and in the evening attending a lecture for  their further  instruction.86 It is interesting that Ortiz wanted to encourage journeys into the country, although it was obviously linked with the discourse surrounding health and fresh  air, that it was also to be an occasion for  further  edification  is suggestive of  a particular relationship between nature and society.87 Nature was seen by the elites, as I will discuss in a moment, as a place of retreat for  contemplation. But the populace could not simply go into nature and receive any particular benefit,  specific  modes of  seeing and thinking had to be utilized, which the elites, by 8 4 "education y trabajo, y el ejercicio de una vida rigida y laboriosa...de manera que los jovenes vivan de su trabajo y se corrijan." Ibid., 184. 85 "a pesar de la genial docilidad y fidelidad  de las clases que lo desempenan...aumentan el desorden y ningunas convenciencias y economia que comunmente se notan en el seno de las familias."  Ibid., 322. He also noted that the class of  domestic servants was predominantly drawn from  the mestizo and Indian populations. 8 6 Ibid., 322-23. 87 Part of  the desire for  the establishment of  gardens and green spaces in cities on the part of  urban reformers  was due to the restorative effect  thought to be provided by fresh  air. Nicholas Green, The  Spectacle  of Nature:  Landscape  and  Bourgeois Culture  in Nineteenth  Century  France,  Manchester: (Manchester University Press, 1990), 74. virtue of  their position and education, were capable of. It seems clear that the redefinition  of  relationships involved in the constitution of  the family  were as much about establishing the elite male's predominance in society as developing the self-regulating  individual among the broader populace. It was part of  the process of constituting an identity for  the elite as leaders in a republican state. The failures  of  the elite to achieve this had to be corrected at all costs, for  the ultimate success of  the project Ortiz was embarked on was entirely dependent on there being teachers qualified  to teach. Given the often fractious  politics of  the period this might have seemed in some doubt, and indeed Ortiz was highly critical of  the various administrations that had held power in the decade following independence. Who, he asked, is, then, the man in a well-ordered society who could not with his respective choices and the enjoyment of his health and reputation, contribute to the fomenting  and direction of  establishments of  shelter and refuge, that the feeble  child, the aged cripple and the invalid demand?..No one certainly.88 The fact  that he felt  it necessary to pose such a question, even rhetorically, suggests that there were examples to the contrary. If  they were to lead the state, the elite needed to be enlightened; they had to be model citizens because it was they who set the example for  the rest of  the populace. Yet ultimately Ortiz was hopeful  for  much of  the populace, for  it was not the perversity of  the heart that led even some members of  the creole elite away from  the correct path and the ordered life,  but rather poor examples and the flaws  of  social institutions.89 88 "quien es, pues, el hombre que en una sociedad bien ordenada no pueda con sus arbitrios respectivos y el goce de la salud y reputation, contribuir al fomento  y direction de los establecimientos de amparo y refugio,  que demandan a la par del nino debil, el anciano menesteroso y baldado y el enfermo  desvalido?..Ninguno ciertamente." Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,  175. 8 9 Ibid., 175. Nature and the Model Citizen As both Ortiz and de la Rosa strove to illustrate, the model citizen envisioned by the elite faced  constant threats. The sensations of  urban life  always threatened to overwhelm a person's modesty and discipline, especially in Mexico where the majority of  people did not meet the standards of  modern citizenry. Even among those of  a higher class too much stimulation could be problematic: In the most animated tertulias  [salons], in the largest circles, in which talents appear with their most brilliant embellishment, the spirit becomes sterilized, and the same efforts  of  imagination for  developing the most splendid creations, are put in a state of  languor and weariness.90 It is "only in solitude that one can recover" from  the constant stimulations in their lives.91 It is perhaps unsurprising that both spirituality and the creative act were to be private, solitary ventures, protected from  the corrupting influences  of  the din of  urban life,  given the opinion of many intellectuals about the majority of  the urban populace. The model intellectual was familiar with solitary living that allowed him to enrich his soul with new thoughts letting him understand the workings of  the heart. Always interesting in conversation, "when he speaks, everyone hears."92 All the great works of  thought, of  spirit, of  science were the result of  time spent in 90 "En las tertulias mas animados, en los circulos mas numerosas, en que los talentos aparecen con sus adornos mas brillantes, el espiritu llega a esterilizarse, y los esfuerzos  mismos de la imaginaci6n para desarrollar sus mas esplendidas creaciones, lo ponen en un estado de languidez y de cansancio." Luis de la Rosa, "Pensamientos Sobre el Soledad," in Obras, 63. 91 « solo en la soledad puede recobrarse." Ibid., 64. 9 2 "Cuando habla, todo oyen," Ibid., 64. solitude.93 Yet life  could not be spent entirely in isolation for  balance and moderation were key. A strictly solitary life  hinted at misanthropy. A person's actions had value depending on their usefulness  for  society, so thoughts struggled with in solitude needed to be expressed in public.94 Solitude allowed the intellectual to "find  the well-being which he had lost," for  "how sweet [was] the commerce of  men for  one who has wandered among the silent woods." 9 5 Nature, or rather the ordered nature of  natural history, offered  a place for  proper reflection  away from  the pressures and difficulties  of  modern life,  but not so distanced that one could not reflect  upon them. This very specific,  ordered nature was an ideal space for  intellectuals, especially when represented in the form  of  a garden, allowing them to constitute a viewing position from  which to observe and make knowledge claims on the society at large. In this sense it was absolutely integral to intellectual thought as constructed by Mexican thinkers. The intertwining of  nature and intellectual creation advocated by de la Rosa derived from the influence  of  the French intellectual Jean Jacques Rousseau on his work.96 Rousseau influenced  a generation of  thinkers who emulated his retreats to the countryside and idealized nature as a site for  poetic contemplation. Rousseau articulated a view of  nature that was opposed to society: where society was artificial  and thus in some way false,  the natural world was what 9 3 Ibid., 65. 9 4 Annick Lemp6riere, "Republica y Publicidad a Finales del Antiguo Regimen (Nueva Espana)," in Los Espacios Publicos en Iberoamerica:  Ambigiiedades  yproblemas, siglos XVIIIy  XIX,  Franfois-Xavier  Guerra and Annick Lemperiere (eds), Mexico City: (Centro Frances de Estudios Mexicanos y Centroamericanos, 1998), 71. 9 5 "encontrar el bienestar que habia perdido" and "que dulce es el comercio de los hombres para aquel que ha vagado entre los bosques silenciosos." de la Rosa, "Pensamientos Sobre el Soledad," 63 and 66. 9 6 Ibid., 65. Rousseau was among those who de la Rosa cited as creating works of  genius from  time spent in solitude. was inherent to humanity. He argued for  the value of  a simple life  ordered by nature.97 Linked to the idea of  nature as rejuvenating for  the spirit were medical opinions that advocated walks through parks and gardens for  the restorative effects  of  air and sunlight. Retreats into nature were also conceptualized as private ventures, matching the discourse surrounding genius that emphasized the individual nature of  the pursuit for  knowledge and scientific  achievement.98 Biographical works on naturalists in this period followed  a narrative of  solitary struggle, along with long hours of  work and study, that was necessary before  achieving success. Yet such singular focus  was dangerous, for  there was always the potential that it could become pathological, suggesting a certain ambivalence towards the pursuit of  natural knowledge.99 Again, as de la Rosa suggested, a careful  balance had to be struck, for  if  the naturalist stayed too long at his labors he would dissipate his activity and would ultimately fail  to achieve anything truly scientific  or of  benefit  to society. What was necessary was that, "after  hours of  thought or calculation, they take in hand a literary work." 100 As constituted by de la Rosa the intellectual, especially the scientific  practitioner, had by necessity to walk a careful  line to maintain a precarious balance or he could be overwhelmed. As Ludmilla Jordanova has noted "there was a need to create a secure masculine identity...which 97 As Rousseau stated: "The savage lives within himself;  the sociable man, always outside of  himself,  knows how to live only in the opinions of  others; and it is, so to speak, from  their judgement alone that he draws the sentiment of  his own existence." in Jordanova, "Nature's Powers," in Nature  Displayed,  65. Nicholas Greene, The Spectacle  of  Nature,  82. 9 8 Greene, The  Spectacle  of  Nature,  74,131. 9 9 A fine  example of  this ambivalence can be seen in Mary Shelley's novel Frankenstein.  Jordanova, "Melancholy Reflection,"  in Nature  Displayed,  81-3. 1 0 0 "despues de algunas horas de meditaciones o de calculos, se toma en la mano una obra literaria." de la Rosa, "Utilidad de la Literatura," in La Mision  del  Escritor:  Ensayos Mexicanos  del  Siglo  XIX,  Jorge Ruedas de la Serna (ed), Mexico City: (Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1996) 90. allowed that natural knowledge was exciting and to be sought in the fashion  of  a quest, but which resisted any suggestion that it was totally seductive."101 For this reason intellectual pursuit was not an end in itself,  as it must prove useful  for  society in general. Mexican intellectuals emphasized this above all else, for  the benefit  accrued to society by their efforts  granted them authority and ensured them an important position vis-a-vis the state; indeed it was the basis on which they claimed their elite status. As Gomez de la Cortina pointed out, "the productions of genius have very intimate relations with the common good, and for  this reason, all individuals of society and every enlightened and beneficent  government, should be interested in the prosperity and well-being of  public writers."102 Establishing the intellectual as an authority who had much to offer  the state reflected  the development of  the public sphere for  literature and the lack of educational institutions, which meant most learning and intellectual discussion was informal  and in tertulias.  Those who attended tertulias  saw themselves as having a monopoly on 'modern' thought, and, as a result, as the only ones capable of  instituting the reform  programs they were in the process of  articulating. It was their exclusive culture and learning which allowed them to claim a place for  themselves in the political realm, and they viewed as a threat any impingements on their territory, declaring it an injustice to support a writer who was "without talent, taste, or some instruction."103 1 0 1 Jordanova, "Melancholy Reflection,"  83. 102"las producciones del ingenio tienen relaciones muy intimo con la felicidad  comun, y por lo mismo, todos individuos de la sociedad, y todo gobierno ilustrado y beneficio,  deben interesarse en la prosperidad y en el bienstar de los escritos publicos." Gomez de la Cortina, "Sobre la coleccion," 55. 1 0 3 "sin talento, ni gusto, ni instruction alguna." Ibid., 55. Most of  the intelligentsia also held various political or state offices,  as was the case with Ortiz, de la Rosa and Gomez de la Cortina. Franco, "Waiting for  a Bourgeoisie," 480-81. The heroic image of  the naturalist engaged in a desperate and solitary struggle for  truth and knowledge was exemplified  in figures  like Alexander von Humboldt, who was imagined struggling through dangerous terrain.104 Humboldt had travelled extensively in the Spanish colonies at the turn of  the century making extensive observations and collecting data which, upon his return to Europe, he began to publish in expansive volumes. His influence  on the way in which the New World was seen was enormous, given that he argued against the received wisdom of  naturalists like Buffon,  and the national literatures that emerged throughout the former Spanish Americas in the early nineteenth century had as their foundation  his works on the region. Ironically, his glorifications  of  an American nature that was huge and outsize were drawn in part from  the intellectual traditions he encountered in Spanish America, particularly Creole nationalism. In the post-independence period his views were lauded by many in the Americas because of  his authority as a European intellectual who could make claims to enlightened knowledge.105 Writers like Tadeo Ortiz echoed his descriptions of  a primal America, devoid of humanity and brimming with a wild and daunting nature, speaking of  forests  that were impenetrable "to the rays of  the sun" and "covered by species of  wood and weeds, where rarely or never had man penetrated."106 Nature, the field  in which natural history was practiced, was constructed as unbounded space where observations had a dramatic quality because of  the 1 0 4 Jordanova, "Melancholy Reflection,"  81. As she notes the naturalist was often  also portrayed as struggling against the received opinion of  others only to emerge triumphant. 1 0 5 Pratt, Imperial  Eyes, 136-37. 1 0 6 Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,  175-76. Ortiz (1780-1833) was involved in colonization projects on the southern and northern frontiers  of  Mexico and wrote extensively on the need to make nature useful for  settlement and the commerce of  the nation, "a los rayos del sol," and "cubierto de esposos bosques y malezas, donde rara vez o nunca penetra el hombre." Tadeo Ortiz de Ayala, Istmo  de  Tehuantepec,  Mexico City: (Editorial Citlaltepetl, 1966), 31 and 32. experience of  movement through space, where encounters with the new and the strange could occur at any moment, and perhaps only for  a moment. Yet the limitlessness of  the field  was dangerous, both to the individual and to the quality of  his observations. Caught up in the sprawl of  the landscape the natural historian in the field  could only establish a partial view of  nature. The whole escaped him, while the oversize objects of  study could overwhelm him.1 0 7 Nature was thus potentially threatening, and often  in a directly physical way, as Ortiz made plain in his survey of  Tehuantepec, describing in detail forested  regions infested  with pests and wild beasts.108 Implied, though never stated in the description, was that, as threatening as the forest had been, he had made his way through it and survived, returning with this knowledge. Classifying  Nature Nature appeared untamed but, just as the trees of  the forest  needed only to be cut down for  the region to be made habitable, the enlightened natural philosopher had only to uncover the laws which the natural world followed. 109 Nature was quantifiable,  rivers were seen in terms of the speed of  their current, the height of  their banks, and their width and length, while the territory itself  was a function  of  the number of  species of  plants and animals, as well as its temperature 107 Outram, "New Spaces in Natural History," 261. 108 Ortiz wrote this survey as part of  his effort  to colonize the region and it was published in 1823-4 in the periodical El  Sol.  The government had asked him to look into the feasibility  of  colonizing the region following several proposals he had made to bring settlers into the area. The overall impression he drew was of  a region untouched by man that through colonization and the construction of  canals and roads could be transformed  into a center of  commerce. Ortiz, Istmo  de  Tehuantepec,  131 1 0 9 Ibid. range and seasonal rain totals.110 Not only could nature be quantified,  it could be named and described, bringing it within systems that sought to establish the relationship between all flora and fauna,  classifying  it. Naturalists like Humboldt described the natural world in terms of  a totality and sought to describe the contents, carefully  categorized, of  the visible (and sometimes the invisible) earth. In categorizing, natural history constructed an order, removing plants from their surroundings and placing them in a system defined  by their relation to each other.111 In effect  such scientific  descriptions and quantification  opened the impenetrable forest  to the rays of light, allowing scientists, not only to see, but to explain. Ln ordering nature, in the act of  naming and quantification,  it was made useful.  The periodicals of  the late colonial and early republican period in Mexico were filled  with descriptions of  plants, paying specific  attention to their utility and the "application of  [their] productions for  the satisfaction  of  our necessities and pleasures, and the progress and perfection  of  industry."112 The removal of  the observer in the practice of  natural history is clearly demonstrated in the various inscription methods utilized by naturalists: classification  systems, botanical gardens, or written works like Ortiz's and de la Rosa's. 113 But what is far  more significant  is the way in 1 1 0 Ibid., 6-8,20. 111 Pratt,  Imperial  Eyes, 30-1. 1 1 2 * "aplicando sus producciones a la satisfaction  de nuestras necesidades y placers, y a la perfection  y progresos de la industria." de la Rosa, "Utilidad de las Plantas," in Obras, 85. Pratt notes that "the systematic surface  mapping of  the globe correlates with an expanding search for  commercially exploitable resources, markets, and lands to colonize." Pratt, Imperial  Eyes, 30. 1 1 3 The term inscription is Bruno Latour's and refers  to the visualization of  the natural world by scientific practitioners through charts, graphs or classificatory  systems. Their key rhetorical use is to make the world less confusing,  and thus, easier to know. Inscriptions give scientists power because it is much easier to dominate a plant drawn to scale, which can be easily reproduced or altered in size without changing any of  the information  it contains, than a plant specimen in the field.  See his "Visualization and Cognition: Thinking with Eyes and Hands," in Knowledge  and  Society:  Studies  in the Sociology  of  Culture  Past and  Present Vol.  6, Henrika Kuklick and Elizabeth which the act of  inscription was reflective  of  a specific  mode of  seeing. While the field  naturalist may have had only a partial access to nature at any given moment, he perceived it as part of  a larger whole which could be represented. In botanical gardens one had both the partial and the total. Plants could be looked at individually or as part of  a greater integrated whole. In the same way that the city encapsulated the nation for  Ortiz, the garden could encapsulate nature. The garden then was an ideal space, a space outside of  space from  which all of  nature was made visible.114 Nature was also displayed as a specifically  ordered entity following  laws and a particular design in which the relationships between all its constituent parts were carefully defined.  For Ortiz the ideal city functioned  in the same manner, representing the order and law of  the whole while defining  the relationships of  the various parts in order to bring them all within the purview of  the state.115 This also reflected  a certain experience of  nature where nature was 'out there', apart from  society and the individual. What nature was and what it meant were deeply tied to how it was to be known. As Donna Haraway has pointed out, epistemological questions are questions about how to see.116 Because nature was perceived as fundamentally  ordered and decorous, the question of  how to see became a moral question. The power granted in knowing the laws of  nature lay in being able to Long (eds.), London: (JAI Press, 1986),," 20-23. For an example of  the removal of  the observer from  the description see de la Rosa's "El Colibri o chupa-rosa," in Obras (70-73) which begins with a detailed description of the flowers  the bird visits and the beauty of  its flight,  all without mention of  the author's position in viewing it. 1 1 4 Outram, "New Spaces in Natural History," 256. 1 1 5 In the same way the museum was to act as a space that encapsulated all of  Mexico's history, with the floors  serving to divide the history into its ancient and modern parts. 1 1 6 Haraway, "Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism as a Site of  Discourse on the Privilege of  Partial Perspective," in Simians, Cyborgs,  and  Women:  The  Reinvention of  Nature,  New York: (Routledge, 1991)" 194. proclaim what was natural, and perhaps more importantly, what was unnatural. As a result claims were made of  the nation as natural, women as natural, colonized subjects as natural, rendering them all objects of  study. Given that nature's constituent parts were seen as objects and their representation by naturalists was viewed as an unproblematic process, declaring something natural granted the authority to speak for  it and represent it .1 1 7 There was a great deal at stake in being able to claim the authority to represent nature, for,  as de la Rosa stated, "The inclination for  the cultivation of  plants has always been considered as a test of  civilization, because no people has dedicated themselves to gardening except after  having left  the savage state and acquiring a certain gentleness and mildness of  custom."118 Nature, in the right hands, could be extremely beneficial,  but the only way to access these benefits  was through a knowledge of  its laws that could only be provided by the education, training and discipline of  the enlightened lifestyle.  In claiming for  himself  the ability to speak for  both the nation and nature, Ortiz reaffirmed  as natural the right of  the elite to rule Mexico in the absence of  references  to the authority of  God or the monarch. It is within this context that we must approach Ortiz' involvement in colonization projects. The wild and savage nature that he, following  Humboldt, described was threatening but it was also understandable and could be incorporated within the order of  nature. Thus, in his 117 Jordanova, "Feminine Figures," 34-5. Nature had to represented, as it was out there, and that representation was through a set of  laws that governed the physical world displayed in the carefully  structured botanical gardens and classification  systems. Whose classification  was correct served in large part to determine the laws of  nature that were there, but of  course they weren't, they were in the drawings of  plants and the meteorological measurements carefully  recorded in tables and collected into volumes together. 118 "La afici6n  al cultivo las flores  se ha considerado siempre como una pueba de civilization, porque ningun pueblo se ha dedicado a la jardineria sino despues de haber salido del estado salvaje y adquirido cierta dulzura y suavidad en las costumbres." de la Rosa, "Jardines Antiguos de Mexico," 152. survey, he presented a landscape empty of  humanity and therefore  ready and available for development by the new nation. Such places, properly developed, "gave an accelerated impulse to the advancement of  human spirit, to general interest of  communications, and to the progress of the navy, culture and commerce of  the nation."119 In the same way that the streets and edifices  of the city were to be remade the physical landscape was to be transformed  through the leveling of hills, the building of  canals and the draining of  swamps, with the process beginning with quantification.  It should be pointed out that none of  the areas Ortiz surveyed actually were totally devoid of  humanity, but the rare references  he made to the local populace reduced them to merely another part of  the landscape.120 In a sense, because he implicitly delineated them as natural, the landscape was devoid of  humanity because the natives did not meet his particular definition.  He referred  to the large numbers of  indigenous people who remained unpacified  in the north of  the country as a 'species of  baboon' and advocated, along with his remodeling of  the frontier  territory, that the area be settled by colonizers from  elsewhere in order to improve the character of  the inhabitants. He recommended that coastal areas, particularly the west coast, be settled by Chinese and Indian colonizers because their economy, industriousness and familiarity with a similar type of  climate would allow for  the establishment of  a large population and commercial trade.121 He also made extensive efforts  to bring German and Swiss settlers to Texas 119 "dar un impulso acelerado a los adelantemientos del espiritu humano, a las comunicaciones de interes general, y a los progresos de la marina, cultura y comercio de la nation." Ortiz., Istmo  de  Tehuantepec,  3-4. 120 Ibid., 21. It was the indigenous who would facilitate  the entry of  the settlers into the area, carrying their supplies and helping them build their communities. They were merely objects to be utilized as were the rivers and flora  and fauna. 121 Ortiz, Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation,  280-1. and brought several thousand French to Tehuantepec to settle.122 In defining  the rest of  the populace as natural, Ortiz, and by extension the Mexican elite, turned them into objects of  study. The lower classes were rendered passive resources for  the use of  the state. Perhaps more to the point, such a definition  allowed the elite to construct themselves as active and dynamic, placing themselves in direct opposition to the people they sought to rule. The desire to cast themselves as civilized and ordered, and perhaps most importantly comparable to the modern enlightened European, drove their condemnation of  the popular classes' habits and activities. The nascent intelligentsia of  Mexico felt  the 'civilized' gaze of  Europe upon them at all times following  independence, while the evidence of  the uncivilized nature of  their nation lay before  them in the actions of  the populace.123 It is within this context that we have to understand their construction of  the popular classes as disordered and themselves as ordered, for,  as much as intellectuals like Ortiz were sincere in desiring to implement their reform  programs, such efforts  also served to differentiate  the elite from  the rest of  the populace. The Mexican elite attempted to adopt the gaze of  Europe, or more accurately, the place from  which Europeans looked upon Mexico in general, as Ortiz's efforts  to establish the ideal city indicate. Ultimately, the strenuous efforts  made by Ortiz and others to defend  the Aztec civilization and their own, as well as efforts  to reform  cities and improve literature and science, were done with an eye towards ending their objedification  by European thinkers. We can see, then, the importance for  the elite of  establishing a identity for  themselves that was 122 Ortiz proposed the establishment of  presidios in the north to bring the natives within the state through civil and religious education. Ibid., 289. 1 2 3 Franco, "Waiting for  a Bourgeoisie," 483-84. distinct from  the rest of  the populace, for  while they agreed with the denigration of  plebeian culture by European thinkers and travel writers, it was essential that they not be included in that denigration if  they were to be considered as citizens of  a modern nation. The establishment of spaces like the city, the garden and the museum created a space separate from  the rest of  the nation from  which intellectuals could view the whole from  the outside, allowing them to lay claim to the same perception and understanding that Europeans had. Conclusion One of  the underlying arguments in this thesis has been that what defined  Mexican intellectuals' worldview and helped shape the reform  discourse of  the early nineteenth century were debates over specific  modes of  seeing and the attempt to establish a perspective that granted the looker a measure of  authority and power. Writers like Tadeo Ortiz and Luis de la Rosa were very much influenced  by natural history practices, specifically  the forms  of  classification, description and observation utilized by the field  naturalist, and the mode of  seeing particular to that study and Enlightenment science more generally. Conceptualizing nature as a totality separate from  society as they constituted it, Ortiz and de la Rosa wanted to construct spaces from which they could view the totality of  nature or the nation and represent it as a whole while dividing it into its constituent parts. Here we can see why the intelligentsia favored  direct observation and experience as a means of  acquiring knowledge for  it was integral to their identity and their claims to power. The only case where this does not apparently hold true is in the sphere of  religion. Faith was to be internal; the external, the appeal to the senses, was rejected as primitive. Both Pamela Voekel and Juan Pedro Viquiera Alban have argued that enlightened Mexicans considered God beyond empirical understanding in the sensual realm. True understanding could only be gained through the scriptures, with theology providing the proper religious interpretation.124 Just as Ortiz decried the endless religious processions and sought to limit the number of  saints worshipped, so did others argue that the ornate decorations and practices of  baroque religion which emphasized display were not the authentic and true faith.  Rather, God had to be sought individually, with a modesty and stoicism that required looking within.125 I would suggest that the Mexican intelligentsia did not reject an empirical understanding of  God, for  it is clear that in nature they felt  they could perceive a design that articulated an order which they sought to apply to society. What they did reject was the specific  way of  looking implied in baroque piety which emphasized spectacle, the wondrous and the marvelous. The sensual appeal provided by processions and the baroque architecture and art of  the churches was different  from  the elite's way of  seeing the world because it did not lead to an understanding of  the order of  nature.126 In the elite's view, it was mere spectacle, intended to excite the senses and little more. There was, in fact,  little empirical about the way in which the populace looked, for  it was neither informed by science and reason, nor utilized to extract knowledge from  the world. 1 2 4 Viquiera Alban, Propriety  and  Permissiveness in Bourbon Mexico,  114. Voekel Alone Before  God,  47, 48,51,62-6. 1 2 5 Voekel, Alone Before  God,  51-55. 1 2 6 Pratt, Imperial  Eyes, 28. The denigration of  the wondrous in religious belief  (the miracles of  the saints, etc.) was part of  the broader shift  to emphasizing the uniformity  of  God's laws and the perfection  of  His design. God's power no longer lay in the ability to interject in nature with miracles but in the regularity of  its laws. Daston and Park, Wonders  and  the Order  of  Enlightenment  1150-1750, New York: (Zone Books, 1998), 354-55. Proof  of  this can be seen in a description of  creation which de la Rosa wrote in a poem entitled El  Poder  de  Dios: The space that bathes in the pure light of  the innumerable stars, what was then? [before  creation] obscure depth fearful  darkness... But God meditated, a profound  design there in his mind penetrating it all.127 With creation "in the abyss, the sad fear  and darkness ceased" and was "dissipated by the light of the clear day . " 1 2 8 Here w e have creation as Enlightenment, with the end of  darkness and obscurantism destroyed by the light of  a design that resulted in the ordered universe. That the Mexican nation itself  had just emerged from  three centuries of  darkness and obscurantism under Spanish rule only added to the appeal of  this particular understanding of  creation. Mexican intellectuals sought to claim for  themselves a god-position, where, having created a particular society they could simply observe its functioning  along the ordered lines they had art iculated. 1 2 9 127 de la Rosa, "El Poder de Dios," in Obras, 55. "El espacio que bana de luz pura/de astros inumerables que era entonces?/profundidad  obscura,/tiniebla pavorosa.../Pero Dios meditaba,/un pofimdo  designio alia en su mente/todo lo penetraba." 128 "cesa en el abismo el pavor triste y la tiniebla," "disipa a la luz del claro dfa,"  Ibid., 56. Tiniebla has two meanings: darkness or ignorance. 129 The god-position is similar to what Haraway refers  to as the god trick. In this she is referring  to objectivity, which is infinite  vision, or the illusion of  such, the ability to see everywhere from  nowhere. "Situated Knowledges," 191. While there are clearly many similarities I would hesitate to ascribe an ideology of  objectivity to Mexican intellectuals given that the ideal of  objectivity as the basis for  scientific  viewing was still being contested and developed in this period. See Daston, "New Spaces in Natural History." The urban reforms  and the attempt to create self-regulating  individuals for  a working class reflects  this desire to create a uniform  nation that reflected  the perfection  of  the order of  nature. The Mexican intellectual's construction of  himself  was implicated in imaginings of family,  nation and the broader citizenry. Elite identity was deeply shaped by a specific  mode of seeing, derived from  enlightened thought and science, that required the creation of  ideal spaces from  which they could view the world as a whole. These spaces outside space that brought together all spaces within them were thus specifically  Utopian in their imagining. This Utopian vision lay behind the establishment of  such institutions as the museum and the garden, among others, that acted to encapsulate and represent the knowledge claims of  intellectuals. The city, too, if  reformed,  could be such a space. Although it would take much of  the century for  the Mexican state to be able to effectively  enact the reform  projects of  intellectuals like Ortiz and de la Rosa, their production of  a discourse of  order, rendering the nation and nature objects to be regulated, gave them authority and power, allowing them to constitute themselves as an elite. For even though the state was incapable of  regulating the populace and much of  the territory of the nation in order to utilize it, they as intellectuals were able to recognize the necessity of  doing so for  the fulfilment  of  their vision of  the nation and of  themselves. Bibliography Primary Sources Gomez de la Cortina, Jose Justo. "Sobre la coleccion de las mejores producciones cientificas  y literarias de nuestras poetas y nuestras prosistas modernas, proyectada por Ignacio Cumplido." in La Mision  del  Escritor:  Ensayos Mexicanos  del  Siglo  XIX.  Jorge Ruedas de la Serna (ed). Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 1996. 55-59. Ortiz de Ayala, Tadeo. Mexico  Considerado  Como Nation  Independiente  y Libre: o sea algunas indicaciones  sobre los deberes  mas esenciales de  los mexicanos. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico Instituto Mora, 1996. ——— Istmo  de  Tehuantepec.  Mexico City: Editorial Citlaltepetl, 1966. Rosa, Luis de la. 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