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Dimitrije Mitrinovic : chameleon, good European, and exiled Yugoslavist Page, David Graham 2005

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DIMITRIJE MITRINOVIC: C H A M E L E O N , G O O D EUROPEAN, A N D EXILED YUGOSLAVIST by DAVID G R A H A M PAGE B.A., The University of British Columbia, 2001  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E D E G R E E OF MASTER OF ARTS in T H E FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (European Studies)  T H E UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2005 © David Graham Page, 2005  Abstract  This present work is an assessment of the life and thought of Dimitrije Mitrinovic (1887-1953) during his formative years, from his childhood through to 1920, when he resigned from the service of the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. His Yugoslavism has yet to be adequately contextualized, at least in the literature accessible to English language readers; Chapter 1 of the present work begins to fill this gap. Mitrinovic's struggle against the Hapsburg domination of the South Slavs is the subject of Chapter 2, in which the influence on Mitrinovic of T. G. Masaryk's thought is detailed. The focus in Chapter 3 is on Mitrinovic's attempt to organize a movement for European unity whilst the continent staggered on the brink of the First World War. The theoretical literature on balkanism is taken as the point of departure in Chapter 4, in which Mitrinovic's ambivalent attitude to balkanist discourse is subjected to scrutiny.  ii  Table of Contents  Abstract Table of Contents Dedication and Acknowledgements INTRODUCTION Dimitrije who? CHAPTER 1 Colonialism on the Cheap CHAPTER 2 The Chameleon CHAPTER 3 The Good European CHAPTER 4 The Exiled Yugoslavist CONCLUSION Three-parts Forgotten Notes Bibliography  •  iii  ii m iv 1 5 15 36 43 50 51 63  Dedication  To Kristin, for the Danube and beyond  Acknowledgements  I gratefully acknowledge Prof. Ivan Avakumovic, my de facto research supervisor, who gave generously of his time, and shared with me his vast knowledge of the period. Prof. Avakumovic's insights and suggestions improved my work immeasurably. I wish to express my gratitude to Alison Cullingford (Special Collections Librarian at the J. B. Priestley Library, University of Bradford) for her assistance during my research in the New Atlantis Foundation Dimitrije Mitrinovic Archive, as well as for her subsequent provision of reprographic material. My work also benefited from comments by Dr. Rob Nelson, who stepped in to become my research supervisor at a late stage, Prof. Peter Petro, my second reader, Prof. Merje Kuus, the external examiner, and Prof. Anne Gorsuch, who commented on earlier versions of the first two chapters. It is a special pleasure to acknowledge my partner, Kristin van der Leest, for all her support, and especially for undertaking a painstaking reading of the manuscript in its entirety. I owe a debt of gratitude to Dr. Sima Godfrey, Dr. Rob Stoddard, and Prof. John Torpey of the UBC Institute for European Studies, who have provided guidance and encouragement throughout my time at the Institute. My mother, Maureen Page, has given me support beyond words. My debts to scholars will be fully apparent from the text and notes.  iv  Introduction Dimitrije who?  In his review of Initiation and Initiative: An Exploration of the Ufe and Ideas of Dimitrije Mitrinovic by And Rigby, George Feaver asked: "Dimitrije who?" Thomas A. Emmert, in his 1985 review of the same 2  3  monograph, regretted that Dimitrije Mitrinovic was "not exactly a household name," even among scholars of the Balkans. Now a generation has passed since the last major study of Mitrinovic appeared. 4  On 21 October 1887, Mitrinovic was born to Serbian Orthodox parents in a village near the town of Stolac, in Herzegovina. In his youth, Mitrinovic was the "undisputed ideological and aesthetic leader" of his generation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and was one of the leaders of the Mlada Bosna 5  (Young Bosnia) movement. While Mitrinovic was still in his twenties, Jovan Skerlic included him in his history of modern Serbian literature. Mitrinovic was a prominent Yugoslavist: he favoured the union of 6  the peoples of Serbia, Montenegro, and the South Slav lands of the Dual Monarchy in an independent federal state. In 1913 he moved to Munich to pursue his studies. There, he worked with Wassily 7  Kandinsky on plans to publish a mundialist yearbook - provisionally entitled Towards the Mankind of the Future through Aryan Europe —m which the creation of "a federation of European nations" was to be 8  proposed as the first step towards world federation. In 1914 Mitrinovic found refuge in London, where he was based for the last four decades of his life. Throughout the First World War, he worked in the pay of the Serbian government. Then, following a stint as a New Age columnist, Mitrinovic established the English branch of the Adler Society in 1927. In 1931 he founded the New Europe Group (NEG), 9  "perhaps the first real European-federal group." Mitrinovic "talked European Federation when many 10  of the people clamouringforit to-day sneered at the idea and at him."  11  The circulation of N E G  publications peaked at 70,000, but in 1935 the group returned to the political wilderness from which it 12  had emerged. Mitrinovic died on 28 August 1953, in Richmond-upon-Thames, Surrey. Hiramoy Ghoshal has remarked that only "a man who could stand apart from the world and regard it as a globe" could have pronounced ideas as Mitrinovic did. 1  13  Rigby has admitted that some of  Mitrinovic's proposals "invite dismissal as the bizarre ramblings of a somewhat deranged dreamer," yet he credits the vision of an individual "willing to risk censure and ridicule in pursuance of a grander idea of the future."  14  Throughout his life, Mitrinovic manifested a commitment to the integration of the  South Slav peoples, the peoples of Europe, and, ultimately, of all of humankind, for the sake of peace and liberty. This utopianism stood him in stark contrast to the politically unimaginative societies that he sought to transform. For that reason alone, he should be raised from the footnotes of history. After Mitrinovic's death, Philip Mairet supposed that "there will be no works on the shelves of libraries, no name preserved in history, no biography — probably not even any obituary in The Times."  15  There was no obituary in the Times, but in 1977 Predrag Palavestra published his biography of 16  Mitrinovic — entitled Dogma i Utopija Dimitrija Mitinovica: Poceci srpske knji^evne avangarde — that was xl  followed seven years later by Rigby's monograph. Palavestra's work has not been published outside Serbia, but it has been privately translated into English. Whilst Dogma i Utopija Dimitrija Mitinovica 18  represents admirable research, the work is not without its methodological problems. Palavestra speculates about what Mitrinovic "thought" (without citing written evidence) and "felt." Predrag 19  20  Protic has tacitly criticized the biography, claiming it "can be read like first-class novelistic writings."  21  In his Preface, Rigby concedes that Mitrinovic is "virtually unknown," despite his "great abilities and formidable intellectual energy and imagination." Rigby wrote Initiation and Initiative in an effort to 22  "retrieve" Mitrinovic from obscurity, but Feaver has challenged "the dubious claims" to any 23  "posthumous celebration" of his life and thought.  24  Mitrinovic was certainly a controversial figure in his  day. Ivo Andric — whose first literary work was published in 1911 with Mitrinovic's backing — called him "Mita Dinamika" ("Dynamic Mita"). That same year, A. G. Matos - one of Mtrinovic's Croatian 25  detractors - referred to him as a hired "Slav-monger and bag-carrier."  26  to be simply a "nice man with a pleasant face."  27  Paul Klee considered Mtrinovic  In London, Edwin Muir remembered that Mitrinovic  "flung out the wildest and deepest thoughts pell-mell," and sent "dynasties and civilizations flying," while Willa Muir recollected that he could "imitate Serbian bagpipes with zest."  2y  28  Several individuals  dismissed Mitrinovic as a quack, or accused him of charlatanism, but from the accounts of his life there 2  can be no doubting his charisma. About their subject, Rigby and Palavestra have each raised many questions, several of which are related to wider fields of enquiry that are relatively under-researched. This present work is an assessment of the life and thought of Mitrinovic during his formative years, from his childhood through to 1920, when he resigned from the service of the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Rigby paid "very little attention to Mitrinovic's contributions to the Yugoslav idea." His Yugoslavism has yet 30  to be adequately contextualized, at least in the literature accessible to English language readers; Chapter 1 of the present work begins to fill this gap. Mitrinovic's struggle against the Hapsburg domination of the South Slavs is the subject of Chapter 2, in which the influence on Mitrinovic of T. G. Masaryk's thought is detailed. Masaryk's influence was of crucial importance to Mitrinovic's intellectual development. Although many South Slav intellectuals were influenced by Realism, none of them embraced Humanitism as tightly as did Mitrinovic. His thought was imbued with it: his nationalism was devoid of chauvinism (which is not to say that he was not proud of his nation), which was extraordinary in the circumstances. His was a truly liberal nationalism: he believed relations between different groups would become more harmonious if they were free to pursue their own national development. This distinguishes him from almost all the other ideologues in the South Slav lands. He did not detest the oppressors of the South Slavs, but 31  rather he hated the oppression, and the suffering of the oppressed. The focus in Chapter 3 is on Mitrinovic's attempt to organize a movement for European unity whilst the continent staggered on the brink of the First World War. Mitrinovic did not advocate merely the political unification of Europe: he wanted it to become "the instrument of the intelligent organisation of the world," which required spiritual and cultural unification to a greater extent than political or military unity. The problem of the integration of cultures occupied a special place in his 32  programme; to this day, this issue bedevils the European integrationist project. The theoretical literature on balkanism is taken as the point of departure in Chapter 4, in which Mitrinovic's ambivalent attitude to  3  balkanist discourse is subjected to scrutiny. These aspects of Mitrinovic's life and thought are by no means the only ones deserving of further research. Palavestra and Rigby will not have the last word on Mitrinovic. Later generations of scholars will no doubt discover Mitrinovic anew.  4  Chapter 1 Colonialism on the Cheap  In July 1878, high-ranking diplomatic representatives assembled in Berlin and took part in a congress of the great European powers. The Congress of Berlin was convened to resolve the Eastern Crisis, the cluster of geopolitical issues that had arisen as a result of the seeming inability of the bankrupt Ottomans to rule much of south-eastern Europe. Bosnia and Herzegovina had been ruled by the Turks for four hundred years, but had descended into chaos when Ottoman authority collapsed in the two provinces in 1875. This collapse resulted in the greatest population migration in the Balkans since the sixteenth century: by 1878, tens of thousands of families had fled from Bosnia to neighbouring Austria-Hungary.  33  The Times of 31 May 1878 reported that inhabitants of Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, were "dying of starvation." The population of these provinces numbered approximately 1,160,000, 34  35  and was 43 percent Serbian Orthodox, 3 8 percent Muslim, and 18 percent Roman Catholic. 36  37  Prior to the opening of the Congress, it had been "thoroughly agreed" that "questions of strategic interest" were to have "precedence over all ethnographical considerations." In fact, the 38  plenipotentiaries completely disregarded the aspirations of the populations most directly concerned by the proposed changes. These populations were objects to be moved around in a game of musical territories. The attitude of the delegates was summed up in a single phrase of Prince Otto von 39  Bismarck, who referred to the lands of the Balkans as "places of which no one ever heard before."  40  Prince Alexander of Battenberg described the result of the setdement, the Treaty of Berlin, as "a monstrous monument of European diplomatic ignorance." Bosnia and Herzegovina were amputated 41  from the Ottoman Empire, and arrogated to the Austro-Hungarians, to occupy and administer. The Times reported on 24 June 1878 that the "occupation of undetermined duration" authorized by Article 25 of the Treaty will "amount to annexation, and inevitably end in it." But Bosnia and Herzegovina remained - nominally - provinces of the Ottoman Empire: the Hapsburgs had "no objection to the Sultan's retaining the title," but did not "consent to his exercising the functions" of sovereign. By the 42  5  43  end of 1878, the Hapsburgs exercised authority over Bosnia, but formal sovereignty continued to be vested in Istanbul for the next three decades. This anomalous situation led J. G. C. Minchin, who travelled to Bosnia in the mid-1880s, to describe "occupied and administered Bosnia" as "neither fish, flesh, fowl, nor good red herring."  44  The Imperial and Royal Navy was incapable of supporting an overseas expansion of the Dual Monarchy, so Austria-Hungary could gain territory only to its south-east. Count Andrassy (the Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary from 1871 to 1879) was contemptuous of Austria-Hungary's Balkan neighbours, and in 1873 he had described them as "wild Indians who could only be treated like unbroken horses, to whom corn should be offered with one hand while they are threatened with a whip in the other." But Andrassy knew that Turkey was the "sick man of Europe," and that if Austria45  Hungary failed to occupy Bosnia, Serbia might claim her "inheritance" after the demise of the Ottoman 46  Empire. This was the overriding reason why the Hapsburgs had "poked around in a Slav wasp's nest" during the Congress  47  Austria-Hungary had to occupy and administer Bosnia in order to pre-empt the 48  creation of a strong South Slav state. The occupation of Bosnia would preclude the union of Serbia 49  and Montenegro because the Hapsburgs could then exercise control over a buffer zone between these independent states. The Hapsburgs hoped that the acquisition of Bosnia and Herzegovina would 50  restore the prestige of the Dual Monarchy, and compensate for the loss of territory on the Italian peninsula. Austria-Hungary stood to gain a new market for her goods, and control over a vast supply of raw materials. A further benefit was that Dalmatia, another Hapsburg possession, would be 51  invulnerable once its hinterland was pacified.  52  Andrassy spoke the received wisdom in Vienna when he stated that it would take no more than "two squadrons of hussars and a mounted band" to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina.  53  Yet in the event, it took 278,000 soldiers - one third of the fully mobilized combat capability of the Imperial and Royal Army - almost three months to occupy Bosnia. The Austro-Hungarian soldiers saw themselves as liberators, but their arrival was welcomed only by the Roman Catholics. The Muslim and Serbian Orthodox inhabitants viewed the Imperial and Royal Army as an incoming oppressor. The 53 6  battles of the campaign were extremely hard-fought: 946 soldiers were killed by small arms fire from Muslim and Serbian Orthodox men, but as many as nine thousand died from typhus and dehydration. 54  55  On 19 August 1878 infantry units entered Sarajevo, where — according to an official bulletin of the 13th Corps - they were fired upon "from every house, from every window, and every door."  56  In Sarajevo,  women took an active part in the combat, and even the sick and wounded in the military hospital roused themselves to join the fight. In the words of Arthur J. May, the Hapsburgs suffered a "loss of military prestige such as a giant sustains when he unleashes the sword against a pigmy." By the winter of 1878, 57  only bands of insurgents remained at large, oblivious to the hopelessness of their cause. The Imperial and Royal Army had disarmed most individuals with violent intent, and thus insured that large-scale violence was no longer a viable means by which the inhabitants of Bosnia could hope to achieve their political aims. Despite defeat, memories of the tenacious resistance were enshrined in the popular 58  ballads and folk legends of Bosnia, which were passed on to younger generations.  59  From the outset, the occupation had a severe psychological impact on the Muslims inhabitants of Bosnia, who lost the benefits of participating in a unified Islamic cultural and political entity. 60  61  Between 1878 and 1883, approximately 100,000 irreconcilables emigrated from Bosnia to the rump Ottoman Empire. The newly arrived Austro-Hungarian officials insisted on working only in German 62  or Hungarian, which alienated many of the inhabitants of Bosnia. The Hapsburg authorities 63  consolidated their power more readily in urban environments than in rural areas, and with greater ease in Sarajevo than in the provincial towns. In the words of Misha Glenny, "the Double Eagle built its nest 64  in every town and in every village." Initially, the Austro-Hungarians could not assert their authority in the areas of Herzegovina that border Montenegro, but after the construction of 37 watchtowers — known as the "Chinese Wall" — they managed to seal the border. 65  66  In November 1881, rebellion broke out in response to the introduction of conscription, which separated young men from their families — and farmland — for the duration of their military service.  67  The Muslim and Serbian Orthodox inhabitants of Bosnia found common cause in their opposition to the policy that forced young men into the service of their oppressor.  68  7  In 1882, brigands and villagers  expelled many Hapsburg officials and overran several gendarme posts, but the authorities invoked 69  martial law, and the rebellion was suppressed.  70  Opposition to the administration waned after 1882, but  the era of tranquility did not last long: in 1890 urban-based movements emerged to protest and petition against specific Hapsburg policies. Those who opposed Hapsburg rule in principle had little choice but 71  to engage in illegal forms of political activity.  72  Neither the rulers of the Austrian half nor the Hungarian half of the Dual Monarchy welcomed the prospect of governing more Slavs. In any case, Bosnia and Herzegovina were notional provinces of the Ottoman Empire, and their incorporation into either half of the Dual Monarchy was not sanctioned by the Treaty of Berlin.  73  From Berlin, Andrassy had sent a telegram to the Emperor suggesting that  they find a way around the "difficult and unpleasant question [of] whether and how the territory should be included in Austria or Hungary." The Hapsburgs decided to administer Bosnia and Herzegovina as a corpus separatum, so as not to upset the balance of nationalities within the Dual Monarchy. The 74  territories were entrusted to the Common Ministry of Finance, which was one of the three ministries that owed allegiance to the Crown, rather than to either of the two halves of the Dual Monarchy. After 1880, the Common Minister of Finance was effectively the proconsul of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and served only incidentally as the manager of the finances of the Dual Monarchy. In his person were 75  concentrated the executive, legislative, judicial and administrative powers over the territories. Bosnian 76  77  policy was thus determined by civil servants, rather than by legislators.  The Penal Code introduced in Bosnia in 1879 was based on the Austro-Hungarian military code, the only set of laws common to both halves of the Dual Monarchy. Bosnian policy was a sensitive issue in both Vienna and Budapest, so the military code was selected in order to avoid giving preference to either the Austrian or the Hungarian penal codes. The Penal Code was supposedly a set of civil laws, 78  but its provisions allowed for the imposition of penalties otherwise used only under martial law. In 79  1898, Dr. Eduard Richter, a geographer and professor at the University of Graz, wrote that Bosnia was "the colonial possession of the Monarchy. It is true that it is neither Java, nor India. But when Bosnia is compared with the colonies that other European states obtained during the last decades, we have to 8  admit that Austria acquired a region that is of much more worth and much more favorably situated than the majority of the other countries did."  80  The Muslim and Serbian Orthodox inhabitants especially  resented the colonial character of the administration. William Miller, who travelled in Bosnia during the 1890s, described the Hapsburg administration as "a benevolent autocracy."  81  Many of the Serbian  Orthodox inhabitants considered the Austro-Hungarians to have simply replaced the Ottomans as the impediment to Serbia expanding to her natural frontiers.  82  On 22 February 1880, the "Austrian Law Respecting the Administration of the Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Execution of Article [XXV] of the Treaty of Berlin of 13 July, 1878" was promulgated in Vienna. Article Three decreed that the administration of these territories was "to be so carried on that the expenditure does not exceed the revenue."  83  All expenses and capital investments  were to be defrayed out of the revenues of the territories: this provision ensured that Bosnia and Herzegovina would not prove to be a financial liability for either the Austrian or Hungarian half of the Dual Monarchy. The Hapsburg administration of Bosnia was always envisioned as "colonialism on the 84  cheap."  85  The authorities used  corvee  labour, for the most part, to build 1000 kilometres of railways —  mostly in line with the needs of the Imperial and Royal Army — and more than 6000 kilometres of new roads in the territories between 1878 and 1914. Bosnian transport policy was an example of an area in 86  which the two halves of the Dual Monarchy were locked in a permanent bureaucratic battle to undermine each other.  87  Even so, the infrastructure expedited the commercial penetration of Bosnia by  cartels that plundered the forests and exploited the mineral wealth of the territories. The expansion of 88  the forestry industry between 1893 and 1904 was so rapid that Bosnian timber exports became a threat to international market stability.  89  At first, the Austro-Hungarian occupation had brought the Bosnian economy to a standstill. The customs and monopolies legislation, which came into effect on 1 January 1880, favoured the economic interests of the Austrian and Hungarian halves of the Dual Monarchy, and retarded the development of the middle class in Bosnia. Local manufacturers suffered, and the British Consul in Sarajevo reported that "the trade of the native merchants" was "ruined by the immense influx of 9  Austrian speculators."  90  This influx — as recalled by an acquaintance of Rebecca West — "had something  of the atmosphere of the Klondike rush."  91  The authorities encouraged capitalists to invest in Bosnia,  but then nationalized several large-scale private enterprises as soon as they became profitable. Many inhabitants found work in the mines, but were subject to harsh treatment: in 1898, the Common Ministry of Finance had to forbid the beating of mine workers by foremen.  92  Industrialization eventually  brought a measure of prosperity, but the peasantry remained mired in low-productivity agriculture. Few foreign observers disagreed with R. W. Seton-Watson, who wrote in 1908 that the material transformation wrought in Bosnia "has no modern parallel, save in the Egypt of Lord Cromer."  93  Maude Holbach, who visited Bosnia in 1908, remarked that the Austro-Hungarians had "brought peace and prosperity to a land which little more than a generation ago was given up to bloodshed and sedition." Yet two years before, the Imperial and Royal Army had been used to put down a general 94  strike that had spread to seventeen towns. Frances Hutchinson, an American traveller who visited 95  Bosnia in 1908, remarked upon the "air of prosperity" in Banja Luka.  96  But only 264,754 inhabitants of  Bosnia were based in towns (in 1910); 1,606,862 lived in rural areas, where conditions were markedly different.  97  Two years after Hutchinson's visit, the poverty-stricken peasants who inhabited the  countryside around Banja Luka rebelled against their landlords. The 1910 rebellion threatened to 98  develop into a general agrarian insurrection until the Imperial and Royal Army intervened.  99  The Hapsburg authorities retained the feudal system of land tenure which had been the worst feature of Turkish rule.  The authorities did litde to solve the agrarian problem, because they relied on  100  the grudging cooperation of the wealthy Muslim landlords, and on the tax revenues generated by the 101  tithe system.  102  The preservation of the Ottoman statute of 1859 meant that the peasantry continued to  suffer under wretched conditions: 6,000 Muslim landowners kept more than 100,000 Serbian Orthodox peasants under feudal conditions. indentured sharecroppers.  104  103  Most of the Roman Catholic inhabitants continued to work as  Farming remained inefficient: in 1891, T. W. Legh wrote that after twelve  years of Hapsburg administration, "an improvement upon the methods employed in the time of Abraham might reasonably be expected."  105  The peasantry suffered from a worsening of the terms of 10  trade between town and country: the cost of goods increased, while there was a fall in prices for agricultural products.  106  Eventually, the authorities made timid attempts at land reform, but the process  moved "at the pace of a tortoise," according to Baron von Belinski, who became Common Minister of Finance in 1912.  107  The Hapsburg approach to the agrarian problem satisfied neither the peasants nor  the landowners: the former gained far too litde, and the latter lost too much for their liking.  108  In early  1914, there were still 93,368 kmet families working on estates that represented roughly one third of all arable land in Bosnia.  109  Popular discontent was fuelled by the knowledge that Serbian peasants owned  the land they tilled. Peasants struggled with the increased tax burden, and complained that collectors flagrantly robbed them. despised.  111  110  The Hapsburg officials — most of whom were from Croatia — were generally  In 1886, J. G. C. Minchin wrote that Bosnia was "the Botany Bay of Austrian officials." He  elaborated: "The better class do not like coming here. The result is that you find two classes of official here—either young men without experience, or old men without character."  112  These words echoed  those of the British Consul in Sarajevo, who in 1880 wrote: "we have nothing here but the scum of the Austrian official world, and bribery is as important a factor as ever." Austro-Hungarian officials in the territories. bureaucratic age in Bosnia.  114  113  By 1908, there were 9,533  The Hapsburg administration was the start of the  115  Beni Kallay presided over this corrupt administration from 1882 — when he was appointed Common Minister of Finance - until his death in 1903.  116  Kallay had first held office as Consul-General  in Belgrade from 1868 to 1875. He had begun his career as a Serbophile, but later opposed any links between Bosnia and Serbia.  117  He had reported as early as 29 September 1868 that "the chief force of  attraction is exercised by Serbia on Bosnia. Serbia is the only country to which the Christians of Bosnia would attach themselves with joy."  118  He had long understood that "nothing can change the fact that  the Serbs count upon one day possessing Bosnia" (17 December 1868), and that "Bosnia is the sensitive point for all Serbian politicians: it is the centre round which all their desires and hopes have long turned" (6 July 1870).  119  For two decades before the Congress of Berlin, Bosnia and Herzegovina had been a 11  priority in Serbian politics. The Serbian political class had aimed to absorb the Ottoman provinces into their principality. But after 1878, the westward expansion of Serbia was obstructed by the AustroHungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, though members of the Serbian political class continued to regard the territories as part of the Serbian patrimony. For a generation, Serbian expansionism was diverted from Bosnia towards Macedonia, where it was anticipated that Serbia would make gains at the expense of the nascent Bulgarian state.  120  In spite of that change in official Serbian  policy — which was (unofficially) reversed around 1909 — the integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the Dual Monarchy was guaranteed to sharpen Serbian nationalist resentments.  121  Kallay was convinced  that the Hapsburgs could successfully integrate the territories, but only if living standards could be improved. Thus, he envisioned the transformation of Bosnia and Herzegovina into territories that would showcase the material and cultural benefits of Hapsburg rule.  122  The authorities in Vienna performed an elaborate charade, pretending that the Hapsburg "civilizing mission" was conducted in conditions of "perfect tranquillity." 123  124  But from time to time,  foreign journalists drew attention to the make-believe. For instance, the Times correspondent in Vienna reported on 23 June 1885 that the authorities issued "a very stringent decree requiring passports of all travellers who enter or leave Bosnia and Herzegovina," a measure "rendered necessary by some recent doings of Panslavist agitators." The absorption of almost a million Serbian Orthodox persons — whose allegiance was claimed for Serbia by Serb nationalists — meant that Austro-Hungarian foreign policy and domestic issues of nationality became impossible to unravel.  125  Kallay wanted his administration to be acknowledged as the cultural initiator (Kulturtrdger) in Bosnia.  126  At the Budget Committee of the Austrian Delegation in Vienna, on 6 November 1884, Kallay  spoke of the cultural work undertaken by his administration, and compared the task to the one faced by the pioneers in the American West.  127  His administration used cultural policies in an attempt to socially  engineer a homogenized regional identity, "Bosniakdom."  128  The only inhabitants of Bosnia who had -  during the Ottoman period - referred to themselves as "Bosnians" (Bosnjad) were those Muslims from Bosnia. Under the Ottomans, the Roman Catholics inhabitants had referred to themselves as latinci 12  (Latins) or kriscjani (Christians), and the Serbian Orthodox inhabitants had called themselves Vlasi (Vlachs) or hriscjani (another word for Christians). The authorities promoted a "Bosnian" language — 129  officially called the luindessprache (language of the land)  130  — into which many German words were  infiltrated. Petar Kocic complained that its artificial syntax desecrated Serbo-Croat: "In this dismemberment of our beautiful, free language we can feel our general servitude and subjugation."  131  The Hapsburg authorities did not wish to stimulate "Bosnian" nationalism.  132  Rather,  "Bosniakdom," was intended to foster allegiance to the Dual Monarchy, and differentiate the 133  inhabitants of Bosnia from Serbdom and Croatdom. For centuries, the peasant inhabitants of Bosnia had felt kinship only for those persons from their locality who shared their own religious traditions: if their horizons had extended beyond their villages, it was to the nearest market town. But around 1890 the authorities faced the rise of Croat nationalism and Serb nationalism in Bosnia. In response, they suppressed political activity based upon "national" identities.  134  Yet try as they might, they could not put  an end to the spreading of Croat and Serb nationalisms by priests and schoolteachers. 135  136  The Roman  Catholics who were supposed to feel part of "Bosniakdom" started to develop Croat "national" consciousness; similarly, the Serbian Orthodox inhabitants began to develop Serb "national" consciousness. Though the Roman Catholic and Serbian Orthodox elites in both cases identified with adjacent polities, the Hapsburg authorities were more afraid of the Serb strain of nationalism, simply because Serbian irredentist claims to the territories grew as Serb nationalism took root in Bosnian soil. Nevertheless, the promotion of "Bosniakdom" was meant to sterilize both Serb and Croat nationalisms. In 1897, H. C. Thomson wrote that the difficulty "of welding all these conflicting Slav elements" lay in "the bitter antagonism that exists between the Orthodox and the Catholic churches." concluded that there seemed "litde hope of amalgamation."  138  137  He  Indeed, the concept of "Bosniakdom"  (bosnjastvd) held attraction only for some of the Muslim inhabitants of Bosnia: politically articulate Muslims in Sarajevo interpreted the idea as a natural continuation of the tradition of seeking autonomy under the Ottomans.  139  Nevertheless, Serb nationalists pressured young Muslim intellectuals to identify  with Serbdom, while Croat nationalists had a litde more success persuading Muslims to identify with 13  Croatdom.  Many Muslims were political opportunists, and vacillated between the two identifications:  140  alignments were always fluid.  141  The Muslims themselves lacked a formally articulated ideology and had  no outstanding intellectual spokesmen.  142  They entered the twentieth century as a distinct political  community, but lacked a "national" consciousness of their own.  143  Ultimately, Kallay was unsuccessful in his attempt to promote "Bosniakdom": he failed to inoculate the inhabitants of Bosnia against what he considered to be the diseases of Serb nationalism and Croat nationalism.  144  From the outset, there had been little chance of success for Kallay's policy, which  was too closely associated with the Hapsburg oppressors to be accepted by the Serbian Orthodox inhabitants.  145  In any case, both Serb and Croat nationalisms had rapidly gained momentum in Bosnia.  Of the three basic criteria by which the Serb and Croat nations established and distinguished themselves during the period - history, language and religion - the only one that applied in Bosnia was religion. Bosnia and Herzegovina had a distinct history, to which the Hapsburg authorities drew attention. contours of the linguistic map cut across all religious boundaries.  147  146  The  Yet the Hapsburgs never granted  any (meaningful) institutional autonomy, and the fact that Bosnia lacked a living state tradition was 148  emphasized by both Serb and Croat nationalists, who appealed to existing (though embellished) histories of Serbian and Croatian state individuality. Both Serb and Croat nationalists also pointed to institutional links to the past, respectively, the Serbian Orthodox Church, and the parliament in Zagreb. But Serbians, and Croatians (within the framework of the Dual Monarchy), laid claim to Bosnia and Herzegovina because they perceived possession of the territories to be of strategic importance for the 149  survival, development, and regional pre-eminence of their respective polities.  150  Their claims were not,  in the first instance, based on the notion that "Serbs" or "Croats" lived in Bosnia. Serb and Croats nationalisms, however, did not long remain the only nationalisms that were spread in Bosnia. During the last decade of Austro-Hungarian rule in the territories, both Serb and Croat nationalisms were eclipsed by Yugoslavism, a non-particularist (but ambiguous) South Slav nationalism that held appeal for those who rejected the two exclusive nationalisms.  14  Chapter 2 T h e Chameleon  By the turn of the century, a small cadre of educated young persons - predominantiy Serbian Orthodox teenagers - had emerged to oppose not just the policies of the Hapsburg administration in Bosnia, but Austro-Hungarian rule in principle. The network of secret societies they created came to be known (after 1918) as Mlada Bosna, and Mitrinovic became its intellectual leader. Mitrinovic was born to Serbian Orthodox parents in 1887, in Donje Poplat, a village near the town of Stolac, in Herzegovina. Serbs in Vojvodina.  152  151  Mitrinovic's mother was from Novi Sad, the cultural centre of the  She cared for her ever-growing family, taught in the village school, and also  instructed the local girls in matters of personal hygiene, the preparation of food, and the management of the home. Mitrinovic's father had taught himself Greek and Latin, and on the modest salary of a teacher he amassed a library of several hundred books.  153  He also advised local villagers on plant propagation.  154  As a small boy, Mitrinovic went with his mother on outings to the homes of local Muslim women, but these visits ended when he turned seven, from which age he came to be regarded as a man. Mitrinovic's parents made great sacrifices in order to help their son develop his talents. One day, Mtrinovic asked his parents to buy him a violin: his father returned from town having spent all their money on the musical instrument, and the family went without the household articles they needed.  155  At the age of twelve, Mitrinovic's parents sent him to board at the High school in Mostar, the capital of Herzegovina, and the pre-eminent Serbian Orthodox cultural centre in the territories during the 1880s and 1890s. It was in Mostar that the cultural traditions of the Serbian Orthodox inhabitants of Bosnia and Herzegovina were preserved.  156  Blair Jaekel wrote that the heterogeneous population of  Mostar numbered 14,000, of which half were Muslims, and "two thousand of the remaining half were "the troops of an Austria-Hungarian garrison."  157  Robert Dunkin wrote of the "babel of languages"  spoken in Mostar in the 1890s: every one "of the provinces of polyglot Austria" was "well represented in  15  this little town."  158  camp at each end,"  He also noted that Mostar was. "strongly fortified" with "a permanent military 159  160  military occupation."  and that everything in the town reminded the inhabitants that they were "under a 161  The occupation was bitterly resented by the Serbian Orthodox boys at the High  school in Mostar, which had been founded in 1893.  162  When Mitrinovic arrived there, these schoolboys  had just formed their first secret societies opposed to Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia. Mitrinovic later recounted how they had kneeled on one knee only in church when prayers were said for the Imperial family, and had hoped that this would render their prayers ineffective.  163  Mitrinovic was a gifted pupil: he learned German, French, Italian, and the classical languages, and was able, by the age of fifteen, to translate Virgil.  164  He excelled in his studies, but risked expulsion  in 1904 when he established a secret library for the use of his schoolfellows.  165  Despite a literacy rate  measured in 1879 at below 1 percent, the Hapsburg authorities were strict censors: the possession or 166  dissemination of forbidden periodicals and books carried the penalty of a fine that ranged from 50 to 300 crowns, or a prison term of between one and three months. history of the Serbs that he himself had written in 1877.  168  Kallay was accused of banning the  167  Issues of Srpska V^ec {Serbian Word) — a  Sarajevo newspaper which was believed to be subsidized by the Serbian government — were often confiscated as a result of vitriolic attacks upon the Hapsburg administration.  169  From 1905 to 1907, Mitrinovic led Matica (Mainstream), a secret literary group, and was also one of the leaders of Sloboda (Freedom), a secret political society. Amongst the members of Sloboda were Bogdan Zerajic and Vladimir Gacinovic, who — along with Mitrinovic — became the most prominent 170  Young Bosnians.  171  Many of the members of Sloboda attended the meetings of Matica. The main activity  of Matica consisted of a weekly gathering at which the pupils recited their own poems and writings, and debated current literary questions.  172  Borivoje Jevtic later recalled how schoolboys of that generation in  Bosnia "had only the joy of reading": in their "decrepit, damp Bosnian hovels" they read by the light of "smoky oil lamps and wretched candles" that ruined their eyesight.  173  Several members of Sloboda spoke  from the position of Serb nationalism: for example, Gacinovic argued that "we should not pour Croat water in our pure Serbian wine."  174  In contrast to the Serb nationalism advocated by some of his 16  schoolfellows, Mitrinovic took a "reasonable and tolerant position."  175  He spoke in favour of  Yugoslavism, and argued that the cultural and literary convergence of Serbs and Croats would greatly contribute to the development of Yugoslav consciousness.  176  Yugoslavism, he reasoned, was the only  viable solution to the problems experienced by the peoples of the South Slav lands. Later, Mitrinovic explained Yugoslavism as "the complete spiritual unity and equality of Serbo-Croatians and Slovenes, and as the necessity of creating a new and great modern Yugoslav culture."  177  He genuinely believed  that differences based on separate linguistic and literary state traditions, and religious allegiances, could be overcome by a sustained and determined activism.  178  Mitrinovic thought that the unity of the South  Slavs was necessary if they were to resist Austro-Hungarian domination.  179  All Croats and Slovenes were  subjects of the Dual Monarchy, but this was not the case with the Serb people. In 1878, the great European powers had grudgingly recognized the independence of Serbia, and Montenegro. Since then, Montenegro had exercised a degree of influence disproportionate to its diminutiveness, yet it was hardly in a position to serve as the standard bearer for a Yugoslav state. Many Serbian Orthodox inhabitants of Bosnia considered Serbia (aligned with Austria-Hungary from 1878 to 1903) to be not only a kin-state, but a potential South Slav Piedmont. After 1903, Serbia's status was enhanced by its return to constitutional government, and it seemed possible that Serbia might one day be in a position to unite the South Slavs in their own state. When the pupils graduated from the High school in Mostar, they carried their ideas and methods to other towns in Bosnia. In 1907, Mtrinovic completed his schooling and travelled to Sarajevo, where he showed schoolboys how to form their own secret societies. While in Sarajevo, he secured funding for his university studies from Vrosvjeta (Enlightenment), a society that supported the educational advancement of gifted but poor Serbian Orthodox students from Bosnia.  180  On his way to the  University of Zagreb, he visited Belgrade, and established contacts with Serbian nationalists, and with Yugoslavist groups. In Belgrade, he also secured funding for his education, and for his political activities, which included launching periodicals in which Yugoslavism was promoted.  181  In the words of  Predrag Palavestra, he "moved in mysterious ways, and often met an open door where others could not 17  even knock."  182  In Zagreb, his studies of philosophy, psychology and logic took second place to his  political activities.  183  From Zagreb, Zerajic wrote to Gacinovic: "Mito is here. He's living quite well.  Now and then he goes to Sarajevo to plunder, then returns loaded (translator: with money), lives off it for a while, then once again .. . "  184  Veljki Petrovic remembered Mitrinovic as a man gifted with an  amazing ability to acquire money seemingly without effort. On one of his frequent visits to Sarajevo he treated ten students to an expensive meal at one of the best restaurants in town.  185  On one occasion he  gave Gacinovic a suit, shirt, shoes and even handkerchiefs.  186  Gacinovic recognized Mitrinovic as the "best ideologist" amongst the Young Bosnians.  187  Mitrinovic earned his subsidies, in part, by the talks he gave as he travelled around the South Slav lands, propagating the idea of Yugoslavism. Mitrinovic linked up scattered student societies, and organized 188  reciprocal visits.  189  Mitrinovic promoted cultural relations between the South Slav peoples, with a view  to the forging of a Yugoslav nation.  190  According to Jevtic, Mitrinovic taught the value of "mutual  national tolerance," and explained "the great idea of the Unity and brotherhood of the Yugoslav peoples."  191  Jevtic remembered that "Mitrinovic had the semblance of some world-traveller who had  stumbled by chance into sad and gloomy provincial surroundings."  192  Radmilo Grdic recalled that he  could "listen silently for hours to the brilliant Mita Mitrinovic, seized by the magic of words .. ."  193  Mitrinovic held "clandestine nocturnal discussions" with Sarajevo schoolboys in 1911, when he inspired the organizers of the first Yugoslavist secret society in Sarajevo (Srpsko-Hrvatsku Naprednu Organi%ariju).  w  Its members — including its first president, Ivo Andric — were verbally attacked by Serb nationalists and Croat nationalists. Its supporters were accused of being traitors to their nations, and were derided as "chameleons."  195  By this time, Mitrinovic had gained a reputation as the Young Bosnians' arbiter on national issues in art and literature.  196  His writings are among the basic sources of information for an  understanding of the underlying philosophy of the Young Bosnians. were frequendy reprinted from paper to paper,  198  197  Although Mitrinovic's writings  he is most closely associated with the Sarajevo monthly  Bosanska Vila: list %a %abavu, pouku i knjiyevnost {Bosnian Muse:paperfor entertainment, instruction and liter  18  to which he first contributed in 1906.  199  In the spring of 1912, Mitrinovic addressed the members of a group organised around the Belgrade paper Preporod (Renaissance). Vladimir Simic later recalled how they were all "profoundly taken by Mitrinovic's intellectual brilliance," and "wholeheartedly accepted his ideas" regarding the equality of the South Slav peoples.  200  Until then, there had been few genuine Yugoslavists in Serbia, a state  inhabited almost entirely by Serbs. The young Serbian Orthodox persons from Bosnia — who lived alongside Roman Catholics and Muslims in the territories — tended to have a more tolerant attitude towards their fellow South Slavs.  201  Mitrinovic exerted influence over schoolboys as young as those in the seventh form. On 14 July 1914, Vojislav Vasiljevic, a pupil of the Tuzla gymnasium, was interrogated by the authorities at the district court. He confessed: "I know the program of the 'National Unity', as I got it from someone. It seems to me that I heard that that programme was made by the writer Dimitrije Mitrinovic."  202  In 1912,  Mitrinovic had authored the "First draft of a programme for a youth club to be called National Unity." A leaflet detailing the programme was printed in the editorial office of the Belgrade paper Piedmont, from where it was distributed to all South Slavs lands  2 0 3  Mitrinovic stipulated that the central nationalist  dogma of the youth club was that "a national culture is impossible without a national society, and that a national society is impossible without a national state."  204  Here, Mitrinovic invokes Mazzini's  conception of territorial unity as an instrument for the gathering of moral forces.  205  But many of his  fellow South Slav intellectuals — however well-disposed to Mitrinovic, and sympathetic to his goals — must have questioned whether he was not putting the cart before the horse when he argued that the creation of a national state was a necessary condition for the creation of a national culture. The contents of the programme show the marked influence of the teachings of Masaryk. The first point concerned the need to oppose that which was "antinational" in the material and spiritual life of the South Slav peoples by:  19  (a) Radical anticlericalism. (b) Radical elimination of destructive alien influence and promotion of Slavization of our culture against Germanization, Magyarization and Italianization. (c) Fighting against attitudes of servility, sneaking and contemptibility and raising of national honour and pride. (d) Expropriation of estates, liquidation of all prerogatives of aristocracy and all social privileges and the democratization of political consciousness and the political awakening of people. 206  In the second point was a call for South Slav youths to act "against alien spiritual and material forces" and to conduct "a national offensive to reawaken the subjugated and half-lost parts of our people by spiritual and material means."  207  The invocation of a "people," rather than "peoples," immediately  differentiated Mitrinovic's Yugoslavism from the platforms of the exclusive Serb, and Croat, nationalists. He was even more explicit in a 1914 article in Vihor. And for the nationalists of Serbo-Croatia and Slovenia, for the sons of the uncreated Yugoslavia, there is nothing more exalted than the struggle, and nothing sweeter than the great victory ... Hopes and beliefs, you nationalist youth! From the saving idea of Yugoslavia and from her unbreakable basis and the national union of the Serbs and Croats, let us set to work on the nationalist creation of ourselves, on strengthening, preparation, and perfection. Forward to our goal, to the Idea of the Nation of the Southern Slavs, and to Freedom! Through the National Union of Serbo-Croats and Slovenes let us step to their National Unification. 208  Here, Mitrinovic distinguishes between "Serbo-Croats" and Slovenes, yet for him they were all part "of the Nation of the Southern Slavs." This line of thought was consistent with the attempt of the Young Bosnians, as Vladimir Dedijer has put it, "to rise above the religious and national strife" that raged amongst the South Slavs.  209  The name Mlada Bosna was first mooted in 1907, and then popularized after it was used in a 1911 article by Gacinovic. Mlada Bosna was intended to signify a broad intellectual movement against Hapsburg rule in Bosnia  2 1 0  and no single group ever operated under that name.  211  Mlada Bosna did not  have the characteristics of a hierarchic organization, but was rather a network of groups bound together by a readiness to contest the Austro-Hungarian domination of Bosnia: the Young Bosnians knew more about what they did not want than about what they did want.  212  Mazzini's Giovane Italia (Young Italy) was the model for Mlada Bosna. The Young Bosnians zn  20  were inspired by the successes of the Italian liberation movement, and also by Mazzini's conception of the role of the young in national liberation. Gacinovic, as a fifteen-year-old boy, called himself "a Garibaldino," then later metamorphosed into a "Bakuninist."  214  A history of the Italian liberation  movement was published in several instalments in Zora (The Dawn), a paper founded by Mitrinovic for Serb students in Vienna.  215  The Young Bosnians took inspiration from the deeds of Italian nationalists (particularly Mazzini and Garibaldi), but they were influenced^ thinkers who were fellow Slavs. One of the Young Bosnians counted Herzen among their "best teachers"  216  esteemed writers."  217  and another regarded him as one of their "most  Herzen had placed great emphasis on the need to force the already existing  political regime to become a less despotic one. On that point, Mitrinovic took a more revolutionary position. Nonetheless, he agreed with Herzen's reasoning: any oppressive political system could be replaced by another of a similar kind, unless the ground had been prepared for a true social revolution.  218  The Young Bosnians were also influenced by the writings of the revolutionary Chernyshevsky: they passed What is to Be Done? from hand to hand, copied whole pages from it, and even learned passages by heart.  219  In general, it is difficult to prove — rather than just infer — that the actions of any historical personality have been directly induced by exposure to certain ideas. But this is especially the case when the subject or subjects in question operated at varying levels of secrecy, and hardly ever produced potentially incriminating evidence of their activities.  220  It is, however, possible to demonstrate that  Mitrinovic was greatiy influenced by Masaryk's ideas. It is also necessary, because Mitrinovic adhered to many of the tenets of Masarykism throughout his life, as is clear from the sum of evidence related to the development of his thought. But the influence on Mitrinovic of Masaryk's ideas has not yet been adequately explored. Indeed, the connection has even been neglected by some of the scholars who have written about Mitrinovic.  221  Rigby has stated that Mitrinovic was instrumental in the 1908 formation of  Rad (Work), a cultural society of South Slav students at the University of Vienna whose work was greatly influenced by the teachings of Masaryk.  222  Palavestra has ascertained that, in June 1914, Mitrinovic 21  attempted to contact Masaryk to solicit a contribution to the mundialist yearbook on which he and Kandinsky were working.  223  Mitrinovic owned both the German and English 224  RuB/and und Europa (The Spirit of Russia).  226  225  editions of Masaryk's  Luisa Passerini has identified Masaryk as "an inspiring figure  for the generation of militant Central and Eastern European intellectuals following his own, such as Mtrinovic and his Dalmatian friend Mestrovic, who sculpted a bust of Masaryk," but she does not 227  elaborate further. Evidently, Masaryk inspired South Slav intellectuals, but he was not merely an inspirational figure. In fact, he was most inspirational when he asserted his moral authority in the aftermath of the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908.  228  However, his  influence over South Slav students diminished as a consequence of the annexation: many students took it as proof of the ineffectiveness of Masarykian gradualism. Masaryk had began to exert influence over South Slav intellectuals in 1893, when Serb and Croat students were first attracted to his lectures at the University of Prague.  229  The Slovene students who  studied in Prague considered it the most promising centre in which to develop their Slavic consciousness  2 3 0  Although South Slav students were more numerous in Zagreb, the number of  students studying in Prague reached 154 by 1914.  231  These students did not view the university  experience as a mere scholarly retreat: they esteemed Masaryk not only as a professor, but also as a spokesman on behalf of their national interests.  232  They also appreciated the friendly relations that he  maintained with his students, which were unusual at that time. Students from Bosnia were officially forbidden to attend university in Prague  2 3 3  but the value they placed on Masaryk's teachings is evinced  by the fact that so many defied the authorities, and risked severe penalties by so doing. On 19 October 1892, Masaryk protested against this ban — and against many other restrictions to which inhabitants of Bosnia were subject — during an Austrian parliamentary debate.  234  In 1895, Masaryk published Ceskd otd^ka (The C^echQuestion). South Slav students pored over Masaryk's volume, and applied its ideas to the analogous problems with which they were confronted.  235  One Young Bosnian claimed: "We accepted his ideas in our soul and hearts, and we brought them back to our homeland in order to sow them and to reap the fruits of freedom and popular culture." 22  236  At that  time, a prominent political journalist wrote: "When you look for the source of all this new conciliation [between the South Slav peoples], you are sure to run into a pupil of Masaryk, someone who has sat in his classroom and learned to cooperate with his fellows."  237  From The C^echQuestion, and other writings  by Masaryk — notably his 1901 volume Idedly humanitni'(The Ideals of Humanity) — South Slav intellectuals derived an understanding of how they could solve the problems faced by their peoples. Indeed, the methods advocated by Masaryk were not styled exclusively to the aspirations of Czechs and Slovaks: they could be adapted to suit the emancipatory struggles of any of the small nations of Austria-Hungary. In any case, for Masaryk, the emancipation of the Czechs and Slovaks incorporated the goal of all 238  other emancipatory movements within the Dual Monarchy. A true patriot must strive "for the liberation of all subject peoples, and not merely for the liberation of his or her tribe."  239  Arguably, Masarykism  gained greater popularity among South Slavs students than among educated Czechs and Slovaks. Mitrinovic especially valued two ideas: Realism and Humanitism. Masaryk was original only in the sense that he revitalised a set of pre-existing ideas by dint of his unique synthesis. Out of this synthesis he developed Realism, a simple concept — a method rather than an ideology — but one that he never systematized.  240  Rene Welleck has argued that it would be wrong "to  describe this conscious lack of system as incoherence or inconsistency. It is simply a necessary sequel of Masaryk's refusal to believe in any finality of human reasoning."  241  Realism was a specific form of political conduct that had less to do with institutionalised political life, and more to do withfosteringpopular national consciousness that would eventually result in deeper and more far-reaching political changes than could be achieved by institutional reforms.  242  Proponents  of Realism aimed at the popularisation of a particular Weltanschauung (world-view) rather than direct political influence.  243  Masaryk's emphasis on the political dimension of cultural activity — his "non-  political politics" — was a departure from the way "politics" was understood by his contemporaries. He criticized existing political life for its superficiality. Progressive political activity, in his view, was 244  activity that encompassed the totality of social and individual life as opposed to political activities limited to the established and institutionalised framework of politics. 23  245  Masaryk envisaged a cadre of serious  and thoughtful persons who would disregard their specific political loyalties, and embrace the method of Realism in their activities in all fields of human life.  246  Above all, Realism entailed work. Masaryk's  teachings were infused with appeals to translate ideals, taught in university cloisters, into realities. "If you love your country," he implored, "don't talk about it, but do something worthwhile; that is what matters."  247  He deplored martyrdom, and considered the true criterion of patriotism to be the work  undertaken by an individual to improve the educational, cultural, and economic health of his or her nation. Masaryk also disapproved of those nationalists who mystified the past, and deified the nation. Their verbiage was worthless: patriotism ought to be measured by deeds, not words. Masaryk argued that it was necessary for members of a small nation to develop their national consciousness in order to preserve national existence. 248  249  National consciousness was to be developed  through cultural work undertaken in temperance, literary, and cultural groups (such as Rad). The work was especially valuable if it involved those who had previously been excluded from the cultural life of the nation. These participants would come to realize that they formed part of a distinct national group among other nations. Sustained work counted for more than isolated philanthropic acts; this work was to be consistent with the highest moral principles, and conscientiously carried out. Masaryk taught that if means cannot be justified in themselves, the end which they serve can add little to the moral quality of an action. The manner in which ends are attained forms an integral part of what is to be achieved.  250  If  the work seemed inconspicuous or petty, no matter; if it was thankless, all the better. So long as it was oriented towards the national reawakening of an oppressed people, it would contribute in a small way to the eventual emancipation of their nation. The quality and quantity of work performed would prove decisive in the struggle for national emancipation. Masaryk wrote in The Ideals ofHumanity: "He who believes in progress will not be impatient." field of education.  252  251  But emancipation would be expedited by advances in the  Masaryk continually asserted the importance of science, literature and journalism,  and access to knowledge in general: educated individuals rejected superstition, and were more receptive to rational ideas.  253  For Masaryk, education was an effective way to raise self-respect among individuals. A 24  nationwide improvement in intellectual standards — and the expansion of educational opportunities for women in particular - would increase the likelihood of a nation reaching political maturity. By 254  European standards, the amount of funding for educational provision in the Dual Monarchy was low, but it was even lower in Bosnia, where education was subject to malign neglect by the authorities. Kallay had declared: "For my mission, one gendarme is worth five teachers."  Tax revenue was in a large  255  measure allocated to the forces of law and order, which stunted the growth of publicly-funded schooling. In 1906, the authorities invested almost threetimesas much money in the construction of military barracks and the purchase of police equipment as they spent on the provision of education: the budget set aside 3,750,000 crowns for the maintenance of law and order, and a mere 1,300,000 crowns for educational institutions.  The administration funded vocational training at the expense of theoretical  256  studies, and thus did not found a university in Bosnia.  257  By 1902, only 30 university-educated  individuals had returned to Bosnia after the completion of their studies.  258  The 1910 census of Bosnia  disclosed a literacy rate of just 12.16 percent. On 21 June 1906, Baron Burian (the Common Minister of Finance from 1903 to 1912) had told the Budget Committee of the Hungarian Delegation that "every child prefers the confectioner to the teacher."  259  During the 1911—12 school year, only 48,425 children  (17 percent of the eligible age group) received elementary schooling.  260  The administration endowed one  school for every thousand migrants from the Austrian and Hungarian halves of the Dual Monarchy, but there was only one school for every six thousand inhabitants of Bosnia. Austro-Hungarian rule, only 200 primary schools were built.  262  that the administration "aimed rather at order than progress" tutelage of the territories.  264  263  261  During the four decades of  The evidence lends support to the view and was thus content to perpetuate the  Despite limited educational opportunities, many of the Young Bosnians  from peasant backgrounds worked as servants in the homes of wealthy families, and used their earnings to pay for their schooling.  265  In Masaryk's view of the struggle for national emancipation, leadership was to be assumed by those individuals who undertook the greatest amount of cultural work.  266  For Masaryk, individuals who  were politically, economically or intellectually advantaged had a moral obligation to strive for the 25  betterment of the underprivileged.  267  Mitrinovic agreed wholeheartedly with this sentiment:  In our politics there still rules a spirit of authoritarianism, so that our politics are usually not the politics of reason and wisdom, but the politics of authoritarianism and rhetoric ... The sacred ambition to possess a conscience and intellectual integrity have almost disappeared ... Less caprice, more principle! This should be the motto of those who are able to do something to transform our swampy and senseless society into a different society, healthy and vital 268  For Masaryk, work was most valuable when it was undertaken alongside those most in need of assistance. Less privileged individuals were to join local societies and associations, in which they would be encouraged to present their views on matters of national importance. Those committed to work would promote the dignity of the individual, the rights of women, and the strengthening of civic virtues. They were to campaign for universal suffrage, a free press, and freedom of assembly, speech, and conscience, all of which were crucial to national development.  269  They would aspire to democratize not  only institutions, but human relations. There can be no mistaking the influence of Realism in an article written by Mitrinovic for Bosanska Vila, in which he emphasizes — in a Masarykian vein — the need to work: Our national tasks are very difficult, but urgent. Our enemies are very powerful: however our social, spiritual and physical milieu is too weak for hopes of victory to be close or sure. Our job today is to awaken dormant national energies, to make use of anything that may serve our ends, to raise the irresolute, to goad the lazy, to educate the unconscious, to show the path, and follow it as the best example, to encourage, spur on without pausing, to assemble and organise national energies and differentiate these energies for various great and arduous tasks. 270  But these calls to work were not heeded by all Mitrinovic's contemporaries. A letter written by Gavrilo Princip in 1912 is revealing in this regard: It was really satisfactory to have your letter which I am now answering, in spite of my great laziness. As you know we have two groups: The Serb nationalists (also called radicals) and the progressives.... ... [Vladeta] Bilbija and I put forward a proposal for fusion with the "radicals" (among whom there were a lot of neutrals and progressives), since there were hardly any differences between us. On both sides there was little understanding ... We had ... to unite so that our members, if the Croats founded a progressive organisation, should be in one united club. So it was, and the Croats came in with us. 26  We split off from the radicals and set to work. I say "work", but the fact is no one did anything; the word "work" was always in our mouths, but in fact it was — nothing. They [the radicals, i.e. the Serb nationalists] at once began to attack us in all possible terms and especially accused us of not being Serbs. There was a deep gulf and horrible hatred between us. At that time the thing developed further. Our organisation had 35-40 members, Serbs and Croats (not including Moslems).... In the meantime no work could be done, for among us these personal things played a greater part than usual We did all that we could to get things in order and to put an end to stupid and useless hatred With our Croatian brothers we have made common cause, whilst they [the radicals] have unfortunately hated them ... we began to work among all the youth without respect of national origin, so that with one enthusiastic manifestation we could demonstrate our solidarity, and they - the national chauvinists - were against it. — We went to work on our own, but as you know, our wretched politics and particularism in public interrupted us, and with their disgusting party sectarianism brought us to the present split and hatreds. You ask: what line were we following, that of "Zora" or that of "Val". In answer I can say that our organisation is on the line of "Zora" where Serbs and Croats are united ... because we stand by the revolutionary programme of Mitrinovic. 271  Here, Princip details the strain between the radicals (the Serb nationalists) and the progressives (the Yugoslavists), though in actuality there was "hardly any difference" between them in terms of oudook. Princip notes how petty factional politics interfered with their professed intention to work, to the extent that "no one did anything." Mitrinovic, who hoped to bring the Serb chauvinists round to Yugoslavism, had railed against such "stupid and useless hatred," "wretched politics and particularism," and "disgusting party sectarianism" as early as 1908, in his article "The Democratization of Science and Philosophy."  272  He had argued that the "greater part of our activities, particularly in domestic party  politics, have not arisen from reasonable and principled convictions, but from spite, envy, egoism, hatred and similar unworthy motives." He had then warned that: "We shall never make any fundamental progress as long as the majority of our actions are not undertaken with serious and noble intentions ... often a naive and sentimental enthusiasm for 'harmony' is ridiculous, but party politics should not descend from the heights of principle to the depths of petty and unworthy disputes." Mitrinovic, like Princip, was attacked for being "un-Serb." In a 1913 letter written by Mitrinovic in 1913, he suggests that "scoundrels" in Belgrade deem him an "Austrian hireling," perhaps on account of his unwillingness to abandon Realism for more radical methods:  27  There reached me today a letter from Belgrade which in a friendly way speaks scowlingly and gives advice; it states that I'm terribly hated and people would like to crack me. It's interesting that the snarlings are much more thunderous when I'm not there; and that few friends and innumerable enemies is a rule. I know this, and I don't get excited about it. Only if there is anything at all that materially affects life and wants to destroy me, please tell me ruthlessly; and if some rogue wants to make me an Austrian hireling or in general deform me morally publicly and privately, again don't spare me: for scoundrels can by moral rebukes make it hard and reduce success, and we don't want to lose force. As for intellectual evaluations of me, let anyone do what they must .. , 273  These Serbian chauvinists no doubt wanted to "crack" Mitrinovic because they disapproved of his progressive Yugoslav beliefs, in which case he was assailed for being "un-Serb" for the same reason that Princip had suffered abuse the previous year. According to Masaryk, those engaged in work for the nation were to oppose clericalism, intolerance, and indifference. It is evident from the writings of Mitrinovic that he shared Masaryk's anticlericalism: "People suffer from the lawlessness of state power, of ecclesiastical power, and the evil multitude of forces that have arisen against man and whotirelesslyplunge the Earth into disaster."  274  For Masaryk, efforts were also to be devoted to promoting economic well-being and to achieving practical equality, which he defined as "that inequality which is bearable."  275  The inhabitants of Bosnia  had to improve their standard of living by means of economic self-help, because the Hapsburg authorities did little to reduce poverty and deprivation. In 1908, for example, the denizens of Stolac (the nearest town to the birthplace of Mitrinovic) initiated a plan to build a waterworks, which they duly constructed.  276  Outside of the main urban centres, the authorities invested in the water supply only for  the resorts frequented by officials and army officers.  277  Masaryk also emphasized the benefits of bodily hygiene, health, and fitness: alcoholism and 278  sexual promiscuity were to be avoided.  279  Mitrinovic and the other Young Bosnians upheld the ascetic  principles that had been enumerated by Masaryk in the context of national emancipation. Gacinovic wrote to Leon Trotsky: "In our organization there is a rule of obligatory abstinence from love-making and drinking, and you must believe me when I tell you that all of us remain true to this rule."  280  The  Young Bosnians believed their adherence to ascetic principles distinguished them from the decadence of 28  their oppressors, and were convinced that the Hapsburg authorities wanted to morally corrupt the inhabitants of Bosnia. They saw evidence of this in the number of brothels sanctioned by the authorities — a total of seven in Sarajevo alone — which was far in excess of the requirements of 281  soldiers, officials and businessmen.  282  Many Young Bosnians bitterly speculated that officials  countenanced prostitution because the authorities wanted venereal disease to spread within a hitherto chaste society, to dissolve the strong family bonds that were integral to life in Bosnia.  2 8 3  Many of these  bonds had already been dissolved by emigration. The net emigration from Bosnia and Herzegovina to the United States in the period from 1883 to 1905 was approximately 28,500 persons. Figures for gross emigration were much greater, and Herzegovina - home to many of the Young Bosnians - suffered a disproportionately high loss.  284  Jevto Dedijer wrote in a 1907 essay, "Herzegovina and Herzegovinians,"  that the urge to emigrate to the United States had become "so contagious that in many parts of Herzegovina it is difficult to see a young man." The development of the railways had destroyed the livelihoods of young men involved in carting and river trades. Villages around Trebinje and Bileca were "full of spinsters" and girls who had "no chance of marrying." Dedijer concluded that emigration had "shaken the whole social life" of Bosnia  2 8 5  The Young Bosnians believed that their elders — with few exceptions — were prone to philistinism, torpor, and resignation to their lowly status as subjugated persons. Gacinovic cried on one occasion that "our fathers, our tyrants, have created this world on their model and are now forcing us to live in it."  286  He wrote in 1908: "We, the youngest, must begin to create a new history. We have to  bring the sun into our frigid society, activate the benumbed and reach the resigned. We have to wage a decisive war against pessimism, faint heartedness and dejection."  287  The Young Bosnians were disgusted  by the tendency of their elders to revere the emperor as stari otac (our old father).  288  Andric extended his  antipathy to almost all the inhabitants of Bosnia: "The whole of our society is snoring ungracefully; only the poets and revolutionaries are awake."  289  Mitrinovic drew attention to the gulf between generations  in 1911, when he criticized the editors of the Serbian Literary Herald for not including on their board "someone who is not an old man."  290  He was horrified by the mutual intolerance of the Serbian 29  Orthodox, Muslim and Roman Catholic middle classes in Bosnia. older individuals perceived the Young Bosnians in their midst.  291  Litde is known about how these  292  The Young Bosnians disapproved of those who adopted the customs, and dressed in the fashions, of the Austro-Hungarian occupiers. In 1903, William Eleroy Curtis, a correspondent of the Chicago Record-Herald, remarked that the "rich families" of Bosnia bought "all their clothing at Vienna or Budapest," which made it "difficult to distinguish them from the Austrians."  293  The Young Bosnians  scorned those opportunists who sought to profit from the occupation. For example, during the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 — when several hundred thousand Austro-Hungarian soldiers were deployed in Bosnia — several municipal leaders sent delegations to the Hapsburg authorities to request that as many soldiers as possible be garrisoned in their towns, to bolster demand for goods and services.  294  Mitrinovic and his fellow South Slav intellectuals were deeply influenced by Realism.  295  Many of  them read the periodicals in which the tenets of Realism were articulated, including Cas (Time), and Nase doba (Our Age), which was edited by Masaryk.  296  At the University of Prague, Slovene and Croat students  joined Sumadija, the Serb students' society. Together they published their ideas — mosdy in the spirit of Masaryk — in Novo doba (New Times), a paper they founded in 189 8.  297  Especially talented students from  Bosnia were offered scholarships to the University of Vienna, but the authorities revoked the funding of those who took part in political activities.  298  Stanoje Stanojevic included references to Masaryk in his  widely-read 1908 history of the Serbs, in which he explained that Masarykism proved attractive to "all 299  Serb and Croat university students," and prevailed in the South Slav student societies in Zagreb and Vienna.  300  But by the time this volume was published, Masaryk's influence over the younger generation  of students had waned. Initially, he had earned the respect of South Slavs by eloquentiy defending their interests. Although his reputation for integrity was enhanced by his indefatigable campaign for truth in the aftermath of the annexation of Bosnia, it was this declaration of dejure sovereignty that caused the younger cohorts to renounce Realism. For Masaryk, revolution was diametrically opposed to Realism. He defined revolution as any  30  attempt to violently destroy the political and social structures of a polity. He believed that revolution could be conscionable only in cases where the use of exclusively non-violent means would not prove sufficient to preserve the integrity of a people facing the prospect of collective annihilation, or suffering unbearable tyranny. In such circumstances, there should be a resort to revolution only if it would seem likely to ameliorate the situation.  301  If these two criteria are met, then revolution becomes resistance and  thus is not only ethically justifiable, but a moral duty.  302  Except for in such cases, the perpetration of  violence could never — for Masaryk — be a morally permissible means of achieving political goals. A thorough analysis of the shortcomings of Realism is beyond the scope of this work; in any case, the problems inherent in Realism have been elucidated elsewhere.  303  But some weaknesses are  immediately apparent. Masaryk acknowledged the influence of the Fabians, whose writings he had read in English.  304  It is revealed in letters seized by the Austro-Hungarian police that the Young Bosnians  had discussed the ideas of the Fabians.  305  In Realism — as in its twin, Fabianism — the primacy of reason  was an article of faith. But the force of reason could not make those with power (except — purportedly — Realists and Fabians) use it to further the common good. Moreover, Masaryk focused on the question of how a society ought to be influenced, but largely ignored the questions  306  of how the exercise of  power should be regulated, conflicts of interest resolved, and different attitudes reconciled. 307  308  Mitrinovic understood the problems associated with Realism, but he could not solve them. In lieu of a credible alternative to Realism, the contributions he made to the struggle for liberation were consistent with the tenets of that method. But alongside Realism, Mitrinovic valued another Masarykian precept, one that in his estimation gready enriched Masarykism. The most durable of Masaryk's teachings, it was an idea that Mitrinovic advocated throughout his life: Humanitism. Anglophone scholars coined the neologism Humanitism, a translation of idedly humanitm'that Masaryk himself favoured. Masaryk explained that Humanitism had its origins in Christianity, and thus must be distinguished from secular humanism, as well as atheism.  309  Nor should Humanitism be confused with  humanitarianism. Humanitism was Masaryk's synthesis of the values of antiquity (truth, goodness, beauty, justice and courage), the values of Christianity (love for one's neighbour, and responsibility for 31  one's acts and thoughts before a transcendent Divine Person), the values of the Enlightenment (the critical faculty, toleration, equality, and respect for the rights of the individual), and the values of socialism (social justice and solidarity)."  310  Eva Schmidt-Hartmann has argued that the intellectual  uniqueness of Masaryk lay much more in his synthesis of various elements of thought than in the originality of his ideas.  311  Mitrinovic was also far from being a paradigmatic thinker, but he too was able  to synthesize the thought of those who had come before him.  312  Mitrinovic, like Masaryk, could kindle  ideas with a spark of originality, though before 1914 Mitrinovic espoused a universal ideal that was indistinct from Humanitism. Masaryk rejected Christian dogma, and the reactionary influence of the Roman Catholic Church in public life, and instead favoured the separation of Church and State. He was influenced by Hume's conception of "benevolence" as the basic principle of morality, but even more so by Kant's categorical imperative. Masaryk invoked Kant's idea when he explained what he meant by Humanitism. Since 313  every individual was to be treated as an end in himself or herself, it follows that no one can be rightly enslaved, killed, injured or violated. Moreover, each individual must be treated as a rational being: he or she cannot be coerced in defiance of his or her conscience. Every individual, therefore, has inviolable rights, and above all the right to live in obedience to a moral law which is valid only so long as it is freely obeyed, and consciously adopted.  314  Masaryk was convinced of the complementariness of nationalism and Humanitism, and allied the two philosophies in The Ideals of Humanity. Nationalism acquired moral status as a political idea if it was imbued with Humanitism; without it, nationalism was indistinguishable from chauvinism. But Humanitism could only take substantive and intelligible form within nationalism.  315  In the pages of  Bosanska Vila, Mitrinovic stated clearly - in a 1908 article entided "The National Milieu and Modernism" - that "an individual is not only a member of a national group but also a member of the human race."  316  This line of thought bears comparison to Mazzini's universalism, his notion that the world of nationstates was merely a transitory stage before the organization of all humanity.  317  Masaryk argued that  nationalism was a means to promote the welfare and unity of humankind, and could never justify actions 32  that were contrary to Humanitism.  318  He insisted that individual conscience and supreme moral  principles must never be sacrificed to the supposed interests of any collective.  319  He wrote: "I have to  stress explicidy that I do not accept nationalism which subordinates all social forces to the national idea."  320  In any nationalism imbued with Humanitism, there was no place for fanaticism, intolerance, or  prejudice. Other nations should not be belittled, Masaryk explained. Freud wrote that "it is always possible to bind together a considerable number of people in love, so long as there are other people left over to receive the manifestations of their aggressiveness,"  321  but for Masaryk it was neither sufficient  nor "necessary to hate another nation in order to love one's own."  322  An individual should strive for  justice for his or her nation, and for all nations. He wrote in The C^ech Question: "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity certainly hold not only for us, but also for all people."  323  For Masaryk, the nation was only an aggregate of individuals, because they alone were bearers of consciousness. Individuals who experienced feelings of belonging in a national community could each experience national consciousness, but a nation itself could not have its own "consciousness." The "national spirit" was merely an expression that described the shared attitude to commonly recognized values. Masaryk argued that when the cohering force of these common values was weakened, the "national spirit" faded. The preservation of the nation depended on individuals who resisted forces that threatened such values.  324  In this respect, a state-nation — a polity in which extensive nation-building did  not precede state formation — was weaker than a nation-state strengthened by the undivided loyalty of 325  its citizenry. The historical experience of Serbians, and the Serbian Orthodox inhabitants of Bosnia, was markedly different to that of Croats, and Slovenes. In view of these differences, an acute French observer who toured Croatia early in the twentieth century had concluded that the idea of uniting Croats and Serbs was nothing more than "wishbone politics."  326  Masaryk considered language, rather than common historical experience, to be the primary criterion of nationality. Schmidt-Hartmann has explained that for Masaryk, language was the unchanging and undeniable bond between the individual and his environment and, as such, it was the crucial constitutive element of human culture.  327  He argued that if languages differed from each other, 33  national cultures must differ as well. The debate about the distinctness of the Croatian and Serbian languages, fuelled by "the narcissism of minor differences,"  328  continues to this day, but at thattimeit  was generally accepted that the South Slavs (excepting the Slovenes) spoke a single language: SerboCroat. But despite the shared language, the Serbs, Croats, and the peoples of Bosnia shared few common values that were exclusive to them. The South Slav peoples all valued the right to selfdetermination, a principle compatible with the formation of either a confederal or federal South Slav state. But the political task of state formation was one thing, the cultural task of nation-building another. Masaryk recognized that even the incessant promotion of unifying values could not protect a small nation from the aggressive actions of powerful states.  329  Within democracies, the administration of the  people, by the people and for the people was assured by mechanisms designed to settle disagreements between parties.  330  But the free existence of small nations could be secured only if democracy was  extended to the system of international relations, entailing an inter-state democratic order. Thus, Masaryk rejected the notion that nationalism and internationalism were mutually exclusive.  331  Mitrinovic was profoundly influenced by Masarykian precepts (especially Humanitism): Masarykism was not just a transitional phase in his political development, as it was for those South Slav students who gave up on Realism after 1908. On 4 March 1913, Mitrinovic wrote to Velimir Rajic to inform him that for the time being he would not devote himself entirely to the South Slav liberation struggle, because he considered it "superfluous to rouse the world to something that is accomplished only in spirit and will and for which you still have to wait and for which it is necessary to work." He promises Rajic that he will take his nationalism "even more strongly and deeper and more seriously later on," after the completion of his studies, when he will be "more useful everywhere."  332  Here, Mitrinovic  suggests that he has not given up on Realism, but rather that he will not participate actively in the struggle until his fellows overcome their reluctance to work for the cause. After 1913, Mitrinovic remained as faithful as ever to the principles of conduct associated with Realism. Masaryk considered any attempt by an individual to change his or her nationality to be a morally despicable act.  333  In his youth, Mitrinovic had possessed two passports: he was entitled to an 34  Austro-Hungarian passport, but his government contacts in Belgrade supplied him with a Serbian passport, too. Although he spent the last four decades of his life in Britain, Mitrinovic never applied for naturalization.  334  Once in exile, Mitrinovic no longer had any political use for Realism: his role from  1914 to 1919 was to influenceforeignerswho might prove useful to the South Slav cause. But he never ceased to espouse the Humanitism that was largely absent from the South Slav liberation movement. Mitrinovic's devotion to Humanitism must be contrasted with the chauvinism of, say, the unnamed Serb who sent a letter to Xora complaining that: "It is a scandal that you write in Latin script to me, a Serb."  335  An article published in 1907, in the Austrian semi-official paper New Freie Presse, had pointed out that in "the South Slav regions confession and nationality coincide," meaning that all talk of Yugoslavism was a "fantastic illusion."  336  Yet it was an illusion that Mitrinovic worked hard to create. But despite these  efforts, Mica Julcin's statement in a 1912 issue of Zora was prescient: Serbs and Croats could feel "all the. same, one body," but "alas, only through [the] misfortune" of being misruled by the Hapsburgs.  337  In 1912, Mitrinovic had begun to develop an interest in the idea of individual and social change on a much deeper and wider scale than he had previously contemplated. He became concerned not only with the transformation of the South Slavs, but with the transformation of the peoples of Europe, and of the world. Yugoslavism was dovetailed into his new U t o p i a n conception of the world. This change in focus reflected his increasing familiarity with different cultures and world-views.  338  Mitrinovic decided  to pursue his studies in Germany, and confessed to his friends: "I've turned round and decided to finish my studies as God has ordained; otherwise it's not possible among us to be influential and nobody believes in anybody's wits and capacity to do anything." incomprehensible to his friends and associates.  340  339  Despite this explanation, his decision was  In 1926, Cedomil Mitrinovic travelled to London, and  asked his brother why he had never returned to live in his homeland. Mitrinovic's reply was cryptic: "The torch flares, the fire has been lit. I am the sower who does not reap the harvest."  341  35  Chapter 3 The Good European  In early March 1913, Mitrinovic arrived in Munich without an obvious means of financial support. 342  343  He intended to study art history under the supervision of Heinrich Wolfflin, the famous Swiss scholar.  344  Peter Selz has claimed that Munich was - by the turn of the century - second only to Paris as a place in which to study art.  345  Felix Klee has remarked that a "strange juxtaposition of Bavarian rusticity, bock  beer, [and] philistinism," existed in Munich from 1906 to 1914, alongside an avant-garde movement that led "something of an underground existence."  346  The most significant cultural development during that  period was the emergence of the school of abstract painting, led by Kandinsky, who was acknowledged as the leader of the artistic community in Munich.  347  At the time of Mitrinovic's arrival, Kandinsky and Paul Klee resided in Schwabing, a suburb north of Munich. Between 1897 and 1903 Schwabing had become an intellectual centre through the activities of Die Kosmische Runde (the Cosmic Circle), which had been founded by the followers of the poet Stefan George. The residents of Schwabing had gained a reputation for Bohemian living, and more artists and writers had congregated there following the establishment of the Neue Kiinstler Vereinigung (New Artists' Association) in 1909. Itsfounderswere European artists who had banded together to share the work of planning exhibitions. Their meeting places included Cafe Stephanie, and The Eleven Executioners cabaret, noted for its irreverent mockery of the bourgeoisie of Wilhelmine Prussia.  348  The first exhibition of works by members of the Neue Kiinstler Vereinigung had met with public hostility at the end of 1909.  349  In December 1911, Kandinsky and Franz Marc had resigned from the  association after its members rejected Kandinsky's Composition 5 for the winter exhibition.  350  Kandinsky and Marc had then hastily pulled together an exhibition entitled "DerBlaue Reiter" ("The Blue Rider"). The tide had subsequently become the name of Kandinsky and Marc's new association of expressionist artists.  351  Der Blaue Rsiter-like the Neue Kiinstler Vereinigung before it - differed from most  other groups of the period: it was loosely organized, it lacked a manifesto, and it welcomed participation 36  by foreign artists. Kandinsky was a Russian expatriate, predisposed against the jingoistic attitudes of many of his fellow avant-gardists.  352  By January 1912, Kandinsky and Marc had recruited Klee as a  member of DerBlaue Reiter. That year, Klee had noted in his diary (entry 905) that "a great moment" had arrived: the "currents of yesterday's tradition" were "really becoming lost in the sand." He had hailed "those who are working toward the impending reformation. The boldest of them is Kandinsky."  353  It  had not been easy for Kandinsky to keep to the path on which he had struck out: his dedication in Paul Klee's copy of the association's almanac hinted at the difficulties he had overcome: 'To my dear colleague Klee in memory of the evil days."  354  The association's almanac had been published in May 1912. The editors had manipulated the visual imagery with a view to obscuring the boundaries of chronology, culture, nation and style.  355  Members of DerBlaue Reiter promoted the integration of the arts: in their almanac they had included musical scores and analysis, dramaturgical theory, and reproductions of book illustrations, sculptures, and paintings (from cave art to contemporary works), in the hope of bonding their respective potentials.  356  In 1912 Mitrinovic, too, had argued - in "Aesthetic Contemplations" - that the barriers  between artistic disciplines needed to be demolished.  357  In fact, Mitrinovic had much in common with  Kandinsky: both men were critical of materialism and positivism, and both believed in the spiritual and reformatory powers of art. They shared an interest in mysticism, and were equally familiar with the Slavonic cultural milieu.  358  When and how Mitrinovic first made Kandinsky's acquaintance is unrecorded. But by 17 February 1914 they were on sufficiently familiar terms for Kandinsky to mention in a letter to Marc that he was "delighted" by Mitrinovic's plan to give a lecture on his paintings, and that the prospect had become "gigantically exciting."  359  On 27 February 1914 Mitrinovic delivered a lecture - accompanied by  lantern slides and an exhibition of Kandinsky's works - in the Great Hall of the Deutsches Museum in Munich.  360  In "Kandinsky and the New Art: Taking Tomorrow by Storm" Mitrinovic interpreted  Kandinsky's work as a cultural barometer of the period.  361  Klee recorded the occasion in his diary (entry  924): "Mitrinovic, a Serbian, came to Munich and gave a lecture about the new art, Kandinsky, etc. He 37  also approached me. Had me lend him some of my works so he could immerse himself in them .... Often comes to our music sessions. Made this classic utterance: 'Yes, Bach knew how to write it, you know how to play it, and I know how to listen to it.'"  362  Mitrinovic's highly developed syncretism held appeal for Kandinsky, because it confirmed his beliefs and orientation during 1913-14.  363  Mitrinovic was attracted by Kandinsky's vision of the  intrinsic links that existed between the spiritual realm, the creative work of the artist, and the transformation of humankind.  364  Both men were familiar with the work of Vladimir Solovev, who  claimed that an individual needed to maintain a bond with the universal cosmic order, and that understanding was to be attained through adherence to both Christian revelation and scientific method.  365  Kandinsky posited the insufficiency of rational thought alone, and was convinced that an 366  artist could use abstract forms - untainted by materialism - to express transcendental ideas. Kandinsky yearned for a new age of spirituality to follow the "nightmare" years of materialism, during which life had been turned "into an evil, senseless game."  367  There can be no doubt that passages from  Mitrinovic's "Aesthetic Contemplations" - such as "we are beaten black and blue with their 'dreadnoughts' and their stock exchanges" — had resonance for Kandinsky.  368  Marc, in his opening essays in  the almanac, had presented mysticism of the soul as a weapon that must be "savagely" used in everyday life to fend off technological advances and the encroaching spirit of colonialism.  369  But in a letter to  Klee written three years later, Marc criticized Kandinsky for his "personal intellectual crotchets." This comment suggests that Kandinsky had shared more ideas with Mitrinovic than with his fellow artists in Der Blaue Retter.  370  It was Kandinsky who introduced Mitrinovic to the writings of Erich Gutkind. Mitrinovic discovered a kindred soul in Gutkind, whose work bore similarities to "Aesthetic Contemplations." For Mitrinovic, Gutkind affirmed the ultimate unity of all humanity, and the bankruptcy and sterility of the contemporary world.  371  Gutkind stressed the necessity of social change through individual personal  transformation and cooperative effort, rather than through class conflict and the struggle for political power. Gutkind was convinced that the "old realities" of the person, the class, the nation and the race 38  were ineluctably drawing to their end.  372  "From now on democracy should cease to mean mob rule and  should mean common sharing," Gutkind argued. He continued: "Aristocracy should no longer mean oppression, but a seraphic leading of the way." seeds of the new age.  374  373  Intellectuals were to play a key role in sowing the  Gutkind and Frederik van Eeden put forward the idea of a "Blut-bund" (blood-  brotherhood), understood as an aristocracy of persons - qualitatively superior, in mind and spirit, to the masses — who would lead humankind out of the wilderness of materialism. Gutkind believed that the "Blut-bund" should, and could, exert a moral force that would lead the world in the direction of peace and harmony.  375  By their moral and spiritual example, members of  the "Blut-bund" would draw the rest of humanity away from selfishness and greed, and into a realm of freedom and cooperation.  376  Members of the "Blut-bund" were to raise themselves above the curse of  human weaknesses, and value other individuals as much as they valued themselves.  377  These enlightened  representatives of humankind could then transcend the conflict between the interests of the individual and the needs of others.  378  Mitrinovic was attracted to this idea, which he characterized as an  "organization for a pan-human little brotherhood of the most world-worthy bearers of present day 379  culture."  380  Mitrinovic decided to dedicate himself to the "Blut-bund," whose policy of pan-human love  he hoped would transform the multitudes.  381  Mitrinovic and Kandinsky decided to transform the planned second almanac of DerBlaue Reiter into a "Yearbook which prepared to unite all spiritual disciplines."  382  In a letter to Marc dated 17  February 1914, Kandinsky had declared Mitrinovic to be "very useful to the Blaue Reiter," because "he goes to the heart of things like lightening."  383  But Marc soon realized that his prime editorial role had  been usurped by Mitrinovic, and expressed - in a letter to Kandinsky, dated 13 March 1914 - scepticism about the project, and about the possibility of three editors working creatively together.  384  Although  Mitrinovic had assumed the role oiHauptgeschaftstrager (managing editor) and steered the development of the project, Kandinsky gave it his support.  385  Shulamith Behr has argued that Kandinsky's involvement  should not be belittled by claims that he was disinterested in political matters, "a strategy often employed by art historians wishing to preserve the heritage and sanctity of'aesthetic experience.'"  386  39  Mitrinovic planned to include in the Yearbook contributions from political, sociological, i philosophical, religious and cultural thinkers, several of whom were associated with the "Blut-bund" idea. In June 1914, he entered into consultations with Delphin Verlag, the Munich publishing house, in the hope that the Yearbook might be published in the spring of the following year.  387  At the same time,  Mitrinovic prepared articles for various European journals on the idea of the "Blut-bund," and on the significance of the ideas of potential contributors to the Yearbook.  388  Kandinsky's reputation and  connections helped Mitrinovic to access circles where he was himself "completely nameless." His request to Kandinsky that he provide him with a letter of introduction to Gutkind was not without humour: "I do absolutely demand and shall coerce you with magic deeds from the far distance (don't believe me; I can't do anything like that)."  389  In the same letter, Mitrinovic explained that he was  working on "the basic outlines" of "ideas concerning society and politics," but that he would leave the ideas to "specialists" for "reshaping and deepening." Mitrinovic wrote letters to "specialists," who included Rosa Luxemburg, H. G. Wells, Henri Bergson, George Bernard Shaw, Pablo Picasso, F. T. Marinetti, Anatole France, Maxim Gorky, as well as Gutkind, van Eeden, Masaryk, Sinclair, Kandinsky, and Mestrovic.  390  It is clear from the rough copies of Mitrinovic's letters to these prospective  contributors that he tailored his descriptions of the project to fit with their respective attitudes. Although Mitrinovic attempted to link with his own ideas the views of these prospective contributors, he never abandoned his own principles.  391  The Yearbook was provisionally entided, Towards the Mankind of the Future through Aryan Europe.  Despite the racist connotations of this tide, it was meant to imply an initiative to unite with other Europeans the Russians — along with the Finns, the Hungarians, and the Jewish populations of Europe — in a cultural movement that would begin in Europe, then spread to America, Australia and India.  392  Although the concept of Aryanism derived from various racist teachings fashionable at the time, it was not invoked with any anti-Semitic intent. In fact, Mitrinovic invited contributions from many Jewish thinkers.  393  Mitrinovic based his conception of Aryanism on culture, not on blood. Mitrinovic  proposed the "Liberation of Colonies and Democracy of Nations, Racial interpenetration, the abolition 40  of small languages, their transformation into great ones."  For him, Aryanism was something noble  394  and generous pertaining to an aristocracy of the mind; it was close to the Nietzschean idea of the aristocratic.  395  It was through this spiritual quality that "the empire of the world might be brought about  and world peace be offered."  396  Mitrinovic considered it time that "all races and classes, all states and all continents began to unite into the all-inclusiveness of mankind and the world."  397  He argued for "the fundamental  transformation, and all-embracing drawing together, an all-involving integration" of peoples, united around the ideals of "the pan-human idea and the idea of a united Europe," and "a world state and eternal peace." Mitrinovic considered his "main aim" to be the "vitalising and exalting criticism of the ideas concerning mankind and its life, the emphasising of the ideal of a world culture"  398  The  Eurocentrism of the movement was thus to be reflexive, rather than essentialist. Europeans would ultimately be "be forced to unite for the sake of exalting their mutual life maintenance; but such a humanity may create itself only in an alliance of European Republics!' But this process was to be ongoing: "the union of progressive movements and institutions in Europe and Slavdom will bring closer the union of nations just as the nations united in brotherhood would have to further develop every advance; so the understanding of peoples will be deepened when justice is done to the societies of peoples, when the nations will be truly the leaders of their own politics."  399  In creating this scheme, Mitrinovic drew from all kinds of messianic and Utopian ideas from both Eastern and Western traditions.  400  But his attempt to promote an idea of Europe in which cultural  and spiritual elements were united with political ones was not entirely new. A similar idea was associated with the Theosophical Society, founded in 1875 by the Russian spiritualist Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, whose aim was to promote universal brotherhood and develop the latent faculties of human beings.  401  On 28 June 1914, Mitrinovic visited H. S. Chamberlain, who he admired for his work on Kant.  402  In was in Chamberlain's home that Mitrinovic heard the news of Princip's assassination of  Franz Ferdinand.  403  Mitrinovic realized that if he returned to Bosnia the Austro-Hungarian authorities  41  would either take him into custody, or conscript him into the Imperial and Royal Army. He decided to flee to Britain, and managed to leave Germany just prior to the outbreak of the First World War. He reached Belgium, where at Ostend he boarded one of the last ferries that crossed the Channel to England.  404  42  Chapter 4 T h e Exiled Yugoslavist  A modern mystic from Serbia Enlightened the minds of Suburbia Under each camisole Sighed a synthetic soul With thoughts too superb and superbia [Suburbia is not a place but a state of soul in which the sufferer sees himself superior to his fellows] 405  Mitrinovic was penniless when he boarded the ferry in Ostend. During the crossing, he learned that the immigration authorities in Dover granted entry only to solvent individuals. Mitrinovic borrowed five pounds from a black man he met on the boat, then returned the money to his benefactor after he had passed through customs and passport control.  406  Like Herzen, Mazzini and Bakunin before him,  Mitrinovic found safe refuge in Britain. Mitrinovic arrived in London in early August 1914, and presented himself at the Legation of the Kingdom of Serbia. On 15 August, the staff of the Legation telegraphed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with a request for permission to appoint Mitrinovic to a position within the Legation. On 29 August, the staff sent a second dispatch, in which they stressed the importance of Mitrinovic's knowledge of the South Slav question. On 14 September, the staff made arrangements for his appointment as a clerk, but Mitrinovic soon grew dissatisfied with routine office work. He wrote to Nikola Pasic, the Serbian Prime Minister, and offered his services as a publicist for the South Slav cause.  407  He explained:  Be so kind as to forgive me for troubling you with this letter, since I have realised that I am not suited to office work I have had to resign the charge with which you and Monsieur the Minister have favoured me. I take the liberty of informing you personally why I have ceased working at the Legation so that my action may be rightly understood. In the meantime I hold that my national duty and my great obligation to the government of Serbia, which for years has assisted my education, will be best served if I devote myself to the propaganda of Yugoslav cultural and political thought among the peoples who may best be of assistance to Serbia and to Yugoslavia. 408  At the end of November, Pasic sent a cipher telegram to the Legation, informing the staff that they should "Let Mitrinovic work as he proposes."  409  No longer deskbound, and freed of official duties, 43  Mitrinovic concentrated on enlightening British "political thinking" on the South Slav question.  410  On  19 November 1914, Mitrinovic wrote to Slavko Grujic, the Serbian Foreign Minister, and declared that it is categorically necessary to enlighten public political thinking in Europe and America about Serbia and the brotherhood with the Croats and the Slovenes, it is necessary to gain the respect of Europe, and of humanity in general, for the cultural works which Yugoslavia has already achieved: for the national art, literary, musical and textile ... It is necessary to advise the wide world of the high moral value of the Serbian peasant, not only when he is putting up a superhuman fight for his life; and of the human content and greatness of Yugoslav history. At this moment it is not opportune ... to begin such propaganda in England 411  Here, Mitrinovic deems conditions in England to be "not opportune" for the dissemination of propaganda that would further the South Slav cause. The British people respected Serbia as a plucky ally in the war against the Central Powers, but that did not translate to broad based enthusiasm for the South Slav struggle. Maria Toderova has called the assassination of Franz Ferdinand the "original sin" of the Balkans, and has claimed that it left an indelible mark on all assessments of the region.  412  Twenty years  later, Rebecca West — after admitting that she "quite simply and flatiy knew nothing at all about the south-eastern corner of Europe" or its peoples, nor had she "come across anybody who was acquainted with them" - viewed the Balkans as a place which was "a source of danger to me, which indeed for four years threatened my safety and during that time [the First World War] deprived me forever of many benefits."  413  However gready the British people valued "superhuman" Serbian contributions to the war  effort, they perceived - at the time, and for decades afterwards - that Serbs caused the war. Mitrinovic recognized the need not only to "enlighten public political thinking" but to "gain" for the South Slavs the "respect of Europe." The British cared litde and knew less about the South Slavs. In 1898, Miller had noted that it was "no exaggeration to say that many regions of Africa" were "more familiar to the cultured Englishman or German than the lands which lie beyond the Adriatic."  414  In the  1880s, an English traveler had remarked - in a fashionable London drawing room - that he had just been in Sarajevo. "Oh, do tell us," begged one of his fellows, "the latest news of Stanley then. You must have seen him quite lately!"  415  The comparison of Africa and the Balkans was perhaps not so  uncommon at that time, when imperialists had partitioned the world into nations destined to rule, and 44  regions fated to be ruled: there was no doubt that the Balkans, like Africa, fell into the latter category.  416  Under Disraeli, Britain had shored up Ottoman rule in the Balkans in order to check Russian ambitions in the region  4 1 7  The British strategy had been to maintain a stable arrangement in the Balkans, in order  to protect lines of communication to the empire in the East, as well as to ensure the harmony of the Great Powers in Europe.  418  Not only was support for the aspirations of the Balkan peoples absent from  British policy, but the success of the policy depended on the continued subjugation of these peoples.  419  It suited the British that the Balkan peoples should be subject to colonial rule, so the Balkan peoples came to be understood as suited to subjugation, and incapable of self-rule. The peoples of the Balkans were treated - in Victorian and Edwardian textual representations as if they required governance from an external source.  420  These representations - regardless of whether  they were explicitly pursued by an author, or left implicit for his or her readership to discern — 421  legitimized Ottoman rule over the Balkan peoples, and thus vindicated British policy.  422  These  representations were found primarily in popular journalistic and quasi-journalistic literary forms (especially travelogues). The similarities of these representations reinforced the view of the Balkans as a region characterized by violence, discord and backwardness, and the general uniformity of the 423  representations lent credibility to these characterizations  4 2 4  In the early twentieth century these  representations calcified into a discourse which Todorova has called "balkanist."  425  Balkanist discourse  was fashioned from discursive material fitted for use on the colonial object; but the representation of the Balkan peoples sometimes differed in degree - though never in kind - from the representations of the indigenous peoples of Britain's colonies.  426  Perhaps no one event hardened balkanist discourse as much as the 1903 regicide (and defenestration) of King Aleksandar Obrenovic and Queen Draga of Serbia. This event shaped public awareness and shocked royalists throughout the rest of Europe.  427  In 1920, Edith Durham wrote of the  regicide, "not even in Dahomey could it have been accomplished with more repulsive savagery."  428  According to Durham, this savagery was typically Balkan: "West Europe was, in 1903, quite ignorant of the state of primitive savagery from which the South Slavs were but beginning to rise." 45  429  She  continued: "In the breast of every human being there is a wolf. It may sleep for several generations. But it wakes at last and howls for blood. In the breast of the South Slav, both Serb and Montenegrin, it has not yet even thought of slumbering."  430  Durham implies that the wolf slumbers in west Europeans, yet  just a few years before the regicide, at least 20,000 Afrikaner women and children and 12,000 Coloured people died as a direct result of their internment in British concentration camps during the final phase of the Boer War  4 3 1  In the years following the regicide, the Germans of Deutsch-Siidwestafrika perpetrated  the genocide of the Herero and Nama peoples. But for Durham, it was "the Balkan Slav" that would commit "further brutality" unless restrained by "civilization."  432  One of the ironies of balkanism is that the calcification of balkanist discourse occurred at the very moment when the British altered their pro-Turkish policies as a result of Germany's penetration into the Ottoman Empire, and Austria-Hungary's annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The British fear of German infiltration to the East over-rode the belief that the independence of the Balkan Slavs necessarily involved the spread of Russian influence in that part of Europe.  433  The schizophrenia in  British "official" attitudes that resulted from the policy shift can be gauged from Bosnia and Herzegovina, a handbook that was "Prepared under the Direction of the Historical Section of the Foreign Office," and published by H. M. Stationary Office in 1920, though it had obviously been written in the preceding years. Early in the volume, it is claimed that "the general oriental outlook of the inhabitants was responsible for laziness and scorn of bodily labour," but later it is admitted that while "the Christian 434  Slavonic" peasant is "backward in culture and primitive its industrial methods," this can be put down "to his discouragement at seeing his land in the hands of the Moslem and his political destiny at the disposition of Austria."  435  Rebecca West wrote that after the First World War, which proved the Dual  Monarchy and Russia to be "soft as rotten apples, and the Serbs as strong in the saving of European civilization, many Englishmen lamented that the Balkan peoples were not under the tutelage of the charming, cultured Austrians."  436  Around the same time, staff at the Foreign Office coined a noun -  "Balkanics" - to denote the particular character of disputes in the Balkans.  437  From Mitrinovic's realization that conditions in England were "not opportune" for the 46  dissemination of propaganda, it is certain that he had an understanding of the pervasiveness of balkanist discourse. From his literary criticism, it is likewise certain that he had an understanding of how power is structured. In 1932, Konrad Berkovici wrote "like the poor, the Balkans shall always be with us."  438  Mitrinovic, in his review of Arno Holz's The Book of Times, wrote that Holz was a "rebel against the social order and false morality, who ... hears the cries of the hungry who have no right to exist because they are not reputable.He  goes on to say that in The Book of Times, "thousands of oppressed and unknown  found a voice, those whose sole offence was being born." Despite conditions that were "not opportune," Mitrinovic - with his propaganda - gave voice to the millions of poor, hungry, ill-reputable, oppressed and unknown South Slavs. Mitrinovic's first piece of propaganda was an article entided, "Who Should Possess Trieste?" which appeared in the Outlook on 26 September 1914. Ever true to his Yugoslavism, he does not propose a unitary state: The Southern Slavs dwell in Serbia and Montenegro, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Croatia, in the Serbian parts of Hungary, in Dalmatia, Istria and Krain; and the Slavonic inhabitants of all these territories desire to unite, to form a single State, and to establish a civilisation of their own. The inhabitants of the territories mentioned have various names. They are called Croatians, Slovenes, Serbians, etc. However, all these are at bottom one tribe and one nation. They dream of a Yougoslavia [sic], which means a Southern Slav State, of a Greater Serbia, which, in conjunction with Bulgaria, would form a federation. Such a federal State should reach from Trieste to Constantinople, and Serbia should be its centre and its key-stone, for Serbia seems to be destined to be not only the liberator, but also the leader, of the Southern Slavs. However, Serbia should not rule the Southern Slavs arbitrarily. She should not be another AustriaHungary. Greater Serbia should be established on the firm rock of self-government for the various Slavonic races included in it. 440  Rather, he proposes a Balkan federation, an idea that placed him at odds with the Serbian nationalists, especially the more chauvinist ones. In 1915, the Croatian poet S. P. Tucic edited a book in the Daily Telegraph "War Library" series entitled The Slav Nations.^ For this Mitrinovic prepared an article, "Buried Treasure," in which he reviewed the historic mission of Serbia as "a bulwark for Europe and Christianity against the invasions of Turkish barbarians and Islam."  442  This sentence contains an example of "nesting orientalism," the  process by which the peoples of the Balkans construct their own hierarchies of less and more 47  "orientalized" members within their own peninsula, and thus stratify their stigmatization.  443  reviewed The Slav Nations in the New Age of 28 January 19 1 5.  444  Paul Selver  His review was uncomplimentary in  general, but critical of "Buried Treasure" in particular. Selver failed "to see why only the Southern Slavs should get a hearing." He was "dissatisfied and disappointed" with the volume, and castigated Mitrinovic's epilogue on the grounds that it was "extremely inexact." In particular, Selver objected to Mitrinovic's treatment of the Slovenes: "he refers in a casual way to the Slovenes, who, the reader would imagine, are all a part of the great Servian race. Yet the fact is that they have traditions, aims, and a language of their own." Selver's opinion of the volume was so uncomplimentary that he considered it necessary in his review to "classify" its "defects" in three divisions. Selver remarked that "the proportion of space allotted to the different Slav races" was "most strange": "considerably more than half the book" was "devoted to the Southern Slavs."  445  There was "no excuse for filling page upon page  with details of recent Servian history." Selver characterized the volume as "partisan" to "an extreme degree," and produced "in a grossly careless manner." In spite of the harshness of this review, Mitrinovic arranged a meeting with Selver. "Hardly had I shaken hands with Mitrinovic," Selver recounted, "than I found myself so affected by his mere presence that I nearly lost consciousness." Mitrinovic agreed that "he had been guilty of serious blunders," and that he "fully accepted" Selver's criticisms. Mitrinovic explained that the volume "had been brought out very hurriedly," and that haste accounted "for some, though not all of its blemishes."  446  Selver described — in orientalist language - his  first impression of Mitrinovic: he possessed "many of the attributes with which novelists ... equip mystery men from the Near East who form the centre of a highly tangled plot. Yes, Mitrinovic outwardly fulfilled all the requirements in this respect, with his shaven head, his swarthiness, his dark garments and his hypnotic eyes."  447  Twenty years later, Charles Purdom also described Mitrinovic in  orientalist language: "No doubt there is not a litde Turkish blood in him."  448  Towards the end of 1915, Mitrinovic travelled to Paris, where he remained until late February 1916. His official business was to help with the arrangements for the staging of the exhibition of Mestrovic's works.  449  In Paris, Mitrinovic re-established contact with some of his colleagues from 48  Young Bosnia, including Gacinovic and the Croat symbolist poet Tin Ujevic who used to gather at the Cafe Rotonde, which was also frequented by Cocteau, Modigliani, and Picasso.  450  Mitrinovic had a bitter  argument with Ujevic, one consequence of which was a growing disillusionment on his part with Yugoslav emigre circles in Europe. It appeared to Mitrinovic that his ideal of a federation of the South Slav peoples was being distorted and corrupted by professional politicians and career diplomats. He wrote to his friend Mestrovic that the dream of a new Yugoslavia was being sabotaged by "the shamelessness and folly of politicians who are demolishing it before it is built." By 1919, Mitrinovic "no longer had his heart in the work."  452  451  Philip Mairet recalled that  Mitrinovic questioned whether he should serve as a propagandist now that "his inspiration for that cause had dried up at the source? He was repelled by the thought." Mairet explained that Mitrinovic did not want to postpone "committing himself to the greater cause he had discussed with Gutkind and Van Eeden — the cause he had preached to passionately to others. And if he once postponed this, out of fear of the consequences, might it not be for ever?"  453  Mitrinovic, mentally crippled by "a fearful dilemma,"  took to bed "with something like a mysterious illness." Ultimately, he decided that he "could not and would not ... work any more for those political people. There was nothing in it for him, except that they paid him." In 1919, he decided to devote his life to a greater vision of a recreated world order. He told Mairet that he was "jumping off into nowhere." Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes in the summer of 1920.  454  455  49  He resigned from the service of the Kingdom of  Conclusion Three-parts Forgotten  Mark Garnett has described Mitrinovic as "three-parts forgotten."  456  Yet there is much for which  Mitrinovic deserves to be remembered beyond that which has been discussed in this work. Although contemporary scholars may find his "Europe-centered discourse" to be "unsettling," there can be no 457  doubt that it was reflexive, rather than valorizing. Mitrinovic was one of the few individuals willing — in the early 1920s — to draw attention to the sufferings of the peoples subject to colonial rule from the European states. He pointed out that Europeans have perpetrated "unimaginable ... crimes" on "the Black and Yellow races." For example, "incredibly little of all that Europe has hitherto done to China lies outside the definition of crime." More specifically, it is "unimaginable to the complacent European mind what crimes have been perpetrated by Europe on the Black race. All-in-all, since the re-discovery of Africa alone, a hundred million Blacks have been enslaved or put to death in the supposed interest of Europe, not to mention the example of America. It would appear, indeed, as if the governing purpose of Europe were to divide up the Black race and administer it solely to Europe's good."  458  He was  adamant that "good Europeans must be ashamed of the chicanery which Europe practices in her relations with the other races."  459  Of course, Mitrinovic's sensitivity in this regard can be accounted for  by the fact that he and the other inhabitants of Bosnia had a first-hand understanding of life as colonial subjects. Mitrinovic's contributions to the debate about what constituted a "good European" were therefore all the more valuable then, as they are today.  50  Andrew Rigby, Initiation and Initiative: An Exploration of the Life and Ideas of Dimitrije Mitrinovic (Boulder, C O : East European Monographs, 1984). Andrew Rigby is currently Director o f the Centre for the Study of Forgiveness and Reconciliation at Coventry University. George Feaver, review o f Initiation and Initiative: An Exploration of the Life and Ideas of Dimitrije Mitrinovic, by Andrew Rigby, American Historical Review 91, no. 1 (1986): 117. Thomas A . Emmert, review o f Initiation and Initiative: An Exploration of the Life and Ideas of Dimitrije Mitrinovic, by Andrew Rigby, CanadianAmerican Slavic Studies 19, no. 2 (1985): 235. E m m e r t concluded (p. 236) that Mitrinovic "is a fascinating twentieth century thinker, and this work will no doubt encourage others to continue the exploration into his life and ideas." But in 1990 E m m e r t lamented that it was now "unlikely that we will ever experience a renaissance of interest" in Mitrinovic: see Thomas A . Emmert, review o f Certainly, Future: Selected Writings by Dimitrije Mitrinovic, ed. by H . C. Rutherford, CanadianAmerican Slavic Studies 24, no. 1 (1990): 67. Currently, Christophe L e Dreau (of Sciences Po Paris) is conducting research on Mitrinovic, but only as part of a larger project encompassing all the "British Federalist [sic] and Pan-European Associations" from 1929 to 1951. See Christophe L e Dreau, e-mail to H - N e t Discussion Network, December 23, 2003, http: h-net.msu.edu/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx&list=halbion&month=0312&week=d&msg= V926TyW4TDgUgqCrt4%2bvPg&user=&pw=. 1  2  3  4  Dejan Durickovic, "The Poets o f Y o u n g Bosnia," Survey Sarajevo 2 (1975): 78. In subsequent references — for reasons of brevity — "Bosnia" will denote the geographical unit of Bosnia and Herzegovina. T o avoid ambiguity, the long form ("Bosnia and Herzegovina") will be used in geopolitical and legal contexts, to designate the Ottoman provinces that were ruled as Hapsburg territories after 1878, and then annexed outright by Austria-Hungary in 1908.. Nenad Petrovic, "Dimitrije Mitrinovic," T S , trans. D . Shillan, 1976, 1, N e w Atlantis Foundation Dimitrije Mitrinovic Archive, Special Collections, University o f Bradford Library (hereafter cited as Mitrinovic MSS). This TS is a translation o f a 1967 pamphlet written in Serbian, which has since been republished in Ozjiedu o cMUc/iy u 3a6siydaMa (Belgrade: Knjizevne Novine, 2002). Predrag Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," in The Dogma and Utopia of Dimitrije Mitrinovic, T S , trans. D . Shillan and E . D . G o y , ca. 1980, 10, Mitrinovic M S S . Mitrinovic to K r o p o t k i n , L o n d o n , 16 August 1914, T S , trans. R. Meuss, Mitrinovic M S S . Recendy, Luisa Passerini has situated the N E G within the wider movement for European unification in interwar Britain. See Luisa Passerini, Europe in Love, Love in Europe: Imagination and Politics in Britain between the Wars (London: Taurus, 1999), 126-45. Walter Lipgens, A History of European Integration, vol. 1, The Formation of the European Unity Movement, trans. P. S. Falla and A . J. Ryder (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), 162. D . R. Davies, In Search of Myself: The Autobiography ofD. R. Davies (London: Bles, 1961), 119. Davies, In Search of Myself 131. "Commemoration Meeting to Dimitrije Mitrinovic held at N o r f o l k Lodge, Richmond, August 28th, 1954," 1954, 2, Watson T h o m s o n Fonds, Special Collections, University o f British Columbia Library, Vancouver. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 5—6. Philip Mairet, "3rd September, 1953," T S of his letter o f condolence, 1953, Mitrinovic M S S . Predrag Palavestra is currently Secretary of the Department o f Language and Literature at the Serbian Academy of Science and Arts. Predrag Palavestra, Dogma i Utopija Dimitrija Mitinovica: Poceci srpske knjizevne avangarde (Belgrade: Slovo Ljubve, 1977 The Dogma and Utopia of Dimitrije Mitrinovic, T S , trans. D . Shillan and E . D . G o y , ca. 1980, Mitrinovic M S S . See Appendix III ("Assumptions on Mitrinovic's thoughts and feelings for which D r . Palavestra has no evidence") in "Critique o f the last chapter o f D r . Predrag Palavestra's book Dogma i Utopija Dimitrija Mitinovica by the Trustees of the N e w Atlantis Foundation," T S , 1980, 39-41, Mitrinovic M S S . 5  6  7  8  9  1 0  11  1 2  1 3  14  15  16  17  18  1 9  Furthermore, the historical accuracy o f Dogma i Utopija Dimitrija Mitinovica is undermined by the author's inclusion o f at least 22 factual errors. See "Critique o f the last chapter," 71-72, Mitrinovic M S S . 2 0  "Review by Predrag Protic in 'Knjizevne N o v i n e ' (Literary News) Belgrade 1.12.77. of Predrag Palavestra: 'The Dogma and Utopia o f Dimitrije Mitrinovic, Slovo ljubve, Belgrade 1977," T S , trans. D . Shillan, 1978, l.Mitrinovic MSS. 2 1  Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 4. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 6. Feaver, review of Initiation and Initiative, 118. Borivoje Jevtic, "Dimitrije Mitrinovic: A n Aquatic Flower, O n the occasion o f Dimitrije Mitrinovic's death," T S , trans, n.d., date n.d., 19. Originally published in 1953 in Zivot, vol. 2, no.13 (pp. 260-63 ), no.14 (pp. 357-60), and no. 15 (pp. 433-40). Mitrinovic M S S . 2 2  2 3  2 4  2 5  Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 28, Mitrinovic M S S . Paul Klee, The Diaries ofPaulKJee 1898-1914, ed. Felix Klee (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University o f California Press, 1964), 280.  2 6  2 7  2 8  E d w i n Muir, An Autobiography (London: Hogarth, 1954), 174.  51  Willa Muir, Belonging: A Memoir (London: Hogarth, 1968), 41. Emmert, review of Initiation and Initiative, 235. Only the nationalist ideology of the Macedonian revolutionary Goce Delcev (1872-1903) was as liberal as the ideas professed by Mitrinovic. See Fred Singleton, A Short History of the Yugoslav Peoples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 99. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 81. Dimitrije Djordjevic, "The Berlin Congress of 1878 and the Origins of World War I," Serbian Studies 12, no. 1 (1998): 4. There were also small numbers of Jews and gypsies in Bosnia. After 1878, small numbers of Protestants migrated to Bosnia; they were the only element of the population on whose support the administration could always rely. Djordjevic, "The Berlin Congress," 2. To avoid ambiguity, terminology is used with consistency throughout this work. "Serbians" denotes the Serbs who lived in Serbia. "Serbs" denotes people of Serbian Orthodox faith, who were found in some areas of the Hungarian half (Vojvodina, in particular) of the Dual Monarchy, and some parts of the Austrian half, too; in Bosnia and Herzegovina; in Montenegro; and, of course, in Serbia. Toponymic qualifiers (e.g. Croatian Serbs) designate Serbs from any particular land outside of Serbia, except for in the case of "the Serbian Orthodox inhabitants" of Bosnia and/or Herzegovina. Similarly, the "Muslim inhabitants" and the "Roman Catholic inhabitants" of Bosnia and/or Herzegovina denote those from Bosnia or Herzegovina, so in the latter case excludes approximately 100,000 Roman Catholics who by 1910 had either willingly migrated from the Austrian and Hungarian halves of the Dual Monarchy, or had been stationed in the territories in the service of the Hapsburgs. The terms "Bosnian Serb," "Bosnian Croat," and "Bosniak" are not used because these ethnicities calcified only in the twentieth century. Robin Okey, "A Trio of Hungarian Balkanists: Beni Kallay, Istvan Burian and Lajos Thalloczy in the Age of High Nationalism," Slavonic and East European Review 80 (2002): 236. The Times of 24 June 1878. Misha Glenny, The Balkans 1804-1999: Nationalism, War and the Great Powers (London: Granta Books, 1999), 144. W. N . Medlicott, The Congress of Berlin and After: A Diplomatic History of the Near Eastern Settlement 1878-1880, 2nd ed. (Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1963), 38. At one stage in the proceedings, Benjamin Disraeli claimed that "Montenegro need have no port, only a little garden to grow cabbages and potatoes." See Vladimir Dedijer, The Road to Sarajevo (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1966), 45. R. W. Seton- Watson, "The Role of Bosnia in International Politics (1875-1914)," in Proceedings of the British Academy 1931, 335-68 (London: Milford, 1931), 356. The Times of 16 August 1878. One of the reasons why the Hapsburgs agreed to this provision was that it ensured that the Ottomans remained responsible for the pre-1878 debts of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Omer Hadziselimovic, ed., At the Gates of the East: British Travel Writers on Bosnia and Herzegovina from the Sixteenth t Twentieth Centuries (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 2001), 220. Mark Mazower, The Balkans (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2000), 91-92. The Times of 18 July 1878. Berliner Tageblatt of 15 July 1878. According to the Times of 23 July 1878, occupation was the only way for the Hapsburgs "to twine a rope of sand." Historically, more often than not it was outsiders who united large swathes of the mountainous Balkan peninsula, which lacked a natural centre around which a great state might evolve. The Serbians would have gained direct access to an Adriatic seaport had Serbia and Montenegro become contiguous. The South Slav possessions of the Austrian half of the Dual Monarchy were Dalmatia, Istria, and the Slovene lands. Croatia, Slavonia, and Vojvodina were possessions of the Hungarian half. Noel Malcolm, Bosnia: A Short History (London: Macmillan, 1994), 136. John R. Schindler, "Defeating Balkan Insurgency: The Austro-Hungarian Army in Bosnia-Hercegovina, 1878-82," journal of Strategic Studies Tl, no. 3 (2004): 530. Very few Roman Catholic inhabitants of Bosnia and Herzegovina fought against the Imperial and Royal Army in 1878. The alliance between the Muslim and Serbian Orthodox inhabitants reflected a temporary coincidence of interests, rather than a basis for a future partnership. Schindler, "Defeating Balkan Insurgency," 537. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 65. Arthur J. May, The Hapsburg Monarchy 1867-1914 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1960), 134. Robert J. Doina, "The Hapsburg Imperial Army in the Occupation of Bosnia and Hercegovina," in Insurrections, Wars, and the Eastern Crisis in the 1870s, ed. Bela K. Kiraly and Gale Stokes, 375-91 (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1985), 375. May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 134. Glenny, The Balkans, 268. 29  30 31  32  3 3  34  3 3 36  37  3 8 39  4 0  41  4 2 4 3  4 4  4 5  46 47  4 8 49  50  51  52 53  54  55  36  57  5 8  59  60  52  Robert J. Doina, "The New Bosniak History," Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (2000): 355. Malcolm, Bosnia, 140. This wave of emigration of Muslims from Bosnia was of a lesser magnitude than the exodus of Turkish-speaking Muslims from the newly independent Bulgaria. See Malcolm, Bosnia, 282. Glenny, The Balkans, 275. Robert J. Doina, Islam under the Double Eagle: The Muslims of Bosnia and Hercegovina, 1878-1914 (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1981), 34. Jelena Milojkovic-Djuric, "Benjamin von Kallay's Role in Bosnia-Herzegovina 1882-1903: Habsburg's Policies in an Occupied Territory," Serbian Studies 14, no. 2 (2000): 213. Doina, Islam under the Double Eagle, 34. May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 408. Doina, Islam under the Double Eagle, 33. According to Robert J. Doina, the gendarmerie never became a self-policing force of local citizens, but remained "an alien tool of imperial policy." See Doina, "The Hapsburg Imperial Army," 386. Doina, "The Hapsburg Imperial Army," 387. Doina, Islam under the Double Eagle, 30. Glenny, The Balkans, 255. A. J. P. Taylor, The Habsburg Monarchy 1809—1918: A. History of the Austrian Empire and Austria-Hungary (London: Penguin Books, 1976), 166. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 68 Doina, Islam under the Double Eagle, 11. Peter F. Sugar, Industrialisation of Bosnia 1878-1918 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1963), 28. Doina, Islam under the Double Eagle, 11. This is an example of a solution that represented an Austro-Hungarian compromise, rather than one designed to improve the governance of Bosnia. The character of Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia was influenced by the tensions that existed between the two halves of the Dual Monarchy. Disagreements about the policies of the administration in Bosnia aggravated those tensions still further. For example, officials from the Austrian half of the Dual Monarchy resented the fact that they had to wear the uniforms worn by officials in the Hungarian half. Sugar, Industrialisation ofBosnia, 31. Stijn Vervaet, "Some Historians from Former Yugoslavia on the Austro-Hungarian Period in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1878-1918): A Reality of Imperialism versus the Golden Years of the Double Eagle?" Kakanien Revisited (2004): 4, http://www.kakanien.ac.at/beitr/fallstudie/SVervaetl.pdf. William Miller, Travels and Politics in the Near East (London: Unwin, 1898), 118. Andre Gerolymatos, The Balkan Wars: Myth, Reality, and the Eternal Conflict (Toronto: Stoddart, 2001), 31. Snezana Trifunovska, ed., Yugoslavia through Documents: From Its Creation to Its Dissolution (Dordrecht: Nijhoff, 1994), 104 Michael Palairet, "The Hapsburg Industrial Achievement in Bosnia-Hercegovina, 1878-1914: A n Economic Spurt that Succeeded?" Austrian History Yearbook 24 (1993): 143. Glenny, The Balkans, 273. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 78. A total of 121 bridges were constructed in the territories during the same period. Glenny, The Balkans, 252. The forests of Bosnia and Herzegovina covered a greater extent than those of any country in Europe except Finland. Bosnian timber was re-exported from Trieste as far afield as Argentina, South Africa, and China. Palairet, "The Hapsburg Industrial Achievement," 140. Sugar, Industrialisation of Bosnia, 46. Rebecca West, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon: A Journey through Yugoslavia (1941; repr., New York: Penguin Books, 1994), 443. Sugar, Industrialisation ofBosnia, 173. May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 406. Maude M . Holbach, Bosnia and Herzegovina: Some Wayside Wanderings (London: Lane, 1910), 172. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 202. Frances Kinsley Hutchinson, Motoring in the Balkans: Along the Highways of Dalmatia, Montenegro, the Herzegovina and Bo (Chicago: McClurg, 1909), 289. Ivan Lovrenovic, Bosnia: A Cultural History, trans. Sonja Wild Bicanic (London: Saqi Books, 2001), 149. During the course of 1910, more than 13,500 peasants and kmets (serfs) were accused of not paying their tributes and taxes, and were evicted from the land they tilled. See Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 203. May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 407. Taylor, Habsburg Monarchy, 167. Glenny, The Balkans, 274. The aristocracy of Hungary opposed - on the principle of respect for private property - any policy of forcible land expropriation and redistribution in Bosnia. These landowners refused to consider the long-term implications for Bosnia, 61  62  63 64  6 5  66  67  68 69  70  71  72 73  74  7 5 76  77  7 8  79  80  81  82  83  8 4  8 5  86  87  88  89  9 0 91  92 93  94  95  96  97  9 8  99  100 101  1 0 2  53  and took into account only the short-term impact of reform on the Hungarian, Croatian, Romanian, Serbian, and Slovakian peasants over whom they ruled. Gerolymatos, Balkan Wars, 38. Sugar, Industrialisation of Bosnia, 38. Hadziselimovic, Gates of the East, 445. ion Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 8. Professor Griinberg, of the University of Vienna, calculated that under the new system the last kmet would not own his land before 2025. See H . M . Stationary Office, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Handbooks Prepared under the Direction of the Historical Section of the Foreign Office 12 (London: H . M . Stationary Office, 1920), 56. The Hapsburgs had codified and regulated peasant obligations, and had annulled some prerogatives that the Ottomans had granted the Muslim landowners. As a result, the landowners were - in general - less rapacious under Hapsburg rule than they had been under Ottoman rule. See Doina, Islam under the Double Eagle, 27. Malcolm, Bosnia, 141. May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 273. Most of the Serbian Orthodox inhabitants hated the Hapsburg officials, and detested the rulers of the Dual Monarchy, too. In 1906, Hapsburg officials in Trebinje had resorted to the offer of a payment of 30 crowns to every individual who agreed to cheer the Archduke Franz Ferdinand during his visit. After his assassination eight years later, 37 Serbian Orthodox inhabitants of the town were hanged in reprisal. Hadziselimovic, Gates of the East, 221. Sugar, Industrialisation of Bosnia, 29—31. In 1907, Mostar's Narod declared that unless all Hapsburg officials and soldiers were evacuated there would be a violent revolution. In that event, the Dual Monarchy would be wrecked as easily as a bomb destroys a house. See May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 410. Sugar, Industrialisation of Bosnia, 29. Kallay came to be referred to as "the uncrowned king" of Bosnia and Herzegovina. He ruled the territories as his personal fiefdom, and resented outside interference. According to Misha Glenny, he used "his own brand of evasive double-speak" when dealing with parliamentarians from the Dual Monarchy. See Glenny, The Balkans, 273. Okey, " A Trio of Hungarian Balkanists," 237. Seton-Watson, "The Role of Bosnia," 344. Seton-Watson, "The Role of Bosnia," 345. Djordjevic, "The Berlin Congress," 9. Palairet, "The Hapsburg Industrial Achievement," 148. Palairet, "The Hapsburg Industrial Achievement," 136. The Times of 26 February 1908. The Times of 7 November 1885. Glenny, The Balkans, 254. Jelena Milojkovic-Djuric, "Articulating Cultural Policies in an Occupied Territory: Bosnia-Herzegovina in the Aftermath of the Berlin Congress," Serbian Studies 13, no. 2 (1999): 37. Ilijas Hadzibegovic, "The Role of the Social Democratic Party of Bosnia-Hercegovina in Political Life before the First World War," Survey Sarajevo 2 (1975): 64. These cultural policies included measures taken with the intention of romanticizing the cultural traditions of Bosnia, such as the introduction of a coat-of-arms and a flag, and the preservation of medieval tombstones. See MilojkovicDjuric, "Articulating Cultural Policies," 52. Malcolm, Bosnia, 148. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 81. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 485. Dusan T. Batakovic, The Serbs of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Paris: Dialogue, 1996), 65. Okey, " A Trio of Hungarian Balkanists," 246. Glenny, The Balkans, 275. Senor Ussigli, the Italian consul in Sarajevo, reported that Serb nationalists expressed fear that Bosnia might lose its "essenzialmente serbo" character and become instead "croatizzato." See Glenny, The Balkans, 256. Malcolm, Bosnia, 149. Hadziselimovic, Gates of the East, 375. Hadziselimovic, Gates of the East, 376. Malcolm, Bosnia, 148. Serbs nationalists warned the Muslims that if they made common cause with the Croat nationalists, they would be forcibly converted to Roman Catholicism, and assimilated into Croatdom. The Croat nationalists countered this claim with the argument that the Muslims could only hold on to their faith and traditions in the tolerant embrace of Croatdom. See Glenny, The Balkans, 269. 103  104 105  107  108  109  110  111  1 1 2 113 114  113  116  117  118 119  120 121  1 2 2 123  124  125  126  127  128  129  130 131  132  133  134 135  136  137  138  139 140  54  Doina, "The New Bosniak History," 355. Glenny, The Balkans, 271, Malcolm, Bosnia, 152. After 1903, his successors sought to "divide and rule," which remained the Hapsburg strategy in Bosnia until 1914. Glenny, The Balkans, 272. In 1884, the authorities co-opted an initiative by some residents of Sarajevo - who had collected cultural artefacts to prevent them being scattered (presumably to the museums of Vienna and Budapest) — and the National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina was eventually inaugurated as a state institution in 1888. See Borivoj Covic, ed., Through the Collections of the National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina, trans. Ferdinand Dobrowolsky (Sarajevo: Zemaljski muzej Bosne i Hercegovine, 1971), 1. Malcolm, Bosnia, 148. Branka Magas, "On Bosnianness," Nations and Nationalism 9, no. 1 (2003): 20. In Herzegovina, during the 1890s, a war of words broke out between the propagandists of Greater Croatia and Greater Serbia. The Croat newspaper Glas Hercegovca (Voice of the Hercegovinian) claimed Bosnia and Hercegovina as integral parts of Croatia. The Serbs countered with the claim that they were exclusively Serb lands. See Glenny, The Balkans, 269. Magas, "On Bosnianness," 20-21. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 7. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 5, Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 9. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 2—3, Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 9. Mihailo Djordjevic, "Mostar: A Serbian Cultural Center in the 1880s and 1890s," Serbian Studies 7, no. 2 (1993): 7980. Blair Jaekel, The Lands of the Tamed Turk; Or, The Balkan States of To-day (Boston: Page, 1910), 171. Hadziselimovic, Gates of the East, 272. Hadziselimovic, Gates of the East, 447. Hadziselimovic, Gates of the East, 273. Hadziselimovic, Gates of the East, 447. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 111. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 9. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 7, Mitrinovic MSS. All schoolboys - whether Serbian Orthodox, Roman Catholic, or Muslim - were forbidden to take part in any public society. Athletic associations were banned in the territories. See Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 176. May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 118. During Mitrinovic's teenage years, the Mostar booksellers Paher and Kisic ran one of the very few bookshop in Bosnia. See Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 6, Mitrinovic MSS. Milojkovic-Djuric, "Benjamin von Kallay's Role," 213. Censorship was slightly relaxed between 1907 and 1912. Okey, " A Trio of Hungarian Balkanists," 237. May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 409. Gacinovic died in Switzerland in August 1917. His cause of death is unknown, but according to some accounts he was poisoned, possibly by agents from the Austro-Hungarian secret service. ' Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 10. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 10. Jevtic, "Dimitrije Mitrinovic: A n Aquatic Flower," 20. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 215. Gacinovic later became an ardent supporter of collaboration with the Croats. See Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 216. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 10, Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 10, Mitrinovic MSS. Petrovic, "Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 8-9, Mitrinovic MSS. Ivo Banac, "The Origins and Development of the Concept of Yugoslavia (to 1945)," Yearbook of European Studies 5 (1992): 3. Jevtic, "Dimitrije Mitrinovic: A n Aquatic Flower," 2, Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 17, Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 11. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 12, Mitrinovic MSS. Passerini, Europe in Love, 106. Zerajic to Gacinovic, Zagreb, 12 December 1910, in "Letter from Bogdan Zerajic to Vladimir Gacinovic in Belgrade, dated [sic] Zagreb, 12/1. 10," TS, trans, n.d., date n.d., n.p. Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 11. 141  142 143 144  145  146  147  148  149  50  51  52 33 54  55 56  57  58 59  6 0 61  62 63  64  65  66  67  6 8 69  7 0  7  7 2  7 3  7 4  7 5  7 6  77  7 8  79 80  81  8 2  83 84  185  55  Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 17, Mitrinovic MSS. "Extract from a work by Vladimir Gacinovic on the activities and aspirations of'Mlada Bosna,"' TS, trans, n.d., date n.d., n.p., Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 22, Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 13, Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 13, Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 17-18. Jevtic, "Dimitrije Mitrinovic: A n Aquatic Flower," 19, Mitrinovic MSS. Extract from the weekly Voice of Canadian Serbs, 11 February 1965, TS, n.p., Mitrinovic MSS. Jevtic, "Dimitrije Mitrinovic: A n Aquatic Flower," 19. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 216. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 18. Ante Kadic, review of Knjii(evnost Mlade Bosne, by Predrag Palavestra, Slavic andEast European Journal!!, no. 2 (1968): 257. Cedomil Mitrinovic, "Dimitrije Mitrinovic (facts for a biography)," TS, date n.d., 2, Mitrinovic MSS. Petrovic, "Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 3, Mitrinovic MSS. 2()o Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 16. Indeed, in 1918 the Serbian Orthodox people of Bosnia refused to unite with Serbia in advance of the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. See Magas, "On Bosnianness," Nations and Nationalism 9,21. "Extract from the interrogation of Vojislav Vasiljevic, a pupil in the seventh form of the gymnasium in Tuzla, which took place on July 14th 1914, at the district court of Tuzla," TS, trans, n.d., date n.d., n.p., Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 29, Mitrinovic MSS. aw Petrovic, "Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 8-9, Mitrinovic MSS. Luigi Salvatorelli, The Risorgimento: Thought and Action, trans. Mario Do'mandi (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), 93. 200 Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 15—16. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 16. 208 Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 16. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 213. Glenny, The Balkans, 294. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, All. Nikola Babic, "The Place and Role of Young Bosnia in the History of the Peoples of Bosnia-Hercegovina," Survey Sarajevo 2 (1975): 16. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 178. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 226. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 178. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 226. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 178. Monica Partridge, "Alexander Herzen and the South Slav Liberation Movements of the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century: Some Observations and Comments," Slavonic andEast European Review 56 (1978): 363. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 178. For example, during the trial of the assassins of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, none of Princip's writings were used as evidence against him and his fellow conspirators. Palavestra includes only two brief references (pp. 268 and 299) to Masaryk in Dogma i Utopija Dimitrija Mitinovica. Ante Kadic has criticized Palavestra's Knji%evnost Mlade Bosne (Sarajevo: Svjedost, 1965) because Palavestra does not "stress" the "initial infatuation of the Young Bosnians with the teachings of Thomas Masaryk." See Ante Kadic, review of Knji%evnost Mlade Bosne, by Predrag Palavestra, Slavic and East European Journal 12, no. 2 (1968): 257. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 11. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 30. Tomas Masaryk, RuRland und Europa: Studien uber die geistigen Strdmungen in Rutland (Jena: Diederichs, 1913). T. G. Masaryk, The Spirit of Russia: Studies in History, Uterature and Philosophy, trans. Eden Paul and Cedar Paul (London: Allen and Unwin, 1919). In 1956, approximately 2,800 volumes from Mitrinovic's library were bequeathed to the University of Belgrade, where they are held by Svetozar Markovic Library. In 1994, the remainder of Mitrinovic's library was gifted to the University of Bradford, where it is held (along with the New Adantis Foundation Dimitrije Mitrinovic Archive) by the J. B. Priestley Library. Details of the volumes by Masaryk collected by Mitrinovic are found at: http://ipac.brad.ac.uk/ipac20/ipac.jsp?session=11129D24C8B93.3523&profile=dial&uri=link=1100003@!S27733@!ll 00001@!1100002&aspect=basic_search&menu=search&ri=2&source=143.53.238.60@!chal&term=Masaryk%2C+T.+ G.+%28Toma%CC%81s%CC%8C+Garrigue%29%2C+1850-1937&index=AA. Passerini, Europe in Love, 105—6. 186 187  188 189  190  191  192  193 194  195  196 197  198  199  201  2 0 2  2 0 3  2 0 5  2 0 7  2 0 9  2 1 0 211  2 1 2  2 1 3 2 1 4  2 1 5  2 1 6 2 1 7  2 1 8  219  2 2 0  221  2 2 2 2 2 3 224  22d  22f>  227  56  Baron Aehrenthal (the Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary from 1906 to 1912) instigated the annexation in 1908 for several reasons. Aehrenthal sought to prove the Dual Monarchy's great power credentials, to humiliate Serbia, and to pre-empt the renewal of Ottoman claims to Bosnia and Herzegovina by the newly-ascendant Young Turks. The annexation entailed the flagrant breach of Article 25 of the Treaty of Berlin, which did not sanction the outright ownership of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Hapsburgs. Not only South Slavs were angry about the annexation: in Prague, martial law was declared in response to pro-Serb demonstrations in December 1908. Aehrenthal's policy was widely denounced in the European press. The annexation precipitated a diplomatic crisis that was resolved only after the Dual Monarchy paid 2,500,000 Turkish pounds to the Ottomans. Aehrenthal made a belated attempt to justify the annexation by fixing a show trial, in Zagreb, of 53 Croatian Serbs, all of whom were low-ranking members of the moderate Croatian-Serbian Coalition. The Hapsburg authorities hoped the treason trial would foment anti-Serb sentiment. They also wanted to stigmatize the Coalition, to slow its political momentum (especially in Dalmatia), and to destroy the spirit of cooperation between the Croats and Serbs of the Dual Monarchy that it represented. None of the accused — several of whom were former students of Masaryk — were guilty of sedition: all the charges were fabricated, and all the evidence forged. Masaryk wrote a book about the trial; he confessed that he found it difficult to decide if the court proceedings were an operetta, a comedy, or an inquisition. Masaryk's interpellations in the Zagreb trial and its equally farcical sequel, the Friedjung trial ("a crude swindle"), along with his exposure of the associated Vasic scandal, ensured him the gratitude of a great many educated South Slavs. The two trials and the scandal were the moral ruin of Austria-Hungary, and the Dual Monarchy lost its respectability throughout the world. In the Reichsrat, Masaryk pilloried Aehrenthal as "Annexander the Great" and demanded his resignation. Aehrenthal went on leave in March 1911 and never returned to office. One of the first South Slav students taught by Masaryk was Stjepan Radic, who founded the Croatian Peasant Party in 1904. Although he initially opposed the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, he later became its most prominent Croat politician. In 1928, he was shot and mortally wounded during a heated debate in the National Assembly. Irena Gantar Godina, "The Influence of T. G . Masaryk on the Slovenes up to 1914," in T . G . Masaryk (1850-1937), vol. 1, Thinker and Politician, ed. Stanley B. Winters (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1990), 116. Arnold Suppan, "Masaryk and the Trials for High Treason against South Slavs in 1909," in Winters, T. G. Masaryk (1850-1937), 211. Paul Selver, Masaryk: A Biography (London: Joseph, 1940), 165. Edward Poison Newman, Masaryk (London: Campion, 1960), 48. Selver, Masaryk: A Biography, 165. Selver, Masaryk: A Biography, 165. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 179. Donald A. Lowrie, Masaryk Nation Builder: The Man who Changed the Map ofEurope (New York: Association Press, 1930), 173. 238 Emancipation, rather than liberation, is used in this context. In peacetime Austria-Hungary, Masaryk advocated his own brand of radical Austro-Slavism. Prior to the First World War, he made no public statement in support of the dismemberment of Austria-Hungary. Instead, he urged the reformation of the Dual Monarchy on a consociational basis: each nation would attain a greater degree of control over their own affairs in a democratized and federalized Austria-Hungary. There would be no place for dilettantish statecraft. A n association of isonomic constituent regions would supersede a union enforced by oppression. Masaryk viewed dualism as merely a two-fold centralism. The political incoherence of the Dual Monarchy had been increased by the Ausgleich, after which a common name for the non-Hungarian half of the Dual Monarchy could not even be found. For Masaryk, only a federal constitution could justify the continued existence of Austria-Hungary. After 1908, he became increasingly critical of the policies and disillusioned with the institutions of the Dual Monarchy; around 1910 he began to despair. Even so, he defended Austria-Hungary as long as there seemed the faintest possibility of fundamental reform, but only then because the Dual Monarchy protected its Slav nations from German and Russian absolutism. Masaryk always remained sceptical (even after he founded the Czechoslovak Republic) that the national life of a small nation could be guaranteed by formal independence. Mitrinovic was not so ambivalent about statehood. Those inhabitants of Bosnia who opposed Hapsburg rule tended to demand absolute liberation, because they experienced greater suffering than any of the peoples in the Dual Monarchy (except for the gypsies). Mitrinovic was an ardent political Yugoslavist, and used the term "liberation" more frequently than he did "emancipation." 2 2 8  229  2 3 0  231  2 3 2 2 3 3 2 3 4  2 3 5  2 3 6 2 3 7  Roger Scruton, "Masaryk, Kant and the Czech Experience," in Winters, T. G. Masaryk (1850-1937), 55. Eva Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism: Origins of a Czech Political Concept (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag, 1984), 139. Rene Welleck, "Masaryk's Philosophy," in On Masaryk: Texts in English and German, ed. Josef Novak, 17-26 (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1988), 17. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 176. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 189.  2 3 9 2 4 0  241  2 4 2  243  57  Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 139. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 183. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 139. May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 207. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 139. This argument resonated with Slovene intellectuals in particular. The Serbs and Croats of the Hungarian half of the Dual Monarchy had resisted Magyarization, but the Slovenes had succumbed to Germanization in every sphere but the linguistic. Slovenes experienced acute difficulties: they controlled few schools and no university facilities. Their national struggle had been restricted to the demand for equal language rights in all fields of public life, but in 1897 intellectuals authored newspaper articles on Masaryk and his ideas, and transplanted Realism into their body politic. In 1914, Gacinovic wrote that the Slovene youth group Preporod (Rebirth) - of all the South Slav secret societies - was "the most active and most methodical." See Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 219. Frederick M . Barnard, "Humanism and Titanism: Masaryk and Herder," in Winters, T. G. Masaryk (1850-1937), 38. W. Preston Warren, Masaryk's Democracy: A Philosophy of Scientific and Moral Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1941), 206. Antonie van den Beld, Humanity: The Political and Social Philosophy of Thomas G. Masaryk (The Hague: Mouton, 1975), 138. Beld, Humanity, 45. HanusJ. Hajek, T. G. Masaryk Revisited: A CriticalAssessment (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1983), 147. H . M. Stationary Office, The Jugo-Slav Movement, Handbooks Prepared under the Direction of the Historical Section of the Foreign Office 14 (London: H . M . Stationary Office, 1920), 13. 2s6 Vervaet, "Some Historians from Former Yugoslavia," 4. H . M . Stationary Office, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 30. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 176. Hadzibegovic, "Social Democratic Party," 65. Palairet, "The Hapsburg Industrial Achievement," 151. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 202. Malcolm, Bosnia, \AA. H . M . Stationary Office, The Jugo-Slav Movement, 13. H . M . Stationary Office, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 29. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 8. 266 Warren, Masaryk's Democracy, 205. Marie L. Neudorfl, "Masaryk and the Women's Question," in Winters, T. G. Masaryk (1850-1937), 260. 268 Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 14—15. Roman Szporluk, The Political Thought of Thomas G. Masaryk (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1981), 79. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 14. Princip to Marko Maglov, Sarajevo, 17 April 1912, in "Gavrilo Princip on His Political Ideas: A n Unpublished Letter," Vojislav Bogicevic, TS, trans, n.d., date n.d., 8-10. Originally published in Pregled (Sarajevo, September 1953: 167ff). Mitrinovic MSS. Dimitrije Mitrinovic, "The Democratisation of Science and Philosophy," TS, trans, n.d., date n.d, n.p. Originally published in Bosanska Vila (Sarajevo, 1908). Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 25. Dimitrije Mitrinovic, "Aesthetic Contemplations," TS, trans, n.d., date n.d, n.p. Originally published in Bosanska Vila (Sarajevo, 1913). Mitrinovic MSS. Szporluk, Political Thought, 77. Ale M . Poljarevic, Stolac: Architectural Heritage in Continuity of2500 Years, trans. Klara Poljarevic and Sonja Kovacic (Mostar: Micro Book Publishing House, 1999), n.p. Beautification projects undertaken by the Hapsburg administration were satirized by the Young Bosnians in commentaries such as "Oh These Poor Birds," which was published in a 1914 issue of Zvono (The Bell). Danilo Ilic wrote: "To the great joy of the whole people in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Provincial government has issued an important announcement that the number of singing birds in Sarajevo has increased. For this extraordinary step forward in the cultural life of our fatherland, we must be grateful to the industrious sacrifices of the municipal authorities who have painstakingly constructed, in gardens and parks, shelters where the poor magpies and sparrows are fed in winter. And you poor, suffering people who bear on your bowed backs the whole weight of this social edifice, in vain you have waited for years for somebody to take care of you and to build proper houses with sweated tax money so that you do not have to die a miserable death in filthy hovels. Why are we not birds too?" See Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 307. In Sarajevo, on 3 February 1915, Ilic was hanged for his part in the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. The Hapsburg authorities refused to release his body to his family for burial. See Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 349-50. 2 4 4  2 4 5  2 4 6 247  2 4 8 2 4 9  2 5 0 251  2 5 2  2 5 3  2 5 4 2 5 5  257  2 5 8 2 5 9  2 6 0  2 6 1  2 6 2 2 6 3 2 6 4  2 6 3  267  2 6 9  2 7 0  271  2 7 2  273  2 7 4  2 7 5  2 7 6  277  58  Masaryk promoted the work of temperance societies not least because he sought to ease the suffering of women and children, the innocent victims of alcoholism. Hajek, T. G. Masaryk Revisited, 46. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 208. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 13. West, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon, 443. The fact that supply outstripped demand kept prices low for the patrons, amongst whom were the very same officials who permitted so many brothels to operate in Sarajevo's red-light district. Most of the young women who became prostitutes were from large peasant families, and had travelled to Bosnia from the Hungarian half of the Dual Monarchy. Glenny, The Balkans, 295-96. H . M. Stationary Office, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 40. Vladimir Dedijer, The Beloved Land (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1961), 77. Vladimir Dedijer and others, History of Yugoslavia (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1974), 464. Durickovic, "The Poets of Young Bosnia," 78. Mazower, The Balkans, 95. Dedijer, Road to Sarajevo, 230. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 13—14. Dedijer and others, History of Yugoslavia, 464. Stojan T. Tomic, "Reflections on Young Bosnia," Survey Sarajevo 2 (1975): 70. William Eleroy Curtis, The Turk and His Lost Provinces (Chicago: Revell, 1903), 287. Consumer preferences changed in the aftermath of the annexation. In 1910, the British Consul in Sarajevo complained that Austrian manufacturers branded their products with "fictitious trade marks and designations in English," and that the "English label affixed to a hat or overcoat of Austrian manufacture" would "often decide a wavering customer to buy the article. See H . M . Stationary Office, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 66-67'. Babic, "The Place and Role," 14. Charles Jelavich, South Slav Nationalisms: Textbooks and Yugoslav Union before 1914 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1990), 20. H. Gordon Skilling, T. G. Masaryk: Against the Current, 1882—1914 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), 131. Godina, "Influence of T. G. Masaryk," 116. May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 406. It was common for students from Dalmatia and Istria to attend university in Vienna, Prague or Graz. Few undertook a course of study in their mother tongue, because the diploma granted by the University of Zagreb was not recognized in the Austrian half of the Dual Monarchy. In 1904, Serbia and Montenegro were the only two independent states in Europe that lacked a university. In 1905, the University of Belgrade was founded. See Jelena Milojkovic-Djuric, Tradition and Avant-Garde: Literature and Art in Serbian Culture, 1900-1918 (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1988), 67-68. Jelavich, South Slav Nationalisms, 179. Selver, Masaryk: A Biography, 165. Beld, Humanity, 141. Beld, Humanity, 139. 303 p comprehensive analysis, see Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, passim. Szporluk, Political Thought, 113. Singleton, A Short History, 115. 306 These kinds of problem characterized public life in the interwar South Slav state. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 176. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 185. Beld, Humanity, 40. Karel Hruby, "The Philosophical Roots of Masaryk's Political Outlook," in T. G. Masaryk in Perspective: Comments and Criticism, ed. Milic Capek and Karel Hruby, 119-38 (n.p.: SVU Press, 1981), 128. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 189. In the early 1930s, Basil Boothroyd remarked that Mitrinovic had a neurosis the size of Nelson's Column and it was called "synthesis." See Upton Sinclair, The Autobiography of Upton Sinclair (London: Allen, 1963), 196. Beld, Humanity, 47. Roger Scruton, "Masaryk, Kant," 50-51. Barnard, "Humanism and Titanism," 37. Dimitrije Mitrinovic, "The National Milieu and Modernism," TS, trans, n.d., date n.d, n.p. Originally published in Bosanska Vila (Sarajevo, 1908). Mitrinovic MSS. Salvatorelli, The Risorgimento, 11-12. Szporluk, Political Thought, 121. 2 7 8  2 7 9 2 8 0 281  2 8 2  283 284  285  2 8 6 2 8 7  2 8 8 2 8 9  2 9 0 291  2 9 2  293  294  2 9 5  2 9 6  2 9 7  2 9 8  2 9 9  3 0 0 301  3 0 2  o r a  3 0 4  3 0 5  3 0 7  3 0 8  3 0 9 3 1 0  311  3 1 2  3 1 3  3 1 4 3 1 3  3 1 6  3 1 7  3 1 8  59  315 3 2 0  321  Hajek, T. G. Masaryk Revisited, 50. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 186. Sigmund Freud, Civilisation and Its Discontents, trans, and ed. James Strachey (1962; repr., New York: Norton, 1989),  72. Beld, Humanity, 53. Beld, Humanity, 46. Hruby, "Masaryk's Political Oudook," 128. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes — which came into existence on 1 December 1918 - is an example of a state-nation. > May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 380. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 186. Freud, Civilisation and Its Discontents, 72. In 1941, the dissolution of the interwar South Slav state resulted from the aggression of the Axis powers. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 183—84. Beld, Humanity, 60. Mitrinovic to Velimir Rajic, Munich, 4 March 1913, in Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 31-32, Mitrinovic MSS. Schmidt-Hartmann, Thomas G. Masaryk's Realism, 186. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 171. Bogicevic, "Gavrilo Princip," 7, Mitrinovic MSS. Robin Okey, "Austro-Hungarian Diplomacy and the Campaign for a Slavonic Liturgy in the Catholic Church, 1881— 1918," Slavonic and East European Review70 (1992): 259. Bogicevic, "Gavrilo Princip," 6, Mitrinovic MSS. 338 Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 21—22. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 15, Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 24. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 25. In The Road to Sarajevo, Vladimir Dedijer erroneously states (on p. 231) that Mitrinovic resided in Munich after the First World War, when in fact he left Bavaria in the summer of 1914. Predrag Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," in The Dogma and Utopia ojDimitrije Mitrinovic, TS, trans. D . Shillan and E. D. Goy, ca. 1980, 1, Mitrinovic MSS. Shulamith Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic; Pan-Christian Universalism and the Yearbook 'Towards the Mankind of the Future through Aryan Europe,'" Oxford Art journal 15 (1992): 81. Mark Roskill, Klee, Kandinsky, and the Thought of Their Time: A Critical Perspective (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 67. Felix Klee, Paul Klee, trans. Richard Winston and Clara Winston (New York: Braziller, 1962), 35. Roskill, Klee, Kandinsky, 61. Roskill, Klee, Kandinsky, 31. The Miincher Neueste Nachrichten accused its members of being either "incurable madmen" or "shameless charlatans." Roskill, Klee, Kandinsky, 31-32. The name DerBlaue Reiter was derived from Kandinsky's love of the colour blue, and Marc's enthusiasm for horses. While riding a horse on patrol at the Battle of Verdun on 4 March 1916, Marc was killed by a grenade explosion. Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 81. Paul Klee, The Diaries of Paul Klee 1898-1914, 266. Felix Klee, Paul Klee, 35. Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 82. Roskill, Klee, Kandinsky, 32-33 and 48. Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 82. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 27. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 37, Mitrinovic MSS. 3f.o Seven years later, Ezra Pound wrote to Mitrinovic from the French Riviera, and asked him to solicit "a short article from Kandinsky — for The Dial" and to write "a still shorter 2 page (about 800 word) article on Kandinsky for same honoured publication." See Pound to Mitrinovic, St Raphael, 2 July 1921, MS, n.p., Mitrinovic MSS. Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 82. Paul Klee, Diaries of Paul Klee, 280. Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 82. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 28. Roskill, Klee, Kandinsky, 41-42. « Roskill, Klee, Kandinsky, 42. 3 2 2 3 2 3  3 2 4  3 2 5  i2(  3 2 7  3 2 8 3 2 9 3 3 0 331  3 3 2  3 3 3  3 3 4 3 3 5  3 3 6  3 3 7  3 3 9  3 4 0 3 4 1  3 4 2  3 4 3  3 4 4  3 4 5  3 4 6  3 4 7  3 4 8 3 4 9  3 5 0 351  3 5 2  3 5 3 3 5 4  3 5 5  3 5 6 3 5 7  3 3 8 3 5 9  3 6 1  3 6 2  3 6 3 3 6 4  3 6 5 36  60  Wassily Kandinsky, Concerning the Spiritual in Art, and Painting in Particular (New York: Wittenborn, 1947), 24. Mitrinovic, "Aesthetic Contemplations," n.p., Mitrinovic MSS. « Roskill, Klee, Kandinsky, 33-34. Marc to Klee, n.p., 10 May 1915, in Felix Klee, Paul Klee, 47. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 32. Henry Le Roy Finch, introduction to The Body of God: First Steps toward an Anti-Theology; The Collected Papers ofErich Gutkind, by Erich Gutkind, ed. Lucie B. Gutkind and Henry Le Roy Finch (New York: Horizon, 1969), 11. "Siderische Geburt," TS, trans. Gladys MacDermot and Leo Kohlberg, date n.d., 63, Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 34. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 34 and 38. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 35. Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," 11, Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," 22, Mitrinovic MSS. In the literature related to the "Blut-bund" no mention is made of any contributions by individuals from the southern hemisphere. Mitrinovic to Gutkind, Munich, 27 June 1914, TS, trans, n.d., Mitrinovic MSS. Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 85. Kandinsky to Marc, Munich, 10 March 1914, in Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 81. Kandinsky to Marc, Munich, 17 February 1914, in Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 81. Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 87. Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," 2, Mitrinovic MSS. Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 86. 387 B hr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 84. 388 Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 30—31. . Mitrinovic to Kandinsky, Munich, 25 June 1914, TS, trans, n.d., Mitrinovic MSS. Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 86. Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," 3, Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," 7, Mitrinovic MSS. Behr, "Wassily Kandinsky and Dimitrije Mitrinovic," 85. Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," 18, Mitrinovic MSS. 395 Passerini, Europe in Love, 116. Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," 13, Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," 6, Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," 9, Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," 8, Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Utopian Messianism," 4, Mitrinovic MSS. Passerini, Europe in Love, 107. Passerini, Europe in Love, 116. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 38, Mitrinovic MSS. Palavestra, "Conspirator, Prophet or Preacher," 39, Mitrinovic MSS. 405 " M _ V I T C H , " an anonymous limerick about Mitrinovic, TS, date n.d., n.p., Mitrinovic MSS. 406 p edrag Palavestra, "The Quest for Pan-humanity," in The Dogma and Utopia of Dimitrije Mitrinovic, TS, trans. D. Shillan and E . D . Goy, ca. 1980, 1. Originally published as Dogma i Utopija Dimitrija Mitinovica: Poceci srpske knjizevne avangarde (Belgrade: Slovo Ljubve, 1977). Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 41. Palavestra, "The Quest for Pan-humanity," 4, Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 42. Palavestra, "The Quest for Pan-humanity," 4, Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 43. Maria Todorova, Imagining the Balkans (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 119. West, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon, 19 and 21. Miller, Travels and Politics, xv. May, Hapsburg Monarchy, 410. Andrew Hammond, "The Uses of Balkanism: Representation and Power in British Travel Writing, 1850-1914," Slavonic and East European Review 82 (2004): 603. Hammond, "The Uses of Balkanism," 609. Hammond, "The Uses of Balkanism," 605. Hammond, "The Uses of Balkanism," 613. Hammond, "The Uses of Balkanism," 603.  367  3 6 8 3  9  3 7 0 3 7 1  3 7 2  3 7 3 3 7 4 3 7 5  3 7 6 377  3 7 8 379  3 8 0 381  3 8 2 3 8 3  384 385  386  e  389  3 9 0 391  3 9 2 3 9 3 394  3 9 6 397  3 9 8  3 9 9 4 0 0  4 0 1  4 0 2  4 0 3 4 0 4  r  407  4 0 8  409  4 1 0  4 1 1  4 1 2 4 1 3  414  4 1 5  4 1 6  4 1 7  4 1 8 4 1 9  4 2 0  61  H a m m o n d , "The Uses o f Balkanism," 605. H a m m o n d , "The Uses o f Balkanism," 613. H a m m o n d , "The Uses o f Balkanism," 601. Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 19. Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 39. H a m m o n d , "The Uses o f Balkanism," 603. John B . Allcock, "Constructing the Balkans," in Black Lambs and Grey Falcons: Women Travellers in the Balkans, ed. John B . Allcock and Antonia Y o u n g , 170-91 (Bradford: Bradford University Press, 1991), 186. E d i t h Durham, Twenty Years of Balkan Tangle (London: Allen and U n w i n , 1920), 74. Durham, Twenty Years of Balkan Tangle, 79. Durham, Twenty Years of Balkan Tangle, 80. Thomas Pakenham, The Boer War (New York: A v o n Books, 1979), 549. Durham, Twenty Years of Balkan Tangle, 238. Dusan Puvacic, "East is East and West is West: Travels of an Englishwoman in Bosnia and Hercegovina," South Slav Journal'17, no. 1-2 (1996): 4. H . M . Stationary Office, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 41. H . M . Stationary Office, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 77—78. . West, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon, 1096. Patrick Finney, "Raising Frankenstein: Great Britain, 'Balkanism,' and the Search for a Balkan Locarno in the 1920s," European History Quarterly 33 (2003): 326. K o n r a d Berkovici, The Incredible Balkans (New York: Loring and Mussey, 1932), 3. Predrag Palavestra, "The Beginnings of Serbian Expressionism: The Poetry o f Dimitrije Mitrinovic," T S , 1973, 6, Mitrinovic M S S . 440 "Article by Dimitrije Mitrinovic, Secretary o f the Narodne Ujedinjenje (the Serbo-Croat Organisation for Political Union) which appeared in The Outlook September 26th 1914. W h o Should Possess Trieste?" T S , 1, Mitrinovic MSS. S. P. Tucic, ed., The Slav Nations (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1915). Tucic, ed., The Slav Nations, 181. Todorova, Imagining the Balkans, 58. See also Milica Bakic-Hayden, "Nesting Orientalisms: The Case of Former Yugoslavia," Slavic Review 54, no. 4 (1995): 917-31. Paul Selver, "Partial Truth about the Slavs," The New Age, January 28, 1915, http://www.modjourn.brown.edu/mjp/ n a v a l l / n a v l 6 / n a l 613.pdf. Selver was irked by the fact that the treatment o f the Czechs amounted to a mere nine pages, which was the same amount o f space allotted to discussion of the Montenegrins. Paul Selver, Orage and the 'New Age" Circle: Reminiscences and Reflections (London: A l l e n and U n w i n , 1959), 56-57. Selver, Orage and the 'New Age" Circle, 57. Extract from Charles Purdom's Life over Again, T S , 1951, 2, Mitrinovic MSS. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 48. A t the Rotonde, the Y o u n g Bosnians discussed issues that remained unresolved in 1939, the year in which neo-Cubist works by Picasso were exhibited in Belgrade. A cartoonist in The Shaven Hedgehog — a satirical paper — depicted two Serbian peasants standing before one of the least intelligible paintings, one saying to the other: " L o o k , friend! E v e n the French have painted a picture o f the Croatian problem!" See Lovett F. Edwards, Yugoslavia (London: Batsford, 1971), 244. Rigby, Initiation and Initiative, 49. Philip Mairet, "Notes by Philip Mairet from a talk which he gave in Oct. 1971 to friends at N o r f o l k Lodge," T S , 1971, 3, Mitrinovic M S S . 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