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The social reproduction of gender identity through the production and reception of Lowland Maya figurines Ruscheinsky, Lynn Marie 2003

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THE SOCIAL REPRODUCTION OF GENDER IDENTITY THROUGH THE PRODUCTION AND RECEPTION OF LOWLAND MAYA FIGURINES by LYNN MARIE RUSCHEINSKY B.F.A., The Open University i n collaboration with Emily Carr College of Art and Design, 1991 M.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1995 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Art History, Visual A r t and Theory We accept t h i s thesis as conforming To the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA February 2003 © Lynn Marie Ruscheinsky, 2003  In  presenting  this  degree at the  thesis in  University of  partial  fulfilment  of  of  department  this or  publication of  thesis for by  his  or  requirements  British Columbia, I agree that the  freely available for reference and study. I further copying  the  representatives.  an advanced  Library shall make  It  is  this thesis for financial gain shall not  granted  by the  understood  that  head of copying  of  far/ff'Sfc*/,  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada  Date  DE-6 (2/88)  VtSuAL d^T  my or  be allowed without my written  permission.  Department  it  agree that permission for extensive  scholarly purposes may be her  for  TUB?*-/  ABSTRACT  From the e a r l i e s t studies of Maya figurines to some of the most recent the p o s s i b i l i t y that these ceramic sculptures functioned as children's playthings has been r a i s e d but never pursued seriously as a topic of i n v e s t i g a t i o n . In addition t o compiling evidence already available i n the archaeological l i t e r a t u r e that supports t h i s contention,  I further  investigate the p o s s i b i l i t i e s that women produced these figurines f o r t h e i r children's use and therefore that these figurines represented  a women's v i s u a l discourse. As w e l l ,  t h i s thesis explores uses f o r f i g u r i n e s as g i f t o f f e r i n g s i n funerary  contexts.  I have chosen t o investigate s p e c i f i c a l l y the impact that figurines may have had on the formation  of gender i d e n t i t y . I  argue that f i g u r i n e s not only communicated the s o c i a l  values  of t h e i r producers but may also have been instrumental i n a c t i v e l y constructing the world of the i n d i v i d u a l through gender performance. representations v i s u a l materials  I therefore examine f i g u r i n e  of women, men and c h i l d r e n i n r e l a t i o n t o [primarily polychrome ceramics] assumed t o be  produced by men i n an attempt to elucidate the contested nature of gender i d e n t i t y within C l a s s i c Maya households. I  argue that i n s t a b i l i t i e s and changes within gender  relations  could be understood as a r i s i n g from power relations that were mediated through such v i s u a l imagery.  Abstract Table of Contents L i s t of Figures Acknowledgment  TABLE OF CONTENTS  i i iv vii xvii  INTRODUCTION  1  CHAPTER ONE: THE CLASSIC MAYA HOUSEHOLD Introduction Household Space  20 20 21  Part One: The House Society Model and i t s Implication  26  Part Two: Ancient Maya Residences The Gendered Uses of Space Rapidly Abandoned Structures at Aguateca, Guatemala Structure M8-10, the House of the Scribe and structure M8-13 Structure M8-8, House of the Axes Structure M8-17, a shrine Segregation of male and female a c t i v i t i e s by room  46 49 51  Ash buried structures of Cerén, E l Salvador Household c l u s t e r 1 Structure 1, "the domicile" Structure 6, the bodega Structure 11, the kitchen Structure 10 Structure 12 Structure 5, the "workshop" Household c l u s t e r 2 Structure 3 Segregation of male and female a c t i v i t i e s by structure  58 59 60 61 61 62 63 66 66 67 69  Group 9N-8 i n the Sepulturas D i s t r i c t of Copân A r c h i t e c t u r a l arrangement and a r t i f a c t d i s t r i b u t i o n Burials Segregation of male and female a c t i v i t i e s by patio  71 72 75 75  Comparison with T i k a l , Guatemala Segregation of male and female a c t i v i t i e s by group  80 82  Conclusion  83  51 56 57 57  CHAPTER TWO: FRAMING THE FIGURINES Part One; Household context of f i g u r i n e use Aguateca Cerén Copân Whistles  89 89 90 94 96 100  Part Two: Funerary contexts A s p e c i a l i z e d p r a c t i c e at Jaina  104 119  Part Three: Forms of f i g u r i n e s Animal f i g u r i n e s Human representation i n f i g u r i n e s The representation of women i n f i g u r i n e s Female s o c i a l hierarchy Old age Childcare Foodservice Weavers Attendants The representation of men i n f i g u r i n e s Warriors Hunters Ballplayers Male s o c i a l hierarchy Scribes Old age Prisoners Bloodletting Dancers Musicians and dwarves Grotesque or fat-face male Women and men Supernaturals What i s not represented, i n f i g u r i n e s Conclusion  125 127 128 133 137 138 138 139 141 145 146 149 150 151 156 158 159 161 162 163 164 165 166 169 170 173  CHAPTER THREE: MAYA WOMEN'S DISCOURSE ON GENDER RELATIONS Introduction Figurines as Maya Women's Discourse C h i l d rearing T e x t i l e Production Food Preparation, Animal Husbandry and Feasting Comparison with male roles i n f i g u r i n e representation Figurines as an assertion of value Female-male interactions i n f i g u r i n e s Conclusion  177 177 180 190 193 197 201 204 208 214  CHAPTER FOUR: CHILDREN'S TOYS AND THE POLITICS OF IDENTITY A c h i l d ' s view: the g r a f f i t i of T i k a l Figurines and the engendering of c h i l d r e n A consideration of Butler's theory of the performative McNay, Bourdieu's habitus, le sens practique and gender Creative interactions with f i g u r i n e s Narrative structure of the s e l f Conclusion  217 218 222 228 232 240 254 258  CONCLUSION  260  Figures Bibliography  270 3  6  6  LIST OF FIGURES Figure i.  The Maya region during the Classic Period. Coe, Michael D. 1966: 66.  ii.  Jonuta, woman and c h i l d . Scheie 1997: 38.  1.1  Map of the area along the causeway of Aguateca. Inomata et a l . 2002: 308.  1.2  Plan of M8-10 Patio Group, Aguateca. Inomata et a l . 2002: 308.  1.3  Axonometric drawing of M8-10, The House of the Scribe, Aguateca. Inomata and Stiver 1988: F i g . 4.  1.4  D i s t r i b u t i o n of manos and metates i n M8-10, Aguateca. Inomata and S t i v e r 1988: F i g . 7.  1.5  D i s t r i b u t i o n of musical instruments and f i g u r i n e s i n M810, Aguateca. Redrawn a f t e r Inomata 1995: 721.  1.6  D i s t r i b u t i o n of objects related to s c r i b a l work and t e x t i l e production i n M8-10, Aguateca. Inomata and Stiver 1988: F i g . 6.  1.7  D i s t r i b u t i o n of ceramic vessels i n M8-10, Aguateca. Inomata and Stiver 1988: F i g . 5.  1.8  Sub-floor l e v e l b u r i a l s M8-10, Aguateca. Inomata and Triadan 1998: F i g . 4.  1.9  D i s t r i b u t i o n of manos and metates i n M8-13, Aguateca. Inomata and Triadan 1998: Fig 6.  1.10 Relative phosphate l e v e l s i n M8-13, Aguateca. Inomata and Triadan 1998: 8. 1.11 D i s t r i b u t i o n of spindle whorls, worked sherds and stone disks i n M8-8, House of the Axes, Aguateca. Inomata, et a l . 2 002:  F i g . 19.  1.12 D i s t r i b u t i o n of stone axes i n M8-8, House of the Axes, Aguateca. Inomata and Triadan 1998: F i g . 10. 1.13 Map of Cerén, E l Salvador. Sheets 1992: F i g . 4. 1.14 Plan of Nucleus 1, Cerén. Sheets 1992: F i g . 4-1. 1.15 Reconstruction drawing of "Household 1," Cerén. Sheets 1992: F i g . 4-2. 1.16 D i s t r i b u t i o n of materials i n the domicile of Household 1, Cerén. Sheets 1992: F i g . 4-3. 1.17 D i s t r i b u t i o n of material i n bodega [structure 6] of Household 1, Cerén. Sheets 1992: F i g . 4-4. 1.18 D i s t r i b u t i o n of material i n kitchen [structure 11], Household 1, Cerén. Sheets 1992: F i g . 4-6. 1.19 Reconstruction drawing of Structure 10, Cerén. Sheets and Simmons 1993: 89.  1.20 D i s t r i b u t i o n of material i n Structure 12, Cerén. Sheets 1992: F i g . 6-9. 1.21 Plan of Household 2, Cerén. Sheets and Simmons 1993: 126. 1.22 Reconstruction drawing of Household 2, domicile [structure 2] and bodega [structure 7] behind i t , Cerén. Sheets 1992: F i g . 5-2. 1.23 Plan of sweatbath [structure 9], Household 2, Cerén. [Structure 2] and bodega [structure 7] behind i t , Cerén. Sheets 1992: F i g . 6-7. 1.24 Reconstruction drawing of dominant structure 3, Cerén. Sheets 1992: F i g . 6-5. 1.25 Map of Copân, Honduras. Hendon 1991: F i g . 1. 1.26 Plan of Sepulturas, Group 9N-8, Copân. Hendon 1991: F i g . 2. 1.27 Reconstruction drawing of the Sepulturas Group, Copân. Hohmann and Kostka 1994: 351. 1.28 Patio A, Sepulturas, Group 9N-8, Copân. Hendon 1987: F i g . 4.2. 1.29 Patio E, Sepulturas, Group 9N-8, Copân showing f i g u r i n e locations. A f t e r Hendon 1987: F i g . 4.6. 1.30 Map of central T i k a l , Guatemala. Carr and Hazard 1961: Great Plaza Quadrangle.  2.1  A complete f i g u r i n e found i n the front part of the north room of Structure M8-4, Aguateca, Guatemala. Male, ht. 28.9 cm. Inomata, et a l . 2002: F i g . 19.  2.2  Tomb IV, Mound 2, Nebaj, Guatemala. Smith and Kidder 1951: F i g . 44b.  2.3  Male musician, figurine-whistle, ht. 21.0 cm. Tomb IV, Mound 2, Nebaj, Guatemala. Schmidt, et a l . 1998: Cat. 340.  2.4  B u r i a l 1, Mound 2, Nebaj, Guatemala. Smith and Kidder 1951: F i g . 44a.  2.5  Seated male, figurine-whistle, ht. 16.7 cm. B u r i a l 1, Mound 2, Nebaj, Guatemala. Smith and Kidder 1951: F i g . 87a.  2.6  Male with removable hat, ht. 24.5 cm. CANF 464, Cancuén, Guatemala. Sears 2000: F i g . 17.  2.7  Male with Jaguar mask, ht. 23.3 cm. Cancuén, Guatemala. Sears 2000: F i g . 16.  2.8  Warrior, figurine-whistle, CANF 465, Cancuén, Guatemala. Sears 2000: F i g . 20.  2.9  Ballplayer, ht. 24.3 cm. CANF 468, Cancuén, Guatemala. Sears 2000: F i g . 19.  2.10 Figurine head wearing a deer headdress, ht. 120.8 mm. CANF 467, Cancuén, Guatemala. Sears 2000: F i g . 18.  2.11 E f f i g y vessel, ht. 18.5 cm. Mayapân, Yucatan. Schmidt, et a l . 1998: 479. 2.12 E f f i g y censer, ht. 60.0 cm. Mayapân, Yucatan. Schmidt, et a l . 1998: Cat. 321. 2.13 Plan of Murciélagos and Group B, Palenque. Barnhart 2001. 2.14 Group B Plan and Tomb 1, Palenque, Chiapas. Lopez Bravo 2000: 40-41. 2.15 Male figure with removable o c e l l a t e d turkey mask, ht. 22.4 cm. Tomb 1, Building 3, Group B, Palenque, Chiapas, Mexico. Scheie 1997: Ch. 3, Plate 33. 2.16 Figurines from Tomb 1, Group B, Palenque, Chiapas. Lopez Bravo 2000: 40-41. 2.17 Warrior, ht. 22.2 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Scheie 1997: 94. 2.18 Owl, figurine-whistle, ht. 8.0 cm. Seibel, Peten. Willey 1978: F i g . 17. 2.19 Woman wearing elaborate clothing, ht. 20.8 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Scheie 1997: 19. 2.20 Male dancer, ht. 12.5 cm. [Alta Verapaz, Guatemala?]. Scheie 1997: 126.  2.21 Male wearing elaborate headdress, ht. 18.5 cm. Largartero, Chiapas, Mexico. Schmidt, et a l . 1998: Cat. 129. 2.22 Woman grinding corn with a c h i l d on her back. Lubaantun, B e l i z e . Joyce 1933: Plate VI, 8. 2.23 Old woman grinding corn and caring f o r children, ht. 16.5 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Anton 1973: 89. 2.24 Woman with dog and vessel, ht. Approx. 7 cm. A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s , Peten. Willey 1972: F i g . 34,f. 2.25 Woman nursing, ht. 10.7 cm. Jonuta, Tabasco. Scheie 1997: 37. 2.26 Woman serving food, hand-modelled, ht. 19 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Scheie 1997: 42. 2.27 Old woman and c h i l d , ht. 11.3 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Scheie 1997: 48. 2.28 Woman nursing, ht. 17.8 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Scheie 1997: 36. 2.29 Woman with sleeping c h i l d and deer, ht. 17.1 cm. Jonuta, Tabasco. Scheie 1997: 39. 2.30 Old woman with an infant boy, ht. 14.0 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Kerr Image: K5778.  2.31 Old woman with an infant i n her l a p . The infant's head has been bound. Figurine-ocarina, ht. 14.0 cm. Guatemalan Highlands. Schmidt, et a l . 1998: Cat. 109. 2.32 Woman grinding, ht. 19.5 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Scheie 1997: 34. 2.33 Woman weaver, ht. 23 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Kerr Image: 6766. 2.34 Woman weaving, ht. 19.8 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Kerr Image: 6000. 2.35 Woman merchant, ht. 15.6 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Scheie 1997: 43. 2.36 Woman holding enema scarf and bib, ht. 21.3 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Scheie 1997: 44. 2.37 Young man transformed into o l d man by mask, ht. 18.3 cm. CANF 472 and CANF 510, Cancuén, Guatemala. Sears 2000: F i g . 6. 2.38 Deer hunter. Lubaantun, B e l i z e . Joyce 1933: Plate VI, 12. 2.39 Ballplayer, figurine-whiste, ht. 19.0 cm. San Agustin Acasaguastlân Region, E l Progreso, Guatemala. Schmidt, et a l . 1998: Cat. 361. 2.40 B a l l p l a y e r , ht. 17.8 cm. Guatemalan Highlands. Reents-Budet 1994: Cat. 81.  2.41 Combat sport. Lubaantun, B e l i z e . Joyce 1933: Plate VIII, 1, 3. 2.42 Maie f i g u r i n e , ht. 15.5 cm. Western Campeche. Schmidt, et a l . 1998: Cat. 126. 2.43 Seated man, ht. 16.0 cm. [Campeche?]. Schmidt, et a l . 1998: Cat. 455. 2.44 Seated male scribe, ht. 9.5 cm. Palenque Region, Chiapas. Reents-Budet 1994: Cat. 3. 2.45 Male dancer, ht. 23.5 cm. A l t a Verapaz, Guatemala. Schmidt, et a l . 1998: Cat. 170. 2.46 Drummer, ht. 21.0 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Reents-Budet 1994: Cat. 62. 2.47 Old man and young woman, ht. 25.6 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Reents-Budet 1994: Cat. 367. 2.48 Woman and rabbit, ht. 14.0 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Anton 1973: 89. 2.49 Woman c a r r i e d on tumpline, ht. 21.3 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Scheie 1997: 52. 2.50 Supernatural tranformation, front and back, f i g u r i n e whistle, ht. 10.4 cm. Jaina, Campeche. Scheie 1997: 129. 2.51 Couple, figurine-whistle, ht. 13.0 cm. Import to Copân from central Honduras. Schmidt, et a l . 1998: Cat. 368.  3.1  The Fenton Vase, the presentation of t e x t i l e s . Polychrome ceramic, ht. 16.3 cm. San Agustin Acasaguastlân Region, Guatemala. Kerr K558.00.  3.2  Old woman presiding over young parents. Polychrome ceramic, ht. 20.7. Kerr K5451.00.  3.3  Male a r t i s t s painting a mask and a codex inside a building. Polychrome ceramic, ht. 21.5 cm. Nakbé Region, Guatemala. Kerr K717.00.  3.4  Numerous God N's are assisted by women i n enema/emetic scene. Polychrome ceramic, ht. 24.0 cm. Kerr K530.00.  3.5  Seated male with bowl f o r emetic [ ? ] , ht. 25.4 cm. Scheie and M i l l e r 1986: Plate 70.  4.1  Ballgame G r a f f i t o . Incised, S t r . 5D-43: Rm.l, S w a l l , T i k a l , Guatemala. Trik and Kampen 1983, Figure 46.  4.2  G r a f f i t o of humans and jaguars. Incised, S t r . 3D-40: Rm.l, N wall, T i k a l , Guatemala. T r i k and Kampen 1983, Figure 1.  4.3  Various children's g r a f f i t i . Incised, S t r . 3D-40: Rm. 2, E wall, T i k a l , Guatemala. Trik and Kampen 1983: Figure 9.  4.4  G r a f f i t i of stepped pyramids. Incised, S t r . 3D-40: Rm.2, E wall, T i k a l , Guatemala. Trik and Kampen 1983, Figure 8.  4.5  G r a f f i t i of war seats. Incised, S t r . 5D-65: Rm.9, E wall, T i k a l , Guatemala. T r i k and Kampen 1983, Figure 72.  4.6  G r a f f i t i of captives.  Incised, S t r . 5D-2-l : Rm.3, S st  jamb, T i k a l , Guatemala. Trik and Kampen 1983, Figure 38. 4.7  G r a f f i t i of procession. Incised, S t r . 5D-46: Rm.2, E wall, T i k a l , Guatemala. Trik and Kampen 1983, Figure 48.  4.8  The gender cues used to distinguish male and female figures are hair and, l a t e r , Cox 1993: F i g . 6.1.  clothing.  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My thanks go f i r s t and foremost to my advisors, Marvin Cohodas, Professor i n the Department of Art History, V i s u a l Art and Theory, Maureen Ryan, Associate Professor i n the Department of Art History, V i s u a l Art and Theory and William French, Professor i n the History Department at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. I am deeply appreciative of the guidance and support offered throughout my graduate education. I am indebted to Dr. Takeshi Inomata, Associate Professor Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona, Dr. Daniela Triadan, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona and E r i n L. Sears, working on the Cancuén project at Vanderbilt University f o r t h e i r generosity i n sharing research information. I would l i k e to thank my family for t h e i r patience and understanding. Last but not l e a s t , a very special thanks t o my partner, Amanda Boursicot, for her constant support and encouragement.  INTRODUCTION: A f i g u r i n e i n the c o l l e c t i o n of the Museo de Jonuta, I n s t i t u t o de Cultura del Estado de Tabasco (Figure i ) , depicts a simplydressed woman holding a young c h i l d by the hand (Figure  ii).  The c h i l d i n turn embraces a f i g u r i n e i n her folded r i g h t  arm.  From the e a r l i e s t studies of Maya figurines to some of the most recent the p o s s i b i l i t y that they functioned as children's playthings  1  has been raised but never pursued seriously as a  viable or appropriate topic for examination (Rand and Rand 1965:559; Kidder 1965:150; T o u r t e l l o t 1983:40; Triadan 2001:4; Sears 2000:19). Perhaps the reasons for t h i s apparent reluctance to explore an archaeology of children stems from our c u l t u r a l l y s p e c i f i c concept of childhood as a prolonged period of dependence on parents. Such a concept leads to an assumption that c h i l d r e n had l i t t l e control over the production of material culture and s o c i a l ideologies and  are  therefore not of i n t e r e s t to an archaeological i n v e s t i g a t i o n of s o c i a l change (Sofaer Derevenski 1997:  Figurines recovered  193).  archaeologically have been grouped as an  a r t i f a c t category, preserved,  measured, counted, drawn,  photographed, scanned to determine paste, inventoried by s i t e ,  'To equate such f i g u r i n e usage w i t h contemporary " d o l l s " would i n v o l v e t o o many u n i v e r s a l i s t and p r e s e n t i s t assumptions about both c h i l d ' s p l a y and child-rearing.  dated by s t y l i s t i c analysis and s e r i a t i o n , methodically catalogued by s t y l i s t i c groupings, subject matter, t r a i t , head type, body type, pose, f a c i a l decoration and costume. These c l a s s i f i c a t i o n systems have not provided any r e a l information for interpretation of figurines i n the context of t h e i r location within the household. Yet these de-contextualized taxonomies are s t i l l standard procedure f o r f i g u r i n e treatment.  In contrast, t h i s thesis w i l l investigate the context and use of figurines, and s p e c i f i c a l l y , the p o s s i b i l i t i e s that mouldmade whistle-figurines produced during the C l a s s i c Period i n the Maya Lowlands functioned as children's playthings, as seems evident from the Jonuta f i g u r i n e . I w i l l argue further that the subjects of figurine representation constituted a woman's discourse through which women expressed t h e i r opinions on a variety of issues. Thus, the production of f i g u r i n e whistles as mechanisms f o r the engendering of c h i l d r e n was a means by which women passed on knowledge, concerns, and struggles to t h e i r c h i l d r e n .  Both of these assertions are designed to contribute t o a growing l i t e r a t u r e on women's l i v e s among the ancient Maya and on gender relations between men and women. Thus, although  figurines must of necessity have been polysémie and p o t e n t i a l l y poly-functional [as toys accomplish many things simultaneously]  I have chosen s p e c i f i c a l l y to explore the  impact that figurines may have had on the formation of gender i d e n t i t y , a process that was also a c r u c i a l dimension of s o c i a l reproduction  l i n k i n g the body to p o l i t i c a l and economic  organization. I w i l l argue that figurines not only communicated the s o c i a l values of t h e i r producers but may also have been instrumental  i n a c t i v e l y constructing the world of  the i n d i v i d u a l on the most fundamental l e v e l of bodily experience through gender performance.  As many authors have demonstrated, gender i s not an i n d i v i d u a l a t t r i b u t e but rather that which i s accomplished through i n t e r a c t i o n with one's world. In t h i s t h e s i s , gender means knowledge about sexual difference. That i s , the term gender does not denote f i x e d or natural b i o l o g i c a l differences between men and women but, rather, the knowledge that establishes meaning for bodily difference (Wolff 1990: 126128). As the construction of these meanings varies across s o c i a l groups and through time, sexual difference cannot be viewed as anything other than an h i s t o r i c a l l y situated understanding of the body—understandings which have been invoked and contested as part of many kinds of struggles f o r  power or autonomy. Sexual difference i s not, then, the o r i g i n a l cause from which s o c i a l organization ultimately can be derived, but i s instead, a v a r i a b l e i n s o c i a l organization that must be explained  (Scott 1988:  20).  Gender i s a construction that everywhere takes s o c i a l l y h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c forms. Although s o c i e t i e s past  and  and  present elaborate on notions of masculinity and femininity i n d i f f e r e n t ways, a l l s o c i e t i e s i n some way  create s o c i a l  categories from perceivable or conceivable differences between men  and women. This requires that we investigate the s o c i a l to  determine how  gender r e l a t i o n s are produced and reproduced i n  each determinate h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n . I w i l l argue that children's imaginative experiences important means f o r reproducing  with figurines were an  gender r e l a t i o n s among ancient  Lowland Maya peoples.  I make no claims i n t h i s thesis to have recovered  a "truth"  about the past. There i s always a great d i v e r s i t y of meanings about any topic, and more than one way  of representing or  interpreting i t . An emphasis on the s o c i a l production of art discloses the ways i n which a r t i s t i c practices are embedded i n and informed by broader s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l  processes,  i n s t i t u t i o n s and economic forces. Of course, the actual  r e l a t i o n s h i p of the economic and the i d e o l o g i c a l , or the transformative potential of a p a r t i c u l a r work or form of a r t , are questions that require the analysis of concrete situations (Wolff 1981: 140). An important part of the understanding of art i s a consideration of the audience or " c u l t u r a l " consumer. The reader, viewer, or audience i s a c t i v e l y involved i n the construction of the work through reception/consumption  and  through interpretation (Wolff 1981: 95). In short, any reading of any material product i s an act of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that necessarily involves the individual's perspective and p o s i t i o n i n ideology (Wolff 1981: 95). H i s t o r i c a l understanding cannot ever consist of somehow transposing oneself into the past, or as some empathetic  understanding of another  person's  " r e a l i t y . " Spectators are invested i n the idea of " t r u t h " and the " r e a l " and reserve the right to confront a " c u l t u r a l " product with t h e i r own personal and " c u l t u r a l " knowledge (Shohat and Stam 1994: 179). Thus, one's own present and h i s t o r i c i t y enter the act of interpretation and i n so doing colour the understanding  i t s e l f (Wolff 1981: 100). Yet,  recognizing prejudices does not amount to being freed of them (Wolff 1981: 106). Therefore, there can never be a recovery of any " o r i g i n a l " meaning. As interpreters we can only attempt to h i s t o r i c a l l y locate and thus "explain" texts and images as i d e o l o g i c a l mechanisms i n the present. In other words, the  r o l e of the h i s t o r i a n or i n t e r p r e t e r , l i k e that of the reader i s a creative r o l e but at the same time i t i s p o l i t i c a l l y situated (see also, M i l l e r and T i l l e y 1984; T i l l e y 1989).  One methodological  approach t o understanding art that also  takes the concept of reception into consideration i s to speak less of images than of voices and discourses 214). Michel Foucault  (Wolff 1982:  (1972: 25-30) has contributed  s i g n i f i c a n t l y to our understanding of discourse as i t r e l a t e s to the "problem" of representation. For Foucault a discourse i s a set of statements that share conventions of exclusion and i n c l u s i o n and which i n turn provide a way of representing the knowledge about a p a r t i c u l a r topic at a p a r t i c u l a r h i s t o r i c a l moment (1972: 25-30). I t i s important to note that the concept of discourse i n Foucault's usage i s not purely a l i n g u i s t i c concept; i t i s about the production of knowledge through language and p r a c t i c e . Foucault argued that discourse never consists of one statement, one text, one action or one source. Discourse, according t o Foucault, constructs the t o p i c , defines and produces the objects of knowledge, governs the way that a topic can be meaningfully  talked about, and influences  how ideas are put i n t o p r a c t i c e and used to regulate the conduct of others  (1972: 25-30). The idea that discourse  produces the objects of knowledge which i n turn influence the  ways individuals come to understand themselves and others  and  the basis on which they take action, greatly expands the scope of what i s involved i n representation.  I w i l l be applying these t h e o r e t i c a l positions on the s o c i a l production of a r t , the h i s t o r i c a l meaning of "genderappropriate" behaviour and the associations of discourse, knowledge and power to the problem of function and meaning for Maya f i g u r i n e s .  In Chapter One  I set out the organization and functioning of  the C l a s s i c Maya household, focusing on the r e s i d e n t i a l group as i t s s p a t i a l a r t i c u l a t i o n , the primary locus for the manufacture and use of ancient Maya f i g u r i n e s . Recent scholarship has investigated p a r t i c u l a r aspects of the ways i n which space and place are commonly conceptualized  in daily  and  p o l i t i c a l l i f e . B r i e f l y , the s p a t i a l i s thought of i n the context of space-time and as formed out of networks of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and understandings at a l l scales (Massey 1994:  5).  However, the argument i n s i s t s that s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are never s t i l l ; they are inherently dynamic (Massey 1994:  2). Thus one  view of a place i s as a p a r t i c u l a r a r t i c u l a t i o n of those s o c i a l and s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s i n which "appropriate" gender behavior i s learned and enacted.  A focus on the organization of space within houses and c i t i e s has renewed i n t e r e s t i n Claude Lévi-Strauss' d e f i n i t i o n and description of "house society" f i r s t proposed i n the 1970s ( f i r s t English t r a n s l a t i o n 1982). Lévi-Strauss defined and characterized the "house" as a s o c i a l category, one which i s not equivalent to a lineage, and which i s not merely an a r c h i t e c t u r a l form or the locus of the household. According to Lévi-Strauss the house i s "a corporate body" that holds an estate made up of both material and immaterial wealth that perpetuates i t s e l f through the transmission of i t s goods down a r e a l or imaginary descent l i n e (1982: 174). The i n d i v i d u a l s who maintain the house are given an i d e n t i t y for themselves and a framework f o r i n t e r a c t i n g with others (Lévi-Strauss 1982:  174). Importantly,  i n conceiving the house as a "type of  s o c i a l structure" the functions of production,  sharing,  r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , reproduction and co-residence membership may be the primary determinants of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s rather than t h e i r outcomes.  Lévi-Strauss' e x p l i c a t i o n of house s o c i e t i e s has been heavily c r i t i c i z e d for ignoring the major object of inquiry-the physical house i t s e l f . He has also been rebuked for his "naïve conception of kinship" and his placing of the house as a new c l a s s i f i c a t o r y type within an "outmoded evolutionary  t r a j e c t o r y " ( G i l l e s p i e 2000: 23-24). Yet, as Susan G i l l e s p i e and others have shown, Lévi-Strauss' o r i g i n a l v i s i o n of the house holds considerable u t i l i t y f o r the investigation of s o c i e t i e s organized according to group a f f i l i a t i o n to a p a r t i c u l a r place or house such as that of the C l a s s i c Maya. Keeping these c r i t i c i s m s i n mind a re-examination  of Lévi-  Strauss' model has resulted i n s i g n i f i c a n t c l a r i f i c a t i o n s highlighting the material dimensions of houses while employing the various p r i n c i p l e s of house s o c i e t i e s i n the study of s o c i a l organization as "variations on a theme" (Waterson  1995:  48) rather than as a s t r i c t category (Joyce and G i l l e s p i e , eds. 2000; Carsten and Hugh-Jones, eds. 1995;  Macdonald, ed.  1987). My b r i e f sketch of C l a s s i c Maya s o c i a l organization i s based on Rosemary Joyce and Susan G i l l e s p i e ' s (2000) c r i t i q u e , c l a r i f i c a t i o n , and adaptation of Lévi-Stauss' "house society" to C l a s s i c Maya s o c i a l organization.  Applying Joyce, G i l l e s p i e and other contributors' adaptation of Lévi-Strauss' "house society," Chapter One investigates the C l a s s i c Maya house as a central and fundamental organizing p r i n c i p l e that was  i n t r i c a t e l y connected with gender and the  construction of gender r e l a t i o n s . Following Massey's (1997: 3) theory of space, place and gender I argue that resource productivity, geographical boundary, l o c a l and long-distance  exchange, kinship systems, marriage a l l i a n c e , " r u l e s " of succession and corporate group structure were experienced d i f f e r e n t l y and variously interpreted by those holding d i f f e r e n t positions as part of the Maya household.  I consider the elite/commoner or two-class model that i s most often applied to the analysis of C l a s s i c Maya p o l i t i c a l  and  economic organization as too s i m p l i s t i c a model to account f o r the v a r i a b i l i t y and complexity of apparent household formation. Rather, household s o c i a l structures impinged upon, and were i n turn affected by f a c t i o n a l competition  through  which individuals sought material advantage and s o c i a l esteem i n competition  and s o l i d a r i t y with others within and between  houses (Brumfiel 1994:  12). Considering  f a c t i o n a l competition  within a house society model of s o c i a l organization for the C l a s s i c Maya suggests that individuals of diverse s o c i a l  and  economic standing were both divided and united by common interests and a f f i l i a t i o n . This thesis recognizes mosaic of competitive  the r i c h  s t r a t e g i z i n g that involves the  manipulation of the material world and those l i v i n g within i t i n complex and contingent ways. In doing so, I consider some dimensions of human choice and c r e a t i v i t y within a s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i c a l s i t u a t i o n , leaving room for the exercise of human agency.  In Chapter One ethnographic  I also consider what some h i s t o r i c  and  accounts have said about ancient Maya gender  i d e n t i t y and roles as complex products of ideology, s o c i a l status, the organization of space and work, kinship and the household economy. I r e l y on indigenous  16  th  century testaments  possibly given by Gaspar Antonio Chi and more probably  by  Nachi Cocom and compiled by F r i a r Diego De Landa. However, Landa wrote Relaciôn de las Cosas de Yucatan i n Spain during 1566  as a document of self-support while awaiting t r i a l  the Council of the Indies f o r his alleged abuse of the  before Indians  and misconduct as p r o v i n c i a l of the Franciscan order of Yucatan (Gates 1994:  9-21). Thus Landa's account of Maya l i f e  during the early Colonial era i n Yucatan, while valuable, must be viewed with a c r i t i c a l  eye. In hopes of garnering a broader  or more nuanced perspective on the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l organization of C l a s s i c Maya society I reference government documents and other Maya testaments produced during the Colonial era as well as several dating to l a t e r periods ethnographic  and  accounts of Maya family and community structure.  In the second part of Chapter One  I draw on archaeological  data produced from recent excavations at the s i t e s of Aguateca, [Guatemala], Cerén, [El Salvador], and Copân, [Honduras] as well as e a r l i e r archaeological monographs that  pertain to the household context of f i g u r i n e s . In t h i s section I w i l l investigate the concept of overlapping or competing f i e l d s of power r e l a t i o n s i n an attempt to nuance the i n t r i c a c y and v a r i a b i l i t y of the s o c i a l production and reproduction of gender i d e n t i t y i n ancient Maya society. I argue that spaces within the house took t h e i r forms and p a r t i a l meanings from the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of a c t i v i t i e s by gender.  Chapter Two considers the material evidence of figurines from three points of view. In the f i r s t part I return t o a consideration of the archaeological monographs that r e l a t e to the household production and use of figurines. Raw clay and moulds used i n the manufacture of figurines were primarily located within those spaces designated as women's work areas as evidenced by cooking and weaving implements as were the figurines themselves. Based on t h i s evidence, I disagree with the more standard interpretation of figurines as household r i t u a l objects and instead argue that women manufactured figurines within the house f o r t h e i r children's use as toys. My argument f o r women's manufacture of figurines i s further supported by h i s t o r i c and ethnographic testaments of ceramic f i g u r i n e production by women i n the Yucatan and Highland  Guatemala and the use of figurines as playthings  by  contemporary children i n those regions.  In the second part I discuss the secondary use of figurines as funerary o f f e r i n g s . I consider the s i g n i f i c a n c e of r i t u a l  and  b u r i a l practices to the l e g i t i m i z a t i o n of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and maintenance of the house estate from one generation  to the  next according to Lévi-Strauss' model of s o c i a l organization. Archaeological data reveals that outside of a late C l a s s i c context at Mayapân and Jaina, figurine-whistles were primarily placed i n the b u r i a l s of c h i l d r e n . On rare occasions  as at  Palenque, more elaborate f i g u r i n e s , often hand-modeled, were included i n the furnishing of women's b u r i a l s affirming t h e i r close association. I w i l l follow t h i s with a short discussion of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of figurines as funerary offerings at Jaina [Campeche, Mexico] and w i l l consider whether age and/or gender were determining factors i n t h e i r placement.  The f i n a l part of Chapter Two  i s concerned with the  formal  aspects or means of representation of figurines [technical manufacture and medium], s t y l e [ d i s t i n c t v a r i a b i l i t y ]  and  content [subject matter, theme, iconography] produced by ancient Maya a r t i s a n s . I w i l l also consider what was  not  represented i n figurines as a possible means of determining the subject concerns of f i g u r i n e makers.  In Chapter Three I investigate the p o s s i b i l i t y that the production of figurines was one of the ways ancient Maya women could enter into the discourse of gender r e l a t i o n s . The v i s u a l has been employed l i k e any other language to give form to p a r t i c u l a r ideologies or p o l i t i c a l positions. The material world that surrounds us i s one i n which we use our l i v i n g bodies t o give substance to the s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s and differences that underpin s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and symbolic systems  2  (Moore 1994:  71). I also discuss i n s t a b i l i t i e s and  changes within gender relations that a r i s e from the clash of power r e l a t i o n s that were mediated through v i s u a l imagery.  Sherry Ortner and Harriet Whitehead introduced  contemporary  feminist concerns t o the d i s c i p l i n e of c u l t u r a l anthropology through the publication of Sexual Meanings: The C u l t u r a l Construction  of Gender and Sexuality i n 1981.  Their  introduction to t h i s volume was concerned with how women  In O u t l i n e o f a Theory o f P r a c t i c e (1977:77), P i e r r e B o u r d i e u d e f i n e s h i s usage o f t h e term " s y m b o l i c " : " t h a t i s , c o n v e n t i o n a l and c o n d i t i o n a l s t i m u l a t i o n s , which a c t o n l y on c o n d i t i o n they encounter agents c o n d i t i o n e d t o p e r c e i v e them, tend t o impose themselves u n c o n d i t i o n a l l y and n e c e s s a r i l y when i n c u l c a t i o n o f t h e a r b i t r a r y a b o l i s h e s t h e a r b i t r a r i n e s s o f both t h e i n c u l c a t i o n and t h e s i g n i f i c a t i o n s i n c u l c a t e d . " 2  achieve prestige i n t h e i r s o c i e t i e s and how  their  d i f f e r from men's. They argued that women and men  experiences utilized a  variety of prestige structures to gain status and recognition. Ortner and Whitehead defined "prestige structures" as the mechanisms by which i n d i v i d u a l s and groups evaluate and impose order on a set of elements of concern to them i n t h e i r world. Like Foucault i n his account of discourse, Ortner  and  Whitehead were concerned with r e l a t i o n s of power, not r e l a t i o n s of meaning i n t h e i r analysis of representation.  Applying Ortner and Whitehead i n Chapter Three, I w i l l discuss f i g u r i n e representation as a prestige structure/discourse within which i n d i v i d u a l s and groups competing for status and advantage i n ancient Maya society during the C l a s s i c Period spoke. Figurines were but one of many representations that attempted to influence the p a r t i c u l a r configuration of power r e l a t i o n s within the domestic environment that, i n turn, must be understood i n terms of i t s overarching connections  with  other f i e l d s i n the s o c i a l body. I discuss figurines with regard to the sexual d i v i s i o n of labour i n r e l a t i o n to competition between factions vying for prestige and influence. I compare and contrast f i g u r i n e representation with  other  v i s u a l materials produced by members competing for s o c i a l worth or advantage within the house and community i n an  attempt t o elucidate the contested nature of gender. For example, as I w i l l show the focus on women's labour i n f i g u r i n e imagery contrasts dramatically with i t s v i r t u a l absence from representational forms dominated by men, such as fancy ceramics, even though the products of women's labor [food and t e x t i l e s ] were central t o the prestation economy that supported male p r i v i l e g e . I argue that t h i s represents  a struggle between intra-household  discrepancy  factions  competing for economic control and s o c i a l worth i n separate but p a r a l l e l prestige structures. I further argue that women for the most part controlled the l o c a l market economy that was i n competition  with the t r i b u t e system. Thus the contrasting  emphasis on women's, and not men's, labor i n f i g u r i n e imagery would have been a v i s u a l strategy that attempted t o favour women's contributions i n both economies. Hence, I argue that the production and interpretation of v i s u a l material was intimately wedded to negotiation or attempted control of gender r e l a t i o n s and other ideologies involving the r i g h t s and needs afforded d i f f e r e n t i a t e d bodies i n C l a s s i c Maya communities.  In Chapter Four, I have chosen to explore a series of overlapping  and contradictory s t o r i e s of p o s s i b i l i t y of  gendered bodily experience i n r e l a t i o n to Maya children's  experience of f i g u r i n e discourse. The idea of embodiment denotes a f l u i d r e l a t i o n to gendered i d e n t i t y where gender norms are understood as entrenched but not unsurpassable boundaries (McNay 2000: 33). Following Judith Butler's of the performative  theory  nature of gender i d e n t i t y and the changes  that can be wrought through s i g n i f y i n g practices, I explore the p o s s i b i l i t y of p o l i t i c a l agency i n r e l a t i o n to Maya children's engagement with f i g u r i n e s .  Judith Butler's formulation of the idea of the  performative  moves beyond understanding the construction of gender i d e n t i t y as symbolic i n s c r i p t i o n or determinations that r e f l e c t p r i o r s o c i a l conditions, by thinking of gender i n terms of a process of r e i t e r a t i o n (1993; 1997). Reiterations produce a set of s o c i a l e f f e c t s that "work t h e i r s o c i a l power not only to regulate bodies, but to form them as w e l l " (Butler 1997:  159).  While every r e i t e r a t i o n or performance serves to inculcate gender norms upon the body, the idea of the performative expresses the a r b i t r a r y nature of gender i d e n t i t y that anticipate and instate a l t e r e d contexts (Butler 1997:  also may  for future reception  160). Thus performativity can work i n counter-  hegemonic ways.  However, Lois McNay (2000: 35) argues that Butler's account of the  performative i s schematized "mainly as a property of  sedimented symbolic structures rather than as an anticipatory element inherent i n praxis." By developing some of the temporal implications of Pierre Bourdieu's (1977; 1990) concept of the habitus  as a "system of structured, structuring  d i s p o s i t i o n s " that i s constituted through praxis  [a coming t o  understanding of s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s through the body], McNay extends Butler's work on the m a t e r i a l i z a t i o n of gender, and proposes a more substantive account of agency predicated on a negotiation of s o c i a l complexity (McNay 2000: 40-44).  In Chapter Four I w i l l apply McNay's dynamic account of the process of self-formation to the analysis of the reception of f i g u r i n e imagery within the ancient Maya household. I w i l l question the role figurines may have played i n the performance of gender by children. In the process I speculate on the p o s s i b i l i t y of contestation and reformulation of the subject. My project i n Chapter Four i s to analyze how ancient Maya s o c i a l actors may have understood themselves, as a contribution to how our knowledge about the s o c i a l and the embodied i n d i v i d u a l comes to be produced i n d i f f e r e n t places and periods.  In other words, i n t h i s t h e s i s , I hope to portray a h i s t o r i c a l l y nuanced and dynamic notion of agency i n ancient Maya households, one that applied to women and children as well as adult males.  CHAPTER ONE:  THE CLASSIC MAIA HOUSEHOLD  Introduction Present-day academic studies of the household are s t i l l mired i n the same evolutionary premises that were applied to the analysis of the household and family i n the  nineteenth-  century. In this chapter I consider t h i s problem and suggest that a h i s t o r i c a l l y s e n s i t i v e approach that considers gender r e l a t i o n s and focuses on what goes on within the household, on i n e q u a l i t i e s i n how t h e o r e t i c a l way  labour and goods are apportioned, o f f e r s a  forward. I do so by exploring the  a p p l i c a b i l i t y of Claude Lévi-Strauss' (1982, 1987)  "house  s o c i e t i e s " model of s o c i a l organization. This model focuses on people's relationships as a group by v i r t u e of t h e i r j o i n t l o c a l i z a t i o n to a "house." As anthropologists l i k e G i l l e s p i e (2000a: 1) have noted, because i t more c l o s e l y f i t s the ethnographic  and h i s t o r i c account of Maya s o c i a l structure  than models of kinship [nuclear family or lineage], LéviStrauss ' model has the p o t e n t i a l to elucidate our understanding  of Maya society stretching back i n t o the pre-  Hispanic past. In assessing gender and the household I w i l l take up the idea of i n t e r s e c t i n g and overlapping f i e l d s of power r e l a t i o n s i n an attempt to nuance the complexity  and  v a r i a b i l i t y of the s o c i a l production and reproduction of gender i d e n t i t y i n ancient Maya society. In the process, I  investigate a number of c i r c u l a t i n g themes: structure and subordination, strategies of reproduction, access to and accumulation of goods, s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and s p a t i a l structure and the sexual d i v i s i o n of labour.  In Part Two  I w i l l introduce some of the excavation data on  several Maya residences where most figurines are uncovered, and examine implications of the house society model for i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the s o c i a l uses of space.  Household Space No s o c i a l issue has suffered more from the imposition of an androcentric ideology than domestic l i f e , with the r e s u l t that c r u c i a l negotiations of status, i d e n t i t y and power within the household have been obscured. Interpretation u n t i l recently has invoked the notion of the household as a u n i f i e d s o c i a l and economic actor, an undifferentiated unit (Wilk and Ashmore 1990;  Sanders 1992;  Webster 1992). Relations within the  household have often been presumed to be r e c i p r o c a l and e g a l i t a r i a n regardless of the "stage of development" or degree of involvement i n a market economy. According to Richard Wilk, "the domestic world i s s t i l l an unknown land, perceived  dimly  i f at all...[as a] cavernous black box...households have no history because they have t r a d i t i o n instead" (1991: 232).  The l i n k between the r e - i t e r a t i o n of "normative" assertions and power must be taken into consideration i n the analysis of ancient Maya domestic communities. Normalized constructions of s o c i a l hierarchies i n Euro-American society have l e d many archaeologists to accept a unitary view of the household as unproblematic and e n t i r e l y natural. Thus, Tringham (1991:  101)  noted that some archaeologists have interpreted the archaeological record of the ancient Maya household as units of co-operative  production, r e d i s t r i b u t i o n and consumption,  generational, p a t r i l o c a l transmission, residence, reproduction—that  apparently  and  function without agency. The  characterization of the family as a s o c i a l l y integrated domain directs attention away from the fact that the household i s a s i t e of gendered labour, a l b e i t often unrecognized as  labour  i n the form of c h i l d rearing, animal rearing, food and  textile  production, meal preparation, and household maintenance (Fraser 1987:  37).  The strategies of representation whose object i s to conserve or enhance the i n t e r e s t s of i n d i v i d u a l s or groups of individuals i n ancient Maya society are obscured by  the  p a r t i a l and reductive materialism of such archaeological methodology. A continued  r e l i a n c e on the construction of the  communal p r e - c a p i t a l i s t household f a i l s to consider  the  r e l a t i o n s h i p of the control of reproduction and production t o the p o t e n t i a l l y attempted subordination of women and other groups. As the very basis of unequal power structures these assumptions  have f a r broader implications f o r feminist  critiques.  A gender-informed  approach, which addresses the p o l i t i c a l  dynamics of the household, contrasts sharply with unitary household théories. During the past two decades or so, a growing number of archaeologists and a r t historians have tackled the thorny question of gender r e l a t i o n s . While there has been an i n t e r e s t i n g p l u r a l i t y of approaches  to the  engendering of archaeology these studies have succeeded i n highlighting a variety of methodological problems and prejudices within the d i s c i p l i n e (Conkey and Spector 1984; Classen 1994; Classen and Joyce 1996). Importantly, they have revealed the extent of androcentric bias i n archaeological i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and, i n doing so have pushed f o r recognition of the value of women's contributions to ancient and modern s o c i e t i e s . In keeping with early feminist history the i n i t i a l emphasis on the "unearthing of women" gradually translated into the socio-economic contributions of women as evidenced by the growing number of studies of the gendered d i v i s i o n of labour (Pohl and Feldman 1982; Pohl 1991; Joyce 1993;  Ruscheinsky 1994,  1996). Unfortunately  the persistence i n  archaeology of both processual and c u l t u r a l evolutionary theories that consider households as primordial and undifferentiated units with a perfect community of interests frames the contribution of women's labour as a r e c i p r o c a l endeavor. Understandably, the Utopian v i s i o n that past NonWestern s o c i e t i e s were free of gender bias has been an appealing one for some feminist scholarship. Thus, the p r i m i t i v i s t construction of the communal p r e - c a p i t a l i s t household, which overlooks reproduction  the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the control of  and production t o the subordination of women,  continues.  Rather than a bounded unit of analysis, the Maya r e s i d e n t i a l compound, l i k e the modern family i n c a p i t a l i s t society, i s more u s e f u l l y conceived  of as a p o l i t i c a l arena i n which  struggles for power, centred around issues of age, gender, status and economic r e l a t i o n s , are i n d i v i s i b l e from those c a r r i e d out at other l e v e l s of society (Moore 1992; Hart 1992). This approach opens up for concrete inquiry the domestic p o l i t i c s that are taken f o r granted i n unitary models. That i s , how domestic consent i s produced and maintained and the conditions under which subordinate household members are l i k e l y to challenge and, perhaps, even  redefine the rules (Moore 1992: the dense web  132). Above a l l , i t considers  of relations between contradiction,  ambivalence,  ambiguity and the p o l i t i c s of agency.  Households as the s i t e of engagement between productive reproductive relations are involved reproduction of gender ideologies,  i n the production  and  and  as well as other forms of  difference, which draw on and construct s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s . From t h i s point of view, the household appears as a p o l i t i c a l arena within which the s o c i a l d e f i n i t i o n s of i d e n t i t i e s , hence rights and needs of individuals, are reproduced (Hart  1992;  Moore 1992). D i f f e r e n t i a t e d s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s are related to the exercise  of power because the very d e f i n i t i o n s of those  i d e n t i t i e s are connected to normative or conventional explanations for the s o c i a l order and to the l e g i t i m i z a t i o n of that s o c i a l order.  Inequalities are established  through the subtle inculcation of  power r e l a t i o n s upon the bodies and dispositions individuals  (Moore 1992:  understanding of how femininity,  of  136-39). This point i s c r u c i a l to an  the categories of masculinity  and  labour and class came h i s t o r i c a l l y into being. I t  seems important therefore to examine how s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s , which are p a r t i a l l y based on an individual's  interpretation,  adoption or r e j e c t i o n of "naturalized" s o c i e t a l conventions— those "normative" r u l e s , r i g h t s and obligations governing relations between women and men, and elders and juniors—are implicated i n power structures and i n the structuring of i n e q u a l i t i e s . Nowhere i n society i s t h i s power r e l a t i o n more profound than at the l e v e l of the household. Gender i d e n t i t y and r o l e i s a complex product of ideology, s o c i a l status, the organization of space and work, kinship, and the household economy. The feminist concern with the study of family and household has renewed i n t e r e s t i n material things and t h e i r complex and changing s o c i a l contexts and meanings. From t h i s perspective, an investigation of representation within ancient Maya households could a i d i n an understanding of how the subjective and c o l l e c t i v e meanings of women and men as categories of i d e n t i t y have been, and continue to be, constructed.  I hope that t h i s study of ancient  Maya figurines w i l l contribute to the understanding of ways that representation p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the negotiation of power r e l a t i o n s , centred on gendered i d e n t i t y , as a c r u c i a l  aspect  of household p r a c t i c e .  Part One: The House Society Model and i t s Implication The Maya household, including not only i t s spaces but also the practices and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of the individuals that  contributed to i t s formation, was  the context  figurines were produced, used and recovered. A  i n which reconstructed  view of ancient Maya household society must be presented i n order to provide a context for the possible meanings of figurines that are the subject of Chapters Three and Four. The negotiation of gendered i d e n t i t y i s one function of the household that I have chosen as central to my argument concerning f i g u r i n e s .  An extensive study by Richard Wilk (1988) has shown that ethnohistoric and ethnographic accounts of the Maya, ...seem to point away from the lineage, clan or barrio as the primary s o c i a l group, at least i n the minds of the Maya themselves; the [multiple-family] household i n contrast was important i n every region and area (1988: 137). These records indicate that i t was served economic purposes and was  an "ancient pattern" that  part of a " c u l t u r a l "  t r a d i t i o n (1988: 139). Wilk's examination of ethnographic and h i s t o r i c Maya household evidence disclosed no c l e a r u n i l i n e a l pattern i n kinship composition, although some kinds of relationships were more common than others i n some regions (1988: 139-140). Although inheritance, naming and for succession to public o f f i c e may  preference  have followed a  p a t r i l i n e a l tendency i n the Yucatan during the C l a s s i c period there i s no evidence that the household was  ever a formally  organized p a t r i l o c a l group (Wilk 1989:  141-142). Even where  "rules" of residence can be demonstrated to have existed, we must consider the p o s s i b i l i t y that they were broken.  Claude Lévi-Strauss' (1982, 1987)  "house s o c i e t i e s " model of  s o c i a l organization accords with Wilk's ethnographic findings i n i t s focus on the practices and understandings by which relationships are constructed  i n everyday s o c i a l l i f e ,  than on i d e a l i z e d rules of s o c i a l conformity.  rather  Thus, Lévi-  Strauss' "house society" assumes a processual rather than a c l a s s i f i c a t o r y approach to kinship.  Lévi-Strauss defined the house as ...a corporate body holding an estate made up of both material and immaterial wealth which perpetuates i t s e l f through the transmission of i t s name, i t s goods, and i t s t i t l e s down a r e a l or imaginary l i n e , considered legitimate as long as t h i s continuity can express i t s e l f i n the language of kinship or of a f f i n i t y and, most often, of both (1982: 174). The recent adaptation by Rosemary Joyce and Susan G i l l e s p i e (2000) of the House Society model has renewed attention to i t s u t i l i t y as a means to understand ancient Maya society. The reformulation of Lévi-Strauss' model amplifies our a b i l i t y to interpret gender r e l a t i o n s because by emphasizing the residents who  contribute to household economy, rather than  emphasizing kinship that p r i v i l e g e s male descent, women are  seen to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the negotiations of status and decision-making.  A s i g n i f i c a n t factor i n Lévi-Strauss'  conceptualization of the house i s that the functions of production [food, implements, vessels, and housing]; sharing and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n [storage, d i s t r i b u t i o n , maintenance, and curation of goods, including exchanges between households and communities]; transmission [of information, knowledge, t i t l e s , authority, materials and possessions, including inheritance and access rights to resources]; reproduction [of people i n the b i o l o g i c a l sense, and t h e i r society, including the need to r e c r u i t spouses from outside the household and often outside the community]; and co-residence membership, may  be the  primary determinants of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , rather than t h e i r outcomes (see also, Wilk and Rathje 1982,  Arnould  1986).  Lévi-Strauss describes the house as a "moral person" [personnes  morales]  perceived i n operation as the  o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of r e l a t i o n s rather than as substantive phenomenon ( G i l l e s p i e 2000a: 32). Indeed i f the house was defined by i t s members' a c t i v i t i e s and property then no houses were the same. Each house may  two  have i t s own names,  heirlooms, r i t u a l p r i v i l e g e s and material resources that made up i t s estate. A focus on the house as a corporate body highlights the successful execution of strategies for  maintaining the estate and the reproduction of i t s members over multiple generations  ( G i l l e s p i e 2000a: 8-9). As adapted  Lévi-Strauss' "house society" provides a f a r more nuanced approach to household archaeology than the unitary models that have been applied to ancient Maya material. However, while G i l l e s p i e situates the house society within a two-class model of Maya society ( e l i t e vs. commoner), the house society may be more consistent with factionalism as a r t i c u l a t e d by Brumfiel (1994).  From the perspective of house perpetuity, there i s an important d i s t i n c t i o n between people and the structures upon which house r e l a t i o n s h i p s are constituted. The physical house and i t s immaterial property are key components of the standing of the house as an i n s t i t u t i o n ; the maintenance of both v i a a transference of custodianship and enhancement of property over generations i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of i n d i v i d u a l members and i s p a r t i a l l y accomplished  through the strategic e x p l o i t a t i o n of  the language of kinship and a f f i n i t y ( G i l l e s p i e 2000a: 48).  If the continued existence of a house were p a r t i a l l y dependent on the successful execution of strategies f o r maintaining i t s estate [name, goods, t i t l e s and the power associated with such positions] then death of a member of the corporate body would  have p r e c i p i t a t e d an event of s o c i a l reproduction.  I t was a  time when the s o c i a l relationships of the l i v i n g were rearranged, status positions s h i f t e d , and allegiances were reaffirmed or realigned i n order to safeguard the material and immaterial wealth of the estate ( G i l l e s p i e 2000: 2-3). For example Joyce has argued that the designation of an heir, hosting of events that included the public or private declaration of allegiance, recording those events i n permanent form on sculptures, ceramics and books, and co-performance of r i t u a l events by mother/regent and heir, or father and h e i r was undertaken at Yaxchilan, Piedras Negras, Ucanal, and Palenque (2000: 123-132) were possibly some of the strategies undertaken by house members i n an e f f o r t to f o r e s t a l l c r i s i s i n the eventuality of death.  Analysis of the material construction and maintenance of the estate e n t a i l s consideration of both temporal and s p a t i a l dimensions (Joyce 2000: 123-132). The temporal dimension includes the domestic cycle of i n d i v i d u a l house groups, the l i f e h i s t o r y of the structures, the continuity and changes experienced by s o c i a l houses over generations,  and a time  depth inherent i n the ideology of the house (2000: 123-132). The s p a t i a l dimensions of the house include the arrangement of a r c h i t e c t u r a l structure, i t s furnishings and people within the  house, and must also consider the d e f i n i t i o n of s p a t i a l boundaries that may  exceed that of a single residence  (2000:  123-132).  Gair Tourtellot's (1988a) archaeological i n v e s t i g a t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l compounds i n the periphery  of Seibal emphasised  not just the physical changes made to structures over time but the "person-object" relationships that emerge from the  various  uses by actors of tangible and intangible resources of the household. T o u r t e l l o t argues that the dominant structures i n several of the r e s i d e n t i a l compounds i n the periphery  of  Seibal were distinguished by greater investment of labour materials. These structures were also found to contain  and  the  e a r l i e s t high status, male b u r i a l s and were subsequently r e b u i l t for r e s i d e n t i a l use by a series of  successors.  Tourtellot's "developmental cycle model" suggests that the rebuilding of the physical space of the house provided  the  means to legitimate the i n t a c t transfer of the material  and  immaterial resources of the estate across generations of house members.  William Haviland  (1988: 123-125) working at T i k a l , Guatemala  developed a s i m i l a r theory based on a " l i f e course model." He proposed that the stratigraphie r e l a t i o n s h i p between the  various structures that made up the house or courtyard group showed that remodelling  took i n a l l structures at once, about  every generation. He suggests t h i s rebuilding was  i n response  to the death of the lineage head which would have triggered a kind of "musical hammocks" as the lineage head's  successor  moved i n , and so on down the l i n e of inheritance.  Such practices deemed necessary f o r the perpetuity of the ancient Maya house also generated economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n  and  hierarchies of status, prestige-or r i t u a l power. According  to  Cohodas (1996) i n ancient Maya society, c r i s e s of lineage reproduction, when a head i s i n t e r r e d and his  successor  seated, provided opportunities f o r r e c o n s t i t u t i n g r e l a t i o n s of hierarchy not only i n the process of furnishing a tomb, but also i n the construction and dedication of a new  dominant  r e s i d e n t i a l administrative structure above or adjacent old  to the  one.  Hierarchy  i s generally present both within and between houses.  The estate of a house not only serves to d i f f e r e n t i a t e i t but forms a basis for ranking  (Cohodas 1996:  l o c a l e , subsistence, production, wealth, and power may  9). Struggles over  r e l i g i o n , gender, rank,  be d i s c e r n i b l e i n the archaeological  record as considerable differences i n allotment of space and  labour, accumulation  of subsistence materials, or access to  prestige goods and symbolic resources. In other words, when the analysis turns away from the i d e a l i z e d shared working and l i v i n g arrangements toward competition for rank and status the material record may  serve to elucidate the s t r a t e g i c choices  made by generations of individuals based on what they believed would improve or at least maintain t h e i r status and property rights.  The legitimacy and status of house members often derived from acknowledgment of t i e s to distinguished founders. For the ancient Maya these founders were represented as house ancestors. P a t r i c i a McAnany (1995: 8) has demonstrated the c r u c i a l importance of ancestor veneration [a p a r t i c u l a r genealogical strategy among the ancient Maya] through lineage organization, mechanisms of o r a l memory, written  statements,  and most importantly, the continued presence of buried ancestors i n r e s i d e n t i a l contexts, legitimized descendents resource r i g h t s . Indeed, McAnany proposes ...that exclusionary and inherited resource rights go hand i n hand with the genesis of ancestor veneration. Strong l i n k s to past ancestors also provided nearly unassailable rights and p r i v i l e g e s (1995: 8). The further back i n time and genealogical space the o r i g i n of the lineage i s located [for the ancient Maya t h i s may  include  a legendary or primordial past] the more the a s s i m i l a t i v e power of those agents that claim descent. Whereas persons  who  " f a l l i n l i n e " can claim r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s i n l i g h t of precedence set by progenitors, "house" structure also provided a rationale for emergent and existent s o c i a l inequality through the p a r t i a l or t o t a l a l i e n a t i o n of c e r t a i n segments of the domestic community (McAnany 1995:  9).  While hieroglyphic statements highlighted kinship i n the construction of the house as a "moral person" they may  also  have, through exclusion, served to render marginal or i n v i s i b l e persons i n contractual or indentured  r e l a t i o n s with  the house r e s i d i n g therein. The ancient Maya house structure was  developed within, and promoted the perpetuity of a  p a r t i c u l a r type of economic and s o c i a l condition that marked by competition  was  and ranking. The a b i l i t y of a Maya house  to maintain or increase i t s estate may  have depended on the  consistent success i n negotiations with and/or j u r a l control of the disenfranchised members of the domestic community such as slaves, contracted labourers and most importantly,  the  majority of women and c h i l d r e n .  According  to h i s t o r i a n Matthew R e s t a l l (1997) i n his analysis  of gender r e l a t i o n s i n Colonial era Yucatan where  p a t r i l o c a l i t y was common, Maya society involved an e s s e n t i a l l y patriarchal  structure. Although descent was reckoned f o r some  purposes through both the male and female l i n e s , Maya women were denied access to o f f i c e i n the c i v i l and r e l i g i o u s hierarchies.  They were, as a f f i l i a t e d members of a "house" by  v i r t u e of t h e i r gender, always the represented rather than the representatives (Restall 1997: 581; Gates 1994: 62-63). This i s not to say that women were uninvolved i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y . The majority of female p a r t i c i p a t i o n was necessarily u n o f f i c i a l and as a r e s u l t hidden from us. However, the permanency of stone has enabled the survival of few ancient Maya women's public p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l negotiation and the unusual circumstances that may have l e d to t h e i r declarations. S p e c i f i c a l l y , four women are thought to have ruled important ancient Maya c i t y - s t a t e s : Lady  Wac-Chanil-Ahau  of Naranjo (Scheie and F r e i d e l 1990: 183-191); Lady Kanal-Ikal and Lady Zak-Kuk of Palenque (Scheie and F r e i d e l 1990: 220224); and the Lady of T i k a l (Martin 1999) suggesting they were powerful i n t h e i r own r i g h t . At least three of these women ruled as regents f o r t h e i r male heir, and abdicated when he came of age.  Restall  (1997: 582) argues that the pre-Hispanic naming system  i n Yucatan recognized the importance of the female l i n e  through the nal, or maternal name. A f t e r the conquest, a nonl i n e a l C h r i s t i a n name replaced the nal and although a woman kept her Maya patronym a f t e r marriage, i t was [as i t s name indicates] her father's patronym, just as her c h i l d r e n received t h e i r father's name. In Highland Guatemala, c h i l d r e n receive and maintain both patronyms. R e s t a l l observes further that the term for noble, almehen, which had evolved before the conquest, includes both the word f o r a woman's c h i l d (al) and that for a man's son (mehen)-but also notes that only the gender of the man's o f f s p r i n g was indicated (1997: 582). Naming practices are consistent with other aspects of Maya house society i n the representation of both male and female within a p a t r i a r c h a l structure. G i l l e s p i e argues on t h i s basis, as well as on the basis of Maya creation mythology and C l a s s i c period b u r i a l s and representations  of ancestors  that  house ancestors were conceived of as male-female pairs (2000b). She notes that because the lineage model p r i v i l e g e s r e l a t i o n s between men, the house society model accords better with archaeological, ethnohistoric and ethnographic information on Maya s o c i a l organization  Hieroglyphic  (2000b).  i n s c r i p t i o n s are as c l e a r about p a t r i l i n e a l  inheritance of names, t i t l e s and locales [in genealogical declarations] as they are about p a t r i l o c a l i t y [ i n long-  distance marriages. These i n s c r i p t i o n s demonstrate some of the ways that marriage a l l i a n c e was u t i l i z e d as a strategy by houses i n competition f o r ranking i n both the regional and c i v i c systems of representation. Women thus served a "unique and c r u c i a l s o c i a l r o l e " as mediators between houses ( G i l l e s p i e and Joyce 1997: 192). Marriage a l l i a n c e s between various houses, when they are repeated over generations, established precedents that were the basis f o r long-lived relationships between houses that created a network of t i e s within and beyond the community  ( G i l l e s p i e 2000a: 11). While  marriage a l l i a n c e was an important and strategic resource i n the p o l i t i c a l management of the house, the main and most d i r e c t function of marriage strategy was to maintain or increase the material and immaterial resources of the estate. Obviously, not a l l alliances would have held the same economic and s o c i a l value f o r the house. Thus the house estate would have been guarded through the s k i l f u l c a l c u l a t i o n of inheritance r i g h t s , t i t l e s and property, of both male and female members within the house, and those of other houses with which they would j o i n i n contractual arrangement.  The only residence " r u l e " consistently mentioned i n the ethnographic and h i s t o r i c accounts i s that of bride service (Wilk 1989: 140). The custom of bride-service s p e c i f i e d that  a f t e r marriage a couple l i v e d with the wife's family f o r a negotiated period of time ranging from a few weeks to as much as f i v e or s i x years (Gates 1994: 64). The groom's father offered a dowry of s p e c i f i e d goods [cacao beans and precious stone beads used i n necklaces] negotiated and exchanged as part of the marriage agreement (Gates 1994: 64). In return, the bride's family was responsible f o r the wedding feast. The bride's mother prepared clothing f o r her daughter and potential grandchildren (1994: 64). The goods exchanged at marriage events help construct a kind of s o c i a l history f o r the house that continues f o r those goods retained as heirlooms from one generation to the next (Joyce 2000a; G i l l e s p i e 2000a: 12).  The main and most d i r e c t function of the strategies of marriage and inheritance was the maintenance or expansion of the material and symbolic c a p i t a l of the house estate. The house was e x p l i c i t l y defined by Lévi-Strauss as an enduring s o c i a l unit that acquires and maintains an estate through both descent and marriage t i e s (Lévi-Strauss 1982: 174). Thus some members, usually men, of the ancient Maya house perpetuated i t by t h e i r l i f e - l o n g residence and t h e i r a b i l i t y to r e c r u i t and produce new members through marriage and descent. Other members, usually women, were married out to form a l l i a n c e s  with other houses, binding together the larger community. Epigraphic evidence c l e a r l y shows the importance of genealogy and a l l i a n c e i n the creation, d e f i n i t i o n and maintenance of the house estate i n many ancient Maya communities (Scheie and F r i e d e l 1990; Tate 1992).  Male representation of family/house was also referenced i n Maya land-tenure documentation. Although women are recorded as buying, s e l l i n g , i n h e r i t i n g and bequeathing  land i n early  Colonial documents of the Yucatan, a woman i s never described as the owner of the land (Restall 1997: 528). A s i m i l a r system was recorded f o r the K'iche' Maya of Highland Guatemala at contact where women were r e s t r i c t e d i n ownership and i n the inheritance of lands or other production f a c i l i t i e s belonging to the lineage i n which they l i v e d and to which they were major contributors of labour (Carmack 1981).  The a b i l i t y of women to achieve autonomy or control of t h e i r own opportunities and behavior i n ancient Maya society was dependent on the extent to which gender hierarchy permeated male-female r e l a t i o n s . Focusing on the patterns of decisionmaking within the household, Richard Wilk (1989; 1990) i d e n t i f i e d a further contributing element to r e l a t i o n s of gender hierarchy within what we are now c a l l i n g the house  society. Whereas the extent to which a patriarch could e x p l o i t subordinate males within the house was c u r t a i l e d by t h e i r potential a b i l i t y to e s t a b l i s h a separate household, t h i s recourse would have been denied t h e i r wives and daughters. While daughters may have expected to marry and move away with t h e i r husbands, the d i s p o s i t i o n of family property may have been a point of c o n f l i c t (Sandstrom 2000: 59). Some women would n a t u r a l l y have r e s i s t e d and negotiated t h e i r positions vis-à-vis men; they also would have had a stake i n a p a t r i a r c h a l system designed to increase both the economic and the s o c i a l c a p i t a l of the house to which they belonged.  Discrepancy  i n the r i g h t s and needs of men and women within  the house structure that p r i v i l e g e d primogeniture  and the  p a t r i l i n e a l inheritance of t i t l e s possibly marked t h e i r everyday r e l a t i o n s with ambivalent choices between  cooperation  and competition. For instance, i n a system where women were responsible f o r the majority of domestic labour men may have been equally dependent on women f o r s u r v i v a l ( c f . , f o r East A f r i c a , Moore 1986: 68). This dependence may also have supplied the occasion f o r the manipulation  and negotiation by  women of t h e i r rights and needs (Moore 1992). As a strategy i n the negotiation of r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s f o r themselves and t h e i r c h i l d r e n Maya women may have created and/or p a r t i c i p a t e d  more r e a d i l y i n prestige structures that served t o value t h e i r labour and products. H i s t o r i c accounts state that Maya women largely controlled t e x t i l e and food production, marketing and trade during the early c o l o n i a l period (Tozzer 1941: 127). Thus women's a c t i v i t y became one among many elements that produced opportunities f o r s o c i a l evaluation (Hendon 1999: 268).  In other respects, r e l a t i o n s between men and women were l i k e l y to have been marked by cooperation  and s o l i d a r i t y . For  example, although women and men may have been d i f f e r e n t i a l l y invested i n the status quo they may also have cooperated i n the negotiation and manipulation of the o f f i c i a l and u n o f f i c i a l systems of governance i n order to maintain or improve t h e i r s o c i a l and economic p o s i t i o n and that of t h e i r children.  Archaeological interpretations of ancient Maya households, both those that u t i l i z e older kinship models of s o c i a l organization and those that adopt the recent reworking of the house society model, share an important lacuna: c h i l d r e n . I f we are to understand how the domestic community operated, physical reproduction must be of central importance. Potential o f f s p r i n g must have been a consideration i n the management of  f i l i a t i o n s and patrimony through the arrangements of marriage. Children assured the perpetuity of the material and immaterial property of the house. The b i r t h of a c h i l d may  also have  offered individuals within the house a means of maintaining or improving t h e i r p o s i t i o n within the s o c i a l and economic hierarchy, i n part by adding to the labour pool.  For the f i r s t three or four years of l i f e Landa claimed that mothers raised t h e i r children (Gates 1994: 75, 77). The age at which boys began learning adult male tasks may be gauged by C l a s s i c Maya monumental texts and images that represented events associated with heir designation performed around age six or seven (Scheie and M i l l e r 1986: p i . 40, p i . 40a; Scheie and F r e i d e l 1990:  154-161). Landa reports that older boys d i d  not associate with married people but instead l i v e d together i n large, open young-men's houses where they passed the time playing b a l l and other games (Gates 1994: 74; see also Carmack 1981:  196). Young men  also accompanied t h e i r fathers and  helped them i n t h e i r labours. This suggests that men were responsible f o r the education and welfare of boys over s i x . G i r l s remained with t h e i r mothers. Women educated t h e i r daughters and provided them with the s k i l l s needed for domestic labour, c h i l d r e a r i n g and gardening (Gates 1994:  76-  77). Thus a substantial amount of household production accomplished by c h i l d  was  labour.  The economic system defined by a f f i n i t y to a house perhaps played i t s most important r o l e i n ancient Maya society i n the structuring and organising of gender r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Through public r i t u a l and everyday a c t i v i t y the c h i l d learned  the  "appropriate" gendered behavior f o r his or her age group. Landa informs us that transgression of gender expectation often resulted i n verbal reprimand and/or physical punishment (Gates 1994:  78-79]. Gender s p e c i f i c tasks taught to and  undertaken by children within the domestic realm prepared them for adult l i f e . Thus the household was  the economic and  social  system that managed the physical reproduction of i t s members and therefore of i t s labour force (Cohen 1983).  In such a g r i c u l t u r a l communities, labour invested i n the preparing of f i e l d s and orchards and the management of seeds and trees was  continual and was  passed on as part of the house  estate. Thus, a system of a n t e r i o r i t y i s set i n place that reinforces s o c i a l hierarchy: the i n h e r i t i n g of labour  and  materials i s a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y that indebts the receiver to his predecessors (McAnany 1995:  159). I t also obligates the  receiver to maintain the estate f o r those who  come a f t e r . A  Yucatec Mayan word with implications f o r understanding the s o c i a l perception of house authority i s the term f o r the household and lineage head: ah kuch kab which may be translated as "he of the burden of the land" (Barrera Vazquez 1980:  343-344;  McAnany 1995:  117). According t o h i s t o r i c  documents of the Yucatan the ah kuch kab and the i n d i v i d u a l family heads within the household organized and supervised agrarian and commodity production on the l o c a l l e v e l (McAnany 1995:  118). Some portion of that production was consumed  l o c a l l y or used i n market transactions, but another portion was used to "pay" t r i b u t e t o higher ranking community and regional leaders, as well as to sponsor l o c a l events such as banquets and feasts that increased the power and status of the house within the community ranking system (McAnany 1995: 118).  Thus, the reproduction of the ancient Maya house depended on the productive and reproductive potential of i n d i v i d u a l s . Women's products, e s p e c i a l l y food and t e x t i l e s , abstracted from the s o c i a l context of women and t h e i r labour, became c r u c i a l i n negotiations of household but p r i m a r i l y male status and p r i v i l e g e when presented as t r i b u t e , or r e d i s t r i b u t e d as g i f t s . Of course, that women bore the burden of t r i b u t e demands also had the potential to increase the value of t h e i r labour to the household and afforded them an opportunity f o r  negotiation within t h i s prestige structure. The dependence of the house society on the labour and products of women and t h e i r s o c i a l evaluation within the t r i b u t e system may have affected, but not controlled, the value of these resources within the p a r a l l e l prestige structures of production, marketing and trade.  In summary, h i s t o r i c Maya house society was not founded on p r i n c i p l e s of absolute r e c i p r o c i t y nor was i t s t r i c t l y p a t r i a r c h a l . While the o f f i c i a l rhetoric of r e l a t i o n s h i p was represented by male preference, the material grounding f o r relationship was not "blood", but common investment  i n the  house estate. This alternative way of looking at s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s , as the product of common a c t i v i t y , rather than adherence to " r u l e s " or r e f l e c t i o n of the "symbolic order" aligns the analysis of the house with contemporary feminist and c u l t u r a l theory concerned with agency and the negotiation of s o c i a l reproduction (Joyce 2000a: 190). Part Two: Ancient Maya Residences If we u t i l i z e the house society model i n applying t h i s ethnohistoric information to the most extensive data on ancient Maya households, we can open up the interpretation of s o c i a l relations and d a i l y practices i n e a r l i e r times.  Wilk and G i l l e s p i e , among others, have conclusively demonstrated that we cannot i n f e r kinship r e l a t i o n s from the excavated remains of Maya residences, because a single r e s i d e n t i a l group may encompass more than one family, and a single family may encompass more than one r e s i d e n t i a l group. These groups thus correspond more c l o s e l y to households or house s o c i e t i e s i n terms of shared location and contribution to labour.  Archaeologists have c l a r i f i e d t h i s correspondence between the s o c i a l and economic relationships that linked people together and the physical form of the residence  (Ashmore 1981; Wilk and  Ashmore 1988). The most common a r c h i t e c t u r a l arrangement that has been i d e n t i f i e d as an ancient Maya household consisted of three or more buildings arranged around a small cleared space: patio or courtyard. Residential groups were renovated and increased i n s i z e and space by rebuilding or by the addition of rooms, or second and t h i r d s t o r i e s to e x i s t i n g structures, free standing structures or to whole courtyard groups.  Marshal Becker (1971) i d e n t i f i e d and named such arrangements the "plaza plan B". He argued that within a single plaza group, the s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , s i z e and construction of the a r c h i t e c t u r a l components, and t h e i r associated a r t i f a c t s , as  indication of d i f f e r e n t i a l access to goods represented  the  s o c i a l positions of t h e i r occupants. In the nine small groups excavated by Becker, he was  able to recognize the primary  residence, a multi-roomed range-type structure, f i t t e d with stone benches, often employing s o l i d stone masonry construction more elaborate than that of other  residence  buildings within the group. More recent scholarship has shown these structures functioned as the dominant structure (Hendon 1987)  and the "seat of authority" f o r the house p a t r i a r c h  (Noble 1999). Semi-perishable and/or f u l l y perishable single and multi-roomed structures occupied  other locations around  the courtyard. The most consistent feature i n the various plazas' a r c h i t e c t u r a l arrangements and monumentality was encompassed by the elevated structures occupying the east side of the plaza groups. These buildings were d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the r e s i d e n t i a l structures by the combination of higher elevation, smaller i n t e r i o r space with fewer provisions for sleeping, and squarer ground plans. They were also characterized by the presence of "dedicatory" b u r i a l s placed i n s p e c i a l l y constructed graves and containing a high percentage of males. Other evidence of ceremonial a c t i v i t y exclusive to these structures included the presence of caches, a l t a r s , and a x i a l l y located burning on f l o o r s . Becker concluded that these structures functioned as "shrines" (see  also McAnany 1995) and that r i t u a l p r a c t i c e within the household was an indicator of s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n based on gender. Writing before feminist theory had achieved an impact on American archaeology, he did not elaborate on the i d e o l o g i c a l implications of such s o c i a l p r a c t i c e .  The Gendered Uses of Space Expanding on Becker's conclusion of gender d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n I (1994: 1996) have argued that the Monjas at Chichén Itzâ, Yucatan, a large multi-court residence, l i k e l y involved gender segregation and hierarchy. Using the a r c h i t e c t u r a l construction and d i s t r i b u t i o n of a r t i f a c t data from John B o l l e s ' excavation  1  I t e n t a t i v e l y assigned the dominant,  elevated residence to adult males of the r e s i d e n t i a l group and a highly decorated lower court with adjacent b a l l court to male adolescents. The majority of the p l a i n e r lower spaces i n the Monjas were c l e a r l y associated with women's labour of food preparation and storage, animal husbandry, t e x t i l e production and c h i l d c a r e on the basis of cooking and weaving implements as well as other remains.  Both t h e posthumous p u b l i c a t i o n o f John B o l l e s ' e x c a v a t i o n o f t h e Monjas a t Chichén Itzâ (1977) and h i s o r i g i n a l u n e d i t e d m a n u s c r i p t and f i e l d notes 1932-1934 h e l d a t Harvard U n i v e r s i t y , Peabody Museum A r c h i v e were consulted. 1  Central to t h i s t h e s i s , and i n keeping with Lévi-Strauss' "house model," i s the argument that i n contrast to the physical place produced by a r c h i t e c t u r a l forms, space must be conceptualized  as constructed  out of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s that are  innately dynamic, never s t a t i c or singular. According to Doreen Massey such a way of conceptualizing  the s p a t i a l  ...inherently implies the existence i n the l i v e d world of a simultaneous m u l t i p l i c i t y of spaces cross-cutting, intersecting, a l i g n i n g with one another, or e x i s t i n g i n relations of paradox or antagonism...because the s o c i a l relations of space are experienced d i f f e r e n t l y , and variously interpreted by those holding d i f f e r e n t positions as part of i t (Massey 1994:3). Building on t h i s e a r l i e r research,  i n the following sections I  w i l l investigate the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of space, place, and gender i n the conceptual nature of ancient Maya r e s i d e n t i a l constructions  and i n t h e i r substantive  content. My aim i n the  investigation of ancient Maya household remains i s to unearth just some of these connections.  Rather than discussing Maya household archaeology and i t s interpretation i n general terms, these relationships between gender and space may be more f r u i t f u l l y investigated through the s e l e c t i o n of a small number of examples characterized by richness of applicable data. These examples are derived from excavations at Aquateca, Guatemala, Cerén, E l Salvador and Copân, Honduras.  Rapidly Abandoned Structures at Aguateca, Guatemala Takeshi Inomata has been leading an excavation at the l a t e C l a s s i c s i t e of Aguateca, i n the Guatemalan Petén, since 1992 (Figure 1.1). The rapid abandonment of a portion of t h i s centre due to extensive f i r e , possibly as a r e s u l t of i n t e n s i f i e d warfare (Inomata 1997: 337), has revealed a large quantity of defacto refuse-that i s , s t i l l usable objects i n t h e i r ancient context of use and/or storage  left  (Inomata 2001:  325). These remains are extremely useful i n reconstructing the possible a c t i v i t i e s that took place within and around the residence and provide r i c h contextual data on s p e c i a l i z e d production  (Inomata 2001:  325). The d i s t r i b u t i o n of materials  i n a Late C l a s s i c household context at Aguateca suggested to Inomata that the a c t i v i t i e s associated with food and water storage and preservation, animal husbandry, meal preparation, t e x t i l e production, and childcare were c a r r i e d out i n d i f f e r e n t spaces [rooms or platforms] from those of food consumption, carving [wood, s h e l l and stone], painting/writing, administration [ f a m i l i a l and/or c i v i c ] , entertainment, and r i t u a l (Inomata and S t i v e r 1998).  Structure M8-10, the House of the Scribe and structure M8-13 Structure M8-10, nicknamed the "house of the s c r i b e " by Inomata, occupies the eastern side of a small patio the south  side of which i s occupied by M8-13 (Figure 1.2). Structure M810 [Scribe, for short] i s a three-room masonry r e s i d e n t i a l structure with perishable roof and with a stone bench i n each room [for eating, sleeping, and other a c t i v i t i e s : Noble 1999], with l a t e r room additions to north and south, and with front and back porches as external work areas (Figure 1.3).  The a c t i v i t i e s related to objects found i n the south room, addition and adjacent porch, such as, manos, metates,  storage  j a r s , bone needles, spindle whorls, miniature bottles and a bark beater, suggested to Inomata that a woman occupied those spaces  (Inomata and Stiver 1998:  6-11). Several f i g u r i n e and  f i g u r i n e fragments were found i n t h i s room (Figures 1.4-1.8). This association of figurines with implements used i n food and t e x t i l e production i s one of the most consistent features of household archaeology throughout Mesoamerica (Rands and Rands 1965).  The central and north room were possibly used by a s c r i b e / a r t i s t (Inomata and Stiver 1998:  11). In contrast to  the implements of women's labour i n the south room, these two rooms contained a large concentration of scribe's implements, including three halved conch s h e l l s used as ink pots, eight small rectangular stone mortars and s i x pestles used for paint  preparation, medium and small jars and several large stone axes. In addition to s c r i b a l implements, a moderate amount of bone-work debitage and a small amount of shell-work debitage, un-worked s h e l l and s h e l l and bone ornaments suggested to Inomata that other a r t i s t i c production was c a r r i e d out i n M810 (Inomata 2001:  327). Given the paucity of household  material associated with women's a c t i v i t i e s i n these two rooms and the concentration of scribe's implements, Inomata presumed these two rooms to have been occupied by a male s p e c i a l i s t (Inomata and Stiver 1998:  7). The musical instruments-drums  and flutes-unearthed i n the north room and  greenstone  ornaments were also associated with male a c t i v i t y and prestige by Inomata (Inomata and Stiver 1998:  7).  The north addition where manos and metates  and other l i t h i c s  associated with food production were located suggested to Inomata that the primary function of t h i s space was preparation (Inomata and Stiver 1998:  food  10). In d i r e c t r e l a t i o n  to the implements of food production recovered were a large number of f i g u r i n e s . On the basis of arguments presented subsequently,  I would argue that a c t i v i t i e s concerned  with  childcare were also performed i n t h i s space. Similar a r t i f a c t s indicate that the same female-gendered a c t i v i t i e s were c a r r i e d out on the north terrace, behind the structure (Inomata and  Stiver 1998:  10; Inomata 1995:  719-766). A high concentration  of spindle whorls and bone needles conventionally i d e n t i f i e d as women's textile-production t o o l s , were also found i n the south room and addition.  According to Inomata structure M8-10 displays a r e l a t i v e l y c l e a r d i v i s i o n of male and female spaces (1995; Inomata and S t i v e r 1998;  Inomata 2001:  327; Inomata and Triadan n.d.). The  excavation of b u r i a l s i n t h i s structure during the 1997 f i e l d season of the Aguateca Archaeological Project supports t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n (Inomata and Triadan n.d.). An excavation i n front of the bench of the central room i n which were found objects of male labour, revealed an extended b u r i a l of a 35 t o 50 year o l d male (Inomata and Triadan n.d.). He had dental modification with jade incrustation. The b u r i a l contained a polychrome bowl. A skeleton of an infant was i n front of the bench i n the south room associated with women's labours of food preparation, t e x t i l e production, and possibly c h i l d rearing. Around the skeleton were remains of red pigment and the headpiece of a broken f i g u r i n e . Behind the structure, i n another area of women's labour, the bodies of two adult females were placed i n a cyst of irregular-shaped stones on the bedrock (Inomata and Triadan, n.d.)(Figure 1.8).  Structure M8-13 was a small, two room  semi-perishable  building, employing stone masonry for the lower portion of the walls and perishable materials for the upper walls and roof (Figure 1.9-1.10). A high bench occupied the western side of the west room while the east room was s i g n i f i c a n t l y larger and possessed a rear bench. The west room contained metates with matching manos and u t i l i t a r i a n ceramic vessels some of which appear t o have been used for cooking (Inomata and Triadan n.d.). The east room contained  a group of a r t i f a c t s including  serving vessels, two spindle whorls, a few b i f a c i a l  lithic  tools, and f i g u r i n e fragments . The building had few prestige 2  goods such as s h e l l and stone ornaments; materials s p e c i f i c a l l y associated with male a c t i v i t y were absent. Based on the presence of women's labour—food  and t e x t i l e  production,  Inomata and Triadan conclude that M8-13 constituted an independent household of lower status i n comparison t o M8-10. While class difference i s p l a u s i b l e , i t i s also possible that the d i f f e r i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the recovered  artifacts  indicate that only women and c h i l d r e n occupied  and used the  rooms i n M8-13. The model that suggests class difference i s based on the notion of nuclear families occupying i n d i v i d u a l buildings. However, applying the house society model and i t s indications of extended and multi-family r e s i d e n t i a l D a n i e l a T r i a d a n ( p e r s o n a l communication A p r i l 24, 2001) s t a t e d t h a t two f i g u r i n e s r e p r e s e n t i n g k n e e l i n g women were a l s o r e c o v e r e d on t h e r e a r bench o f t h i s room. 2  assemblages opens up the p o s s i b i l i t y of gender segregation, consistent with the evidence from the Monjas at Chichén Itzâ. As w i l l be shown i n subsequent sections, the scale of gender segregation appears to vary with the scale of the r e s i d e n t i a l group.  Structure M8-8,  House of the Axes  Structure M8-8,  nicknamed the "House of the Axes," i s located  i n a patio group just to the north of Structures M8-10 13 (Figure 1.1). As i n Structure 8-10  and  M8-  [Scribe], the structure  contains three main rooms with side additions on the north and south. The pattern of a r t i f a c t d i s t r i b u t i o n i n Structure i s also s i m i l a r to that of M8-10  M8-8  i n the l o c a l i z a t i o n of the  a c t i v i t i e s of food storage and preparation and c r a f t production (Figure 1.11-1.12). A r t i f a c t s indicate that food preparation and t e x t i l e production were c a r r i e d out i n the north room and on the adjoining front terrace. A stone carver appeared to work i n the north side-room, a l a t e r d i r t f l o o r addition to the o r i g i n a l three-room structure of M8-8  where  the majority of the 18 large, medium and small polished axes showing use-wear for carving stone were found (Inomata 328). Separated  2001:  from these spaces of women and men's physical  labour were those of administration and entertainment out i n the central room (Inomata and Triadan n.d.).  carried  Structure M8-17, a shrine An important part of a r e s i d e n t i a l patio group i d e n t i f i e d by Becker i n his d e f i n i t i o n and description of the Plaza Plan B i s the shrine structure, characterized by greater  platform  height combined with lesser i n t e r i o r space. Inomata excavated such a shrine at Aguateca, M8-17, which i s located i n a patio group to the south of M8-10 (Figure 1.2). The plan of the superstructure  involves three p a r a l l e l rooms—front to back  rather than side-by-side as i n r e s i d e n t i a l structures. The presence of stingray spines, some burned bone a r t i f a c t s , a possible incense burner and a paucity of material associated with food production  led Inomata to conclude structure M8-17  functioned as a shrine (Inomata 1995: 189-195). According to Inomata the fragment of a ceramic figure found i n the shrine may have been part of an incensario  [incense burner] or a  figurine (1995: 792, f i g . 8.73). Structure M8-54 t o the rear of M8-17 was possibly a kitchen that provided  for the  a c t i v i t i e s c a r r i e d out at the shrine.  Segregation of male and female a c t i v i t i e s by room The archaeological data of Aguateca suggests a c e r t a i n degree of consistency i n the use of space i n dwellings,  articulating  differences of both status and gender. In the three-room residences, s c r i b a l and carving a c t i v i t i e s undertaken by  presumed male s p e c i a l i s t s occur i n flanking rooms separate from the r e l a t i v e l y a r t i f a c t - f r e e central room spaces associated with administration and higher status. Rooms also appear t o have separated men and women's work areas. The two forms of evidence that have been noted for men and women's presence were b u r i a l s and implements associated with men's c r a f t production i n stone, s h e l l and bone and b u r i a l s and implements associated with women's labour of food preparation and t e x t i l e production.  Ash buried structures of Cerén, E l Salvador The a g r i c u l t u r a l v i l l a g e of Joya de Cerén, E l Salvador provides a more r u r a l setting of an ancient Maya household. Like Aguateca, t h i s s i t e was r a p i d l y abandoned. About A.D. 590 a volcanic eruption buried Cerén preserving an extraordinary array of a r t i f a c t s and features i n or near t h e i r ancient positions (Figure 1.13). According t o excavator Payson Sheets (1992: 1), household inventories are v i r t u a l l y complete, and a c t i v i t i e s can be reconstructed with a measure of accuracy. The excavated areas of Cerén suggest that each small c l u s t e r of domestic structures, including domiciles, kitchens, sweat baths, and storehouses, along with adjoining small kitchen gardens, constituted a single household which was part of a much larger zone of settlement (Sheets 1992:  introduction).  Some structures at Cerén are r e l a t i v e l y small. In such cases, each building may be f u n c t i o n a l l y comparable to a room of a range structure at Aguateca and other centres  (Inomata 1995).  In the following sections I w i l l provide a summary of the data provided by the reports of Payson Sheets and his associated excavators working at Cerén.  Household c l u s t e r 1 Most of the excavated structures at Cerén formed part of a r e s i d e n t i a l group, s i g n i f i c a n t portions of which [perhaps h a l f ] were l o s t to bulldozer c u t t i n g before construction was stopped and the remainder of the s i t e could be preserved (Brown and Sheets 2000: 12)(Figure  1.14-1.15). The s o c i a l  unity of c l u s t e r 1 as a household group has been demonstrated by the i d e n t i c a l pottery, made within the group and used throughout (Payson Sheets October 13, 1998: personal communication to Cohodas). Cluster one actually consists of two patio groups. The smaller of these i s referred to i n preliminary publications as Household One and includes structures 1, 5, 6, 11 and adjoining gardens. The larger patio group l o s t most t o the bulldozer, and today i s known only through structures 10 and 12.  Structure 1, "the domicile" Structure 1 has been c a l l e d the domicile because of evidence that t h i s i s the building where some of the residents ate, slept, made pottery and cotton thread, and stored some implements and food (Sheets 1992: pottery working area was  39-46)(Figure  1.16). A  found on the western side of the  extended front porch; the lump of prepared clay there matched the clay of the u t i l i t a r i a n pottery of the household (Sheets 1992:  44). A crudely made miniature pot containing twenty  rounded potsherds [broken fragments from various pots] was also found i n the porch area. Sheets suggested these might have been a c h i l d ' s playthings; the c h i l d may  have been  learning to count as ethnographic sources record base twenty as the numerical  system used by the Maya (Sheets 1992:  44).  The a r t i f a c t s i n the sizeable inner room included large storage j a r s , stored obsidian blades, a spindle whorl, a miniature metate used for grinding red paint, pieces of sea s h e l l s , small pots of stored beans, containers of l i q u i d ,  and  bunches of c h i l i peppers. F i f t e e n ceramic vessels were recovered  inside the domicile and seven more stored under the  eaves of the e x t e r i o r . There was  a covered work area  attached  to the east side of Structure 1 where spindle whorls on a spindle, some broken pots, an obsidian flake, and a "donut stone" mounted on a s t i c k [possibly used as a digging t o o l ]  were recovered. To the south of t h i s area was a metate set up on the forked s t i c k s (àorguetas) that elevated i t to waist l e v e l . A few shards, pots, and a human figurine head were stored on the r a f t e r s above t h i s grinding area (Sheets 1992: 39-46).  Structure 6, the bodega Immediately to the south of Structure 1 was the storehouse (Jbodega) of the household (Sheets 1992: 46-52) (Figure 1.17). Structure 6, was loaded with pottery vessels: twenty-three u t i l i t a r i a n vessels, many with food within, and f i v e fancy polychrome ceramics. A grinding area was set up inside the structure. A duck t i e d by i t s foot to the back wall was l i k e l y destined for food. Hammer stones, obsidian a r t i f a c t s , a spindle whorl stored with red paint mixed with mica, and "donut stones" make up the rest of the inventory of the bodega.  Structure 11, the kitchen Structure 11, the kitchen i s to the east of Structure 6 (Sheets 1992: 52-56)(Figure  1.17). Its doorway conveniently  opens d i r e c t l y toward the bodega. The kitchen had s t i c k walls and thatch roof permitting a i r c i r c u l a t i o n . As i n the bodega and domicile, the kitchen unit was f i l l e d with ceramic vessels  [twenty—six i n t o t a l ] storing food and l i q u i d s . Fragmentary remains of four painted gourds were also uncovered. Cooking pots, with t h e i r smoke-blackened bottoms, were concentrated around the three-stone hearth. Sheets suggested  that food must  have been taken from the kitchen i n serving vessels to the main structure for consumption as serving wares were found i n the kitchen, bodega and domicile (Sheets 1992: ethnographic  116). Based on  analogy i n the gendered d i v i s i o n of labour,  Sheets suggests Structure 11 "probably was a female a c t i v i t y area focusing on food processing. A probable male a c t i v i t y structure f o r daytime a c t i v i t i e s evidently was Structure 5, on the other side of the domicile. The kitchen was constructed with p r a c t i c a l i t y i n mind, and i t was i n t e r n a l l y well organized. I t was amply stocked with cooking, storage, and food processing vessels and implements. And, those implements often went beyond the minimal requirements f o r function, as decoration of them was common and sometimes quite elaborate" (Sheets 1992: 56). Structure 10 Structure 10 was  located just northeast of the kitchen  [Structure 11] and d i r e c t l y across from the bodega [Structure 6] (Figure 1.19). Its e x t e r i o r c o r r i d o r shares the functions of storage and food production. I t had an unusual gate-like entry at the southwest corner of i t s fence-like enclosure. This gateway faced west onto the small court created by the juxtaposition of the domicile, bodega and kitchen (Sheets Simmons 1993:  and  46-90). In t o t a l forty-one vessels, the majority  of which were used for food storage, were recovered  from the  front enclosure and west room of the superstructure. A stack of polychrome service wares was  stored on a shelf i n the east  room. Food production a c t i v i t i e s that ranged from s h e l l i n g corn to grinding on the metate to cooking on two nearby hearths took place outside the structure within the north enclosure  (Sheets and Simmons 1993:  83). According  to Sheets  and Simmons' preliminary report the r e l a t i v e l y high volume of foods, large numbers and sizes of storage and cooking vessels indicate food preparation was area (Sheets and Simmons 1993:  done on a large-scale i n t h i s 83). More recently, Brown and  Sheets (2000: 13-14) argued that structure 10 was  designed to  prepare food for feasts as well as the storage of f e s t i v a l paraphernalia.  Structure  12  The physical configuration and a r t i f a c t d i s t r i b u t i o n of Structure 12 i s unlike any other structure uncovered thus far at Cerén (Sheets and Simmons 1993:  91-124)(Figure 1.20). In  the composite, the a r t i f a c t s of Structure 12 are notable  not  only for t h e i r nature and unusual d i s t r i b u t i o n , but also f o r t h e i r extensive use wear. In many cases objects were broken or may  even have been previously discarded and l a t e r r e t r i e v e d . A  concentration of eight small a r t i f a c t s was  possibly stored on  the l i n t e l above the doorway (Sheets and Simmons 1993: 114). They included two spindle whorls, one small and one large used obsidian blade, a painted gourd, a greenstone disk, a c l u s t e r of ten t i n y c r y s t a l s common i n the surrounding volcanic area of Cerén, and a piece of marine s h e l l (Sheets and Simmons 1993: 114). Another group of small a r t i f a c t s was found i n the niche that was b u i l t into the bench immediately south of the North Room. These included: a few scattered beans, a ceramic r i n g , a human figurine painted black and red, the broken o f f head of an animal figurine painted white, a broken deer antler probably used as a corn husker [tapiscador] and a few pieces of broken s h e l l (Sheets and Simmons 1993: 114-115). Five ceramic vessels were placed on the bench. Leaning against the south wall of the North Room almost below another niche b u i l t into i t s west wall i n which was placed a painted gourd, was a large trough metate extensively used. A pot that contained maize kernels accompanied the metate but no mano was recovered nearby. Three ceramic vessels had been placed nearby on the f l o o r at the northeast corner of the North Room. One of these contained beans and was ornamented around the neck of the vessel with a narrow band of matting possibly to f a c i l i t a t e suspension (Sheets and Simmons 1993: 116).  A r t i f a c t s found i n the inner rooms were also unusual i n placement. For example, three small vessels were placed on the f l o o r of the East Room: near the door; the other two near the south end of the room. One of the l a t t e r of these was placed on top of four perforated o l i v e l l a shells that were probably strung together with a s t r i n g . A miniature mano was placed i n the niche b u i l t into the wall of the room. The only other  item  i n the room was a small p i l e of beans s i t t i n g on the f l o o r . The West Room with the l a t t i c e window contained a single a r t i f a c t , a large open bowl found i n the southwest corner.  Sheets and Simmons o f f e r two possible interpretations of function for Structure 12. On the one hand, the b u i l d i n g functioned as a council house. This suggestion was primarily based on the latticework on Structure 12's front wall and t o a lesser degree on the mat decorating the vessel found i n the North Room. " I f that latticework was constructed t o depict the mat,  the symbol of authority i n southern Mesoamerica, then  S t r . 12 probably functioned as the council house" (Sheets and Simmons 1993: 120) used to store items of ceremonial function and as a meeting structure for community leaders (Sheets and Simmons 1993: 121). The second interpretation, amplified by Brown and Sheets (2000: 15), i s that the structure was occupied  by a shaman/curer. Tracy Sweely (1999) argues that  t h i s shaman/curer was most l i k e l y a woman, considering the gendered labours connected with the implements recovered  from  t h i s structure. They propose that the exchange of individual's belongings  of high personal value, rather than i n t r i n s i c  value, for services rendered may account f o r the unusual assemblage of a r t i f a c t found within Structure 12 (Sheets and Simmons 1993: 118).  Structure 5, the "workshop" The ramada, Structure 5, had a thatched roof but no walls (Sheets 1992:  56)(Figure 1.14-1.15). I t was connected with  Structure 1, the domicile, by a walkway of stones. The density of obsidian wastage suggested t o o l manufacture, a necessary part of Maya household economy.  Household c l u s t e r 2 Several structures of Household 2 have also been excavated. The bodega, Structure 7, and domicile, Structure 2, and a sweat bath or temascal,  Structure 9 (Sheets 1992: 97-102), as  well as some of the surrounding  ground area have been  uncovered (Figure 1.21-1.22). The sweatbath (Figure 1.23) i t s e l f and the area surrounding  i t were predictably free of  portable a r t i f a c t s . Sweatbaths are common features of contemporary highland Maya households. Taking a sauna can be  more than merely a way to become p h y s i c a l l y clean among Mesoamerican Indigenous Peoples; i t often has medicinal and s p i r i t u a l implications (Sullivan 1998). For example, i n Aztec household complexes temascales were located i n the designated women's areas where women would have used them during menstruation and c h i l d b i r t h (Evans  1991).  Structure 3 The best-constructed building excavated so f a r at Cerén i s the large two-roomed Structure 3 that had an additional front porch covered by the roof thatch (Sheets 1992: 89-97)(Figure 1.24). The porch and adjacent area revealed a high frequency of foot t r a f f i c to and from t h i s building. Benches were b u i l t i n the front room creating a central passage to the large rear room. Four niches were b u i l t into the walls: two i n the back wall, two i n the front. Two pots and a deer bone spatula stored i n one of the niches were the only a r t i f a c t s recovered i n the front room. A very large vessel used f o r the keeping and dispensing of l i q u i d rested on the southern bench. The second polychrome vessel stored nearby was probably used as the dispenser of the l i q u i d . The only other a r t i f a c t s found i n the e n t i r e building were a "donut stone" and another rock, both of undetermined use.  The d i s p a r i t y of a r c h i t e c t u r a l s i z e , high incidence of use and a r t i f a c t frequency [other structures had 50 times the density (Sheets 1992: 89)] led Sheets t o suggest the building functioned as a men's communal house as the s e t t i n g for deliberation and judgments, celebrated by the drinking of chicha  [maize beer] took place (Sheets 1992: 97). However, the  plan of the building i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the r e s i d e n t i a l type structure that Becker considers a primary residence and Hendon c a l l s the dominant structure. In comparison, the g r a f f i t o scratched into the back wall of t h i s structure (Sheets 1992: 96) i s i n a comparable l o c a t i o n to examples found i n dominant residences  i n the Petén and Rio Bee regions. Sheets'  alternative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s based on a larger framework i n which Cerén i s considered  a commoner r u r a l subsidiary to a  larger e l i t e centre known as San Andres. Sheets therefore interpreted the structure i n terms of small-scale or " t r i b a l " p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s i n contrast to the " e l i t e " p o l i t i c a l relations that Hendon discusses f o r Copân. Some authors have disputed t h i s model of ancient Maya society as a contrast of e l i t e s and commoners (McAnany 1995:  158-59; Cohodas 1996). On  t h i s basis, the absence of evidence f o r women's labour, so common i n v i r t u a l l y a l l of the other structures uncovered so far [with the exception of the sweatbath], might suggest that Structure 3 functioned as a men's residence.  Segregation  of male and female a c t i v i t i e s by structure  Household c l u s t e r 1 has been most f u l l y excavated at Cerén although s i m i l a r patterns of a c t i v i t i e s have been i d e n t i f i e d i n a l l households. For example, food was stored i n one place, prepared i n another location, and consumed i n yet another, and much of the movement of food from place to place was i n the polychrome vessels. Gardens were found south of the bodegas containing agave [maguey] plants that would have supplied considerable f i b e r for twine and rope (Sheets 1992: 120). Manioc and maize crops, bromeliacia plants, and a cacao tree were also c u l t i v a t e d . Each household produced the majority of the goods u t i l i z e d and consumed within. Some trading between immediate households seems l i k e l y .  The d i s t i n c t i o n of women's and men's working spaces accords with information on Aguateca. However, i n contrast to the gendered separation of space according to rooms within a single structure, as i n Aguateca's House of the Scribe, no structure yet excavated at Cerén i s there c l e a r evidence of gendered d i v i s i o n of space within the structure. In Instead we see the d i s t i n c t i o n of space by structure according to the a c t i v i t i e s c a r r i e d out by men and women. Most structures contain multiple indications of women's labour. Structures that may be associated s p e c i f i c a l l y with male a c t i v i t i e s  include only the workshop [Structure 5] and the dominant Structure 3.  However, a more cautious and f l e x i b l e viewpoint would take note of the evidence that at Cerén, as at a l l C l a s s i c Maya s i t e s , there are structures and spaces where i t i s v i r t u a l l y impossible to designate  function i n terms of gender. Even with  the material record as complete as i t i s at the s i t e of Cerén the majority of a c t i v i t i e s that people carry out i n t h e i r dayto-day existence are l o s t to the archaeological record.  The house s o c i e t i e s model a l e r t s us to such dynamic i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s and changes through time, as the use of spaces changes with the d a i l y and seasonal cycles. Many i n d i v i d u a l actions-embedded i n the complex s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s of the house society—that formed the archaeological record would have contradicted or modified the uses of space suggested by a r c h i t e c t u r a l forms. These actions remained unpredictable and to some extent unruly. One example might be the wall, a possible modification of Structure 10 that closed o f f the d i r e c t entrance to i t s front door and required access from the patio formed by the domicile, kitchen, and bodega.  Some aspects of the archaeological record that seem puzzling when viewed through conventional models are c l a r i f i e d by application of the House Society model. These include evidence for extended family [or multi-family] residence, as with the six metates i n active use i n household c l u s t e r 1 [four i n the smaller patio group alone] suggesting more than one woman prepared corn i n that household.  Group 9 N - 8 i n the Sepulturas D i s t r i c t of Copân The r e s i d e n t i a l area known as Sepulturas i n the Copân Valley of Honduras was  at the s i t e of Copân  excavated from 1981-1984  by the Proyecto Arqueolôgico Copân Fase II [PAC  II) under the  d i r e c t i o n of William T.- Sanders. Several r e s i d e n t i a l groups i n the Sepulturas  d i s t r i c t were excavated, ranging i n s i z e from  the single-patio group 9M-24, to the large group  9N-8.  Archaeological survey has i d e n t i f i e d 15 patios i n Group  9N-8,  but i t s o r i g i n a l extent cannot be determined as a portion of the household has been washed away by the Copân River  (Figure  1.25).  Unlike the structures of Aguateca and Cerén discussed above, r e s i d e n t i a l groups i n Sepulturas were not r a p i d l y abandoned. However, what makes these remains extremely useful for t h i s thesis i s the c a r e f u l analysis by J u l i a Hendon of remaining  utensils and t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n , suggesting  functions both f o r  the objects and the spaces i n which they were found.  A r c h i t e c t u r a l arrangement and a r t i f a c t d i s t r i b u t i o n Patio A i s the largest and by f a r the most formally arranged of the patios of 9N-8  (Figures 1.26-1.27). The largest and  most elaborate b u i l d i n g , House of the Bacabs [Structure 82], was  the dominant residence of Patio A (Figure 1.28). The  structure included three rooms, with flanking rooms opening to the side and the central room opening onto a broad terrace with a stairway leading into the formal courtyard. Not was  only  the façade decorated with sculpture, but the central room  also features a large carved bench decorated on the front edge with an elaborate f u l l - f i g u r e hieroglyphic i n s c r i p t i o n to A.D.  780]  [dated  that records a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the head of  Patio A household and the Copân r u l e r , Yax Pasah (Hendon  1987:  545). As at Aguateca and Cerén, these "administrative" rooms or domiciles, respectively, had fewer associated a r t i f a c t s than other structures. What was  present, however, indicated  that these spaces were probably for meeting, sleeping, food consumption and r i t u a l but not food preparation 906-907). A small food preparation area was  (Hendon  1991:  instead located  below and behind dominant Structure 82 (Hendon 1987:  493-494).  Structure 82 s i t s at the center of a U-shaped platform arrangement on which are located the secondary residences of Patio A. Unlike the symmetrically decorated  planned and elaborately  Structure 82, secondary residences were generally  asymmetrical i n plan and either lacked façade decorations had comparatively  or  simple ones. In one of these secondary  residences, Structure 81, b a l l game equipment (one "yoke" and two "hachas") was  stored (Hendon 1987:  493).  Adjoining  Structure 81 i s the only platform space not occupied by a masonry structure. This area was probably covered by a ramada, or open-sided perishable structure, since here were also found u t e n s i l s associated with food preparation  (1987: 492-493)  F i n a l l y , the north side of the patio i s occupied by the r i t u a l structure or shrine, Structure 80, which as expected rests on the highest  superstructure.  The superior construction and greater decoration of a l l the structures i n Patio A suggests a higher s o c i a l rank for t h e i r occupants (Hendon 1987:  906). By contrast, o v e r a l l the  architecture of adjoining Patio E i s less elaborate than Patios A with a higher preponderance of perishable materials used i n the construction of the superstructures. Structure the dominant building of Patio E, i s the only vaulted  97,  structure, and compares with the secondary residences of Patio A i n i t s asymmetrical plan (Figure 1.27,  1.29).  In contrast to Patio A, which lacked any i n t e r i o r spaces f o r food preparation, t h i s function was  more widely d i s t r i b u t e d i n  Patio E, i n various i n t e r i o r and exterior locations [patio, terrace, room] for most of the r e s i d e n t i a l structures. Tools related to weaving [bone p i c k s ] , spinning [spindle whorls], and sewing [bone needles] also occurred frequently i n room and terrace contexts throughout t h i s patio. Their d i s t r i b u t i o n indicates that a c t i v i t i e s related to c l o t h production were equally widespread. By contrast only two bone picks were recovered within the rooms of Patio A (Hendon 1997:  Figurines were found on or near small platforms the front of residences  43).  attached  to  i n Patio E. While Hendon a l l o c a t e d a  r i t u a l function to figurines (Hendon 1987:  377-379), t h e i r  t y p i c a l association with areas of food and  textile  preparation, rather than with shrines, argues against such a function.  The smallest structure i n Patio E i s Structure 94, a platform b u i l t into the center of the courtyard. While there were no associated a r t i f a c t s , Hendon suggests that i t served a r i t u a l  function, i n part based on a s i m i l a r i t y of placement [midpatio] to shrines i n Post-Classic households such as those at Mayapân, Yucatan (Hendon 1987:  202, 541).  Burials The two forms of evidence that have been noted for women's presence at Aguateca were a r t i f a c t s associated with women's labour [food preparation and t e x t i l e production]  and females  i n b u r i a l s . David Webster (1989: 14) reports the high number of female b u r i a l s i n the residence 9N-8 at Copân. However, the p r i v i l e g e d b u r i a l s i n tombs associated with the main Patio A and dominant Structure 82 were a l l of men, while most women's b u r i a l s were secondary i n construction, furnishing, and location (Hendon 1991:  909-10). S i g n i f i c a n t l y , of the sexable  b u r i a l s [67 i n d i v i d u a l s ] of Patios E and F only two were males (Webster 1998:  14). A l l the r e s t were females and c h i l d r e n too  young t o allow adequate sexing (1998: 14). A d d i t i o n a l l y , a large quantity of human bone was found i n midden ( i . e . trash) contexts associated with Patios E and F.  Segregation  of male and female a c t i v i t i e s by patio group  What i s most s i g n i f i c a n t concerning the comparison of Patios A and E i s t h e i r pervasive and dramatic contrasts.  Patio A was  c l e a r l y superior i n scale, construction,  and  decorative elaboration. Most buildings i n Patio A were vaulted, the only exceptions  being the shrine [Structure  and one of the secondary residences  [Structure 81],  80]  and  several [including structure 81] featured s c u l p t u r a l decorations. In contrast, Patio E i s smaller i n scale, lower i n elevation, and contains only a single vaulted structure and no evidence of s c u l p t u r a l decoration. Several structures i n Patio E also contain raised platforms on the front terrace that were c l e a r l y workspaces.  D i s t r i b u t i o n of food preparation also d i f f e r s . In Patio A, food preparation i s l i m i t e d to two exterior locations, whereas i n Patio E t h i s a c t i v i t y took place i n several rooms and terraces and p a r t i c u l a r l y on the raised platforms. of t e x t i l e production  Evidence  i s also abundant and widely d i s t r i b u t e d  i n Patio E but rare and r e s t r i c t e d i n Patio A. Figurines are also widely d i s t r i b u t e d i n Patio E but absent i n Patio A.  These differences argue for a gendered a r t i c u l a t i o n of space at l e a s t p a r t i a l l y analogous to those of Aguateca and Cerén. As i n those s i t e s , evidence of women's labour i s c l e a r e s t , and i n Patio E the association of cooking and t e x t i l e implements  accords with the preponderance of women and children among the recovered b u r i a l s . Indeed, David Webster has argued that: This extraordinary sexual imbalance suggests that these courtyards [Patios E and F] had very s p e c i a l i z e d functions, perhaps serving as r e s i d e n t i a l zones for women and t h e i r o f f s p r i n g attached d i r e c t l y to courtyard A (1989: 14). This evidence demonstrates both that gender was a c r u c i a l status determinant, and that status differences are i n some cases explainable as gender difference. I t further emphasizes the close r e l a t i o n between gender and labour that makes i t not only possible but also advantageous to separate individuals into gender-based groups within multi- and extended-family households.  Hendon refutes t h i s suggestion of gender segregation 1997  i n her  a r t i c l e "Women's Work, Women's Space, and Women's Status  Among the Classic-Period Maya E l i t e of the Copan Valley, Honduras." She argues that differences i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of a r t i f a c t s and b u r i a l s as seen i n Patios A and E "cannot be used to define a symbolically meaningful segregated 'women's space'"(Hendon 1997: 44). While I agree with Hendon that gendered segregation  of space was not absolute  i n 9N-8, I  disagree with her conclusion that i n s t i t u t i o n s supporting s o c i a l hierarchy based on gender existed at the p o l i t y l e v e l and not within the domestic sphere. Hendon's interpretations  appear to be based on a nuclear family model that many have noted i s inconsistent with archaeological evidence. As we have seen, i n house s o c i e t i e s the rights and needs of members were d i f f e r e n t i a l l y invested and supported, constructing status differences among the various labours that contribute to the household economy and the spaces i n which these labours were c a r r i e d out, and thereby r e s u l t i n g i n observable differences i n i n d i v i d u a l s ' status.  I suggest the d e f i n i t i o n s of space within 9N-8 were intimately related to s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s based on both c o n f l i c t and cooperation. Thus, the s p a t i a l organization of the r e l a t i o n s of production and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n would have taken many forms. While some a c t i v i t i e s involved the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of male and female spaces others d i d not. So too the p o s i t i o n of an i n d i v i d u a l within the house ranking system whether male or female may also have determined what labours were undertaken and where they were c a r r i e d out. Thus, the presence of women [as evidence by bone picks for weaving] within the s o c i a l spaces conceptualized as male arenas [Patio A of 9N-8] does not negate the p o s s i b i l i t y that gender segregation and hierarchy existed within 9N-8 during the C l a s s i c Period. Differences i n the organization of the r e l a t i o n s of production  over space and through time must be taken into account i n the analysis of ancient Maya household formation. As Webster argued, Patios A and E thus form a functional unit, d i f f e r e n t i a t e d by gender and associated labours. This unit was replicated i n Patios C and B of the same group 9N-8,  and i s  analogous to the functional i n t e r r e l a t i o n of the two patios i n household c l u s t e r 1 at Cerén.  Not a l l status differences are explainable by gender, however. As noted, some people's remains were l i t e r a l l y thrown into the trash. Such persons were l i k e l y of very low status and outside the dominant kin group i n the residence. They may have been members of serving families or perhaps slaves captured i n raids, who contributed to the economy of the multi-family house society.  Also contributing to t h i s multi-family household economy i n Group 9N-8 were a r t i s a n s , presumably male, who  produced  ornaments of s h e l l and bone i n the adjoining Patios D and H (Hendon 1991: 911). This i s the only evidence of male labour that compares with evidence f o r a r t i s a n a l a c t i v i t y recovered by Inomata at Aguateca. However, the large number of ceramic remains from the Lake Yojoa and Ulua Valley regions of Honduras that were found i n the same patios might argue for  the presence of c l i e n t families or groups (Noble  1989:  personal communication to Cohodas).  Comparison with T i k a l , Guatemala While Inomata, Sweely, and Webster, as well as myself 1996)  (1994;  have a l l argued for a gendered d i v i s i o n of space i n  p a r t i c u l a r Maya a r c h i t e c t u r a l contexts, t h i s concept has not been recognized as a potential topic of inquiry f o r archaeological investigation. This absence i s a l l the more remarkable for the ethnohistoric support compiled by Carmack for the great houses of the K'iche' kingdom occupied by heads of the four noble lineages i n the pre-Hispanic c a p i t a l of G'umarcaaj. Carmack reports that: According to Fuentes y Guzman , the several compartments and d i v i s i o n s of the palace complex...were as follows: (1) quarters used for a m i l i t i a , with patio for t r a i n i n g , kitchens for preparing food, and rooms for manufacturing arms; (2) rooms occupied by the princes and close male r e l a t i v e s of the r u l e r , assisted by servants and slaves (other kitchens and gardens were connected to t h i s section); (3) the residence of the r u l e r , with i t s associated court; (4) the two-storied residence h a l l of the wives of the r u l e r , with special rooms for cooking, weaving, mat making, and duck r a i s i n g f o r feathers (there were sweatbaths i n t h i s section of the palace); (5) the residences of the 'princesses' and other female r e l a t i v e s of the r u l i n g lineage (this section had a private passageway that led to one of the temple complexes). As 3  'During t h e 17 Century, Guatemalan C r e o l e F r a n c i s c o A n t o n i o de Fuentes y Guzman came i n p o s s e s s i o n of a d e t a i l e d map of Utatlân (G'umarcaaj) p r e p a r e d by the Tamub K ' i c h e ' i n the 16 Century. He v i s i t e d Utatlân and d e s c r i b e d the b u i l d i n g s by combining i n f o r m a t i o n from the map w i t h l o c a l N a t i v e t r a d i t i o n s about t h e i r i d e n t i t y and f u n c t i o n s (Carmack 1981: 9 ) . th  th  already noted, d i f f e r e n t sections of the palaces had shrines for carrying out private r i t u a l s (1981: 196). These investigations at Aguateca, Copân, and Cerén also demonstrate that gendered d i v i s i o n of space varies from d i f f e r e n t rooms i n the same structure [Aguateca], to d i f f e r e n t structures around the same patio [Aguateca], to d i f f e r e n t patios [Cerén, Copân]. This d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of space may  occur  on even grander scale i n the royal r e s i d e n t i a l group of T i k a l . The a r c h i t e c t u r a l complex c a l l e d the Central Acropolis been i d e n t i f i e d as the royal palace  has  (Figures 1.30). In i t s  l a t e s t stage of construction i t consists of six patios or courts surrounded by range buildings of one, two or three s t o r i e s . Peter Harrison's  (1970: 278-280) extensive report on  the excavation of t h i s "palace" group confirms that the rooms and i n t e r i o r patios primarily function as a residence. Extraordinarily, during the major occupation  i n the l a t e  C l a s s i c period, materials consistent with food storage  and  preparation were t o t a l l y lacking within the r e s i d e n t i a l compound of the Central Acropolis and women's b u r i a l s were r e s t r i c t e d to a single structure (Harrison 1971:  299).  Investigation has shown that, at the foot of the south face of the Central Acropolis that rests on the north edge of a deep ravine c a l l e d the "Palace Reservoir", a terrace had been constructed supporting a large scale kitchen with six hearths  and an extensive midden [Structure 5D-131](Harrison 1971: 303).  I t appears that women cooked for the large population  [estimated at 200]  of the Central Acropolis but i t i s not  evident that women l i v e d there. Where then did they l i v e ?  Segregation of male and female a c t i v i t i e s by group A "dike" on the east end of the reservoir conveniently  served  as a walkway providing access between the Central Acropolis and the group of small buildings that l i e s on the south side of the ravine (Coe 1967:  72)(Figure  1.30). These buildings are  arranged around three patios but include only a s i n g l e vaulted structure. The r e l a t i v e scale and location of t h i s group suggests that i t s occupants functioned as a service corps for the residents of the Central Acropolis, analogous to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Patios E and A i n Group 9N-8 at Copân but here on the scale of group rather than patio. While the class [elite/commoner] model might suggest that the occupants of t h i s secondary group were commoner families, and that the lack of evidence of women's labour on the Central Acropolis i s due to the l e i s u r e of e l i t e women (Kehoe 1993:  267),  I would argue  that the differences noted are better explained by gender segregation. Without excavation of t h i s secondary group, i t i s impossible to support t h i s contention, but I would note that although there i s considerable evidence that the highest  ranking women also produced t e x t i l e s , weaving implements were likewise absent from the Central Acropolis.  Conclusion My concern i n t h i s chapter has been to examine the ways i n which gender, knowledge and power are linked, to show how i d e o l o g i c a l discourse i s produced within a given set of material conditions. In the preceding sections, I have been concerned to show that the construction and organization of ancient Maya residences  took t h e i r forms from the s o c i a l  r e l a t i o n s of i t s members. By l i n k i n g the idea of space as an h i s t o r i c a l l y - s p e c i f i c form of representation with the housesociety model of ancient Maya s o c i a l organization, i t has been possible to investigate the r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n of women. Women's l i v e s and a c t i v i t i e s are c r u c i a l here f o r two reasons. F i r s t , the primary archaeological evidence for residence i n any ancient Maya household consists of the tools of women's labour; evidence of men's labour i s contrastingly rare. Second, the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and interpretation of women's spaces relates s p e c i f i c a l l y to the topic of t h i s t h e s i s . I w i l l argue both that women produced Maya figurines and that these objects were i n t e g r a l to t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s of child-care and c h i l d rearing.  The segregation of women and men's s o c i a l space would have been an important means of constructing notions of sexual  and  s o c i a l difference. According to Bourdieu (1990:145), "the more the conditions of the production of dispositions resemble the conditions i n which they function to produce ordinary practices, the more s o c i a l l y successful, and therefore unconscious, these practices w i l l be". Such a view d i r e c t l y relates s p a t i a l i t y to the s o c i a l and to power. The attempt to secure the establishment  of boundaries through s o c i a l  practices, l i k e food preparation, can i n t h i s sense be seen to be an attempt to s t a b i l i z e the meaning of p a r t i c u l a r gendered i d e n t i t i e s . Moreover, the d i f f e r e n t i a l access to and use of various materials within the conceptual  and physical spaces of  the house also p a r t i a l l y defined r e l a t i o n s of gender hierarchy.  On t h i s basis we need to ask: how  d i d the i n d i v i d u a l s l i v i n g  within the d i f f e r e n t i a l l y valued spaces of the r e s i d e n t i a l compounds understand t h e i r s o c i a l world? How  did this  knowledge e s t a b l i s h meaning for bodily difference? Knowledge about the body, sexual difference, has been invoked and contested as part of many kinds of struggles for power.  We cannot escape the fact that the spaces i d e n t i f i e d as those of female labour and probable residence, when occurring i n structures separate from those of men's labour and  residence,  are secondary i n construction and elaboration. Gender hierarchy, while not the only form of gender r e l a t i o n applicable i n t h i s time and place, i s nevertheless  evident i n  the a r c h i t e c t u r a l d i s p a r i t y . Such inequality was i d e o l o g i c a l l y supported through the " o f f i c i a l " languages of p a t r i l i n y  and  p a t r i l o c a l i t y that r e i t e r a t e d and perhaps even exaggerated the s i g n i f i c a n c e of such practices taking place within the domestic environment. The gender hierarchy that existed i n ancient Maya society was  also by necessity a r e l a t i o n of  power. I t i s important to r e c a l l Foucault's 1979)  (1972;  1977;  revolutionary analyses of power r e l a t i o n s and apply them  to t h i s new  information on Maya household society.  Recall three points. F i r s t , that power c i r c u l a t e s through a l l l e v e l s of society through myriad forms of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p , within and between groups i d e n t i f i e d on the basis of  age,  gender, status, etc. Second, i n order to refute a top-down model of domination, Foucault argued that power comes from below, demonstrating that a l l persons learn to i n t e r n a l i z e value systems and thereby enable the power r e l a t i o n s that connect them with those both above and below. C l e a r l y ancient  Maya women p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a system that c a r r i e d both advantages and disadvantages, i n some cases d i f f e r e n t i a t e d according to t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the course of t h e i r l i f e [ i . e . the contrast between a newly arrived bride and a respected matriarch]. As a r e s u l t , women were also apparently  ranked  within t h e i r own hierarchies, as suggested by the presence of a dominant r e s i d e n t i a l structure i n Patio E of Group 9N-8 or the vaulted structure i n the service group at T i k a l . I t may be argued that the organization of women's labour  occurred  primarily through these r e l a t i o n s of both heterarchy and hierarchy among women, rather than through imposition by men.  F i n a l l y , Foucault's  conceptualization of the workings of power  as a continual process rather than an imposed constant  allows  for a p o s s i b i l i t y of s h i f t s and changes i n r e l a t i o n s . Although I continue to o f f e r "evidence" which suggests that the ancient Maya stressed the imposition of boundaries and the counter- • p o s i t i o n of one i d e n t i t y against another i n the construction and d e f i n i t i o n of space within the household, I would l i k e t o o f f e r an analysis that conceptualizes  space and one's place  within i t i n terms of constantly s h i f t i n g r e l a t i o n s . Just as personal i d e n t i t i e s are argued t o be multiple, s h i f t i n g and possibly unbounded, so also, are the i d e n t i t i e s of place (Massey 1994: 70). The concept of place depends c r u c i a l l y on  the notion of a r t i c u l a t i o n that recognizes difference and potential s o l i d a r i t i e s .  There are, of course, many ways to interpret a representation, and the organization of domestic space was only one representational form among many produced by the ancient Maya. To i n t e r p r e t one form of representation i s always to read i t i n r e l a t i o n to others. Individuals and groups of men, women and c h i l d r e n i n negotiation over i n t e r e s t s produced these varied forms of representations. Thus they often take a form of disputation; they contain contradictions, ambiguities and r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . The analysis of these varied representations must not only express and expose the complexity  of ancient Maya society but must also interrogate  the r o l e that domestic p o l i t i c s played i n the formation of identity.  What I am arguing i s that i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of f i g u r i n e s r e l i e s on reading these objects i n r e l a t i o n to the context of domestic space i n which they were produced and consumed. Following the analysis of the archaeological record i n reference to figurines i n Chapter Two, i n Chapter Three I w i l l discuss the production of figurines as a representational medium through which struggles over gender r e l a t i o n s within  the domestic environment were a r t i c u l a t e d , challenged, and, at times, perhaps completely  renegotiated.  CHAPTER TWO: FRAMING THE FIGURINES Chapter Two w i l l discuss the production  of d i f f e r e n t forms of  figurines by Ancient Maya artisans, t h e i r archaeological recovery, and what archaeological and ethnohistoric sources have said about t h e i r function. I w i l l argue that figurines primarily functioned as children's toys within a household context. I w i l l also explore other p o s s i b i l i t i e s of t h e i r use within the household such as g i f t offerings i n a funerary context.  Part One: Household context of f i g u r i n e use Throughout the Maya area, as elsewhere i n Mesoamerica, great quantities of ceramic figurines were produced f o r domestic use from the P r e - c l a s s i c through the P o s t - c l a s s i c period  (Figure  i ) . Mould-made figurine-whistles have been found within every Lowland C l a s s i c Maya s i t e so f a r investigated, and probably within every r e s i d e n t i a l unit excavated. These mould-made figurine-whistles have thus been recovered from household refuse, s t r u c t u r a l f i l l and from the f l o o r s of domestic structures. In addition, fragments of the f i g u r i n e moulds were recovered i n households at several s i t e s i n the Usumacinta region (Willey 1972: 72-74; Willey 1978: 9, 37), Lubaantun, B e l i z e (Joyce 1933: Pl.X, 2001:  1), and Aguateca, Guatemala (Triadan  1). These common hollow figurine-whistles were r a r e l y  placed i n burials or caches and are seldom found i n overt " r i t u a l " contexts. Those figurines excavated from funerary contexts at Nebaj and Cancuén i n Guatemala, Mayapân i n Yucatan, Palenque, Chiapas and Jaina i n Campeche, Mexico, are usually s o l i d and p a r t i a l l y hand-made instead. The conventional association of figurine-whistles with cooking and weaving implements  demonstrates t h e i r d i r e c t connection with  women. Several archaeologists have suggested (but not pursued) the p o s s i b i l i t y that figurine-whistles may have therefore functioned as toys (Rands and Rands 1965; Smith 1972; Tourtellot 1988b) and therefore entered into women's practices of childrearing i n ancient Maya households. In t h i s section I w i l l b r i e f l y report on exceptionally well documented examples of conventional f i g u r i n e locations within household space i n Aguateca  (Guatemala), Cerén ( E l Salvador) and Copân  (Honduras), before turning to the secondary use of figurines i n funerary contexts.  Aguateca Takeshi Inomata, one of three archaeologists d i r e c t i n g the Petexbatun Regional Archaeological Project from 1996 to 1999, claims i n his 1995 d i s s e r t a t i o n that a l l figurines at Aguateca were found i n Late C l a s s i c household contexts. Most appeared to be mould-made l o c a l l y and of the same combination of l i g h t  orange paste with small temper of c a l c i t e or hematite that was used i n the construction of Tinaja Red and Pantano Impressed jars produced at Aguateca . The l a t t e r were u t i l i t a r i a n wares 1  designed for the storage of food and l i q u i d s (Inomata 1995: 548-549; Table 1 . 1 ) , arguing against the conventional i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of figurines as s p e c i a l i z e d r i t u a l objects. The quantity of figurines recovered and r e l a t i v e l y common occurrence of moulds i n excavated structures further suggested to Inomata that they were manufactured  i n numerous households  on a small scale (Inomata 1995: 548-549). Figurine moulds were found not only i n masonry structures but also i n association with two low rectangular featureless platforms [K7-11, M8-19], remains that are normally associated with kitchens and storehouses [bodegas]. Although figurines made from these p a r t i c u l a r moulds were not found, Inomata suggested that figurines and/or whistles were manufactured  i n these  " a n c i l l a r y " structures or nearby (1995; 551). A d d i t i o n a l l y , several full-body figurines made from the same mould were found i n both singular (Figures 1.1-1.12) and separate households i n close proximity to each other (Inomata 1995: 732).  Rands and Rands (1965) a l s o suggest t h a t a t Palenque, "both f i g u r i n e s and moulds o c c u r i n t h e same p a s t e as a p p a r e n t l y i n d i g e n o u s p o t t e r y , i n d i c a t i n g a p l a c e o f manufacture a t o r near t h e s i t e " (554). So t o o W i l l e y (1972) suggests l o c a l manufacture a t A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s where "presumably t h e same range o f p a s t e s and tempers i s t o be found i n t h e f i g u r i n e s as i n t h e contemporaneous p o t t e r y " (14). 1  Excavations i n most households at Aguateca revealed an assortment of f i g u r i n e imagery including both warriors 2.1)[the most common male representation]  (Figure  and women, many  seated, with stepped c o i f and a double-strand  pendant  necklace. Of the structures excavated at Aguateca, Structure M8-10, the "House of the Scribes," i s the most f u l l y  published  to date.  The majority of the 32 figurines from structure M8-10 were recovered  from the small rooms added to the north and south of  the e a r l i e r structure [Figure 1.5]. Inomata (1995) has argued these were the same spaces that women c a r r i e d out the a c t i v i t i e s of t e x t i l e manufacture, food storage and preparation. There were also two figurines recovered those designated  from  by Inomata as men's spaces. The point that I  would l i k e t o stress here i s that the f l o o r assemblage of the House of the Scribes demonstrates that the context  f o r the use  of figurines was domestic and c l o s e l y associated with the women's work areas. Furthermore, the quantity of figurines [far greater than the excavated b u r i a l remains] suggests that figurines were used i n multiples.  The fact that f i g u r i n e s i n Mesoamerica are found with tools of women's labour and thus were associated with women i s well  recognized 1972;  (Marcus 1998; T o u r t e l l o t 1988;  Smith 1978;  Willey  Rands and Rands 1965). This recognition has led Joyce  Marcus (1988) i n her publication Women's R i t u a l i n Formative Oaxaca: Figurine—making, Divination, Death and the Ancestors to conclude that figurines functioned s p e c i f i c a l l y as women's r i t u a l objects. However, evidence of r i t u a l use of figurines at Aguateca i s n e g l i g i b l e . I would argue that since the fragment of a f i g u r i n e found i n a c h i l d ' s b u r i a l i n the south room of M8-10 was already broken, that i t s use predated the b u r i a l and thus cannot be demonstrated as primarily r i t u a l i n function.  However, excavation of structure M8-17 (Figure 1.2) prompted Inomata t o suggest figurines may have functioned as r i t u a l objects (1995: 550-551). Indeed, M8-17's a r c h i t e c t u r a l arrangement with three rooms back to front i s t y p i c a l of those designated  as temples at T i k a l (Inomata 1995:  195).  Stingray  spines and a possible incense burner were recovered  from the  i n t e r i o r of t h i s structure that further suggested t o Inomata that the building functioned as a "shrine."  However, ceramic  sculpture fragments found within t h i s structure appear t o be appliquéd parts of incensarios.  Figurines were indeed found  behind Structure M8-17 on a low platform that functioned as a kitchen with a nearby midden (Inomata 1995:  194). The dense  material recovered from t h i s locus of excavation included grinding stones, storage vessels and as suggested by Figures 7.14,  7.4, 7.15 an abundance of figurines (Inomata 1995: 626-  627).  I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o t e l l from the data provided by  Inomata's d i s s e r t a t i o n i f figurines were also recovered from the front terrace of M8-17. Therefore,  the available evidence  for association of figurines s p e c i f i c a l l y with shrine architecture and therefore r i t u a l function i s inconclusive.  That f i g u r i n e toys [1 animal, 1 warrior] were also found within the "administrative" room of M8-10 associated with male a c t i v i t y does not argue against t h e i r association with children's play. Rather, i t serves to substantiate ethnohistoric and ethnographic accounts of Maya men's active engagement i n the care of c h i l d r e n .  Cerén As at Aguateca, figurines were found i n s i t u at Cerén due t o i t s rapid abandonment during a volcanic eruption around A.D. 600. Although the number of figurines recovered from Cerén i s not large [eight i n t o t a l thus far] they were, as expected, associated with women's food preparation  (Figures 1.14-1.24).  In Structure 1 of Household 1 a broken human f i g u r i n e head was stored on a r a f t e r over-hanging an exterior maize grinding  area (Sheets 1992: 39-46)(Figure 1.16). A second was  found  resting on top of a metate that was mounted on horquetas  on  the east side of the building (Simmons 1996: 270). The other four figurines of Household  1 were a l l fragments found on the  ground surface to the west of the domicile porch apparently discarded (Simmons 1996: 270). Two  figurines—a human painted  black and red, and the broken head of an animal f i g u r i n e painted white—were recovered from the niche under the bench i n the North Room of Structure 12 (Sheets and Simmons 1993: 115) (Figure 1.20). The presence of a mano and metate,  114-  service  wares and ceramics for food storage suggested to Sheets and Simmons the presence of female a c t i v i t y (Sheets and Simmons 1993: 114-115). While these are standard contexts of female labour, one other f i n d might argue f o r a s p e c i f i c association with children's a c t i v i t i e s : the miniature pot and 20 "counters" found on the porch of structure 1 adjacent to a food preparation area (Sheets 1992: 44)(Figure 1.16).  On t h i s same porch, i n association with the miniature pot and "counters," as well as a spindle whorl, was recovered a lump of clay (Sheets 1992: 44; Simmons 1996: 137-145). Analysis of t h i s clay revealed that both the mineral and major oxide composition of the sample was most s i m i l a r to Guazapa Scraped S l i p ware, a u t i l i t a r i a n form of ceramic possibly  manufactured  and used i n Household 1 (Simmons 1996: 139). That the lump of clay was located on the porch where children's playthings were located and next to a women's t e x t i l e production area suggests that women may also have made the household's u t i l i t a r i a n ceramics, as they do i n the Maya highlands today. This association, combined with the use of the same clay body f o r figurines and u t i l i t a r i a n ceramics at Aguateca, suggest that women made the figurines as well. Analysis of the paste composing  the figurines of Cerén was not a v a i l a b l e . However,  ethnographers working i n the Yucatan have observed that even when ceramic production was favoured as a male occupation the women of the v i l l a g e produced the figurine-whistles and f i g u r i n e - r a t t l e s (Thompson 1958: 136). Thus, an important working hypothesis f o r my thesis i s that f i g u r i n e s , through t h e i r production and interpretation, functioned as a woman's v i s u a l discourse.  Copân Both imported and l o c a l l y manufactured figurines were recovered at Copan (Hendon 1987: 379). S o l i d hand-made and hollow mould-made figurines and whistles resembling types diagnostic of the Ulua Valley, Central Honduras around Lake Yojoa, and those t y p i c a l of Lowland Maya styles were both found. Based on macroscopic inspection, Hendon notes that the  majority of f i g u r i n e s , those hand b u i l t that usually took an animal form (81.4%), were made l o c a l l y of the same paste as Surlo p l a i n wares, while those mould-made were imported (Hendon 1987: 378-380). Jointed figurines and pendants were also found i n the usual contexts  i n buildings, on terraces and  i n midden deposits. Figurines were found i n widespread household context  i n Patio E of 9N-8. This was the patio most  c l o s e l y associated with food preparation that also had the highest percentage of women and children's b u r i a l s . There were no figurines recovered  from "dominant" Patio A.  Figurines from Group 9N-8 were unequivocally  assigned a s o l e l y  r i t u a l function by Hendon i n her (1991: 909) p u b l i c a t i o n . A more cautious a l l o c a t i o n i s offered i n her d i s s e r t a t i o n . Some b u r i a l s included whistles i n t h e i r o f f e r i n g s . In a few cases, figurines or whistles were found i n s i t u on terrace or room surfaces suggesting t h e i r presence i n the buildings. The associated material does not indicate manufacture or active use of any kind. In short, although i t i s apparent that these items were available and i n c i r c u l a t i o n , t h e i r precise purpose i s uncertain. However, the b u r i a l data suggest t h e i r importance and possible r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e (1987: 379). Figurines are located on the terraces and i n rooms where food preparation and storage took place. Those were the spaces most l i k e l y used by women and children as b u r i a l evidence corroborates. That figurines were also found i n b u r i a l s of children and adults suggests to me that children p a r t i c i p a t e d  i n funerary a c t i v i t i e s as should be expected given t h e i r location within the f l o o r s of rooms, terraces and patios of ancient Maya households. I w i l l discuss t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y further i n the section on secondary use of f i g u r i n e s .  I suggest further that Hendon's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of f i g u r i n e s as r i t u a l objects seriously l i m i t s our understanding  of the  functions of production, sharing and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods, including exchanges between households and communities and the transmissions of information, knowledge and materials. In considering the p o s s i b i l i t y that figurines functioned as children's toys I f i n d i t i n t e r e s t i n g that a percentage of the figurines recovered i n 9N-8 at Copân were imported from outside the Maya region (Figure 2.51). Might t h i s suggest that trade networks s p e c i f i c t o women's industry of weaving, cooking and childcare existed? Certainly the trade of cotton from the lowlands to the highlands as well as a v a r i e t y of pigments and dyes s p e c i f i c t o women's industry of t e x t i l e production was undertaken. In addition to the exchange of products there were exchanges of knowledge s p e c i f i c to women's l i v e s . Cooking technologies, such as the making of t o r t i l l a s , as evidenced by the introduction of the comal for t h e i r cooking disseminated  from the southern boundary of the Maya  region during the l a t e C l a s s i c period.  That figurines are s t i l l understood within an entrenched r i t u a l framework i s evident not only from Hendon's work on Copan but also from recent publications on the "royal court complex" of Calakmul, Campeche. William J . Folan, Joel D. Gunn, and Maria d e l Rosario Dominguez Carrasco demonstrate a consistent presence of figurines from the C l a s s i c through the Terminal C l a s s i c period (2001: 245). Figurines are abundant on the s t a i r s , terraces, and rooms of the large pyramidal Structure II and on the terraces and i n rooms of "Dynastic Palace" Structure I I I , areas that also included abundant evidence of food preparation. However, the authors assume a r i t u a l use of the figurines and therefore argue that the spaces where figurines were abundant were s p e c i a l i z e d r i t u a l spaces, c i t i n g as evidence that Structure I I I held "ancestral" b u r i a l s i n some rooms (Folan, Gunn and Carrasco 2001: 239). They suggest that l i k e the f i g u r i n e whistles produced f o r various r e l i g i o u s f e s t i v a l s i n the Campeche area today [see below] figurines were so used by the ancient Maya. However, the evidence from Aguateca, Cerén and Copân, as well as many other s i t e s , argues against separating women's work areas from spaces of f i g u r i n e usage.  whistles That additional time and materials were spent i n order to create a whistle rather than a figure alone suggests the function of mould-made figurines as noisemakers was  important.  The majority of figurine-whistles played one or two notes although ocarinas  [the addition of stops permits the  production of additional notes] were also produced at most sites  (Figure 2.18). While a simple tune could be produced  with an ocarina  I suggest that most figurines functioned as  simple noisemakers and not musical instruments.  Flutes were  produced of clay for that purpose i n the Puuc (Rands and Rands 1965:  554)  and at Aguateca, Guatemala (Inomata 1995:  Fig.  8.3)  where three were found i n the "administrative room" of Structure M8-10  and one, along with the majority of f i g u r i n e s ,  i n the north addition or kitchen. Six clay drums were also recovered  from M8-10  that suggests the inhabitants engaged i n  the making of music (Figure  1.5).  Ethnographic sources o f f e r some p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r use of ancient Maya figurine-whistles. S i l v i a Rendôn recorded that men  working i n the f i e l d s used whistles for c a l l i n g each other  (1948a). Pendant f i g u r i n e forms were common at Lagartero (Ekholm 1985), evident at A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s 50) Piedras Negras (Schlosser 1978:  (Willey  166), Copân (Hendon  1972: 1987:  379) and Zaculeu (Rands 1965: 159). I could also imagine pendant whistles served as a means of communication between children and t h e i r caregivers i n Prehispanic times. Several authors have viewed whistle-figurine function within the r i t u a l framework. Ancient Maya figurines have commonly been interpreted as having functioned i n a s p i r i t u a l or r i t u a l capacity (Schlosser 1978; Goldstein 1979; Sears 2000; Triadan 2001). Assumptions have ranged from shamanic connection with the supernatural as ancestral s p i r i t helpers to guardians of disease i n curing r i t e s . Indeed such practices are recorded i n ethnohistoric and ethnographic documents but t h e i r connection with figurines i s dubious.  Sixteenth century sources mention clay and wooden " i d o l s . " These objects are described by Fray Landa as playing a r o l e i n b i r t h - g i v i n g , curing and b u r i a l ceremonies  (Tozzer 1941:  153-  154) and i n the f e s t i v a l dedicated to Ix Chel, the Postc l a s s i c Yucatan Maya moon goddess, deity of c h i l d b i r t h , medicine and d i v i n a t i o n . Landa (or his informant) claims that: ...the physicians and the sorcerers assembled i n one of t h e i r houses with t h e i r wives, and the p r i e s t s drove away the e v i l s p i r i t . Which being done they opened the bundles of t h e i r medicine, i n which they kept many l i t t l e t r i f l e s , each having his own l i t t l e idols of the goddess of medicine whom they c a l l e d Ix Chel. And so they c a l l e d the f e s t i v a l Incil Ix Chel (153).  Furthermore, a "sorceress" placed a figurine representing Ix Chel under the bed of a woman giving b i r t h , and " i d o l s " were placed beside the dead i n b u r i a l s (Roys 1967: 667). However, Landa f a i l e d to give a c l e a r d e s c r i p t i o n of these wood, stone and clay " i d o l s , " or "statues of the demons," which are more l i k e l y to have resembled incensarios  than f i g u r i n e s (Figures  2.11-2.12).  In h i s ethnographic  study of Yucatecan Maya pottery making  Raymond Thompson observed that the production of whistles was greatest just before important  f i e s t a s and e s p e c i a l l y i n the  f a l l i n preparation f o r the A l l Souls' Day and A l l Saints' Day celebrations when they served as both offerings to be placed on graves and as playthings and noisemakers f o r c h i l d r e n (1958: 136). In C a l k i n i , Campeche, small anthropomorphic and zoomorphic whistles, ocarinas and flutes are given to c h i l d r e n to blow during Chac Chac and Catholic Semana Santa ceremonies to p e t i t i o n f o r r a i n (Folan, Gunn and Carrasco 2001: 245). Similar practices take place on the Day of the Dead i n C a l k i n i , and T i c u l , Yucatan (Folan, Gunn and Carrasco 2001: 246). The whistles and other instruments  i n C a l k i n i are  discarded a f t e r breakage and new ones acquired, and at T i c u l they are also discarded (Folan, Gunn and Carrasco 2001: 246). Beyond the p o t e n t i a l r i t u a l functions, t h i s  ethnographic  evidence supports a strong association between figurines and children that accords with t h e i r recovery i n C l a s s i c Period contexts i n association with implements of women's labour. This association has been understood to mean they were used by women, and s p e c i f i c a l l y for women's r i t u a l as Marcus postulates. That children have not been seriously considered as the primary users of these figurines i s further evidence of the well-documented  disappearance of children from  archaeological reconstructions of ancient l i f e s t y l e (Moore and Scott  1997).  Figurine-whistles may have been produced for children's use during important f e s t i v a l s i n ancient times as w e l l . P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n f e s t i v a l a c t i v i t i e s and other celebratory events may have served to unite communities by providing individuals with c o l l e c t i v e experiences and i d e n t i t y . Whistlefigurines of birds and animals, or supernaturals (Figure 2.50) given t o children at such f e s t i v a l events may have encouraged p a r t i c i p a t i o n thereby r e i n f o r c i n g a sense of community belonging; they may also have served as mementoes of attendance. However, unlike the ethnographic examples of r i t u a l use, C l a s s i c Maya figurines continued to be used a f t e r breakage even though they no longer functioned as whistles and despite presumed inappropriateness f o r r i t u a l i n t h i s damaged  condition. This would suggest that the use to which children put figurines i s more general, mundane, or everyday than a s p e c i f i c r i t u a l function would allow. The most parsimonious explanation  for t h i s consistent set of archaeological evidence  i s that figurines primarily functioned as children's toys i n a manner somewhat analogous to present use of d o l l s .  Part Two:  Funerary  contexts  Support for the interpretation of figurines as r i t u a l objects has also derived from t h e i r occasional recovery contexts. During the C l a s s i c period i t was  from funerary  common p r a c t i c e f o r  the dead to be buried within the r e s i d e n t i a l group, under the s t a i r s or f l o o r s of rooms, terraces or patios, and i n benches. In more elaborate r e s i d e n t i a l groups s p e c i a l shrine structures were constructed  for funerary use and ancestral homage. At  T i k a l these often took the form of a square pyramidal platform topped by a single-roomed superstructure located on the east side of the primary patio of the r e s i d e n t i a l complex (Becker 1979). These shrines represented  the ongoing presence of  formerly l i v i n g members of the p a t r i - l i n e a g e that possibly l i v e d on the house platforms  (McAnany 1995). In discussing the  s i g n i f i c a n c e of ancestral platforms  i n house s o c i e t i e s ,  Rosemary Joyce c l a r i f i e s that although the land i t s e l f holds the names and t i t l e s that make up house i d e n t i t y , i t i s the  dwelling platform, where the ancestral s p i r i t s remain, that p h y s i c a l l y marks the association of the members with t h i s land (2000a: 192). Thus funerary practices l i t e r a l l y linked the deceased to the physical household or " s o i l " and created an eternal bond of blood with surviving members. The deceased r e t a i n t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i t y and influence on the l i v e s of surviving household members, sharing food as offerings on ritual  occasions.  Examining some of the occasional finds of figurines i n b u r i a l s supports G i l l e s p i e ' s thesis of a l i v i n g connection  between  deceased and surviving household members. We f i n d , f o r one thing, that those b u r i a l s containing figurines are frequently c h i l d r e n . For example, A. Ledyard Smith and A l f r e d V. Kidder c a r r i e d out an excavation 1946  at Nebaj during the f i e l d seasons of  and 1947 f o r the Carnegie I n s t i t u t i o n of Washington. Ten  tombs and f i v e b u r i a l s were excavated i n Mound 1 and 2 of the p r i n c i p a l Group A of the s i t e . Figurines were included i n the furnishings of Tomb IV and B u r i a l 1 of Mound 2. Tomb IV, vaulted and stone-lined, contained  seven individuals (Smith  and Kidder 1951: 24-25)(Figure 2.2). The main personage was an adult [B] surrounded by one other adult [C], two young adults [E, F] and three young children [A, D, F ] . The remainder of the b u r i a l furnishings included ceramic vessels and objects,  costume ornaments, jade, amazonite and s h e l l jewelry, q u a i l bones and several p y r i t e encrusted plaques or mirrors. A lancet was associated with the p r i n c i p l e male b u r i a l i n Tomb IV: often i n high status male b u r i a l s , b l o o d l e t t i n g paraphernalia was placed near the genitals of the deceased. For example, a mould-made figurine representing a standing male holding a r a t t l e i n each hand and wearing an elaborate headdress [87,e] was placed near c h i l d known as i n d i v i d u a l D (Figure 2.3).  B u r i a l 1 of Mound 2 contained the remains of a s i n g l e individual—a c h i l d (Figure 2.4). A figurine representing a seated male was placed with t h i s c h i l d , combining a mould-made head and elaborate headdress with a hand-modeled body [87,a] (Figure 2.5). Other furnishings include a brown bowl, small vessel or cup elaborated with a handle and modeled human face on the opposite side [74,q], and a plaque or p y r i t e mirror (Smith and Kidder 1951: 26). Available excavation data from C l a s s i c period Nebaj not only affirms the close association between c h i l d r e n and figurines but also suggests that t h i s association was not terminated with the c h i l d ' s death.  Recent excavations at the s i t e of Cancuén, Guatemala [19992000] have recovered some figurines from Structure D-l of  Group D (just south of the administrative or ceremonial centre [Group C] of Cancuén) (Sears 2000). The mound supported the single-room perishable Structure D-l (personal communication Kovacevich 2002). B u r i a l 2/7 was located on the central north/south axis of a large earthen mound surrounded by a stone retaining wall (personal communication Kovacevich 2002). This b u r i a l contained the remains of a 5-8 year o l d c h i l d (personal communication Kovacevich 2002) along with three ceramic vessels and four complete and one p a r t i a l f i g u r i n e , which together e s s e n t i a l l y encircled the b u r i a l (Sears 2000: 18)(Figures 2.6-2.10). A l l f i v e of these figurines were at least p a r t i a l l y mould-made with appliqué additions, and a l l f i v e represented male individuals (Sears 2000: Fig.16-20).  Two  were mould-made whistles [CANF 465, 468], while the other three combined mould- and hand modeling  [CANF 464, 465,  468].  Of these l a t t e r three, CANF 464 was completely hand b u i l t except f o r i t s face, and CANF 467 was a mould-made fragment of a head.  Two of the four complete figurines represented standing warriors. CANF 466 wears a long s h i r t - l i k e garment over l o i n c l o t h [maxtlatl]  and removable mask-headdress of a jaguar  (Figure 2.7). He holds a c i r c u l a r s h i e l d i n his r i g h t hand. CANF 465 holds a large rectangular s h i e l d on his l e f t arm  and  a mace [macahuitl]  i n his r i g h t hand (Figure 2.8).  He also  wears an unusual conical headdress, scarf and fringed vest [xicolli].  A t h i r d standing f i g u r i n e wearing a scarf,  vest [xicolli]  and removable "ten-gallon"  fringed  hat would have held  an object now l o s t i n his raised arms (Figure 2.6). The ballplayer f i g u r i n e , CANF 468, holds onto the protective yoke around his waist (Figure 2.9).  He wears a l o i n c l o t h tucked  into his yoke, over which i s worn a b e l t [faja]  and a k i l t . He  also wears a protective kneepad and an elaborate b i r d headdress. The f i f t h , CANF 467, was a p a r t i a l figurine of a head with deer headdress [generally associated  with the  ballgame, hunting and warfare, a l l male a c t i v i t i e s ] ( F i g u r e 2.10).  C l e a r l y the arrangement of figurines surrounding the body i s not accidental. Sears suggests that the b a l l p l a y e r and warrior figurines placed near the body of the c h i l d "...assist[ed] the deceased i n passing into the underworld by taking on p a r t i c u l a r roles of transformation..." (2000: 19). Sears' coherent narrative interpretation of the f i g u r i n e s ' subject matters and arrangement within the b u r i a l f a i l s to f u l l y consider the s o c i a l context of the funerary event. I t ignores evidence of p r i o r use:  one of the figurines was a broken  fragment while a l l the others show usage wear. That the  combination of techniques suggests they were not s p e c i f i c a l l y made f o r the b u r i a l , or even as a coherent group, but were instead re-used i n an ad hoc fashion. Arjun Appadurai has demonstrated that material objects have " l i f e h i s t o r i e s " dependent on the complex intersection of temporal, s o c i a l factors (1986: 15). Interpretation of human a c t i v i t y marked by material objects i s always problematic e s p e c i a l l y when the occurrence i s unusual as i t was i n the case of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r b u r i a l at Cancuén. Perhaps the r e l a t i o n between the objects, t h e i r arrangement and the deceased was spontaneous  or held a  p a r t i c u l a r meaning only f o r the participants at the funerary event.  The c i t y of Mayapân i s located some 40 kilometres southeast of Mérida, the c a p i t a l of Yucatan, Mexico (Figure i ) . There i s probably no ancient Maya c i t y that i s more frequently mentioned  i n the native l i t e r a t u r e and early Spanish writings  of Yucatan than Mayapân. According to one c o l o n i a l chronicler, Fray Antonio de Ciudad Real, Mayapân was the seat of what was apparently a c e n t r a l i z e d government exerting control over much of northern Yucatan. American archaeological i n t e r e s t i n the walled c i t y of Mayapân has been continuous from the nineteenth-century. The Department of Archaeology of Carnegie I n s t i t u t i o n of Washington mapped and excavated the s i t e under  I n s t i t u t i o n of Washington mapped and excavated the s i t e under the d i r e c t i o n of H.E.D. Pollock from 1949 t o 1955. In the following discussion of figurines placed within a funerary context at Mayapân I r e l y on A. Ledyard Smith's publication of the b u r i a l s located i n the r e s i d e n t i a l and associated structures (1962: Part 3, 166-319).  As at a l l other Maya s i t e s , figurines were ubiquitous  within  r e s i d e n t i a l structures at Mayapân (Smith 1962). B u r i a l s at Mayapân were excavated under the f l o o r of r e s i d e n t i a l rooms and terraces, within o r a t o r i e s , shrines or platforms  located  within the courtyard or under the f l o o r of the court (Smith 1962:  251). I t was not the custom to bury people under the  back rooms of dwellings that were generally used f o r sleeping (Smith 1962: 251). Most of the b u r i a l s were multiple (Smith 1962:  252). However, i n many b u r i a l s the s k e l e t a l remains had  been disturbed possibly to accommodate additional b u r i a l s and were i n poor condition making i t impossible to make a determination  of age, sex or o r i g i n a l p o s i t i o n of the bodies  (Smith 1962: 252). Furniture found i n graves associated with dwellings at Mayapân was generally sparse and consisted of u t i l i t a r i a n household objects that showed usage or were even broken such as: spindle whorls, chipped f l i n t or obsidian blades, manos, smoothing stones, choppers, ceramic cups or  bowls, figurine-whistles, e f f i g y censers and objects of personal adornment l i k e beads (Smith 1962:  253).  In contrast to the more generalized offerings of ceramic censers and food vessels found with the remains of persons of d i f f e r e n t age and sex, figurines are p a r t i c u l a r l y associated with children's b u r i a l s . Of the 40 b u r i a l s excavated by the Carnegie I n s t i t u t i o n of Washington project, 10 included figurines i n the furnishings. Of the 10 b u r i a l s containing f i g u r i n e s , 7 included at least one c h i l d or young adult  [Bu.  3, 4, 15, 17, 25, 26, 35, 38, 39]. The s k e l e t a l material i n the remaining three b u r i a l s containing figurines [Bu. 4, 32] was  17,  i n such poor condition that age and sex were  impossible to determine. Burials 5, 7, 28, 31 and 36 a l l contained children but not figurines or other  recognizable  toys.  B u r i a l 15 was  located under the central bench of the front  room of r e s i d e n t i a l Structure Q-62.  The i r r e g u l a r l y shaped  stone-lined c i s t contained  the remains of three c h i l d r e n .  Included i n the b u r i a l was  a fragment of copper, 2 small  e f f i g y censers, 2 ceramic cups, one of which was  spiked, 4  small s h e l l s , 3 fragments of obsidian blades, 22 s h e l l beads and various pot sherds. The 7 whistle-figurines recovered  from  t h i s b u r i a l included an iguana, two jaguars, a dove, a woman, a monkey head, and a bird-head. A. Ledyard Smith suggested that much of the furniture with the children's remains was i n the nature of toys (1962: 237). B u r i a l 25 held the remains of four children, along with the 3 mould-made figurines, one of which i s a whistle i n the form of a spider monkey. A r t i c u l a t e d figurines often c a l l e d " d o l l s " were included with the children of B u r i a l 35 and the adolescent of B u r i a l 38.  By contrast, exclusively adult b u r i a l s d i d not contain figurines although many of them were furnished with e f f i g y censers. 510 of the 795 sherds found i n B u r i a l 10 of an adult male were of censers (Smith 1962: 235) as were 1059 of 1876 i n B u r i a l 16 containing three adult skeletons (Smith 1962:  257).  However, c h i l d b u r i a l s also included e f f i g y censers. B u r i a l 25, mentioned above, included not only the three figurines but also 3 pottery vessels with e f f i g y faces, 5 copper b e l l s attached to each ankle of the infant by a cotton band and some 1800 censer fragments p i l e d "indiscriminately" above the remains  (Smith 1962: 240). Two types of l a t e P o s t - c l a s s i c  period e f f i g y censers from Mayapân were common (Figures 2.112.12). Those described as Chen Mul Modelado  represent frogs,  t u r t l e s , birds, people, and d e i t i e s i n d i f f e r e n t positions. Often a human head emerges from the mouth of a f a n t a s t i c being  part l i z a r d or a l l i g a t o r and part t u r t l e or s h e l l (Proskouriakoff 1962:  fig.1-5; Schmidt 1998:  Cat. 302-303).  This deity may be a l a t e representation of God N or Pahuatun who i s characterized by the carapace of a t u r t l e that he sometimes wears i n C l a s s i c Maya imagery (Scheie and M i l l e r 1986:  54). The other c h a r a c t e r i s t i c censer from Mayapân was a  c y l i n d r i c a l vessel censer with an e f f i g y attached t o the front. These e f f i g y censers were made by assembling d i f f e r e n t mould-made body parts then hand modelling  other t r a i t s or  attributes to i d e n t i f y them as a p a r t i c u l a r deity. They were then painted i n two colours: blue and reddish brown. Apart from b u r i a l s , e f f i g y censers were most often found near domestic shrines of large houses, or near a l t a r s i n shrines i n the ceremonial centre of the c i t y or with those buildings designated  as having a r e l i g i o u s purpose such as colonnaded  h a l l s (Proskouriakoff  1962: 331).  Not a l l figurines found i n ancient Maya b u r i a l contexts are l i m i t e d t o the graves of c h i l d r e n . Once again the archaeological record suggests a strong association between women and f i g u r i n e s . According  to Angeles Flores Jimenez  (2000: 45) on the few occasions that figurines were included i n funerary offerings at Palenque they were placed i n women's b u r i a l s . For example, a group of super-fine s o l i d hand-  modelled figurines were included as b u r i a l furnishings i n the tomb of two women i n the r e s i d e n t i a l court known as Group B (Lopez Bravo 2000: 40-41)(Figures 2.13-2.16). Under the f l o o r of the central room of Building 3, facing onto the main patio of Group B, two adult females were interred on stone slabs supported by pedestals t o form a long bench. A single f l a t bottomed bowl rested on the north bench. Six other bowls of various shapes, a lidded cache vessel containing a piece of "meteorite," and f i v e hand-modelled figurines were placed on the f l o o r below the two benches on which the women l i e .  A l l f i v e figurines were seated with legs crossed i n front of the body. The most elaborate f i g u r i n e was seated on a bench and wore a removable avian mask i d e n t i f i e d by Scheie as an o s c i l l a t e d turkey (1997: 91) (Figure 2.15). Three other figurines of s i m i l a r s i z e are represented i n an i d e n t i c a l posture with the l e f t hand touching the r i g h t forearm. A f i f t h f i g u r i n e i s smaller and d i f f e r e n t i n s t y l e . Lopez Bravo (2000: 41) i d e n t i f i e s t h i s figure as a female based on f i t t e d jacket, large c o l l a r and toque-like hat. However, another Palenque f i g u r i n e , wearing a s i m i l a r f i t t e d jacket, i s i d e n t i f i e d as a male deity (Angeles Flores Jimenez 2000:44), and several others with the same headgear are i d e n t i f i e d as male (Angeles Flores Jimenez 2000: 44-45, 48). Unfortunately, the area where  a l o i n c l o t h would have occurred on a male figure i s broken on the f i f t h figurine i n Tomb 1 so a f i n a l determination cannot be made.  It i s i n t e r e s t i n g that material associated with domestic a c t i v i t i e s was recovered from a l l structures of Group B (Lopez Bravo 2000: 41). Furthermore, the patio group c a l l e d Group B appears to be the lower court of a possibly much larger group, of which the major portion i s known as the Bat Group or Los Murciélagos  (Figure 2.15). Building 1 bounding the west of the  Group B court included a steam bath (Angeles Flores Jimenez 2000: 41), a f a c i l i t y d i r e c t l y connected with women's usage (Evans 1991: 88-89). Perhaps Group B, l i k e Patio E of Group 9N-8 i n Sepulturas, Copân, served as a space of women's a c t i v i t y adjoining a larger court associated with men's a c t i v i t y . The single vaulted structure i n Patio E of Group 9N8 appears to have served as the dominant residence, perhaps of t h i s household's matriarch. S i m i l a r l y , Building 3 of Palenque's Group B may have been a matriarchal residence, judging from the building of i t s most elaborate tomb f o r the remains of women. Their s o c i a l importance, as ancestors as well as when they were " a l i v e , " i s further demonstrated by the elaborate, hand-modelled incense burners with f i g u r a t i v e sculptures [both males wearing elaborate masks and  headdresses] that were found i n caches below the c e n t r a l doorway and the entry to the sanctuary-like niche of the room over the tomb.  Did these unusually elaborate figurines found i n the women's tomb i n Group B function more l i k e small decorative sculptures used f o r display purposes by adults rather than d o l l s or whistles to be played with by children? The materials, time and c r e a t i v i t y that went into t h e i r manufacture suggest a higher value was placed on these objects than the common w h i s t l e - f i g u r i n e s . Were the p a r t i c i p a n t s of the funerary events negotiating t h e i r s o c i a l positions within the house structure of Group B through the production and presentation of these objects? Were the women i n t e r r e d i n Tomb 1 ennobled or transformed  into revered ancestors p a r t i a l l y through the  o f f e r i n g of such "valuable" g i f t s ? Were these objects made by one of the deceased women close to the time of her death and thus buried with her? Or perhaps i t was customary f o r women to give figurines as g i f t s to other women. I t i s important to examine many possible explanations and to avoid fastening on a single one without s u f f i c i e n t  evidence.  C l e a r l y g i f t s of figurines and other objects were more than tokens of respect or remembrance when offered by p a r t i c i p a n t s  of ancient Maya funerary events. Those who were to i n h e r i t the material and non-material  resources l e f t by the deceased  member of the community needed to be determined i n order to maintain the household estate from one generation to the next (McAnany 1995: 113; G i l l e s p i e 2000: 14-21). Participants i n these funerary events would have p a r t l y reaffirmed or r e negotiated t h e i r a f f i l i a t i o n and allegiance to the house through the g i f t i n g of objects and other r i t u a l performances. Children as members of the house would have necessarily p a r t i c i p a t e d i n these events. Indeed, attendance and p a r t i c i p a t i o n at these events may have been the performance of expected duties related to deceased members of the house (Joyce 2000: 192) as well as i n v i t e d  guests.  S i m i l a r l y the elaboration and possibly the duration of funerary events and the presentation of g i f t s [including figurines] by household members and guests a l i k e increased the reputation of the house. In t h i s context the presentation of funerary offerings [whatever t h e i r previous use] may have been a means of increasing house members' s o c i a l c a p i t a l . Participants may have v i s u a l l y a r t i c u l a t e d t h e i r s o c i a l or economic status through the r a r i t y and/or elaboration of the o f f e r i n g s . In the negotiation of status i n ancient Maya society, the control of material and non-material  goods would  have served as v a l i d a t i o n s of each other. Material displays at funerary events may  have been evidence of the r i g h t s to the  immaterial property claimed through such display (Joyce 2000: 211-212). Participants i n funerary events might even have made economic s a c r i f i c e s i n order to gain s o c i a l c a p i t a l i n the presentation of luxury or exotic items of s h e l l , bone and or fancy  jade  ceramics.  The presentation of goods at funerary events may  also have  p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the negotiation of gender r e l a t i o n s . Women's products of food, t e x t i l e [and presumably basketry] were e s s e n t i a l items i n funerary assemblages as they were i n t r i b u t e payments and feast preparations. This i s an  important  point. While ancient Maya narratives of p a t r i l i n e a l  descent  were c l e a r l y i n t e g r a l to the s o c i a l i d e n t i t y of the house they did not e n t i r e l y produce i t . The corporate i d e n t i t y of the house was  derived from the c o l l e c t i v e labours of i t s members  that generated house wealth p a r t i a l l y through domestic a c t i v i t i e s that defined i t as an economic unit (Marshall 2000: 74). For the ancient Maya, women's domestic products  placed  within the b u r i a l would have acknowledged the quotidian a c t i v i t i e s that r e l a t e d d i r e c t l y to household maintenance and symbolic d e f i n i t i o n as a house society. In contrast to the valuable objects brought to the funeral as g i f t s , the majority  of objects placed with the deceased are thus u t i l i t a r i a n , domestic products which archaeological evidence suggests were produced by members l i v i n g within the same household  (Inomata  2001; Hendon 1987). That mould-made figurines found i n burials were made and used within the household, and elaborate handmade figurines were brought as g i f t s , makes more sense within the context of such assemblages than s i n g l i n g out figurines as designed s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r " r i t u a l " use.  A specialised practice at Jaina Only on the i s l a n d of Jaina d i d the practice develop of systematically placing figurines i n b u r i a l s of both male and female adults as well as children. The majority of figurines produced at Jaina were i n the large part hand modelled [with mould-made additions], comparable to the figurines placed with deceased women i n Group B at Palenque (Figure 2.17). Although the reason t h i s practice developed cannot be ascertained with certainty, i t may have been through a trading connection with other communities  along the Gulf Coast of Tabasco and  Veracruz, where ceramic sculptures of human and animal figures were standard tomb furnishings.  The residents of Jaina b u i l t a central plaza with a t a l l pyramidal platform at each end and r e s i d e n t i a l or  administrative platforms at the sides by carrying i n stone and calcareous earth [sahcab]  from the mainland (Pina Chan  1998:  387). The dwellings of the surrounding lower status r e s i d e n t i a l area were constructed of the more r e a d i l y available products of wood, mud  and thatch. By f a r the  majority of b u r i a l s were located i n the lower status r e s i d e n t i a l area (Pina Chan 1998:  387). Archaeologists for the  Mexican I n s t i t u t o Nacional de Antropologia e H i s t o r i a [INAH] have excavated  sporadically from 1940  to 1975:  one hundred and  f i f t y b u r i a l s were exposed during Moedano's work i n 1941-42; Pifia Chan (1948) reported seventy-six burials from his  1947  season on Jaina; Cook de Leonard (1959) reported four hundred b u r i a l s were opened i n 1957; Serrano excavated  and Sergio Lopez and Carlos  another eighty-nine burials f o r INAH i n  1973-74. An uncounted number of b u r i a l s opened by looters must be added to these excavations  (Mansilla etc. 1990:  395).  The  majority of the thousands of figurines i n the private and public museums of Mexico and the United States of America are from Jaina i n s t i t u t i o n a l and unauthorized (Goldstein 1979:  excavation  22).  Many kinds of funerary offerings were found i n b u r i a l s at Jaina, including various ceramic vessels, jewelry of s h e l l , bone, stone and clay, feathers, b i r d and animal bones, manos  and metates,  and implements of imported obsidian,  jadeite and serpentine (Goldstein standard funerary furnishings  pyrite,  1978: 23). These are  f o r much of the Lowland Maya  area i n the C l a s s i c Period. In contrast,  two features of Jaina  burials are unusual. F i r s t , i n nearly every instance, a t r i p o d ceramic bowl was inverted over the head of the deceased. Second, and of most concern to t h i s thesis, was the common practice of placing one to four ceramic figurines i n t h e i r folded arms (Pifia Chan 1998: 387).  A recent study by Mansilla et a l (1990) of eighty-nine Jaina burials excavated during the seasons of 1973 and 1974 has shown that 86% were furnished with l o c a l l y produced material including f o r t y - f i v e f i g u r i n e s . Like the figurines occasionally  placed i n burials at Palenque, many of the Jaina  figurines were e n t i r e l y or p a r t i a l l y hand-modeled. Of the figurines placed i n female b u r i a l s , 75% were gendered male. Only one female f i g u r i n e was recovered from a female b u r i a l and a single animal f i g u r i n e was found i n another. Represented i n male b u r i a l s without perceptible  difference were both male  and female f i g u r i n e s . S i x t y - f i v e percent of children's  burials  were furnished with figurines gendered female. Another 34% were male and zoomorphic. A single c h i l d ' s b u r i a l contained a male/female couple. The majority of animal figurines were  associated  with children's b u r i a l s . The  recovered from a female b u r i a l was  zoomorphic f i g u r i n e  the single exception.  S i m i l a r l y children's burials contained the majority of figurines that functioned as r a t t l e s or whistles. A few were found i n female b u r i a l s . No whistles or r a t t l e s were placed i n male burials (Mansilla et a l 1990:  401).  Clearly gendered relationships were represented through the placement of figurines i n Jaina b u r i a l s . Almost exclusively male figurines accompanied females while both males and females surrounded men.  Children held women and animal r a t t l e s  and whistles i n t h e i r arms. On occasion male figurines would accompany these. These conventions beg explanation.  One  possible interpretation based on the supposition that figurines stood i n for persons and t h e i r everyday r e l a t i o n s i s that the b u r i a l arrangement was  possibly a representation of  kinship that p r i v i l e g e d the heterosexual family and  larger  patronymic group. Variation i n numbers and types of f i g u r i n e offerings would have expressed both " f i c t i v e " and  real  r e l a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l s . If t h i s were so, then what appeared i n a funerary context may  have repeated and mimed the  legitimating norms of house membership. The placing  of  figurines i n a male's b u r i a l may  have represented his  r e l a t i o n s with both the male and  female members of  the  "family". They may also have symbolically  represented the  mating of male and female that assured his successful r e b i r t h . Whereas the male figurines may have represented p a t r i l i n e a l descent or h i s inherited rights by v i r t u e of his bloodline, the female figurines implied the sexual relations by which he would be reborn. In contrast, a woman's membership and " l e g a l " protection i n the house depended on a sexual or other a l l i a n c e with a legitimate male associate whose inherited rights t o land, labour and material resources represented her i n t e r e s t (Restall 1997: 581). In t h i s scenario,  the deposit of male  figurines i n females' b u r i a l s served to "naturalize" those r e l a t i o n s . Pohl (1991) has argued that the rearing of children and animals were viewed as the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of women i n ancient Maya households. Figurine-whistles  and f i g u r i n e -  r a t t l e s of animals and women placed i n children's b u r i a l s may have r e i t e r a t e d the stereotypical nurturing mother and dependent c h i l d r e l a t i o n . I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g t o know i f the few male figurines found with children were placed i n female children's burials thus conforming to the practice f o r adults. Of further i n t e r e s t i n the analysis of Jaina f i g u r i n e placement i n b u r i a l s would be at what age individuals were considered to have moved from childhood to adult.  In the above analysis I o f f e r but one p o s s i b i l i t y of interpretation i n order to demonstrate that the  information  from Jaina provides evidence that, under a s p e c i f i c kind of b u r i a l practice, the i d e n t i t y and function of a f i g u r i n e can become an important consideration i n composing a b u r i a l o f f e r i n g , and that i n this context t h i s i d e n t i t y and may  function  further be r e l a t e d i n p a r t i c u l a r ways to the s o c i a l  i d e n t i t y of the deceased.  That only a mere handful of figurines have been recovered  from  a funerary context outside of the l a t e P o s t - c l a s s i c s i t e s of Mayapân, Yucatan, and Jaina, Campeche, suggests that the placement of figurines i n b u r i a l s could have involved spontaneous action on the part of a few i n d i v i d u a l s rather than conventional  practice with associated symbolic or  r e l i g i o u s meaning—in other words, a r i t u a l . Indeed i f figurines functioned primarily as children's toys then one e a s i l y imagine a c h i l d o f f e r i n g such an object to the  can  funerary  assemblage of another c h i l d or adult. An adult o f f e r i n g a toy to the assemblage of a deceased c h i l d i s equally p l a u s i b l e . The f i g u r i n e might have belonged to the c h i l d with whom i t was buried as well as having been offered by another c h i l d or adult, i n some cases the maker.  Part Three: Forms of figurines During the Pre-classic periods [1200 B.C. — A.D.  200] Maya  figurines mainly represented seated or standing humans and were s o l i d and hand-modeled (Clark 1991). S i g n i f i c a n t changes occurred i n f i g u r i n e assemblages during the Early C l a s s i c periods [A.D. 200 -600]  i n the Maya region. During t h i s time  the development of regional s t y l i s t i c d i s t i n c t i o n and widespread innovation i n ceramic technology fostered a d i v e r s i t y of s o l i d f i g u r i n e forms. The majority of figurines produced during the Late C l a s s i c period [A.D. 600-900] were hollow, mould-made and for the most part whistles between 5 and 20 centimetres i n height. Mould-made ceramic  technology  provided an e f f i c i e n t method of production of figurines although i t also r e s t r i c t e d the p o s s i b i l i t y of forms compared to hand modeling. Moulds could be used over long periods of time as at Calakmul, Campeche, where C l a s s i c moulds were used during the Terminal C l a s s i c (Folan, Gunn and Carrasco 2001). A slab of wet clay was pressed into a small single-face type f i r e d clay mould (Willey 1978:  37; Willey 1972:  72-74). A f t e r  removal from the mould, a hand-modeled piece of clay was attached to the mould-impressed piece to form the back and base of the f i g u r i n e where a whistle mouthpiece was  then  fashioned. Sometimes p e l l e t s placed i n human-figurines to produce r a t t l e s before front and back were joined substituted  for the usual whistle structure (Rands and Rands 1965: 542). A f t e r air-drying the object was f i r e d and a f t e r f i r i n g i t was painted. This technology allowed f o r i n t r i c a t e d e t a i l and may also have resulted i n both widespread usage and consistency of forms.  Hand-modeled or combination of mould-made and hand-modeled figurines capable of no musical production continued to be produced i n the C l a s s i c period but i n lesser quantity than the mould-made whistles and r a t t l e s . Judging from t h e i r appearance, construction and context, the functions of these statuettes was probably d i f f e r e n t than whistle-figurines (Willey 1972: 7).  Figurines were l i k e l y produced and used at a l l Late C l a s s i c s i t e s . The themes of mould-made f i g u r i n e whistles produced 2  during the C l a s s i c period were remarkably uniform given t h e i r  E x c a v a t e d examples have been p u b l i s h e d from J o n u t a , C o m a l c a l c o , Tabasco (Smith 1958), on the I s l a n d o f J a i n a ( P i n a Chân 1968) n o r t h a l o n g the c o a s t o f Campeche, Mexico ( G o l d s t e i n 1979; F o l a n , Gunn and C a r r a s c o 2001) and n o r t h i n t o the Puuc r e g i o n o f Yucatan ( B r a i n a r d 1958). F i g u r i n e s were a l s o r e c o v e r e d i n the c e n t r a l d e p r e s s i o n o f Chiapas a t C h i a p a de Corzo (Thomas Lee 1969) and L a g a r t e r o (Eckholm 1985), a l o n g the Usumacinta R i v e r a t Palengue (Rands and Rands 1965; Angeles F l o r e s Jimenez 2000), Y a x c h i l a n ( G a r c i a M o l l 1996), P i e d r a s Negras ( S c h l o s s e r 1978), A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s ( W i l l e y 1972) and S e i b a l ( W i l l e y 1978). S i t e s i n the c e n t r a l Peten w i t h e x c a v a t e d f i g u r i n e s i n c l u d e uaxactun (A.L. Smith 1950), T i k a l ( H a v i l a n d 1963; Becker 1973) and i n B e l i z e , Lubaantun (T.A. Joyce 1933; Hammond 1975), A l t u n Ha (Pendergast 1979) and a t some H i g h l a n d Guatemala s i t e s , Nebaj (Smith and K i d d e r 1951), Aguateca ( T r i a d a n 2001) and Cancuén (Sears 2000). F i g u r i n e s were a l s o r e c o v e r e d i n t h e s o u t h e a s t e r n r e g i o n s as a t Copân, Honduras (Hendon 1987) and Cerén, E l S a l v a d o r (Sheets 1992). 2  geographic d i v e r s i t y , although the volume and v a r i e t y of each subject category produced varied by s i t e and region. subject categories include animals, men,  The  women and c h i l d r e n ,  d e i t i e s and/or super-naturals. In the following discussions I w i l l o f f e r some general observations on the various themes taken for representation by the producers of f i g u r i n e s . Excavation monographs that include the types, forms and provenience of figurines recovered  from the Usumacinta River  area including A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s (Willey 1972), Seibal (Willey 1978), Piedras Negras (Schlosser 1978) (Scheie and Matthews 1979; Yaxchilan  Palenque  Angeles Flores Jimenez 2000) and  (Garcia Moll 1996), o f f e r a good comparative sample  for t h i s purpose. However, the above sample does not include a l l a v a i l a b l e forms. In order to further understand the representation of male and female i d e n t i t y i n ancient Maya society, I w i l l f i r s t l y compile and compare the subjects of f i g u r i n e representation from the above monographs. This compilation w i l l function as a core of representation to which additional f i g u r i n e forms not recovered region w i l l be added and  from the Usumacinta  discussed.  Animal figurines The depiction of animals i n hollow, mould-made f i g u r i n e s , or figurine-whistle constitutes the majority of a l l f i g u r i n e  representation (Figure 2.18). Of these, birds, e s p e c i a l l y owls were most prevalent. Owls, turkeys, toucan, parrot and other non-raptorial and r a p t o r i a l birds were represented at most s i t e s (Altar de S a c r i f i c i o s , Willey 1972: 24-27; Seibal, Willey 1978: 17-19) perhaps for t h e i r musical association. Holes for suspension were e s p e c i a l l y common on b i r d whistles and those objects may sometimes have been worn as pendants around the neck where they could be r e a d i l y used.  In addition to birds, substantial repertoires of animal forms were created i n figurines although not a l l forms were represented at a l l s i t e s . The most common were r e p t i l e s [frogs, t u r t l e s , crocodile, l i z a r d s ] , f e l i n e s and monkeys that sometimes have human attributes such as clothing, canines [dogs, foxes or coyotes], Pisotes  or Coatimundis,  peccary,  deer, bats, rodents and possibly insects. The archaeology bodega at T i k a l , Guatemala houses a p a r t i c u l a r l y good c o l l e c t i o n of animal figurines, e s p e c i a l l y monkeys (no. 17-11-1020 ) . 3  Human representation i n figurines Generally the second most prominent subject matter was the human form. Both male and female i d e n t i t i e s were recovered  Numbers g i v e n f o r f i g u r i n e s o f T i k a l , Guatemala c o r r e s p o n d t o t h e bodega f i l i n g system.  3  from a l l s i t e s . V i s u a l representation i n a l l media suggest that s o c i a l categories were marked out on the body by symbolism of body modification, cosmetics  and c l o t h i n g ,  decorations, ornaments, attributes and p r a c t i c e s . The i d e o l o g i c a l embodiment of the s o c i a l order i n such a "fashion" served to construct power r e l a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l s through an association with markers of status that perhaps symbolized  access to s o c i a l l y valued resources. F i r s t  and  foremost, costume allowed not only for an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of gender but also of status and sometimes a c t i v i t y i n ancient Maya f i g u r i n e representation.  The design of C l a s s i c period Maya clothing as portrayed i n figurine and other media was  generally based on the  rectangular shape of c l o t h produced on the loom. The s i m p l i c i t y of the designs for basic clothing portrayed i n f i g u r i n e and other media maximized the piece of c l o t h while importantly representing and maintaining the sexes as d i s t i n c t s o c i a l categories. Women were represented wearing elaborately patterned t e x t i l e s that included a wrap around dress or s k i r t [corte]  that usually covered the chest. This garment can be  p a r t i a l l y covered by a short or long huipil  that reaches the  waist or ankles, respectively (Figure 2.19).  Men's costumes were generally simpler i n t e x t i l e pattern but had more complex combination of garment forms that possibly increased with s o c i a l status. Men were depicted most often i n ancient Maya representation wearing a l o i n c l o t h  [maxtlatl]  (Figure 2.20). To t h i s basic groin covering could be added a hipcloth [rodillera]  that may be worn under or over the  l o i n c l o t h , a k i l t of c l o t h or animal p e l t [multi-layered for dancers] and b e l t [faja].  A shoulder cape [perraje]  sometimes  worn draped over the front of the body, a c l o t h [tzute] worn as scarf, across one shoulder or over one arm may cover the upper body. Several men's garments required more construction than the basic rectangular shape of c l o t h produced on the loom. These included a f i t t e d jacket with f i t t e d sleeves or flaps instead of sleeves, vest without sleeves [xicolli]  and  f i t t e d s u i t with sleeves and legs. Some men were portrayed carrying a bag  [morral].  Although the s p e c i f i c meanings communicated by the s t y l e and representation of design on c l o t h i n g i n figurines are l o s t to us, the complexity of these meanings may be i n f e r r e d through examination of other forms of evidence. The representation i n ceramic and mural painting of folded pieces of c l o t h as t r i b u t e o f f e r i n g s , as wrappings f o r important objects and as household furnishings indicate that t e x t i l e s held s o c i a l  importance that went beyond costume. Through elaboration of f i g u r i n e clothing, t h e i r patterning and s t y l e was p o t e n t i a l l y able to v i s u a l l y communicate both membership and difference. Although the s i g n i f i c a n c e of represented difference i n ancient Maya costume has been the subject of study for archaeologists and a r t historians for over a century, only recently gender difference been explored  has  (Joyce 2000). Dress related to  seasonality, s o c i a l belonging, l i f e changes and marital status must be assumed although only p a r t i a l l y recoverable  i n the  archaeological record. By comparison, a diverse and nuanced accounting of i n d i v i d u a l involvement i n the communication of s o c i a l roles through the v a r i a b i l i t y of appearance i s well documented for contemporary Maya (Hendrickson 1995).  Elaborate t e x t i l e patterning i n figurines (Figure 2.21)  may  even have communicated gender categorization at the l e v e l of manufacture, for spinning and weaving are among the most strongly gendered of a c t i v i t i e s c i t e d i n ethnographic (Wilk 1991)  and ethnohistoric sources (Carmack 1981;  Landa i n Tozzer  1941)  i n Mesoamerica. Furthermore, description and  representation of female d e i t i e s associated with these productive  tasks are numerous (Codex Madrid; McCafferty and  McCafferty 1988;  S u l l i v a n 1982;  Sahagun 1953-1982, Book 4:  Codex Mendoza, V o l . 3: 56v-57r; Tozzer 1941:  159). The Maya  4;  patron of weaving was a goddess represented i n pre-Hispanic codices and known i n Yucatan as Ix Chel  (Cogolludo 1867-1868,  Bk. 4, Ch. 8). Some ancient Maya vase painters represented o l d women with a spindle of thread stuck into t h e i r headband (Reents-Budet 1994:  F i g . 1.8). In addition spinning and  weaving tools have been archaeologically recovered from women's food preparation areas i n ancient Maya residences (Ruscheinsky  1994,  1996; Hendon 1999).  The consideration of costume as a communication of s o c i a l roles i s central to an analysis of figurines since the addition of a single element to a costume assemblage may greatly expand or change i t s implied message. For example, the replacing of the helmet-like headdress of a male f i g u r i n e recently excavated at Cancuén [CANF 472] with the accompanying mask transformed the figure from a possible youthful warrior or b a l l p l a y e r to an o l d man [CANF 510](Figure 2.37). Thus, differences i n appearance must be appreciated as an active communication by i n d i v i d u a l producers of figurines directed towards a complex of s o c i a l r o l e s .  Figurines probably did not represent actual persons but rather generalized narrative types with a repertoire of a c t i v i t i e s , postures, c l o t h i n g and other accessories that were considered  s u i t a b l e . Most clothing elements were not interchangeable i n f i g u r i n e s . These generic types would have enabled a variety of role-playing a c t i v i t i e s where the narrative was supplied by the actions of the user. The p o s s i b i l i t i e s of creative may  play  have been further enhanced by the addition of removable  helmets, headdresses and masks and the rare examples of articulated figurines.  The representation  of women i n figurines  S i g n i f i c a n t l y , at many of the excavated s i t e s the number of recovered representations of women i n figurines outnumbered those of men (Ekholm 1985:  174). Choice of women's costume  elements, headgear and h a i r s t y l e were possibly l o c a l i z e d for the makers of f i g u r i n e s . For example, centre-parted h a i r [with or without terraced bangs, or wide-brimmed hats], ear-flares and necklace, high-waist s k i r t opening at the side or single d r e s s - l i k e garment [corte]  with huipil  were chosen hair  treatment and costume for the representation  of women i n  figurines at A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s , Seibal, Piedras Negras and Palenque. The single dress-like garment that f a l l s from shoulder t o ankles was preferred at A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s over which a huipil 1972:  or a fringed shawl was sometimes worn (Willey  45). At Seibal there was more variety i n h a i r treatment  and headgear that included an elaborate form that may have  been an i n d i c a t o r of high status or other s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n (Willey 1978Î 24). At Piedras Negras a turban type of headdress i s common and only a few figurines display a necklace  (Schlosser 1978: 108-135).  D i s t i n c t i o n i n costume i s followed c l o s e l y by deportment i n determination  of gender, status and a c t i v i t y i n ancient Maya  f i g u r i n e representation and may account f o r some of the standardization of forms. Deportment implies movement while the addition of a t t r i b u t e s to c l o t h i n g suggests a c t i v i t y . However, because the majority of i n d i v i d u a l figurines do not appear i n scenes, we sometimes have t o r e l y on narrative scenes on ceramics and stone monuments and i n murals to speculate on the p a r t i c u l a r a c t i v i t y . Of exception to the "standard" of i n d i v i d u a l figures are the mould-made figurines of narrative scenes produced at Lubaantun (Joyce  1933)(Figure  2.22) and the few hand-modeled scenes from Jaina ( M i l l e r 1986) (Figure 2.23).  At A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s women [with one exception] were represented  standing and most carry some object i n one or both  hands (Figure 2.24). For example, one female f i g u r i n e i s depicted holding a fan i n one hand and a c y l i n d r i c a l vessel i n the other (Willey 1972: f i g . 34,e), others a c h i l d and a fan  ( f i g . 34,g), a c h i l d and a vessel ( f i g . 34, b) a dog and what appears to be a vessel ( f i g . 34,f) and a dog and u n i d e n t i f i e d object ( f i g . 33,c). Similar examples have been recovered from Palenque (Angeles Flores Jimenez 2000). The association of these attributes with gender s p e c i f i c occupations l i k e food service, animal husbandry and c h i l d c a r e may further a i d i n the determination of gender for the viewer. When no object i s held i n the hand, the arm and hand i s usually held close across the body at waist l e v e l .  Both standing and seated women were represented i n figurines at Seibal though perhaps the l a t t e r posture i s most common. A few hold an unidentified object i n t h e i r l e f t hand but most hold t h e i r hands i n t h e i r lap i f seated or across t h e i r waist i f standing (Willey 1978:  26-31).  According t o Schlosser, a l l mould-made female figurines from Piedras Negras were "very s i m i l a r i n costume and pose" (1978: 120). The hands, usually empty, were placed i n the lap of the kneeling woman although two exceptions e x i s t . One holds a c h i l d ( f i g . 19,c) the other a dog ( f i g . 19,b). Women seated with t h e i r hands i n t h e i r lap were the most common posture at T i k a l (no. 17-1-1-1 1865.1-9), Aguateca (Triadan 2001: s i t e s i n the A l t a Verapaz, Guatemala (Guatemala Museum  3) and  Dieseldorf C o l l e c t i o n ) . However a standing female figure with arms held close to the body was  also produced at most s i t e s .  While the a c t i v i t i e s and labours of womanhood were referenced through objects the o v e r a l l representation of womanly deportment i n the above examples i s one of repose.  Physiognomy or f a c i a l feature was status and age were represented  another means by which  i n f i g u r i n e s . Generally i t i s  d i f f i c u l t to d i s t i n g u i s h gender on the basis of f a c i a l features alone. F a c i a l features including high brows, s t r a i g h t eyes with a heavy upper l i d , long straight t r i a n g u l a r nose that often extends i n t o the forehead region, short closed mouth with emphasized upper l i p , t r i a n g u l a r or square shaped jaw and small ears appear to be conventional i n f i g u r i n e representation. Some regional v a r i a t i o n occurred. For example at A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s a s l i g h t l y open mouth exposing teeth was  standard. Women were sometimes represented with head  s l i g h t l y t i l t e d forward suggesting an averting of the gaze i n the f i g u r i n e s produced at Jaina (Scheie 1997:  30-32, 35-39,  43-44) (Figure 2.25); otherwise they s i t or stand erect.  Female s o c i a l hierarchy Head deformation  practiced by the ancient Maya was represented  in figurines of females at Piedras Negras (Schlosser 1978: 111-112). I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that two figurines were without head-dress but have rare hand-modeled additions that created d i s t i n c t i v e costuming perhaps i n d i c a t i v e of d i s t i n c t i o n s i n rank or status among women. Female figurines that e x h i b i t head deformation were found i n household assemblages at many other s i t e s and perhaps were most common at Palenque and Jaina (Figure 2.35). In many of these f i g u r i n e s the h a i r was swept back from the forehead with l i t t l e adornment emphasizing the head shape (Scheie 1997: 26, 28-31). Several have a s l o t cut into the head that suggests the past existence of deattachable headdress (Scheie 1997: 28-29, 40-41, 43, 45; Angeles Flores Jimenez 2000: 47).  S c a r i f i c a t i o n , tattooing or face paint may be represented by a pattern of raised dots or l i n e s that surround the mouth of several female figurines from Piedras Negras and the TabascoCampeche region (Schlosser 1978: 115; Scheie 1997: 21-23, 28, 31, 42-43). These patterns were often produced i n association with head deformation  or elaborate costume and headdress.  One figurine from Piedras Negras represents an o l d woman with deeply wrinkled face, sunken cheeks and a twisted r o l l around her bald head  4  (Schlosser 1978: 114)(Figure 2.27). In addition  to t h i s physiognomy, o l d age i n women was represented by the depiction of pendant breasts (Schlosser 1978: f i g . 17,a). In most examples from the Usumacinta region women were represented of childbearing age. The maternal aspect of womanhood i s fore-grounded  at A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s where  several figurines of women with children were recovered.  Childcare There were f i g u r i n e examples of women nurturing c h i l d r e n from other regions as w e l l . I introduced t h i s thesis with the example from the Museo de Jonuta where a woman i s depicted holding the hand of a young c h i l d that i n turn holds a figurine (Figure i i ) . In other examples women were shown nursing (Scheie 1997: 36-37)(Figure 2.25; 2.28) or with young children asleep i n t h e i r lap (Schmidt 1997:  1998, c a t . 101; Scheie  39) (Figure 2.29). A figurine recovered from r e s i d e n t i a l  structure M8-10 at Aguateca, Guatemala portrays a woman with a young boy wearing a l o i n c l o t h seated beside her (Inomata 1995,  S c h l o s s e r i d e n t i f i e s t h i s head fragment as male. I suggest an o l d woman i s a more a p p r o p r i a t e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . More r e c e n t l y e x c a v a t e d examples suggest t h a t o l d women and n o t o l d men were p o r t r a y e d w i t h t h e t w i s t e d r o l l headdress ( S c h e i e 1997, PI.31-34). 4  f i g . 815). The seated woman and c h i l d configuration was also produced at T i k a l , Guatemala (no. 17-1-1-1-1865.9).  Old women were also represented children (Scheie 1997:  i n roles as caretakers f o r  48). For example, a young c h i l d i s  shown strapped to the back of an o l d woman f i g u r i n e housed i n the American Museum of Natural History (Figure 2.27). Another example from Jaina has a young boy held by an o l d woman (Figure 2.30). A f i g u r i n e of note from the Guatemalan highlands represents an o l d woman seated with her legs extended out i n front of her, where a baby l i e s face up. The c h i l d c l e a r l y displays the c r a n i a l deformation practiced on newborns. A wooden board i s v i s i b l e on the forehead, t i e d with two cords at the sides (Figure 2.31).  Foodservice Generally, makers of figurines i n the Usumacinta region l i m i t e d the a c t i v i t i e s of women to roles i n childcare and animal husbandry. Foodservice may have been referenced through the vessels that many of the figurines hold. In contrast, examples from Jaina made the a c t i v i t y of food service e x p l i c i t . In one,  an elaborately a t t i r e d woman with ear-flares  and bead necklace apportions  food from two large vessels  balanced by her lap into small bowls held i n each hand. A  small animal s i t s on her l e f t leg (Figure 2.26). A fragment of a f i g u r i n e from Lubaantun portrays a small c h i l d grasping for a round food object held i n a bowl c a r r i e d by a woman wearing a corte  over her breasts (Joyce 1933: Pl.IV, 8).  In addition to the above a c t i v i t i e s figurines from Lubaantun, Belize, portrayed women's domestic labour of food preparation. In one p a r t i c u l a r l y i l l u s t r a t i v e example a woman appears with a c h i l d strapped to her back as she kneels grinding corn on a raised metate  (Figure 2.22). A hand-modeled f i g u r i n e i n the  c o l l e c t i o n of the Art Museum at Princeton University, possibly from Jaina, portrays a woman i n a posture consistent with corn grinding. She leans forward with her weight balanced over her arms. Her curved hands resting at knee l e v e l are placed i n front of an object that resembles a mano or grinding stone. I t i s possible the metate  that accompanied t h i s f i g u r i n e was l o s t  (Figure 2.32). Another hand-modeled figurine from Jaina was e x p l i c i t i n depicting food preparation. An o l d woman simply dressed i n a corte  and turban has an infant strapped to her  back as she grinds corn on a raised metate.  An older c h i l d  standing at the opposite end of the metate  a s s i s t s her by  scooping the ground masa into the c o l l e c t i n g bowl below (Figure 2.23).  Vessels held i n the arms of female figurines would have referenced women's roles not only i n food preparation but also i n ceramic production. Raymond Thompson records both Maya men and women as producers of pottery i n Modern Yucatan Mexico although i t was more common for a l l the potters of a v i l l a g e to be of the same sex (1958: 146). Thompson indicates that the tendency for potters t o s p e c i a l i z e i n the making of c e r t a i n shapes may have been greater i n the past (Thompson 1958: 146). The most pronounced s p e c i a l i z a t i o n Thompson observed was the making of figurines and whistles that were produced almost exclusively by women (Thompson 1958:  136). In the case of male  potters t h e i r wives and daughters o r d i n a r i l y made and decorated the figurine wares (Thompson 1958:  136). I suggest  that a s i m i l a r gendered d i v i s i o n of labour operated i n the Prehispanic period.  Weavers The combined techniques of hand-modeling and mould-impressing were used i n several examples to portray women as weavers i n the assemblage of figurines from Jaina (Figures 2.33-2.34). The technology  of spinning and weaving, as represented i n  figurines and recovered through archaeological research c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l s the t r a d i t i o n a l equipment and methods used i n the Maya region i n c o l o n i a l and modern times (Hendon 1999:  266).  Women were depicted seated, working on a back strap loom  t i e d to a small tree or post (Scheie 1997: 40-41; Schmidt 1998, cat. 182). Birds were shown s i t t i n g on the post or on the  shoulder of the weaver (Kerr Clay Database: 6000) or under  the  loom (Kerr Clay Database: 2019). The association between  birds and weaving i n ancient Mesoamerica was common. The only representational pattern incised into the spindle whorls from r e s i d e n t i a l contexts at Copân, Honduras was that of a b i r d ; a l l other patterns were geometric i n design (Hendon 1997: 38). In addition to the countless number of spindle whorls excavated at Copân, Honduras, were bone needles, pins and picks used to l i f t warp threads when creating brocade design (Hendon 1997: 38).  While doing research i n Antigua, Guatemala i n 1998 I witnessed birds descending from the trees of the market square to r e t r i e v e stray threads from the women gathered q u i e t l y weaving i n the shade below. I assume the birds used the thread to weave t h e i r own nests. Z o i l a Ramirez, a contemporary weaver from Guatemala, confirmed my observations but also suggested that some of the birds may have been pets (personal communication with Cohodas, June 21, 2002). Perhaps the large macaw s i t t i n g under the loom of a Jaina hand-modeled  figurine  was the representation of a pet (Kerr Clay Database: 2019).  Ramirez also informed Cohodas that hummingbirds  especially  were common v i s i t o r s because they were attracted t o the colours of the weaving, thinking they were flowers (personal communication with Cohodas, June 21, 2002).  Although the labour of weaving was not d i r e c t l y represented i n figurine at Lagartero, located on the Chiapas-Guatemala border, the majority of human figurines were portrayed wearing elaborately patterned costumes (Figure 2.21). Portrayed i n figurine are cotton garments with various types of decoration including embroidery, brocade, appliqué, pulled thread and dye technique that Ekholm speculates may indicate a great t e x t i l e c r a f t s p e c i a l i z a t i o n at Lagartero (1985: 185). Female figurines at Lagartero are s i m i l a r i n pose and attitude to those of the Usumacinta region. The majority of female bodies wear a long dress with elaborately decorated shawl or long huipil  over the shoulders (Ekholm 1985: fig.10-3, a-f; Schmidt  1998, cat. 129). Some are seated cross-legged with hands placed on t h e i r knees or with one hand gesturing at waist l e v e l (Ekholm 1985: 183). Others stand and appear t o be more elaborately a t t i r e d i n several layers of s k i r t s (Ekholm 1985: 184). The preponderance of female figurines [about 60 percent] i s i n t r i g u i n g i n r e l a t i o n to the suggestion of women's t e x t i l e industry at Lagartero (Ekholm 1985: 174). For t e x t i l e s as well  as pottery, figurines reference both construction and use as a d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the female gender. This r e l a t i o n s h i p between production and use i s further extended i f we consider that women l i k e l y made the figurines f o r use i n child-rearing.  A female figurine from Jaina exhibiting head deformation and wearing huipil  and elaborate jewelry s i t s with one hand on her  knee while the other rests on a folded object i n her lap (Figure 2.35). The figurine has been interpreted as representing a scribe or Na Ah-K'ul-Hun, "Lady of the Holy Books" an occupation often depicted f o r men but never otherwise f o r women i n ancient Maya imagery (Scheie 1997: 43). Codices  [Maya folded books] are often depicted i n ceramic  painting as having a hinged jaguar patterned cover (ReentsBudet 1994: 2.1-2.4) and/or a halved conch s h e l l and brush r e s t i n g on the l i d (Reents-Budet 1994: 2.15). A f i g u r i n e interpreted as a male scribe rests his r i g h t hand on such an arrangement of implements and book (Reents-Budet 1994: 2.14). A male scribe deity represented i n stone from Copân holds a halved-shell paint container i n one hand and a brush i n the other. He also has conch shells i n his headband to mark his i d e n t i t y (Reents-Budet 1994: 5.57). The female f i g u r i n e interpreted as a scribe has none of the iconographie  i d e n t i f i e r s of her male counterparts. Perhaps the folded object i n her lap i s better interpreted as a piece of folded t e x t i l e that may i d e n t i f y her as a weaver or c l o t h merchant (Figure 2.35).  Attendants Another complex of figurines from the Campeche region including Jaina depict elaborately a t t i r e d women standing, holding a twisted scarf and/or bib (Scheie 1997: 22-23; 44-45) (Figures 2.36). Other images portray women holding a fan or a mirror  (Scheie 1997: 18,20). These costume elements were  associated i n ceramic painting with the exclusive male practice of enema or emetic that cause i n t o x i c a t i o n and h a l l u c i n a t i o n (Stross and Kerr 1990). For example, elegantly dressed women, often attended by simply dressed women holding a fan and a mirror, were represented  a s s i s t i n g the o l d and  feeble God N i n the taking of an enema and/or emetic i n ceramic painting. Another version depicts numerous o l d men (God N) seated before a male authority (masked as a supernatural)  and aided by young women while others a s s i s t by  fanning, holding a scarf or mirror (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K530.00).  While the preponderance of female figurines found i n a r e s i d e n t i a l context during the Maya C l a s s i c period suggests a dignity and importance was afforded female persons and t h e i r contribution of goods and labour to the house economy, the narrow range of a c t i v i t i e s represented may have served to circumscribe gender i d e n t i t y . Further i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of figurine imagery i n r e l a t i o n to the construction of gender i d e n t i t y w i l l be discussed i n Chapters Three and Four.  The representation of men i n figurines Although there were fewer male than female figurines produced at some s i t e s , the d i v e r s i t y of costume types, poses and a c t i v i t i e s as indicators of male i d e n t i t y and status were often f a r greater. As i n other representation, the most s i g n i f i c a n t costume for the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of male i d e n t i t y i n figurines was the l o i n c l o t h [maxtlatl] appearing are a heavy belt [faja], cape-like garments  [perraje],  (Figure 2.20). Also  a hipcloth  [rodillera],  animal p e l t s , b a l l p l a y e r garb  [may include a large protective b e l t , kneepad, hand guard, helmet or b a l l ] and perhaps q u i l t e d armour. Jewelry included a heavy necklace or c o l l a r with central pendant element and large e a r - f l a r e s . Sometimes a beard or a r t i f i c i a l beard was depicted. Simple headdresses were conical or cap-like and also turban type. Elaborate headdresses can incorporate a Maya mask  element [animal or supernatural] as well as f a n - l i k e feather arrangements and plumes. Sometimes masks and headdresses were removable (Sears 2000).  Differences i n the physiognomy of young men and women were n e g l i g i b l e i n figurine representation. Young men, l i k e women, were represented with head deformation, high brow l i n e , straight eyes with heavy l i d , long nose and well formed mouth. Perhaps more male than female figurines were produced with the square-jaw shaped face. Males usually look d i r e c t l y at the viewer with open eyes. Sometimes they were represented with t h e i r head t i l t e d forward and arms clasped across the chest (Scheie 1997:  29-30, 32, 34, 44). F a c i a l tattooing or  s c a r i f i c a t i o n was common on male figurines from Jaina (Scheie 1997:  29, 34-39) and far more elaborate than portrayed for  women (Scheie 1997:  21-23). Small beards or larger f a l s e  beards also aided i n the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of male i d e n t i t y (Scheie 1997:  29-39).  D i f f e r i n g somewhat from t h e i r neighbours, f i g u r i n e makers at Palenque created miniature s o l i d f i g u r i n e s of males i n addition to the t y p i c a l l y larger solid-type examples (Angeles Flores Jimenez 2000)(Figure 2.16). As at Jaina many of the s o l i d Palenque figurines combined mould-made and hand b u i l t  technology  (Angeles Flores Jimenez 2000). Makers of figurines  also depicted men with smaller head proportions than at Jaina, narrower faces, accentuated noses or a d d i t i o n a l nose ornaments and ears with small earrings rather than large e a r - f l a r e s . Also i n comparison bodies were more slender with back curvature. S t y l i s t i c s i m i l a r i t i e s to Tabasco and Campeche were strong i n Palenque figurine imagery that include the abundance of free-limbed humans, high nose passing onto the  forehead,  and a row of c i r c l e s or ornament above the nose (Schlosser 1978:  174; Rands and Rands 1964:  556,  for comparison f i g . 25  and 40).  A d i s t i n c t i v e example of Palenque s o l i d f i g u r i n e manufacture i s a masked warrior recovered from Tomb 1 i n B u i l d i n g 3 of Group B (Lopez Bravo 2000)(Figure  2.15). A young man  appears  dressed i n l o i n c l o t h , beaded necklace and mosaic cuffs and seated cross-legged i n the centre of a bench (Scheie  1997:  49). His l e f t hand rests on his l e f t knee i n a posture of authority as he gestures with his raised r i g h t hand. While his head has not been recovered, he wore an extraordinary b i r d mask: According to Scheie, the knob on the head of the b i r d and the wattle on i t s beak i d e n t i f y i t as an o c e l l a t e d turkey, c a l l e d kutz by the ancient Maya (Scheie 1997:  91).  The sample of male figurines from neighbouring Yaxchilan available f o r study i s t i n y but according to Schlosser the "figurines show no obvious differences" from those of Piedras Negras (1978: 171).  Male figurines from Lagartero are similar i n form and i d e n t i t y as those from other regions. Of special note, however, are t h e i r elaborately patterned garments (Figure 2.21). The most common man's garment at Lagartero i s the l o i n c l o t h over which i s worn a short decorated cape [perraje]  [maxtlatl] that  may  be worn t i e d at the shoulder or worn hanging down i n the front only (Ekholm: 1985:  183). Some of these capes had a glyph band  at the top edge and a monster mask on the front and back (Ekholm: 1985:  183). Males are represented seated with one  arm  positioned across the chest i n a posture of deference while others stand with t h e i r arms and chest completely covered by the cape (Ekholm: 1985: f i g . 10-4,  a-e).  Warriors An abundant image at A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s was a standing male with arms placed on b e l t , wearing an elaborate headdress (Willey 1972: 27-34). Here and elsewhere male figurines  may  have additional attributes by which male-gendered a c t i v i t i e s can be i d e n t i f i e d . Of these, the most common are weapons and  armor i d e n t i f y i n g warrior a c t i v i t i e s , which represent the single category with the greatest variety of forms expressed through a wide range of costume (Figure 2.1). This may include a short "quilted" jacket, cape or f u l l body armour or "feathered" suits (Willey 1972,  f i g . 27-28), helmets or other  head protection (Scheie 1997: 60), that often incorporates animal imagery (Schmidt 1998, cat. 114), s h i e l d and/or hand held weapons such as atlatl,  club, axe, quiver of arrows or  darts, and spear (Schmidt 1998, cat. 113-115; Scheie 1997:  56-  63). Warrior figurines tend to be represented i n active poses. For example, a f i g u r i n e from Chipai, A l t a Verapaz portrays a warrior about to decapitate a prisoner who  he holds by the  hair (Rands and Rands 1965: f i g . 36). There i s a s i m i l a r example i n the Museo Regional de Campeche (Scheie 1997:  63).  Many of the figurines of warriors produced at Jaina where hand-modeling technology was u t i l i z e d , lunge or gesture with arms outstretched.  Hunters An alternative function for weaponry was i t s u t i l i t y i n hunting. A figurine from Lubaantun portrays a male hunter bending over a f a l l e n deer into which he plunges a knife with his l e f t arm. In his r i g h t hand he holds a spear while he c a r r i e s a pack of some kind on his back (Figure 2.38).  Although hunting was r a r e l y depicted i n figurines i t was a favoured subject for ceramic painting. Within that media, the a c t i v i t i e s of hunting, combat and the ballgame, which would have been undertaken exclusively by able-bodied males, were interconnected. A l l three a c t i v i t i e s encouraged competition among subordinate males vying for elder approval i n the form of the recognition of valour, and the bestowing of honour and prestige, which made these a c t i v i t i e s a f i t t i n g subject f o r 5  male representation. Similar to those depicted i n f i g u r i n e was the image of four hunters on a painted plate from eastern Campeche or Quintana Roo (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K4805). Two carry deer on t h e i r backs with spear i n hand while the other two carry packs of r o l l e d up nets used i n the capture of the deer. One of these blows a conch-shell trumpet the other hunter's hangs from his b e l t . A t h i r d deer l i e s dead i n the centre as three c a r r i o n birds hover at the edge of the scene. B i r d hunting was not represented i n figurine as i t often was i n painted scenes on ceramics that portrayed young men using a blowgun (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K4151).  Combat and t h e b a l l game would have i n v o l v e d t r a i n i n g t h a t c o u l d have t a k e n p l a c e i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e r e s i d e n t i a l compound. T h o r s t e i n V e b l e n (1973, o r i g . 1899) i n h i s Theory o f t h e L e i s u r e C l a s s d i s c u s s e s t h e ways i n which t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f s p o r t , h u n t i n g and war a r e i n t e r c o n n e c t e d . A p p l y i n g Veblen's t h e o r y , s p o r t s l i k e t h e b a l l game would have encouraged c o m p e t i t i o n among s u b o r d i n a t e males v y i n g f o r e l d e r a p p r o v a l o r , h e l p e d keep up a j u v e n i l e a g g r e s s i v e r e a d i n e s s i n case o f t h e advent o f war. A s i d e from s p o r t , i t has been suggested t h a t these a c t i v i t i e s may have f u n c t i o n e d w i t h i n a broader-spectrum o f p o l i t i c a l and economic a c t i v i t i e s ( S a n t l e y , Berman, and A l e x a n d e r 1991), i n t h e a c q u i r i n g o f p r o d u c t s and t e r r i t o r y (20) o r t h e c a r v i n g o u t o f t r i b u t a r y domains ( 2 3 ) . 5  Ballplayers A common a c t i v i t y for young men i n ancient Maya imagery was the ballgame. The ancient ballgame i s known from a l l areas of Mesoamerica although the rules of the game d i f f e r e d from region to region. Generally the rules of the game d i d not permit the b a l l to be touched with the hands; i t had to be struck with the hip that was protected by padding or a wooden yoke. Hands, elbows and knees that came i n contact with the ground when attempting  to s t r i k e the b a l l with the hip were  also protected (Cohodas 1991: 251). The game could be played i n an open f i e l d or i n a masonry court s p e c i f i c a l l y b u i l t f o r that a c t i v i t y . Ballcourts dating to the Early Formative [1550850 B.C.] through the Late P o s t c l a s s i c Period [900-1521 A.D.] have been excavated. At Chichén Itzâ, Yucatan, Mexico, courts were b u i l t as part of r e s i d e n t i a l structures perhaps near "young men's houses" as at the Monjas (Ruscheinsky 1994) and i n the c i v i c or ceremonial precinct of the c i t y . The game was played both for sport and r i t u a l purposes and the same court may have had both functions. Many categories of artwork reveal aspects of the ballgame: carved panels on benches and markers of some courts, tenoned heads and rings on others; presumed ballgame paraphernalia preserved as stone objects palmas, hachas,  [yokes,  handstones]; stelae and other b a s - r e l i e f  carvings; depictions on ceramic vessels and f i g u r i n e s .  Additional information comes from Aztec and Mixtec painted codices.  The post-conquest  written descriptions of the Aztec and Maya  ballgames have provided much of the information on the symbolic themes and r i t u a l significance of the game ( G i l l e s p i e 1991:  318). Perhaps the a v a i l a b i l i t y of t h i s information  influenced many scholars of the Mesoamerican ballgame to concentrate t h e i r interest i n the game as a r i t u a l rather than as a sport. However, the Classic Maya also associated ballgame imagery with a change i n personal status, the accession of a king (Scheie and F r e i d e l 1991), i n t e r - p o l i t y warfare or boundary c o n f l i c t (Scheie and M i l l e r 1986:  250),  acquisition  of wealth and t e r r i t o r y (Santley, Berman and Alexander  1991)  and i n t r a - p o l i t y competition (Fox 1991). I have argued elsewhere (Ruscheinsky  1994:  101-102) that the ballgame would  have: encouraged competition among young men vying f o r s o c i a l recognition, honour and prestige within and between competing houses; helped keep up a juvenile aggressive readiness; and maintained  f i t n e s s and group l o y a l t y among men who might be  c a l l e d upon for warfare at any  time.  The most i n f l u e n t i a l written description of the Maya ballgame for the study of the mythical underpinnings  has been the Popol  Vuh (Tedlock 1985), a cosmogonie narrative from Highland Guatemala ( G i l l e s p i e 1991: the ballgame was  318). A symbolic theme proposed f o r  the d a i l y and seasonal journey of the sun and  other c e l e s t i a l bodies. Their c y c l i c a l descent through the Underworld and ascent into the sky i s linked to a g r i c u l t u r a l f e r t i l i t y and human reproduction. The r i t u a l ballgame concluded with the s a c r i f i c e of the losing captain symbolising the death and eventual r e b i r t h of the sun, the planting and re-growth of corn, and the death and reincarnation of the player (Cohodas 1991;  Scheie and M i l l e r 1986: Ch. VI).  The ancient Maya most often represented the form of ballgame played i n a masonry court (Scheie and M i l l e r 1986:  Ch.VI).  Figurine producers were very s p e c i f i c i n the representation of ballplayer's costume (Figure 2.39-2.40). There appear to have been two styles representing the Maya and Mexican h i p - b a l l games. The C l a s s i c Maya ballgame costume portrayed bulky torso protectors of c l o t h , leather and/or wood and headdresses (Cohodas 1991:  253-254; Scheie 1997:  123; Scheie and M i l l e r  1986: Ch. VI). Coastal Lowland players were shown with yoketype hip protectors, hacha- or palma-type (Scheie 1997:  120), kneepads (Scheie 1997:  shaped hand protectors (Scheie 1997:  stomach protectors 125) and  purse-  122). Players could be  shown with a latex b a l l held i n the hand (Scheie 1997:  125).  The juxtaposition of the Mexican and Maya costume appeared on the r e l i e f of the central marker at Ballcourt II-B, Copân providing an ethnic contrast that may have symbolically referenced north and south respectively. Cohodas (1991: 259) has argued that the depiction i n t h i s scene of a sporting event was u n l i k e l y , "the sculptures represent the symbolic importance of the ballgame r i t u a l rather than r e a l i s t i c action...perhaps re-enacting a cosmogonie myth."  Another men's contact sport was a favoured image i n the whistle-figurines of Lubaantun (Joyce 1933: 1,3). Narrative examples show two men engaged i n pseudo-combat  (Figure 2.41).  They wear a helmet that covers t h e i r face and neck but f o r the eyes, a padded chest and shoulder protector, and a large padded glove on one hand. Other figurines from Lubaantun depict single figures s i m i l a r l y costumed although some of these have added elaboration to the helmet (Joyce  1933:  Pl.VII, 1-22, P l . VIII, 2-4). A hand-modelled f i g u r i n e from the Petén depicts a male seated cross-legged with arms raised and the l e f t hand gesturing a thumbs up. This f i g u r i n e has a s i m i l a r removable helmet (Coe and Kerr 1996: fig.13; K2824 ). This game i s also depicted on E l Baul Monument 27 (Parsons 1969: PI. 52,d) and at Dainzû, Oaxaca (Bernai 1973). A f i g u r i n e i n the Museo Nacional de Antropologia, Mexico C i t y  was s i m i l a r l y depicted wearing a winged helmet, padded chest protector with the addition of cape-like body armour and s h i e l d has been interpreted as a warrior (Scheie 1997: 98). Perhaps, l i k e the h i p - b a l l game, the more violent b a l l game was symbolically interchangeable with the male a c t i v i t i e s of warfare and hunting.  Male s o c i a l hierarchy The second most common male i d e n t i t y represented i n f i g u r i n e was associated with authority or status. Costume was the primary means by which rank or status was represented i n both monumental and f i g u r i n e sculpture where i t often overwhelmed the male figure portrayed (Figure 2.42). At A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s several elaborately a t t i r e d male figurines are portrayed seated or kneeling with l e f t hand resting on l e f t knee (Willey 1972:  f i g . 31,a). In ancient Maya monumental  sculpture and ceramic painting that concentrated on the subject of male homo-social r e l a t i o n s the a r t i s t i c convention of authority was represented by t h i s posture (Scheie 1986, f i g . v.8; Kerr Maya Vase Database: K558.00). Males of authority were also represented i n figurines seated on elaborate benches (Willey 1972:  f i g . 45; Scheie 1997: 89-93)  or ornate l i t t e r s  73-74). Examples of t h i s form  (Scheie 1997:  from A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s , Palenque, Jonuta, Campeche region, Jaina and A l t a Verapaz have been recovered.  In contrast to the elaborately costumed figurine representations of men standing or s i t t i n g were the more simply a t t i r e d males with arms crossed at chest l e v e l (Willey 1972:  f i g . 30). Some of these figurines, l i k e some figurines  of women, were portrayed with t h e i r gaze averted by t i l t i n g the head s l i g h t l y downward (Scheie 1997:  70, 72, 75)(Figure  2.43). This pose was sometimes used t o describe the h i e r a r c h i c a l relations between house and/or community members i n audience scenes painted on ceramics  (Reents-Budet 1994:  3.20-3.21). In most of these scenes a male on a seat of authority gestures to other men seated below with t h e i r arms across chest and eyes downcast. Texts recording the names and t i t l e s of the participants i n the events portrayed often accompanied the v i s u a l images. The figure "enthroned" often held more t i t l e s associated with p o l i t i c a l and r i t u a l authority i n contrast to the others, suggesting the pose of crossed arms and downcast eyes was one of respect, salute, allegiance or deference. In other scenes the guests w i l l share i n smoking with t h e i r host (Reents-Budet 1994: 321). S i m i l a r l y , a figurine from Jaina depicts a young man smoking  and wearing an elaborate deer headdress also associated with b a l l game and hunting imagery (Kerr Clay Database: 3694).  Scribes In contrast to the elaborately adorned male personages there were a variety of simply a t t i r e d male figurines produced. One type of these represents a seated man of p o r t l y stature wearing only a l o i n c l o t h . However, his associated a t t r i b u t e s may mark him as a s c r i b e . In one example, the man's r i g h t hand rests on a rounded object placed on a folded codex (Figure 2.44). A f i g u r i n e i n the Museo Nacional de Antropologia, Mexico C i t y , depicts a man wearing a simple c o n i c a l shaped hat and l o i n c l o t h with a book r e s t i n g i n his lap (Schmidt 1998, fig.455).  Archaeological studies (Hendon 1987; Webster 1989; Inomata 2000) have confirmed data from h i s t o r i c a l sources r e f e r r i n g t o the s o c i a l importance of Maya a r t i s t s and scribes i n charge of recording t r i b u t e and other administrative functions i n codices, drawing and painting polychrome ceramics, murals and masks. Very s i m i l a r t o the two images of scribes i n figurines was the large-scale a r c h i t e c t u r a l sculpture of a s c r i b a l deity recovered  from the f i l l of the f i n a l construction of Structure  9N-82 at Copân, a b u i l d i n g whose subsequent façade displays  other sculpted s c r i b a l images carved into i t (Webster 1989). The scribe statue has s h e l l paint pots inserted i n t o the headband above his ears while i n his l e f t hand he holds a sectioned conch-shell inkpot, and i n his r i g h t a paint brush (Schmidt 1998: 634, f i g 457). The importance placed on the s c r i b a l profession i n association with t h i s b u i l d i n g has l e d to the conclusion that i t was the residence of scribes f o r several generations  (Webster 1989). Images of scribes or  a r t i s t s i n the process of writing and painting abound i n scenes on ceramic vases and plates (Coe and Kerr 1996; Kerr Maya Vase Database: K5824; K717.00).  Old age Another type of seated male simply dressed f i g u r i n e i s that of a bald old man with sunken cheeks and eyes, wrinkles, a markedly protruding chin and p a r t i a l l y toothless g r i n when open-mouthed (Willey 1972: f i g . 42; Willey 1978: f i g . 39-40; Schlosser 1978: fig.15,c; 1616,c). Old men f i g u r i n e s are also found at Palenque (Rands and Rands 1964, f i g . 15), Jaina (Scheie 1997: 133, 136), Cancuén (Sears 2000, f i g . 6), and A l t a Verapaz region (Guatemala Museum C o l l e c t i o n ) . The s i z e of the jaw and protruding chin i s the f a c i a l feature that distinguishes old men from old women i n f i g u r i n e representation. Two examples of o l d men from Jaina are  portrayed wearing the s t r i p e d and twisted scarf (Scheie 1997: 133). They also hold an object that resembles a r a t t l e i n t h e i r r i g h t hands and have an unusual l i p ornament. These figurines have been interpreted as representing monkey-men or howler monkeys rather than old men even though they have human bodies and elaborate male clothing (Scheie 1997: 132). E x p l i c i t enema images were produced i n figurines at Esquintla and Tiquisate areas on the P a c i f i c Slope of Guatemala. For example, an o l d bearded man l y i n g on his r i g h t side and using his l e f t arm to i n s e r t a conch s h e l l syringe into his buttocks was produced (Kerr Clay Database: 4035). Another portrays a younger man with strangely smiling face engaged i n the same a c t i v i t y (Kerr Clay Database: 5078). Old men [sometimes i d e n t i f i e d as God N] are c l e a r l y represented  i n scenes on  painted ceramic wearing the same twisted scarf. Young women a s s i s t these o l d men i n the a c t i v i t y of enema or emetic (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K530.00). Old men are represented emerging from flowers  at Jaina  (Scheie 1997: 169, 171-173). In one  example a young woman emerges from a second flower on the same stem (Scheie 1997: 172-173). The young Maize God i s also represented  i n such a manner (Scheie 1997: 168, 170).  Prisoners A few figurines of seated simply dressed men  have the added  attribute of a rope t i e d around the neck or have t h e i r arms t i e d behind t h e i r back that may prisoner (Willey 1972:  i d e n t i f y the i n d i v i d u a l as a  f i g . 30f). Ethnohistoric accounts  describe the taking of prisoners i n war  (Tozzer 1941).  According to these accounts captives could look forward to humiliation and slavery i f not s a c r i f i c e (Scheie and F r e i d e l 1990). Prisoners were represented as t r i b u t e offered to authority figures by attending warriors i n audience  scenes  depicted on ceramic vessels and i n r e l i e f carving (ReentsBudet 1994,  f i g . 6.34;  Scheie and M i l l e r 1986 p i . 86-87). In  the Bonampak murals, warriors captured i n b a t t l e are stripped of t h e i r weapons and armour and forced to l e t blood from t h e i r hands i n public humiliation before the presiding p a t r i a r c h . Others are s a c r i f i c e d by being beheaded ( M i l l e r 1986; 1995: National Geographic, Vol. 187, No.2.  Miller  pp. 50-60). This  too i s shown i n f i g u r i n e s . A group of figurines of unknown proveniences have been considered to describe the gruesome practice of torture and death. Two of the figurines i n t h i s group depict naked men with t h e i r hands bound behind t h e i r backs. These captives are represented grimacing i n pain for they apparently have been beaten as t h e i r eyes and faces  appear severely swollen  (Scheie 1997:  115-117). Two  others  hang limply by the neck, bodies bloated i n decay ( i b i d . ) .  Bloodletting S e l f - s a c r i f i c e or bloodletting could also be a p r i v i l e g e or honour that marked important ceremonial occasions such as h e i r designation as depicted i n the Bonampak murals ( M i l l e r M i l l e r 1995:  National Geographic, V o l . 187, No.2.  1986;  pp. 50-60).  The blood s a c r i f i c e of captives i n Room Two of the Bonampak murals (pp. 65-67) were juxtaposed with the public celebratory dance that included bloodletting from the penis depicted i n the scenes of Room Three (p. 56). The public performance of b l o o d l e t t i n g may to the new  have been a means of proclaiming allegiance  h e i r and future leader of the Bonampak house.  Depiction of these events may  have served as h i s t o r i c  documents of those a l l i a n c e s and a f f i l i a t i o n s . However, depiction i n Jaina figurines of b l o o d l e t t i n g from the penis was  generic rather than h i s t o r i c . A young man wearing a  c o n i c a l headdress and k i l t has a twisted c l o t h or rope loosely t i e d around his necks as he s i t s s t o i c a l l y perforating his penis (Scheie 1997:  134). A s i m i l a r example from the Art  Museum at Princeton University also has s t r i p s of c l o t h with dots of "blood" on them laced through the lobes of his ears ( i b i d : pi.12). The scarf or c l o t h around the neck may  be a  costume piece s p e c i f i c to b l o o d l e t t i n g although Shield Jaguar i s depicted wearing such a necklace on L i n t e l 26 of Yaxchilan (Tate 1992: f i g . 15). Not a l l representations of b l o o d l e t t i n g i n figurines depicted men s t o i c a l l y enduring the associated pain. A p a r t i c u l a r l y dramatic example from Balancân depicts an old man squatting with one knee up as he holds his perforated penis. His other hand i s raised to his head as he screams i n pain (Scheie 1997: 136).  Dancers Rituals and f e s t i v a l s were a favoured subject of Maya imagery produced during the C l a s s i c period. Dance was represented as at the centre of many of these celebrations. In most contexts, the ancient Maya depicted t h e i r dance by r a i s i n g one heel of the dancer's feet and showing hands i n formal p o s i t i o n i f empty. A dancer figurine with r a i s e d foot from A l t a Verapaz, Guatemala, holds an ear of corn i n each hand (Figure 2.45). He wears an elaborate head adornment and a feathered backrack. Very s i m i l a r i s the male dancer f i g u r i n e with one foot raised and hands i n formal p o s i t i o n i n the American Museum of Natural History C o l l e c t i o n . He was also represented elaborately dressed with c a l f and ankle " t i n k l e r s , " an elaborate headdress that included a patterned c l o t h , mosaic band and "flower" component and a feathered backrack (Scheie 1997: 126). The  costume described above i s similar to those depicted f o r dancers i n countless images painted on ceramics  (Reents-Budet  1994: 7.3-7.4), i n the mural painting of Bonampak ( M i l l e r 1986) and i n the l i n t e l sculptures of Yaxchilan. The amount of a r t i s t i c energy lavished on the depiction of dancers' costume suggests that dance and/or dancers may  have been considered an  important component of household and community events. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n f e s t i v a l a c t i v i t i e s and other celebratory events associated with a g r i c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l renewal  may  have served to unite communities by providing individuals with c o l l e c t i v e experiences and i d e n t i t y ( T i l l e y 1987).  Musicians and dwarves Narrative scenes on ceramics and i n the murals at Bonampak show dancers accompanied by musicians playing various instruments (Reents-Budet  1994: f i g . 5.5). A w h i s t l e - f i g u r i n e  of an elaborately dressed male with a feathered and b i r d mask headdress holding r a t t l e s i n each hand was recovered from a b u r i a l at Nebaj (Smith and Kidder 1951: f i g . 87, e) as was a seated male blowing a long horn at Jaina ( M i l l e r 1975:  title  page) a second with the trumpet resting over his r i g h t shoulder (Kerr Clay Database: 4801) and t h i r d with a large drum held at his side (Kerr Clay Database: 656). In another Jaina f i g u r i n e the drummer i s elaborately costumed i n  feathered headdress, l o i n c l o t h , sleeveless vest, twisted rope around neck and c l o t h cords i n his ears. He also had large dots impressed into his cheeks. He stands with his two hands folded over the top of a three-legged drum (Figure 4.46). Dwarfs were commonly portrayed as musicians i n painting and f i g u r i n e . In a figurine example from Seibel the dwarf has a small drum tucked into his waistband (Willey 1978: f i g . 37,b).  Other figurines portrayed dwarves with a rope t i e d loosely around the neck (Willey 1972: f i g . 44,c) or holding a fan i n one hand (Schmidt 1998, cat. 99). In ceramic painting dwarves are often represented as attendants or servants i n audience scenes (Reents-Budet 1994: 5.52) or a s s i s t i n g young men  into  elaborate dance costumes (Reents-Budet 1994: 2.31, 3.12). An image of a dwarf with a large round object c a r r i e d i n his two upraised hands may represent his p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n some form of the b a l l game (Kerr Glay Database: 8237). Kerr (2002) suggests the dwarf i s carrying a large stone that were reportedly moved from v i l l a g e to v i l l a g e marking the katun or period ending.  Grotesque or fat-face male The so-called grotesque or fat-face type of male f i g u r i n e wearing a feathered or padded f u l l body s u i t with f i t t e d sleeves and legs has often been i d e n t i f i e d as a dwarf  sleeves and legs has often been i d e n t i f i e d as a dwarf (Schlosser 1978:  123) although most do not exhibit the f a c i a l  or body deformity associated with the depiction of dwarves i n ancient Maya imagery. A figurine i n the c o l l e c t i o n of Yale University Art Gallery that wears such a feathered costume i s t a l l and youthful i n appearance (Scheie 1997:  149). He holds a  large round s h i e l d i n one hand and the other i s i n a posture consistent with holding a staff/spear of some kind, now l o s t . He appears to be represented as a warrior. By contrast, a small dwarf-like figurine with swollen cheeks and s l i t eyes wears a very s i m i l a r costume but holds a fan i n h i s l e f t hand (Scheie 1997: 149).  Women and Hen Sexual relations between men and women were seldom expressed i n ancient Maya imagery. One of the rare examples was produced i n a complex of figurines at Jaina and elsewhere that implied the sexual r e l a t i o n between a toothless o l d man and a young woman (Figure 2.47). The couple i s portrayed i n an embrace either s i t t i n g or standing with one arm around t h e i r partner's back (Schmidt 1998,  f i g . 366-367; Scheie and M i l l e r 1986, p i .  53). Often the woman's other hand w i l l reach up and touch the old man's face while he reaches down to l i f t her s k i r t as he passes his r i g h t leg over her l e f t . This scenario i s by no  means unique t o f i g u r i n e imagery and has been interpreted as the mating of the young Moon Goddess with the Old Sun God i n the Underworld of ancient Maya mythology (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K5164). In an alternative figurine representation of male/female sexual union from Jaina a rabbit or coyote wearing a l o i n c l o t h was substituted for the o l d man (Figure 2.48). Like the o l d man the animal's leg crosses over the young woman's as they embrace. The Moon Goddess was often portrayed holding a rabbit, whose shape can be seen i n the grey patterns on the surface of the moon, e s p e c i a l l y when i t i s f u l l  (Scheie  and M i l l e r 1986: 55). Old God N of the Underworld as the patron of scribes was also associated with rabbits and monkeys, t h e i r f u r was possibly used i n the making of brushes (Scheie and M i l l e r 1986: 54). Young women holding rabbits or other small animals i n t h e i r lap were also represented i n ceramic painting (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K559). Another a l t e r n a t i v e from Jaina f o r the o l d male and young female pair i s the double figure of young woman and anthropomorphic saurian. The saurian, another Underworld denizen, with long upturned nose, large round eyes with heavy brow ridge wears a conical hat, pendant necklace and simple l o i n c l o t h . He embraces the young woman with his r i g h t arm while his l e f t three fingered or clawed hand reaches into her lap. His feet also have three d i g i t s (Kerr Clay Database: 1926).  Figurine couples of o l d men and young women were produced at Jonuta (Museo de Jonuta, INAA#'s J1126 and J1127  i n Sears  2000) and Cancuén (Sears 2000, f i g . 12). A non-sexualized couple showing young man and woman i s known from a private c o l l e c t i o n . In t h i s rare example, the man and woman are represented equal i n s i z e . Each embraces the other about the waist.  Similar t o t h i s was the non-sexualized male-female  figurine produced i n central Honduras and imported t o Copân during the Late C l a s s i c period that was found i n Plaza D of Group 9N-8 i n Las Sepulturas (Figure 2.51). In t h i s non-Maya example the couple are portrayed as of the same age (Schmidt 1998,  f i g . 368).  A curious figurine from the Jaina/Campeche region depicts a young woman carrying on her back a "fat-faced" man or dwarf costumed i n feathered or q u i l t e d armour (Scheie 1997: 53).  More common i s the figurine and ceramic image of a man carrying a woman on his back, as i n the American Museum of Natural History c o l l e c t i o n (Scheie 1997: 52). In t h i s example, the woman wears a p a i r of large e a r f l a r e s , necklaces and an ankle-length huipil  that almost covers the tumpline that  supports her from her bearer's forehead. He i s naked but f o r a simple l o i n c l o t h , earflares and single bead necklace. Ceramic  painting c l e a r l y depict women, perhaps those of high status, c a r r i e d i n such a manner (Kerr Vase Database: 5847)(Figure 2.49). Similar were the men depicted c a r r i e d i n l i t t e r s by several male bearers i n the figurines from Lubaantun (Joyce 1933: P l . VI: 5, 7, 11; Kerr clay Database: 7822). This scene was also reproduced  i n painting on ceramics  (Kerr 1989: F i l e  No. 594; Kerr Vase Database: K594, 5534, 6317, 7613).  Supernaturals This designation i s reserved for half-animal and half-human or curiously costumed beings. In some cases an animal was given a human head (Willey 1972: f i g . 40) i n others mask-like faces, animal or deity, were added to human bodies that may suggest either the depiction of actual supernaturals or impersonators. A recent excavation at Cancuén retrieved a standing youthful male f i g u r i n e with removable mask that transformed the figure into an o l d man (Figure 2.37). A second male f i g u r i n e with removable jaguar mask was also excavated at Cancuén (Sears 2000, F i g . 16). At A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s and Piedras Negras, the Sun God, with an o l d face, wrinkled around the mouth, large square eyes, and heavy brow-ridge with four raised dots i n a diamond pattern has been i d e n t i f i e d i n a f i g u r i n e (Willey 1972:  f i g 43; Schlosser 1978: f i g . 27,b). The depictions of  old men with teeth i n either side of t h e i r mouth and the  "dwarves" have t e n t a t i v e l y been associated with God D (Itzamnâ) and the Mesoamerican Fat God respectively. Many other anthropomorphic and zoomorphic forms were represented (Figure 2.50)  Willey 1978:  f i g . 41). Generally supernatural  beings have been interpreted as gods or beings that inhabit the Underworld of ancient Maya mythology.  What i s not represented i n figurines There were of course many a c t i v i t i e s that were not represented by ancient Maya artisans. Perhaps the most obvious omission i n the v i s u a l arts, including f i g u r i n e s , was the representation of a g r i c u l t u r a l labour, probably undertaken by both men women. Was  and  farming so "universal" that i t d i d not serve to  construct i d e n t i t y , whether on the basis of gender, age, or status? In the next chapter I w i l l suggest that such choices i n subject matter may correlate with access to the means of representation. This may  also explain the absence of imagery  r e l a t i n g to house construction or, indeed, of houses. Other everyday labours conspicuously absent include the gathering of water and firewood.  While women's physical labour i s suggested through the use of pottery and wearing of t e x t i l e s , i t i s r a r e l y narrated i n f i g u r i n e imagery. Male physical labours were also  s i g n i f i c a n t l y l i m i t e d . The few exceptions include images of women grinding corn from Lubaantun and Jaina and women carrying children or a dwarf on t h e i r back. For men: the figurines from Lubaantun describe a male hunter carrying a deer, and elsewhere we see men carrying a man seated i n a palanquin, or carrying a woman on t h e i r back. Deer and b i r d hunting are more commonly represented i n ceramic painting, with only one deer-hunting example known, again from Lubaantun where a narrative approach was d i s t i n c t i v e . S i m i l a r l y at Jaina a young male with weapon but no s h i e l d might suggest a deer hunter. While men were portrayed wearing the skin of animals they were not depicted holding domestic animals as women were i n f i g u r i n e s . Nor were they shown with children as i n mural painting and r e l i e f carving . 6  While women were represented i n figurines as producing or serving s o l i d food, i t s consumption was never represented i n f i g u r i n e or any other media. Consumption of drink, by contrast, appears i n ceramic painting, though not i n f i g u r i n e s . This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y remarkable  i n r e l a t i o n to the  importance that was placed on feasting at ancestral and  A p a r t i a l f i g u r i n e from Lubaantun d e p i c t s t h e lower h a l f o f a s t a n d i n g f i g u r e wearing a l o i n c l o t h w i t h s m a l l f i g u r e s on e i t h e r s i d e (Joyce 1933: P l . V : 1 ) . I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o a s c e r t a i n whether t h e s m a l l f i g u r e s a r e d e p i c t i o n s o f c h i l d r e n , dwarves o r b e a r e r s . They wear s i m i l a r k i l t s t o another p a r t i a l f i g u r i n e from Lubaantun o f b e a r e r s c a r r y i n g a p a l a n q u i n ( i b i d : P l . V I , 11).  6  marriage celebrations and other community f e s t i v a l s i n h i s t o r i c accounts. In f i g u r i n e s , women were not represented p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n bloodletting r i t u a l s or dancing. S i m i l a r l y , i n sculpture and mural painting, representation of t h e i r r i t u a l a c t i v i t i e s i s l i m i t e d to i n t e r i o r spaces, unlike men's r i t u a l practices that were also represented exterior  as taking place i n  courtyards.  Elaborate costumes and a t t r i b u t e s for both men and women that appear on stelae [and some l i n t e l s ] i n connection with periodending renewals, and which include the "serpent bar" [for men],  the "bundle" [for women] and the jade-beaded s k i r t  [usually for women], are almost absent from f i g u r i n e representation  [Jaina again, as the exception]. These  a c t i v i t i e s associated with the renewal of time focused on the regeneration of the p o l i t y as a whole, rather than focusing on i n d i v i d u a l households.  Women were however depicted holding the scarf and b i b associated with the performance of enema and emetic as i n ceramic painting, although these objects may have marked them as attendants rather than p r a c t i t i o n e r s . Even though elaborate b u r i a l s and texts on stelae attest to the fact that some women  became s i g n i f i c a n t ancestors  they also were not depicted as  such i n f i g u r i n e s .  I also f i n d noteworthy that i n f i g u r i n e s , as i n a l l other representation infants and young children were never portrayed as independent subjects. Children were always portrayed accompanied by an adult. The evident focus i n f i g u r i n e subject matter on "domestic" labours for women and prestige a c t i v i t i e s for men argues not only for a primary concern with construction of gendered i d e n t i t y , but also with negotiating the complex intersections of gender, status and representation.  Conclusion Despite d e t a i l e d taxonomies and ad hoc iconographie interpretations of s p e c i f i c assemblages, there has been l i t t l e systematic  attempt to i n t e r p r e t Maya figurines as a  representational complex. The noteworthy exception  i s the work  by Rosemary Joyce, i n several a r t i c l e s that aim t o c l a r i f y ancient Maya gender r e l a t i o n s . Joyce claims i n her 1993 paper e n t i t l e d "Women's Work: Images of Production i n Pre-Hispanic  and Reproduction  Southern Central America" that, "[w]ithin the  household the image of woman as mother, spinner, weaver, and cook i s celebrated as counterpart  i n t h i s unit of s o c i a l  production and reproduction to man as warrior and r i t u a l p r a c t i t i o n e r " (Joyce 1993: 263).  According to Joyce, figurines representing men as i d e o l o g i c a l workers [warriors or r i t u a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s ] complements women as material producer/reproducers  [weaver, spinner, cook and  mother]. Joyce takes her argument one step further by making a d i r e c t c o r r e l a t i o n between figurine imagery and everyday l i f e . Thus, she suggests there was "complementarity" i n male/female relations i n ancient Maya society.  Joyce also inserts figurine usage into a model of Maya class hierarchy, i . e . an opposition of commoner and e l i t e that has been c r i t i q u e d i n the previous chapter. In her recent (2000) analysis of Gender and Power i n Prehispanic Mesoamerica, Joyce adapts C h r i s t i n e Ward Gailey's (1987) analysis of the t r a n s i t i o n from "kinship t o kingship" i n the Tongan Islands t o C l a s s i c Maya history and society. Joyce argues that the successful c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of C l a s s i c Maya society inevitably produced the erosion of women's status p a r t i c u l a r l y when potential independence of kinship groups based on women's production was perceived as a threat t o c e n t r a l i z e d p o l i t i c a l authority (2000: 89). Joyce claims that small-scale figurine imagery recognized women's production and could r e f l e c t a  higher status f o r " e l i t e " women i n non-ruling noble house compounds, the only context, she believes, where women could claim c r e d i t f o r the products of t h e i r labour (2000: 89). "Figurines made women's production a topic f o r s o c i a l r e f l e c t i o n , a permanent commemoration of f l e e t i n g action" (2000: 89). Thus her argument suggests that figurine  imagery  although found i n "commoner" house compounds (2000: 68) " r e f l e c t e d " the interests of the non-ruling noble class thereby marginalizing and undervaluing subsistence and the everyday a c t i v i t i e s of the majority of people. F i n a l l y , the omission of a discussion of manufacture and use of figurines leaves Joyce's argument unclear as to whether the interests of the "noble" class were presented as universal or "commoners" adopted those interests as t h e i r own by acquiring f i g u r i n e s .  While t h i s understanding makes some important strides there are also several problems with Joyce's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . F i r s t , Joyce's formulation of the complementary contrasts between female and male images maintains a dichotomy of private and public space that i s linked to the dichotomy of commoner and e l i t e class i n a model that i s d i f f i c u l t to support on the basis of archaeological evidence. Second, I would argue that t h i s imagery does not merely r e f l e c t s o c i a l hierarchies but i s designed to a c t i v e l y negotiate these s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s .  Further, the r e l a t i o n s between genders, presented as entirelycomplementary, i s l i k e l y to have had important hierarchic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s as w e l l , as we have seen with the comparison of men's and women's residences at Copân and T i k a l . I would argue that gender hierarchy i s i n fact more pertinent to figurine imagery than class hierarchy, making the function of such representation as a negotiation of r e l a t i v e status a l l the more c r u c i a l .  F i n a l l y , Joyce's argument i s hampered by her neglect of the production and use of the f i g u r i n e s , without which the argument becomes overly t h e o r e t i c a l and general, pertaining to any society rather than s p e c i f i c a l l y to Maya p r a c t i c e . In the following chapters I w i l l extend the arguments presented here that Maya women produced these figurines for t h e i r children's use, and thereby o f f e r some possible interpretations of figurines as a means or strategy of intervention within the s p e c i f i c contexts of ancient Maya s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s .  CHAPTER THREE: MAYA WOMEN'S DISCOURSE ON GENDER RELATIONS Introduction In Chapter One I explored the conception that i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e members of Classic Maya households were bonded not by "blood" alone but by j o i n t l o c a l i z a t i o n and a shared domestic economy, a c r u c i a l tenet of the house society model. I also noted that because within t h i s context, houses were marked by competition over r i g h t s and resources, the welfare and transference of the house estate from one generation to the next would have been accomplished i n part by s t r a t e g i c e x p l o i t a t i o n of the languages of kinship and a f f i n i t y .  While a l l members would have had some a b i l i t y to renegotiate t h e i r r e l a t i v e status within the house society through discourses on rights and needs, access to authority was governed by categories of age, gender, and b i r t h status. Indeed, h i s t o r i c a l records indicate that ancient Maya women were normally r e s t r i c t e d from holding p o l i t i c a l o f f i c e and d i d not generally own the lands they worked. Due to t r i b u t e demands, they also lacked complete control over a l l the products of t h e i r labour.  At the same time, exchange networks, ostensibly economic i n purpose, were the mechanisms through which women and those men  r e s t r i c t e d from, or uninterested i n p o l i t i c a l leadership mayhave competed f o r prestige and power (Hendon 1999: 260). Economic networks through which valued resources were produced and/or obtained would have been p o l i t i c a l l y  significant  (Hendon 1999: 260). In a few early Colonial Yucatan cases Maya women are revealed through t h e i r testaments to have been not only wealthy but also economically independent and f i n a n c i a l l y active (Restall 1997: 586). I t i s therefore possible that the market place enhanced house wealth yet at the same time challenged the t r i b u t e system that supported the p o l i t i c a l system. Hence, men with ambitions within the house p o l i t i c a l and  economic structure may have attempted to create a sense of  "common male i n t e r e s t " (Hendon 1999:260) and "gender complementarity" i n order to convince other men and the majority of women t o contribute resources to "community" events at the expense of t h e i r exchange networks.  Furthermore, women and other subordinate members would not have been s i l e n t on issues that concerned t h e i r welfare and that of t h e i r children.  Women could have p a r t i c i p a t e d i n  power relations within the house and community by several means. One of the means by which women may have negotiated f o r status and control would have been through the production of v i s u a l discourses: t e x t i l e s , of course, which also had a  c r u c i a l economic value i n market exchange and t r i b u t e , but also, I would argue, f i g u r i n e s .  At Aguateca, Cerén, Copân and other s i t e s (see also Willey 1972;  1978), figurines along with the clay moulds used i n  t h e i r manufacture were primarily recovered i n the spaces i d e n t i f i e d as women's work areas. Ethnographic observation of ceramic manufacture i n the Yucatan and i n the Guatemalan Highlands demonstrate that the manufacture of storage and cooking ceramics for household use i s undertaken by women even when ceramics produced f o r the market place were made by men (Thompson 1958; Blake 2000: personal communication). More often than not when one of the members of a household was a potter, most other members of that household would engage i n some aspect of i t s production at some time (Thompson 1958). The exception i s i n the manufacture of f i g u r i n e s . According to Thompson (1958: 136) and Rendôn (1948a: 109-111) even when ceramic production was preferred as a male occupation t h e i r wives and daughters produced f i g u r i n e whistles and r a t t l e s . Evidence presented i n the previous chapter that figurines were made l o c a l l y , within the household, and from the same clay body as the u t i l i t a r i a n ceramics found therein, suggests that i n the C l a s s i c period women made both types of object.  Understanding  figurines as a form of women's production  explains t h e i r unique range of imagery among C l a s s i c Maya f i g u r a i discourses. No other medium represents women i n equal frequency to the representations of men, and no other medium focuses on women's domestic labours, p a r t i c u l a r l y c h i l d rearing and the preparation of meals.  I have argued, and i n the next chapter w i l l extend  this  t h e s i s , that the figurines were made by women for use as toys by Maya children. But as a form of v i s u a l discourse these figurines would have had many functions involved i n the negotiation of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s through the construction of meaning. Of course, there could never have been a single, u n i f i e d meaning intended or received through the production and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of figurines, nor do I o f f e r my own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as "truth." Like the ancient Maya women producers of figurines I enter the discourse on gender r e l a t i o n s through my interpretations of the material and s o c i a l world and reproduce these viewpoints through the writing of a positioned history.  Figurines as Maya Women's Discourse The issue of figurines entering into the negotiation of s o c i a l relationships i s p a r t i c u l a r l y important considering the strong  evidence that figurines represented  a woman's v i s u a l  discourse. In addition to heterarchic sharing of knowledge and labour, the figurines discourse would also have been involved i n hierarchic negotiations of status.  Previously, Hendon has analyzed ancient Maya t e x t i l e s as an h i e r a r c h i c a l l y structured woman's discourse  (1999). Hendon  adopts Ortner and Whitehead's (1981) model of prestige structures. Ortner and Whitehead define prestige structures as "the mechanisms by which individuals and groups a r r i v e at given levels...and o v e r a l l conditions of reproduction of the system of statuses" (1981: 13). Thus prestige structures represent a form of s o c i a l evaluation that uses ordering t o a r t i c u l a t e differences i n value f o r some set of elements of the environment of concern to the participants (Hendon 1999: 258). By imposing an hierarchic order, people set p r i o r i t i e s among the alternatives that become the basis for t h e i r actions (Hendon 1999:  258). These judgments create opportunities for  d i f f e r e n t i a l control and manipulation that must be analyzed i n terms of t h e i r s p e c i f i c h i s t o r i e s , because they "may be shortl i v e d , very l o c a l i z e d , and e n t i r e l y dependent on the s i t u a t i o n , or ... may be successfully maintained and reproduced over a long term" (Hendon 1999: 258).  Ortner and Whitehead's understanding of multiple prestige structures created and sustained by a " p a r t i c u l a r l i n e of s o c i a l evaluation" (1981: 13) allows us t o rethink relationships among the many C l a s s i c Maya v i s u a l discourses. Perhaps the most obvious prestige structure for the ancient Maya was p o l i t i c a l authority. The discourses of a r t [sculpted or painted scenes of people dressed i n elaborate clothing, displaying symbols of authority, engaged i n warfare, dancing, playing b a l l , performing r i t u a l s or b l o o d l e t t i n g ] , text [statements of genealogy and entitlement] and r i t u a l action o f f e r i n s i g h t i n t o the resources that Maya house society stakeholders  during the C l a s s i c period valued i n the  construction of prestige and the a c q u i s i t i o n of power (Hendon 1999: 262).  Prestige structures designed to support the transference of power and prestige through p a t r i l i n e a l descent and p a t r i l o c a l i t y necessarily supported a gender hierarchy. Such structures "worked" i n favor of some men: they supported the domination of women, portrayed some men as superior to a l l others; and misrepresented the r e l a t i o n s of production i n such a way that women, children and the majority of men's contributions were alienated or undervalued. Such structures have an obvious bias i n favor of the status quo. Since they  d i d not i n any " r e a l " way represent the contributions of the majority of individuals i n ancient Maya society, i t makes sense that women and other members that were affected by these claims would have entered into the discourse of gender and other power r e l a t i o n s . They would have done so through the development and use of autonomous prestige structures that included production of v i s u a l imagery. The exclusions and disjunctions that characterize any representational  discourse  would have been shaped by these d i f f e r i n g p o s i t i o n s . I suggest the manufacture and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of figurines by women functioned as an independent discourse through which some women a r t i c u l a t e d viewpoints on gender and other  social  relations.  When women i n C l a s s i c Maya house society asserted t h e i r voices through the production of figurines they would have attempted to a l t e r t h e i r own s o c i a l and economic positions within the p r e v a i l i n g power structures of t h e i r world. Contemporary feminist scholarship has shown that women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the dominant structures of meaning and p r a c t i c e , while d i f f e r e n t than men's, are equally c o n s t i t u t i v e (Butler 1993; McClintock 1995;  McNay 2000). In other words through f i g u r i n e  production, Maya women would have p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the s o c i a l and symbolic r e l a t i o n s of gender, sexuality, production and  reproduction i n which they as gendered individuals were involved.  However, i t i s important to acknowledge that  although these representations by women were d i f f e r e n t from those a r t i c u l a t e d by individuals supporting the status quo of male p r i v i l e g e , they were equally  i d e o l o g i c a l and c e r t a i n l y no  more " r e a l " .  Figurines,  l i k e a l l objects, c e r t a i n l y had the a b i l i t y t o  convey d i f f e r e n t meanings for d i f f e r e n t creators and audiences. The h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i f i c context of t h e i r production and use,  the age or gender of the agent or actor,  and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between knowledge, power and the body must be considered i f we are to speculate how figurines might have operated i n ancient Maya society. That children were the primary intended audience for figurines would c e r t a i n l y have affected the s o c i a l value accorded those objects and the statements they made i n r e l a t i o n t o the dominant discourse that favored the s o c i a l position of men. The common whistlefigurines would have held l i t t l e value for men of status. Yet there were perhaps m i l l i o n s of figurines produced during the C l a s s i c period. They may even have been the most prominent v i s u a l form [other than costume] for the majority of people carrying out t h e i r everyday a c t i v i t i e s within the spaces of the house. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , figurine representations of women at  some s i t e s outnumbered those of men. Women's persistent i n s e r t i o n of themselves as subjects of representation into the consciousness of t h e i r viewers may imply a conscious use of power.  Representation  i s of importance not as mere presentation, but  because the subject attempts to reproduce the world i n the image from which i t i s to be understood and apprehended. In the following sections I s h a l l continue to envision the p o s i t i o n of the majority of ancient Maya women and what they may have said and done through t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r forms of practice and discourse, situated among the multiple  discourses  and practices that a r t i c u l a t e d ancient Maya s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s .  Figurine discourse c l e a r l y contrasts with and perhaps contravenes the ideology of male p r i v i l e g e perpetuated through the predominantly male prestige structures i n which men competed f o r status, and from which the majority of women would have been excluded. These include ceramic and mural painting, f i g u r a t i v e and textual sculpture on public monuments, and a r c h i t e c t u r a l design. Monuments of stone and ceramic have preserved  the represented  interests of those who  held p o l i t i c a l authority i n ancient Maya society. Their views continue to be compelling  to some contemporary observers who  maintain that these representations a r t i c u l a t e communal interests and r e c i p r o c i t y . But such representations would not have been the only v i s u a l a r t i c u l a t i o n of p o s i t i o n a l i t y during the C l a s s i c Maya period. Indeed, figurines as a representational system appear to have functioned autonomously, affording women opportunities f o r the d i f f e r e n t i a l evaluation and manipulation of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s .  I s h a l l also investigate women's positions on production and reproduction within the household by examining the representations of gender i d e n t i t y i n f i g u r i n e s and t h e i r differences from those portrayed within the prestige structures produced primarily by men. The c l o s e s t comparisons of f i g u r i n e s as women's discourse are t o the men's discourse of painted ceramics, likewise portable objects of clay that involve f i g u r a t i v e imagery and are made and used within household s e t t i n g s . I w i l l suggest that women producers singled out f o r representation those labours which were not necessarily economically valued despite t h e i r s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e (labours of food preparation, animal husbandry, and c h i l d rearing) i n order to demonstrate, a r t i c u l a t e , and even enhance the value of t h e i r labours within the gendered p o l i t i c a l economy of the household, with t h i s  viewpoint  contrasting with the focus on prestige, hierarchy, and "non-  productive" a c t i v i t i e s i n the painted ceramic scenes (see Kerr Maya Vase Database).  While the figurine depiction of i n d i v i d u a l s may have conformed to "normative" gender roles for both men and women, at the same time they may also have served to negotiate or even contest the h i e r a r c h i c system of d i f f e r e n t i a l r i g h t s and needs afforded those i d e n t i t i e s (Hart 1992). This would suggest that women r e s i s t e d subordination by exploring and extending the l i m i t s of t h e i r expected r o l e s . In t h i s respect, the " p o l i t i c s of i d e n t i t y " was intimately wedded to power. Using the medium of figurines for analysis, I want t o explore t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p between gender and power. I w i l l argue that figurine production as a discourse may have emphasized the contributions of women to society, expressed  competition and  contested r e l a t i o n s within and between prestige structures, and offered a l t e r n a t i v e perspectives on p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s and r i t u a l s even when women were r e s t r i c t e d from participation.  Understanding f i g u r i n e s as a gendered discourse may be approached by looking at gender differences within the f i g u r i n e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the kinds of a c t i v i t i e s i n which men  and women are shown as engaged. Men appear i n s i m i l a r  roles to t h e i r representation on painted ceramics: they play b a l l , dress as warriors, hunt, s i t on benches, bloodlet, prepare f o r enemas, paint masks, and play music. These a c t i v i t i e s are distant from economic forms of production, whether a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y or house construction. Instead, they appear i n those a c t i v i t i e s that construct male valour and honour as a competitive s t r i v i n g towards h i e r a r c h i c status. Women appear with men i n some of these ceramic scenes, seated i n audience or dancing, as well as a s s i s t i n g men i n taking the enema, the l a t t e r point to be discussed subsequently. But, there are women's a c t i v i t i e s shown commonly i n f i g u r i n e s that are rare or absent i n painted ceramics. The point here i s that whereas f o r the representation of men i n figurines women b a s i c a l l y adopted the models available i n other media, e s p e c i a l l y ceramic painting, representations of women i n figurines involved t h e i r construction of a new vocabulary, and one that p a r t i c u l a r l y p r i v i l e g e d women's domestic labours. Women portrayed themselves i n figurines generally as the producers of material resources and as providers of services: weaving, grinding corn, serving food, rearing animals and caring f o r c h i l d r e n .  Women were r a r e l y represented as producers or presenters of food and t e x t i l e s i n scenes of economic exchange painted on  ceramic v e s s e l s . Instead, painted scenes on ceramics depict 1  economic and s o c i a l exchanges of women's products between men. As a case i n point, the Fenton Vase (Figure 3.1) portrays a r e l a t i o n s h i p between subordinate and super-ordinate males. The subordinate males are portrayed as exchanging bundles of t e x t i l e s and a bowl of food with the super-ordinate male that acknowledges the t r i b u t e and bestows esteem or future status i n exchange. The bundles of t e x t i l e s and bowls of food offered i n audience scenes are the products of women's labour that are transformed through presentation into the markers of male status r e l a t i o n s .  I am suggesting here that the images created by women i n figurines of t h e i r productive a c t i v i t i e s served to make v i s i b l e the r e l a t i o n s between t h e i r physical labour and s o c i a l l y valued goods that were alienated or completely omitted i n male prestige structures yet fundamental to exchange networks, such as barter and marketing, that 2  h i s t o r i c accounts t e l l us were generally controlled by women (Tozzer 1941:127). I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that above a l l other industry, c h i l d rearing, the weaving of t e x t i l e s ,  animal  Of t h e c o u n t l e s s p a i n t i n g s o f audience scenes a s i n g l e l a t e (Tepeu I I I ) example excavated a t T a y a s a l on t h e shores o f Lake Petén-Itzâ d e p i c t s two women s e a t e d b e f o r e a man and p r e s e n t i n g him a p l a t e o f food (Kerr MS1491). B a r t e r would have i n v o l v e d n o t o n l y exchange o f product f o r p r o d u c t , b u t a l s o l a b o u r f o r l a b o u r and l a b o u r f o r p r o d u c t . 1  2  husbandry and the production and serving of food have been singled out f o r f i g u r i n e representation.  The representation  and possible meanings of each of these industries w i l l therefore be discussed  i n some depth.  C h i l d rearing Figurines emphasized women's r o l e i n childcare. Images of women with children were produced at most s i t e s . Women portrayed themselves carrying children i n t h e i r arms, on t h e i r backs, holding sleeping children i n t h e i r lap, holding young children by the hand and nursing.  It has been suggested that the childcare r o l e of women i s fundamental to the adult d i v i s i o n of labour i n human groups (Goldberg 1974). Such e a r l i e r anthropological  overviews of  human r e l a t i o n s averred that women became absorbed primarily i n domestic a c t i v i t i e s because t h e i r r o l e as mothers constrained  t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and economic a c t i v i t i e s (Rosaldo  1974: 24). Such assertions serve t o r e i f y and "naturalize" the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s between i n d i v i d u a l women and t h e i r d i s t i n c t i v e s o c i e t i e s . In regards to imagery, t h i s view would see figurines representing  c h i l d rearing as a  s t a t i c r e f l e c t i o n of women's innate r o l e . In contrast, I argue that figurines constituted a dynamic form of s o c i a l practice  that entered into negotiations of the value accorded women's c h i l d - r e a r i n g labours, whether i d e n t i f y i n g with or r e j e c t i n g the status quo.  There i s a payoff for women conforming to a status quo that constructs them as secondary persons within the household, because of the higher status and influence they can achieve as elders, i n part through t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n d i r e c t i n g the labour of younger women. This r e l a t i o n was r a r e l y depicted i n Maya f i g u r a i representations, but one unique vase that depicts an elder woman i n the p r i v i l e g e d posture of s i t t i n g on a stone bench, also shows her holding a baby while younger women nurse (Figure 3.2). Elder women who achieved a measure of power i n t h i s way may have i n turn encouraged or even chastised younger women into assuming established positions as mothers within the p a t r i a r c h a l order (Moore 1986:  184). Conversely, the  p o s s i b i l i t y of changing the s o c i a l and economic conditions accorded the i d e n t i t y of mother may have been s t r a t e g i c a l l y re-evaluated or even rejected by other women.  Rosemary Joyce (2000b: 82-89) has argued that the discourse of monumental sculpture placed a high value on women's r e l a t i o n to c h i l d b i r t h , even i f secondary t o the male l i n e of inheritance. The evidence for t h i s assertion i s found not only  on monuments that record both parents of an important i n d i v i d u a l , but also through the paired p o r t r a i t s of royal parents on the stelae of Yaxchilan and wall panels of Palenque. In contrast, figurines focus on the labours of child-rearing, rather than on genealogy or women's b i o l o g i c a l a b i l i t y to procreate, and thus they depict the nursing and care of children but do not represent e i t h e r pregnancy or c h i l d b i r t h . This contrast i n representational themes provides strong evidence f o r the d i f f e r e n t viewpoints and agendas a r t i c u l a t e d i n men and women's discourses.  Figurines entered into the labour of c h i l d - r e a r i n g not only i n representational theme but also i n the function of the objects, as playthings f o r children that could have entertained them, stimulated t h e i r imaginations  and served to  pass on knowledge of gendered labours and concomitant s o c i a l r o l e s . As Sofaer Derevenski (1997) demonstrates, i n c u l c a t i n g gendered roles i s an investment i n the c h i l d ' s current and future labour. As Sofaer Derevenski also argues, an individual's childhood gender development and understanding of t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the s o c i a l organization of t h e i r world was produced i n part by i n t e r a c t i o n with material objects and t h e i r associated p r a c t i c e s . In ancient Maya society, i t appears that g i r l s l i v e d i n the women's quarters and engaged  i n gender s p e c i f i c labours at a very early age ( c . f . Tozzer 1941). Probably around age six or seven boys entered the spaces of men and were schooled i n the practices of manhood (Scheie 1990:  236). G i r l s and boys are, therefore, gendered  d i f f e r e n t l y , and when the future r o l e of child-nurturing for g i r l s i s considered, the figurines become p a r t i c u l a r l y s e l f r e f e r e n t i a l , because the c h i l d ' s caring for and play with a f i g u r i n e can inculcate roles of c h i l d rearing that w i l l be needed as an adult. That t h i s i n t r i c a t e r e l a t i o n between form, function, and meaning was conceptualized  may be demonstrated  by the Jonuta f i g u r i n e with which t h i s thesis began, that shows a mother holding the c h i l d as the c h i l d holds the f i g u r i n e (Figure i i ) . Imagine then, an actual mother holding the hand of a c h i l d who holds t h i s f i g u r i n e .  T e x t i l e production Figurines of women weaving on back-strap looms produced at Jaina c a l l e d attention to the technical a b i l i t y and labour of that a c t i v i t y . Ethnnohistoric  documents r e l a t e that women wove  i n or near the household, created clothing for household use, as well as f i n e l y woven mantas destined  for g i f t s or t r i b u t e  i n the p o l i t i c a l economies controlled by men (Tozzer 1941: 127). These lengths of c l o t h represented a substantial labour investment (McAnany 1995:140). During the Colonial period, the  standard manta was thirteen meters i n length by sixty-three centimeters i n width and was woven of f i n e cotton thread (Barrera Vâsquez 1980: 633). McAnany (1994: 140) suggests that the obvious importance of cloth to the ancient Maya h i e r a r c h i c a l economy of the household served to p h y s i c a l l y organize and manage the labour of wives, daughters  and other  female r e l a t i v e s , servants and slaves. The hypothesis of gender segregation within some C l a s s i c Maya households provides a more d e t a i l e d p i c t u r e of how such labour organization might have worked. Such segregation allows f o r more e f f i c i e n t organization of gendered labour tasks. Furthermore, evidence f o r a dominant structure within the "women's patios" [Patio E i n Group 9N-8 at Copân and Group B at Palenque] argues for women's labour being managed by higher ranking women rather than by men.  By taking age into account, figurines provide further evidence for the organization of women's labour. Older women are shown caring for young children more often than younger women: indeed, t h i s i s t h e i r most common figurine representation. On painted ceramics, older women appear with a spindle i n t h e i r headband as a mark of t h e i r i d e n t i t y (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K5451.00). In contrast, a l l of the figurines that show weaving i n progress are of young women. Spinning allows mobility i n  contrast to the stationary p o s i t i o n and prolonged concentration required for weaving. These images might be read to suggest that older women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c h i l d care and spinning freed younger women to devote more time f o r weaving as well as other forms of production,  including gardening,  meal preparation, marketing and services for men of the household . 3  I argue that women f i g u r i n e makers presented the communal organization of t h e i r labour as an e f f i c i e n t and e f f e c t i v e use of t h e i r resources. I further suggest t h i s organization was represented  as a preference  and not an imposition. Diego de  Landa informs us that "[women] help each other mutually i n t h e i r working and spinning...and while at t h i s they ever have t h e i r jokes and t e l l t h e i r s t o r i e s , at times with a b i t of grumbling" (Gates 1994: 77). Perhaps the communal organization of women's labour afforded the shared a c q u i s i t i o n and preparation of weaving materials as well as those f o r other c r a f t s . I t may well have enabled the creation and teaching of designs and technical knowledge among the women of each  A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s o f A f r i c a n s o c i e t i e s have shown t h a t w i t h i n extended f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e s b o t h pubescent females and e l d e r l y women a r e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e m a j o r i t y o f c h i l d c a r e w h i l e t h e mothers a r e engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r a l o r o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s o u t s i d e t h e home ( c f . Moore 1986: 6062). 3  household thereby distinguishing t h e i r products from those of t h e i r neighbors.  Women also wove products f o r t h e i r own use. According to h i s t o r i c sources, i n the Yucatan Maya women owned four times as much c l o t h and clothing than men (Restall 1997: 587). Interestingly, the majority of those items were non-tribute products but rather included clothes f o r sale, for t h e i r immediate family, or even f o r future family members such as daughters-in-law and unborn granddaughters  (Restall 1997:  587). Perhaps as with Aztec women, the production and accumulation of non-tribute items by these women not only afforded them some f i n a n c i a l independence (Sahagun: Bk.9-10) but also provided currency [ g i f t s ] with which they could negotiate benefits f o r themselves and t h e i r children within the p o l i t i c a l and/or s o c i a l spheres of influence. The figurine from Jaina of a woman wearing elaborate jewelry with a folded object i n her lap that I have suggested may represent a weaver or c l o t h merchant i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n r e l a t i o n to the representation of women's control over of the products of t h e i r labour (Figure 2.35).  Food preparation, animal husbandry and feasting Figurines from Jaina (Anton 1973:89) and Lubaantun (Joyce 1933:  Pl.IV, 8) portrayed women bent over metates  laboriously  grinding corn with heavy stone manos while young c h i l d r e n were strapped to t h e i r backs. Other Jaina figurines describe women apportioning or o f f e r i n g prepared  foods, while i n the simpler  mould-made whistles of the Southern Lowlands women often appear holding a ceramic vessel. These f i g u r i n e s , l i k e that of a weaver presenting a folded c l o t h , represent women i n c o n t r o l of the products of t h e i r labour. Such depictions may have challenged images produced by men on ceramics wherein men claimed authority over women's products. For some viewers these figurine images may have instead referenced women's management of trade and barter networks.  On the other hand, r e c a l l painted imagery of men presenting plates of food and t e x t i l e s to other men, as depicted on ceramic vases, objects which were themselves g i f t e d by men t o other men. In comparison, figurines represent women presenting c l o t h , ceramics, and food, perhaps as g i f t s , on objects that may  have themselves been g i f t e d by women to c h i l d r e n , or even  other women. By analogy with these ceramic images, i t i s possible that the figurines referencing women's presentation of the products of t h e i r labours were likewise intended or  interpreted to represent g i f t - g i v i n g as a p o l i t i c i z e d  strategy  of status enhancement. Children c e r t a i n l y could have interpreted these figurines i n many ways and perhaps even used them as "action f i g u r e s " to express a m u l t i p l i c i t y of i d e n t i t i e s i n imagined narratives that also allowed for s o c i a l change.  In f i g u r i n e s , women were also portrayed carrying dogs, young deer or monkeys i n t h e i r arms or holding them sleeping i n t h e i r laps. Ethnographic accounts and h i s t o r i c  inheritance  records of the early Colonial period i n Yucatan suggest that Maya women's control of the products c u l t i v a t e d by them on house plots may have been an ancient practice (Martinez Hernandez 1929;  Ximénez 1967:  57-66; Tozzer 1941:  127). They  also monopolized ownership and inheritance of domesticated deer, dog, pig, fowl and bees (Restall 1997:  587). Mary DeLand  Pohl (1991), argued that women i n the Formative and C l a s s i c Periods likewise played a s i g n i f i c a n t role i n the domestication of deer and dog for food, hides and other products i n ancient Maya society (also Pohl and Feldman 1982). Recent excavation at Cerén, E l Salvador, further corroborates her claim. A duck was found t i e d t o the back wall of a kitchen and a rope that appeared to have been used to t i e up another  animal was  attached to a maguey plant i n the adjoining garden  (Sheets 1992:  51).  Ethnohistoric data also indicate that meat was  considered  e s s e n t i a l to a proper meal, e s p e c i a l l y one presented to (Pohl 1991:  392).  Furthermore, eating meat was  men  c e n t r a l to  feasts marking special occasions such as the affirmation of p o l i t i c a l allegiance, house membership, marriage a l l i a n c e , s i g n i f i c a n t calendric events, v i c t o r y i n war  and  ancestral  r i t e s . Perhaps food preparation  and service singled out for  representation  have referenced women's  i n figurines may  contributions not only to everyday nourishment but  also  s p e c i f i c a l l y feasting.  According to Landa's account, feasting knit the p o l i t i c a l economic spheres together with the i d e o l o g i c a l i n a way few s o c i a l practices did (Tozzer 1941: So important was  92; McAnany 1994:  and  that 20).  feasting that the t i t l e "head of the banquet"  [hoi pop]  was  sometimes attached to t i t l e s of  authority  (McAnany 1994:  lineage  31). Landa [or his informants] claim  that, ...they often spend on one banquet a l l they have made by many days of trading or scheming. They have two methods of making these feasts: the f i r s t of these (that of the chiefs and leading men) obliges each guest to return an i n v i t a t i o n to his host; to each guest the host must give a roast fowl and cacao and drinks i n abundance, and a f t e r  the banquet i t i s the custom to present each with a mantle to wear, with a small stand and a cup, as f i n e as the host can a f f o r d " (Gates 1994: 57-58). These observations are important for three reasons. F i r s t , they c l e a r l y demonstrate the contribution of women's labour t o feasting, e s p e c i a l l y the consumption of fowl raised by women on t h e i r house p l o t . H i s t o r i c sources maintained "women s a c r i f i c e d much to be able to provide meat for ceremonial gatherings...that even i f they had many fowl and needed them f o r t h e i r illnesses...they would rather l e t themselves d i e than k i l l a chicken" (Relaciones de Yucatan 1989-1900, I I : 193-194).  Second, the g i f t i n g of mantas and ceramics that served to materially record the event were "as f i n e as the host can a f f o r d " implying that mantas and fancy ceramics were highly valued products that represented the status and/or wealth of the host and at the same time obligated the receiver to return i n kind. Although i t appears from Landa's account and through C l a s s i c period male representation of these events that women were often excluded from p a r t i c i p a t i o n [or t h e i r contribution presented as secondary], the products of t h e i r labours were e s s e n t i a l t o the community relations of the house i n which they were invested.  Third, male competition f o r status through feasting and prestation may have enhanced demand for women's products and thereby increased the value of these products not only for men's t r i b u t e or g i f t i n g but also i n the independent economic networks of the market place and barter systems i n which women were important-  As women were at times engaged i n negotiating  a re-evaluation of t h e i r labour and products  i n the p o l i t i c a l  economy, they would l o g i c a l l y be concerned with promoting themselves within the networks over which they had a measure of c o n t r o l .  Comparison with male roles i n f i g u r i n e representation Images of men i n figurines r e i t e r a t e d conventions  of male  status and i d e n t i t y represented i n other media. Males were represented as warriors, b a l l players, hunters, supernatural impersonators,  dancers,  and prisoners. They appear s i t t i n g  on seats of authority, performing b l o o d l e t t i n g , or as the sexual partners of women. Figurine makers seem t o have rarely portrayed men as producers of, or contributors t o food stocks or c r a f t materials e s s e n t i a l to the market place. The exception involves a single f i g u r i n e from Jaina and one from Lubaantun (Joyce 1933:  fig.12) that portray men involved i n  the act of deer hunting, a theme that i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the painted ceramics (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K4151; K4805.00).  On ceramics, deer and b i r d hunting appear to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the general theme of men's s t r i v i n g for status and prestige, although some viewers may also have interpreted these scenes as depicting men's contributions to food resources. However, the general contrast between men hunting deer on painted ceramics and women nurturing deer i n f i g u r i n e representation a r t i c u l a t e s d i f f e r i n g and gendered relationships t o the provision of meat for consumption, whether at feasts or everyday. This contrast i s p a r t i a l l y analogous t o the opposition discussed previously between men presenting t e x t i l e s and food on ceramic painting and women presenting these same products i n f i g u r i n e s .  Perhaps women exploited the association of deer with valour/value  i n t h e i r own representation. I t i s possible that  figurines of women r a i s i n g deer v a l o r i z e d t h e i r own animal husbandry. Landa's account demonstrates that not a l l the animals women raised were small and e a s i l y managed (Gates 1994:  77) and Pohl (1991: 393) reminds us that "[d]eer can be  f i e r c e , e s p e c i a l l y during the mating season, and they require large quantities of food." Thus the strategies of domestication  employed by women, which Landa t e l l s us included  suckling them as fawns, and t r a i n i n g them t o return when allowed t o graze i n the woods, may have been presented as  s i g n i f i c a n t e f f o r t through f i g u r i n e representation (Gates 1994: 77).  To summarize so f a r , ethnographic and h i s t o r i c sources have shown that women's weaving, cooking and animal husbandry s k i l l s were v i t a l to the house economy and i t s p o s i t i o n within the greater community. Women were primarily responsible f o r the production of t r i b u t e items yet r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of those goods supported some men's dominance i n p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s . Women were secondary and infrequent i n male representations such as ceramic paintings. According t o Henrietta Moore (1994: 104) to have control over the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of goods and t h e i r apportionment i s t o have the power t o define the rights and needs of persons and thereby the s o c i a l value attributed to those persons. Representation acts i n much the same way. I have argued that within the male discourses [architecture, ceramic painting] of the ancient Maya household, women and subordinate men were represented as supporting super-ordinate men's claims to the control of the r e d i s t r i b u t i o n and apportionment of goods. In contrast, I suggest women figurine makers fore-grounded t h e i r contribution of labour and goods t o the household p o l i t i c a l economy. I argue further that t h i s emphasis constituted a re-evaluation of t h e i r worth as producers of s o c i a l l y valued products i n d i r e c t r e l a t i o n to  t h e i r exclusion from representation i n male status events. Figurines enabled women to make t h e i r r e l a t i o n to these household products v i s i b l e and t o p i c a l . In these f i g u r i n e s , women appear t o demonstrate the value of t h e i r labours and t h e i r a b i l i t y to exert some control over t h e i r products, whether within the household or i n exchange practices of marketing and barter.  Figurines as an assertion of value I contend i n t h i s chapter that the production, viewing and use of figurines enabled women t o assert the s o c i a l value of t h e i r labours and products i n order to gain an advantage i n the r e l a t i o n s of production and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . This argument may be c l a r i f i e d by comparison with male artisans who likewise represented themselves i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r labour and i t s products, primarily i n ceramic painting but also at times i n stone sculpture and mural painting as well as, presumably, painted books. Like the women producers of figurines, male artisans had the resources available to claim importance for themselves and value f o r t h e i r products. The male painters of ceramics represented t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s of carving and painting masks and of painting i n codices (Reents-Budet 1994:  36-71). A few  painters of ceramic cylinder vases even signed t h e i r works  (Reents-Budet 1994:  46-48). Masks constitute an informative  example since they are represented on painted ceramics i n a l l three processes of production, exchange, and consumption. In consumption, masks were c l e a r l y i n t e g r a l to dance r i t u a l s , were worn only by men  and  though i n the company of women. Exchange  i s depicted through the presentation of the mask, which i n a notable example from a woman's tomb i n the Mundo Perdido group of T i k a l , features a woman as presenter (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K2695.00). Production i s p a r t i c u l a r l y p r i v i l e g e d through the representation of divine s c r i b a l patrons i n the act of carving and painting (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K717.00) . 4  On a ceramic painted i n the same hand as the Mundo Perido vase, two supernatural scribes are represented. One  i s seated  on a bench, painting a mask, while the other, seated on the f l o o r , positions his brush above a codex topped with a conch s h e l l inkpot (Figure 3.3). Their importance i s a r t i c u l a t e d not only by t h e i r supernatural status but also by the complex headdresses, patterned t e x t i l e l o i n c l o t h s , and fancy jewelry . 5  In comparison, Landa documents t h a t "[a]mong the o c c u p a t i o n s o f the Indians were p o t t e r y and wood-working; t h e y made much p r o f i t from forming i d o l s of c l a y and wood, i n d o i n g which t h e y f a s t e d much and f o l l o w e d many r i t e s " ( G a t e s 1994: 59,98). Perhaps t h e p a t r i a r c h r e s i d i n g i n the dominant S t r u c t u r e 82 o f 9N-8 o f S e p u l t u r a s , Copân p a r t i a l l y c l a i m e d h i s a u t h o r i t y by a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h t h e c r e a t i v e power of t h e p a t r o n d e i t y of a r t i s t s and s c r i b e s r e p r e s e n t e d on t h e s t r u c t u r e s façade. 4  5  Scenes such as t h i s that portrayed groups of men engaged i n a r t i s t i c a c t i v i t y may have promoted a sense of "common male i n t e r e s t " while at the same time affording recognition of i n d i v i d u a l contribution. Such v i s u a l and textual statements would have been valuable to the prestige of male a r t i s t s within the house system and the value of t h e i r products i n the market place.  These s e l f - r e f e r e n t i a l representations of painters.by  painters  may be compared with the only c l e a r representation of a scribe i n the f i g u r i n e medium. This object thought to be from the Palenque Region of Mexico, depicts a corpulent middle-aged or e l d e r l y male with codex, inkpot and brush at his knee (Figure 2.44). Unlike painted ceramic images of scribes the f i g u r i n e scribe was represented  with l i t t l e adornment: he wears a  simple l o i n c l o t h and no necklace . 6  The s i m p l i c i t y of the image  suggests that the a c t i v i t y of writing i n a codex was unremarkable f o r the f i g u r i n e maker who would not herself have pursued s c r i b a l practice i n paper, ceramic painting, or sculpture, even though women did include texts i n figurines [as on the images of figures seated on hieroglyphic benches, and the clothing patterns on Lagartero  f i g u r i n e s ] . I argue,  therefore, that just as male artisans asserted the value of  Breakage p r e c l u d e s headdress.  6  knowledge o f whether o r not t h i s f i g u r e wore a  t h e i r productive labours i n ceramic painting, women asserted the value of t h e i r productive labours i n f i g u r i n e s .  One important contrast between men and women as promoters of the value of t h e i r labour deserves mention. Evidence suggests that s c r i b a l a c t i v i t y was not common t o a l l males, but instead represented a part- or f u l l - t i m e s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . In contrast, i t i s possible that most women produced f i g u r i n e s , just as most women also produced t e x t i l e s . This means that while women almost u n i v e r s a l l y had access to the means of representation, and therefore could use such practices to assert claims f o r status, most men may have lacked t h i s avenue of negotiation, and would need to have t h e i r i n t e r e s t s represented  through  alternative means.  Archaeological data from Aguateca and Copân dating to the C l a s s i c period provides evidence that the organization of c r a f t production was at the household l e v e l (Sheets 1992; Inomata 2001). I suggest that artisans would have both competed and cooperated within and between households for the recognition of a b i l i t y that may have had both economic and s o c i a l rewards, for time dedicated s o l e l y t o t h e i r c r a f t , f o r access t o s o c i a l l y valued materials, for a c q u i s i t i o n of raw materials and for control over the products of t h e i r labour.  In addition to production of commissions, painted ceramics mayhave been some of the commodities offered within the open market place and as such possibly competed with t e x t i l e s and p l a i n e r ceramic wares for consumer i n t e r e s t . Such competition may have encouraged some artisans of both genders to advance t h e i r prestige and status and to r a i s e the value of t h e i r products through v i s u a l means of self-promotion. For example, Ekholm (1985: 185) relates the unusually complex c l o t h i n g patterns represented on figurines at Lagartero, Chiapas, to a p o t e n t i a l l o c a l t e x t i l e industry, as the G r i j a l v a V a l l e y area near Lagartero i s an important cotton-growing  zone today. As  Lagartero women made both figurines and t e x t i l e s , Ekholm's argument would suggest that they used one medium to promote the other.  Female-male interactions i n figurines Some themes i n f i g u r i n e representation, p a r t i c u l a r l y from Jaina, involve a narrative i n t e r r e l a t i o n between men and women. As a representational strategy, narrative allowed f o r a m u l t i p l i c i t y of d i f f e r e n t interpretations or a series of a l t e r n a t i v e readings. But for our purposes, a focus on these images of i n t e r a c t i o n allows us to investigate some of the ways that status and age interact with gender d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ,  e s p e c i a l l y by comparison with related scenes on contemporary painted ceramics.  Perhaps the most common form of r e l a t i o n s h i p between men and women i n figurines i s the l i a i s o n of an o l d man and a young woman. The o l d man i s frequently associated with animals, and may have an animal headdress  [deer, jaguar], an animal head or  mask [vulture], or e n t i r e l y replaced by an animal [rabbit, coyote] or deity. Most of these examples are mould-made and represent a conventionalized sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two figures. Handmade examples tend to be more innovative and e x p l i c i t : i n one the woman i s dancing although embraced by the elder male, and i n another the woman stands behind the older man to a s s i s t i n the enema/emetic practice that resulted i n i n t o x i c a t i o n and perhaps h a l l u c i n a t i o n (Figure 3.4). There are also i n d i v i d u a l Jaina figurines i n which a woman holds the "enema bib" and sometimes a fan, and figurines i n which a man wears the bib, i n one example holding the bundle of reeds involved i n taking the emetic or s i t t i n g i n front of a bowl (Figure 3.5). Perhaps these two types of enema/emetic figures were to be juxtaposed.  In comparison, ceramic scenes r e l a t i n g o l d men and young women most commonly represent the taking of an enema and/or emetic.  In these ceramic paintings of the enema/emetic p r a c t i c e , the women's embrace of the male elder suggests a strongly sexual content. In some cases, additional women are involved. In one, God N i s attended not only by the woman a s s i s t i n g him, but also by subordinate women who hold a fan and a mirror (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K530.00), and i n another an e l d e r l y female deity holds the bowl into which the male deity vomits (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K6020.00).  Other sexualized scenes on ceramics include the representation of the youthful Maize God with one or more nude women (Kerr Maya Vase Database: K3033.00), and the representation of young women attending any of the aged male gods [God D or Itzamna, God N or Pauahtun, whose counterpart i s a deer, and God L, whose counterpart i s a rabbit](Kerr Maya Vase Database: K511.00).  One point of comparison between these images would involve the contrast of labour and l e i s u r e . E l d e r l y males i n both ceramic paintings and figurines are shown i n what appear t o be l e i s u r e a c t i v i t i e s , indulging i n sexual r e l a t i o n s and enema/emetic p r a c t i c e s . In contrast, older women i n both media are shown i n labour a c t i v i t i e s , tending c h i l d r e n and [on f i g u r i n e s ] preparing food. In both published ceramic representations of  young women nursing infants, elder women preside . In the 7  enema scenes, i t may also be argued that the woman's labour f a c i l i t a t e s the elder male's l e i s u r e a c t i v i t y .  I have argued that some men i n C l a s s i c Maya society not only recovered  the products of women's-productive labour over t h e i r  l i f e t i m e , through a t r i b u t e system that p r i v i l e g e d males, but that they also gained authority and prestige i n part through the accumulation of those goods, as they aged. Hence, the representation of the male p r i v i l e g e s that came with age i n figurines and painting may have s i g n i f i e d a measure of some men's success as fathers and administrators, or of t h e i r authority and wealth even though old men are not represented wielding p o l i t i c a l power.  In making f i g u r i n e s , women d i d not choose to reverse these gender r e l a t i o n s , for example by portraying women engaged i n the drinking of alcohol or taking of the emetic/enema. Rather I suggest some women had a stake i n claiming p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n male prestige structures and may even have attempted to re-assess the value attributed to t h e i r contribution by asserting female prominence i n f i g u r i n e s . This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  One o f t h e s e was d i s c u s s e d p r e v i o u s l y , w h i l e t h e o t h e r d e p i c t s t h e i n f a n t s as r a b b i t s ( K e r r K626.00).  7  emerges when the painted ceramic scenes are compared with figurines i n terms of the r e l a t i o n s of authority between male and female.  As we have seen, women appear as attendants painted ceramics, the Maize God.  t o the male on the  a s s i s t i n g with the enema, or undressing [?]  In contrast, care i s taken on the f i g u r i n e s to  show women with greater authority. Indeed, i n some cases her male partner i s shown small, perhaps feeble, and s i t t i n g i n her lap. This portrayal of women's status also extends t o a second common example of male-female i n t e r a c t i o n , where the man,  perhaps a servant, c a r r i e s the woman on a tumpline.  If women's assistance i n men's taking of the enema and emetic i s t o be considered a form of labour, then these representations also argue that the young women's sexual r e l a t i o n s h i p with elder men were also considered a form of domestic labour. In both a c t i v i t i e s , women are shown providing a service to men. As shown i n other labours, the women who fashioned these figurines brought a d i f f e r e n t perspective to such scenes elevating t h e i r status by choosing t o portray the female r o l e i n sexuality, whether human or supernatural, as pre-eminent. Their depiction of women as p h y s i c a l l y dominant i n such scenes would have again served t o increase the value  of t h e i r labour contributions to the household economy and society.  While I therefore argue that the scenes of o l d men and young women i n figurines represent  another means by which women  elevated the value of t h e i r labours, one cannot discount interpretations that concern women's contribution to reproduction  as likewise worthy of prestige and power. The  sexualized images of o l d men with young women could be understood as elder male control of young women's sexuality, a common aspect of p a t r i a r c h a l r e l a t i o n s i n house s o c i e t i e s . In male prestige structures, emphasis on genealogy and marriage a l l i a n c e are elaborated  i n v i s u a l and textual statements,  perhaps to mask underlying tensions r e s u l t i n g from the d i f f e r e n t i a l claims on children, t h e i r p o t e n t i a l labour and inheritance of house resources ( G i l l e s p i e 2000: 30). Thus imagery portraying aged men engaged i n sexual encounters with young women i n ceramic painting may have been interpreted as a proclamation of the elder's authority over the physical and symbolic property  of the household.  Reference to the supernatural  realm i n representation may have  further naturalized the claims of o l d men to control reproductive  resources i n ancient Maya society. But t h i s i s  not t o say that female interests i n conjugal r e l a t i o n s were always i n c o n f l i c t with the lineage as represented by men. On the contrary, i t i s possible t o imagine i n d i v i d u a l women's interests were best served by reaffirming a p a t r i a r c h a l system, as for example when they sought advantageous marriages for t h e i r younger children. However, as I have argued, there was a s i g n i f i c a n t difference between the construction of gender relations by men and the " r e a l " r e l a t i o n s of dependence on the reproductive capacity of women.  Conclusion In t h i s chapter I have argued that the d i f f e r i n g viewpoints of individuals on a variety of subjects including gender relations could be understood as a r i s i n g from the clash of power relations within the household that were mediated through the production and interpretation of v i s u a l imagery. I have argued that women negotiated and even r e s i s t e d attempted subordination by exploring and extending the l i m i t s of t h e i r expected roles and through a re-evaluation of t h e i r contributions, as presented through competing prestige structures that p r i v i l e g e d male p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Furthermore, I argued that some women vied for status, power and economic benefits through the development and maintenance of exchange networks that were independent of, yet p a r a l l e l to, p o l i t i c a l  i n s t i t u t i o n s that competed for t h e i r time and materials. Thus, figurines created by women emphasized t h e i r  productive  a c t i v i t i e s including weaving, food preparation and service, animal husbandry and childcare. I have argued that the representation of these women's products and practices i n figurines was a form of s o c i a l evaluation that attempted t o benefit women's l i v e s .  Some women may have reproduced r e l a t i o n s of hierarchy i n figurines through representations  homologous t o those present  within t h e i r society. Others may have chosen t o create categories of i d e n t i t y that offered a l t e r n a t i v e or imaginary perspectives i n an e f f o r t to negotiate status and/or o f f e r new p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r themselves and t h e i r children, respectively, although, not a l l interpretations would have been equal. Ultimately, convention and the s o c i a l and h i s t o r i c a l conditions of the reading determined whether or not c e r t a i n interpretations would be deemed appropriate. C e r t a i n l y figurines would have said many things at once.  That Maya women negotiated t h e i r positions within the everyday order through f i g u r i n e production  i s probable, but whether or  not they consequently made change i n that order rested on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between authorizing language and the group that  acted on i t s authority. How dominant interpretations and representations  could be undermined, and ultimately overthrown  through r e - s i g n i f i c a t i o n and embodiment and the factors that could allow f o r the p o s s i b i l i t y of s o c i a l change w i l l be investigated i n the following chapter.  CHAPTER FOUR: CHILDREN'S TOYS AND THE POLITICS OF IDENTITY  Although not a l l societies create, define or elaborate on notions of masculinity and femininity i n the same way, a l l children must be regarded as learners and p r a c t i t i o n e r s of gender. Even very young children know a great deal about s o c i a l l y defined gender stereotypes through observations of the s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and behaviors of others i n t e r a c t i n g with material objects as well as t h e i r own d i f f e r i n g i n t e r a c t i o n s with t h e i r s o c i a l world  (Sofaer Derevenski  1997: 194-195).  Children l i v i n g within an ancient Maya residence would no doubt have observed that adult women wove and cooked i n d i f f e r e n t spaces than young men played b a l l . They also could have learned that d i f f e r e n t objects were used t o carry out those a c t i v i t i e s . Thus the c h i l d having made these observations would have learned to ascribe gendered meanings to spaces, behaviours  and objects.  According to s o c i a l learning theory, c h i l d r e n imitate behaviour for which they are d i f f e r e n t i a l l y rewarded (Bussey and Bandura 1992). Children's anticipations of the favorable responses of others guide t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l actions with objects and people that serve to produce gender (Bussey and Bandura 1992). Following Candace West and Sarah Fenstermaker  (1993) i t i s argued here that the a n t i c i p a t i o n of reward f o r 1  appropriate behaviour does not end with childhood but i s a l i f e - l o n g process that reproduces gender statuses i n d a i l y a c t i v i t y . Thus we must speak of the ongoing engendering of children rather than a time-limited process of s o c i a l i z a t i o n .  A c h i l d ' s view: the g r a f f i t i of T i k a l Before moving on to a consideration of figurines as children's playthings there i s a group of representations that may further an understanding of the engendering of children i n ancient Maya society. These are the g r a f f i t i found scratched into the plaster surfaces of room walls and benches at T i k a l (as well as other s i t e s , primarily i n the Petén and Rio Bee regions; map Figure i ) . The subject matters of many of these images appear to be representations of events taking place i n the rooms and i n the plazas before these rooms. In support of t h i s suggestion i s the elaborate ballgame scene scratched i n t o the south wall of Room 1 of Structure 5D-43 where the north-  Candace West and Sarah Fenstermaker i n "Power, I n e q u a l i t y , and the Accomplishment o f Gender An E t h n o - m e t h o d o l o g i c a l view" (1993) r e j e c t t h e n o t i o n t h a t gender i s the r e s u l t o f i n t e r n a l i s e d s o c i a l norms t h a t a r e l e a r n e d e a r l y i n l i f e and change l i t t l e t h e r e a f t e r . Rather, t h e y argue t h a t gender as a r o l e o r s t a t u s i s accomplished through ongoing i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h o t h e r s (154). They d i s t i n g u i s h between sex, one's b i o l o g i c a l g i v e n determined by a n a t o m i c a l , hormonal, and chromosomal f a c t o r s ; sex c a t e g o r y , t h e ongoing i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s as male or female i n everyday l i f e ; and gender, which they d e f i n e as conduct t h a t i s a c c o u n t a b l e t o normative c o n c e p t i o n s o f a p p r o p r i a t e a t t i t u d e s and a c t i v i t i e s f o r p a r t i c u l a r sex c a t e g o r i e s (155-56). As we i n t e r a c t w i t h o t h e r s , t h e y b e l i e v e t h a t we a r e " h e l d a c c o u n t a b l e " by o t h e r s t o d i s p l a y gender i n c o n f o r m i t y w i t h our sex c a t e g o r y . 1  facing doorway looks d i r e c t l y onto a b a l l court i n the East Plaza (Figure  4.1).  Like the images on monumental public sculpture and polychrome ceramics, most g r a f f i t i represented  the sporting and  ceremonial events concerned with the public proclamation of men's status, prestige and honour. Male persons were often c l e a r l y distinguishable i n g r a f f i t i by the depictions of l o i n c l o t h , attributes such as spears and the a c t i v i t i e s they performed i n the drawings by older c h i l d r e n . However, representations  of women and labour are completely absent from  the published g r a f f i t i of T i k a l .  Landa claimed that boys resided with the men  a f t e r the age of  six where they observed and learned the expectations manhood (Gates 1994:  of  67-72). Perhaps only boys were witness to  the events depicted and thus were responsible f o r these renderings. Moreover, according to cognitive development theories children often display a preference  for t h e i r  own  gender-typed a c t i v i t i e s and display more knowledge about t h e i r own  gender (Golombok and Fivush 1994). As c h i l d r e n grow older  and acquire more complex, problematic  and ambiguous knowledge  they incorporate t h i s into t h e i r gender schémas (Sofaer Derevenski 1997:  197). In c r o s s - c u l t u r a l studies of children's  drawing, below the age of about 5 years there i s v i r t u a l l y no attempt to denote the sex of a f i g u r e . Thereafter children's use of sexually d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g features, gender-specific items and a c t i v i t i e s increases with age  (Cox 1995:  95; Figure  4.8). The change of g r a f f i t i subjects from animals and s t i c k l i k e humans of indeterminate  gender chosen for representation  by young children to the more c l e a r l y gendered a c t i v i t i e s of the a l l male ballgame and the presentation of prisoners drawn by older boys may  describe developmental differences i n gender  related knowledge . 2  Fantastic animals, some that resemble large jaguars were the favoured subjects of the young c h i l d r e n i n T i k a l structure  3D-  40, a structure defining the east side of a large plaza i n the North Zone where the Maudslay and the Maler causeways meet. The majority of the engraved drawings i n the Rooms of 3D-40 are naïve (Figure 4.2). The uneven length and width of arms and legs of these f e l i n e creatures, t h e i r odd numbers of claws and disproportionate head sizes are consistent with the drawing c a p a b i l i t i e s of 7- to 8—year o l d children (Cox  1993:  49-66).  A c l o s e r e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e g r a f f i t i o f T i k a l and t h a t o f o t h e r s i t e s i s a s u b j e c t f o r f u t u r e r e s e a r c h t h a t might c o n s i d e r whether g r a f f i t i was c r e a t e d w i t h i n t h o s e spaces o f women's a c t i v i t y and i f so were they s u b s t a n t i a l l y d i f f e r e n t i n s u b j e c t m a t t e r from t h o s e i n b u i l d i n g s o v e r l o o k i n g p u b l i c p l a z a s and male r e s i d e n c e . 2  In addition to t h e i r naivete, most of the simple g r a f f i t i were located within the reach of young children, on the doorjambs and walls of the rooms where daylight would have been a v a i l a b l e . Some of the more sophisticated imagery, where the proportions of the human body was rendered more accurately, costume d e t a i l s were added and figures were drawn i n action poses, were located higher up on the east wall of Room 2 i n 3D-40 (Figure 4.3) within access of older c h i l d r e n . Of further i n t e r e s t on t h i s wall were the two drawings of stepped pyramids placed side-by-side that resemble the structures of the Twin Pyramid Group that could be viewed from 3D-40 (Figure 4.4). Other subjects represented by young boys i n T i k a l were "Warrior" seats [5D-65: Rm.9; Figure 4.5], presentation of captives [5D-2-1, Rm.3;  Figure 4.6] and procession [5D-46;  Figure 4.7], to name a few. Various game boards were also scratched into the top surface of benches within rooms [5D-38, 5D-54, Rm. 1]. These g r a f f i t i may therefore represent some of the a c t i v i t i e s engaged i n and viewed by c h i l d r e n , or at very least the animals, individuals and a c t i v i t i e s of enough i n t e r e s t to the c h i l d r e n to represent.  Figurines and the engendering of children I have argued that women who understood t h e i r world i n p a r t i c u l a r ways produced figurines f o r t h e i r children's use as play things. In doing so what also needs to be considered i s that they may have attempted to pass on i n d i v i d u a l views informed by t h e i r understanding of t h e i r s o c i a l world. I would argue that the r e l a t i o n s h i p established between viewers (children and other individuals within a Maya residence) and objects  (figurines) operated much l i k e the r e l a t i o n s between  individuals, involving s o c i a l complexity, contradiction and a l t e r i t y . Consider the ongoing i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l s as g i r l s and boys and women and men i n everyday According to West and Fenstermaker,  life.  i n order to make an  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n we t r e a t the v i s u a l (deportment, dress and bearing) as i n d i c a t i v e of "sex" category (1995: 156). We assume on the basis of v i s u a l signs that i n d i v i d u a l s "belong" to one of only two sexes . I suggest such was also the case i n 3  the interpretation of f i g u r i n e s . The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s of male and female by viewers of figurines were largely based on s o c i a l l y defined differences i n costume and performance of activities.  A c c o r d i n g t o Anne F a u s t o - S t e r l i n g , t h e r e a r e b i o l o g i c a l l y a t l e a s t f i v e sexes (as d e f i n e d by chromosomes) and hormonally an u n l i m i t e d number, which r e - a f f i r m s B u t l e r and many o t h e r s c h o l a r ' s arguments t h a t s e x / s e x u a l i t y i s s o c i a l l y determined (see Anne F a u s t o - S t e r l i n g 1997; 1993). 3  According to West and Fenstermaker, the assumption of sex based on v i s u a l interpretation allows for the mis-recognition of b i o l o g i c a l difference; f o r example when transvestites pass as members of the sex category they aspire to through the conscious manipulation of v i s u a l signs. Thus, categorization by sex must be a n a l y t i c a l l y distinguished from sex assignment and both must be further distinguished from "doing gender"(1995: 157). Gender i s the l o c a l a r t i c u l a t i o n of conduct i n r e l a t i o n to normative conceptions of appropriate attitudes and a c t i v i t i e s for p a r t i c u l a r sex categories (1995: 157). I f v i s u a l imagery can serve to r e i n f o r c e those a c t i v i t i e s deemed appropriate for p a r t i c u l a r sex categories then i t could be argued that engagement with figurines within the ancient Maya household was  implicated i n the  accomplishment of gender i d e n t i t y .  The impact of figurines on the ways i n which ancient Maya s o c i a l actors understood  themselves can only be imagined. This  imagining, I would argue, i s a necessary endeavoring  i f we are  to move beyond the paradigms of a p r i m i t i v i s t evolutionism. We must consider the actors' interpretations of t h e i r material world and the creative potential of conscious and non-selfconscious a c t i v i t i e s they performed i n r e l a t i o n to the p o t e n t i a l for s o c i a l change. Perhaps interactions with  figurines allowed for an active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the world of contested meanings through a range of possible and creative responses by  interpretations  individuals.  As I have l a i d out i n the previous chapters, there appear to have been standard conventions for the representation of normative gender roles i n the production of f i g u r i n e s , although there are obvious s t y l i s t i c differences  through time  and space. The most obvious v i s u a l convention or sign  that  allowed for the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of male and female i n f i g u r i n e imagery was  the representation of d i s t i n c t i v e clothing  and  other adornments including c o i f f u r e , body modification,  paint  or tattooing, and deportment and bearing followed by  the  gendered d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of a c t i v i t y . I suggest that  children  and other viewers interpreted  from figurines what were deemed  appropriate male and female body adornment and industry. These i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s most c e r t a i n l y would have had an e f f e c t on  the  ways that individuals i d e n t i f i e d themselves i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r world. However, children interpreted these images within the e v e r - s h i f t i n g s o c i a l geometry of power and s i g n i f i c a t i o n that p a r t l y constituted the c h i l d and i n turn the c h i l d p a r t l y constituted  the s o c i a l space i n which the figurines were  viewed. Thus interpretation of figurines or p o s s i b i l i t i e s of use were p o t e n t i a l l y open and dynamic within  particular  a r t i c u l a t i o n s of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s and understandings (see also Massey 1994).  A high proportion of figurines produced by women f o r children's use represented animals. S i m i l a r l y , animals were favorite subjects i n children's g r a f f i t i . In g r a f f i t o imagery animals were often depicted engaged i n adversarial a c t i v i t i e s with humans. Thus young children may have engaged i n play a c t i v i t i e s with the numerous animal and human figurines i n ways that exaggerated the observed or learned differences between the two.  Although women represented animals, supernaturals and adult humans as i n d i v i d u a l actors i n f i g u r i n e s , they did not create figurines of i n d i v i d u a l children or infants. This suggests that what was expected of children's d o l l play was the interpretation of the s o c i a l and symbolic structure of adult l i f e i n t h e i r community (see Rossie 1999 f o r a North African comparison). Children would not merely have undergone the influence of the proposed models of adult l i f e but would have appropriated, adapted, innovated and changed them to t h e i r own needs (Rossie 1999). The archaeological recovery of figurines suggests they were primarily used within the spaces of the house defined by women's a c t i v i t i e s and residence. The  d i s t r i b u t i o n of figurines suggests that d o l l play was a c o l l e c t i v e a c t i v i t y among c h i l d peers that was observed by adult caregivers. Interactions among children and adults from the same family or neighborhood may have affected i n d i v i d u a l interpretation of imagery (Rossie 1999) and the enactment of "appropriate" behaviour through d o l l play. That a small percentage of figurines recovered were located i n those spaces defined by male a c t i v i t y suggests that some boys continued t o play with figurines while under the care of men. G r a f f i t i produced by boys may indicate some of the play a c t i v i t i e s boys engaged i n with f i g u r i n e s . Figurines of warriors or b a l l p l a y e r s , for example, may have encouraged group play that mimicked the competition  and aggression of observed adult male  a c t i v i t i e s . The interpretations of the behaviours of warriors and b a l l p l a y e r s by boys may have been d i f f e r e n t i a l l y rewarded or contested by other children and t h e i r adult caregivers. The a n t i c i p a t i o n of favourable reactions may have encouraged the r e p e t i t i o n of warfare and ballgame f i g u r i n e play over other choices of a c t i v i t y because they inculcated competition and aggression as acceptable male behaviours.  The assumption that aspects of material culture act as repositories and triggers for s o c i a l meanings and thus a i d i n the communication of past practice f o r future  generations  underlies much of the project of an engendered archaeology. What concerns me i n discussing figurines i s not only t h e i r interpretation as media f o r gendered communication and mediators of ideology from one generation to the next, but also the production of knowledge about the body, that i s ,  how  children came to understand themselves as gendered i n d i v i d u a l s . The v i s u a l and functional aspects of figurines not only acted as vehicles of communication f o r the inculcation of symbolic structures or s o c i a l values that p a r t i a l l y determine the gender system but also could have been instrumental i n a c t i v e l y constructing the world of the i n d i v i d u a l on the most fundamental l e v e l of bodily experience (see Sofaer Derevenski 1997).  The ways that women and men were expected to look and act were reinforced through figurine imagery. Children may have i n t e r n a l i z e d those a r t i c u l a t i o n s according to t h e i r own observations and understandings of t h e i r world that i n turn influenced t h e i r d o l l play and t h e i r own performances of gender. However, the space between expectation and interpretation by individuals d i f f e r e n t i a l l y positioned within t h e i r complex world p o t e n t i a l l y allowed f o r v a r i a b l e and ambiguous gender performances. In the remainder of t h i s chapter I w i l l explore that space between what i s presented i n  Maya figurines as normative gender i d e n t i t y and  other  p o s s i b i l i t i e s of engagement that allow f o r greater  flexibility  and agency.  A consideration of Butler's theory of the Judith Butler's idea of the performative  performative has had an enormous  impact upon feminist work on gender i d e n t i t y (Bell et a l . 1999;  Chinn, 1997)  including my own  investigation of ancient  Maya f i g u r i n e s . I suggest that Butler's thesis of the performative  (or the accomplishment of gender i n the  ethnomethodological language of Candace West and Sarah Fenstermaker, 1993)  i s p a r t i c u l a r l y useful i f we are to  understand the impact that our i n t e r a c t i o n with v i s u a l material has on our everyday l i v e s .  Butler's formulation of the performative  attempts to move  beyond understanding the construction of gender i d e n t i t y as a one-sided process of the imposition of s o c i a l or symbolic norms of behavior by instead thinking of the accomplishment of gender i n terms of the process of r e i t e r a t i o n . She argues that the determination  of "sex" can no longer be thought of as  s o l e l y a s o c i a l construct or be taken as a bodily given on which gender i s a r b i t r a r i l y imposed ( i . e . Althusser 1971) must be thought of as a "regulatory i d e a l " that compels  but  regulatory practices (Butler 1993:  1-2). According  to Butler,  "sex" should be thought of as a process that i s materialized i n bodies through a r e i t e r a t i o n or "performance" of regulatory norms (Butler 1993:  1-2). Thus, the performative  expresses  both the uncertainty or "performed" nature of gender i d e n t i t y and also i t s deep i n c u l c a t i o n i n that every performance serves to r e - i n s c r i b e i t upon the body. In other words, gender i s not constructed by a single act, but by a process that only seems stable, a process of c i t a t i o n that i s worked through at the i n t e r n a l l y complex l e v e l of motivation and  self-understanding  to produce the e f f e c t of i d e n t i t y . As such, the performance of gender does not r e f e r to a v o l u n t a r i s t process so much as a process of profound bodily i n s c r i p t i o n of a compulsory and constraining heterosexuality that impels and sustains a fundamentally unstable i d e n t i t y (Butler 1993:  94).  That t h i s r e i t e r a t i o n i s necessary indicates that bodies never quite comply with the norms by which t h e i r m a t e r i a l i z a t i o n i s impelled. I t i s the i n s t a b i l i t i e s opened up by the process of r e i t e r a t i o n that "mark one domain i n which the force of the regulatory law can be turned against i t s e l f to spawn r e a r t i c u l a t i o n s that c a l l into question the hegemonic force of that very regulatory law"  (Butler 1993:  2). In other words,  the i d e n t i f i c a t o r y process, the m a t e r i a l i z a t i o n of norms,  allows for the s t a b i l i z a t i o n of the subject who i s p o t e n t i a l l y capable of r e s i s t i n g those norms. Butler claims t h i s process of resistance takes place on the margins of what constitutes the corporeal norm by those who are excluded from a heterosexual regime. Their p a r t i a l or c o n f l i c t u a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s can p o t e n t i a l l y r e s u l t i n a d e s t a b i l i z i n g process of r e - s i g n i f i c a t i o n (1993: 16). The p o s s i b i l i t y of agency and change i n social/sexual  r e l a t i o n s arises not  through i n d i v i d u a l practice but rather from the  constitutive  i n s t a b i l i t y of the symbolic and discursive structures  that  invest the body with meaning.  Were figurines the unconscious r e i t e r a t i o n of gender i d e n t i t y by t h e i r producers? Did they serve t o make c e r t a i n kinds of action i n t e l l i g i b l e as the performance of gender within the heterosexual matrix of ancient Maya house society while excluding others? Did they compel regulatory  norms of  behaviour i n children? Certainly a heterosexual imperative was d i r e c t l y r e i t e r a t e d through the figurines of paired women and men  and e s p e c i a l l y by those of old men i n sexual l i a i s o n s with  young women. Such an imperative was further inculcated through the assertion of woman as mother i n figurines while a r t i c u l a t i o n s of alternative s e x u a l i t i e s were completely omitted. These i n t e r p e l l a t i o n s i n figurines contributed  t o the  f i e l d of discourse and power that orchestrated, delimited and sustained those "bodies that matter[ed]"  (Butler 1993)  in  ancient Maya society while simultaneously providing a forum for a l t e r n a t i v e interpretations and p o t e n t i a l embodiments through i n t e r a c t i v e play.  Butler's theory of the performative has also provoked debate and c r i t i c i s m p a r t i c u l a r l y by Lois McNay i n her recent volume, Gender and Agency; Reconfiguring the Subject i n Feminist  and  S o c i a l Theory (2000). McNay's c r i t i c i s m s are r e l a t e d to Butler's underdeveloped idea of agency that arises i n what some pose as the negative model of s u b j e c t i f i c a t i o n (McNay 2000: 44). According to Butler the construction of gender operates through exclusionary means, such that the human i s produced over and against the inhuman through a "set of foreclosures, r a d i c a l erasures, that are, s t r i c t l y  speaking,  refused the p o s s i b i l i t y of c u l t u r a l a r t i c u l a t i o n " (1993: 8). Butler claims the "exclusionary matrix by which subjects are formed thus requires the simultaneous production of a domain of abject beings" that do not enjoy the status of subjects but under the sign of the "unliveable" serve to circumscribe the domain of the subject (1993: 3). In t h i s sense, the subject w i l l constitute "the s i t e of dreaded i d e n t i f i c a t i o n " against which the subject w i l l circumscribe i t s own claim to l i f e .  Therefore,  such subjects are constituted through "the force of  exclusion" and "abjection", which i s i n t e r n a l t o the subject as i t s own founding repudiation  (1993: 3). According t o McNay,  the p r i o r i t y accorded the moment of constraint by Butler and her f a i l u r e to connect the symbolic construction of the body to other material r e l a t i o n s reduces gender i d e n t i t y to the realm of an archetypal psycho-sexual i d e n t i f i c a t i o n (McNay 2000: 44). In addition, her rather formal account of the symbolic order i n psychic rather than s o c i o - h i s t o r i c a l terms sets up a series of dualisms: normal-abject, includedexcluded, heterosexual-homosexual, inside-outside, dominationresistance that l i m i t s an understanding of agency (McNay 2000: 35, 45). The i n s t a b i l i t y of symbolic systems i s the central premise of the idea of the performative which forms the condition of p o s s i b i l i t y of agency f o r Butler, but says l i t t l e about the web of power r e l a t i o n s and s o c i a l practices i n which individuals are enmeshed (McNay 2000: 45-47).  McNay, Bourdieu's habitus,  le sens pratique  and gender  In order to work beyond the l i m i t a t i o n s of Butler's theorizing of the "performative,"  McNay investigates s i m i l a r i t i e s between  Bourdieu's theory of habitus  and Butler's work on the  materialization of gender norms. McNay's work elaborates upon some of the temporal implications of Bourdieu's work on  habitus,  f i e l d and le sens pratique.  By l i n k i n g the symbolic  process whereby the body i s invested with meaning to surrounding material r e l a t i o n s Bourdieu's theory allows f o r a more dynamic conceptualization of bodily existence than Butler's performative  alone (McNay 2000: 36-73).  In The Logic of Practice (1990) Pierre Bourdieu theorizes the bodily i n s c r i p t i o n of s o c i e t a l norms. He i n s i s t s that the objects of knowledge—explanations for the s o c i a l  order—ere  constructed, not passively recorded. Further, he explains that the p r i n c i p l e s of t h i s construction are that the "system of structured, structuring d i s p o s i t i o n s , " the habitus,  is  constituted i n and through practice and i s always oriented toward p r a c t i c a l functions (1990: 52). Like Butler's concept of r e i t e r a t i o n , Bourdieu's habitus  expresses the idea that  bodily i d e n t i t y i s not a natural phenomenon, but involves the constant  i n s c r i p t i o n of dominant s o c i a l norms upon the body.  S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the concept implies not only the i n c u l c a t i o n of these norms upon the body, but also praxis  or the l i v i n g  through of these norms by individuals (1990: 52-65). Bourdieu argues that the parameters of personal i d e n t i t y — e s p e c i a l l y of one's place  within a system of s o c i a l differences and  i n e q u a l i t i e s — a r e structured into the objective environment.  Accordingly, as I have previously argued, the organization of space i n ancient Maya houses and c i t i e s , and the organization of time—the rhythms of work and leisure—embody the assumptions of gender, age and s o c i a l hierarchy upon which that p a r t i c u l a r way of l i f e was b u i l t . Bourdieu argues that while the i n d i v i d u a l matured, and l i v e d everyday l i f e i n t e r a c t i n g with s p e c i f i c s p a t i a l and temporal forms, s/he came t o embody the assumptions of age, gender and s o c i a l hierarchy, l i t e r a l l y and f i g u r a t i v e l y . The e f f e c t was one of near-total n a t u r a l i z a t i o n of the s o c i a l order and the forging of homologies between personal i d e n t i t y and s o c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n (Bourdieu 1977). Several commentators note that Bourdieu's theory i s so skewed toward explaining s o c i a l reproduction that i t i s s t r u c t u r a l l y committed to the status quo, f o r e c l o s i n g the p o s s i b i l i t y of agency emerging from the margins (Moore 1994: 77; Butler 1997: 155; McNay 2000: 50-51).  Applying Bourdieu's argument i n a more open manner, I suggest that an infant born female i n an ancient Maya household would have been rewarded f o r "appropriate" gender performances primarily i n the spaces created f o r and defined by women's labour and residence. A young boy would have learned and expected his time r e s i d i n g with women t o be temporary. He l i v e d his youth and adulthood i n spaces designed f o r , and  defined by, male a c t i v i t i e s of administration, c r a f t production and l e i s u r e . As g r a f f i t i within those spaces suggest boys observed and seem to have non-self-consciously i n t e r n a l i z e d what i t meant to be male i n terms of all-male a c t i v i t y . This praxis  involves coming to an understanding of  s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s through the body: i t i s not  simply  learning s o c i e t a l rules by rote because i n t e l l e c t u a l r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s are always based on incorporated knowledge (Moore 1994:  78).  Thus, the very conditions of the production of the  habitus,  "the structures characterizing a determinate class of conditions of existence" produces i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e practices i n accordance with the plans produced by h i s t o r y (Bourdieu  1990:  53). Because a l l past i n d i v i d u a l and  c o l l e c t i v e experience within a class of conditions inform current i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e practices, habitus product of h i s t o r y (Bourdieu By conceiving of habitus  1990:  is a  54). This i s a key point.  as a temporal structure, the body i s  accorded greater agency, dynamism and mutability. At the same time, the notion of the habitus embodied experience  also suggests a layering of  that i s not a w i l l e d construction of  i d e n t i t y . The s o c i a l actor i s thus oriented to behave i n a c e r t a i n way  because of the "active-presence" of the whole past  established  i n the dense structures  of the habitus  2000: 40-41). However, the uncertainties  and  (McNay  anticipatory  elements or p o t e n t i a l i t i e s immanent i n Bourdieu's concept of the habitus  render t h i s an active, i n t e r p r e t a t i v e process  rather than merely a r e p e t i t i v e one (McNay 2000: 38).  The habitus  i s r e a l i z e d at a pre-reflexive l e v e l of p r a c t i c a l  mastery Bourdieu c a l l s le sens practique  (Bourdieu 1990: 52).  It i s a mode of knowledge or " p r a c t i c a l b e l i e f " that i s learned by the body but cannot be e x p l i c i t l y a r t i c u l a t e d (Bourdieu 1990: 109). I t i s a spontaneous  and r e l a t i v e l y  unpredictable response prompted by p r i o r knowledge and practice (Bourdieu 1990: 109). Thus, the a c q u i s i t i o n of gender i d e n t i t y i n terms of le sens practique  does not pass through  the consciousness, nor i s i t memorized; rather,  i t i s enacted  at a pre-reflexive l e v e l and l i v e d as a form of " p r a c t i c a l mimesis"  (McNay 2000: 39).  New understandings of the body suggest i n turn  that  individuals l i k e l y interacted with t h e i r world i n ways that previously may have been unimaginable. This allows f o r the p o s s i b i l i t y of change i n the a r t i c u l a t i o n of gender i d e n t i t y . It also suggests the manufacture and interpretation of figurines was p o t e n t i a l l y a spontaneous  and dynamic process.  As I have argued i n my analysis of the ancient Maya household, s o c i a l l y sanctioned narratives were central t o the imposition of hegemonic i d e n t i t i e s . Emergence of new or contestatory narratives would highlight the r e l a t i o n s of power that underlie the p o l i t i c s of i d e n t i t y . Oppositional or newly emerging s o c i a l groups may have produced, consciously or nonself-consciously, forms of figurines that had not been seen before. For example, the representations of women weaving and as "cloth merchants" i n figurines were unique t o Jaina although archaeological recovery has shown that weaving was ubiquitous  i n women's spaces throughout the Maya region. The  b a l l game-related "contact sport" i s represented  a t Lubaantun  i n an abundance that was also without precedence i n f i g u r i n e s . These a r t i c u l a t i o n s possibly represented  emergent or  contesting discourses and practices that coexisted and were subject to power r e l a t i o n s within the context of the production and reception of other discourses, which c h i l d r e n then may have integrated into t h e i r performative  responses  contributing t o the narrative process of self-formation.  For Bourdieu, the somatization of power r e l a t i o n s upon the body involves the imposition of l i m i t s that at the same time create the condition of p o s s i b i l i t y of agency (1992: 138). Bourdieu i n s i s t s that i f a l l s o c i a l actors operate within a  f i e l d , t h i s by d e f i n i t i o n means that one i s capable of producing e f f e c t s i n i t . The f i e l d i s defined as a network or configuration of objective r e l a t i o n s between positions (1993: 72-77). The f i e l d or configuration receives i t s form from the r e l a t i o n between each p o s i t i o n and the d i f f e r e n t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of economic, s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and  symbolic  c a p i t a l . Tension or c o n f l i c t between the interests of d i f f e r e n t groups who  struggle to gain control over a f i e l d ' s  c a p i t a l thus marks the c o n s t i t u t i o n of power r e l a t i o n s i n any f i e l d . Therefore,  each f i e l d has a s p e c i f i c i n t e r n a l l o g i c  that establishes varied, uneven r e l a t i o n s with other f i e l d s and renders i t i r r e d u c i b l e to any overarching  dynamic. Thus,  the r e l a t i o n between actors—including children—and  symbolic  structure [that p a r t i a l l y defined i n d i v i d u a l s within t h e i r varied s o c i a l environments] i s not one of domination and resistance but a more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d concept of  "regulated  l i b e r t i e s " . The p a i r i n g of h a b i t u s - f i e l d allows Bourdieu to t i e the symbolic process whereby the body i s invested with meaning to surrounding material r e l a t i o n s (McNay 2000: 72).  I suggest that an ancient Maya residence conceived of within Lévi-Strauss' house society model operated s i m i l a r l y to Bourdieu's " f i e l d " of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s . As such, the s o c i a l structure of the house was  determined by the i n d i v i d u a l  members l i v i n g within and around a p a r t i c u l a r form of a r c h i t e c t u r a l space that was i n turn created by, and homologous to the s o c i a l relations of the i n d i v i d u a l members struggling f o r the control of resources within that p a r t i c u l a r f i e l d . As I have argued i n Chapter Three figurines produced and used within the varied and dynamic households p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the s h i f t i n g power relations of the f i e l d e s p e c i a l l y those a r t i c u l a t i n g gender. The embodiment of normative concepts of gender and other forms of i d e n t i t y were i n part regulated within the f i e l d , but were never constant. Each f i e l d was connected and changed by i n d i v i d u a l members' imagination, c r e a t i v i t y , countless innovations, inadvertent actions  and  involvements i n other f i e l d s within the ancient Maya community. While r e s i d e n t i a l f i e l d s were constrained by the symbolic system of the house society each was p o t e n t i a l l y unique i n form and p o t e n t i a l i t y f o r i n d i v i d u a l freedoms. Thus, Bourdieu's concept of h a b i t u s / f i e l d , i n conjunction with LéviStrauss' "house society" model, c l e a r l y demonstrates the ways that knowledge about the body i s wedded to power r e l a t i o n s and agency.  However, Bourdieu's concept of habitus  has also e l i c i t e d  c r i t i c i s m on the grounds that i t s strongly s o c i a l i z e d and c o l l e c t i v e view of the body makes i t d i f f i c u l t to specify the  consequences of the i n t e r s e c t i o n of sets of d i s t i n c t i o n s f o r individuals (Moore 1994: 79). Both the strength and weakness of Bourdieu's approach centre around his concept of s u b j e c t i v i t y . According  to Moore, Bourdieu's concept of  p o s i t i o n a l i t y i s devoid of any notion of a multiple s u b j e c t i v i t y constituted through multiple positions (Moore 1994:  79). Thus Bourdieu has been c r i t i c i z e d for h i s  inadequate theory of i n d i v i d u a l experiences and motivations. On the other hand the strength of h i s approach i s h i s insistence on the m a t e r i a l i t y of s u b j e c t i v i t y ; the subject i s never free from the material conditions of existence and the world i s never free of the representations that construct i t (Bourdieu 1990: 122).  Creative i n t e r a c t i o n with f i g u r i n e s In the following sections I w i l l attempt to apply Lois McNay's (2000) re-working of Judith Butler's (1990, 1993, 1997) concept of the performative  and Pierre Bourdieu's (1977, 1990)  theory of practice to ways of thinking about the interpretation of, and i n t e r a c t i o n with, figurines within the C l a s s i c Maya household. McNay's analysis y i e l d s a more open conception  of gender i d e n t i t y as a l i v e d set of p o t e n t i a l i t i e s  rather than an externally imposed set of constraining norms. According  to McNay (2000: 44), "[b]y drawing out c e r t a i n  temporal aspects to the process of embodiment, the ideas of habitus  and the performative open up a t h e o r e t i c a l space for  agency and for an explanation of the elements of v a r i a b i l i t y and p o t e n t i a l c r e a t i v i t y immanent t o even the most routine reproduction of gender i d e n t i t y . " While i d e o l o g i c a l no doubt play a determining  role i n subject  formations  formation,  individuals are a c t i v e l y engaged i n a process of s e l f formation through praxis  and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of that  experience on a pre-reflexive l e v e l (2000: 76).  Conceiving of s u b j e c t i v i t y as multiple and dynamic allows a more complex understanding  of women's i d e n t i t y i n ancient Maya  house society. An ideology of p a t r i a r c h a l authority would define women i n terms of subordination. The many forms that those "normative" assertions took would have impacted i n d i v i d u a l s ' understandings of themselves and affected t h e i r bodily performances. However, as I have argued i n Chapter Three, women's a r t i c u l a t i o n s of t h e i r own i d e n t i t i e s d i f f e r e d from the contentions put forth by men's representation. Perhaps women's involvements i n other f i e l d s of action [the market place for example], with d i f f e r i n g regulated freedoms influenced t h e i r understandings and bodily expressions. The ambiguity created by multiple p o s i t i o n i n g would have been conveyed t o children i n various ways, including through the  production of f i g u r i n e s . The a r t i c u l a t i o n of t h i s ambiguity i n figurines i n turn may have created understandings and r e i t e r a t i o n s i n the form of c h i l d ' s play and gender performances that had not been made possible before. For instance, new a r t i c u l a t i o n s i n figurines of women weavers [and merchants] at Jaina may have f a c i l i t a t e d , i f not encouraged, groups of g i r l s to engage i n d o l l play that emulated and interpreted the a c t i v i t i e s of independent women i n the market place.  In recognition of Butler's argument that absence i s as important as a r t i c u l a t i o n i n the formation of i d e n t i t y , I suggest that the exclusion from f i g u r i n e and other v i s u a l representation of everyday practices such as a g r i c u l t u r a l labour undertaken by most members of the community or, same sex r e l a t i o n s practiced by some, affected the ways that individuals understood themselves within ancient Maya society. I have argued that the representation of various  social  practices and the absence of others were primarily r e l a t e d to struggles of power, competition  f o r status and concern f o r the  reproduction of the house estate. As I have argued i n Chapter Three f i g u r i n e representations were positioned utterances  that  p a r t i c i p a t e d i n s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l issues of concern to some women. However, other members of ancient Maya communities,  e s p e c i a l l y the slaves, servants or associates of houses responsible for the majority of hard labour and a g r i c u l t u r a l work may not have had access to forms of representation that have survived to the present day. Whether these individuals were marginalized, refused a r t i c u l a t i o n , or considered "abject" w i l l never be known. Nonetheless,  these i n d i v i d u a l s '  interests and concerns were excluded from f i g u r i n e representations intended f o r children's use. What impact might these omissions have had on an individual's i d e n t i t y formation or understanding of themselves within the house structure? Did children learn through interaction with figurines that t h e i r b i r t h order or gender circumscribed t h e i r s o c i a l worth? Were warriors and mothers deemed worthy r o l e models while a g r i c u l t u r a l labourers were not? Did the r e i t e r a t i o n of heterosexual relations and the exclusion of same sex r e l a t i o n s serve to assert heterosexual normativity? Were same sex relations marginalized or were these a r t i c u l a t i o n s i n figurines an attempt to i n s t i l l "appropriate" adult behaviour that would help secure the continuation of the house estate? Certainly the gender segregation of space and the c a r e f u l monitoring of marriage a l l i a n c e s deemed important to the welfare of the house allowed f o r , i f not encouraged, the p o s s i b i l i t y of "unarticulated" same sex relations i n ancient Maya society.  The majority of figurines were mould-made. The constant re-use of moulds f a c i l i t a t e d an i n d e f i n i t e number of i n d i v i d u a l experiences with a s p e c i f i c figurine form, which may also have contributed to a sense of shared experience between individuals over several generations. This method of production could also be seen to support the n a t u r a l i z a t i o n of dominant gender norms through the r e i t e r a t i o n of these conventionalized forms and one's engagement through gesture and mimicry with these forms. A key to the n a t u r a l i z a t i o n of masculine-feminine d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i s i t s i n s e r t i o n i n a symbolic system that occludes the arbitrary nature of the sexual d i v i s i o n by lending i t , according to Bourdieu, a "semantic thickness" or an over-determination of connotations and correspondences  (as quoted i n McNay 2000: 37). As I have  argued, the f i r s t connotation of male and female reproduced i n figurines was determined through the interpretation of the v i s u a l representation of the body. The second  correspondence,  or over-determination i n ancient Maya figurines was  the  representation of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of a c t i v i t i e s performed by women and men that mimicked the everyday. Through the representation of the ordinary  the producers of figurines  anticipated p a r t i c u l a r interpretations by t h e i r viewers.  I suggest that a normative assertion of "being a man" i n f i g u r i n e was p a r t i a l l y represented as youthful , with physical 4  and s o c i a l aggression and competition symbolically portrayed through the homo-social a c t i v i t i e s of hunting, sport, warfare and other male status r e l a t i o n s . These a l l male a c t i v i t i e s were valorized i n other v i s u a l and textual media as e s s e n t i a l to the reputation and reproduction of the house estate. Thus figurines may have attempted to define "appropriate" gender behaviours that served to encourage p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l and emotional motivations f o r such practices through t h e i r interpretation by viewers. For example, the representations of i d e a l i z e d male warriors or ballplayers i n figurines could be seen to i n s t i l l f r a t e r n i t y i n cooperative play among boys, prowess and the use of aggression i n the desire to win the game or combat, and the courage to confront t h e i r opponent as "appropriate" male behaviors worthy of reward f o r a variety of viewers both male and female within the C l a s s i c Maya household. Hence, the promise of rewards encouraged the perpetuation of those motivations and behaviours i n boys engaged with the figurines while simultaneously provoking the expectation of such male behaviour i n the minds of g i r l s . The  The r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f i d e a l i z e d y o u t h f u l n e s s appears t o have been t h e p r e f e r r e d a r t i c u l a t i o n o f t h e body i n t h e d e p i c t i o n o f h i s t o r i c events on stone monuments and c e r a m i c s as i n d i v i d u a l s were o f t e n r e p r e s e n t e d i n young a d u l t h o o d r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e b i o l o g i c a l age s t a t e d i n accompanying t e x t s . T h i s p r e f e r e n c e may have become an a r t i s t i c c o n v e n t i o n i n t h e a r t i c u l a t i o n o f gender. 4  p o s s i b i l i t y that adult caregivers may have both witnessed and rewarded "appropriate" play, and i t s "appropriate" expectation and encouragement by onlookers, would have further served t o perpetuate normative gender behaviours. The representation of o l d men engaged i n sexual l i a i s o n s with young women suggests that "appropriate" heterosexual behaviour by men would continue t o be encouraged and rewarded into o l d age. However, the a r t i c u l a t i o n or expectation of rewarded behaviours f o r o l d men  i n figurines d i f f e r e d r a d i c a l l y from those r e i t e r a t e d f o r  o l d women.  Feminine virtues f o r which young and o l d women could have been held accountable may have been portrayed i n figurines representing women as industrious, nurturing and c r e a t i v e . Women were portrayed i n figurines engaged i n the creative and industrious a c t i v i t i e s of c l o t h and food production. Young and old women were also represented nurturing young animals, c h i l d r e n and o l d men. Some children's engagement with f i g u r i n e s , e s p e c i a l l y those with animal figurines may have mimicked the nurturing behaviours of t h e i r caregivers. However, that "baby" d o l l s were not produced may suggest that "appropriate" behaviours associated with r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of childcare were observed and learned through  everyday  experience. Perhaps caring f o r younger children served as one  of the "appropriate" behaviours expected of older g i r l s . Conceivably,  boys and g i r l s were held accountable and  d i f f e r e n t i a l l y rewarded according to t h e i r age groups f o r the gender appropriateness  of t h e i r d o l l play and everyday  a c t i v i t i e s . I t could be argued that the figurines given as g i f t s to children and the time spent i n d o l l play among peers interpreting adult l i f e , i f viewed as a l e i s u r e a c t i v i t y , provided some of the rewards that reinforced the "normative" assertions of "being a woman or man" that influenced the gender i d e n t i t y of g i r l s and boys.  However, while the process of active appropriation that i s required to explain c e r t a i n types of action may serve to inculcate dominant gender norms, the assumption of a d i r e c t i d e n t i f i c a t i o n between f i g u r i n e and agent i s problematic. I t needs to be stressed that the notion of gender accountability pertains not only to those actions or performances that adhere to normative conceptions but also to those a c t i v i t i e s that deviate. According  to West and Fenstermaker the issue i s not  deviance versus conformity,  i t i s rather the assessment of the  innumerable i n t e r p r e t a t i v e a c t i v i t i e s of i n d i v i d u a l s on the basis of normative expectations  that impel gender performance  i n s o c i a l situations that are contextually s p e c i f i c (1993: 156-157). S i m i l a r l y , for Lois McNay, a c r i t i c a l understanding  of the process of i d e n t i t y must focus on the idea of embodiment as a l i v e d set of p o t e n t i a l i t i e s rather than as an absolute submission on the part of the subject who would incorporate a l l the determinations of normative gender expectation (2000: 29-32). In other words, "doing gender" does not always mean l i v i n g up to normative conceptions of femininity and masculinity; what i t means i s rendering action accountable i n terms of those constraining norms (West and Fenstermaker 1993:  157).  Importantly, an implication of the performative aspect of i d e n t i t y i s that "doing gender" does not require hetero-social situations (West and Fenstermaker 1993: 158). Indeed, I would argue that some of the most extreme versions of " e s s e n t i a l " womanly and manly "natures" as portrayed by the ancient Maya are produced i n those settings that are represented as reserved for members of a single "sex" category, f o r example, women's work areas i n and around kitchens and bodegas  and the  male arenas of the b a l l court.  What I am arguing here i s that some women, who entered into the discourse on gender i d e n t i t y through the production of f i g u r i n e s , presented masculinity and femininity as constituted l a r g e l y through separate p r a c t i c e s . "Being a man"  with the  exception of sexuality was represented as constituted i n r e l a t i o n t o other men's a c t i v i t i e s , seldom i n r e l a t i o n t o female performance. In other words, the p r a c t i c e of gender segregation was perhaps so commonplace i n ancient Maya society that the separation of male and female a c t i v i t i e s was an expectation i n the representation of i d e n t i t y . As I have argued the most frequent subject of ancient Maya representation by men were the homo-social a c t i v i t i e s r e l a t e d to male status p o s i t i o n s . On ceramics, i n murals and on monumental sculpture produced by men, women were seldom represented as equals. Therefore i t could be argued that women as represented by men had l i t t l e r o l e i n the c o n s t i t u t i o n of the male subject i n r e l a t i o n to gendered behaviour expectation i n homo-social environments. However, that the women v i s u a l l y represented by men were portrayed subordinate suggests there may  have been a d i r e c t expectation and accountability of  "being a woman" by some men.  S i m i l a r l y , the producers of figurines may have a r t i c u l a t e d what were deemed by them "appropriate" embodiment through the countless images of male i d e n t i t y . Indeed, I suggest the emphasis on warriors, hunters and b a l l p l a y e r s i n f i g u r i n e s , a c t i v i t i e s represented as exclusively for men i n other media, reinforced the notion i n children that men would hold other  men accountable f o r t h e i r gender behaviour. I further suggest that the women producers of figurines a r t i c u l a t e d expectation of such masculine behaviour and accountability through these representations. When women chose to represent that which was "female" they too r e l i e d on normative conventions of "appropriate" gender performance—the a c t i v i t i e s and labours constituted as feminine i n which they were invested. Thus while images of hetero-social a c t i v i t y may have served to highlight categorical membership and make the  accomplishment  of gender more noticeable, they were not necessary to the enactment of gender.  Hetero-social a c t i v i t y i n figurine representations focused on the representation of heterosexuality. To r e i t e r a t e : even though the representations of heterosexuality i n figurines were few, other sexual practices were not a r t i c u l a t e d . Thus we can speak of a compulsory heterosexuality as a "regulatory i d e a l " that compelled regulatory practices of the everyday that a r t i c u l a t e d and informed the symbolic order: i n the ways that people dressed and performed; i n t h e i r roles as mothers and fathers, s i s t e r s and brother, daughters and sons; and i n the s o c i a l and s p a t i a l structure of the house and c i t y based on a "patriarchal family" model, however f i c t i o n a l . While such practices could have inculcated hetero-sexist behaviours, I  share with many feminist scholars a resistance to understanding the pre-reflexive formation of s u b j e c t i v i t y i n psychoanalytic terms that p r i v i l e g e s psychic-sexual formation. Although Butler and Bourdieu emphasize the p r i o r i t y of originary experiences and both gesture towards p o t e n t i a l l y unrecoverable elements of embodied experience, they also both claim that psychoanalysis r e i f i e s the structures of gender identity—thereby foreclosing an account of agency (Moore 2000: 43).  According to Butler (1993: 103-106), the symbolic order has to be understood as the realm where heterogeneous power r e l a t i o n s are p a r t i a l l y s t a b i l i z e d through c i t a t i o n a l practices and not through a ground i n the pre-social structure of the psyche. S i m i l a r l y , f o r Bourdieu, while an agent may  be predisposed to  act i n c e r t a i n ways due to primary s o c i a l experiences, the habitus  i s an "open system of d i s p o s i t i o n s " (1977: 92;  1990:  78). In order to permit the p o s s i b i l i t y of resistance, r e s i g n i f i c a t i o n and eventual change, the r e l a t i o n between s u b j e c t i v i t y and the symbolic realm must be comprehended i n more s o c i o - h i s t o r i c terms that account f o r the myriad of other s o c i a l power r e l a t i o n s through which the body and the world tend to be set i n order.  To assure the r e a d a b i l i t y of masculine and feminine characters i n figurine i t appears ancient Maya artisans r e l i e d on, and maintained dominant conventions of gender representation. Artisans may even have attempted to i n s t i l l such behaviours i n others through engagement with those objects. Even so, while performance  i n accordance with "appropriate" sex category may  have been encouraged through figurine imagery the moment of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n by children and other actor audiences could never be f u l l y determined. Despite the "compulsory"  nature of  heterosexual norms, there seems to be a lack of correspondence between those norms and i n d i v i d u a l practices (McNay 2000: 77). It i s important to have a sense of the indeterminacy immanent to the process through which hegemonic gender norms are manifested. To return to Butler's thesis, the ways i n which individuals i d e n t i f y with others, objects or spaces i s "always beset by ambivalence p r e c i s e l y because there i s a cost i n every i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , the loss of some other set of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s , the f o r c i b l e approximation of a norm one never chooses, a norm that chooses us, which we occupy, reverse, r e - s i g n i f y to the extent that the norm f a i l s to determine us completely" (1993: 126-7). Therefore, the performative or i n t e r a c t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p between figurines and t h e i r users allows f o r the misrecognition or transformation of the hegemonic norms that the objects p a r t i a l l y represented. I f  s u b j e c t i v i t y i s constituted through the embodiment or r e enactment of gender p o s s i b i l i t y , what might i t do f o r a g i r l to take on or i d e n t i f y through role-playing the persona of a male character? Although t h i s role-playing offers l i t t l e or no l i b e r a t i o n from hegemonic constraint of masculine and feminine i d e a l s , i t does allow for at least a measure of ambivalence of embodiment. The encouragement of creative play may have outweighed the r e s t r i c t i o n of gender bias i n the approval of such ambiguous gender behaviour that may have at l e a s t allowed a space for change i n r e l a t i o n s . In turn, what r o l e might supernatural characters have played i n the c o n s t i t u t i o n of subjectivity? Did g i r l s and boys imagine themselves transformed into powerful superhuman creatures? Or might t h e i r engagement with figurines depicting supernatural beings have opened up spaces i n which those a n n i h i l a t i n g norms of male and female i d e n t i t y and behaviour were reworked? Would they not have done many things at once?  F i n a l l y , what do we make of the animal figurines that constitute the majority of representations? Could these figures have served as checks on the boundaries of what passed for human? Could they have served to create a r e l a t i o n s h i p between c h i l d and nature? I f so, would the supernatural figurines have represented a transformative or t r a n s i t i o n a l  space of habitation where gender was play-acting may  indeterminate? While  not constitute the pre-reflexive moment of  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n necessary for subject formation, i t does provide a way  of considering the ambiguities  through which the i n d i v i d u a l may  appropriate  of the process gender norms at  the pre-reflexive l e v e l of i d e n t i t y .  Narrative structure of the s e l f Lois McNay (2000: 74-116) suggests that Paul Ricoeur's (1974,1981) conception of the narrative structure of the s e l f may  o f f e r a process through which individuals are a c t i v e l y  involved i n the meaningful interpretation of experience i n r e l a t i o n to s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . The act of s e l f - n a r r a t i o n whereby "experience i s organized along the temporal dimension, i n the form of a plot that gathers events together i n t o a coherent and meaningful structure that, i n turn, gives s i g n i f i c a n c e to the o v e r a l l configuration that i s the person," suggests that constraints are both imposed from without and self-imposed  (McNay 2000: 81). This suggests that i n d i v i d u a l s  act i n c e r t a i n ways not only because i t i s "appropriate"  for  them to do so, but also, because i t would v i o l a t e t h e i r sense of i d e n t i t y to do otherwise. Without lapsing into  voluntarism  the narrative construction of s e l f - i d e n t i t y underscores an account of the active, creative dimensions of agency that  allow for a coherent sense of s e l f that i s not exclusively maintained through a suppression of difference or abjection (McNay 2000: 78). Furthermore, the notion of narrative suggests that while i d e n t i t y i s open to reconfiguration, i t i s also constrained and over-determined by s o c i a l l y  and  h i s t o r i c a l l y sanctioned meta-narratives that impose l i m i t s of self-understanding  (McNay 2000: 93).  Seen i n t h i s l i g h t , play with figurines could have allowed the ancient Maya c h i l d to explore a v a r i e t y of adult r o l e s , perhaps increasingly self-regulated by a growing sense of gender i d e n t i t y . Yet within these gender categories, many alternatives were s t i l l possible, as attested by the variety of f i g u r i n e imagery found within single households at Aguateca (Inomata 1995:  550-552). Whether consistently or at s p e c i f i c  times, a boy may  have chosen to play a warrior rather than  another male i d e n t i t y such as a b a l l player. A g i r l may  have  preferred the r o l e of a merchant rather than a mother or weaver. Thus, additional considerations must have guided the children's choices among the numerous i d e n t i t i e s and  socially  rewarded narratives available to them. P a r t i c u l a r choices have been p a r t i a l l y guided by who  may  children believed they were,  or would become as adults i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r understandings of t h e i r world. In turn, other roles may  have been rejected as  unacceptable to a sense of s e l f within such worldviews. Ricoeur's insight into the narrative structure of the s e l f helps explain the perpetuation  of norms and the ways  d i s c i p l i n e i s i n t e r n a l i z e d . On the other hand i t also allows for p o s s i b i l i t i e s of r e - i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and p o t e n t i a l change i n social relations.  We must consider the p o s s i b i l i t y of narrative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that involves more than the act of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , but also involves the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the proposed world that the object projects. The ancient Maya s o c i a l actors' a b i l i t y to " o b j e c t i f y " that which they saw allows the p o t e n t i a l for c r i t i q u e and autonomous action. Considering  Ricoeur's analysis  of " d i s t a n t i a t i o n , " that i s , the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n / d i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the audience (1981: 94-95), f i g u r i n e imagery may  have resulted i n "meaningful s o c i a l action". Actions  were generated from a mis-recognition,  that  r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , or  r e - s i g n i f i c a t i o n i n turn underwent a s i m i l a r process of o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n whereby the action may  have been detached from  i t s agent to develop consequences of i t s own  (1981: 94-95).  Here, the dimension of autonomous human action i n so f a r as i t has e f f e c t s that transcend the i n t e n t i o n a l i t y of the actor be re-enacted i n new  s o c i a l contexts. Therefore,  as a form of representation opens up new  may  human action  references  and  receives new relevance  and fresh interpretations that decide  t h e i r meaning (Ricoeur  1981: 208 c i t e d i n McNay 2000: 109).  It i s part of my argument that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between narrative s e l f - i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of objects and meaningful s o c i a l action i s c r u c i a l i f we are to understand some of the ways that change occurs. Conformity to norms cannot simply be i n f e r r e d from the existence of norms themselves; i t i s the capacity for independent or unexpected action that Ricoeur invokes i n his notion of distantiation-the process through which individuals invest i n hegemonic meanings, that render the symbolic order c o n s t i t u t i v e l y unstable (McNay 2000: 108-109). While according  to McNay,  Ricoeur's idea of narrative i d e n t i t y provides an interpretative perspective on the creative and p o t e n t i a l l y emancipatory r o l e played by the subject i n the process of self-formation, the p o l i t i c a l implications of such a concept for the ancient Maya must be situated within the context of power r e l a t i o n s within the house and c i t y .  According to McNay (2000: 115), the idea that narrative structure i s the fundamental medium through which the temporality  of human experience i s conceived makes possible a  new understanding of the c o n s t i t u t i o n of s u b j e c t i v i t y . I t  allows us to move beyond the lack of temporal depth, and overs i m p l i f i e d d i s t i n c t i o n s made between the central and marginal i n many s o c i a l - c o n s t r u c t i o n i s t accounts of i d e n t i t y that r e l y on d u a l i s t concepts. McNay suggests, "[t]he idea of temporal complexity at the heart of narrative i d e n t i t y o f f e r s a way of conceptualizing the mediated mature of gender i d e n t i t y and the uneven and non-synchronous nature of change within gender r e l a t i o n s " (2000: 116). An understanding of the narrative dimensions of s u b j e c t i v i t y i s indispensable to a nuanced account of the way i n which gender i d e n t i t i e s operate. McNay's integration of Bourdieu's logic of practice, Butler's performative agency and Ricoeur's narrative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n sheds l i g h t on both the intensity of investments i n hegemonic norms of femininity and masculinity and the d i f f i c u l t i e s some women and men may have had i n ancient Maya society i n maintaining those i d e n t i t i e s .  Conclusion In t h i s chapter I have considered the p o s s i b i l i t y that the ever-present figurines produced by ancient Maya women as playthings provided children with a resource f o r interpreting t h e i r actions by which they held themselves and others accountable f o r t h e i r performances  i n such gender/age  categories as g i r l s and boys, men and women, elder men and  elder women. In t h i s way, children i n t h e i r everyday a c t i v i t i e s of play interpreted the interests and concerns of the women producers of f i g u r i n e s . Following  Ricoeur and McNay,  I have argued that change i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s might t o some extent have arisen as a r e s u l t of the narrative aspect of s e l f - i d e n t i t y that empowered i n d i v i d u a l behaviour and interactions with f i g u r i n e s . This i s because the s e l f narratives that p a r t i a l l y governed the choices of play with figurines would also have played a r o l e i n i d e n t i t y formation and agency/action. Thus, the creation of figurine-whistles as a means by which women conveyed knowledge, opinions, and concerns to t h e i r children simultaneously affected a space where changes i n gender relations were possible.  CONCLUSION Although thousands of figurine-whistles have been archaeologically recovered from ancient Maya households throughout  the Lowlands since the mid 19  th  century, highly  valued objects such as decoratively carved objects of stone, jade and s h e l l , painted murals, fancy ceramics  and  hieroglyphic w r i t i n g have been given far more extensive treatment and coverage i n interpretation. As well, judgments based on modern 19  th  or 20  th  century aesthetics, on value of  materials and the significance of written as opposed to v i s u a l texts, have resulted i n a c l e a r hierarchy i n Maya studies that has served to a f f e c t interest, indeed downplay the value of mould-made figurine-whistles. [Interest i n food preparation and storage ceramics have also been affected by t h i s hierarchy.] Another factor influencing the lack of attention given f i g u r i n e whistles i s that the published photographs of figurines from excavations are frequently poor i n q u a l i t y , i n contrast to those reproducing painted ceramics or inscribed objects. Yet these figurines were made with extreme care and s e n s i t i v i t y and were c l e a r l y one of the most important  and  abundant forms of material object for ancient Maya [ t e x t i l e s being the other most abundant form].  The published monographs of excavated f i g u r i n e fragments have focused on t h e i r s i z e , weight, paste, head-type, body-type, and s t y l i s t i c category. These de-contextualized taxonomies are s t i l l standard procedure  for the analysis of figurines despite  the fact that they have not provided any r e a l information for interpretation of figurines i n the context of t h e i r location within the household.  The majority of archaeologically recovered f i g u r i n e s , often broken or eroded, have been from household contexts. In contrast, the vast majority of figurines selected f o r private c o l l e c t i o n s , public museums and published photographs are those recovered from the b u r i a l s at Jaina and the rare examples from b u r i a l s from other ancient Maya c i t i e s - These well-published examples have provided a r e a d i l y available corpus i n which t o judge the more common mould-made f i g u r i n e whistles prevalent at most C l a s s i c Maya c i t i e s . However, as I have argued i n t h i s thesis, these funerary contexts represented a secondary use for figurines at most s i t e s . Thus, the p r i v i l e g i n g of well preserved "figurine-treasures" from b u r i a l contexts has skewed interpretation of the archaeological record by archaeologists and a r t h i s t o r i a n s .  Our contemporary fascination with i n d i v i d u a l innovation or " a r t i s t i c genius" has resulted i n a p r i v i l e g i n g of handmodeled forms and perhaps even a denigration common mould-made figurine-whistles  of the more  produced i n most Maya  households. Furthermore, the practice at Jaina of  placing  animal figurines i n the b u r i a l s of children and human figurines with children and adults has resulted i n the preservation and publication of more human forms than animals. This occurrence at Jaina, coupled with an art h i s t o r i c a l canon that p r i v i l e g e s representations of the C l a s s i c a l body, may  in  part account for the judgments made by i n d i v i d u a l archaeologists,  art historians, curators and c o l l e c t o r s i n  t h e i r choice to exclude or under-represent animal f i g u r i n e whistles i n c o l l e c t i o n s and scholarly monographs even though these often represented the majority of recovered examples from household contexts. Most importantly, the practice of placing figurines i n burials at Jaina has  influenced  interpretation of them as primarily r i t u a l objects. contrast,  the By  I have argued that figurines need to be discussed i n  the context of t h e i r location [ s p a t i a l and s o c i a l ] within  the  household.  In t h i s thesis I have chosen to examine the primary context of f i g u r i n e manufacture and use i n C l a s s i c Maya residences. I  have argued that women made figurines as playthings f o r t h e i r children. While the use of figurines as toys and t h e i r making by women has been suggested elsewhere, t h i s i s the f i r s t study to investigate the ramifications of such an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .  I have argued that the s o c i a l structure of the C l a s s i c Maya household i n which figurines were produced and used can be u s e f u l l y assessed i n terms of a current model that has been based on Lévi-Strauss' "house society." While ancient Maya s o c i a l organization appeared to p r i v i l e g e the r i g h t s and needs of men within the household, not a l l members of the house would have supported t h i s apparent inequality. I have suggested that images i n a l l media represented  investments i n  c e r t a i n i d e n t i t i e s and not others as a strategy i n the creation, maintenance and negotiation of such status r e l a t i o n s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , through the production of figurines women appear to have attempted to re-negotiate t h e i r status by means of a re-evaluation of t h e i r contributions to the household economy and by expressing t h e i r viewpoints on gender r e l a t i o n s . The power t o name, to define a s o c i a l i d e n t i t y , and to ascribe c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to that i d e n t i t y , as others have demonstrated, was a p o l i t i c a l power (Bourdieu 1976;  Moore  1992). For some women t h i s power was i n part exercised through  the domestic a c t i v i t y of c h i l d rearing as well as through t h e i r production of figurines as tools of education.  The analysis of the Jonuta f i g u r i n e with which I began t h i s thesis i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y valuable source f o r such interpretation because what I argue i s a s e l f - r e f e r e n t i a l narrative. Not only was t h i s f i g u r i n e produced and used for childcare purposes, but i t also portrays a woman engaged i n childcare a c t i v i t y , as the woman holds a young c h i l d by the arm, while that c h i l d uses her other arm t o hold a f i g u r i n e . The subject of childcare produced by women that i s so common i n figurines i s v i r t u a l l y absent i n representational media I have argued was produced primarily by men. This pattern of i n c l u s i o n and exclusion emphasizes differences i n i n t e r e s t s , as they were mediated through representation, f o r a v a r i e t y of groups within ancient Maya society.  By exploring the i n t r i c a t e filaments of meaning among the various context of use, I suggested the production of figurines as a representational system was intimately wedded to the construction and maintenance of gender i d e n t i t y within ancient Maya society as well as negotiations concerning the status of gender associated with labours. Figurines of women focused on objects that were not only used by women but also  made by them. T e x t i l e s and pottery were therefore also i n t h i s sense s e l f - r e f e r e n t i a l . The Jonuta figurine fore-grounded women's contributions t o the reproduction  of society and  served to value the labour attributed by women to childcare i n ancient Maya society that was nearly absent i n male representation.  I t also stressed the c r u c i a l r o l e figurines  played i n the engendering of children thereby valuing the production of those objects as w e l l . I therefore argue that both women and men used v i s u a l media to promote t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r concerns and attempt to elevate t h e i r r e l a t i v e status.  This thesis has also employed gender theory to investigate the p o t e n t i a l ramifications of the often-mentioned p o s s i b i l i t y that mould-made figurines were children's toys. I have argued that figurines as playthings  provided children with an ever-  available resource for interpreting appropriate  actions by  which they held themselves and others accountable for t h e i r performances as g i r l s and boys. C h i l d rearing i n ancient Maya house society was not just the b i o l o g i c a l reproduction of individuals or the labour force, i t was also a matter of producing p a r t i c u l a r sorts of persons that would p o t e n t i a l l y and variously benefit the houses i n which they were born. D i f f e r e n t observations and interactions with v i s u a l materials  may have l e d t o s p e c i f i c learning outcomes i n r e l a t i o n t o gendered i d e n t i t y and other perceptions of s o c i a l organization for the c h i l d (Sofaer Derevenski 1997: 194).  The subject matter of a figurine l i k e the example from Jonuta may have had the potential to influence children's gender behaviour i n several ways. The f i g u r i n e imagery implies that women cared for children. Whether the c h i l d viewer i d e n t i f i e d with the child's or the woman's r o l e , the expectation of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between woman and c h i l d and/or c h i l d and f i g u r i n e was one of caring. A boy viewing the image learned caring f o r children was "appropriate" female behaviour. However, the image i n and of i t s e l f d i d not exclude the p o s s i b i l i t y of caring behaviour by boys. By contrast, a g i r l was encouraged through viewing, play and even by carrying the f i g u r i n e — l i k e the  young g i r l i n the image—to i d e n t i f y with the adult caring  role.  Regardless of how dogmatic the repeated representation of a "normative" gender stereotype of woman and c h i l d may have been in ancient Maya society, the "success" or " f a i l u r e " of the engendering function of the f i g u r i n e was ultimately governed by the viewer's response and understanding. As such, the v i s u a l signs of clothing, accoutrements, adornment and bearing  represented were more than mere i d e n t i f i e r s : they provoked a cognitive assessment that was p a r t i a l l y determined by the viewer's interpretation of the elements of the image i n terms of t h e i r conscious and non-self-conscious understanding of t h e i r world. They incorporated those understandings into a narrative of the s e l f that reconstituted a chain of causes and e f f e c t s , motives and intentions that also had the potential t o change t h e i r world.  Such p o s s i b i l i t i e s of change i n gender relations might p a r t i a l l y have arisen as a r e s u l t of the narrative aspect of s e l f - i d e n t i t y that empowered i n d i v i d u a l behaviour and interactions with f i g u r i n e s . The self-narratives that governed the choices and behaviours of young Maya children playing with f i g u r i n e s , I argue, would have influenced t h e i r future choice of i d e n t i t y . For example, a young g i r l ' s understanding of the r o l e of woman as merchant was p a r t i a l l y governed by the a v a i l a b i l i t y of that i d e n t i t y i n f i g u r i n e s . The r o l e taken on by the c h i l d i n turn may have i n s t i l l e d a new sense of independence or s e l f - d i r e c t i o n that was incorporated into t h e i r narrative of the s e l f . Thus, the production of f i g u r i n e whistles as a means by which women passed on knowledge, opinions, and struggles to t h e i r children created a space to attempt change i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s .  This thesis has investigated ancient Maya v i s u a l imagery as a form of discourse through which individuals expressed t h e i r views on gender i n an attempt to negotiate change i n r e l a t i o n s . I have explored concerns by both women and men through an examination and interpretation of figurines i n comparison with fancy ceramics as gendered productions. However, i t i s problematic to compare i n general the figurines and painted ceramics of the central southern Lowlands. The analysis of material from a single s i t e such as T i k a l , Naranjo or other Petén s i t e s known to invest i n ceramic workshops would provide a more c r i t i c a l and informative comparison of the  two discourses but s u f f i c i e n t documented comparative  material has not been published. An excavation project within such a s i t e [preferably within single d i s t r i c t ] that sought to track changes i n figurines i n r e l a t i o n to a chronological sequence of painted ceramic imagery needs to be developed i f we are to c r i t i c a l l y evaluate possible changes i n gender relations.  I write, then, i n the conviction that history i s not shaped around a single p r i v i l e g e d s o c i a l category. Gender difference and s o c i a l inequality are a r t i c u l a t e d categories i n the sense that they come into being i n h i s t o r i c a l r e l a t i o n to each other and emerge only i n dynamic, s h i f t i n g and intimate  interdependence. For t h i s reason, a p r o l i f e r a t i o n of h i s t o r i c a l l y nuanced theories and strategies i s c a l l e d f o r , which may enable us to engage more e f f e c t i v e l y i n the p o l i t i c s of a f f i l i a t i o n , eventually changing the currently devastating balance of power.  Figure i . The Maya region during the C l a s s i c Period  F i g u r e i i . Woman and c h i l d , h t . 18.4 Jonuta, Tabasco, Mexico  cm.  Figure 1.2.  Plan of M8-10  Patio Group, Aguateca  Kl  3  Figure 1.3. Isometric drawing of M8-10, The House of the Scribe, Aguateca  I  Limestone b a s i n metates  Limestone manos  Sandstone f l a t  Sandstone/quartzite  legged  metate  manos  Figure 1 . 4 . D i s t r i b u t i o n of manos and metates i n M8-10, Aguateca  ^  Large ceramic drums  V  Small ceramic drums  I  ceramic f l u t e s  Û Whistles ft  Figurines  Û Hollow head f i g u r i n e s  mm ceramic r a t t l e s  Figure 1.5. D i s t r i b u t i o n of musical instruments and figurines i n M8-10, Aguateca  N  Noble male  W  Warrior  F  Female  A  Anthropomorphic,  H  Half animal h a l f human  D  Deity  z  Zooffiorphic  TJ  Unclear  unclear d e t a i l  Halved shell ink pots © Mortars for pigment preparation  I Bone needles * Spindle whorls  4 Pestles for pigment preparation Figure 1.6. D i s t r i b u t i o n of objects related to s c r i b a l work and t e x t i l e production i n M8-10  @  Cambio Jars (mainly f o r s t o r i n g food, l i q u i d , etc.)  Q  4^ T i n a j a j a r s (mainly f o r s t o r i n g and transporting l i q u i d ) 0  Subin bowls (mainly f o r cooking and storage) Serving  vessels  Figure 1.7. Distribution of ceramic vessels i n M8-10, Aguateca. The location of a symbol indicates where the base or a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of the vessel was found. Most vessels found i n front of the structure appear to have f a l l e n from the inside when the building collapsed. Sizes are to scale.  Tree disturbance Figure 1.8. Sub-floor level burials i n M8-10, Aguateca.  Ni  Figure 1.9. Distribution of manos and metates i n M8-13, Aguateca  Figure 1.10. Relative phosphate levels i n M8-13, Aguateca.  Spindle whorla Worked sherds and Stone disks  Figure 1.11. Distribution of spindle whorls, worked sherds and stone disks i n M8-8, House of the Axes, Aguateca.  North Side-Room  r ,  _ . H Drainage hole \i V 1 1  - 7SSVMi r  North Room J o  0 Polished stone axas (not to scale)  •v—1' n  J  J q J  \ Entrance to the side-room * !  Q—i  0 L  2m J  Figure 1.12. Distribution of stone axes i n M8-8, House of the Axes, Aguateca.  Figure 1.13. Map of Cerén, E l Salvador.  I R A PROPERTY  SOUTH  WITH SIX CULTIVATION RIDGES OONTWUAT10NOF MAIZE MOLFA WITH ENDS OF 6 CULTIVATION RIDGES  MAIZE MILPA WITH 7 CULTIVATION RIDGES  STRUCTURE 12  LOT 189 COLUMN * FRAGMENT /  Figure 1.14.  Plan of Household 1, Ceren  g  Figure 1.15. Reconstruction drawing o£ Household 1, Ceren, E l Salvador.  FL = flake D = donut stone SH = pottery sherd H - hematite pigment P s pottery vessel OB = obsidian implement C = lump of potter's clay FS - field sample RF - roof fall (B) = pot full of beans L ="laja" stone slab PH = post hole  Figure 1.16. Distribution of material i n the domicile [structure 1], Household 1, Cerén, E l Salvador.  Ni  P PS OB MT RF SH  * = « = » «  pottery vessel ^ «* field sample obsidian implement metate roof fall sherd  °* ^ ^ ^ ^  Pigure 1.17. Distribution of material i n bodege [structure 6], Household 1, Cerén, E l Salvador.  o  eoCM  UMITOF  Figure 1.18. Distribution of material i n kitchen [structure 11], Household 1, Cerén, E l Salvador.  Figure 1.19. Reconstruction drawing of Structure 10, Cerén, E l Salvador.  Figure 1 . 2 1 . Plan of Household 2, Cerén  Ni  bo  Figure 1.22. Reconstruction drawing of Household 2 domicile [structure 2] and bodega [structure 7] behind i t , Cerén, E l Salvador.  RIVER COBBLE  Figure 1.23. Plan of sweatbath [structure 9] Household 2, Cerén, E l Salvador.  Figure 1.24. Reconstruction drawing o£ dominant house [structure 3], Cerén.  K  L  M  Figuré 1.25. Map of Copân, Honduras.  N  F i g u r e 1.26. P l a n of Sepulturas, Oroup 9N-8,  Copân  Figure 1.27. Reconstruction drawing of the Sepulturas Oroup, Copân  Ni 00  Str9N-83  Food Preparation area Figure 1.28. Patio A, Sepulturas, Group 9N-8, Copân  Str 07  Figure 1.29. Patio E, Sepulturas, Group 9N-8, Copan  Figure 2.1. Male, ht. 28.9 cm. Aguateca, Guatemala  F i g u r e 2.3. Male musician, f i g u r i n e - w h i s t l e , h t . 21.0 cm. Tomb IV, Mound 2, Nebaj, Guatemala.  0 I  t I  I  »  t METER  Figure 2.4.  I—I  (3£>  B u r i a l 1, Mound 2, Nebaj, Guatemala.  Figure 2.5. Seated malQ.figurine-whistle, ht. 16.7 era. B u r i a l 1, Mound 2, Nebaj, Guatemala.  Figure 2.6. Male with removable hat. ht. 24.5 cm. CANF 4 64, Cancuen, Guatemala  F i g u r e 2.7. M a l e w i t h J a g u a r mask, h t . 23.3 cm. Cancuen, G u a t e m a l a .  Figure 2.15. Male figure with removable ocellated turkey mask, ht. 22.4 cm. Tomb 1, Building 3, Group B, Palenque, Chiapas.  Figurine F  Figurine G  Figurine E  Figurine H  Figure 2.16. Figurines from Tomb 1, Group B, Palenque, Chiapas.  Figure 2.17. warrior, ht. 22.2 era. Jaina, Campeche.  F i g u r e 2 . 2 0 . Male dancer, h t . 1 2 . 5 cm. [ A l t a verapaz, Guatemala?]  Figure 2.24. Woman with dog and vessel. ht. approx. 7 cm. A l t a r de S a c r i f i c i o s , Peten  F i g u r e 2.27. h t . 11.3 cm.  o l d woman and c h i l d , J a i n a , Campeche.  Figure 2.28. Woman nursing, ht. 17.B cm. Jaina, campeche.  Figure 2.29. Woman with sleeping c h i l d and deer, ht. 17.1 cm. Jonuta, Tabasco, Mexico.  Figure 2.30. Old woman with an infant ht. 14.0 cm. Jaina, Campeche.  boy,  Figure 2.31. o l d woman with an infant i n her lap. The infant's head has been bound. Figurine-ocarina, ht. 14.0 cm. Guatemalan Highlands.  Figure 2.34. Woman weaving, ht. 19.8 cm. Jaina, campeche.  Figure 2.36. Woman holding enema scarf and bib. ht. 21.3 cm. Jaina, Campeche, Mexico.  Figure 2.38. Deer hunter. Lubaantun, Belize.  Figure 2 . 3 9 . Ballplayer, figurine-whistle, h t . 1 9 . 0 cm. San Agustin, Acasaguastlan, Bl Progreso, Guatemala.  F i g u r e 2.40. B a l l p l a y e r , h t . Guatemala Highlands.  17.B  cm.  F i g u r e 2.41. Combat s p o r t . Lubaantun, B e l i z e .  F i g u r e 2.43. s e a t e d man, [campeche?].  h t . I 6 . 0 cm.  Figure 2.44. Seated Male Scribe, ht. 9.s cm. Palenque Region, Mexico.  Figure 2.49. Woman c a r r i e d on turapline. ht. 21.3 cm. Jaina, campeche.  5 •  e V  M -J  y  « a  r-:  c  3 9u  - Sr  -1  H  0  T)  m • i B u G T —t  •  «s O 3  •  .: M  •J  •  & r -H  to -J  OU  *  • •  o .n  i/l ( i  «  •J  '-i  •  S  -i  En «n •i  t., r..  Figure 2.51. Couple, figurine-whistle, ht- 13.0 cm. Import to Copan from central Honduras.  Figure 3.1. The Fenton Vase, the presentation of t e x t i l e s . Polychrome ceramic, ht. 16.3 cm. San Agustin Acasaguastlan Region, Guatemala.  Figure 3.2. Old woman p r e s i d i n g over young parents. Polychrome ceramic, ht. 20.7  Figure 3.3. Male a r t i s t s painting a mask and a codex inside a b u i l d i n g . Polychrome ceramic, ht. 21.5 cm. Nakbe Region, Guatemala.  Figure 3.5. Seated male with bowl for emetict?]. ht. 25.4 cm.  Figure 4.1. Ballgame. Incised, Str. 5D-43:Rm.l, S wall, Tikal, Guatemala.  os  Figure 4.2.  Jaguai rs. Incised, Str.  Rm.l,  N wall, T i k a l , Guatemala.  Figure 4.5. War seats. 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