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"China round the corner" : Vancouver’s Chinatown and the Chinese community in a changing "multicultural"… Nakamura, Mayumi 2005

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"China Round the Corner": Vancouver's Chinatown and the Chinese Community in a Changing "Multicultural" Society by MAYUMI NAKAMURA B.A., Tsuda College, 2002  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (SOCIOLOGY)  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April 2005  © Mayumi Nakamura, 2005  11  ABSTRACT  T h i s thesis c o n c e p t u a l i z e s V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n as a m u s e u m a i m e d at the w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n groups i n the context o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l C a n a d i a n society. T h e purpose o f this research is to suggest that a d i c h o t o m i z a t i o n b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d C h i n e s e r e s u l t i n g f r o m c o l o n i a l i s m is r e p r o d u c e d t h r o u g h the p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . E x p l i c i t v i s u a l i z a t i o n for the purpose o f " p r e s e r v a t i o n " made C h i n e s e culture a subordinate a n d e x p l o i t a b l e object that served as a source o f entertainment for w h i t e s . T h e C h i n e s e i n C a n a d a , w h o h a d greatly suffered f r o m r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n the past, are n o w regarded as an important ethnic a n d c u l t u r a l g r o u p that enriches C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y u n d e r the p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . H o w e v e r , it r e m a i n s to be seen w h e t h e r they a n d their culture h a v e t r u l y earned e q u a l status to that o f w h i t e culture. T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r c o n d u c t e d b e a u t i f i c a t i o n schemes o n C h i n a t o w n f r o m the late 1960s to the 1980s. A s a result, C h i n a t o w n b e c a m e a c u l t u r a l site w h e r e C h i n e s e culture is represented w i t h a strong emphasis o n v i s u a l aspects. P r e s e r v a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n as a c u l t u r a l entity consequently m a d e it an a r t i f i c i a l space that does not reflect the r e a l i t y o f the current, d i v e r s i f i e d C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . Therefore, p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e o r i g i n t o d a y cannot identify themselves w i t h C h i n a t o w n . C h i n a t o w n w a s f o r c e d to r e m a i n d i s t i n c t i v e f r o m the rest o f the C i t y , a n d its distinctiveness w a s m e a s u r e d i n c o m p a r i s o n to w h i t e culture. T h i s i m p l i e s a n u n b r i d g e a b l e distance b e t w e e n the w h i t e a n d C h i n e s e . I n this research, a r c h i v e s r e g a r d i n g the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n w e r e e x a m i n e d to study w h a t m o d i f i c a t i o n s w e r e added a n d w h a t aspects o f C h i n e s e culture w e r e e m p h a s i z e d to create an i m a g i n a r y space o f C h i n e s e culture for w h i t e s . M o s t o f the materials studied for this research w e r e p u b l i s h e d b y the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r . T h e y w e r e e m p l o y e d to reflect images o f  "authentic" Chinese culture shared by whites. These sources were also useful to reveal how multiculturalism further promoted the dichotomization between whites and Chinese by keeping the Chinese and their culture distinctive.  iv  TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract  ii  T a b l e o f Contents  iv  List o f Tables  vi  List o f Figures  vii  Acknowledgements  viii  Introduction Chapter I  1  T h e H i s t o r y o f the C h i n e s e i n V a n c o u v e r : A H i s t o r y o f M a r g i n a l i z a t i o n  12  1.1  Introduction  12  1.2  Phase O n e : O p e n I m m i g r a t i o n  14  1.3  Phase T w o : R e s t r i c t i o n a n d E x c l u s i o n  19  1.4  Phase T h r e e : F a m i l y R e u n i f i c a t i o n  23  1.5  Phase F o u r : P o s t 1967 I m m i g r a n t s  27  1.6  Conclusion  29  The Chinese C o m m u n i t y in Changing Canadian Society  33  C h a p t e r II  2.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n  33  2.2 T r a d i t i o n a l V o l u n t a r y O r g a n i z a t i o n s  34  2.3 T h e C h i n e s e C o m m u n i t y : D i v e r s i f i c a t i o n a n d D i s p e r s i o n  37  2.4 C h i n a t o w n ' s C h a n g i n g S o c i a l M e a n i n g i n M u l t i c u l t u r a l C a n a d i a n S o c i e t y . . . . 43 2.5 C o n c l u s i o n  C h a p t e r III  Settlement Patterns o f N e w Chinese Immigrants o f the N o t i o n o f R a c i a l R e l a t i o n s i n V a n c o u v e r  49  and  Reconstruction 53  3.1  Introduction  53  3.2  N e w Immigration Policies and N e w Chinese Immigrants  54  3.3  D i s t r i b u t i o n o f the C h i n e s e P o p u l a t i o n i n V a n c o u v e r  60  3.3.1  Vancouver C M A  61  3.3.2  The City o f Vancouver  64  V  3.4  R e - c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the N o t i o n o f R a c i a l R e l a t i o n s i n M i d d l e - c l a s s E u r o p e a n Neighbourhoods o f Vancouver  3.5  Chapter I V  71  Conclusion  75  Making a "Museum:" Beautification of Vancouver's Chinatown  as  a Cultural Attraction  78  4.1 I n t r o d u c t i o n 4.2  The  Museum  78 as  a  Communication  Tool  of  Dichotomization 4.3  T o u r i s m a n d M u s e u m w i t h o u t W a l l s as t h e  "Us"/  "Others" 79  Site o f a N e w F o r m o f  Colonialism  85  4.4  A p p l i c a t i o n o f T h e o r i e s to V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n  90  4.5  R e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f N e w Images o f V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n  94  4.6  C h i n a t o w n : T h e Present a n d F u t u r e  102  Conclusion  105  Bibliography  115  vi  LIST O F T A B L E S T a b l e 3.1: T h e M o s t P o p u l a t e d C o m m u n i t i e s i n V a n c o u v e r  66  T a b l e 3.2: T h e C o m m u n i t i e s w i t h L a r g e s t C h i n e s e P o p u l a t i o n s i n V a n c o u v e r  66  T a b l e 3.3: C h i n e s e P o p u l a t i o n Increase i n Selected C o m m u n i t i e s f r o m 1996 to 2001  69  Vll  LIST O F FIGURES F i g u r e 3.1: T h e Shift o f C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n S o u r c e s to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a F i g u r e 3.2: T h e T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n D i s t r i b u t i o n a m o n g the F i v e M u n i c i p a l i n 2001  59 Districts 62  F i g u r e 3 . 3 : T h e C h i n e s e P o p u l a t i o n D i s t r i b u t i o n a m o n g the F i v e M u n i c i p a l D i s t r i c t s i n 2001 F i g u r e 3.4: M a p o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r  62 69  vm A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T  T h i s thesis c o u l d not have b e e n c o m p l e t e d w i t h o u t generous h e l p a n d support f r o m m a n y p e o p l e . A l t h o u g h a l l o f their names cannot be m e n t i o n e d here because o f the l i m i t e d space, I w o u l d l i k e to send the greatest thanks to D r . G r a h a m E . J o h n s o n a n d D r . R e n i s a M a w a n i o f the D e p a r t m e n t o f A n t h r o p o l o g y a n d S o c i o l o g y at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . T h e suggestions a n d r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s f r o m t h e m w e r e o f great h e l p for m e to a p p r o a c h m y a c a d e m i c interest w i t h n e w perspectives a n d enthusiasm. I a m grateful for a l l the encouragements I r e c e i v e d f r o m t h e m .  I w i s h to e x t e n d thanks to m y s p e c i a l friends D o r y C h u a , A g n e s M a c D o n a l d , J a s o n G u n a w a n , L a r a Jones, G e n e v i e v e L a p o i n t e , a n d K i r s t e n S o l l i - N o w l a n for a l l the encouragement they g a v e to m e . I a m t h a n k f u l to C l i n t C o u l s o n for h i s generous h e l p w i t h c o r r e c t i n g so m a n y g r a m m a t i c a l m i s t a k e s i n this thesis. L a s t , but definitely not least, I w o u l d l i k e to thank m y parents a n d m y sister S a t o m i i n J a p a n for their c o n t i n u o u s e m o t i o n a l support throughout m y t i m e i n V a n c o u v e r .  1 Introduction  " W h e r e are y o u f r o m ? A r e y o u C h i n e s e , K o r e a n , or J a p a n e s e ? " T h i s is the q u e s t i o n I w a s a s k e d repeatedly w h e n I l i v e d i n A u s t r a l i a i n 1997 as an exchange student at the age o f 17. T h i s experience m a d e m e r e a l i z e w h e r e I s t o o d i n A u s t r a l i a n society: I w a s a n outsider a n d a m e m b e r o f the m i n o r i t y . B e i n g a part o f the ethnic m i n o r i t y i n s o c i e t y w a s a n e y e - o p e n i n g experience for m e . A s an i n d i v i d u a l w h o w a s b o r n to Japanese parents and g r e w up i n Japan, I w a s a l w a y s a m e m b e r o f the m a j o r i t y g r o u p that c o m p r i s e d o f a s i g n i f i c a n t l y large p o r t i o n o f the n a t i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n : U n t i l I l i v e d i n A u s t r a l i a I h a d been c o m p l e t e l y ignorant about m y status a m o n g the m a j o r i t y i n s o c i e t y because it w a s a fact I h a d taken for granted. T h e experience o f b e i n g e x p o s e d to m u l t i e t h n i c a n d m u l t i c u l t u r a l A u s t r a l i a n society g a v e m e a n e w perspective o n the structure o f a nation-state. A nation-state does not n e c e s s a r i l y n e e d to be c o m p r i s e d o f a r a c i a l l y o r e t h n i c a l l y h o m o g e n o u s g r o u p . O n the other h a n d , h o w e v e r , one question o c c u r r e d i n m y m i n d : w h y d i d p e o p l e a l w a y s ask m e w h e r e I w a s f r o m if, as a theory, it w a s acceptable f o r m u l t i p l e groups to c o e x i s t i n one s o c i e t y ? G r a d u a l l y I c a m e to notice that n o n - w h i t e A u s t r a l i a n i n d i v i d u a l s also had an experience s i m i l a r to m i n e . T h e y w e r e constantly questioned about their " o r i g i n s " despite the fact that m a n y o f t h e m w e r e a c t u a l l y b o r n i n A u s t r a l i a a n d h a d never l i v e d a n y w h e r e else. B e c o m i n g aware o f the m i n o r i t y status as a person o f c o l o u r w a s not the o n l y n e w perspective that I g a i n e d i n A u s t r a l i a . I d i s c o v e r e d m y s e l f b e i n g i n t r i g u e d to find e v i d e n c e o f n o n - W e s t e r n cultures i n A u s t r a l i a n society. F o r e x a m p l e , A s i a n c u i s i n e w a s a v a i l a b l e a l m o s t e v e r y w h e r e ; i n a s h o p p i n g m a l l , there w a s a store that s o l d c u r i o s i m p o r t e d from A f r i c a n countries; shirts a d o r n e d w i t h Japanese characters w e r e i n f a s h i o n , a n d s o m e p e o p l e e v e n h a d tattoos o f C h i n e s e characters o n t h e i r b o d i e s . T h e s e n o n - W e s t e r n cultures w e r e a l l associated  w i t h the a c t i v i t y o f c o n s u m p t i o n . B e i n g Japanese m y s e l f , I c a n o n l y speak for Japanese culture. W h e n I s a w p e o p l e  consume Japanese culture, I c a m e to w o n d e r i f the w a y I regarded  Japanese culture a n d the w a y it w a s p e r c e i v e d b y n o nJ a p a n e s e p e o p l e w e r e the same o r at least s i m i l a r . A m o n g these cultures, it seemed that C h i n e s e culture w a s m o s t fascinating i n terms o f its v i s u a l appeal. I m u s t a d m i t that I w a s p r o b a b l y b e c o m i n g one o f the c o n s u m e r s o f C h i n e s e culture. B e a u t i f u l l y decorated C h i n a t o w n w a s a p a r t i c u l a r l y e x c i t i n g p l a c e to g o o h the w e e k e n d s w h e r e cheap yet s a v o u r y C h i n e s e f o o d c o u l d be enjoyed. H o w e v e r , One c o n v e r s a t i o n w i t h m y C h i n e s e friend c h a n g e d m y p e r c e p t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n . A f t e r m o v i n g to C a n a d a f r o m C h i n a for her graduate p r o g r a m , she f o u n d V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n v e r y a r t i f i c i a l . She s a i d , " L a n d s c a p e s i n C h i n a today l o o k n o t h i n g l i k e that. N o t h i n g i n C h i n a t o w n w a s f a m i l i a r to me a n d I w a s a c o m p l e t e stranger there." T h i s c o n v e r s a t i o n m a d e m e t h i n k about w h a t C h i n a t o w n means i n t o d a y ' s V a n c o u v e r society.  M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has been C a n a d a ' s o f f i c i a l p o l i c y for o v e r three decades, a n d C a n a d a is Often regarded as a successful e x a m p l e o f a m u l t i c u l t u r a l society i n w h i c h diverse groups c o e x i s t w i t h r e l a t i v e l y l o w l e v e l s o f tension between t h e m ( K y m l i c k a , 1998, p.2). T h e p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m m a d e r o o m for m i n o r i t y cultures i n society. T h e s e cultures h a v e been v a l u e d a n d c h e r i s h e d because they b e c a m e the v e r y k e y factors o f s o c i a l d i v e r s i t y . T h e C h i n e s e s e e m to fit perfectly i n this picture as one o f the diverse groups e n r i c h i n g C a n a d a ' s ethnic a n d c u l t u r a l fabric. S u c h a v i e w , h o w e v e r , needs to be contested. C a n a d i a n society h i s t o r i c a l l y o r g a n i z e d i t s e l f a r o u n d the strong n o t i o n o f c o l o n i a l i s m ( K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 56). T h e c o l o n i a l s o c i a l structure permeated the b e l i e f o f w h i t e s u p r e m a c y , a n d this b e c a m e a rationale for r a c i s m a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a i m e d at n o n - w h i t e s . A l t h o u g h it m i g h t be true that  3 the p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has contributed to the d e c l i n e o f outright d i s c r i m i n a t i o n based o n o n e ' s race, it needs t o be p o n d e r e d whether m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has t r u l y a c h i e v e d the m u t u a l a n d equal relationships a m o n g d i s t i n c t i v e g r o u p s a n d their cultures i n C a n a d i a n society a n d whether m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has meant the e n d o f r a c i s m ( A n g , 2 0 0 1 , p p . 14-5; K y m l i c k a , 1998, p p . 81-2). V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d C h i n a t o w n are set as the subject o f this research. S p e c i f i c a l l y , I argue that m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m as a p o l i c y reinforces the d i c h o t o m i z a t i o n between w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s . T h e C h i n e s e are k n o w n as one o f the oldest i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s i n C a n a d a ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 149). A s the h i s t o r i c a l e x a m p l e s o f the h e a d taxes a n d the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t i n the e a r l y 2 0 t h century indicate, they h a d a l w a y s b e e n a n object o f r a c i s m i n the past. Severe d i s c r i m i n a t i o n t o w a r d s the C h i n e s e a n d w i d e s o c i a l a n d c u l t u r a l distances between w h i t e s a n d the; C h i n e s e resulted i n the g e o g r a p h i c a l c o n f i n e m e n t o f the C h i n e s e into the space k n o w n as C h i n a t o w n . A s A n d e r s o n (1991) describes i n her w o r k  Vancouver's Chinatown, C h i n a t o w n w a s  regarded as a " g h e t t o " i n the context o f early V a n c o u v e r . It w a s a s o c i a l l y constructed space that s y m b o l i z e d the inferiority a n d b a c k w a r d n e s s o f the C h i n e s e w h o stood opposite to whites. T h e images o f C h i n a t o w n a n d the C h i n e s e h e l p e d s o l i d i f y the w h i t e identity; the p r o j e c t i o n o f the images o f C h i n a t o w n a n d the C h i n e s e as w h a t w h i t e s w e r e not, b y contrast, created the n o t i o n o f w h a t w h i t e s w e r e ( A n d e r s o n , 1991, p 9 6 ) . P u t i n the b i n a r y r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h w h i t e s , the C h i n e s e further b e c a m e a n u n f a m i l i a r g r o u p for w h i t e society. F u r t h e r m o r e , the space o f the C h i n e s e , C h i n a t o w n , existed p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y outside o f w h i t e society. C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y ' s d i s c r i m i n a t o r y attitudes t o w a r d s the C h i n e s e a n d other n o n - w h i t e groups g r a d u a l l y b e g a n to ease r e f l e c t i n g the c h a n g i n g atmospheres o f the international c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h a n d after the w a r p e r i o d . F o l l o w i n g W o r l d W a r II, C a n a d a b e g a n to  4 receive i m m i g r a n t s a n d refugees f r o m E u r o p e a n countries other than B r i t a i n a n d F r a n c e , a n d the source countries w e r e later e x p a n d e d to n o n - E u r o p e a n countries w h e n the n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s w e r e adopted i n the 1960s ( H a w k i n s , 1972). These changes added ethnic, r a c i a l , a n d c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y to C a n a d i a n society, a n d the understanding o f the C h i n e s e also g r a d u a l l y i m p r o v e d as contact between w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e , e s p e c i a l l y those w h o w e r e C a n a d i a n - b o r n , increased. T o adjust to s u c h s o c i a l transformations, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w a s i n t r o d u c e d i n 1971 as a n o f f i c i a l p o l i c y o f the nation-state o f C a n a d a . K y m l i c k a (1998) sees m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m as a v e h i c l e that facilitates the integration o f i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s into m a i n s t r e a m C a n a d i a n society (p. 8). I n contrast, P a r e k h (2000) states that m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n C a n a d a is structured o n the basis o f b i l i n g u a l i s m o f E n g l i s h a n d F r e n c h , a n d B r i t i s h a n d F r e n c h cultures serve as reference p o i n t s i n C a n a d i a n society to construct s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s . Therefore, the j u d g m e n t o f other cultures is m a d e a c c o r d i n g to these s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s . I n this respect, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n d e e d prevents the equal integration o f w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s c o m p r i s i n g o f the majority o f recent i m m i g r a n t s b y u s i n g c u l t u r a l terms to differentiate these t w o groups. A l t h o u g h the subject o f her study is A u s t r a l i a n s o c i e t y , A n g (2001) shares a s i m i l a r v i e w to P a r e k h . She notes that m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w o r k s to m a i n t a i n the b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d m i n o r i t y groups (p. 16). It is this v i e w o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m suggested b y A n g a n d P a r e k h that I w i l l e m p l o y as the core theoretical argument o f this thesis. T h e p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m functions i n favour o f the h i s t o r i c a l l y p r i v i l e g e d g r o u p i n society, w h i t e s , f r o m t w o perspectives. F i r s t , because m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m as a theory emphasizes c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y , it requires m i n o r i t y groups to r e m a i n c u l t u r a l l y distant from w h i t e society to m a i n t a i n their distinctiveness i n society. F o r c e d to m a i n t a i n a c u l t u r a l l y u n i q u e existence i n C a n a d i a n society, m i n o r i t y groups are prevented from c r o s s i n g the l i n e that d i v i d e s w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s . S e c o n d , this f o r c e d  5 preservation o f cultures i n fact p r o v i d e s a source o f entertainment for w h i t e s . T h e c u l t u r a l distinctiveness o f m i n o r i t y groups is i n t r i g u i n g for m a n y w h i t e p e o p l e . F o r this reason, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m c a n have an e x p l o i t i v e character; it c a n keep m i n o r i t y g r o u p s distant f r o m w h i t e s , but it is acceptable for w h i t e s to enjoy other cultures at their w i l l . I n the interactions b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s , their relationships are not e q u a l . I n this research, I a p p r o a c h V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n as a m u s e u m that represents C h i n e s e culture c o n t e x t u a l i z e d i n m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . V a n c o u v e r society has h i s t o r i c a l l y p e r c e i v e d C h i n a t o w n as a d i s t i n c t i v e space. I n the past, it stood out as a " g h e t t o " w h e r e r a c i a l l y m a r k e d C h i n e s e r e s i d e d i n e x t r e m e l y c r o w d e d c o n d i t i o n s . I n this sense, C h i n a t o w n h a d been a space o f m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n . T h e space w a s to be p u r p o s e l y a v o i d e d b y w h i t e s . A l t h o u g h C h i n a t o w n h a d started to s h o w signs o f b e c o m i n g a tourist attraction as early as the 1930s ( A n d e r s o n , 1991, p . 145), a drastic transformation t o o k p l a c e f r o m the 1960s to the 1980s. U n d e r i n i t i a t i v e s o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , w h i c h reflected the s o c i a l changes t a k i n g p l a c e i n C a n a d a , C h i n a t o w n w a s m a d e into a h i s t o r i c a l a n d c u l t u r a l space, a p l a c e to v i s i t a n d experience the e x o t i c cultures o f the C h i n e s e . I n short, C h i n a t o w n w a s reconstructed, a g a i n b y w h i t e s , to b e c o m e s o m e t h i n g c o m p l e t e l y opposite to w h a t it h a d been i n the past. T h i s h i g h l y m a r g i n a l i z e d space o f C h i n e s e w a s incorporated into the w i d e r society b y c h a n g i n g its characteristics to be a c u l t u r a l entity. B u t is it p o s s i b l e to say that the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d C h i n a t o w n today h a v e earned g e n u i n e l y e q u a l status as w h i t e s i n C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y ? T o discuss m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m as a m e d i u m that p r o m o t e s h i e r a r c h a l b i n a r y relations b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e , I w i l l argue that C h i n a t o w n i s a m u s e u m , o r a m u s e u m w i t h o u t w a l l s to be m o r e precise, that d e v e l o p e d a l o n g w i t h the increased interests i n t o u r i s m i n p o s t w a r W e s t e r n societies. H i s t o r i c a l l y , m u s e u m s d e v e l o p e d into p u b l i c spaces i n w h i c h cultures o f " O t h e r s " w e r e d i s p l a y e d to be enjoyed b y the E u r o p e a n " U s . " T h e presentation o f  6 difference w a s a c h i e v e d b y w a y o f e m p h a s i z i n g the v i s u a l aspects o f " O t h e r " cultures. T h i s is also relevant i n the case o f C h i n a t o w n . M o r e o v e r , the increase o f t o u r i s m has a l s o strengthened the character o f C h i n a t o w n as a n object o f c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n a n d e x p l o i t a t i o n . I n the b e l i e f o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , C h i n a t o w n p l a y s a n important role i n a d d i n g c u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y . H o w e v e r , this d i v e r s i t y i s p e r c e i v e d as d i v e r s i t y o n l y w h e n c o m p a r e d to the culture o f " U s . " I n this sense, C h i n e s e culture is rendered to be a c o n s u m a b l e entity, w h i c h i m p l i e s the h i e r a r c h a l relations b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e . T o e x p a n d o n the d i s c u s s i o n o f h i e r a r c h a l relations b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e further r e i n f o r c e d b y m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , I w i l l also u n f o l d the d i s c u s s i o n o f the monster house i n c i d e n t that t o o k p l a c e i n the late 1980s a n d early 1990s. H o n g K o n g i m m i g r a n t s to C a n a d a r a p i d l y increased i n the 1980s, w h i c h w a s initiated b y the picture o f the unpredictable p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l feature o f H o n g K o n g r e s u l t i n g f r o m the d e c i s i o n o f the B r i t i s h g o v e r n m e n t to return it to C h i n a i n 1997 ( L e y , 1999, p . 3). These n e w H o n g K o n g i m m i g r a n t s as a g r o u p w e r e r e l a t i v e l y affluent a n d h a d little i n c o m m o n w i t h those C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w h o h a d c o m e to C a n a d a p r i o r to the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n the 1960s. T h e y started to settle i n areas w h i c h w e r e h i s t o r i c a l l y p o p u l a t e d b y p e o p l e o f m i d d l e - c l a s s E u r o p e a n b a c k g r o u n d s . I n the process o f their m o v e m e n t into s u c h areas, the h o u s i n g w a s subject to r e n e w a l . S m a l l e r , o l d e r houses f r o m the 1920s a n d the 1930s w e r e r e p l a c e d b y n e w e r houses w h i c h w e r e larger a n d h a d features w h i c h d i d not m a t c h w i t h the character o f the e x i s t i n g h o u s i n g (Hiebert, 2 0 0 0 , p . 2 9 ) . B e c a u s e n e w C h i n e s e residents i n the areas b e c a m e the o w n e r s o f m a n y o f these n e w houses, they w e r e seen to be responsible for large u n g a i n l y structures a n d w e r e also h e l d to cut d o w n trees, p a v e garden areas and g e n e r a l l y interfere w i t h the e x i s t i n g a m b i e n c e o f h i s t o r i c n e i g h b o u r h o o d s ( R o s e , 2 0 0 1 , p p . 4 7 6 - 7 ) . L i t t l e attention w a s g i v e n to the fact that the b u i l d e r s o f these n e w houses w e r e not C h i n e s e .  7 T h i s also caused changes o f the d e m o g r a p h i c structures o f residential areas, i n c r e a s i n g the percentage o f n o n - w h i t e residents. A l t h o u g h the subject o f this c o n t r o v e r s y w a s the C h i n e s e w h o w e r e p e r c e i v e d as r a c i a l l y different f r o m the l o n g - t e r m residents, the o p p o s i t i o n to the increase o f C h i n e s e residents i n these areas w a s expressed i n c u l t u r a l terms, rather than r a c i a l terms ( R o s e , 2 0 0 1 ) . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m decreased overt r a c i a l d i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n C a n a d i a n society; h o w e v e r , this monster house incident serves as a n e x a m p l e that d e n i a l o f n o n - w h i t e s f r o m w h i t e society w a s articulated t h r o u g h the use o f c u l t u r a l terms.  Therefore,  m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w a s u s e d as a t o o l o f d i c h o t o m i z a t i o n o f w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s . A n o t h e r issue is the "fate" o f C h i n a t o w n a n d the n e i b o u r i n g area o f Strathcona.  These  areas h a d been p o p u l a t e d p r e d o m i n a n t l y b y p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e o r i g i n . Indeed, because o f r e s i d e n t i a l restrictions i m p o s e d u p o n the C h i n e s e , these w e r e one o f the f e w areas i n w h i c h p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e o r i g i n w e r e able to l i v e , u n t i l the late 1930s w h e n a modest d i s p e r s i o n began. T h i s d i s p e r s i o n c o n t i n u e d after f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n f o l l o w i n g the repeal o f the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t i n 1947. I n the w a k e o f further changes i n i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n the 1960s, w h i c h I w i l l discuss, p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e o r i g i n s b e g a n to settle throughout the Greater V a n c o u v e r r e g i o n . N e w areas o f settlement c h a n g e d the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y to " C h i n a t o w n " a n d its n e i g h b o u r i n g area. T h e C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y h a d been l a r g e l y associated w i t h the s o c i a l space o f C h i n a t o w n . A s C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n g r e w , the p o p u l a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y b e c a m e m o r e diverse, c h a n g i n g its character to b e c o m e associated w i t h other spaces. C h i n a t o w n r e m a i n e d - but c h a n g e d . It is this change that is the major focus o f m y arguments.  T h i s thesis consists o f four chapters. T h e first t w o chapters p r o v i d e a h i s t o r i c a l a n d s o c i a l b a c k g r o u n d to the d e v e l o p m e n t o f V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n a n d the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y .  8 C h a p t e r I s u m m a r i z e s the h i s t o r y o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and d i s c r i m i n a t i o n that m a n y C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s e x p e r i e n c e d due to the h e a d tax and other restrictive l e g i s l a t i o n . T h e a i m o f this chapter is to describe the process i n w h i c h the C h i n e s e w e r e g i v e n the status o f " O t h e r " i n C a n a d i a n society a n d the a f f i r m a t i o n o f this status t h r o u g h l e g i s l a t i o n . T h e e x a m i n a t i o n o f l a w is important because it reflects the s o c i a l atmospheres o f that t i m e . M o r e o v e r , because o n l y those w i t h p o w e r , w h o w e r e m o s t l y o f B r i t i s h o r i g i n s , h a d access to enacting a n d e n f o r c i n g l e g i s l a t i o n a n d c o u l d ensure their status i n society, the d i s c u s s i o n i n this chapter w i l l also p o i n t to the w a y i n w h i c h the c o l o n i a l i s t assumptions w e r e projected i n society, a n d h o w the C h i n e s e w e r e e x c l u d e d f r o m society. In C h a p t e r II, I w i l l talk about the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y and C h i n a t o w n i n relation to the d e c l i n i n g influence o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s . T h e C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i n the past w a s constructed a r o u n d the s o c i a l structure o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s , as W i c k b e r g ( 1 9 8 2 ) s h o w s i n h i s extensive study. B e c a u s e t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations w e r e s u c h a c r u c i a l institutional structure i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d because they w e r e located i n C h i n a t o w n , the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d C h i n a t o w n w e r e i n d e e d t w o s o c i a l entities s i g n i f i c a n t p o r t i o n s o f w h i c h o v e r l a p p e d each other. H o w e v e r , s u c h a c l o s e tie between the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d C h i n a t o w n b r o k e d o w n , a n d the m e m b e r s o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y today feel less associated w i t h C h i n a t o w n c o m p a r e d to the past. T h i s is partly because t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations lost their integral p o w e r o v e r the c o m m u n i t y as they c o u l d n o l o n g e r meet the c h a n g i n g d e m a n d s o f the r a p i d l y d i v e r s i f y i n g C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . T h i s is not to suggest that v o l u n t a r y organizations lost their centrality i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y , h o w e v e r . T h e o l d e r o r g a n i z a t i o n s r e m a i n e d but w e r e s u p p l e m e n t e d b y n e w e r v i b r a n t o r g a n i z a t i o n s that met n e w realities a n d contributed, u l t i m a t e l y , to n e w e r d e f i n i t i o n s o f C h i n a t o w n .  9 C h a p t e r III a n d I V w i l l l o o k into the c o n t e m p o r a r y m u l t i c u l t u r a l C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y a n d the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . C h a p t e r III e x a m i n e s the d e m o g r a p h i c changes a m o n g recent C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s a n d their settlement patterns i n V a n c o u v e r b y u s i n g statistical data. C a n a d i a n society t o d a y is often regarded as less racist a n d d i s c r i m i n a t o r y after the r e v i s i o n s o f i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n 1967 a n d the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n 1 9 7 1 . I n this chapter, m y purpose is to p r o v i d e a counter-argument to s u c h a n o p t i m i s t i c v i e w o n i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s a n d m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m b o r r o w i n g f r o m K i m (1999) a n d T h o b a n i (2000). T h e r e s t i l l r e m a i n s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against m i n o r i t y g r o u p s ; it has o n l y c h a n g e d the w a y it is expressed. F r o m this p o i n t o f v i e w , I w i l l discuss the C h i n e s e residents' g e o g r a p h i c a l m o v e m e n t s into h i s t o r i c a l l y E u r o p e a n suburbs located w i t h i n a n d a r o u n d V a n c o u v e r . A s m e n t i o n e d earlier, this p h e n o m e n o n b e c a m e a c o n t r o v e r s y because s u c h g e o g r a p h i c a l m o v e m e n t s o f the C h i n e s e w e r e p e r c e i v e d b y w h i t e residents as a d i s t o r t i o n o f the b o u n d a r y between t h e m a n d the n o n w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n . I n agreement w i t h scholars s u c h as A n g a n d P a r e k h , I w i l l argue that m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has restricted the total integration o f the C h i n e s e into w h i t e s o c i e t y . F i n a l l y , i n chapter I V , I w i l l c l o s e l y e x a m i n e t o d a y ' s C h i n a t o w n i n V a n c o u v e r as a m u s e u m that s h o w s a n d represents C h i n e s e culture to society. I n this chapter, I w i l l p r o v i d e s o m e theories a n d concepts c o n c e r n i n g the m u s e u m a n d its functions a n d e x p l a i n h o w m u s e u m s i n general c a n b e c o m e a m e d i u m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n that c o n v e y s the messages o f c o l o n i a l i s m a n d d i c h o t o m i z a t i o n o f " U s " a n d " O t h e r s . " T h e concepts o f " m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s " ( M a l r a u x , 1953) a n d m u s e u m s as e d u c a t i o n a l facilities (Bennett, 1 9 9 5 , 1 9 9 8 ) are p a r t i c u l a r l y important to m y argument that V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n is a m u s e u m . W o r k b y T i m o t h y M i t c h e l l (1988),  Colonizing Egypt, is useful to discuss the case o f V a n c o u v e r ' s  C h i n a t o w n as a space i n w h i c h the n o t i o n o f c o l o n i a l i s m w a s reconstructed i n the process o f obj e d i f i c a t i o n o f n o n - w h i t e s a n d their cultures. T h e theoretical c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n the  10 m u s e u m a n d t o u r i s m w i l l also be m a d e i n this chapter to illustrate h o w a n d w h y V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n has b e c o m e s u c h a tourist attraction. F o l l o w i n g these general theoretical r e m a r k s , I e x a m i n e V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n a n d its d e v e l o p m e n t as a m u s e u m . I w i l l e x a m i n e some o f the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n a n d r e v i t a l i z a t i o n schemes i n C h i n a t o w n f r o m the late 1960s. D e s p i t e efforts b y the C i t y P l a n n i n g Department o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r to consult w i t h representatives o f C h i n a t o w n interests, the representation o f C h i n e s e culture i n C h i n a t o w n w a s g e n e r a l l y created b y a d d i n g v i s u a l l y a p p e a l i n g features i n w h a t w a s b e l i e v e d ( p r i m a r i l y b y n o n - C h i n e s e ) to be C h i n e s e . Further, n e w organizations emerged, i n c l u d i n g the C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e a n d the C h i n e s e G a r d e n S o c i e t y w h i c h w e r e l e d b y m i d d l e - c l a s s C h i n e s e ( m a i n l y professionals a n d businessmen), a n d p r o m o t e d a n elite class v e r s i o n o f C h i n e s e culture. T h i s representation o f C h i n e s e culture i n C h i n a t o w n w a s not n e c e s s a r i l y f u l l y appreciated b y the o l d e r generation o f C h i n e s e p e o p l e w h o l i v e d , w o r k e d a n d s h o p p e d i n C h i n a t o w n , a l t h o u g h n o n - C h i n e s e v i s i t o r s w h o c a m e to the area f o u n d it m e a n i n g f u l a n d entertaining. C h i n a t o w n i n c r e a s i n g l y h a d t w o parts; W e s t a n d E a s t o f M a i n Street ( C h a o , 1971, p . 4 5 ) . W e s t o f M a i n Street w a s frequented b y n o n - C h i n e s e tourists w h o w e r e served b y C h i n e s e shopkeepers a n d C h i n e s e e m p l o y e e s i n s o u v e n i r shops, s m a l l restaurants, bakeries and, i n c r e a s i n g l y , stores s e l l i n g e l e c t r o n i c g o o d s ( C h a o , 1 9 7 1 , p p . 90-1). T h e s e c o n d part, E a s t o f M a i n Street, w a s the c o m m e r c i a l heart o f C h i n a t o w n . C h a o (1971) states that E a s t o f M a i n Street p r e s e r v e d its identity as a representation o f the lifestyle o f the o l d e r generation o f C h i n e s e i n V a n c o u v e r a n d a n area "free f r o m f o r e i g n culture, free f r o m t o u r i s m , a n d free f r o m outside c o n t r o l " (p. 4 7 ) . T h i s part o f C h i n a t o w n w a s f i l l e d w i t h g r o c e r y stores s e l l i n g C h i n e s e foodstuffs, vegetables, meat a n d p o u l t r y , C h i n e s e m e d i c i n e s , r i t u a l g o o d s , a n d c o o k i n g equipment. T h i s part w a s attractive to v i s i t o r s i n a different w a y f r o m W e s t o f M a i n Street  11 because it w a s f u l l o f u n f a m i l i a r sights, sounds a n d s m e l l s , w h i c h w e r e c l o s e r perhaps to the r e a l i t y o f a w a y o f life p r a c t i c e d b y the o l d e r generation o f C h i n e s e p e o p l e . I r o n i c a l l y , it c o u l d also be attractive to n e w , u r b a n i z e d C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w h o w e r e not f a m i l i a r w i t h s u c h a lifestyle.  12  Chapter I  The History of the Chinese in Vancouver: A History of Marginalization  1.1 Introduction I n this chapter, I w i l l p r o v i d e an o v e r v i e w o f the h i s t o r y o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n to C a n a d a a n d discuss their m a r g i n a l i z e d status as " O t h e r " i n C a n a d i a n society. T h e i r distinctiveness i n C a n a d i a n society has a l w a y s attracted a great deal o f attention, affecting the w a y they have been treated i n society. T h i s chapter w i l l e x p l o r e h o w C a n a d a ' s p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l attitudes t o w a r d s the C h i n e s e have been reflected i n their i m m i g r a t i o n , a n d i n the f o r m a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . I w i l l a p p r o a c h d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a n d r a c i s m against the C h i n e s e as a consequence o f E u r o p e a n h e g e m o n y a n d E u r o - c e n t r i s m created t h r o u g h European colonialism. International C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n has a l o n g h i s t o r y that c a n be traced b a c k centuries. A l t h o u g h the C h i n e s e are one o f the oldest i m m i g r a n t groups i n C a n a d a ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 149), C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n to N o r t h A m e r i c a is a r e l a t i v e l y recent p h e n o m e n o n .  It w a s not  u n t i l the 19th century that C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s b e g a n to arrive i n N o r t h A m e r i c a . T h e y consisted o f o n l y a s m a l l p o r t i o n o f o v e r a l l C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n , most o f w h i c h w a s b o u n d to Southeast A s i a n countries ( L y m a n , 1974, p p . 3-4). M a n y C h i n e s e w h o i m m i g r a t e d to the countries i n Southeast A s i a w e r e merchants w h o established i m p o r t and/or export businesses s e r v i n g E u r o p e a n c o l o n i z e r s o f the r e g i o n ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 5). In spite o f the s m a l l e r scale i m m i g r a t i o n , the C h i n e s e h a d a s i g n i f i c a n t i m p a c t o n C a n a d a , e v o k i n g tremendous p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c a n d c u l t u r a l repercussions i n C a n a d i a n society. T h e p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l structures o f that t i m e w e r e strongly characterized b y the influence o f B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l i s m . B r i t i s h settlement i n w h a t is n o w W e s t e r n C a n a d a brought not o n l y p e o p l e o f B r i t i s h o r i g i n , but also their p o l i t i c a l systems, culture, a n d s o c i a l  13 beliefs (Creese & Peterson, 1996, p . 119). Therefore, it w a s the s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s o f the B r i t i s h that structured C a n a d a ' s west coast. B e c a u s e the p o p u l a t i o n w a s p r e d o m i n a n t l y B r i t i s h , their s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s b e c a m e the s o c i a l standards against w h i c h e v e r y o n e else w a s measured. T h i s chapter e x a m i n e s C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n to C a n a d a i n four phases: o p e n immigration, restriction and exclusion, family reunification, and post-1967 immigration. In the d i s c u s s i o n o f the first phase o f o p e n i m m i g r a t i o n , I w i l l describe i n d e t a i l the e a r l y settlement process o f the C h i n e s e . T h i s part w i l l l o o k at the t i m e p e r i o d f r o m the a r r i v a l o f the first C h i n e s e i n w h a t is n o w B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a to the establishment o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i n V a n c o u v e r . T h e d i s c u s s i o n o f the first phase sketches out the p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l b a c k g r o u n d s that m a d e the C h i n e s e " O t h e r " i n c o l o n i a l C a n a d i a n society. T h e c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e as " O t h e r " i n o p p o s i t i o n to whites as " U s " is a core concept that runs t h r o u g h this research; hence this section is important i n the sense that it sets the theoretical g r o u n d for this thesis. T h e f o l l o w i n g three phases are c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y l e g i s l a t i o n i m p o s e d o n p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e o r i g i n b y w h i t e society. T h e established s o c i a l status o f the C h i n e s e as " O t h e r " l e g i t i m a t i z e d and a l l o w e d w h i t e s to subject t h e m to c o n t i n u o u s r e g u l a t i o n a n d c o n t r o l . T o reflect this p o i n t , d i s c u s s i o n s o f these three phases w i l l be constructed a r o u n d i m m i g r a t i o n l e g i s l a t i o n that w a s i m p o s e d u p o n the C h i n e s e . B e c a u s e o f the great influence o f c o l o n i a l i s m , w h i t e s h a d been the p r i v i l e g e d g r o u p i n society. T h e i r p r i v i l e g e d status a l l o w e d t h e m to access p o w e r to m a n i p u l a t e the p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , a n d e c o n o m i c structures. W h e n it c o m e s to the process o f j u r i s d i c t i o n , the beliefs a n d perspectives o f the p o w e r f u l are m o s t l i k e l y to be reflected, creating the h i e r a r c h a l relations between those w i t h access to the p o w e r a n d those w i t h o u t . A d d i n g to this, B e e t h a m (1991) e x p l a i n s that:  14 L e g i t i m a c y is s i g n i f i c a n t not o n l y for the maintenance o f order, but also for the degree o f c o o p e r a t i o n a n d q u a l i t y o f p e r f o r m a n c e that the p o w e r f u l c a n secure f r o m the subordinate; it is important not o n l y for w h e t h e r they r e m a i n ' i n p o w e r ' , but for w h a t their p o w e r c a n be u s e d to a c h i e v e , (p. 2 9 ) Therefore, l o o k i n g into the l e g i s l a t i o n i m p o s e d o n the C h i n e s e a n d their i m m i g r a t i o n to C a n a d a c a n r e v e a l s o c i a l perceptions assigned to the C h i n e s e o v e r t i m e .  1.2 Phase One: Open Immigration It w a s o n A p r i l 2 5 , 1858 w h e n the first 3 0 C h i n e s e a r r i v e d f r o m S a n F r a n c i s c o to w h a t later b e c a m e C a n a d a ( C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e M u s e u m a n d A r c h i v e s , 1998, p . 3 ) . T h e s e C h i n e s e w e r e g o l d m i n e r s h e a d i n g to the F r a s e r R i v e r . F o l l o w i n g this, systematic recruitment brought a n u m b e r o f w o r k e r s f r o m C h i n a to the g o l d m i n e s i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , w h i c h resulted i n a r a p i d increase o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n the area w i t h i n a short p e r i o d o f t i m e ( W a r d , 1978, p . 2 3 ; W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 13-4). F o r e x a m p l e , the n u m b e r o f C h i n e s e i n the C a r i b o o i n northern B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a g r e w f r o m 3 0 i n 1858 to as large as 4 , 0 0 0 b y the e n d o f 1863 to f o r m C a n a d a ' s first C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i n B a r k e r v i l l e ( C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e M u s e u m and A r c h i v e s , p . 4 ) . T h e r a p i d increase o f the C h i n e s e i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a c a n be e x p l a i n e d b y a c o m b i n a t i o n o f p u s h a n d p u l l factors. C h i n e s e society h a d been suffering f r o m the e x p l o s i v e p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h that caused severely p o o r standards o f l i v i n g . A s the c u l t i v a t e d lands w e r e e x p a n d e d , a larger a m o u n t o f f o o d b e c a m e a v a i l a b l e . B e c a u s e o f the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f f o o d , the death rate d r o p p e d a n d the p o p u l a t i o n q u i c k l y increased. T h e g r o w i n g p o p u l a t i o n meant d e m a n d for larger l a n d to p r o d u c e m o r e f o o d ; h o w e v e r , the p o p u l a t i o n s i z e g r e w so b i g that the shortage o f f o o d s u p p l y b e c a m e c r i t i c a l . T o m a k e matters w o r s e , p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y ,  15 natural disasters, a n d f o r e i g n intervention also t o o k p l a c e to create s o c i a l i n s t a b i l i t y ( L y m a n , 1974, p . 5; W i c k b e r g , 1982, p p . 6-10). T h e s e incidents destroyed the e c o n o m i c structure, l e a d i n g to the break d o w n o f the s o c i a l a n d p o l i t i c a l structures as w e l l ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 10). S u c h situations generated a p o o l o f p o t e n t i a l i m m i g r a n t s , a r i s i n g f r o m the n e e d to support families. T o the C h i n e s e , C a n a d a seemed to be able to offer better chances o f success because o f the d i s c o v e r y o f g o l d m i n e s o n the west coast. A l s o , cheap l a b o u r to construct a n mfrastructure w a s i n great d e m a n d i n C a n a d a at this t i m e . T h e p r e c e d i n g g o l d r u s h fever i n A m e r i c a h a d started to d e c l i n e b y the t i m e n e w g o l d m i n e s w e r e d i s c o v e r e d i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . T h i s became a strong i n c e n t i v e for g o l d m i n e r s to relocate themselves f r o m A m e r i c a to C a n a d a . A m o n g these m i n e r s w e r e a s m a l l n u m b e r o f C h i n e s e . H o w e v e r , it w a s rare for these C h i n e s e g o l d m i n e r s to c o m e across instant w e a l t h . O n e reason is that e c o n o m i c p r o s p e r i t y a n d j o b opportunities a r o u n d g o l d m i n e s d i d not last l o n g for there w e r e l i m i t s to the g o l d f o u n d i n m i n e s . F u r t h e r m o r e , C h i n e s e m i n e r s c o n t i n u e d s e e k i n g g o l d flakes after a large p o r t i o n o f g o l d h a d already been d u g b y w h i t e m i n e r s ( C h o w , 1996, p . 14, 39). Therefore, the amount o f g o l d C h i n e s e m i n e r s c o u l d o b t a i n w a s e x t r e m e l y s m a l l , a n d this c a n be p o i n t e d out as another reason w h y it w a s m o r e d i f f i c u l t for t h e m to b e c o m e w e a l t h y i n a short p e r i o d o f t i m e . A s the opportunities a r o u n d g o l d m i n e s became scarce, the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the C a n a d i a n P a c i f i c R a i l w a y ( C P R ) b e c a m e a m a j o r source o f e m p l o y m e n t for the C h i n e s e . M a n y C h i n e s e w o r k e r s w e r e i n v o l v e d i n the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f C P R , a n d e m p l o y e r s sometimes e v e n preferred t h e m to w h i t e w o r k e r s ( W a r d , 1978, p . 36). C h i n e s e m a l e s h a d s m a l l e r p h y s i q u e s than w h i t e m a l e s , a n d they also h a d a b i l i t y to use d y n a m i t e a n d e x p l o s i v e materials. These features o f C h i n e s e w o r k e r s w e r e v a l u e d w h e n tunnels h a d to be d u g t h r o u g h the R o c k y M o u n t a i n s . D e s p i t e dangerous w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s and l o n g hours, w a g e s p a i d for  16 this w o r k w e r e l o w . M o r e o v e r , w a g e s p a i d to C h i n e s e w o r k e r s w e r e e v e n l o w e r than those p a i d to w h i t e w o r k e r s ( C h o w , 1996, p . 2 ; L i , 1998, p . 4 9 ; W a r d , 1978, p . 17). T h e C h i n e s e put u p w i t h s u c h w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s a n d d i s c r i m i n a t o r y treatment. Therefore, C h i n e s e w o r k e r s appeared to be a m o r e attractive labour force to e m p l o y e r s : they w e r e cheap a n d e x p l o i t a b l e . B e s i d e s , they w e r e also e a s i l y replaceable. O n e e x a m p l e signifies this p o i n t . B e c a u s e o f dangerous w o r k e n v i r o n m e n t s , accidents often h a p p e n e d d u r i n g the C P R c o n s t r u c t i o n , k i l l i n g large n u m b e r s o f i n d i v i d u a l s . I n s u c h fatal accidents, the C h i n e s e w e r e m o r e l i k e l y to b e c o m e v i c t i m s than w h i t e w o r k e r s . T h i s i m p l i e s that the l i v e s o f C h i n e s e w e r e p e r c e i v e d less v a l u e d than w h i t e s , a n d w e r e thus disposable ( C h o w , 1996, p . 19; W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 2 3 ) . A f t e r a l l , the C h i n e s e w e r e suitable for B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s labour market o f this p a r t i c u l a r t i m e p e r i o d , a n d the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the C P R , w h i c h w a s the requirement i m p o s e d u p o n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a to j o i n C o n f e d e r a t i o n , m i g h t not have been a c h i e v e d w i t h o u t the contributions a n d sacrifices o f Chinese workers. T h e c o m p l e t i o n o f the C P R i n 1885 h a d a great i m p a c t not o n l y o n the d e v e l o p m e n t o f V a n c o u v e r as a c i t y , but also o n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . V a n c o u v e r w a s g e o g r a p h i c a l l y l i n k e d to central C a n a d a a n d g r e w into a p l a c e o f p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c i m p o r t a n c e . S u c h changes i n V a n c o u v e r h a d s i g n i f i c a n c e for the C h i n e s e i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , too. L i (1998) indicates that, as contract w o r k e r s , m a n y C h i n e s e i n d i v i d u a l s w e r e r e q u i r e d to f i n d n e w j o b opportunities after the c o m p l e t i o n o f the C P R , so that they c o u l d continue p r o v i d i n g f i n a n c i a l support for their f a m i l i e s b a c k i n C h i n a (pp. 5 1 - 3 ) . N o w that V a n c o u v e r h a d established i t s e l f as the centre o f e c o n o m i c activities o n the west coast, these C h i n e s e expected better chances o f f i n d i n g j o b opportunities i n V a n c o u v e r a n d its n e i g h b o u r i n g areas. V a n c o u v e r ' s c l i m a t e w a s another attractive feature. T h e m a j o r i t y o f C h i n e s e i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a o f that t i m e w e r e o r i g i n a l l y f r o m the southern part o f C h i n a w h e r e the c l i m a t e w a s r e l a t i v e l y m i l d .  Therefore,  17 V a n c o u v e r b e c a m e the major destination o f the internal C h i n e s e m i g r a t i o n w i t h i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , w h i c h e v e n t u a l l y resulted i n the emergence o f the large C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i n V a n c o u v e r . B y the t i m e B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a entered C o n f e d e r a t i o n , the C h i n e s e h a d already f o r m e d a c o m m u n i t y i n V a n c o u v e r . B y the 1890s, m o r e than 1,000 C h i n e s e w e r e r e s i d i n g i n V a n c o u v e r alone ( C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e M u s e u m a n d A r c h i v e s , 1998, p . 9).  A n t i - C h i n e s e feelings existed i n other W e s t e r n c o l o n i a l societies, too. A c c o r d i n g to W a r d (1978), g o l d m i n e r s f r o m A m e r i c a h a d already b e e n f a m i l i a r w i t h the d i s c r i m i n a t o r y attitudes a n d m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n o f p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e o r i g i n p r i o r to their a r r i v a l i n C a n a d a (p. 2 4 ) . T h e y d e v e l o p e d a n t i - C h i n e s e feelings t h r o u g h first-hand, direct d a i l y contact w i t h C h i n e s e m i n e r s . W a r d goes further to p o i n t out that a n t i - C h i n e s e feelings that e m e r g e d a n d spread i n V a n c o u v e r w e r e a result o f internal m i g r a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e from other areas o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , rather than the international m i g r a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e (p. 4 6 ) . A l t h o u g h the existence o f the C h i n e s e a m o n g w h i t e society w a s g r a d u a l l y i n c r e a s i n g s o c i a l intensity i n V a n c o u v e r , it w a s yet to be o f great c o n c e r n to the rest o f the society d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f the g o l d rush. T h i s indicates that the c o n g r e g a t i o n o f the dispersed C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n into a r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l area created a n increased v i s i b i l i t y i n society, b u i l d i n g u p uneasy feelings a m o n g w h i t e society. T h e y w e r e " v i s i b l e " because they d i d not fit the d e s c r i p t i o n o f a n i d e a l w h i t e society that B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a w a s so desperate to a c h i e v e . T h i s resulted i n the d e v e l o p m e n t o f a n t i - C h i n e s e feelings into s o l i d , i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y o r g a n i z e d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a n d r a c i s m against the C h i n e s e i n C a n a d i a n society. I n the process o f b u i l d i n g a c o m m u n i t y , a clear l i n e w a s d r a w n b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e , w h i c h c o n f i r m e d the s o c i a l perceptions o f these t w o groups. T h e C h i n e s e became w h a t w h i t e s w e r e not a n d w h i t e s b e c a m e w h a t the C h i n e s e w e r e not ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p . 96).  18 T h i s perspective w a s d e e p l y r o o t e d i n c o l o n i a l i s m . T h e n o t i o n o f c o l o n i a l i s m i n v o l v e s the takeover o f p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , a n d e c o n o m i c structures o f a c o l o n i z e d society, a n d E u r o p e a n settlement o f several centuries l e d to the establishment o f E u r o p e a n based p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , a n d e c o n o m i c foundations i n C a n a d a ( P e r r y , 2 0 0 0 , p . 146). B e c a u s e E u r o p e a n n o r m s h a d b e c o m e a reference p o i n t o f v a r i o u s types o f j u d g m e n t s i n C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y , the p r o n o u n c e d difference o f the C h i n e s e i n every aspect c a m e to be used as rationale for d i s c r i m i n a t o r y attitudes a n d practices against t h e m . It needs to be m e n t i o n e d , h o w e v e r , that difference does not exist or is not r e c o g n i z e d unless there are established n o r m s a n d v a l u e s to be c o m p a r e d to. V a n c o u v e r w a s the society created a r o u n d B r i t i s h n o r m s a n d v a l u e s , a n d a n y t h i n g that d i d not fit into this society b e c a m e a n object o f e x c l u s i o n . A c l e a r l y d e f i n e d b o u n d a r y o f superior " U s " a n d inferior " O t h e r s " o n the basis o f r a c i a l difference b e c a m e the v e r y reason to j u s t i f y further d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , m a k i n g the C h i n e s e m o r e subordinate a n d v u l n e r a b l e i n society. A l t h o u g h s t a y i n g c l o s e to one another as a g r o u p w a s p r o b a b l y the C h i n e s e ' s o w n strategy to cope w i t h the s u r r o u n d i n g h o s t i l i t y ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 36), it w a s these h o s t i l e s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s that f o r c e d t h e m to l i v e i n a c l o s e d area o f V a n c o u v e r , w h a t has n o w c o m e to be k n o w n as C h i n a t o w n . T h e h o s t i l i t y a n d d i s c r i m i n a t o r y attitudes t o w a r d s the C h i n e s e w e r e reflected i n l a w that prevented t h e m f r o m o w n i n g property outside o f C h i n a t o w n . C h i n a t o w n stood out as a d i s t i n c t i v e area i n the B r i t i s h s o c i a l context. I n the m i n d s o f p o l i t i c a l l y a n d s o c i a l l y p r o m i n e n t figures, V a n c o u v e r w a s destined to d e v e l o p into a B r i t i s h c o l o n y for w h i t e s ( W a r d , 1978, p . 31). Therefore, C h i n a t o w n b e c a m e a space b o t h p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y a n d g e o g r a p h i c a l l y separated f r o m w h i t e society. A n d e r s o n (1991) denotes that C h i n a t o w n w a s a creation that w a s supported b y the n o t i o n o f E u r o p e a n h e g e m o n y (p. 9), w h i c h supports the p o i n t that the C h i n e s e w e r e p o l i t i c a l l y , s o c i a l l y a n d g e o g r a p h i c a l l y  confined to C h i n a t o w n  because o f g r o w i n g d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a n d r a c i s m a i m e d at t h e m b y w h i t e society.  19 T h e differences between the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d C h i n a t o w n a n d the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society w e r e interpreted as signs o f i n f e r i o r i t y ; the C h i n e s e d i d not have cultures s i m i l a r to E u r o p e a n culture, w e r e not w i l l i n g to assimilate, or w e r e incapable o f a s s i m i l a t i n g to E u r o p e a n standards. F o r these reasons, the C h i n e s e w e r e p e r c e i v e d as b e i n g i n f e r i o r to w h i t e s . S u c h ideas i n f l a m e d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a n d r a c i s m against p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e o r i g i n i n C a n a d a for decades to c o m e . B e c a u s e the r a c i a l a n d c u l t u r a l differences o f the C h i n e s e a n d other n o n - w h i t e groups w e r e s o c i a l l y interpreted to stand as signs o f their " i n f e r i o r i t y , " they w e r e projected as obstacles that c o u l d deter the d e v e l o p m e n t o f w h i t e society. F o r this reason, a n y p o s s i b l e negative i m p a c t o n w h i t e society h a d to be prevented, a n d the a b i l i t y o f n o n w h i t e groups to influence p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l factors h a d to be r e d u c e d t h r o u g h d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . A s a result o f g e o g r a p h i c a l c o n f i n e m e n t o f the C h i n e s e i n C h i n a t o w n , "the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y " a n d " C h i n a t o w n " b e c a m e o v e r l a p p i n g entities. Therefore, I w i l l use these t w o terms interchangeably i n w h a t f o l l o w s . C h i n a t o w n b e c a m e the v e r y g e o g r a p h i c a l space i n w h i c h the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y existed, a n d the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y f o r m e d a n e x t r e m e l y c l o s e a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r space that e x i s t e d i n the w h i t e i m a g i n a t i o n .  1.3 Phase Two: Restriction and Exclusion T h i s phase started i n the late 19th century a n d lasted u n t i l 1947, the y e a r the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t w a s repealed. D i s c r i m i n a t i o n a n d r a c i s m t o w a r d s the C h i n e s e a n d other n o n w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n s reached unprecedented l e v e l s i n C a n a d i a n society d u r i n g this phase. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a a n d its w h i t e residents h e l d p a r t i c u l a r ideals about the future. H a v i n g established i t s e l f as a m e m b e r o f C o n f e d e r a t i o n , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a w a s d e t e r m i n e d to b e c o m e a society c o n s i s t i n g o f w h i t e s a n d s e r v i n g their needs. Therefore, the p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l atmosphere  20 p r o f o u n d l y favoured w h i t e residents, w h e r e a s p e o p l e w h o c o u l d not fit i n this picture started to be m a r g i n a l i z e d a n d e x c l u d e d . I n this respect, l e g i s l a t i o n s u c h as the h e a d taxes a n d the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t o f 1923 c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e d the p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l c l i m a t e o f C a n a d i a n society, i n w h i c h the C h i n e s e w e r e constructed as " O t h e r . " T h e a i m o f s u c h l e g i s l a t i o n w a s to d i m i n i s h the C h i n e s e c o r n m u n i t y i n C a n a d a . T h e head taxes effectively r e d u c e d the n u m b e r o f n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s a n d the s i z e o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n . A l t h o u g h the n u m b e r s o f C h i n e s e i n C a n a d a a c t u a l l y increased i m m e d i a t e l y after the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t due to the natural p o p u l a t i o n increase, the p r o h i b i t i o n o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n t h r o u g h the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t , c o m b i n e d w i t h deaths a n d repatriation o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s , e v e n t u a l l y offset this p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h . B y 1941, the size o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y b e c a m e s m a l l e r than it h a d b e e n p r i o r to the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 148). Therefore, l a w s targeting the C h i n e s e i n this phase contributed to the d e c l i n e o f their p o p u l a t i o n size to the p o i n t the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y w a s i n danger o f disappearance. T h e fact that the h e a d tax w a s first i n t r o d u c e d as early as 1886, o n l y a year after the c o m p l e t i o n o f the C P R , supports the p e r c e p t i o n that the C h i n e s e w e r e not w e l c o m e d i n C a n a d i a n society. A l t h o u g h the p r o v i n c e o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a a n d C a n a d a h a d r e l i e d h e a v i l y o n C h i n e s e w o r k e r s to b u i l d the C P R , once this g o a l w a s a c h i e v e d , the C h i n e s e w e r e n o l o n g e r necessary a n d b e c a m e obstacles to the establishment o f w h i t e society. Therefore, the g o v e r n m e n t i n t r o d u c e d the head taxes w i t h the intention o f d i m i n i s h i n g the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n . T h e first head tax o f 1886 w a s 50 d o l l a r s per person, w h i c h w a s then increased to 100 d o l l a r s , a n d b y 1903, it rose sharply to 5 0 0 d o l l a r s . S u c h a harsh restriction successfully r e d u c e d the n u m b e r o f n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s c o m i n g to C a n a d a because m a n y C h i n e s e w h o intended to i m m i g r a t e c o u l d s i m p l y not afford it.  21 O n the surface, the m o s t important purpose o f the head tax l e g i s l a t i o n w a s to reduce the n u m b e r o f the C h i n e s e i n C a n a d a . T h e h i d d e n intention, h o w e v e r , w a s to reduce the number o f "unwanted" Chinese immigrants. B y "unwanted" Chinese, I mean poor Chinese w h o c o u l d p o t e n t i a l l y b e c o m e a cheap l a b o u r force i n the C a n a d i a n labour market. B e c a u s e o f their characteristics b o t h as replaceable a n d cheap, the existence o f the C h i n e s e w a s regarded as a menace to the status o f w h i t e w o r k e r s ( W a r b u r t o n , 1999). T h e i r l o w e r s o c i a l status w h i c h w a s d e r i v e d f r o m r a c i a l a n d class difference b e c a m e a j u s t i f i c a t i o n for u n e q u a l treatment ( W a r b u r t o n , 1999, p p . 111-4). T h e C h i n e s e became the " e n e m y " i n w h i t e s o c i e t y , e s p e c i a l l y threatening the w o r k i n g - c l a s s p o p u l a t i o n . H o w e v e r , not a l l C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e c o n s i d e r e d to be enemies to the g o v e r n m e n t o f C a n a d a . A l t h o u g h the C h i n e s e c o u l d never be free f r o m r a c i a l i z a t i o n i n C a n a d i a n society, there w a s a s m a l l g r o u p o f t h e m w h o w e r e e x e m p t f r o m p a y i n g the h e a d taxes. T h i s g r o u p i n c l u d e d d i p l o m a t i c a n d c o n s u l a r representatives, tourists, merchants, a n d students ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p . 58).  T h e g o v e r n m e n t a c k n o w l e d g e d the i m p o r t a n c e o f the intake o f C h i n e s e merchants  e s p e c i a l l y because they c o u l d "contribute c a p i t a l a n d trade arrangements to C a n a d a ' s d e v e l o p m e n t " ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p . 58). T h i s i m p l i e s that the w a y s i n w h i c h C a n a d a treated the C h i n e s e were d e t e r m i n e d o n the basis o f the benefits they c o u l d p r o v i d e to w h i t e society. M o r e o v e r , because o f their affluent status as merchants, they w e r e less l i k e l y to b e c o m e labourers w h o w o u l d compete against their w h i t e counterparts i n the same j o b market. Therefore, the head taxes functioned as a w a y o f s c r e e n i n g out the w e a l t h y m e r c h a n t class f r o m the p o o r w o r k i n g class ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p . 58). T h e C h i n e s e w e r e a l l o w e d into C a n a d a o n l y w h e n they c o u l d m a k e a n e c o n o m i c c o n t r i b u t i o n to C a n a d i a n society a n d s t i l l be " h a r m l e s s " to w h i t e w o r k e r s .  22 T h e head taxes succeeded i n r e d u c i n g the o v e r a l l size o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . H o w e v e r , they c o u l d n e v e r c o m p l e t e l y e l i m i n a t e the i n f l u x o f " u n w a n t e d " C h i n e s e i n C a n a d a . A l t h o u g h s m a l l i n n u m b e r , there w e r e C h i n e s e i n d i v i d u a l s w h o negotiated the categories exempt f r o m p a y i n g the head taxes. C h o w (1996) g i v e s one e x a m p l e o f s u c h cases i n her w o r k w h i c h e x p l o r e s early C h i n e s e settlements i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . I n a n i n t e r v i e w w i t h C h o w , one C h i n e s e m a n r e v e a l e d h i s experiences i n C a n a d a that t o o k p l a c e i n the f e w years f o l l o w i n g h i s a r r i v a l . H i s father a n d brother h a d already r e s i d e d i n C a n a d a a n d w a n t e d h i m to j o i n t h e m so that he c o u l d h e l p the f a m i l y business. B e c a u s e o f the p r o h i b i t i o n i m p o s e d o n C h i n e s e labourers c o m i n g to C a n a d a , he c a m e o n a student v i s a instead. H e w a s i n s c h o o l for three years j u s t to m a i n t a i n the v a l i d status o f a student, yet he w o r k e d each d a y before g o i n g to s c h o o l a n d d u r i n g the l u n c h break to support the f a m i l y business (pp. 131-2). T h e C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t o f 1923 c a n be p e r c e i v e d as a n extreme f o r m o f h o s t i l i t y and hatred a i m e d at the C h i n e s e b y C a n a d i a n society. T h i s l e g i s l a t i o n w a s i n t r o d u c e d f o l l o w i n g the h e a d taxes a n d w a s effective u n t i l its repeal i n 1947. U n d e r this l a w a l l p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e ancestry w e r e d e n i e d entry to C a n a d a . Statistical i n f o r m a t i o n illustrates a stark difference i n the n u m b e r s o f C h i n e s e a l l o w e d i n C a n a d a b e t w e e n the t w o t i m e p e r i o d s before a n d after the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t . A c c o r d i n g to S i m m o n s (1998), 4 3 , 4 7 0 C h i n e s e i n d i v i d u a l s entered C a n a d a as l e g a l i m m i g r a n t s between 1906 a n d 1924: b y contrast, between 1924 a n d 1946 o n l y s e v e n C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e p e r m i t t e d entry (p. 38). T h e s e figures o n l y indicate the n u m b e r o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s l e g a l l y a l l o w e d i n C a n a d a : the n u m b e r o f i l l e g a l i m m i g r a n t s is u n k n o w n . H o w e v e r , these figures c l e a r l y suggest that the l e g i s l a t i o n w a s a i m e d at e l i m i n a t i n g the C h i n e s e presence i n C a n a d a . A l t h o u g h w h i t e society d i d not w e l c o m e the C h i n e s e i n general, the favourable attitude o f the C a n a d i a n g o v e r n m e n t t o w a r d s the w e a l t h y C h i n e s e merchant class d i d not c h a n g e e v e n  23 after the enactment o f the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t . Importantly, the l a w m a d e a n e x c e p t i o n for C h i n e s e merchants: W h o devoted [their] u n d i v i d e d attention to m e r c a n t i l e pursuits, w h o h a d not less than $2,500 invested i n a n enterprise i m p o r t i n g to C a n a d a or e x p o r t i n g to C h i n a g o o d s o f C h i n e s e or C a n a d i a n o r i g i n o r manufacture a n d w h o h a d c o n d u c t e d s u c h a business for at least three years. ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 90) A g a i n , they w e r e a l l o w e d i n C a n a d a because o f the p e r c e i v e d financial benefits they c o u l d offer. I n the case o f the C h i n e s e , their v a l u e to C a n a d i a n society w a s m e a s u r e d b y the e c o n o m i c contributions they c o u l d m a k e , but not i n terms o f p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l o r c u l t u r a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s . A n d s u c h e c o n o m i c contributions w e r e not m a d e b y their p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n e c o n o m i c activities c o m p e t i n g o r c o o p e r a t i n g w i t h the w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n , but b a s i c a l l y b y transporting their w e a l t h from C h i n a to C a n a d a .  1.4 Phase Three: Family Reunification T h e t h i r d phase o f i m m i g r a t i o n is from the repeal o f the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t to the r e v i s i o n o f i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n 1967. T h i s phase is characterized b y the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m that i m p r o v e d severe i m b a l a n c e s o f sex ratios a n d s k e w e d age distributions i n V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p . 9 9 ) . I n m a n y w a y s the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p l a n contributed to the d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n o f V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . A b r i e f o v e r v i e w o f C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y d u r i n g a n d after the w a r p e r i o d i s useful here t o c o n t e x t u a l i z e the d i s c u s s i o n o f the influence that the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m h a d o n C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n a n d the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . T h e C h i n e s e w e r e not o f f i c i a l l y admitted into the a r m y d u r i n g W o r l d W a r I. T h e i r status as legitimate C a n a d i a n c i t i z e n s h a d b e e n d e n i e d b y w h i t e s o c i e t y because their race demarcated t h e m as p e o p l e w h o w e r e not e l i g i b l e to  24 b e c o m e C a n a d i a n ( A n d e r s o n , 1991, p . 171). T h e y w e r e not o n l y d e n i e d entitlement to the basic rights they deserved to exercise, but they w e r e also prevented f r o m m a k i n g a c o n t r i b u t i o n to society, b y s e r v i n g i n the a r m y , for e x a m p l e . D e s p i t e s u c h h u m i l i a t i n g treatments, h o w e v e r , the C h i n e s e w e r e s t i l l w i l l i n g to devote themselves to the c o u n t r y they b e l i e v e d they b e l o n g e d to. T h e C a n a d i a n - b o r n C h i n e s e were finally i n c l u d e d as e l i g i b l e applicants for the C a n a d i a n a r m y d u r i n g W o r l d W a r II ( A n d e r s o n , 1991, p . 1 7 1 ; N g , 1999, p . 4 3 ) . F o r one, their w i l l i n g n e s s to h e l p C a n a d a i n the p r e v i o u s w a r generated a p p r e c i a t i o n f r o m s o m e parties. T h e m o s t important reason, h o w e v e r , w a s the fact that C a n a d a a n d C h i n a n o w shared a c o m m o n e n e m y . P e r c e i v i n g J a p a n as the c o m m o n e n e m y s u d d e n l y c h a n g e d the s o c i a l attitudes t o w a r d s p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e a n d Japanese o r i g i n i n C a n a d a . T h e Japanese w e r e sent to the internment c a m p s i n the interior whether they w e r e f o r e i g n - b o r n o r C a n a d i a n - b o r n , a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against t h e m became e x t r e m e l y severe ( W a r d , 1978, p . 148). O n the other h a n d , C a n a d i a n society started to q u e s t i o n the rationale for d i s c r i m i n a t i n g against the C h i n e s e i n C a n a d a because o f the international a l l i a n c e b e t w e e n C a n a d a a n d C h i n a . It is important to note here that the d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n the C h i n e s e a n d the Japanese w a s b l u r r e d u n t i l the m i d d l e o f the 19th century w h e n J a p a n ' s m i l i t a r y e x p a n s i o n i n A s i a a n d v i c t o r y against R u s s i a generated attention f r o m W e s t e r n nations ( W a r d , 1978, p . 9 7 ) . P r e v i o u s l y w h i t e society h a d f o u n d little reason to d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n these groups because they w e r e " O t h e r s " w h o d i d not b e l o n g to " U s . " D i s t i n c t i o n w i t h i n the category o f " O t h e r s " w a s s i m p l y not important to w h i t e s . Y e t , the b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s g a i n e d p r o m i n e n c e d u r i n g W o r l d W a r II a n d fostered the Japanese internment. B e c a u s e o f J a p a n ' s p e r c e i v e d " s u p e r i o r " status to C h i n a f r o m the perspective o f w h i t e society, the i m m i g r a t i o n restrictions i m p o s e d o n the Japanese w e r e less severe than those i m p o s e d o n the C h i n e s e  25 ( W a r d , 1978, C h a p t e r 6). H o w e v e r , o n c e the w a r b r o k e out a n d the treaty b e t w e e n B r i t a i n a n d Japan w a s repealed, p e o p l e o f Japanese o r i g i n s u d d e n l y b e c a m e r a c i a l " O t h e r " a n d e n e m y aliens. A g a i n , it w a s r a c i a l difference that i n d i c a t e d w h o c o u l d b e c o m e " U s " a n d w h o h a d to be " O t h e r s . " T h e contributions that p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e o r i g i n m a d e d u r i n g this t i m e f i n a l l y g a i n e d r e c o g n i t i o n f r o m w h i t e society. F o r e x a m p l e , the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i n V a n c o u v e r bought C a n a d i a n V i c t o r y B o n d s to f i n a n c i a l l y support C a n a d a d u r i n g the w a r effort ( C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e M u s e u m and A r c h i v e s , 1998, p . 13). T h i s is not to say that the C h i n e s e w e r e granted f u l l rights. Rather, to r e g a i n their basic rights i n society, the C h i n e s e veterans t o o k initiatives to a p p e a l to the federal g o v e r n m e n t as representatives o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y ( N g , 1999, p . 4 4 ) . C h a n g e s i n the international c o m m u n i t y after the w a r s also p l a y e d a r o l e i n c o n v i n c i n g the C a n a d i a n g o v e r n m e n t to reconsider its blatantly d i s c r i m i n a t o r y treatment o f the C h i n e s e . T h e awareness o f h u m a n rights s i g n i f i c a n t l y increased i n the p o s t - w a r international c o m m u n i t y , w h i c h also b e c a m e a pressure u p o n C a n a d i a n society ( H a w k i n s , 1972, C h a p t e r 1, p . 128). A m o n g the rights re-granted to the C h i n e s e , s u c h as the right to v o t e a n d the repeal o f the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t , the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m h a d a great i m p a c t o n the d e m o g r a p h i c structure o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . T h e e a r l y C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y w a s p r e d o m i n a n t l y m a l e oriented. T h e h e a d taxes a n d the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t g e o g r a p h i c a l l y separated a n u m b e r o f f a m i l i e s . T h e repeal o f the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t a l l o w e d these f a m i l i e s to reunify i n C a n a d a . A l t h o u g h s u c h changes saved the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y f r o m v a n i s h i n g from C a n a d i a n society, the difference o f race s t i l l p r e v a i l e d i n d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n " U s " a n d " O t h e r s . " I m m e d i a t e l y after W o r l d W a r II, C a n a d a started to r e c e i v e large v o l u m e s o f refugees a n d  26 d i s p l a c e d persons f r o m E u r o p e a n countries ( H a w k i n s , 1972, pp. 15-8). These countries w e r e not B r i t i s h o r F r e n c h ; h o w e v e r , they w e r e s t i l l countries i n E u r o p e w h o s e p o p u l a t i o n s consisted l a r g e l y o f w h i t e p e o p l e . These n e w c o m e r s added c u l t u r a l a n d ethnic d i v e r s i t y , but w e r e m o r e " h a r m l e s s " i n terms o f the r a c i a l h o m o g e n e i t y o f C a n a d i a n society. C a n a d a s t i l l desperately tried to m a i n t a i n i t s e l f as a w h i t e n a t i o n . S u c h intention w a s f o u n d i n the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m , t o o . T h e different e l i g i b i l i t i e s for the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m w e r e e m p l o y e d d e p e n d i n g o n the r a c i a l category o f a n applicant. F o r e x a m p l e , p e o p l e o f E u r o p e a n b a c k g r o u n d s , i.e. w h i t e s , w e r e able to b r i n g their i m m e d i a t e f a m i l y m e m b e r s to j o i n t h e m as l o n g as they w e r e residents o f C a n a d a ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p p . 120-1). I n contrast, p e o p l e o f A s i a n o r i g i n h a d to first meet the requirements o f b e i n g C a n a d i a n c i t i z e n s . F u r t h e r m o r e , i n the case o f p e o p l e o f A s i a n b a c k g r o u n d s , there w a s an age r e s t r i c t i o n for u n m a r r i e d c h i l d r e n e l i g i b l e for the p r o g r a m , w h i c h w a s not a p p l i c a b l e to p e o p l e o f E u r o p e a n b a c k g r o u n d s . T h e age r e s t r i c t i o n o f c h i l d r e n to be e l i g i b l e for the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m w a s 18 years, w h i c h w a s later raised to 21 years ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 90). T h e s e restrictions i n fact m a d e it d i f f i c u l t for the C h i n e s e to b r i n g their f a m i l i e s to C a n a d a under the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m . F i r s t , because o f the severe h o s t i l i t y a i m e d at the C h i n e s e i n the past and the d e p r i v a t i o n o f the right o f naturalization, it c a n be a s s u m e d that the rates o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w h o h e l d C a n a d i a n c i t i z e n s h i p w e r e not h i g h . S e c o n d , the e x c l u s i o n era o f o v e r 20 years a g e d these C h i n e s e i n d i v i d u a l s i n C a n a d a a n d their f a m i l i e s i n C h i n a . It is p o s s i b l e that a n u m b e r o f c h i l d r e n b o r n to C h i n e s e f a m i l i e s before the e x c l u s i o n era h a d already g r o w n o l d e r than the age restriction. T h i r d , a l t h o u g h this is not a direct influence o f the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m itself, m a n y C h i n e s e l i v i n g i n C a n a d a lost contact w i t h their f a m i l i e s w h e n the i n v a s i o n o f the Japanese a r m y into C h i n a o c c u r r e d d u r i n g  27 W o r l d W a r II ( L i , 1998, p . 68). Therefore, a l t h o u g h the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m brought a m u c h larger n u m b e r o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s to C a n a d a c o m p a r e d to the t i m e o f e x c l u s i o n , it is also true that the C h i n e s e c o u l d not g a i n as m a n y benefits from this p r o g r a m as c o u l d w h i t e immigrants.  A f t e r a l l , the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h w a s kept to a m i n i m u m .  1.5 Phase Four: Post 1967 Immigrants E v e n under the restrictions a n d restraints based o n r a c i a l difference, the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y internally d i v e r s i f i e d i n terms o f its d e m o g r a p h i c structure m o s t l y because o f the gradual emergence o f a C a n a d i a n - b o r n generation a n d the r e u n i f i c a t i o n o f f a m i l i e s separated d u r i n g the e x c l u s i o n era. T h e r e v i s i o n s o f the n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n 1967 d r a s t i c a l l y accelerated these g r a d u a l changes w h i c h h a d been o c c u r r i n g w i t h i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . T h e character o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s a n d their places o f o r i g i n s i g n i f i c a n t l y c h a n g e d f o l l o w i n g the r e v i s i o n o f i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s , w h i c h m a d e the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y diverse i n terms o f their s o c i o - e c o n o m i c status i n C a n a d a . S u c h changes w e r e further p r o m o t e d w h e n the p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w a s i n t r o d u c e d i n 1971. T h e internal transformation o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y b e c a m e relevant w h e n the stereotypical o l d images o f the C h i n e s e c a m e to be r e p l a c e d b y the i m a g e o f " m o d e l m i n o r i t y " ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p . 2 1 3 ) ; nonetheless this t e r m s t i l l suggests the status o f " O t h e r " assigned to the C h i n e s e . A s C h a p t e r III s p e c i f i c a l l y focuses o n C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s o f this phase, the d i s c u s s i o n u n f o l d e d i n this section is kept to be a b r i e f o v e r v i e w o f the post 1967 C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s to C a n a d a . T h e r e v i s i o n o f the n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n 1967 r e m o v e d r a c i a l a n d ethnic categories from i m m i g r a t i o n selection; instead, the r e v i s e d p o l i c i e s i n t r o d u c e d n e w c r i t e r i a k n o w n as the p o i n t system. T h e p o i n t s y s t e m w a s used to increase the p o r t i o n o f b e n e f i c i a l i m m i g r a n t s to C a n a d i a n society. H a w k i n s (1972) argues a n important aspect o f c h a n g i n g  28 i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n C a n a d a w e r e the shifts o f the C a n a d i a n d o m e s t i c e c o n o m y a n d l a b o u r m a r k e t (pp. 4 1 - 5 3 ) . T h e focus o f C a n a d a ' s e c o n o m y m o v e d f r o m the sphere o f i n d u s t r y a n d manufacture, to that o f i n f o r m a t i o n a n d t e c h n o l o g y . T h e s e changes d e m a n d e d that the l a b o u r force satisfy the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s s u c h as e d u c a t i o n a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l s k i l l s a n d k n o w l e d g e . N e w i m m i g r a n t s a d m i t t e d to C a n a d a as potential l a b o u r force participants w e r e not e x e m p t f r o m m e e t i n g s u c h q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . It b e c a m e clear that intake o f o n l y refugees a n d d i s p l a c e d persons w a s not e n o u g h to f i l l the needs o f a c h a n g i n g C a n a d i a n e c o n o m y . B e s i d e s , E u r o p e a n countries w e r e r e c o v e r i n g r e l a t i v e l y q u i c k l y f r o m the damages f r o m W o r l d W a r II, a n d the needs for t h e m to i m m i g r a t e to other countries w e r e not as strong as i n the i m m e d i a t e p o s t - w a r p e r i o d . T h i s caused a d e c l i n e i n the n u m b e r o f q u a l i f i e d i m m i g r a n t s f r o m E u r o p e .  Therefore,  s e e k i n g i m m i g r a n t s w i t h satisfactory qualities outside E u r o p e b e c a m e a strategy to be p u r s u e d . These changes o p e n e d the d o o r to C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n f r o m a l l o v e r the w o r l d . T h e r e v i s i o n s o f the i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n 1967, w h i c h r e m o v e d r a c i a l and ethnic categories, increased not o n l y the n u m b e r o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s but also i m m i g r a n t s f r o m the s o - c a l l e d " t h i r d w o r l d , " s u c h as the C a r i b b e a n , L a t i n A m e r i c a , a n d Southeast A s i a ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 2 0 6 ) . It is important to p o i n t out here that C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s o f post 1967 n o l o n g e r shared the same characteristics as the early C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p p . 2 1 4 - 5 ; L i , 1998; p p . 7, 9 6 - 7 ; W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 2 4 5 ) . W h i l e the m a j o r source o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s i n the early days w a s the southern part o f C h i n a , H o n g K o n g b e c a m e the m a i n source o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n s o o n after these n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s w e r e enacted. M a i n l a n d C h i n a d i d not r e g a i n its p o s i t i o n as the major source o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s to C a n a d a u n t i l the n u m b e r o f i m m i g r a n t s f r o m H o n g K o n g s i g n i f i c a n t l y d r o p p e d after 1997 ( L i , 1998, p . 9 6 ; Statistics Canada, 2003).  29 T h e shift o f p l a c e o f o r i g i n also i n d i c a t e d that C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s shifted f r o m i m m i g r a n t s f r o m r u r a l to urban areas" to " i m m i g r a n t s f r o m urban to urban areas." H o n g K o n g i m m i g r a n t s , the m a i n c o m p o n e n t o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s after the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s , c a m e to C a n a d a w i t h h i g h e d u c a t i o n , a b i l i t y i n the E n g l i s h language, a n d experiences o f urban l i v i n g for a certain p e r i o d o f t i m e ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p p . 2 1 4 - 5 ) . I n other w o r d s , these " n e w " C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e a g r o u p o f p e o p l e w h o h a d less i n c o m m o n w i t h the " o l d " C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s . T h e gap between the " o l d " a n d " n e w " C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s b e c a m e e v e n w i d e r i n the 1980s a n d the 1990s. B y the late 1980s, m o s t o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s c a m e f r o m H o n g K o n g . It c h a n g e d not o n l y C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y ' s p e r c e p t i o n o n C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s as a g r o u p o f affluent p e o p l e , but also the p o w e r relationships w i t h i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . These n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s o u t n u m b e r e d the o l d e r generation o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s . C o m p a r e d to the o l d e r generation o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s , the n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s h a d m o r e suitable characteristics (i.e. e d u c a t i o n , language s k i l l , e c o n o m i c c o m p e t e n c y , a n d experience o f l i v i n g i n W e s t e r n i z e d u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t s ) that enabled t h e m to adjust to C a n a d i a n society.  1.6 Conclusion T h e C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y , w h i c h w a s part o f V a n c o u v e r ' s history since its b i r t h as a c i t y , w e r e a l w a y s i n f l u e n c e d strongly b y the p o l i t i c a l structure o f C a n a d a . B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a b e g a n as a B r i t i s h c o l o n y characterized b y a s i z e a b l e w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n , C h r i s t i a n i t y , a n d l o y a l t y to the Q u e e n o f E n g l a n d . It w a s B r i t i s h oriented s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s that structured society. I n this respect, there w a s n o r o o m for the C h i n e s e to be accepted as e q u a l participants. D i f f e r e n c e s based o n race, language, culture, r e l i g i o n , a n d c u l t u r a l practices  30 m a r k e d t h e m out as a s o c i a l g r o u p that c o u l d not fit i n the society already established i n the British way. D e s p i t e s u c h w i d e differences between w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e , C h i n e s e w o r k e r s w e r e f a v o u r e d i n some sections o f industry that prospered i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n the late 19th a n d early 2 0 t h centuries. T h e C h i n e s e c o n t r i b u t i o n to the c o m p l e t i o n o f the C P R is one s u c h e x a m p l e . T h e i r w o r k m a d e a huge c o n t r i b u t i o n to b u i l d an mfrastructure that later b e c a m e the basis o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s d e v e l o p m e n t . H o w e v e r , their culture a n d existence i n society w e r e neither w e l c o m e d n o r appreciated. I n this sense, B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a a n d the rest o f C a n a d a m a d e the m o s t o f C h i n e s e w o r k e r s w i t h o u t g i v i n g t h e m a n y credit for their contributions. T h e hostile attitudes o f w h i t e society t o w a r d s the C h i n e s e are p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n the h i s t o r y o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n a n d i m m i g r a t i o n l a w . A s W i c k b e r g (1982) states, "the C h i n e s e w e r e the o n l y i m m i g r a n t g r o u p i n C a n a d a for w h i c h there w a s a c o m p l e t e structure o f s p e c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n a n d r e g u l a t i o n " (p. 2 0 7 ) . It is important to note here that the l e g a l i z a t i o n o f r a c i s m a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against the C h i n e s e h a d a s i g n i f i c a n t i m p a c t o n the w a y i n w h i c h the C h i n e s e w e r e treated i n C a n a d i a n society. B e c a u s e l e g i s l a t i o n h a d the p o w e r o f l e g i t i m i z i n g racist a n d d i s c r i m i n a t o r y practices, the C h i n e s e w e r e rendered v u l n e r a b l e to and p o w e r l e s s against s u c h r a c i s m a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . A s s h o w n i n this chapter, the w a y s i n w h i c h the C h i n e s e have been treated b y w h i t e society are c l e a r l y reflected i n l e g i s l a t i o n . F o r e x a m p l e , a n t i - C h i n e s e feelings g r e w to the p o i n t that they c o u l d be effectively used as a n electoral strategy b y p o l i t i c i a n s ( W a r b u r t o n , 1999, p . 106; W a r d , 1978, p . 3 3 ; W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 50). A n d these p o l i t i c i a n s w e r e i n d e e d i n a p o s i t i o n i n w h i c h they c o u l d access the authoritarian p o w e r i n the p o l i t i c a l structure. A n d e r s o n (1991) h i g h l i g h t s this p o i n t b y stating that "the i d e a o f a ' C h i n e s e ' race w a s a m o s t  31 c o n v e n i e n t concept for p o l i t i c a l m a n i p u l a t i o n . . .at b o t h p r o v i n c i a l a n d d o m i n i o n l e v e l s , u s e d (not necessarily c o n s c i o u s l y ) to w i n electoral support a n d i n s p i r e a c o l l e c t i v e sense o f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n a m o n g a ' w h i t e ' i n - g r o u p " (p. 6 3 ) . Therefore, " i n the m i n d s o f w h i t e s , ' r a c e ' a n d ' n a t i o n ' became interchangeable i d i o m s a r o u n d w h i c h s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l units w e r e b u i l t a n d c o n q u e r e d " ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p . 110). W h e n the clear l i n k b e t w e e n " w h i t e r a c e " a n d " C a n a d i a n " w a s created, there w a s n o space for the C h i n e s e to fit i n a n d their status as " O t h e r " w a s e v e n m o r e f i r m l y established. T h e changes i n i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n the 1960s a n d the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n 1971 eased the restrictions p l a c e d u p o n the C h i n e s e i n C a n a d a . C h a n g i n g i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s a l l o w e d the n u m b e r s o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s to g r o w . B y the early 1970s C h i n e s e constituted the largest category o f migrants to C a n a d a w h i c h w a s m a i n t a i n e d o v e r a 30 y e a r p e r i o d ( L i , 1998, p p . 9 5 - 1 0 2 ) . S u c h migrants c a m e as entire f a m i l i e s , u n l i k e earlier p e r i o d s , a n d they w e r e m o r e diverse i n terms o f p l a c e o f o r i g i n , w e a l t h , class a n d e d u c a t i o n a l b a c k g r o u n d s . T h e y w e r e m o r e l i k e l y to adapt to C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y easier a n d faster than the o l d e r generation o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s . It w a s o n l y h e l p e d b y r e c o g n i t i o n o f the v a l i d i t y o f a C h i n e s e c u l t u r a l e x p r e s s i o n i n the context o f a m u l t i c u l t u r a l society. C l e a r l y , b y the 1970s, the p o s i t i o n o f the C h i n e s e " t i l e " i n C a n a d a ' s v e r t i c a l m o s a i c h a d c h a n g e d d r a m a t i c a l l y f r o m their situation as p o r t r a y e d i n P o r t e r ' s c l a s s i c a l a c c o u n t o f the C a n a d i a n s o c i a l stratification s y s t e m (Porter, 1965). T h e s m a l l s e c o n d generation C h i n e s e o n their return f r o m w a r t o o k i n i t i a t i v e s to a c h i e v e the e x t e n s i o n o f basic rights to the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n , a n d this c e r t a i n l y h e l p e d the n e w i m m i g r a n t s o b t a i n p r o f e s s i o n a l status. S o m e C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s f r o m H o n g K o n g c a m e w e l l e q u i p p e d w i t h E n g l i s h - l a n g u a g e a n d other s k i l l s a n d e x p e r i e n c e d substantial u p w a r d m o b i l i t y i n C a n a d i a n s o c i a l context, w h i c h a l l o w e d for spatial d i s p e r s i o n a w a y from C h i n a t o w n , as I w i l l indicate i n C h a p t e r III. T h e y became a  32 " m o d e l m i n o r i t y " but, it c a n be suggested, this concept i m p l i e s a c o n t i n u e d o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n as " O t h e r . " A s C a n a d i a n society u n d e r w e n t dramatic changes i n the 1970s, the characteristics o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y also c h a n g e d , a n d these w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter.  33  Chapter II  The Chinese Community in Changing Canadian Society  2.1 Introduction A s I sketched out i n C h a p t e r I, the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y h a d a l w a y s b e e n u n d e r the influence o f C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c a l a g e n d a a n d i m m i g r a t i o n l a w . T h e same h o l d s true for the p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e i n the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society. I n this chapter, m y focus is o n the internal transformation o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . I w i l l argue that the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y o f the past w a s c l o s e l y o r g a n i z e d a r o u n d t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations; h o w e v e r , this structure has u n d e r g o n e changes a n d n o w the tie b e t w e e n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations has b e c o m e loose. B y t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s , I m e a n the ethnic based organizations established before o r d u r i n g the t i m e o f C h i n e s e e x c l u s i o n , s u c h as the C h i n e s e B e n e v o l e n t A s s o c i a t i o n ( C B A ) . T h e reason w h y t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations are so important is that "the h i s t o r y o f C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t i e s is l a r g e l y the h i s t o r y o f the g r o w t h a n d d e v e l o p m e n t o f v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s " ( J o h n s o n , 1994, p . 129). I f J o h n s o n ' s statement is v a l i d , the " d e c l i n e " o f these t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations is also a n important c o m p o n e n t o f h i s t o r y o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y in Vancouver. A l t h o u g h the d e c l i n e o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations has great s i g n i f i c a n c e i n terms o f the c h a n g i n g C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i n V a n c o u v e r , this is not to suggest that external factors, s u c h as C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c s , d i d not also affect the internal changes o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . I n fact, these t w o factors are inseparable.  F o r e x a m p l e , the external factors w i t h  the greatest influence o n the C h i n e s e c o m m i m i t y c a n be s a i d to be the p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l changes towards m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . S o c i a l " t o l e r a n c e " towards m i n o r i t y groups, i n c l u d i n g the C h i n e s e , started to increase as m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w a s adopted i n C a n a d a . T h e d e m o g r a p h i c  d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n a n d g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s p e r s i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y , w h i c h c o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d as the signs o f separation o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y f r o m C h i n a t o w n , a l s o o w e d m u c h to this p o l i c y . H o w e v e r , this p o l i c y is not o m n i p o t e n t j u s t as any other p o l i c i e s are not so. I w i l l argue that m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is a p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l t o o l that reinforces the established d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s .  2.2 Traditional Voluntary Organizations B e f o r e d i s c u s s i n g the d e c l i n e o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations, a b r i e f o v e r v i e w o f their general roles a n d characteristics needs to be p r o v i d e d . M a n y scholars share the v i e w that the root o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s c a n be f o u n d i n C h i n e s e s o c i e t y ( C r i s s m a n , 1 9 6 7 ; L i , 1 9 9 8 , p p . 7 7 - 8 0 ; N g , 1 9 9 9 , p p . 1 1 - 3 ; W i c k b e r g , 1 9 8 2 , p p . 1 0 - 1 ; 1994). T h e p r i m a r y function o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s w a s to offer m u t u a l h e l p to their m e m b e r s a n d to protect t h e m f r o m u n f a m i l i a r s o c i a l surroundings. D o m e s t i c m i g r a t i o n f r o m r u r a l to u r b a n areas h a d a l w a y s b e e n part o f the h i s t o r y o f C h i n e s e society. G e o g r a p h i c a l m o b i l i t y m e a n t that u r b a n c o m m u n i t i e s w e r e c o m p r i s e d o f p e o p l e f r o m different b a c k g r o u n d s . O n e n c o u n t e r i n g d i s t i n c t i v e groups o f p e o p l e , migrants faced d i f f i c u l t i e s d e r i v i n g f r o m differences o f b e h a v i o u r s , s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c structures, a n d s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s . T r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s h e l p e d t h e m w i t h e c o n o m i c support, s c h o l a r s h i p , e m p l o y m e n t , a n d so forth i n s u c h u n f a m i l i a r e n v i r o n m e n t s ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p p . 10-1). E a r l y C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s brought this type o f support system w i t h t h e m as a strategy o f s u r v i v a l i n C a n a d i a n society. L i (1998) adds h i s v i e w o n the o r i g i n s o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n C a n a d a . H e p o i n t s out that "the emergence o f these ethnic institutions h a d m o r e to d o w i t h institutional r a c i s m i n C a n a d a than w i t h w h a t e v e r t r a d i t i o n a l culture m i g h t have been transplanted f r o m  35 C h i n a " (p. 7). F o r m i n g v o l u n t a r y organizations w a s the most f a m i l i a r strategy u s e d b y the C h i n e s e to cope w i t h u n f a m i l i a r s o c i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s ; at the same t i m e , r e l y i n g o n s u c h organizations b e c a m e the o n l y w a y for the C h i n e s e to s u r v i v e i n a n e w a n d hostile l a n d . F o r instance, i n d i v i d u a l s d i d not n e e d to be part o f a p a r t i c u l a r k i n g r o u p to b e c o m e a m e m b e r o f a " c l a n " a s s o c i a t i o n . O n the contrary, m e m b e r s h i p s i n c l a n associations i n C a n a d a w e r e often granted for established friendship and/or partnership a m o n g the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y ( C h o w , 1976 c i t e d i n L i , 1998, p . 78). T h i s i m p l i e s that the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y g a v e p r i o r i t y to the importance o f the  goal (i.e., establishment o f v o l u n t a r y organizations i n order to s u r v i v e i n  C a n a d i a n society) o v e r the  procedures o f a c h i e v i n g it.  H o w e v e r , traditional voluntary organizations serving Chinese communities i n Canada shared s i m i l a r functions w i t h those o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations i n C h i n e s e society. T h e r e w e r e three major roles that t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations p l a y e d i n the context o f C a n a d i a n society. T h e first f u n c t i o n w a s the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f a w i d e r range o f p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l opportunities. B e c a u s e the C h i n e s e w e r e the g r o u p o f p e o p l e w h o w e r e r a c i a l l y , p o l i t i c a l l y , a n d s o c i a l l y s i n g l e d out f r o m the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society, t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations w e r e the o n l y f o r m o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d structure that c o u l d p r o v i d e the C h i n e s e w i t h p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l support. W i t h o u t t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations, opportunities to function as part o f the p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l system m i g h t not h a v e b e e n a v a i l a b l e to C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s . T h e s e c o n d function w a s to support the d e v e l o p m e n t o f s o c i a l n e t w o r k s a m o n g the C h i n e s e . T r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations, w h i c h w e r e p h y s i c a l l y a n d e m o t i o n a l l y central to the c o m m u n i t y , w e r e the l o c i o f leisure, c o m m u n i c a t i o n , a n d entertainment for C h i n e s e m e n w h o d o m i n a t e d the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y ( N g , 1999, p . 15). T h e C h i n e s e d e v e l o p e d s o c i a l c a p i t a l t h r o u g h activities offered b y t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations. t h i r d f u n c t i o n w a s to serve as a p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l l i n k between C h i n a a n d C h i n e s e  The  36 c o m m u n i t i e s i n C a n a d a . I n the t i m e p e r i o d i n w h i c h the c o m m u n i c a t i o n t e c h n o l o g y w a s yet to be d e v e l o p e d , a n d w h e n the C h i n e s e s t i l l p r e s e r v e d the strong s o j o u r n i n g characteristics h o p i n g to return to C h i n a one day, o b t a i n i n g i n f o r m a t i o n about their h o m e l a n d a n d their f a m i l i e s w a s a matter o f great i m p o r t a n c e . T r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations, h o w e v e r , h a d a different aspect as w e l l . T h e y served i n favour o f p r o m i n e n t C h i n e s e merchants w h o m o n o p o l i z e d businesses a n d m e r c h a n d i s e under the c l a i m that they protected the m e m b e r s o f the o r g a n i z a t i o n b y p r o v i d i n g t h e m w i t h stable business opportunities ( S k i n n e r , 1977, p p . 5 4 3 , 5 4 7 - 5 3 ) . T h e a b i l i t y to c o n t r o l e c o n o m i c activities w a s d i r e c t l y interpreted as p o l i t i c a l p o w e r i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . I n this sense, t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s h a d b e c o m e h e a v i l y p o l i t i c i z e d agencies established o n the base o f business activities. I n fact, the leadership i n these t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations w a s granted o n the basis o f o n e ' s w e a l t h a n d prestige ( C r i s s m a n , 1967, p . 199). Therefore, t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s h a d t w o - s i d e d characteristics. T h e y became p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l institutions that constrained the C h i n e s e life t o a certain extent, i n return for p r o v i d i n g t h e m w i t h the p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l structures they c o u l d identify w i t h a m i d s t a hostile s o c i a l e n v i r o n m e n t i n C a n a d a . T h e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s acted as buffers against C a n a d a ' s unfavourable s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s for the C h i n e s e b y p u t t i n g t h e m under the u m b r e l l a o f their i n f l u e n t i a l p o w e r . It is important to note, h o w e v e r , that s u c h a benefit w a s m a d e a v a i l a b l e o n l y t h r o u g h the m e m b e r s h i p o f a t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n . I n other w o r d s , the C h i n e s e h a d n o c h o i c e but to be i n v o l v e d i n the structure o f traditional v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s i f they w e r e to o b t a i n a n y k i n d o f assistance or support that they needed for s u r v i v a l . Therefore, internal s o c i a l stratification created b y t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s resulted i n a v e r y stark s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y within the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . A s m e n t i o n e d earlier,  37 f i n a n c i a l c o m p e t e n c e w a s a direct l i n k to the access to p o w e r i n the p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l r e a l m s o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . Therefore, b e c o m i n g a c o g o f a t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n meant to enter a r i g i d , strict s o c i a l h i e r a r c h a l structure stratified a c c o r d i n g to o n e ' s e c o n o m i c status i n the c o m m u n i t y . T h e p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c p o w e r s exerted o n the m e m b e r s o f a n o r g a n i z a t i o n w e r e a c c u m u l a t e d i n the hands o f a s m a l l p o r t i o n o f w e l l - t o - d o merchants ( W i c k b e r g , 1994, pp. 73-5). H e n c e , to c l i m b u p the ladder o f s o c i a l stratification w i t h i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y w a s e x t r e m e l y d i f f i c u l t for the majority o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y .  The  concentration o f p o w e r i n the w e a l t h y merchant class prevented the majority o f C h i n e s e f r o m h a v i n g access to the p o w e r that c o u l d alter s u c h h i e r a r c h a l relations and i m p r o v e their status w i t h i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . Therefore, hierarchy w i t h i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y w a s r e p l i c a t e d a n d r e i n f o r c e d b y the structure o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations. D e s p i t e the fact that there w a s o n l y the slightest chance o f u p w a r d s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , b e c o m i n g a m e m b e r o f a voluntary organization was a critical condition o f survival i n Canada. J o i n i n g a traditional v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n w a s the o n l y w a y for C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s to be a part o f a n d f u n c t i o n in a cohesive community.  2.3 The Chinese Community: Diversification and Dispersion A l t h o u g h t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations h a d f o r m e d the core p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l structure i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y , their s i g n i f i c a n c e g r a d u a l l y began to d r o p i n the m i d d l e o f the 1930s. T h e reasons for their d e c l i n e have m u c h to d o w i t h the d e m o g r a p h i c d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n a n d the g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s p e r s i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i n V a n c o u v e r . B o t h the d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n a n d d i s p e r s i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y w e r e due i n the past to the changes i n C a n a d a ' s d o m e s t i c p o l i t i c s . T h e gradual d e c l i n e o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations f o l l o w i n g the d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n a n d d i s p e r s i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y suggests  38 the l i m i t s o f their i n f l u e n t i a l p o w e r , effective m a i n l y o v e r a r e l a t i v e l y h o m o g e n e o u s b a c h e l o r society w i t h i n the g e o g r a p h i c a l space o f C h i n a t o w n . T h e shift towards the internal d e m o g r a p h i c d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y accelerated after the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n 1962 a n d their r e v i s i o n i n 1967. A s a result, the l e v e l o f d i v e r s i t y i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y g r a d u a l l y increased. A l t h o u g h significant internal d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y o c c u r r e d f o l l o w i n g the i n f l u x o f H o n g K o n g i m m i g r a n t s w h i c h began i n the late 1980s, the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y d u r i n g this t i m e e x p e r i e n c e d a p o l a r i z a t i o n between l o c a l - b o r n a n d C h i n e s e - b o r n ( N g , 1999, C h a p t e r 4). A w i d e range o f d e m a n d s and needs f r o m this d i v e r s i f i e d g r o u p w e r e n o l o n g e r satisfied b y t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations w h i c h h a d served a m o r e h o m o g e n e o u s g r o u p . T h e r e d u c t i o n o f h o s t i l i t y towards the C h i n e s e i n C a n a d i a n society w a s another factor that d i m i n i s h e d the influence o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . P r o t e c t i o n o f the C h i n e s e f r o m the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society w a s one o f the c o m m o n l y shared goals a m o n g t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations throughout C a n a d a . H o w e v e r , once the l e v e l o f h o s t i l i t y began to d e c l i n e , a n d p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l opportunities g r a d u a l l y c a m e to be w i t h i n reach o f the C h i n e s e , this core f u n c t i o n o f traditional v o l u n t a r y organizations b e c a m e less a p p e a l i n g to the C h i n e s e . T h e C h i n e s e w e r e n o w capable o f l e a d i n g their l i v e s outside o f C h i n a t o w n w i t h little or n o reliance o n the traditional v o l u n t a r y organizations that h a d b e e n so important h i s t o r i c a l l y . A n i n c r e a s i n g n u m b e r o f C h i n e s e b e g a n to seek opportunities outside o f C h i n a t o w n ; whereas the nature o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations to create a s o c i a l order w i t h i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h e c o n o m i c a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l supports a n d p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l opportunities d i d not c h a n g e a c c o r d i n g l y . A s a result, these t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations c o u l d no l o n g e r meet the d e m a n d s m a d e b y the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . I n other  39 w o r d s , t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s started to lose their influence o v e r the C h i n e s e , w h i c h h a d b e e n i n t e g r a l t o the s o l i d a r i t y o f their c o m m u n i t y . D i v e r s i f i e d c o m p o n e n t s o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n a n d c h a n g i n g s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s i n f a v o u r o f the C h i n e s e w o r k e d h a n d i n h a n d to m a k e the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y e v e n m o r e heterogeneous i n terms o f i n d i v i d u a l experiences a n d s o c i a l perceptions. A l t h o u g h the term "the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y " tends to y i e l d the i m a g e o f a h o m o g e n e o u s g r o u p , the reality o f t o d a y ' s C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i s o t h e r w i s e . T h e l o n g e r t h e C h i n e s e l i v e i n C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y , the m o r e heterogeneous their c o m m u n a l a n d i n d i v i d u a l experiences b e c o m e . E x p e r i e n c e s as a  community have been m o s t l y under the i n f l u e n c e o f C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c s t o w a r d s the C h i n e s e a n d other m i n o r i t y groups, because e a c h c o m m u n i t y i n society tends to be treated as a s i n g l e unit w i t h o u t m u c h c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f their internal d i v e r s i t y . H o w e v e r , experiences  as an individual  are affected b y b o t h the p o l i t i c a l factors i n the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society a n d o n e ' s s o c i a l status w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y he o r she is entitled to. It i s p r o b a b l y fair to p o i n t out that d i v e r s i f i e d p e r s o n a l experiences o f the C h i n e s e are the consequences o f the d u a l s o c i a l structures: the structure o f C a n a d i a n society as a w h o l e a n d the structure o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c s influences t h e m as m e m b e r s o f the c o m m u n i t y , w h i l e their s o c i a l status i n their c o m m u n i t y , for e x a m p l e their place o f b i r t h o r o r i g i n a n d s o c i o - e c o n o m i c status, sex, a n d age, determines w h e r e one stands, w h a t he o r she experiences w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y , a n d to w h a t extent he o r she gets i n v o l v e d w i t h the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . Therefore, experiences o f i n d i v i d u a l m e m b e r s c a n also differ f r o m one another. P e r s o n a l experiences b e c o m e important bases o n w h i c h each i n d i v i d u a l constructs h i s o r h e r perceptions. Therefore, different experiences c a n cause the existence o f m u l t i p l e perceptions c o e x i s t i n g w i t h i n o n e c o m m u n i t y . D e n i s e C h o n g , the author o f The Concubine's Children (1994), demonstrates this p o i n t i n a t e l e v i s i o n i n t e r v i e w (broadcasted o n 10 J u l y , 2 0 0 4 , N e w V I ) .  The Concubine's Children  40 is a b i o g r a p h i c a l n o v e l o f her m o t h e r w h o w a s b o r n a n d r a i s e d i n C a n a d a d u r i n g the t i m e o f C h i n e s e e x c l u s i o n . C h o n g , w h o w a s b o r n after the e x c l u s i o n era, reveals the different p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l experiences o f her mother a n d herself. T h e experiences a n d opportunities o f C h o n g ' s m o t h e r outside o f C h i n a t o w n w e r e severely restricted m o s t l y because o f d i s c r i m i n a t o r y p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e i n C a n a d a . B y contrast, C h o n g h e r s e l f successfully participated i n C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l r e a l m s , a n d e v e n w o r k e d for the P r i m e M i n i s t e r o f C a n a d a . T h i s resulted i n the m o u l d i n g o f a different p e r c e p t i o n o f the self. C h o n g t o l d the i n t e r v i e w e r that her m o t h e r h a d taught her to see h e r s e l f as  Canadian, but not Chinese. O n e  c a n assume that her m o t h e r ' s v i e w d e r i v e s f r o m her unpleasant experiences i n C a n a d a as a p e r s o n o f C h i n e s e ancestry. " C h i n e s e n e s s " w a s the m a r k e r o f the e x c l u s i o n a n d d e n i a l f r o m the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society. Therefore, for C h o n g ' s mother, p u r s u i n g " C a n a d i a n e s s " seems important to g a i n better opportunities i n society. H o w e v e r , C h o n g does not n e c e s s a r i l y share this v i e w w i t h her mother.  She m a k e s it clear that she sees h e r s e l f as a  Canadian of Chinese  descent. These attitudes towards b e i n g C h i n e s e between t w o C a n a d i a n - b o r n generations serves as one e x a m p l e o f the d i v e r s i f i e d C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n based o n generational differences. A s a result o f these differences, the p r o p o r t i o n o f the C h i n e s e w h o w e r e not associated w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s increased o v e r t i m e . T h i s also meant that the increased p o r t i o n o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n that stood out of reach o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations w a s n o longer i n t e r w o v e n i n the s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y d e t e r m i n e d b y these organizations. A l t h o u g h it w a s less so i n the past because o f the h o s t i l i t y directed at the C h i n e s e , p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s u c h organizations has a l w a y s been v o l u n t a r y , not m a n d a t o r y . Therefore, it is not s u r p r i s i n g to see the d r o p o f m e m b e r s h i p i n recent years as the m e m b e r s c o u l d not r e c e i v e benefits they expected f r o m t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s .  41 I n her study o f C h i n e s e entrepreneurial w o m e n f r o m H o n g K o n g , C h i a n g (2001) g i v e s a g o o d e x a m p l e o f the d e c l i n i n g s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s . S h e notes, a m o n g the f e w w o m e n w h o j o i n e d ethnic associations for their businesses, " n o n e o f t h e m w e r e associated w i t h the t r a d i t i o n a l c l a n associations or  'huiguan.'' Rather, they preferred  service c l u b s s u c h as the L i o n ' s C l u b , s o c i a l service associations s u c h as S . U . C . C . E . S . S . a n d protestant c h u r c h e s " (p. 3 3 5 ) .  It is evident f r o m this e x a m p l e i n C h i a n g ' s study that these  t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s c o u l d not stretch or m a i n t a i n their influence o v e r s u c h n e w c o m p o n e n t s o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . M o r e o v e r , n e w o r g a n i z a t i o n s (i.e., the L i o n ' s C l u b , S . U . C . C . E . S . S . , and churches) h a d m o r e s p e c i f i c g o a l s ; therefore they are m o r e relevant to the p a r t i c u l a r needs o f the d i v e r s i f i e d C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n . A l s o , these n e w o r g a n i z a t i o n s w e r e m o r e i n c l i n e d t o i n v o l v e p e o p l e o f n o n - C h i n e s e o r i g i n s , a l l o w i n g m e m b e r s t o c r o s s the boundaries o f race a n d e t h n i c i t y . T h e C h i n e s e n o w have c h o i c e s o f w h a t type o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s they w a n t to j o i n d e p e n d i n g o n types o f support a n d services they need. Therefore, the existence o f s u c h b i g differences w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y surely w e a k e n e d the p o w e r o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s , w h o s e m a i n goals w e r e to serve a r e l a t i v e l y h o m o g e n e o u s group o f people. A n o t h e r s o c i a l factor that affected the d e c l i n e o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s w a s the g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s p e r s i o n o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n throughout the V a n c o u v e r r e g i o n . T h e C h i n e s e , w h o l i v e d c l o s e to one another i n the c o n f i n e d areas o f C h i n a t o w n a n d Strathcona, began to seek residential spaces b e y o n d these areas after the late 1960s ( J o h n s o n , 1994, p . 125). H i e b e r t ( 1 9 9 8 ) agrees w i t h J o h n s o n , s a y i n g that "the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y has m o v e d b e y o n d the o l d C h i n a t o w n i n the c i t y o f V a n c o u v e r to different areas a n d its n e i g h b o u r i n g c i t i e s . T h e y are n o l o n g e r c o n f i n e d to the Strathcona areas next to C h i n a t o w n " (quoted i n C h i a n g , 2 0 0 1 , p . 8). T o d a y , the C h i n e s e residents c a n be f o u n d a l m o s t e v e r y w h e r e  42 i n the r e g i o n o f V a n c o u v e r . A s e x e m p l i f i e d i n the case o f R i c h m o n d , they have established a new C h i n e s e centre a w a y f r o m old C h i n a t o w n . F o r instance, one s i x t h o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f R i c h m o n d i d e n t i f i e d themselves as b e i n g o f C h i n e s e ethnic o r i g i n i n 1991, a n d the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n the areas o f O a k r i d g e , K e r r i s d a l e a n d Shaughnessy has d o u b l e d i n recent years (Hiebert, 1998, p . 10). T h e d e c l i n e o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d the w e a k e n i n g a s s o c i a t i o n between the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n a n d s u c h organizations created a situation i n w h i c h the C h i n e s e no longer needed to l i v e c l o s e to these organizations. T h i s also means that they c o u l d n o w l i v e a w a y f r o m C h i n a t o w n . A certain type o f C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n , h o w e v e r , h a d n o c h o i c e other than to stay close to C h i n a t o w n a n d t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations because o f their h e a v y reliance o n t h e m . F o r e x a m p l e , C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w h o h a d c o m e to C a n a d a before the e x c l u s i o n p e r i o d d e v e l o p e d strong connections w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations a n d f o r m e d their l i v e s a r o u n d s u c h support systems. F o r this reason, g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s p e r s i o n o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n has o c c u r r e d i n u n e v e n w a y s to reflect their s o c i o - e c o n o m i c status a n d p l a c e o f o r i g i n . A n d e r s o n (1991) points out that n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s a n d C h i n e s e r e s i d i n g i n V a n c o u v e r for a l o n g p e r i o d o f t i m e h a v e different residential patterns (p. 2 1 4 ) . W h i l e earlier C h i n e s e arrivals w i t h l o w i n c o m e a n d l o w E n g l i s h p r o f i c i e n c y r e m a i n e d i n C h i n a t o w n a n d the Strathcona area, the n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s , e s p e c i a l l y those f r o m H o n g K o n g , w i t h h i g h levels o f education, g o o d c o m m a n d o f the E n g l i s h language, a n d o f h i g h s o c i o - e c o n o m i c status, w e r e m o r e l i k e l y to reside i n the areas outside o f C h i n a t o w n , s u c h as R i c h m o n d . T h e characteristics o f e a c h C h i n e s e g r o u p b e c a m e spatial identities o f the g e o g r a p h i c a l areas they chose. A n d e v e n t u a l l y , the characteristics o f e a c h g e o g r a p h i c a l space served as clues to attract n e w residents f r o m s i m i l a r b a c k g r o u n d s .  43 T h e C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y fragmented i n terms o f g e o g r a p h y a n d d e m o g r a p h y .  I w i l l discuss i n  m o r e d e t a i l the settlement patterns o f n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s i n the next chapter.  2.4 Chinatown's Changing Social Meaning in Multicultural Canadian Society T h e d e c l i n e o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s o c c u r r e d a l o n g w i t h the d e m o g r a p h i c d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n a n d the g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s p e r s i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . S u c h transformation also c h a n g e d the s o c i a l m e a n i n g o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d o f C h i n a t o w n . C h i n a t o w n , w h i c h served as the p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , e c o n o m i c a n d g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c u s o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y , b e g a n its transformation into a n arena o f c o m m e r c i a l a n d tourist activities i n the m i d d l e o f the 1930s. A s A n d e r s o n (1991) argues, " C h i n a t o w n w a s b e c o m i n g a E u r o p e a n c o m m o d i t y " (p. 157). A l t h o u g h the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y as a w h o l e w a s s t i l l suffering f r o m severe r a c i s m a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n under the effects o f the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t o f 1923, it w a s also a t i m e i n w h i c h m a i n s t r e a m s o c i e t y d e v e l o p e d a m o r e increased awareness o f the C h i n e s e . G r a d u a l understandings o f the C h i n e s e w e r e a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h direct interactions between w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e ( e s p e c i a l l y the C a n a d i a n - b o r n generation) i n p u b l i c spaces s u c h as s c h o o l s a n d churches. C h o w (1996) g i v e s a n e x a m p l e f r o m northern B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . B e c a u s e o f an e x t r e m e l y s m a l l n u m b e r o f c h i l d r e n i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y , C h i n e s e c h i l d r e n c o u l d not f i n d a large e n o u g h p e e r g r o u p o f a s i m i l a r c u l t u r a l a n d ethnic b a c k g r o u n d w i t h w h i c h to s o c i a l i z e . F o r this reason, they w e r e m o r e l i k e l y to establish m e a n i n g f u l relationships w i t h n o n - C h i n e s e c h i l d r e n , m o s t l y those o f E u r o p e a n b a c k g r o u n d s (p. 149). C h a n g e s i n the s o c i a l perceptions o f C h i n a t o w n , n o w a u n i q u e space f u l l o f e x o t i c a n d m y s t e r i o u s flavours, w a s supported a n d structured b y the c h a n g i n g s o c i a l n o r m s i n C a n a d a , i n c l u d i n g m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . T h e changes i n s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s p a r t l y resulted f r o m the  44 r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y after W o r l d W a r II. C a n a d a n e e d e d i m m i g r a t i o n to b u i l d the n a t i o n . F u r t h e r m o r e , the devastating w a r h a d caused a large n u m b e r o f refugees a n d d i s p l a c e d persons i n E u r o p e a n countries, a n d C a n a d a started to accept t h e m based o n h u m a n i t a r i a n grounds ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 61). H e n c e , p e o p l e f r o m v a r i o u s b a c k g r o u n d s a r r i v e d i n C a n a d i a n society, a l t h o u g h they w e r e m o s t l y o f E u r o p e a n b a c k g r o u n d a n d n o n E u r o p e a n p e o p l e w e r e yet to be w e l c o m e d . T h e preference for E u r o p e a n i n d i v i d u a l s o v e r n o n - E u r o p e a n s is c l e a r l y stated i n the 1947 Statement o n I m m i g r a t i o n P o l i c y d e c l a r e d b y the M a c k e n z i e K i n g C a b i n e t ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p p . 9 1 - 3 ) . T h e s e l e c t i o n o f i m m i g r a n t s a n d refugees based o n their r a c i a l categories m i g h t not h a v e l e d to the v i s i b i l i t y o f r a c i a l d i v e r s i t y i m m e d i a t e l y after the w a r ; h o w e v e r , it is not to say that C a n a d i a n society d i d not face i n c r e a s i n g heterogeneity. C a n a d a ' s d e m o g r a p h i c structure, e s p e c i a l l y i n the u r b a n areas, began to change d r a s t i c a l l y d u r i n g this t i m e p e r i o d because o f the i n f l u x o f i m m i g r a n t s a n d refugees f r o m E u r o p e . These i m m i g r a n t s a n d refugees f o r m e d a n u m b e r o f ethnic c o m m u n i t i e s that w e r e r e q u i r e d to c o e x i s t i n one space. T h e increased encounters b e t w e e n p e o p l e o f different b a c k g r o u n d s b e g a n t o o c c u r at the l e v e l o f e v e r y d a y life, w h i c h m a d e the p u b l i c m o r e aware o f the existence o f c u l t u r a l differences w i t h i n C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y . C a n a d a i n t r o d u c e d m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n a framework o f b i l i n g u a l i s m as a n a t i o n a l p o l i c y i n 1 9 7 1 . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w a s i n t r o d u c e d i n a m a n n e r o f r e f l e c t i n g the d e m a n d s f r o m v a r i o u s m i n o r i t y g r o u p s for e q u a l r e c o g n i t i o n i n C a n a d i a n society. C a n a d a h a d a c k n o w l e d g e d the B r i t i s h a n d F r e n c h as d i s t i n c t i v e f o u n d a t i o n groups o f the n a t i o n ; h o w e v e r , C a n a d i a n society w a s r a p i d l y c h a n g i n g i n terms o f the d e m o g r a p h i c m a k e - u p , and it w a s o b v i o u s b y then that the differences b e t w e e n the B r i t i s h a n d F r e n c h w e r e not the o n l y differences f o u n d i n C a n a d i a n society. I n this sense, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w a s i n t r o d u c e d to C a n a d a i n haste so that the o f f i c i a l p o l i c y o f the n a t i o n a n d the s o c i a l situation w i t h i n the territory o f the nation-state  45 c o r r e s p o n d e d w i t h e a c h other. T h e r e a l m e a n i n g o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m a n d consequences o f it w e r e not d e e p l y deliberated ( K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 4 0 ) . T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m c h a n g e d C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y ' s attitudes t o w a r d s m i n o r i t y groups a n d their cultures to s o m e extent. P r i o r to m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , m i n o r i t y groups w e r e expected to assimilate into the w a y o f l i v i n g established b y the B r i t i s h a n d F r e n c h groups i n terms o f s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s , b e h a v i o u r s , a n d culture; whereas m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m encourages m i n o r i t y groups to preserve a n d express their d i s t i n c t i v e c u l t u r a l features. D i s t i n c t i v e n e s s c a m e to be regarded as s o m e t h i n g to be celebrated a n d c h e r i s h e d , rather than s o m e t h i n g to be c o n d e m n e d . K y m l i c k a ' s (1998) o p i n i o n , h o w e v e r , suggests that the pressure o n m i n o r i t y g r o u p s to c o n f o r m to the established s o c i a l structure is s t i l l persistent i n C a n a d i a n society. A c c o r d i n g to K y m l i c k a , the p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w a s i n t r o d u c e d to a c c o m m o d a t e the integration o f i m m i g r a n t groups ( 1 9 9 8 , p . 8). H e c l a i m s that there are t w o different types o f m i n o r i t y groups: " n a t i o n a l m i n o r i t y " a n d " i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s " ( K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 2 ) . N a t i o n a l m i n o r i t y is " a h i s t o r i c a l society, w i t h its o w n language a n d institutions, w h o s e territory has been incorporated (often i n v o l u n t a r y , as is the case w i t h Q u e b e c ) into a larger c o u n t r y " ( K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 2 ) , a n d because o f the i n v o l u n t a r y nature o f their i n c o r p o r a t i o n into the larger society, they s h o u l d be entitled to c l a i m that their l i n g u i s t i c a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l rights to be f u l l y r e c o g n i z e d a n d protected (pp. 3 1 - 2 ) . H o w e v e r , i n K y m l i c k a ' s v i e w , this same c l a i m does not quite a p p l y t o the case o f i m m i g r a n t groups. H e c l a i m s that i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s ' d e c i s i o n t o leave their p l a c e o f o r i g i n is v o l u n t a r y ; therefore they m o v e to a n e w society w i t h a n expectation o f integration into the e x i s t i n g s o c i a l structures a n d culture (p. 35). K y m l i c k a (1998) defines the "integration o f ethnic g r o u p s " as:  46 the extent to w h i c h i m m i g r a n t s a n d t h e i r descendants integrate into a n e x i s t i n g s o c i a l culture a n d c o m e to v i e w their life-chances as t i e d u p w i t h p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the range o f s o c i a l institutions, based o n a c o m m o n language, w h i c h defines s o c i e t a l culture, (p. 2 8 ) T h i s d e f i n i t i o n o f integration suggests the existence o f a p r e s u p p o s e d d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n " c o r e " group(s) o f society a n d " m a r g i n a l i z e d " g r o u p s . T h i s also i m p l i e s o n e - w a y interactions b e t w e e n these core a n d m a r g i n a l i z e d g r o u p s ; it is m a r g i n a l i z e d groups that m o d i f y their c u l t u r a l v i e w s to those o f core groups, but not the other w a y a r o u n d . Therefore, as far as C a n a d i a n m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is c o n c e r n e d , it is a n o t i o n that is constructed a r o u n d the already e x i s t i n g , w e l l established s o c i a l order b y the w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n , n a m e l y those o f B r i t i s h a n d French origins. N o w let us focus o n w h a t k i n d o f " d i f f e r e n c e " m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m incorporates. A s suggested i n the t e r m o f "m\ilti-culturalism," it is c u l t u r a l distinctiveness that serves as a scale o f distinctiveness a n d d i v e r s i t y i n society. T h e h o l o c a u s t d u r i n g W o r l d W a r II r a i s e d important questions about r a c i a l difference. T h e J e w s i n E u r o p e , w h o b e l o n g e d to the C a u c a s o i d race, w e r e the object o f e x t r e m e l y severe " r a c i s m " b y the A r y a n s , c l a i m i n g their superiority to the J e w s . B l a c k M o v e m e n t s i n the 1960s also stirred the d i s c o u r s e a r o u n d r a c i s m a n d r a i s e d i n c r e a s i n g o p p o s i t i o n against d i s c r i m i n a t i o n based o n r a c i a l categories. F o l l o w i n g s u c h h i s t o r i c a l trends, d i s t i n c t i o n s m a d e i n the s o c i a l contexts started to shift t o w a r d s those m o r e based o n e t h n i c i t y a n d culture than race ( A n g , 2 0 0 1 , p p . 1 0 4 - 5 ; K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 91). T h e fact that d i s t i n c t i o n s based o n race w e r e g r a d u a l l y d e c r e a s i n g i n o f f i c i a l d i s c o u r s e d i d not m e a n the disappearance o f r a c i a l i z a t i o n . A n g (2001) states that "the w h i t e / ' o t h e r ' d i v i d e is a h i s t o r i c a l l y a n d s y s t e m i c a l l y i m p o s e d structure w h i c h cannot yet, i f ever, be superseded" (p. 186). K y m l i c k a (1998) also suggests that C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y is yet to be free  47 f r o m r a c i a l d i v i s i o n . W h a t has c h a n g e d is the w a y o f l o o k i n g at the r a c i a l d i v i s i o n f r o m " w h i t e / b l a c k " to " w h i t e / n o n - w h i t e " as a result o f the emergence o f groups that d o not fit i n either w h i t e or b l a c k , s u c h as L a t i n o s , A s i a n s , a n d A r a b s (pp. 81-2). These n o n - w h i t e groups have been able to g a i n m o r e r e c o g n i t i o n b y their c u l t u r a l a n d ethnic distinctiveness w i t h i n the category o f n o n - w h i t e , but they are s t i l l p e r c e i v e d a n d p o s i t i o n e d i n r e l a t i o n to whiteness. T h e b o u n d a r y between w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s persists: "whiteness is the u n m a r k e d n o r m against w h i c h a l l ' o t h e r s ' have to be s p e c i f i e d i n order to be represented" ( A n g , 2 0 0 1 , p . 186). C a n a d a as a m u l t i c u l t u r a l society s e e m i n g l y c h a n g e d the a g e - l o n g persistent i m a g e o f the c o u n t r y as a w h i t e n a t i o n ; the r e a l i t y , h o w e v e r , m a y be o t h e r w i s e . T h e strong f o u n d a t i o n o f C a n a d a ' s w h i t e n e s s i s reflected i n the p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , t o o . T h i s i s e v i d e n t f r o m the fact that: M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is not about m i n o r i t i e s , for that i m p l i e s that the m a j o r i t y culture is u n c r i t i c a l l y accepted a n d u s e d to j u d g e the c l a i m s a n d define the rights o f m i n o r i t i e s . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is about the p r o p e r terms o f r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n different c u l t u r a l c o m m u n i t i e s . ( P a r e k h , 2 0 0 0 , p . 13) M i n o r i t y g r o u p s ' cultures have been " t o l e r a t e d " a n d " a c k n o w l e d g e d " w i t h i n the established s o c i a l f r a m e w o r k . T h e strong B r i t i s h and F r e n c h cultures a l w a y s serve as a reference to j u d g e to w h a t degree cultures o f m i n o r i t y groups are distinct. It is important to p o i n t out here that the j u d g m e n t s o f each culture i n r e l a t i o n to B r i t i s h and F r e n c h cultures b e c o m e a u s e f u l t o o l f r o m the perspective o f m i n o r i t y groups, too. M e m b e r s o f m i n o r i t y groups h a v e better chances to g a i n r e c o g n i t i o n i n society a n d c l a i m m o r e rights b y interpreting their difference f r o m the p o i n t o f the established s o c i a l v a l u e s a n d n o r m s . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is the concept a n d p o l i c y that h o l d s l e g i t i m a c y o n l y w h e n there is a p r e m i s e that the s o c i e t y u n d e r d i s c u s s i o n is diverse a n d heterogeneous i n terms o f its c u l t u r a l  48 c o n s t i t u t i o n . I n other w o r d s , differences exist. C a n c l i n i (2000) states that  must e x i s t before the c o n c e p t o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m c a n  "diversity a n d heterogeneity are terms that serve to establish  catalogues o f differences, but they d o not account for interactions a n d m i x i n g b e t w e e n cultures (emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ) " (quoted i n A n g , 2 0 0 1 , p . 87). T h i s i m p l i e s a c o n f i r m a t i o n o f boundaries l y i n g b e t w e e n different groups as a result o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . O n the one h a n d m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m e n h a n c e d C a n a d a ' s u n i q u e character as a n a t i o n c o n s i s t i n g o f d i v e r s e p o p u l a t i o n groups; o n the other h a n d , the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m c o n f i r m e d d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n the C h a r t e r G r o u p s a n d other m i n o r i t y groups. A n g (2001) states: " M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is understood to m a i n t a i n the boundaries b e t w e e n the diverse cultures it encompasses, o n the one h a n d , a n d the o v e r a l l b o u n d a r y c i r c u m s c r i b i n g the nation-state as a w h o l e , o n the other" (p. 16). T h e " e n c o u r a g e m e n t " to preserve o n e ' s culture a n d to express it i n a n e x p l i c i t w a y c a n i n d e e d d i v i d e C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y into s m a l l e r segments, i n other w o r d s . B e c a u s e o f the pressure o n m i n o r i t y groups to r e m a i n u n i q u e , it c a n also be interpreted as a d e n i a l to f u l l y b e c o m e " C a n a d i a n , " the i m a g e o f this n a t i o n constructed u p o n B r i t i s h a n d F r e n c h heritage. S o far, I h a v e s k e t c h e d out that the w a y s i n w h i c h " O t h e r n e s s " has shifted f r o m r a c i a l differences to ethnic and/or c u l t u r a l differences. H o w e v e r , as I h a v e stated a b o v e , r a c i a l difference is s t i l l a strong reference p o i n t o f differentiation. I w i l l n o w discuss h o w the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m affected the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . I n the past, differences o f the C h i n e s e f r o m the m a i n s t r e a m s o c i e t y w e r e the v e r y reason that they needed to be e x c l u d e d f r o m s o c i e t y a n d d e n i e d their f u l l rights. T h e s e differences i n c l u d e those o f race, e t h n i c i t y , s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s , a n d culture. T h e r i s i n g o p p o s i t i o n against d i s c r i m i n a t i o n based o n o n e ' s p h y s i c a l appearance h e l p e d w i t h the decrease o f e x p l i c i t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against the C h i n e s e i n the p u b l i c space. A s far as C h i n e s e culture is c o n c e r n e d , it c o m e s to be interpreted  49 i n a w h o l e different w a y i n t o d a y ' s C a n a d i a n society. D i s t i n c t i v e n e s s s u d d e n l y b e c o m e s s o m e t h i n g " c e l e b r a t e d " a n d " c h e r i s h e d " i n the b e l i e f that it is part o f w h a t m a k e s C a n a d i a n society u n i q u e a n d r i c h . C h i n e s e culture, a l o n g w i t h other m i n o r i t y cultures, is v a l u e d because it is "different." P u t t i n g a n emphasis o n difference is e q u a l to d r a w i n g a l i n e to d i v i d e society into groups. It is important to p o i n t out that C a n a d a ' s l o n g - s t a n d i n g s o c i a l structure, b u i l d o n the basis o f B r i t i s h c o l o n i a l i s m , s t i l l has a n influence o n the w a y i n w h i c h the perceptions o f n o n w h i t e s are constructed. F o r this reason, C h i n a t o w n has b e c o m e an object that c a n c o m m u n i c a t e a message o f the distinctiveness o f the C h i n e s e to the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society, a n d s u c h distinctiveness c o m e s to be p e r c e i v e d w i t h m o r e favourable attitudes f r o m C a n a d i a n society. It m a y be true that the w a y i n w h i c h the C h i n e s e are p e r c e i v e d i n society has d r a s t i c a l l y c h a n g e d for better; h o w e v e r , it also needs to be noted that it is another f o r m o f creating boundaries.  2.5 Conclusion T r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations h a d p l a y e d e x t r e m e l y important roles i n the h i s t o r y o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . T h e y w e r e l o c a t e d i n the heart o f C h i n a t o w n , w h i c h meant that they were the v e r y core part o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . H o w e v e r , j u s t l i k e the regulations a n d restrictions o n the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n depended o n the d o m e s t i c p o l i t i c s o f C a n a d a , the rise a n d f a l l o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations h a d a l w a y s been under influence o f C a n a d i a n p o l i t i c s . A f t e r a l l , the existence o f these t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations, too, w a s the consequence o f c h a n g i n g attitudes o f the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society towards the C h i n e s e a n d a s u c c e s s i o n o f d o m e s t i c p o l i t i c a l shifts w i t h i n C a n a d a .  50 T h e p h y s i c a l separation o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y f r o m the g e o g r a p h i c a l space o f C h i n a t o w n brought about internal fragmentation w i t h i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . T h e C h i n e s e , once p h y s i c a l l y b o u n d to C h i n a t o w n a n d the Strathcona area, have c o m e to identify less w i t h s u c h areas. T h e c h a n g i n g d e m o g r a p h i c structure o f the C h i n e s e w e a k e n e d the c o n n e c t i o n to the g e o g r a p h i c a l space. I w i l l quote from C h i a n g (2001) at length to introduce one e x a m p l e o f the internal fragmentation: A n a r t i f i c i a l b o u n d a r y w a s d r a w n between the ' o l d ' C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w h o w e r e a s s i m i l a t e d to the C a n a d i a n culture, fluent i n E n g l i s h , a n d h a d a c h i e v e d success t h r o u g h 'struggle a n d h a r d w o r k ' a n d the u n a s s i m i l a t e d ' n e w ' i m m i g r a n t s w h o d i d not speak proper E n g l i s h a n d d i d not understand the C a n a d i a n culture, a n d w h o c a m e to C a n a d a w i t h e n v i a b l e w e a l t h . T h i s d i c h o t o m y w a s manufactured b y the ' o l d ' i m m i g r a n t s w h o h a d b e c o m e a s s i m i l a t e d to the d o m i n a n t culture, from w h i c h they h a d adopted the b i a s e d v i e w against their co-ethnic recent arrivals, (p. 362) S u c h d i c h o t o m y is partly a consequence o f the r a p i d d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n under the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s a n d the emergence o f C a n a d i a n - b o r n generations.  T r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations, o r i g i n a l l y established for r e l a t i v e l y  h o m o g e n e o u s g r o u p s o f p e o p l e , c o u l d n o t serve w e l l e n o u g h t o s u c h a d i v e r s i f i e d c o m m u n i t y . T h e changes that the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y underwent h a d c l o s e l i n k s to the p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l changes o f the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society. T h e i n c r e a s i n g heterogeneity o f the n a t i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n l e d C a n a d a to the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n the e a r l y 1970s. O n the one h a n d m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has been h e l p f u l i n r e l a x i n g d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a n d r a c i s m against m i n o r i t y groups i n C a n a d a ; o n the other h a n d , it has also d r a w n a clear b o u n d a r y between the C h a r t e r G r o u p s a n d m i n o r i t y groups b y e m p h a s i z i n g the distinctiveness m i n o r i t y groups have. It is this distinctiveness c o m p a r e d to the B r i t i s h a n d F r e n c h n o r m s rather than distinctiveness  51 a m o n g m i n o r i t y g r o u p s that matters the most. I n this w a y , m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m c a n b e regarded as another f o r m o f c r e a t i n g " O t h e r s , " o n l y i n a m o r e subtle w a y than i n the past. T h e subtleties c a n be raised w i t h respect to the c o n t i n u e d p r o m i n e n c e o f v o l u n t a r y organizations w i t h i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . T h e arguments m a y appear at first g l a n c e to contradict w h a t I h a v e argued r e g a r d i n g the d e c l i n e o f " t r a d i t i o n a l " v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s . U n t i l the changes i n i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n the 1960s, the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y w a s c l o s e l y associated w i t h C h i n a t o w n . It c o n t a i n e d the organizations a n d their headquarters that w e r e the k e y i n m a i n t a i n i n g l i n k s to C h i n a a n d p r o v i d i n g s o l i d a r i t y w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y . T h e y b e c a m e less relevant f r o m the 1970s o n ; there w a s , h o w e v e r , the g r o w t h o f n e w organizations w h i c h met n e w needs. A n early o r g a n i z a t i o n w a s S . U . C . C . E . S . S . , w h i c h w a s founded i n 1973 as a n o r g a n i z a t i o n to d e a l w i t h the t r a u m a o f i m m i g r a t i o n . It g r e w a n d prospered a n d w a s staffed b y professionals f r o m H o n g K o n g . T h e g o a l o f this o r g a n i z a t i o n w a s to serve as a " b r i d g e " b e t w e e n n e w c o m e r s a n d C a n a d i a n society, a n d it p r o v i d e d language t r a i n i n g a n d s k i l l u p g r a d i n g ( N g , 1999, p . 123). S . U . C . C . E . S . S . i s a l s o i n v o l v e d w i t h issues o f a c c o m m o d a t i o n for the e l d e r l y . It began i n C h i n a t o w n a n d has r e m a i n e d a n important presence there but it has s i g n i f i c a n t l y e x p a n d e d into other n e w e r areas o f C h i n e s e settlement, a k e y t o p i c i n the next chapter. A n o t h e r k e y o r g a n i z a t i o n w a s the C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e , w h i c h w a s also f o u n d e d i n 1973. It w a s f o r m e d b y a g r o u p o f C h i n e s e professionals, f r o m the post e x c l u s i o n era generation, to challenge the C h i n e s e B e n e v o l e n t A s s o c i a t i o n ( C B A ) ( N g , 1999, p . 111). It w a s a significant s y m b o l i c shift. T h e C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e offered courses i n M a n d a r i n C h i n e s e (as w e l l as Cantonese) for b o t h C h i n e s e a n d n o n - C h i n e s e . It offered p a i n t i n g a n d c a l l i g r a p h y classes and gave access to a v e r s i o n o f C h i n e s e culture that w a s at o n c e  52 " m u l t i c u l t u r a l " but also different f r o m the c u l t u r a l needs o f the earlier v e r s i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . T h e S u n Y a t - s e n G a r d e n , w h i c h w a s b u i l t i n the architectural style f r o m the M i n g D y n a s t y era, is another e x a m p l e o f " e l i t e ' C h i n e s e culture, distant f r o m the culture o f the o l d e r generation o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s . It is evident f r o m these e x a m p l e s that the C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e has been t r y i n g to r e a c h out not o n l y to n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s but also n o n - C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n s b y r e i n f o r c i n g " o l i e n t a l i s t " concepts o f C h i n e s e culture. S i g n i f i c a n t l y , the C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e , l i k e S . U . C . C . E . S . S . , has a b r a n c h i n R i c h m o n d , the densest C h i n e s e settlement i n the Greater V a n c o u v e r area ( T h e C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e , p . 1993). T h e better restaurants b e g a n to be located i n the suburbs a n d C h i n a t o w n ceased t o be the centre o f the C h i n e s e c u l i n a r y experience. T h e c o m m u n i t y , as the next chapter w i l l indicate, has b e c o m e s p a t i a l l y m u c h m o r e diverse.  53  Chapter III  Settlement Patterns of New Chinese Immigrants and Reconstruction of the  Notion of Racial Relations in Vancouver  3.1 Introduction T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n 1962 a n d their r e v i s i o n i n 1967 s i g n i f i c a n t l y c h a n g e d the characteristics o f C a n a d i a n i m m i g r a t i o n i n terms o f its r a c i a l a n d ethnic m a k e - u p , s o c i o - e c o n o m i c status, a n d c u l t u r a l b a c k g r o u n d , s u c h as language a n d r e l i g i o n . T h e result w a s the r a p i d a n d steady increase o f a n o n - w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n i n C a n a d a . S u c h changes w e r e r e a l i z e d t h r o u g h the shift o f i m m i g r a t i o n source countries. I n the past, B r i t a i n a n d F r a n c e w e r e the d o m i n a n t sources o f i m m i g r a t i o n to C a n a d a ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 34). I m m i g r a t i o n s e n d i n g countries e x p a n d e d i n the p o s t - w a r p e r i o d to i n c l u d e other E u r o p e a n nations s u c h as Italy, N e t h e r l a n d s , H u n g a r y , P o r t u g a l , a n d G r e e c e ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p p . 3-15). I n a d d i t i o n to these g r a d u a l l y d i v e r s i f i e d i m m i g r a n t s f r o m E u r o p e , the i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n the 1960s o p e n e d the d o o r to n o n - E u r o p e a n i m m i g r a n t s , r e s u l t i n g i n a larger n u m b e r o f n o n - w h i t e i m m i g r a n t s c o m p a r e d to w h i t e i m m i g r a n t s . T h e g r o w t h o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s to C a n a d a w a s already b e c o m i n g s i g n i f i c a n t b y the e n d o f the 1960s, a n d i n the late 1980s, C a n a d a started to accept a large n u m b e r o f C h i n e s e immigrants w i t h higher qualifications. A significant portion o f them had business/entrepreneur b a c k g r o u n d s a n d c a m e m a i n l y f r o m H o n g K o n g . T h e s e n e w i m m i g r a n t s d o not n e c e s s a r i l y share s i m i l a r i t i e s to C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w h o c a m e i n earlier p e r i o d s . F o r e x a m p l e , they have different settlement patterns to those o f the o l d e r generation o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w h o c a m e to C a n a d a before the n e w i m m i g r a t i o n regulations. R e s e a r c h has s h o w n that ethnic m i n o r i t i e s i n C a n a d a tend to l i v e c l o s e to other m e m b e r s o f their o w n ethnic g r o u p creating enclaves, i n order to preserve their culture a n d a c c o m m o d a t e  54 ethnic businesses ( B a l a k r i s h n a n & G y i m a h , 2 0 0 3 ; B a l a k r i s h n a n & H o u , 1999; L e y , 1998, p p . 6-10). T h e C h i n e s e are not a n e x c e p t i o n . W h i l e it is true that C h i n e s e residents are dispersed throughout V a n c o u v e r , it seems that their d i s p e r s i o n has been o c c u r r i n g i n a n u n e v e n w a y . F o r e x a m p l e , R i c h m o n d has attracted a great a m o u n t o f attention as a " n e w " C h i n e s e centre i n the r e g i o n o f V a n c o u v e r ( C h i a n g , 2 0 0 1 , p p . 2 0 6 - 7 ) . T h i s chapter consists o f three parts. T h e first part describes the c h a n g i n g characteristics o f recent C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s . M y d i s c u s s i o n w i l l also i n c l u d e h o w the i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n the 1960s and the p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m h a v e a c t u a l l y r e i n f o r c e d the b o u n d a r y between w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s w i t h reference to w o r k done b y scholars s u c h as K i m ( 1 9 9 9 ) a n d T h o b a n i (2000). T h e s e c o n d part w i l l p r o v i d e f i n d i n g s f r o m statistical data r e g a r d i n g the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n d i s p e r s i o n i n the V a n c o u v e r C e n s u s M e t r o p o l i t a n A r e a ( V a n c o u v e r C M A ) a n d the m u n i c i p a l district o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r . I w i l l suggest that the C h i n e s e s t i l l have a strong tendency to concentrate i n p a r t i c u l a r areas a n d I w i l l a n a l y z e this p h e n o m e n o n i n this section. I n the t h i r d part o f this chapter, I w i l l s p e c i f i c a l l y focus o n the m o v e m e n t o f C h i n e s e into V a n c o u v e r ' s suburbs a n d the controversies that stem f r o m s u c h g e o g r a p h i c a l changes. T h e concept o f s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n w i l l be u s e d to project the i d e a l lifestyle p u r s u e d b y m i d d l e - c l a s s E u r o p e a n residents a n d to suggest that this i d e a l i z e d lifestyle structured o n the basis o f class a n d e t h n i c i t y has p l a y e d a r o l e i n m a i n t a i n i n g spatial identities. T h e controversies e v o k e d b y n e w C h i n e s e residents as a consequence o f their p e r c e i v e d r a c i a l difference, w h i c h is translated a n d e n c o d e d as c u l t u r a l difference, w i l l be also d i s c u s s e d .  3.2 New Immigration Policies and New Chinese Immigrants A l t h o u g h V a n c o u v e r c o m p r i s e s o n l y 6 % o f the n a t i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n , research s h o w s that 18 to 2 0 % o f n e w C a n a d i a n i m m i g r a n t s i n the m i d d l e o f the 1990s chose V a n c o u v e r as  55 their h o m e destination ( L e y , 1998, p . 3 3 2 ; 1999, p . 4 ) . T h i s tendency is m o r e apparent i n the case o f A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s , i n c l u d i n g a large p o r t i o n o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s . T h e g e o g r a p h i c a l p r o x i m i t y to the A s i a P a c i f i c r e g i o n a n d the existence o f l o n g standing ethnic c o m m u n i t i e s attract m a n y A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s to V a n c o u v e r . A l s o , H u t t o n (1998) points out the importance o f V a n c o u v e r as a gate c i t y b r i d g i n g C a n a d a a n d the A s i a P a c i f i c r e g i o n i n the f i e l d o f international business activities. A s a result, the A s i a n p o p u l a t i o n i n V a n c o u v e r has b e e n steadily g r o w i n g since the late 1960s, r a p i d l y c h a n g i n g the d e m o g r a p h i c structure o f the r e g i o n . A s H a w k i n s (1972) points out, i m m i g r a n t s f r o m n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l sources, s u c h as A s i a , L a t i n A m e r i c a a n d the C a r i b b e a n , d o u b l e d i n n u m b e r f o l l o w i n g the r e v i s i o n o f the i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n 1967 (p. 2 0 6 ) . T h e C h i n e s e w e r e part o f this s i g n i f i c a n t increase o f i m m i g r a n t s f r o m n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l source areas, a n d the 1980s w a s the decade i n w h i c h C a n a d a started to experience the i m p a c t o f the greatest increase o f p e o p l e f r o m C h i n a . T h e r e m o v a l o f the r a c i a l category f r o m the i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n 1967 a n d the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n 1971 g i v e a n i m p r e s s i o n that C a n a d a has left d i s c r i m i n a t o r y attitudes against n o n - w h i t e groups i n the past a n d has b e c o m e a d i s c r i m i n a t i o n free society. M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , as a n a t i o n a l p o l i c y , encourages fuller p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f m i n o r i t y groups i n m a i n s t r e a m C a n a d i a n society a n d m o r e active interactions between different s o c i a l groups ( A n g , 2 0 0 1 , p . 14; K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 8, 4 0 , 4 8 ) . T h i s picture o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m seems to be too i d e a l i s t i c , h o w e v e r . A s a n o f f i c i a l a n d legitimate p o l i c y , m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has been e x e r t i n g the p o w e r that prevents the p r a c t i c e o f overt d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and outright prejudice to a certain extent. H o w e v e r , it does not n e c e s s a r i l y m e a n that d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a n d r a c i s m n o longer exist i n C a n a d i a n society, n o r does it m e a n boundaries between w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s a n d between e a c h d i s t i n c t i v e g r o u p have disappeared, as s h o w n i n the p r e v i o u s chapter.  56 N o t o n l y m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , but also the 1967 i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s a l l o w d i s c r i m i n a t i o n t o w a r d s i m m i g r a n t s o f c o l o u r ( T h o b a n i , 2 0 0 0 ) . A c c o r d i n g to T h o b a n i , the access to c i t i z e n s h i p right i n the h i s t o r i c a l context w a s a n important part o f n a t i o n b u i l d i n g that let the B r i t i s h a n d F r e n c h transform themselves into " C a n a d i a n , " c r e a t i n g the sense o f b e l o n g i n g to a s i n g l e n a t i o n ( 2 0 0 0 , p . 2 8 4 ) . I n this sense, C a n a d i a n c i t i z e n s h i p has been h i s t o r i c a l l y c o n c e p t u a l i z e d to m a i n l y serve p e o p l e o f B r i t i s h a n d F r e n c h o r i g i n s . Therefore, C a n a d a is often c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as a w h i t e nation. L i b e r a l i z i n g i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s b y a c c e p t i n g a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f people o f c o l o u r m e a n s that C a n a d a has g i v e n these i m m i g r a n t s access to c i t i z e n s h i p rights, t o o . H o w e v e r , c o n d i t i o n s a p p l y as i m m i g r a n t s require three years o f r e s i d e n c y i n C a n a d a before b e i n g e l i g i b l e to c l a i m c i t i z e n s h i p ( T h o b a n i , 2 0 0 0 , p . 2 9 8 ) . A l t h o u g h this change m a k e s C a n a d a l o o k m o r e o p e n a n d w e l c o m i n g to p e o p l e o f c o l o u r , T h o b a n i argues that C a n a d a ' s i m m i g r a t i o n regulations are s t i l l d i s c r i m i n a t o r y . C a n a d a , b e i n g a welfare state, requires its residents, whether they are c i t i z e n s o r t e m p o r a r y residents, to f u l f i l l o b l i g a t i o n s , s u c h as p a y i n g taxes. A t the same t i m e , h o w e v e r , n o n - c i t i z e n s cannot be entitled to the same p r i v i l e g e enjoyed b y c i t i z e n s . T h o b a n i (2000) puts it i n this w a y : T h e d e n i a l o f access to s o c i a l entitlements, or the p r o v i s i o n o f u n e q u a l access to certain sectors o f the p o p u l a t i o n w o u l d further the b o r d e r i n g o f ' o u t s i d e r s , ' w h o s e welfare w a s b e i n g constructed as separate f r o m that o f the n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y : u n e q u a l access to s o c i a l entitlements w o u l d actualize i n v e r y m a t e r i a l terms the status o f 'not b e l o n g i n g ' to the s o c i a l b o d y . (p. 2 9 0 ) Therefore, it is n o n - w h i t e i m m i g r a n t groups that have been m o s t affected b y s u c h situations because they n o w c o m p r i s e the m a j o r i t y o f i m m i g r a n t s c o m i n g to C a n a d a . T h e 1967 i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s w e r e i n t r o d u c e d to a l l o w these n o n - w h i t e r a c i a l g r o u p s i n ; h o w e v e r , the consequence is that they ended u p b e c o m i n g the major " v i c t i m s " o f i n e q u a l i t y constructed  57 a r o u n d the c i t i z e n s h i p rights i n i t i a l l y possessed b y the B r i t i s h a n d F r e n c h . It is these n o n w h i t e i m m i g r a n t s w h o h a d to r e m a i n v u l n e r a b l e at least u n t i l they a c q u i r e d C a n a d i a n c i t i z e n s h i p . F o r e x a m p l e , because o f their v i s a status, they h a d to face certain o c c u p a t i o n a l restrictions a n d e v e n w h e n they w e r e e m p l o y e d , there w a s n o guarantee that their v i s a w o u l d be r e n e w e d ; o n the other h a n d , they s t i l l h a d to f u l f i l their tax p a y m e n t o b l i g a t i o n . D e s p i t e s u c h c o n d i t i o n s , the great increase o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n to C a n a d a o c c u r r e d i n the 1980s. I n 1984, C h i n a a n d B r i t a i n first started to negotiate H o n g K o n g ' s p o s i t i o n as a B r i t i s h c o l o n y . T h e C h i n e s e g o v e r n m e n t d e m a n d e d that H o n g K o n g be returned to C h i n a , a n d b o t h parties reached a n agreement ( L e y , 1999, p . 3 ) . T h i s p o l i t i c a l n e g o t i a t i o n , h o w e v e r , created e n o r m o u s feelings o f a n x i e t y a m o n g H o n g K o n g residents, because o f the unpredictable future o f their society. H o n g K o n g , w h i c h h a d d e v e l o p e d into a capitalist society under a strong influence o f B r i t i s h rule, c o u l d not foresee its e c o n o m i c a n d business prospects after its c o n t r o l w a s h a n d e d o v e r to the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i s t g o v e r n m e n t i n 1997. T h u s , p e o p l e l i v i n g i n H o n g K o n g w h o h a d large s u m s o f c a p i t a l started to search for places outside H o n g K o n g that c o u l d g i v e t h e m the f i n a n c i a l security they d e s i r e d ( L e y , 1999, p . 3). A s part o f their search for a secure p l a c e to settle a n d to transport their w e a l t h , m a n y H o n g K o n g residents b e g a n the process o f o b t a i n i n g passports issued b y capitalist, W e s t e r n countries, n a m e l y the U n i t e d States, C a n a d a , B r i t a i n , A u s t r a l i a , and N e w Z e a l a n d ( H u t t o n , 1998, p . 3 0 1 ) . I n this sense, i m m i g r a t i o n f r o m H o n g K o n g w a s initiated b y a desire for safe shelter where p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e ancestry c o u l d pursue better opportunities. I n a d d i t i o n , m a n y desired a lifestyle that they h a d already established under the capitalist s y s t e m . C h a n g e s i n H o n g K o n g ' s p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e w e r e not the o n l y i n c e n t i v e d r i v i n g p e o p l e f r o m H o n g K o n g to C a n a d a . H i e b e r t ( 2 0 0 0 ) p o i n t s out that C a n a d a ' s i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s w e r e m o d i f i e d i n the late 1980s to accept a larger n u m b e r o f i m m i g r a n t s (p. 2 6 ) . A n d it w a s  58 done " w i t h a definite eye t o w a r d H o n g K o n g " ( L e y , 1999, p . 3 ) . R e c e i v i n g w e a l t h y H o n g K o n g i m m i g r a n t s w a s a n a l l e g e d l y effective a n d q u i c k w a y to increase the v o l u m e o f C a n a d a ' s d o m e s t i c c a p i t a l after the e c o n o m i c r e c e s s i o n . N e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e p e r c e i v e d as p r o v i d e r s o f e c o n o m i c resources to C a n a d a . T h e p e r s o n a l w e a l t h brought b y these C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w a s a l m o s t 3 b i l l i o n d o l l a r s i n 1996 alone ( L e y , 1998, p . 3 3 3 ) . T h e increase o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s to C a n a d a i n the past f e w decades is s t r i k i n g . F o r e x a m p l e , as m a n y as 8 0 % o f i m m i g r a n t s to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n the 1990s w e r e A s i a n , o f w h i c h the m a j o r i t y c a m e f r o m H o n g K o n g a n d T a i w a n ( L e y , 1999, p . 3). A c c o r d i n g to the 2001 C e n s u s , 1 7 % o f the p o p u l a t i o n i n V a n c o u v e r C M A are o f C h i n e s e ethnic o r i g i n (Statistics C a n a d a , 2003). A l t h o u g h the unpredictable future p u s h e d H o n g K o n g to b e c o m e the largest C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n source b y the early 1990s ( S i m m o n s , 1998, p p . 3 6 - 7 ) , f i n d i n g s f r o m BC  Statistics  ( 2 0 0 0 , 2 0 0 1 , 2 0 0 2 ) indicate that the o r i g i n s o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n have r e c e n t l y shifted f r o m H o n g K o n g to M a i n l a n d C h i n a . I n 1999, the total n u m b e r o f i m m i g r a n t s c o m i n g f r o m M a i n l a n d C h i n a , T a i w a n , a n d H o n g K o n g w a s 11,919 c o m p r i s i n g 3 3 . 1 % o f the total n u m b e r o f i m m i g r a n t s to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ( B C Statistics, 2 0 0 0 ) . T h e figures for 2 0 0 0 a n d 2001 are 11,614 (31.3%) a n d 11,837 (30.9%) r e s p e c t i v e l y ( B C Statistics, 2 0 0 1 , 2 0 0 2 ) . T h e data illustrate the steady stream o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . H o w e v e r , w h e n w e e x p l o r e the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f place o f o r i g i n a m o n g these C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s , there is a n o b v i o u s change. B y 1999, M a i n l a n d C h i n a b e c a m e the source country o f m o r e than 6 0 % o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ; w h e r e a s less than 1 0 % c a m e f r o m H o n g K o n g ( B C Statistics, 2 0 0 0 ) . T h i s trend c o n t i n u e d i n 2 0 0 1 , w h e n M a i n l a n d C h i n a increased its share to a l m o s t 8 0 % ; w h e r e a s the share o f H o n g K o n g i m m i g r a n t s d r o p p e d as l o w as about 5 % ( B C Statistics, 2 0 0 2 ) . A s evident f r o m this statistical data, M a i n l a n d C h i n a is b y far the largest  59 source o f t o d a y ' s C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . A s a result, V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y has b e c o m e m o r e heterogeneous and diverse. It is w o r t h n o t i n g that differences i n C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s are f o u n d not o n l y between those w h o c a m e to C a n a d a before a n d after the n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s , but also between those a r r i v i n g i n the last f e w decades.  Figure 3.1: The Shift of Chinese Immigration Sources to British Columbia Source: BC Statistics, 2000, 2001, 2002  1999  2000  2001  Year  D e s p i t e the i n c r e a s i n g d i v e r s i t y a m o n g C h i n e s e migrants, m o r e attention tends to be p a i d to the c o m m o n a l i t i e s between C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s . T h e s e s i m i l a r i t i e s i n c l u d e a h i g h l e v e l o f e d u c a t i o n a n d e c o n o m i c affluence, to n a m e but t w o . S u c h features o f n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s have c o n t r i b u t e d to the creation o f a n e w stereotype o f " m o d e l m i n o r i t y " a n d their internal distinctiveness is often o v e r l o o k e d . T h e c o n c e p t o f m o d e l m i n o r i t y suggests that the C h i n e s e , a l o n g w i t h other m i n o r i t y groups, are s t i l l the subject o f r a c i a l i z a t i o n a n d e t h i n i c i z a t i o n : it has o n l y c h a n g e d the w a y these groups are differentiated f r o m w h i t e s . K i m (1999) notes that " t a l k o f c u l t u r a l differences i n e v i t a b l y activates d e e p l y entrenched v i e w s o f r a c i a l d i f f e r e n c e s . . . . C u l t u r e has b e c o m e code for the unspeakable i n the c o n t e m p o r a r y e r a " (p. 117). T h o b a n i ( 2 0 0 0 ) shares a s i m i l a r v i e w w i t h K i m , b o r r o w i n g the thoughts o f G i l r o y (1992) a n d B a r k e r (1981):  60 In the p o s t - S e c o n d W o r l d W a r p e r i o d , the ' n e w ' r a c i s m organizes r a c i a l i z a t i o n t h r o u g h the discourse o f c u l t u r a l difference — a n d not o f r a c i a l i n f e r i o r i t y — s i g n i f y i n g m e m b e r s h i p i n the n a t i o n a l / r a c i a l c o m m u n i t y i n c u l t u r a l terms.  ' C u l t u r a l ' difference  encodes a n d stands i n for r a c i a l difference, (p. 2 9 5 ) T h e use o f the t e r m " m o d e l " c a n let one escape from u s i n g e x p l i c i t racist o r d i s c r i m i n a t o r y language. H o w e v e r , as K i m (1999) c l a i m s , e m p h a s i z i n g the internal characters o f a g r o u p i n c l u d i n g the ethics o f h a r d - w o r k a n d respect for elders a n d authorities, suggests that the g r o u p is not culturally a s s i m i l a t e d into w h i t e s o c i e t y , but is instead r a c i a l l y different from it (pp. 1 1 7 - 8 , 1 2 1 ) .  3.3 Distribution of the Chinese Population in Vancouver T h e C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n , once b e i n g c o n f i n e d to C h i n a t o w n , has dispersed b e y o n d these g e o g r a p h i c a l boundaries. A s p o i n t e d out i n p r e v i o u s chapters, C h i n a t o w n h a d a l w a y s been regarded as a space that e x i s t e d outside o f the r e a l m o f w h i t e society. I n other w o r d s , the g e o g r a p h i c a l d e f i n i t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n served as the b o u n d a r y between w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e . I n this sense, b y m o v i n g b e y o n d the b o u n d a r y o f C h i n a t o w n , C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s attempted to cross this l i n e that separated w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s . T h i s part o f the chapter i s d i v i d e d into t w o sections: V a n c o u v e r C M A a n d the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r . B y l o o k i n g at V a n c o u v e r C M A i n the first s e c t i o n , I w i l l engage i n a general d i s c u s s i o n o f the s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n o f C h i n e s e residential patterns. V a n c o u v e r suburbs have been t y p i c a l l y p o p u l a t e d b y m i d d l e - c l a s s E u r o p e a n groups i n the past; therefore the increase o f C h i n e s e residents i n the area raises questions about whether the d i s p e r s i o n o f the C h i n e s e indicates that they h a v e successfully crossed the boundaries between w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s . T h e s e c o n d section w i l l s p e c i f i c a l l y focus o n the m u n i c i p a l district o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r .  61 T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r is the host o f the largest C h i n e s e e n c l a v e , a n d the largest total p o p u l a t i o n i n V a n c o u v e r C M A . T h r o u g h a close e x a m i n a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n d i s p e r s i o n w i t h i n the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , I w i l l t r y to s h o w w h i c h areas o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r have experienced a significant concentration o f a Chinese population, and what c a n e x p l a i n s u c h d e m o g r a p h i c structure changes.  3.3.1  Vancouver C M A T h e data suggest that the total p o p u l a t i o n , the v i s i b l e m i n o r i t y p o p u l a t i o n , a n d the  C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n V a n c o u v e r C M A s h o w u n e v e n d e m o g r a p h i c d i s t r i b u t i o n patterns (Statistics C a n a d a , 2 0 0 3 ) . T h e five m u n i c i p a l districts w i t h the largest p o p u l a t i o n sizes are also the m u n i c i p a l districts that have the largest p o p u l a t i o n o f v i s i b l e m i n o r i t i e s i n c l u d i n g C h i n e s e residents.  These five m u n i c i p a l districts are: V a n c o u v e r , S u r r e y , R i c h m o n d , B u r n a b y ,  a n d C o q u i t l a m . V a n c o u v e r is the centre o f the r e g i o n i n terms o f p o l i t i c a l , e c o n o m i c , c u l t u r a l , a n d s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s , a n d s u c h characteristics o f V a n c o u v e r as the r e g i o n a l core attract a larger p o r t i o n o f the p o p u l a t i o n than a n y other district. A l l the other four m u n i c i p a l districts w i t h large shares o f the p o p u l a t i o n are the n e i g h b o u r i n g districts o f V a n c o u v e r . These  five  m u n i c i p a l districts alone c o n t a i n 7 6 . 6 % o f the total p o p u l a t i o n o f V a n c o u v e r C M A i n 2001 (Statistics C a n a d a , 2 0 0 3 ) . A c c o r d i n g to the report, 619,155 v i s i b l e m i n o r i t i e s o f V a n c o u v e r C M A out o f 6 9 7 , 7 5 5 , a n d 311,935 C h i n e s e out o f 3 3 4 , 0 4 0 l i v e i n these five m u n i c i p a l districts listed a b o v e (Statistics C a n a d a , 2 0 0 3 ) . I n other w o r d s , 8 8 . 7 % o f the v i s i b l e m i n o r i t y p o p u l a t i o n a n d 9 3 . 4 % o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n l i v e i n these five m u n i c i p a l districts. These figures indicate that, i n these five districts, 4 5 . 4 % o f the p o p u l a t i o n is v i s i b l e m i n o r i t y a n d 2 2 . 9 % i s C h i n e s e . T h e shares o f the v i s i b l e m i n o r i t y a n d C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n s i n the o v e r a l l V a n c o u v e r C M A  62 p o p u l a t i o n s are 3 9 . 2 % a n d 1 8 . 7 % , r e s p e c t i v e l y . Therefore, it is w o r t h n o t i n g that b o t h v i s i b l e m i n o r i t y a n d C h i n e s e s h o w a stronger tendency to gravitate t o w a r d these f i v e m u n i c i p a l districts.  Figure 3.2: The Total Population Distribution among the Five Municipal Districts in 2001 Source: Statistics Canada, 2003  Figure 3.3: The Chinese Population Distribution among the Five Municipal Districts in 2001 Source: Statistics Canada, 2003  • Burnaby • Coquitlam  • Burnaby  • Richmond  • Coquitlam  • Surrey • Vancouver  • Richmond • Surrey •  Vancouver  T h e h i g h p o r t i o n o f C h i n e s e residents i n these f i v e m u n i c i p a l districts raises important s o c i o l o g i c a l questions. V a n c o u v e r is n o e x c e p t i o n t o N o r t h A m e r i c a n c i t i e s that d e v e l o p e d s u r r o u n d i n g suburban areas. These suburban areas e m e r g e d to host p e o p l e o f m i d d l e - c l a s s a n d E u r o p e a n b a c k g r o u n d s . T h e images attached to s u c h suburbs are " a landscape o f h o m e o w n e r s h i p m a r k e d b y a p e r i p h e r a l l o c a t i o n , l o w density d e v e l o p m e n t , a n d r e l a t i v e l y easy access t o o w n e r s h i p for y o u n g f a m i l i e s w i t h c h i l d r e n " ( J a c k s o n , 1 9 8 5 , c i t e d i n R a y , H a l s e t h , & J o h n s o n , 1997, p . 7 8 ) ; the suburb is " a stable f a m i l y o r i e n t e d s e t t i n g " ( R a y , H a l s e t h , & J o h n s o n , 1997, p . 78). It seems o n the surface that the C h i n e s e have been s u c c e s s f u l l y accepted i n s u c h e n v i r o n m e n t s c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y m i d d l e - c l a s s E u r o p e a n p o p u l a t i o n s , o r they  63 successfully fit themselves into s u c h e n v i r o n m e n t s . H o w e v e r , it is not n e c e s s a r i l y the case w h e n w e l o o k at the p o r t i o n o f C h i n e s e i n r e l a t i o n to e a c h d i s t r i c t ' s total p o p u l a t i o n . T h e five m u n i c i p a l districts that have the largest C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n s are the f o l l o w i n g : V a n c o u v e r , R i c h m o n d , B u r n a b y , C o q u i t l a m , a n d S u r r e y . T h e shares o f each m u n i c i p a l d i s t r i c t ' s C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n are 4 8 . 2 % , 1 9 . 2 % , 1 5 . 0 % , 6 . 0 % , a n d 4 . 9 % , r e s p e c t i v e l y (Statistics C a n a d a , 2 0 0 3 ) . These data indicate that n e a r l y 7 0 % o f the C h i n e s e i n V a n c o u v e r C M A c a n be f o u n d i n V a n c o u v e r a n d R i c h m o n d alone; a n d w h e n the share o f B u r n a b y is c o m b i n e d to these t w o districts, the share o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n o f these three districts c o m p r i s e s o v e r 8 0 % . W h e n it is c o m p a r e d to the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the total p o p u l a t i o n o f V a n c o u v e r C M A , the concentration o f the C h i n e s e seems m o r e apparent; V a n c o u v e r ( 3 0 . 6 % ) , R i c h m o n d ( 9 . 2 % ) , B u r n a b y ( 1 0 . 9 % ) , C o q u i t l a m ( 6 . 3 % ) , a n d S u r r e y (19.5%) (Statistics Canada, 2003). C o n c e n t r a t i o n , i n particular, needs to be l o o k e d at i n r e l a t i o n to the size o f the total p o p u l a t i o n o f each m u n i c i p a l district. B o t h V a n c o u v e r a n d R i c h m o n d have C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n s that greatly e x c e e d their shares o f the total p o p u l a t i o n o f V a n c o u v e r C M A .  The  C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n R i c h m o n d extends its share o f the total p o p u l a t i o n b y 1 0 % , a n d i n the case o f V a n c o u v e r , the percentage a l m o s t exceeds b y 2 0 % . T h e p o r t i o n o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n B u r n a b y also exceeds its share o f the V a n c o u v e r C M A p o p u l a t i o n , a l t h o u g h to a lesser extent than V a n c o u v e r a n d R i c h m o n d . O n the other h a n d , b o t h S u r r e y a n d C o q u i t l a m have a fair share o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n w h e n c o m p a r e d w i t h their total p o p u l a t i o n s i z e . A l t h o u g h R i c h m o n d c o m e s fourth i n terms o f the p o p u l a t i o n s i z e i n V a n c o u v e r C M A , it is the m u n i c i p a l district that has the highest p o r t i o n o f the v i s i b l e m i n o r i t y a n d C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n s . I n R i c h m o n d , 5 8 . 6 % o f the p o p u l a t i o n d e s c r i b e d themselves as v i s i b l e m i n o r i t i e s , a n d 6 6 . 7 % o f these as C h i n e s e (Statistics C a n a d a , 2 0 0 3 ) . Therefore, i n 2001 n e a r l y 4 0 % o f  64 the total p o p u l a t i o n i n R i c h m o n d i d e n t i f i e d as C h i n e s e . I w i l l p r o v i d e the i n f o r m a t i o n o f V a n c o u v e r here i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the case o f R i c h m o n d . V a n c o u v e r is s e c o n d o n l y to R i c h m o n d i n terms o f the percentage o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n the total p o p u l a t i o n o f the district. I n V a n c o u v e r , 4 8 . 5 % o f the p o p u l a t i o n is a v i s i b l e m i n o r i t y , out o f w h i c h , 6 0 . 9 % is C h i n e s e . H e n c e , about 3 0 % o f the p o p u l a t i o n i n V a n c o u v e r define themselves as C h i n e s e . T h e s e findings i m p l y that the existence o f the C h i n e s e i n R i c h m o n d is l i k e l y to be m o r e v i s i b l e than i n V a n c o u v e r because o f the h i g h e r percentage o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n , although the actual n u m b e r o f the C h i n e s e i n V a n c o u v e r exceeds that i n R i c h m o n d . W h a t these figures suggest is that the C h i n e s e s t i l l congregate i n p a r t i c u l a r areas, a l t h o u g h they m a y n o l o n g e r d o so i n C h i n a t o w n , as w a s the case h i s t o r i c a l l y . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m m i g h t h a v e h e l p e d the d e c l i n e o f e x p l i c i t r a c i s m a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against the C h i n e s e a n d other m i n o r i t y groups, a n d increased opportunities for the C h i n e s e to s o m e extent. H o w e v e r , the concentration o f the C h i n e s e i n suburban areas i m p l i e s that the s o c i a l distance between w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e is s t i l l significant. F o r e x a m p l e , research s h o w s that E u r o p e a n groups are less l i k e l y to congregate g e o g r a p h i c a l l y as are the C h i n e s e a n d other v i s i b l e m i n o r i t y groups ( B a l a k r i s h n a n & G y i m a h , 2 0 0 3 ) .  3.3.2 The City of Vancouver N o w I w i l l shift the focus o f i n q u i r y to the d i s t r i b u t i o n patterns o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n w i t h i n the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , the m u n i c i p a l district i n V a n c o u v e r C M A w i t h the largest C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n . T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r has h i s t o r i c a l l y b e e n the h o m e o f the C h i n e s e . C h i n a t o w n n o w o c c u p i e s o n l y a s m a l l section o f the c i t y , i n a n d a r o u n d w h i c h the C h i n e s e congregated i n the past. E x a m i n a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n d i s t r i b u t i o n w i t h i n the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r w i l l reveal w h e t h e r s u c h a pattern o f C h i n e s e c o n g r e g a t i o n a r o u n d  65 C h i n a t o w n has c h a n g e d o v e r t i m e . T h i s is the p o i n t that c a n be o v e r l o o k e d w h e n the focus o f the i n q u i r y is o n l y o n V a n c o u v e r C M A , because it does not l o o k into the C h i n e s e settlement patterns i n each m u n i c i p a l district.  F o r this part o f the i n q u i r y , the data f r o m Local Area Statistics (2004) issued b y the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r are e m p l o y e d . Local Areas Statistics p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n o n the d e m o g r a p h i c structure o f e a c h c o m m u n i t y i n 1996 a n d 2001 i n c l u d i n g p o p u l a t i o n s i z e , i n c o m e , d u r a t i o n i n the c o m m u n i t y , age, a n d so o n . T o indicate the size o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n each c o m m u n i t y , I h a v e u s e d the data that s h o w the size o f the total p o p u l a t i o n a n d the percentage o f the p o p u l a t i o n w h o s e m o t h e r tongue is C h i n e s e . It must be m e n t i o n e d that there is a p o s s i b i l i t y o f e l i m i n a t i n g the ethnic C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n w h o s e m o t h e r tongue is not C h i n e s e b y l o o k i n g at statistical g r o u p s sorted b y language differences. H o w e v e r , w h e n w e c o n s i d e r that C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n to C a n a d a d r a s t i c a l l y increased i n the 1980s a n d 1990s a n d that m o s t o f these i m m i g r a n t s w e r e f r o m M a i n l a n d C h i n a , H o n g K o n g , a n d T a i w a n , w h e r e C h i n e s e is the o f f i c i a l language, whether be it Cantonese o r M a n d a r i n , it is m o s t l i k e l y that they c l a i m C h i n e s e as their m o t h e r tongue. F o r the purpose o f c o n v e n i e n c e , I use the t e r m "the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n " here to refer to this g r o u p . T h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s total p o p u l a t i o n is m u c h m o r e dispersed than that o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n . R e n f r e w - C o l l i n g w o o d a n d K e n s i n g t o n - C e d a r Cottage ( 8 . 2 % , r e s p e c t i v e l y ) are the m o s t h e a v i l y p o p u l a t e d c o m m u n i t i e s i n the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , f o l l o w e d b y W e s t E n d ( 7 . 7 % ) , K i t s i l a n o ( 6 . 1 % ) , H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e ( 6 . 1 % ) , a n d Sunset ( 6 . 1 % ) , c o n s i s t i n g o f 4 2 . 4 % o f the total p o p u l a t i o n i n the C i t y ( T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2 0 0 4 ) . T h e f i v e c o m m u n i t i e s w i t h the heaviest concentration o f C h i n e s e s p e a k i n g p e o p l e are as f o l l o w s : R e n f r e w - C o l l i n g w o o d (13.5%), Kensington-Cedar Cottage (11.5%), Hastings-Sunrise (9.4%), V i c t o r i a - F r a s e r v i e w ( 9 . 2 % ) , a n d K i l l a r n e y (6.5%) ( T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2 0 0 4 ) . W h e n  c o m b i n e d , these five c o m m u n i t i e s share as m u c h as 5 0 . 2 % o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r . A n d e r s o n ' s (1991) account e x p l a i n s the r e l a t i v e l y large size o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n these c o m m u n i t i e s — they are the c o m m u n i t i e s to w h i c h the C h i n e s e m o v e d w h e n they started to e x p l o r e residential areas outside o f C h i n a t o w n i n the 1930s as there w e r e n o restrictive covenants i n p l a c e (p. 147).  Table 3.1: The M o s t Populated Communities i n Vancouver 1. R e n f r e w - C o l l i n g w o o d  44,950  2. K e n s i n g t o n - C e d a r Cottage  44,560  3. W e s t E n d  42,120  4. K i t s i l a n o  39,620  5. H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e  33,425  Source: The C i t y o f Vancouver, 2004  T a b l e 3.2: T h e C o m m u n i t i e s w i t h L a r g e s t C h i n e s e Populations i n Vancouver 1. R e n f r e w - C o l l i n g w o o d  19,598  2. K e n s i n g t o n - C e d a r Cottage  16,845  3. H a s t i n g s - S u n r i s e  13,615  4. V i c t o r i a - F a i r v i e w  13,385  5. K i l l a r n e y  9,437 Source: The C i t y o f Vancouver, 2004  67 A s e v i d e n t f r o m the figures presented a b o v e , the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n does not n e c e s s a r i l y share the same pattern as the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s p o p u l a t i o n . T h e degree o f concentration is c l e a r l y h i g h e r for the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n than the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r p o p u l a t i o n . I n 2 0 0 1 , 2 6 . 4 % o f the p o p u l a t i o n o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r c l a i m e d C h i n e s e as their m o t h e r tongue, a n d i n the same y e a r 13 c o m m u n i t i e s , out o f 2 2 , h a d the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n s that e x c e e d e d 2 6 . 4 % . A m o n g these c o m m u n i t i e s , n i n e o f t h e m h a v e a C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n h i g h e r than 3 0 % , a n d five c o m m u n i t i e s have p o p u l a t i o n s o v e r 4 0 % . S u r p r i s i n g l y e n o u g h , i n one c o m m u n i t y , O a k r i d g e , m o r e than 5 0 % o f the p o p u l a t i o n i d e n t i f i e d C h i n e s e as their m o t h e r tongue ( T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2 0 0 4 ) . These figures c l e a r l y indicate that they are concentrated i n some areas as o p p o s e d to others. A n o t h e r interesting difference i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n patterns b e t w e e n the o v e r a l l p o p u l a t i o n o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r a n d the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n is the g e o g r a p h i c a l a l l o c a t i o n o f those m o s t p o p u l a t e d c o m m u n i t i e s . A l l five c o m m u n i t i e s w i t h the heaviest c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f C h i n e s e are f o u n d at the east e n d o f the c i t y , a n d a l o n g the border o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r a n d B u r n a b y . M o r e o v e r , they are l i t e r a l l y n e i g h b o u r i n g one another, s h a p i n g a f a i r l y large g e o g r a p h i c a l section o f the C i t y . C o n s e q u e n t l y , there i s a h i g h v i s i b i l i t y o f C h i n e s e i n these areas. I n the case o f the total p o p u l a t i o n , the c o m m u n i t i e s w i t h larger p o p u l a t i o n s are m o r e g e o g r a p h i c a l l y dispersed. W h i l e the areas w i t h r e l a t i v e l y h i g h p r o p o r t i o n s o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n are c o l l e c t i v e l y located i n the east e n d o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , these c o m m u n i t i e s d o not necessarily c o i n c i d e w i t h c o m m u n i t i e s that have b e e n e x p e r i e n c i n g a r a p i d g r o w t h o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n recent years. K e r r i s d a l e , M a r p o l e , O a k r i d g e , K i l l a r n e y , a n d V i c t o r i a F r a s e r v i e w are the c o m m u n i t i e s that e x p e r i e n c e d the greatest increase o f C h i n e s e between 1996 a n d 2 0 0 1 . I n the past, these areas' m a i n p o p u l a t i o n groups w e r e those o f E u r o p e a n  68 b a c k g r o u n d s (Hiebert, 1998, p . 10). I n these c o m m u n i t i e s , the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n increased between 1996 a n d 2001 b y 6.4%, 5 . 5 % , 5 . 5 % , 5 . 2 % , a n d 4 . 4 % , r e s p e c t i v e l y ( T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2 0 0 4 ) . These figures illustrate the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f the increase o f the C h i n e s e w h e n c o m p a r e d to the fact that the o v e r a l l C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r increased b y o n l y 1.9% d u r i n g the same t i m e p e r i o d . Interestingly, a l l o f these five c o m m u n i t i e s are l o c a t e d to the south o f 41st A v e n u e , g e o g r a p h i c a l l y c l o s e to R i c h m o n d . T h i s s h o w s s i m i l a r patterns o f concentration o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n m e n t i o n e d a b o v e ; that i s , there are several c o m m u n i t i e s w i t h a r e l a t i v e l y h i g h percentage o f p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e ancestry in close geographical proximity. In c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n , I w i l l n o w p r o v i d e the same statistical i n f o r m a t i o n about the total p o p u l a t i o n o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r . T h e c o m m u n i t i e s that h a d e x p e r i e n c e d the m o s t s i g n i f i c a n t p o p u l a t i o n increase f r o m 1996 to 2001 w e r e : D o w n t o w n (including G a s t o w n and Chinatown) (60.8%), K i t s i l a n o (8.3%), R e n f l e w - C o l l i n g w o o d (7.6%), F a i r v i e w ( G r a n v i l l e Island) ( 6 . 7 % ) , a n d Sunset (6.7%) ( T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2 0 0 4 ) . T h e outstanding p o p u l a t i o n increase i n the D o w n t o w n area is p o s s i b l y a s c r i b e d to the n u m b e r o f h i g h rises a n d c o n d o m i n i u m s constructed i n recent years, w h i c h c a n u t i l i z e the l i m i t e d spaces thereby m a x i m i z i n g the resident c a p a c i t y . D e s p i t e this s u r p r i s i n g g r o w t h o f the total p o p u l a t i o n i n the D o w n t o w n area, the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n this area increased b y o n l y 2 . 4 % i n the same t i m e p e r i o d .  69 T a b l e 3.3: C h i n e s e P o p u l a t i o n Increase i n S e l e c t e d C o m m u n i t i e s f r o m 1996 to 2001 percentage Kerrisdale  6.40%  Marpole  5.50%  Oakridge  5.50%  Killarney  5.20%  Victoria-Fraserview  4.40% Source: The C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2004  F i g u r e 3.4: M a p o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r  Source: The C i t y o f Vancouver, 2004  T h e data p r o v i d e d a b o v e is h e l p f u l w h e n o b s e r v i n g recent C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s ' settlement patterns. It is p o s s i b l e to assume that a f a i r l y large p o r t i o n o f n e w C h i n e s e residents m o v i n g into the f i v e c o m m u n i t i e s (i.e., K e r r i s d a l e , M a r p o l e , O a k r i d g e , K i l l a r n e y ,  70 a n d V i c t o r i a - F r a s e r v i e w ) is c o m p r i s e d o f recent C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s . U n l i k e the o l d e r generation o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s , these n e w i m m i g r a n t s are m o r e l i k e l y t o h a v e q u a l i f i c a t i o n s that h e l p t h e m cope w i t h the s o c i a l structure a n d lifestyle i n V a n c o u v e r w i t h less d i f f i c u l t y . A l t h o u g h they are n o w m o v i n g into areas o r i g i n a l l y p o p u l a t e d b y p e o p l e o f E u r o p e a n o r i g i n , it i s clear that they are m o v i n g c l o s e to the " n e w " C h i n a t o w n , o r C h i n e s e centre, o f R i c h m o n d . H e n c e , this illustrates that r a c i a l segregation o f e v e n the m o s t recent C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s i s s t i l l apparent i n the context o f V a n c o u v e r society; the o n l y change is w h e r e they n o w concentrate. T h e data that l o o k o n l y at C h i n a t o w n ' s p o p u l a t i o n changes are n o t a v a i l a b l e .  Local  Areas Statistics, h o w e v e r , p r o v i d e data f o r Strathcona, the c o m m u n i t y right next to C h i n a t o w n that h i s t o r i c a l l y h a d the highest concentration o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s . A c c o r d i n g to statistical data, whereas the total p o p u l a t i o n o f Strathcona decreased b y 0 . 6 % f r o m 1996 to 2 0 0 1 , the d e c l i n e o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n this same area w a s m u c h greater. Strathcona e x p e r i e n c e d a 2 . 7 % d r o p i n the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n between 1996 a n d 2 0 0 1 , m a k i n g it the c o m m u n i t y w i t h the largest C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n decrease i n the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r o v e r this t i m e p e r i o d ( T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2 0 0 4 ) . T h e statistical data e m p l o y e d here, h o w e v e r , d o n o t p o i n t to the cause o f this d e c l i n e . A l t h o u g h it i s i m p o s s i b l e to specify w h e t h e r g e o g r a p h i c a l m o v e m e n t o f the residents b e y o n d the c o m m u n i t y boundaries o r the deaths o f the a g i n g C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n p l a y e d a r o l e , the figures i n the statistics indicate that the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n s i z e i n Strathcona has been c l e a r l y s h r i r i k i n g .  71  3.4 Re-construction of the Notion of Racial Relations in Middle-class European Neighbourhoods of Vancouver A s d e s c r i b e d i n the p r e v i o u s section o f this chapter, the increase o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n i n areas o r i g i n a l l y p o p u l a t e d b y E u r o p e a n groups, s u c h as R i c h m o n d , K e r r i s d a l e , a n d O a k r i d g e , is a p h e n o m e n o n that has been o c c u r r i n g i n recent years f o l l o w i n g the significant increase o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n . I n a d d i t i o n to the areas j u s t m e n t i o n e d , Shaughnessy also serves as a n e x a m p l e o f this p h e n o m e n o n .  Shaughnessy has been k n o w n  for b e i n g a n e x t r e m e l y e x p e n s i v e residential area that has p r i m a r i l y hosted residents o f B r i t i s h b a c k g r o u n d . A l t h o u g h the total p o p u l a t i o n o f this c o m m u n i t y s l i g h t l y d e c l i n e d i n the late 1990s, the p o r t i o n o f C h i n e s e i n the area increased b y 1.0%, c o m p r i s i n g o f 2 7 . 8 % o f the total p o p u l a t i o n o f the c o m m u n i t y i n 2001 ( T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2 0 0 4 ) . I n this respect, Shaughnessy seems to be f o l l o w i n g the same path that R i c h m o n d , K e r r i s d a l e , a n d O a k r i d g e h a v e t a k e n : it i s n o l o n g e r a c o m m u n i t y that i s e x c l u s i v e l y w h i t e . I n this s e c t i o n , I w i l l e x p l o r e the u n d e r l y i n g concept o f r a c i a l relations w i t h a focus o n V a n c o u v e r ' s n e i g h b o u r h o o d s w i t h suburban characteristics. T h e g e o g r a p h i c a l m o v e m e n t o f recent C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s into the suburban areas h i s t o r i c a l l y p o p u l a t e d b y m i d d l e - c l a s s E u r o p e a n residents has e v o k e d some controversies s u r r o u n d i n g the C h i n e s e i n V a n c o u v e r . L o n g - t e r m residents o f these n e i g h b o u r h o o d s b l a m e the i n c r e a s i n g n u m b e r s o f C h i n e s e for the r a d i c a l transformation o f n e i g h b o u r h o o d landscapes. F e e l i n g s o f uneasiness a n d a n x i e t y about s u c h changes e v e n t u a l l y d e v e l o p e d into the s o - c a l l e d "monster h o u s e " incident. T h e monster house i n c i d e n t w a s initiated b y the r a p i d h o u s e p r i c e increases a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n o f monster houses c h a n g i n g the established landscapes ( L e y , 1998, p p . 3 3 6 - 9 ; R o s e , 2 0 0 1 , p . 4 7 6 ) . T h e t y p i c a l d e s c r i p t i o n o f monster houses i s :  72 H o u s e s that extended to the edges o f the l o t . . . C h a r a c t e r i s t i c d e s i g n elements o f the houses i n c l u d e d a l a c k o f s u r r o u n d i n g surface vegetation, a square or rectangular b o x shape, a n d a n e c l e c t i c m i x o f architectural styles a n d traditions, often i n c o r p o r a t i n g G r e e k c o l u m n s , n e o - G e o r g i a n a n d m o d e r n i s t designs, large w i n d o w s , s p i r a l staircases a n d t o w e r i n g entrance-ways, a n d the use o f bright c o l o u r s a n d a v a r i e t y o f b u i l d i n g materials. ( M i t c h e l l , 1 9 9 3 ; L i , 1994; M a j u r y 1994; L e y , 1995; R a y etal,  1997; L e y ,  1998, c i t e d i n R o s e , 2 0 0 1 , p p . 4 7 6 - 7 ) I n the process o f the d e v e l o p m e n t s , suburban n e i g h b o u r h o o d s h a v e constructed p a r t i c u l a r g e o g r a p h i c a l identities. These identities i n c l u d e images s u c h as spacious properties a n d safe e n v i r o n m e n t s to raise f a m i l i e s . S u c h characteristics o f suburban n e i g h b o u r h o o d s , h o w e v e r , also set the b o u n d a r y d e t e r m i n i n g w h o c a n a n d w h o c a n not l e g i t i m a t e l y reside there. F o r e x a m p l e , o w n i n g a property w i t h a spacious y a r d requires one to h o l d a certain a m o u n t o f finances. M o r e o v e r , the g e o g r a p h i c a l distance f r o m the c i t y core, w h e r e m o s t business activities take p l a c e , d e m a n d s i n d i v i d u a l s i n the suburban areas to have a m e a n s o f transportation or to be able to afford to c o m m u t e frequently to the c i t y core. S u c h requirements indicate that one must be part o f a certain e c o n o m i c status g r o u p to l i v e i n these suburbs. F u r t h e r m o r e , C a n a d i a n society is n o e x c e p t i o n i n terms o f W e s t e r n societies i n w h i c h s o c i a l class stratification crosscuts differences o f race. I n C a n a d i a n society, the d i s t i n c t i o n o f classes greatly o v e r l a p s the d i s t i n c t i o n o f different ethnic a n d r a c i a l groups. I n other w o r d s , ethnic a n d r a c i a l difference c a n be a c r u c i a l factor i n d e t e r m i n i n g o n e ' s s o c i a l strata i n society. T h e n o t i o n o f class d i s t i n c t i o n based o n race a n d e t h n i c i t y s t i l l persists i n C a n a d i a n society; i n this sense, m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has not a c h i e v e d the g o a l o f the r e a l coexistence o f v a r i o u s groups w i t h o u t c o n f l i c t , o r m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has done little to e q u a l i z e i n c o m e inequalities. A s  73 m e n t i o n e d earlier, the d i s t i n c t i o n o f different r a c i a l groups often c o m e s to be expressed as a b i n a r y d i c h o t o m y b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s , a n d s u c h d i s t i n c t i o n is d i s c u s s e d a n d expressed i n the language o f c u l t u r a l difference, but not o f r a c i a l difference. I n m o s t situations w h i t e s are p e r c e i v e d as " s u p e r i o r " to n o n - w h i t e s ; therefore w h i t e s c a n enjoy a great d e a l o f prestige i n the p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l , a n d e c o n o m i c a l spheres. A s a result, the s o c i a l status o f w h i t e s i n society became e v e n m o r e f i r m l y f i x e d a n d stable. O n the other h a n d , n o n - w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n groups w e r e a l w a y s s u b m e r g e d under w h i t e s because o f attributed differences b a s e d o n race a n d e t h n i c i t y . T h e b i p o l a r d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s is relevant to the case o f the d e v e l o p m e n t o f V a n c o u v e r suburbs. A s A d a m s (1984) a n d D o u c e t a n d W e a v e r (1991) suggest, strong class, ethnic a n d r a c i a l h o m o g e n e i t y o f e x i s t i n g groups i n the n e i g h b o u r h o o d characterise e a c h suburb ( c i t e d i n R a y , H a l s e t h & J o h n s o n , 1997, p . 78). S u b u r b s o f W e s t e r n societies are often characterised b y n a t i v e - b o r n w h i t e m i d d l e - c l a s s residents ( R a y , H a l s e t h & J o h n s o n , 1997, p . 78), a n d V a n c o u v e r ' s suburbs are n o e x c e p t i o n . F o r e x a m p l e , i n 1971 R i c h m o n d ' s p o p u l a t i o n w a s m a i n l y E u r o p e a n s ( 8 7 % ) (Hiebert, 1998, p p . 10-11), a n d " R i c h m o n d has throughout its h i s t o r y b e e n a steadfastly E u r o p e a n space w i t h i n greater V a n c o u v e r " ( R a y , H a l s e t h & J o h n s o n , 1997, p . 88).  A l s o , "the K O S area [ K e r r i s d a l e ,  O a k r i d g e , and Shaughnessy] retained the character o f a m i d d l e or u p p e r - i n c o m e suburb, w i t h large properties, a p o p u l a t i o n m a i n l y c o m p r i s e d o f t r a d i t i o n a l n u c l e a r f a m i l i e s , a n d a d i s t i n c t l y ' E n g l i s h ' landscape a n d c u l t u r a l s e n s i b i l i t y " ( H i e b e r t , 1998, p . 10). A s e v i d e n t i n these e x a m p l e s , the factors that g i v e g e o g r a p h i c a l areas identities are the s o c i a l class a n d r a c i a l b a c k g r o u n d o f the residents. S u c h identities i n turn b e c o m e m a r k e r s to determine w h o c a n a n d c a n not fit into the n e i g h b o u r h o o d w i t h o u t e v o k i n g controversies.  74 B e c a u s e g e o g r a p h i c a l identities are d e t e r m i n e d b y residents' class and race, the C h i n e s e d o not fit the category o f " i d e a l " residents i n these areas. T h e g r o w t h i n the v i s i b i l i t y o f the C h i n e s e contradicts the p i c t u r e o f the n e i g h b o u r h o o d h e l d b y l o n g - t e r m w h i t e residents. A l t h o u g h the financial competence o f recent C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s c a n p u s h t h e m into the m i d d l e a n d upper classes, they are neither w h i t e n o r n a t i v e - b o r n . W h y does the i n f l u x o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s i n v a r i o u s residential areas b e c o m e so p r o b l e m a t i c and e v o k e controversies w i t h i n these n e i g h b o u r h o o d s ? G o l d b e r g ' s (1993) w o r k is useful here: " R a c i s m s b e c o m e i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y n o r m a l i z e d i n a n d t h r o u g h spatial c o n f i g u r a t i o n , j u s t as s o c i a l space is m a d e to s e e m natural, a g i v e n , b y b e i n g c o n c e i v e d a n d d e f i n e d i n r a c i a l t e r m s " (quoted i n R a y , H a l s e t h & J o h n s o n , 1997, p . 81). S o c i e t y sees g e o g r a p h i c a l spaces not o n l y i n terms o f class difference b u t also i n terms o f ethnic a n d r a c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n . I n t h i s sense, the g r o w i n g presence o f the C h i n e s e i n t r a d i t i o n a l E u r o p e a n m i d d l e - c l a s s n e i g h b o u r h o o d s is " i n v a d i n g " the b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s . W h a t m a k e s this monster house c o n t r o v e r s y a c o n t e m p o r a r y f o r m o f r a c i s m as o p p o s e d to that o f the past is the w a y i n w h i c h it is c o n c e p t u a l i z e d . I n the c o n t e m p o r a r y context, r a c i a l difference is articulated t h r o u g h c u l t u r a l difference. T h e subject to be b l a m e d for the changes o f landscapes i n the n e i g h b o u r h o o d s is n e w C h i n e s e residents; h o w e v e r , the languages u s e d i n the d i s c u s s i o n o f this issue h a r d l y suggest that r a c i a l difference i t s e l f is w h a t matters to the l o n g t e r m residents. It is " c u l t u r a l " difference, s u c h as a n architectural style, w h i c h has caused this c o n t r o v e r s y . R a y , H a l s e t h a n d J o h n s o n (1997) p o i n t out the nature o f this c o n t r o v e r s y b y stating, " i n the case o f R i c h m o n d , h o u s i n g has m o r e often been u s e d as a m e d i u m a n d m e t a p h o r for the e x p r e s s i o n o f c o n c e r n about n e i g h b o u r h o o d l e v e l ethnic c h a n g e " (p. 83). I n other w o r d s , a clear a s s o c i a t i o n w a s m a d e i n the m i n d s o f the p u b l i c b e t w e e n "the C h i n e s e " a n d "monster h o u s e s . " W h i l e m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m a n d the n o n -  75 d i s c r i m i n a t o r y p o l i c i e s m i g h t prevent s u c h overt d i s c r i m i n a t o r y attitudes t o w a r d s the C h i n e s e ; this e x a m p l e s h o w s that r a c i a l i z a t i o n a n d e t h n i c i z a t i o n is s t i l l evident i n C a n a d i a n society. I n the d i s c u s s i o n o f the monster house incident, c u l t u r a l difference is often u s e d against n e w C h i n e s e residents; h o w e v e r , research finds that the w a y s i n w h i c h n e w C h i n e s e residents l i v e does not a l w a y s differ from that o f the n e i g h b o u r h o o d s under d i s c u s s i o n here. R a y , H a l s e t h and J o h n s o n (1997) d i s c o v e r e d i n their study that the C h i n e s e are a c t u a l l y the ones w h o l i v e u p to "the n o r m a t i v e b e h a v i o u r c o m m o n l y associated w i t h s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n , " that i s , the o w n e r s h i p o f single-detached h o u s i n g (p. 9 3 ) . T h e y f o u n d that the p o r t i o n o f the C h i n e s e o w n i n g single-detached h o u s i n g is larger than that o f the B r i t i s h / F r e n c h p o p u l a t i o n i n R i c h m o n d ; h o w e v e r , this fact is e a s i l y i g n o r e d i n the d i s c u s s i o n a r o u n d the C h i n e s e a n d their monster houses. I n this sense, the C h i n e s e d o not v i o l a t e the established w a y o f l i v i n g i n the suburbs. O n the contrary, they are r e - p r o d u c i n g the s o - c a l l e d preferable lifestyle o f the suburb. T h i s c a n serve as e v i d e n c e that c o n t e m p o r a r y f o r m s o f r a c i s m are o n l y coated w i t h c l a i m s o f c u l t u r a l difference. C u l t u r a l d i v e r s i t y is one t h i n g that is celebrated a n d p r o m o t e d b y the p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . H o w e v e r , the instance o f the monster house c o n t r o v e r s y i m p l i e s that c u l t u r a l differences c a n also be used to m a i n t a i n the b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d n o n w h i t e s a n d enable the reinforcement o f the d i s t i n c t i o n w i t h o u t appearing e x p l i c i t l y racist.  3.5 Conclusion T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s i n the 1960s c h a n g e d the face o f C a n a d i a n i m m i g r a n t s i n terms o f not o n l y p e r s o n a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , s u c h as language s k i l l s , p r o f e s s i o n a l s k i l l s , a n d s o c i o - e c o n o m i c status, but also r a c i a l a n d ethnic b a c k g r o u n d . T h e change o f r a c i a l a n d ethnic m a k e - u p o f i m m i g r a n t s is due to the shift o f i m m i g r a t i o n source countries from E u r o p e to A s i a , C e n t r a l A m e r i c a , a n d the C a r i b b e a n . I n a d d i t i o n the C h i n e s e  76 c a m e to shape a great p r o p o r t i o n o f these recent i m m i g r a n t a r r i v a l s , e s p e c i a l l y since the m i d d l e o f the 1980s. These n e w types o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s are characterized b y their p r o f e s s i o n a l s k i l l s a n d o c c u p a t i o n , w e a l t h , k n o w l e d g e i n the E n g l i s h language, a n d a f a i r l y l o n g experience o f l i v i n g i n urban s o c i a l e n v i r o n m e n t s p r i o r to their a r r i v a l to C a n a d a . B e c a u s e o f g l o b a l i z a t i o n , these u r b a n i z e d areas share some features o f W e s t e r n societies l i k e C a n a d a , i n c l u d i n g capitalist v a l u e s . F o r this reason, these n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s are already f a m i l i a r w i t h the W e s t e r n w a y o f l i v i n g . W h e n the i n f l u x o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n i n C a n a d a reached its p e a k i n the 1980s, H o n g K o n g w a s the largest i m m i g r a t i o n s e n d i n g country. T h i s w a s the consequence o f the uncertain, unpredictable future o f H o n g K o n g after the C h i n e s e g o v e r n m e n t t o o k o v e r the c o n t r o l o f H o n g K o n g f r o m B r i t a i n i n 1997. T h i s situation created a large n u m b e r o f potential i m m i g r a n t s to the W e s t i n search o f f i n a n c i a l security a n d a stable life. H o w e v e r , after 1997, the picture o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n sources started c h a n g i n g , p u s h i n g M a i n l a n d C h i n a to b e c o m e the biggest s e n d i n g c o u n t r y o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s , f o l l o w e d b y T a i w a n a n d H o n g Kong. S u c h changes i n the characteristics o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s m a d e the e x i s t i n g C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y o f V a n c o u v e r d i v e r s i f i e d a n d c o m p l e x . T h e C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y b e g a n to be d i v i d e d into segments a l o n g the lines o f the t i m e o f a r r i v a l to C a n a d a , language p r o f i c i e n c y i n C h i n e s e a n d E n g l i s h , s o c i o - e c o n o m i c status, a n d p l a c e o f o r i g i n . T h i s is p a r t i a l l y due to the n e w i m m i g r a t i o n regulations a n d the p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , w h i c h l e d t o the d i s p e r s i o n o f p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e ancestry throughout the r e g i o n o f V a n c o u v e r . I n spite o f this d i s p e r s i o n c o m p a r e d to that o f the past, there are s t i l l strong patterns i n their c h o i c e o f residential areas. T h e C h i n e s e are n o w f o u n d i n e v e r y district o f V a n c o u v e r C M A , a n d this p h e n o m e n o n i s e s p e c i a l l y p r o n o u n c e d i n R i c h m o n d . T h e district today is often referred to as the " n e w "  77 C h i n a t o w n . W i t h i n the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , it seems that there are t w o g e o g r a p h i c a l areas that are p o p u l a t e d b y different types o f C h i n e s e . T h e area c o n s i s t i n g o f several c o m m u n i t i e s a l o n g the border o f V a n c o u v e r a n d B u r n a b y is characterized b y the o l d e r generation o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t ; w h e r e a s the area m a d e u p b y c o m m u n i t i e s l o c a t e d to the s o u t h o f 41st A v e n u e i s p o p u l a t e d b y the m o r e recent, a n d n e w type o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s . T h e latter area is g e o g r a p h i c a l l y c l o s e to R i c h m o n d , w h i c h suggests that this C h i n e s e settlement is o c c u r r i n g a r o u n d a n e w C h i n e s e centre o f V a n c o u v e r . T h e n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s a n d the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m appear to be c h a n g i n g the d i s c r i m i n a t o r y attitudes o f C a n a d i a n s t o w a r d s n o n - w h i t e m i n o r i t y g r o u p s . H o w e v e r , the reality is that o n l y the a r t i c u l a t i o n o f s u c h d i s c r i m i n a t i o n has c h a n g e d .  The  apparent d i s c r i m i n a t i o n based o n r a c i a l difference has n o w been expressed t h r o u g h c u l t u r a l difference. T h e c o n t r o v e r s y o v e r n e w C h i n e s e residents c h a n g i n g landscapes o f areas t r a d i t i o n a l l y p o p u l a t e d b y E u r o p e a n groups is a g o o d e x a m p l e o f h o w r a c i s m has been transformed. It is their " c u l t u r a l " difference, but not " r a c i a l " difference, that has been presented as a n issue to be d i s c u s s e d i n the controversy. B y shifting the focus o f differentiation f r o m race to culture, one c a n get a w a y f r o m appearing racist, e s p e c i a l l y i n a society w h e r e c u l t u r a l difference a n d d i v e r s i t y are celebrated. I n this sense, the b o u n d a r y between w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s persistently exists i n C a n a d i a n society b e h i n d the g u i s e o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . T o be m o r e precise, it c a n be s a i d that m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m a c t u a l l y r e i n f o r c e d these boundaries i n C a n a d i a n society.  78  Chapter IV  Making a "Museum:" Beautification of Vancouver's Chinatown as a  Cultural Attraction  4.1 Introduction T h i s chapter w i l l focus o n V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n as a s o c i a l entity transformed into a tourist attraction that functions as a m u s e u m o f C h i n e s e culture. C h i n a t o w n , w h i c h h a d a l w a y s b e e n p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y distant f r o m the w i d e r V a n c o u v e r society, d e v e l o p e d a r t i f i c i a l a n d i m a g i n a r y features as a result o f the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n schemes c o n d u c t e d b y the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r f r o m the 1960s o n w a r d s . C h i n a t o w n c h a n g e d its appearance to b e c o m e a m u s e u m o f " C h i n e s e n e s s " targeted to attract w h i t e society, a n d the result w a s a p s y c h o l o g i c a l d i s c o n n e c t i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y f r o m C h i n a t o w n . T e r m s s u c h as " w h i t e s o c i e t y , " "the w i d e r C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y , " " w h i t e s , " a n d " E u r o p e a n s " w i l l be u s e d interchangeably i n this chapter for the p e o p l e o f E u r o p e a n b a c k g r o u n d s w e r e s t i l l the d o m i n a n t g r o u p i n a l m o s t e v e r y aspect o f V a n c o u v e r society d u r i n g the t i m e p e r i o d under d i s c u s s i o n . T h e g o a l o f this chapter is to suggest that the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n a n d its reconstruction as a tourist attraction w e r e a c h i e v e d o n the p r e m i s e o f n o n - E u r o p e a n s as " O t h e r s , " w h i c h w a s e m b e d d e d i n the c o l o n i a l i s t thoughts o f W e s t e r n societies. F u r t h e r m o r e , I intend to r e v e a l that s u c h h i e r a r c h a l relations b e t w e e n E u r o p e a n s a n d n o n - E u r o p e a n s w e r e i n fact r e i n f o r c e d b y g i v i n g C h i n a t o w n a c u l t u r a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t m e a n i n g under the n o t i o n o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . T h e d i s c u s s i o n o f C h i n a t o w n as a m u s e u m is useful to r e v e a l these p o i n t s . A l t h o u g h m y d i s c u s s i o n w i l l o n l y c o n c e r n the case o f V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n , it c a n also a p p l y to m a n y other ethnic m i n o r i t y groups and their cultures i n C a n a d a . T h e o r e t i c a l arguments structure the first h a l f o f this chapter. F i r s t , I w i l l introduce the d e v e l o p m e n t o f m o d e r n m u s e u m s i n W e s t e r n societies, a n d the s o c i a l context i n w h i c h  79 m u s e u m s c a m e t o take the r o l e o f e d u c a t i o n a l institutions. T h e c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d reinforcement o f i d e o l o g i e s e n a b l e d b y the functions o f m u s e u m s w i l l be the centre o f d i s c u s s i o n . F o l l o w i n g this, I w i l l m a k e the t h e o r e t i c a l c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n the m u s e u m a n d t o u r i s m i n the context o f post W o r l d W a r II W e s t e r n societies. T h e latter h a l f o f this chapter w i l l e x a m i n e V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n as a tourist attraction a n d m u s e u m that c r y s t a l l i z e d the b o u n d a r y between w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e , creating a " c o l o n i z e d " o r i e n t a l space w i t h i n the City o f Vancouver. T h i s d i s c u s s i o n w i l l be constructed a r o u n d the theories a n d concepts presented i n the first h a l f o f the chapter a n d m y o w n a n a l y s i s o f o f f i c i a l d o c u m e n t s c o n c e r n i n g the beautification o f C h i n a t o w n . M o s t o f the d o c u m e n t s w e r e o b t a i n e d f r o m the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r A r c h i v e s a n d the U B C L i b r a r y S p e c i a l C o l l e c t i o n s . These p r i m a r y sources i n c l u d e , o f f i c i a l d o c u m e n t s p u b l i s h e d b y s p e c i a l c o m m i t t e e s for the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n a u t h o r i z e d b y the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , an o f f i c i a l report s u b m i t t e d to the C i t y g o v e r n m e n t , a n d p a m p h l e t s a n d brochures that h i g h l i g h t C h i n a t o w n as a tourist a n d c u l t u r a l attraction. T h e y w e r e c h o s e n as the p r i m a r y sources for t h i s research t o better reflect the perspective o f the w h i t e s o c i e t y o n C h i n a t o w n . I n order to i n c l u d e the responses o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y to the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n schemes, a r c h i v a l d o c u m e n t s c o m p i l e d b y C h i n e s e o r g a n i z a t i o n s are also e x a m i n e d , s u c h as the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y ' s c l a i m to the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r .  4.2 The Museum as a Communication Tool of "Us"/ "Other" Dichotomization T o " s h o w " a p p e a l i n g objects is the m o s t important task s o c i a l l y a s s i g n e d to m u s e u m s o f m o d e r n days, a n d p e o p l e expect to "see" interesting things o n their v i s i t to m u s e u m s ( B a x a n d a l l , 1 9 9 1 , p p . 3 3 - 4 ) . T h e concept o f m o d e r n m u s e u m s is a c r e a t i o n o f W e s t e r n societies, a n d i n the process o f its d e v e l o p m e n t , m u s e u m s a s s u m e d the r o l e o f mass e d u c a t i o n  80 (Bennett, 1995, p . 7 1 , 1 0 9 ; 1998, p . 2 8 ) . I n this section, I w i l l try to r e v e a l h o w the i d e o l o g i c a l education t h r o u g h m u s e u m s successfully a c h i e v e d the d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n " U s " a n d " O t h e r " i n W e s t e r n societies. T o n y B e n n e t t discusses the b i r t h o f m o d e r n m u s e u m s f r o m the late 18th to e a r l y 19th centuries i n B r i t i s h society ( 1 9 9 5 , C h a p t e r 1). A c c o r d i n g to Bennett, n e w s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s e m e r g i n g f r o m the Industrial R e v o l u t i o n a n d the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f c a p i t a l i s m became the d r i v i n g forces o f the s o c i a l r e f o r m o f B r i t i s h society, a n d m u s e u m s , a l o n g w i t h l i b r a r y a n d p u b l i c lectures, served as useful c o m m u n i c a t i o n t o o l s for s u c h n o r m s a n d values ( 1 9 9 8 , p . 18). T h e changes i n the m o d e o f p r o d u c t i o n that a c c o m p a n i e d the s o c i a l changes resulted i n a s i g n i f i c a n t d e c l i n e i n the v a l u e o f s p e c i a l i z e d k n o w l e d g e a n d s k i l l s ; whereas the standardized k n o w l e d g e a n d s k i l l s b e c a m e o f greater v a l u e due t o their adaptability t o a w i d e r range o f o c c u p a t i o n s ( E r i k s e n , 2 0 0 2 , p p . 100-4). A t the same t i m e , the b i p o l a r i z a t i o n o f e c o n o m i c classes caused the creation o f a d e p r i v e d a n d e x p l o i t e d p o o r w o r k i n g class p o p u l a t i o n , c o n s i s t i n g o f the majority o f society. T h e s e r a p i d changes h a d a great i m p a c t o n the w a y society w a s o r g a n i z e d not o n l y at the m a c r o l e v e l , but also at the m i c r o l e v e l .  Interpersonal  relationships, w h i c h once w e r e o r g a n i z e d a r o u n d a k i n s h i p - b a s e d g r o u p a n d l o c a l i z e d g r o u p became w e a k e r . T h i s is because i n d i v i d u a l s w e r e p u l l e d a w a y , b o t h p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y a n d p h y s i c a l l y , f r o m s u c h a t i g h t l y k n i t c o m m u n i t y i n order to adapt to the r a p i d l y c h a n g i n g s o c i a l structure ( E r i k s e n , 2 0 0 2 , p p . 106-8). S o c i e t y b e c a m e fragmented, a n d the n e e d to reintegrate p e o p l e e m e r g e d to a v o i d the further fragmentation that c a n cause a serious c o l l a p s e o f the society. A s t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l ties f o r m e d a r o u n d k i n s h i p a n d l o c a l groups w e a k e n e d , p e o p l e began to lose a p o i n t o f reference a r o u n d w h i c h they c o u l d construct their identity a n d a sense o f b e l o n g i n g . S o c i e t y w a s i n need o f reconstructing identity to keep i t s e l f integrated, a n d  81 m u s e u m s s e e m e d to be a useful strategy to foster feelings that c o u l d be c o m m o n l y h e l d b y p e o p l e i n society. T h i s is w h e r e the character o f the m u s e u m as a p u b l i c space b e c o m e s o f great i m p o r t a n c e . I n the past, the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f m u s e u m c o l l e c t i o n s a n d e x h i b i t i o n w a s d e t e r m i n e d a c c o r d i n g to the w o r t h i n e s s o f the d o n o r ( M a c d o n a l d , 1998, p . 8). M u s e u m s w e r e p e r c e i v e d as a m u c h m o r e private r e a l m that w a s under a strong influence o f p r o m i n e n t i n d i v i d u a l s i n society. H o w e v e r , s o c i a l changes also l e d to changes i n the p l a c e o f m u s e u m s i n society. M u s e u m s h a d to be o p e n e d u p to educate the p u b l i c to h e l p t h e m d e v e l o p a n identity a n d a sense o f b e l o n g i n g ( M a c d o n a l d , 1998, p . 9 , 1 1 ) . I n this w a y , the s o c i a l m e a n i n g o f the m u s e u m d r a s t i c a l l y c h a n g e d . G r e e n w o o d c l a i m s that, as early as i n 1888, the m u s e u m b e c a m e "as necessary for the m e n t a l a n d m o r a l h e a l t h o f the c i t i z e n s as g o o d sanitary arrangements, water s u p p l y , a n d street l i g h t i n g are for their p h y s i c a l health a n d c o m f o r t " (cited i n Bennett, 1995, p . 18). M u s e u m s a c q u i r e d a n e w r o l e o f s p e a k i n g to a n d e d u c a t i n g the public. N o w let us l o o k at h o w the m u s e u m c o u l d a c h i e v e its status as a c o m m u n i c a t o r o f c o m m o n l y shared feelings i n society. T h e w a y i n w h i c h p e o p l e created their identity i n the past w a s m o s t l y based o n b l o o d ties a n d face-to-face r e l a t i o n s h i p s as m e n t i o n e d earlier. I n other w o r d s , their identity r e l i e d o n s o m e t h i n g " t a n g i b l e . " T h i s w a s n o l o n g e r the case i n m o d e r n , capitalist W e s t e r n societies. K a t r i e l ' s (1993) w o r k o n a heritage m u s e u m i n Israel e x e m p l i f i e s this p o i n t . S h e c l a i m s that the presentation o f i n d i v i d u a l experiences i n the f o r m o f a m u s e u m e x h i b i t i o n generates a sense o f " c o m m o n " h i s t o r y , a n d this h i s t o r y is interpreted as " c o m m o n " culture. P e r s o n a l experiences o f a n i n d i v i d u a l c a n be shared b y v i s i t o r s to the e x h i b i t i o n as theirs w h e n they have a s i m i l a r experience themselves. Therefore, they m a k e a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n their o w n experience a n d someone e l s e ' s experience o f a n e x h i b i t i o n , w h i c h d e v e l o p into the sense o f s h a r i n g the c o m m o n h i s t o r y a n d culture. T h e r e f o r e , the  82 f u n c t i o n o f the m u s e u m t o " s h o w a n d t e l l " i s effective t o m a k e s u c h abstract, h e n c e " i n t a n g i b l e " notions c o m p r e h e n s i v e t h r o u g h v i s u a l i z a t i o n . B u t h o w is it p o s s i b l e ? T h e a b i l i t y o f the m u s e u m to c o m m u n i c a t e i d e o l o g i c a l a n d abstract n o t i o n s to s o c i e t y m u s t be d e s c r i b e d here i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h B e n e d i c t A n d e r s o n ' s (1983) d i s c u s s i o n s o f p r i n t c a p i t a l i s m a n d its c o n t r i b u t i o n to the d e v e l o p m e n t o f n a t i o n a l i s m . I n h i s theory, w h a t m a d e p r i n t c a p i t a l i s m successful w a s p e o p l e ' s exposure to i d e n t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n t h r o u g h c i r c u l a t i o n o f p r i n t e d materials. E x p o s e d to the same i n f o r m a t i o n i n p r i n t e d materials, p e o p l e c a m e to accept i d e o l o g i e s i n the contents as theirs a n d b e g a n to r e a l i z e the existence o f a n " i m a g i n e d c o m m u n i t y . " S u c h a b i l i t y o f p r i n t e d materials to c o m m u n i c a t e s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n to the p u b l i c c a n be s i m i l a r l y f o u n d i n m u s e u m e x h i b i t i o n s ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 8 3 , C h a p t e r 10). " C o m m o n " h i s t o r y a n d culture i n the f o r m o f a m u s e u m e x h i b i t i o n fosters the sense o f s h a r i n g s o m e t h i n g c o m m o n a m o n g v i s i t o r s . T h e fact that the m u s e u m e x h i b i t i o n is c o n f i n e d i n the m u s e u m c o m p l e x a n d that p e o p l e are r e q u i r e d to m a k e a n effort to v i s i t m u s e u m s b e c o m e obstacles to c o m m u n i c a t e to a w i d e audience as w a s the case w i t h p r i n t e d materials. Y e t , the m u s e u m s t i l l has the p o w e r to c o m m u n i c a t e consistent i n f o r m a t i o n b y p r o v i d i n g the p u b l i c w i t h a " s i n g l e " set o f d i s p l a y e d objects. O n c e the e x h i b i t i o n is arranged i n a certain f o r m , it r e m a i n s the same for the d u r a t i o n o f the e x h i b i t i o n . Therefore, v i s i t o r s to the e x h i b i t i o n are e x p o s e d to e x a c t l y the same materials regardless o f the t i m e o f their v i s i t s . A l o n g s i d e the e x h i b i t i o n o f " c o m m o n " history a n d o w n culture, w h a t has b e c o m e p o p u l a r i n terms o f the m u s e u m e x h i b i t i o n is the d i s p l a y o f "different" a n d " d i s t i n c t i v e " cultures f r o m that o f o n e ' s o w n ( A l p e r s , 1991, p p . 3 1 - 2 ; M a c d o n a l d , 1998, p . 9 ) . E u r o p e a n e x p a n s i o n i s m a n d i m p e r i a l i s m l e d to the successive establishment o f E u r o p e a n c o l o n i e s i n n o n - E u r o p e a n countries a n d societies. O n e o u t c o m e o f c o l o n i a l i s m is a n increase i n  83 encounters b e t w e e n E u r o p e a n a n d n o n - E u r o p e a n peoples. T h e e x p e r i e n c e o f e n c o u n t e r i n g n o n - E u r o p e a n s made E u r o p e a n s aware o f differences b e t w e e n these t w o groups, a n d one consequence o f this w a s the d i c h o t o m i z a t i o n b e t w e e n E u r o p e a n s as " U s " a n d n o n - E u r o p e a n s as " O t h e r s . " M i t c h e l l (1988) c l a i m s that p e r c e i v i n g n o n - E u r o p e a n s as " O t h e r s " is i n fact h o w E u r o p e a n s m a d e t h e i r o w n identities. T h e lengthy quote f r o m h i s w o r k Colonizing  Egypt is  useful here: W h a t O r i e n t a l i s m offered w a s . . . a series o f absolute differences a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h the O r i e n t a l c o u l d be u n d e r s t o o d as the negative o f the E u r o p e a n . These differences w e r e not the differences w i t h i n a self, w h i c h w o u l d be understood as a n a l w a y s d i v i d e d identity; they w e r e the differences b e t w e e n a s e l f a n d its opposite, the opposite that m a k e s p o s s i b l e s u c h an i m a g i n a r y , u n d i v i d e d s e l f . . . .the d o m i n a t i o n o f the W e s t o v e r the n o n - W e s t e r n w o r l d depended o n this m a n n e r o f creating a ' W e s t ' , a s i n g u l a r W e s t e r n s e l f - i d e n t i t y . . . . w h a t is outside is p a r a d o x i c a l l y w h a t m a k e s the W e s t w h a t it i s , the e x c l u d e d yet integral part o f its identity a n d p o w e r , (p. 166) T h e p o i n t here i s that the c r e a t i o n o f " O t h e r s " as a d i s t i n c t i v e category, i.e., n o n - E u r o p e a n s o r O r i e n t a l s , o c c u r r e d i n a m a n n e r to reflect " U s . " T h e n o t i o n o f " U s " b e c o m e s c l e a r o n l y w h e n the images o f w h a t w e are not are v i s u a l i z e d a n d captured. T h i s creates a n i m a g i n a r y , a r t i f i c i a l , a n d yet p r o f o u n d b o u n d a r y d e t e r m i n i n g w h o b e l o n g s to " U s " and w h o does not. A n d anyone w h o does not satisfy the c r i t e r i a to be i n c l u d e d i n the g r o u p o f " U s " falls into the category o f " O t h e r s . " R e i n f o r c i n g the i d e a o f n o n - E u r o p e a n s as inferior a n d p r i m i t i v e p e o p l e w a s the w a y W e s t e r n societies understood " c u l t u r e . " C u l t u r e i n the m i d d l e o f 19th century E u r o p e meant " a s i n g l e e v o l u t i o n a r y process . . . [ w h i c h ] w a s w i d e l y b e l i e v e d to be the natural o u t c o m e o f a  84 l o n g d e v e l o p m e n t , a process t h a t . . . w a s a s s u m e d to be the b a s i c , p r o g r e s s i v e m o v e m e n t o f h u m a n i t y " ( C l i f f o r d , 1988, p . 92). M a c d o n a l d ' s (1998) a c c o u n t o n the s c i e n t i f i c e x h i b i t i o n s that w e r e dedicated to v i s u a l i z a t i o n o f the concept o f progress i n d e e d supports this p o i n t (pp. 9-13). M a c d o n a l d argues that s c i e n t i f i c e x h i b i t i o n s c o m m u n i c a t e d v a r i o u s k i n d s o f messages to the p u b l i c that ranged f r o m "the progress o f h u m a n k i n d a n d o f s c i e n t i f i c k n o w l e d g e " to a " p e r s o n a l j o u r n e y t o w a r d s greater k n o w l e d g e a n d m a s t e r y " ( 1 9 9 8 , p . 12). H e n c e , culture i n the W e s t e r n s o c i a l context w a s d e f i n e d as a l i n e a r d e v e l o p m e n t o f h u m a n k i n d t o w a r d s a single g o a l . Therefore, the j u d g m e n t s o f cultures o f " O t h e r s " w e r e based o n h o w far b e h i n d they stood f r o m E u r o p e a n culture. C l i f f o r d (1988), h o w e v e r , suggests that " c u l t u r e " i n W e s t e r n societies c a m e t o c h a n g e its m e a n i n g b y the t u r n o f the 2 0 t h century to be aware o f distinctiveness a n d p l u r a l i t y (p. 9 3 ) . H o w e v e r , this change i n the w a y i n w h i c h W e s t e r n societies p e r c e i v e d culture does not n e c e s s a r i l y m e a n that cultures o f " O t h e r s " c a m e to be treated e q u a l l y . T h e different attitudes to these cultures are e x e m p l i f i e d i n the v e r y act o f p h y s i c a l l y m o v i n g n o n - E u r o p e a n cultures to m u s e u m s as d i s p l a y e d objects to be enjoyed b y E u r o p e a n audiences, for e x a m p l e . D r a w i n g f r o m M a r y L o u i s e Pratt, C l i f f o r d uses the t e r m "contact z o n e " to m e a n "the space o f c o l o n i a l encounters, the space i n w h i c h p e o p l e g e o g r a p h i c a l l y a n d h i s t o r i c a l l y separated c o m e into contact w i t h e a c h other a n d establish o n g o i n g relations, u s u a l l y i n v o l v i n g c o n d i t i o n s o f c o e r c i o n , r a c i a l i n e q u a l i t y , a n d interactive c o n f l i c t " (Pratt, 1992, quoted i n C l i f f o r d , 1997, p . 192). T h i s statement h o l d s true w h e n w e l o o k at m u s e u m e x h i b i t i o n s o f n o n - E u r o p e a n cultures. A l t h o u g h n o n - E u r o p e a n cultures are not part o f " o u r " W e s t e r n societies, it i s acceptable for E u r o p e a n s to m o v e " t h e i r " cultures f r o m their o r i g i n a l settings. A s d e s c r i b e d earlier, the cultures o f " O t h e r s " w e r e b y n o means regarded as part o f " o u r " E u r o p e a n culture. O r , the p o s s i b i l i t y o f s u c h cultures b e c o m i n g part o f " o u r " culture w a s absent. T h i s is because  85 there w a s a s t r o n g n o t i o n o f d i c h o t o m i z a t i o n , d e n y i n g the erasure o f the b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n these t w o opposite g r o u p s : E u r o p e a n s a n d n o n - E u r o p e a n s w e r e the groups that are n e v e r s u p p o s e d to m i x together. F o r this reason, the concept o f E u r o p e a n s c a m e to be u n d e r s t o o d b y b e i n g assured o f w h a t they w e r e not, w h e n c o m p a r e d to n o n - E u r o p e a n s . I n this sense, r e f l e c t i n g the i m a g e o f o w n b e c a m e a n i n e v i t a b l e process o f identity c o n s t r u c t i o n i n the W e s t . H e n c e , s h o w i n g w h a t b e l o n g s t o " O t h e r s " i n v o l v e s u n e q u a l p o w e r relations b e t w e e n w h o is seeing a n d w h o is b e i n g seen. A s F o u c a u l t (1977) describes i n Discipline  and  Punish,  the c o n t i n u o u s o b s e r v a t i o n c a n l i n k the observer d i r e c t l y to the p o w e r that c a n be exerted o n the object o f the o b s e r v a t i o n . I n the context o f m u s e u m e x h i b i t i o n o f n o n - E u r o p e a n cultures i n W e s t e r n societies, it is E u r o p e a n s l o o k i n g at d i s p l a y e d cultures o f n o n - E u r o p e a n s . T h r o u g h s u c h a c t i v i t i e s , " W e s t e r n e r s h a d f o r centuries s t u d i e d a n d s p o k e n f o r the rest o f the w o r l d ; the reverse h a d not been the case" ( C l i f f o r d , 1988, p . 2 5 6 ) . T h e repetition o f this s e e i n g / b e i n g seen r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n E u r o p e a n s a n d n o n - E u r o p e a n s i n d e e d further r e i n f o r c e d the p o w e r relationships established t h r o u g h the h i s t o r y o f c o l o n i a l i s m .  4.3 Tourism and Museums without Walls as the Site of a New Form of Colonialism T h e a s s u m p t i o n that E u r o p e a n culture a n d n o n - E u r o p e a n cultures are m u t u a l l y e x c l u s i v e m a d e the r e a l m o f " O t h e r s " appear " e x t r a o r d i n a r y " a n d " e x o t i c " to W e s t e r n societies. A s M i t c h e l l (1988) p o i n t s out, c i t i n g E d w a r d S a i d ' s Orientalism,  the g r o w t h o f the  importance o f O r i e n t a l s , or n o n - E u r o p e a n s , has been p a r a l l e l to the g r o w t h o f c o m m e r c i a l a n d c o l o n i a l interest that E u r o p e h a d t o w a r d s O r i e n t a l s (p. 139). T h e trend o f e x h i b i t i n g n o n E u r o p e a n cultures i n d e e d strengthens the n o t i o n o f c o l o n i a l i s m or the u n e q u a l p o w e r r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n E u r o p e a n s a n d n o n - E u r o p e a n s e v e n i n the present context. I n this light, C l i f f o r d (1997) p r o v i d e s e x a m p l e s o f four m u s e u m s o n the w e s t coast o f C a n a d a , a l l o f w h i c h  86 feature l o c a l F i r s t N a t i o n groups a n d representations o f their cultures (Chapter 5). H e c r i t i c a l l y interprets the e x h i b i t i o n s o f F i r s t N a t i o n s s a y i n g that representations o f their histories are also a representation o f the h i s t o r y o f E u r o p e a n s i n w h i c h c o l o n i z a t i o n a n d e x p l o i t a t i o n p l a y e d a large part i n creating the s o c i a l order a n d i n e q u a l i t y that s t i l l exist i n t o d a y ' s w o r l d (p. 137).  T h i s c a n a p p l y to m a n y other e x a m p l e s o f n o n - E u r o p e a n c u l t u r a l e x h i b i t i o n s . T h e  representation o f subordinate n o n - E u r o p e a n h i s t o r y a n d culture cannot be p o s s i b l e w i t h o u t the representation o f E u r o p e a n c o l o n i a l i s m , because the e x p e r i e n c e o f b e i n g c o l o n i z e d i s a n i n f l u e n t i a l a n d important part o f w h a t c o m p r i s e s their h i s t o r y a n d culture. T h e post W o r l d W a r II era underwent tremendous changes that increased the m o b i l i t y o f g o o d s a n d p e o p l e . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d transportation t e c h n o l o g i e s c o n t r i b u t e d to a m u c h greater l e v e l o f associations b e y o n d n a t i o n a l boundaries. F o l l o w i n g these changes, the f o r m o f m u s e u m s also e x p e r i e n c e d s o m e k i n d o f transformation w i t h the h e l p o f f l o u r i s h i n g t o u r i s m . D e s p i t e s u c h transformation, h o w e v e r , m u s e u m s w e r e s t i l l able to spread the ideas a n d ideals o f c o l o n i a l i s m .  B e n n e t t (1995) e x p l a i n s that a m u s e u m i n the late 18th a n d early 19th centuries served as an arena w h e r e the p u b l i c learned s o c i a l l y acceptable a n d appropriate b e h a v i o u r s . H i s d i s c u s s i o n is based u p o n F o u c a u l t ' s theory about k n o w l e d g e a n d p o w e r relations generated i n the structure o f p r i s o n . I n Discipline  and Punish ( 1 9 7 7 ) , F o u c a u l t describes h o w the a c t i v i t i e s  o f o b s e r v a t i o n , w h i c h are f a c i l i t a t e d b y the p a n o p t i c a l structure o f p r i s o n , c a n create absolute p o w e r relations b e t w e e n the prisoners a n d guards. A c c o r d i n g to Bennett, the awareness o f other v i s i t o r s ' existence i n the c o n f i n e d space o f a m u s e u m is effective e n o u g h to m a k e a m u s e u m ' s d i s c i p l i n a r y f u n c t i o n w o r k ( 1 9 9 5 , C h a p t e r 2 ) . T h e v i s i t o r s c o m e to a m u s e u m to see the d i s p l a y e d objects, but at the same t i m e , it is p o s s i b l e that they are seen b y others i n the  87 g i v e n space a l o n g s i d e the d i s p l a y e d objects. T h e m u s e u m v i s i t o r s , therefore, take o n the roles o f b o t h the observer a n d the o b s e r v e d . H e n c e , the a c t i v i t y o f v i s i t i n g m u s e u m s i n v o l v e s a s i m i l a r p o w e r r e l a t i o n s h i p as the p r i s o n structure suggested b y F o u c a u l t , because it is this repetition o f o b s e r v i n g a n d b e i n g o b s e r v e d that creates the p o w e r relations w h i c h c a n regulate the b e h a v i o u r s o f the o b s e r v e d (Bennett, 1995, p p . 6 3 - 9 ) . F o r this reason the p u b l i c v o l u n t a r i l y learn h o w to behave i n the p u b l i c sphere i n the context o f m u s e u m settings b y b e c o m i n g aware o f other v i s i t o r s i n their presence. B e n n e t t p o i n t s out another d i s c i p l i n a r y f u n c t i o n o f m u s e u m s . H e suggests that the architecture o f m u s e u m s c a n also regulate p e o p l e ' s b e h a v i o u r s i n a m o r e p h y s i c a l w a y . T h e c o n f i n e d space created b y the m u s e u m structure l i m i t s v i s i t o r s ' c a p a c i t y for m o v i n g freely. B e n n e t t notes that the arrangement o f e x h i b i t i o n s w i t h i n the m u s e u m structure, s u c h as the w a y o f o r g a n i z i n g e x h i b i t i o n s has a c o e r c i v e force to direct p e o p l e ' s b e h a v i o u r s i n a certain m a n n e r ( 1 9 9 5 , C h a p t e r 2 ) . V i s i t o r s are e x p e c t e d to f o l l o w the paths inside the m u s e u m c o m p l e x f r o m the entrance to the e x i t a n d keep their hands a w a y f r o m d i s p l a y e d objects. W h e t h e r it is a c o n s c i o u s o r u n c o n s c i o u s act, p e o p l e learn e x p e c t e d b e h a v i o u r s i n the g i v e n e n v i r o n m e n t o f the m u s e u m . T h e m u s e u m ' s d i s c i p l i n a r y f u n c t i o n i s , h o w e v e r , d e c l i n i n g as the c o n c e p t o f " m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s " ( M a l r a u x , 1953) g r a d u a l l y c o m e s into existence. M a l r a u x c l a i m s that sites that c o n t a i n artifacts a n d c u l t u r a l objects c a n be attractive e n o u g h f o r p e o p l e t o v i s i t there i n the same w a y that they v i s i t m u s e u m s . I n the case o f m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s , d i s p l a y e d objects are presented i n their o r i g i n a l setting, w h i c h is a great advantage because they d o not have to damage the images o f authenticity o r distort the m e a n i n g s these objects h a v e ( M a c d o n a l d , 1998, p . 14). F u r t h e r m o r e , the c r u c i a l difference b e t w e e n o r d i n a l m u s e u m s a n d m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s is that the latter c a n offer the sense o f i n f i n i t y to the v i s i t o r s  88 d e r i v i n g f r o m the fact that there are n o w a l l s creating a c l o s e d space ( M a l r a u x , 1953, p . 16). B e c a u s e o f the absence o f p h y s i c a l boundaries p r e v e n t i n g the v i s i t o r s from certain m o v e m e n t s , m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s c a n not exert the same type o f p o w e r o n p e o p l e as that o f o r d i n a r y m u s e u m s or e v e n p r i s o n s ( H e t h e r i n g t o n , 1996, p . 160). T h e c o e r c i v e p o w e r exerted o n the p h y s i c a l m o v e m e n t s o f h u m a n b o d i e s is not effective i n the context o f m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s . A s H e t h e r i n g t o n suggests, the concept o f m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s d i m i n i s h e d the c o e r c i v e force that the architectural structure c o u l d exert o n h u m a n b o d i e s . T h e d i m i n i s h e d c o e r c i v e p o w e r gave the v i s i t o r s m o r e freedom to enjoy the objects i n their o w n w a y s . Instead o f the d e c l i n e o f s u c h p h y s i c a l r e s t r i c t i o n , h o w e v e r , I suggest that m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s brought a n e w d i m e n s i o n to p o w e r relations between the observer a n d the o b s e r v e d . A n d it w a s further c o n f i r m e d as t o u r i s m c a m e to be c o n n e c t e d t o the concept o f m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s . U t i l i z a t i o n o f a space w i t h artifacts or c u l t u r a l objects c a n increase the authenticity o f a d i s p l a y a n d h e l p m a i n t a i n the r e a l m e a n i n g s o f these artifacts a n d c u l t u r a l objects b y not r e m o v i n g t h e m from their o r i g i n a l site. K e e p i n g artifacts and c u l t u r a l objects i n their o r i g i n a l settings, a n d yet presenting t h e m as a n e x h i b i t i o n requires the observer to t r a v e l c o n s i d e r a b l e distances. T h i s c a n b e v i e w e d as a n e w p h e n o m e n o n that w a s i n v o l v e d i n the p r o c e s s o f the d e v e l o p m e n t o f m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s . I n this respect, the emergence o f m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s a n d the rise o f t o u r i s m are correlated. V i s i t i n g sites w i t h artifacts a n d c u l t u r a l objects w o r t h seeing has b e c o m e a major tourist a c t i v i t y . H o w e v e r , w h a t is p e r c e i v e d w o r t h seeing a n d w h o decides it? T h e concept o f t o u r i s m , l i k e the c o n c e p t o f m u s e u m s , is a c r e a t i o n o f W e s t e r n societies. T o u r i s m d e v e l o p e d p a r t i c u l a r l y after W o r l d W a r II i n W e s t e r n societies i n f l u e n c e d b y g l o b a l i z a t i o n ( U r r y , 2 0 0 2 , p p . 4 5 - 5 0 ) . T o u r i s m is established b y g e o g r a p h i c a l m o v e m e n t s , i.e. getting a w a y from o r d i n a r y life. H o w e v e r , w h a t r e m a i n s the same e v e n after the d e v e l o p m e n t  89 o f m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s a n d t o u r i s m is the p l a c e m e n t n o n - E u r o p e a n " e x o t i c " a n d " e x t r a o r d i n a r y " cultures as objects to be seen a n d e x p e r i e n c e d b y those w h o v i s i t the sites. S u c h cultures o f " O t h e r s " are s t i l l out there as a target o f c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n a n d e x p l o i t a t i o n to be enjoyed b y the E u r o p e a n : it b e c a m e o n l y a matter o f h o w far one must t r a v e l to enjoy a n d c o n s u m e the cultures o f " O t h e r s , " a n d distance is b e c o m i n g a s m a l l e r issue thanks to the d e v e l o p m e n t o f transportation t e c h n o l o g y a n d the trend o f g l o b a l i z a t i o n . U r r y (2002) defines t o u r i s m as f o l l o w s : [ T o u r i s m ] is about c o n s u m i n g g o o d s a n d services w h i c h are i n some sense unnecessary. T h e y are c o n s u m e d because they s u p p o s e d l y generate pleasurable experiences w h i c h are different f r o m those t y p i c a l l y encountered i n e v e r y d a y life. A n d yet at least a part o f that experience is to gaze u p o n or v i e w a set o f different scenes, o f landscapes or townscapes w h i c h are out o f their o r d i n a r y , (p. 1) F o r E u r o p e a n s w h o take part i n tourist a c t i v i t i e s , to v i s i t " e x o t i c " p l a c e s to e x p l o r e s o m e t h i n g " e x t r a o r d i n a r y " is a pleasant a n d i n t r i g u i n g experience. H o w e v e r , for the l o c a l s o f s u c h a p l a c e , the e n v i r o n m e n t c o n s u m e d b y tourists is s t i l l a p l a c e o f e v e r y d a y life. Therefore, i n some sense, their space is " c o l o n i z e d " b y the E u r o p e a n s i n the name o f t o u r i s m ( G r e e n w o o d , 1989, p . 173; O k i h i r o , 2 0 0 2 , p . 2 9 1 ) . T h e u t i l i z a t i o n a n d m a x i m i z a t i o n o f the " e x o t i c " a n d " e x t r a o r d i n a r y " atmospheres are the v e r y core features o f b o t h t o u r i s m a n d m u s e u m s . C u l t u r e is presented to those w h o d o not b e l o n g to it to be e n j o y e d a n d c o n s u m e d . T h e presentations o f n o n - E u r o p e a n cultures are made w i t h a n overt emphasis o n v i s u a l aspects to m a k e t h e m l o o k m o r e d i s t i n c t i v e a n d eyec a t c h i n g to a E u r o p e a n audience. M u s e u m s n e e d to " s h o w " interesting objects; hence c h o o s i n g v i s u a l l y attractive objects to m a k e the e x h i b i t i o n m o r e a p p e a l i n g is a n i n e v i t a b l e  90 process. S u c h m o d i f i c a t i o n o f c u l t u r a l representation is a i m e d not at the h o l d e r s o f the culture, but to the outsiders w h o c o n s u m e it. T o a d d s o m e e m p h a s i s o n s p e c i f i c aspects o f culture, h o w e v e r , c a n cause the loss o f the c u l t u r e ' s authenticity to those w h o b e l o n g to it because: C u l t u r e i n its v e r y essence is s o m e t h i n g that p e o p l e b e l i e v e i n implicitly.  B y m a k i n g it  part o f the t o u r i s m p a c k a g e , it is turned into a n e x p l i c i t a n d p a i d performance a n d n o longer c a n be b e l i e v e d i n the w a y it w a s before. T h u s , c o m m o d i t i z a t i o n o f culture i n effect robs p e o p l e o f the v e r y m e a n i n g s b y w h i c h they o r g a n i z e their l i v e s [italics o r i g i n a l ] . ( G r e e n w o o d , 1989, p . 179) I w o u l d argue here that the b i r t h o f m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s as part o f the rise o f t o u r i s m has further p r o m o t e d the n o t i o n o f c o l o n i a l i s m a n d r e i n f o r c e d u n e q u a l relations b e t w e e n E u r o p e a n s a n d n o n - E u r o p e a n s . T h e l o c a l cultures are m o d i f i e d , c o n s u m e d , a n d e x p l o i t e d i n the w a y that suits the E u r o p e a n tastes w i t h o u t the consent o f the l o c a l s . M u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s surely g i v e m o r e freedom to v i s i t o r s to m o v e at their w i l l . T h i s means, at the same t i m e , that they have a greater a b i l i t y to e x p l o r e the private r e a l m o f the l o c a l p e o p l e a n d their culture, a n d the m o r e l o c a l cultures are turned into c u l t u r a l e x h i b i t i o n s . T h i s c a n result i n strengthening the v i e w o f n o n - E u r o p e a n cultures as c o n s u m a b l e objects a n d the p e o p l e b e h i n d these cultures as subordinate.  4.4 Application of Theories to Vancouver's Chinatown In this section, V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n w i l l be a n a l y z e d as a m u s e u m w i t h o u t w a l l s that has been reconstructed t h r o u g h the perspectives o f w h i t e society. I intend to s h o w w h a t aspects o f " C h i n e s e n e s s " c o m e to be e m p h a s i z e d i n this p a r t i c u l a r g e o g r a p h i c a l space o f C h i n a t o w n t h r o u g h the process o f beautification, c h a n g i n g C h i n a t o w n f r o m a p l a c e to be  91 a v o i d e d , into a p l a c e to v i s i t . T h e b e a u t i f i c a t i o n schemes m a d e C h i n a t o w n into a space o f h i s t o r i c a l a n d c u l t u r a l f l a v o u r s w h e r e one c o u l d see C h i n e s e culture. I n this respect, C h i n a t o w n b e c a m e a m u s e u m w i t h o u t w a l l s , w h e r e one c a n experience " e x t r a o r d i n a r y " a n d " e x o t i c " atmospheres.  T h e transformation o f C h i n a t o w n i n d e e d c h a n g e d its s o c i a l m e a n i n g  a n d i m a g e i n V a n c o u v e r society. H o w e v e r , it has o n l y c h a n g e d the w a y i n w h i c h C h i n a t o w n signifies the status o f " O t h e r . " T h e r e d e v e l o p m e n t o f C h i n a t o w n w a s a c h i e v e d b y p u t t i n g a significant a m o u n t o f emphasis o n the v i s u a l i z a t i o n o f " C h i n e s e n e s s . " A s p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d , m u s e u m s and t o u r i s m are concepts created i n W e s t e r n societies. It is the E u r o p e a n v i e w o f C h i n e s e culture that p l a y e d a determinative r o l e i n d e c i d i n g w h a t s h o u l d be presented i n w h a t w a y , because it is for E u r o p e a n s that the v i s u a l i z a t i o n o f cultures are c o m m o d i f i e d t h r o u g h t o u r i s m a n d m u s e u m e x h i b i t i o n s . T h i s v i s u a l i z a t i o n , based u p o n the E u r o p e a n i m a g e s o f " a u t h e n t i c " C h i n e s e culture, w a s also a useful strategy to erase derogatory a n d u n f a v o u r a b l e images o f C h i n a t o w n that h a d persisted f o r decades. C h a n g i n g C h i n a t o w n ' s images for m o r e p o s i t i v e ones i n d e e d p r o m o t e d a favourable i m a g e o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r as a d e v e l o p e d m e t r o p o l i t a n c i t y i n w h i c h d i s t i n c t i v e s o c i a l groups c a n c o e x i s t i n h a r m o n y . A n d s u c h h a r m o n i o u s coexistence o f d i s t i n c t i v e g r o u p s is e x a c t l y w h a t C a n a d a ' s m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i d e a l l y p u r s u e d . I n other w o r d s , the c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n created the i d e a l p i c t u r e o f w h a t m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w a s s u p p o s e d to a c h i e v e . O n the other h a n d , h o w e v e r , the v i s u a l i z a t i o n o f culture i n C h i n a t o w n c a u s e d the space to b e c o m e a h i g h l y a r t i f i c i a l s o c i a l entity m a k i n g its status o f " O t h e r " a n e v e n m o r e concrete one.  T h e status o f " O t h e r " h i s t o r i c a l l y i m p o s e d o n the C h i n e s e a l l o w e d w h i t e society to restrict the life o f C h i n e s e i n V a n c o u v e r t o a great extent, d e p r i v i n g t h e m o f t h e i r r i g h t s a n d opportunities. S u c h d e p r i v a t i o n s further c o n f i r m e d their " O t h e r n e s s " i n s o c i e t y because o f the  92 l a c k o f access to a n d contact w i t h w h i t e society. A n d this r e i n f o r c e d their status as " O t h e r , " w h i l e g i v i n g w h i t e society a legitimate r e a s o n to d i s c r i m i n a t e against the C h i n e s e : it b e c a m e a v i c i o u s c y c l e . T h e C h i n e s e w e r e r a p i d l y b e c o m i n g a n object to be c o n t r o l l e d a n d regulated i n society where social norms and values were determined b y whites. Because o f C h i n a t o w n ' s " O t h e r n e s s , " it b e c a m e a p l a c e that physically e x i s t e d i n the boundaries o f the C i t y , but psychologically  e x i s t e d out o f it ( O k i h i r o , 2 0 0 2 , p . 2 9 4 ) . B e c a u s e o f the extreme s o c i a l and, to  some extent, residential segregation o f the C h i n e s e , the contact between w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e w a s scarce, a n d the C h i n e s e e x i s t e d c o m p l e t e l y outside o f the w h i t e s ' o r d i n a r y life context. T h e C h i n e s e a n d a n y t h i n g related to t h e m stood i n o p p o s i t i o n to w h i t e society, a n d h a v i n g a l o o k at C h i n e s e spaces w a s b e c o m i n g " e n j o y a b l e " for m a n y w h i t e s i n some senses because o f the p e r c e i v e d differences between t h e m ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , C h a p t e r 5). T h e v i e w s o f C h i n a t o w n a n d the C h i n e s e l i v i n g there c o u l d c o n f i r m the b e l i e f that w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e d i d not b e l o n g together. M o r e o v e r , the m u c h l o w e r standards o f l i v i n g f o u n d i n C h i n a t o w n e v e n strengthened the n o t i o n o f E u r o p e a n superiority, despite the fact that s u c h l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s w e r e partly due to the w a y that the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society treated the Chinese. D e s p i t e i n c r e a s i n g w h i t e interest i n C h i n a t o w n , there s t i l l r e m a i n e d persistent stigmas that kept m a n y p e o p l e a w a y f r o m C h i n a t o w n . T h e process o f t r a n s f o r m i n g C h i n a t o w n f r o m a ghetto to a p l a c e that c o u l d be safely v i s i t e d c h a n g e d it into a m u s e u m w i t h o u t w a l l s . It also affected the m o d e o f C h i n a t o w n ' s e c o n o m y , integrating it into a n d m a k i n g it dependent o n the structure o f E u r o p e a n t o u r i s m . F o r e x a m p l e , A n d e r s o n (1991) indicates that the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r a c k n o w l e d g e d the i n d u s t r i a l v a l u e o f C h i n a t o w n i n as early as 1924 (p. 141). T h e d i s c r i m i n a t o r y p o l i c y o f the g o v e r n m e n t i n the past d i d not leave the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d C h i n a t o w n m a n y options other than p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a t o u r i s m e c o n o m y to secure a m e a n s o f  93 g a i n i n g c u r r e n c y . T h e l o n g l a s t i n g r a c i s m a n d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n against the C h i n e s e d i d n o t a l l o w t h e m t o construct m e a n i n g f u l ties w i t h the w i d e r C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y that c o u l d foster better p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c opportunities. A s a result, the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d C h i n a t o w n h a d to take advantage o f the "different" a n d " d i s t i n c t i v e " characteristics g i v e n to t h e m b y w h i t e society. I r o n i c a l l y e n o u g h , C h i n a t o w n ' s character as "different" a n d " d i s t i n c t i v e " b e c a m e the v e r y reason it c o u l d f l o u r i s h i n a tourist e c o n o m y . B e c a u s e o f its " a b i l i t y " to b e c o m e a n object o f a n e x h i b i t i o n o f " O t h e r n e s s , " C h i n a t o w n s u r v i v e d i n V a n c o u v e r society. C h a o (1971) r e m a r k s about the increase o f t o u r i s m i n C h i n a t o w n d r a w i n g f r o m e x a m p l e s i n the U n i t e d States: M a n y t r a v e l agencies i n S a n F r a n c i s c o a n d N e w Y o r k C i t y h a v e g u i d e d tours o f t h e i r C h i n a t o w n s . F o r $ 3 . 5 0 , a p e r s o n gets a 2 Vi - h o u r g u i d e d trip t h r o u g h the streets i n C h i n a t o w n , i n c l u d i n g a C h i n e s e m e a l . T h i s type o f arrangement has attracted m a n y w h i t e tourists to s u c h a degree that g u i d e d tours o f C h i n a t o w n s o c c u r a l m o s t e v e r y d a y , (p. 9 1 ) T h i s quite p r e c i s e l y illustrates C h i n a t o w n ' s status as a tourist destination b y r e v e a l i n g that the v i s i t s to C h i n a t o w n s w e r e a c t i v i t i e s arranged b y travel agencies.  C h i n a t o w n , became a place  to v i s i t , a p l a c e p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y outside o f the e v e r y d a y context, has b e c o m e a site that b e l o n g e d to " O t h e r . " A l t h o u g h C h i n a t o w n ' s dependency o n the tourist e c o n o m y i s l a r g e l y due to external p o l i t i c a l factors, b y the late 1960s, the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y accepted t o u r i s m as part o f C h i n a t o w n ' s character. T h i s character w a s e v e n p u t f o r w a r d b y the C h i n e s e themselves to protest against the p l a n to b u i l d a freeway c u t t i n g t h r o u g h C h i n a t o w n . T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r p l a n n e d the r e d e v e l o p m e n t o f the C i t y i n the 1960s, a n d the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the freeway w a s  94 part o f it. T h e p l a n to b u i l d the freeway w a s p r o p o s e d to foster a s m o o t h f l o w o f traffic into the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r a n d a n increased a c c e s s i b i l i t y to the d o w n t o w n area ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p . 2 0 0 ) . A l t h o u g h the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r m i g h t not h a v e p l a n n e d to tear d o w n C h i n a t o w n as a w h o l e , the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i n V a n c o u v e r feared the destruction o f C h i n a t o w n , nonetheless ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p p . 2 0 0 - 9 ) . T o a v o i d s u c h a situation, the merchant o r g a n i z a t i o n m a d e a c l a i m to the C i t y g o v e r n m e n t to protect C h i n a t o w n f r o m b e i n g destroyed. T h e y argued: C h i n a t o w n is a t r a d i t i o n , a l a n d m a r k a n d a m a j o r tourist attraction o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r a n d has been s u c h a l m o s t since the b i r t h o f the C i t y . T o d a y , the T o u r i s t business is the s e c o n d largest business i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n terms o f d o l l a r s a n d cents. T h o u s a n d s o f d o l l a r s are spent a n n u a l l y p r o m o t i n g the tourist business i n V a n c o u v e r a n d i n p r o m o t i n g the c i t y as a C o n v e n t i o n C i t y . C h i n a t o w n has a l w a y s been o n the A g e n d a o f v i s i t i n g delegates. ( C h i n e s e B e n e v o l e n t A s s o c i a t i o n , 1967) T o u r i s m h a d g r o w n to a degree that c o u l d j e o p a r d i z e the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d C h i n a t o w n i f it w a s taken a w a y f r o m t h e m ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p . 2 0 4 ) . T h e persistent protests against the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the freeway e n d e d i n f a v o u r o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . H o w e v e r , the path C h i n a t o w n f o l l o w e d after this i n c i d e n t resulted i n the destruction o f the c l o s e ties between the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d C h i n a t o w n . W h a t is s i g n i f i c a n t a n d yet i r o n i c is the fact that to p r o m o t e t o u r i s m , C h i n e s e themselves e x p l o i t e d racist images to protect their s o c i a l space.  4.5 Reconstruction of New Images of Vancouver's Chinatown R e n d e r i n g C h i n e s e culture a n d space as c o m m o d i t i e s to be c o n s u m e d i n the setting o f t o u r i s m p a r t i a l l y affected the w a y s i n w h i c h V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y p e r c e i v e d a n d interacted w i t h C h i n a t o w n . T h i s is i n d i c a t e d b y e x a m i n i n g h o w C h i n a t o w n ' s s o c i a l images w e r e reconstructed w i t h the v i s u a l i z a t i o n o f C h i n e s e culture initiated b y the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r .  95 S u c h transformation m o u l d e d C h i n a t o w n into a s o c i a l entity that d i d not c u l t u r a l l y b e l o n g to either w h i t e s or the C h i n e s e . C h i n a t o w n h a d not necessarily been f a v o u r a b l y p e r c e i v e d b y the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society throughout h i s t o r y . T h e c o m m o n l y h e l d images o f C h i n a t o w n for decades i n c l u d e : a m e n a c e to society; filthiness; o p i u m d e n a n d addicts; l o w standards o f l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s s u c h as e x t r e m e l y c r o w d e d a c c o m m o d a t i o n s ; p r o s t i t u t i o n ; a n d g a m b l i n g . It is noticeable that these images p l a c e d u p o n C h i n a t o w n have a n e x t r e m e l y c l o s e c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the stereotyped a n d s t i g m a t i z e d activities o f the C h i n e s e residents i n the area. A great d e a l o f o v e r l a p c a n be f o u n d between the images o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d o f C h i n a t o w n . B e c a u s e o f their s i g n i f i c a n t l y c l o s e ties, the images o f the C h i n e s e w e r e reflected i n those o f C h i n a t o w n , s h o w i n g that C h i n a t o w n i n the past h a d b e l o n g e d to the C h i n e s e . N o w that C h i n a t o w n has established its place i n society as a tourist attraction, the focus has shifted to its appearance that speaks to w h i t e society. T h e images o f C h i n a t o w n that h a d been h e l d i n society before the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n schemes w e r e the creations o f w h i t e society: C h i n e s e culture a n d customs w e r e p e r c e i v e d a n d interpreted a c c o r d i n g to the s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s o f w h i t e s . I n spite o f this fact, these i m a g e s b e c a m e the v e r y object o f re-creation, a g a i n as a result o f w h i t e i n i t i a t i v e s . A n d the w a y i n w h i c h the c i t y g o v e r n m e n t intended to beautify C h i n a t o w n w a s m a i n l y t h r o u g h a v i s u a l i z a t i o n o f " C h i n e s e n e s s , " o r p u t t i n g a v i s u a l i z e d emphasis o n w h a t seemed m o r e l i k e C h i n e s e culture to them. O k i h i r o ' s (2002) w o r k o n C h i n a t o w n s i n A m e r i c a is d i r e c t l y relevant here. H e states that C h i n a t o w n s i n the present A m e r i c a n society are " v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s " w h i c h are the textual a n d i m a g i n a r y c o m m u n i t i e s created t h r o u g h t o u r i s m activities (p. 2 9 1 ) . B e c a u s e o f the r o l e o f C h i n a t o w n as a tourist site that s h o w s C h i n e s e culture, " o r i e n t a l i z i n g o f C h i n a t o w n w o r k e d for its creators" (Okihiro, 2002, p. 300).  96 M i t c h e l l (1988) shares a s i m i l a r v i e w w i t h O k i h i r o o n " o r i e n t a l " p l a c e s . H e sees s u c h sites as spaces w h e r e the search for the structure that is " r a i s e d i n the i m a g i n a t i o n " takes p l a c e (p. 2 1 ) . H e goes o n to say that E u r o p e a n v i s i t o r s " c o m e e x p e c t i n g to find a w o r l d w h e r e a structure or m e a n i n g exists s o m e h o w apart, as i n a n e x h i b i t i o n , f r o m the ' r e a l i t y ' o f t h i n g s - i n t h e m s e l v e s " ( M i t c h e l l , 1988, p . 2 1 ) . M i t c h e l l ' s account o n o r i e n t a l spaces constructed i n the i m a g i n a t i o n o f E u r o p e a n s b e c o m e s legitimate w h e n w e l o o k into the w a y C h i n a t o w n w a s reconstructed to suit E u r o p e a n tastes. A s s h o w n earlier i n this chapter, W e s t e r n societies have a l o n g h i s t o r y o f representing cultures o f " O t h e r s " i n the f o r m o f e x h i b i t i o n . T h e emergence o f m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s a n d t o u r i s m has c h a n g e d the w a y that v i s i t o r s interact w i t h the d i s p l a y e d objects. F o r e x a m p l e , v i s i t o r s c a n t o u c h o r e x p e r i e n c e the "objects." Y e t , b o t h m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s a n d t o u r i s m s t i l l p l a c e the a c t i v i t y o f seeing i n the centre.  This  e x p l a i n s the direct l i n k to the focus o n the v i s u a l aspect w h e n a m u s e u m w i t h o u t w a l l s a n d a tourist attraction is created.  T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s intention to p u t a strong emphasis o n the v i s u a l aspects o f C h i n e s e culture is c l e a r l y expressed i n Chinatown,  Vancouver, B.C.: Design Proposal  For  Improvement, p u b l i s h e d i n 1964 b y the C i t y P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t . A c c o r d i n g to the p r o p o s a l , the i m p r o v e m e n t schemes i n v o l v e d the f o l l o w i n g four stages: 1) r e - r o u t i n g o f h e a v y traffic; 2) p r o v i s i o n o f off-street p a r k i n g ; 3) r e d e v e l o p m e n t o f the l a n d d e f i n e d b y P e n d e r Street, C o l u m b i a Street, a n d P e n d e r a n d K e e f e r D i v i s i o n ; a n d 4) c o n s t r u c t i o n o f pedestrian m a l l s o n E a s t P e n d e r Street (p. 8). It s h o u l d be noted that the first t w o stages o f the schemes w e r e v e r y i n f l u e n t i a l o n the v i s u a l i m p r e s s i o n o f C h i n a t o w n . F o r this reason, I w i l l focus o n these p o i n t s here. T h e h e a v y traffic a n d cars p a r k e d o n the streets c o n f l i c t e d w i t h the images o f h o w C h i n a t o w n s h o u l d  97 appear to w h i t e society. T h i s e x e m p l i f i e s the p o i n t s m a d e b y b o t h O k i h i r o a n d M i t c h e l l . H e a v y traffic a n d existence o f cars o n the streets are characterized b y i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n a n d the i n v e n t i o n o f m a s s p r o d u c t i o n started i n W e s t e r n societies. B e c a u s e C h i n a t o w n is p e r c e i v e d as a r e a l m o f n o n - E u r o p e a n s i n the m i n d s o f E u r o p e a n s , C h i n a t o w n is not supposed to share the same or e v e n s i m i l a r features as W e s t e r n societies. A l t h o u g h e x c l u d e d a n d m a r g i n a l i z e d , C h i n a t o w n is part o f V a n c o u v e r society at least i n terms o f its g e o g r a p h i c a l l o c a t i o n . Therefore, i n some w a y it has also t a k e n part i n the d e v e l o p m e n t o f the society. H o w e v e r , because o f its character as " O t h e r " i n society, C h i n a t o w n w a s d e n i e d the chance to appear l i k e other areas o f the C i t y . K e e p i n g the v i s i b i l i t y o f traffic a n d cars l o w is not the o n l y e x a m p l e . A m o n g a l l the features o f C h i n a t o w n , the m o s t aesthetic a n d e y e - c a t c h i n g is the abundant use o f the c o l o u r r e d a n d the existence o f a n u m b e r o f signs f i l l e d w i t h C h i n e s e characters.  These features  contribute to the creation o f a p e c u l i a r atmosphere i n C h i n a t o w n that has a strong appeal to w h i t e s . K a l m a n ( 1 9 7 3 ) c o m p i l e d a report o n the c o n d i t i o n s o f b u i l d i n g s i n C h i n a t o w n , w h i c h w a s submitted to the C i t y P l a n n i n g Department.  K a l m a n , w h o w a s a professor o f the  D e p a r t m e n t o f A r c h i t e c t u r e at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a at that t i m e , b a s e d h i s report o n a n e x a m i n a t i o n o f b u i l d i n g s a n d architectural structures i n C h i n a t o w n . H e c a t e g o r i z e d these b u i l d i n g s a c c o r d i n g to the different architectural styles a n d suggested w h a t k i n d s o f renovations a n d restoration s h o u l d be done i f there w a s any need for s u c h treatments. T h i s report reveals a n e x t r e m e l y interesting fact: most o f the b u i l d i n g s i n C h i n a t o w n w e r e i n d e e d d e s i g n e d b y E u r o p e a n architects a n d w e r e b u i l t i n n o n - C h i n e s e architectural styles, a l t h o u g h it a l s o suggests that a m o d i f i c a t i o n o f the use o f recessed b a l c o n i e s a b o v e the g r o u n d f l o o r w a s a d d e d to the styles to increase the C h i n e s e l o o k ( K a l m a n , 1973, p p , 7, 28-9). M o r e o v e r , K a l m a n indicates the absence o f b u i l d i n g s d e s i g n e d b y C h i n e s e architects i n C h i n a t o w n b y  98 s a y i n g that "the w o r k o f the o n l y C h i n e s e architect o f r e c o r d , W . H . C h o w , h a v e suffered so b a d l y f r o m d e m o l i t i o n a n d alternation that w e k n o w little about h i s s t y l e " (p. 7). Therefore, w h a t is presented to w h i t e s as " C h i n e s e " is not g e n u i n e l y C h i n e s e , but a m i x t u r e o f E u r o p e a n a n d C h i n e s e cultures. T h i s raises a n important q u e s t i o n . I f w h a t is presented to society as " C h i n e s e " i s not c o m p l e t e l y C h i n e s e , w h y d o p e o p l e s t i l l p e r c e i v e it as C h i n e s e ? E x p l i c i t v i s u a l i z a t i o n o f w h a t W e s t e r n societies p e r c e i v e d as " C h i n e s e " b e c a m e a useful s o l u t i o n . I n this sense, the use o f the c o l o u r r e d i n C h i n a t o w n is h i g h l y intentional. I n h i s report, K a l m a n c l e a r l y states that the use o f r e d tiles to b u i l d detached rooflets is e m p l o y e d i n order to m a k e t h e m l o o k O r i e n t a l , i n a n a r t i f i c i a l w a y ( 1 9 7 3 , p . 38). T h e replacement o f o l d street l i g h t i n g w i t h n e w l i g h t i n g o n r e d p o l e s is another e x a m p l e o f the use o f r e d w i t h a n i n t e n t i o n to enhance the C h i n e s e atmosphere.  T h i s replacement w a s suggested f o l l o w i n g the  case o f S a n F r a n c i s c o ' s C h i n a t o w n because it has p r o v e n that the c o l o u r r e d c a n create " a distinct o r i e n t a l character" ( C i t y P l a n n i n g Department, 1964, p . 16) a n d therefore, the C i t y thought that it w o u l d w o r k w e l l i n V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n . T h e d e f i n i t i o n o f a distinct oriental character or a n oriental l o o k r e m a i n s v a g u e i n b o t h proposal a n d K a l m a n ' s report, h o w e v e r . It c a n be a s s u m e d that the fact that O r i e n t a l s stood i n opposite to w h i t e s b e c a m e so o b v i o u s i n the l o n g h i s t o r y o f c o l o n i a l i s m that s u c h a n o t i o n p r o b a b l y d i d not appear as s o m e t h i n g to be s p e c i f i e d o r e x p l a i n e d .  Chinatown Historic Area Streetscape Improvement Project ( T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ) p u b l i s h e d i n F e b r u a r y 1979 is a n e x c e l l e n t source that reveals h o w m u c h effort w a s put i n to m a k e C h i n a t o w n e v e n m o r e " C h i n e s e " b y p a y i n g a s i g n i f i c a n t amount o f attention to the v i s u a l aspects. T h i s m e m o r a n d u m s u m m a r i z e s the c o n f l i c t between the C i t y P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t a n d the E n g i n e e r i n g D e p a r t m e n t o v e r the brightness a n d the cost o f t w o different types o f suggested l i g h t i n g o n P e n d e r Street. T h e E n g i n e e r i n g D e p a r t m e n t c o n s i d e r e d safety  99 a n d cost e f f i c i e n c y as the m o s t important factors i n c h o o s i n g one o f the t w o suggested l i g h t i n g o p t i o n s , a n d the o n e they thought s h o u l d be c h o s e n w a s brighter a n d cheaper to m a i n t a i n . O n the other h a n d , the C i t y P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t insisted that the l i g h t i n g c h o i c e must m a x i m i z e the appearance o f C h i n a t o w n . T h e C i t y P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t o v e r - r u l e d the E n g i n e e r i n g D e p a r t m e n t a n d l i g h t i n g i n C h i n a t o w n w a s c h a n g e d to reflect the o p i n i o n o f the C i t y P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t . A s suggested i n the d e s i g n p r o p o s a l o f 1964, l i g h t i n g p o l e s w e r e p a i n t e d r e d a n d this p l a y e d a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n m a k i n g the e n v i r o n m e n t m o r e " C h i n e s e . " F i r s t l y , the c o l o u r sets the area apart f r o m the rest o f the C i t y , w h e r e l i g h t i n g p o l e s are p a i n t e d green. S e c o n d l y , the shared k n o w l e d g e i n w h i t e s o c i e t y that the c o l o u r r e d is often u s e d o n o c c a s i o n s o f c e l e b r a t i o n i n C h i n e s e culture d i r e c t l y l i n k s o n e ' s i m a g i n a t i o n to the " C h i n e s e n e s s . " A l o n g w i t h the street l i g h t i n g , the effective use o f signage i n C h i n a t o w n w a s another strategy that the C i t y P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t e m p l o y e d to increase the " C h i n e s e " appearance i n the area. T h e C i t y P l a n n i n g D e p a r t m e n t i m p o s e d a set o f regulations that s p e c i f i c a l l y a p p l i e d o n l y to C h i n a t o w n . T h r o u g h these regulations, the business a n d store o w n e r s o f the area w e r e r e q u i r e d to endure these d o u b l e standards despite the e x p e n s i v e maintenance costs. T h i s c a n serve as e v i d e n c e o f u n e q u a l relations b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e as O k i h i r o (2002) p o i n t s out (p. 2 9 8 ) . Chinatown: Sign Guidelines ( C i t y P l a n n i n g Department, 1974) reads: V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n presently has a u n i q u e ethnic a n d v i s u a l character.  These  g u i d e l i n e s are intended to ensure the p r e s e r v a t i o n a n d encouragement o f s o m e o f the e n v i r o n m e n t a l aspects w h i c h contributed to its present attractiveness a n d distinctiveness. W h i l e this area is c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y a m i x t u r e o f o l d e r , h i s t o r i c a l l y significant structures a n d b u i l d i n g s m o r e recently constructed, m a n y o f t h e m d o , h o w e v e r , h a v e a strong characteristic C h i n e s e m o t i f , i n c l u d i n g s o m e o f the signs (except m a n y o f those o f recent years w h i c h c o n f o r m to m o r e u n i v e r s a l s i g n i n g  100 methods). M u c h o f the character o f C h i n a t o w n , i n fact, is d i r e c t l y attributable to the m u l t i t u d e o f c o m p l e x , decorative signs. S i g n i n g p o l i c i e s i n this area s h o u l d , therefore, be m o r e tolerant o f the n u m b e r , size a n d p l a c e m e n t o f a l l signs (except i n the case o f those structures d e e m e d o f the highest historic/aesthetic s i g n i f i c a n c e ) . A l l n e w s i g n i n g i n this area s h o u l d , h o w e v e r , incorporate C h i n e s e m o t i f s , s y m b o l s a n d f o r m s rather than stereotyped s i g n types w h i c h d o m i n a t e other c o m m e r c i a l areas, (p. 2) B y suggesting that C h i n e s e characters a n d m o t i f s be u s e d i n signs a n d that signs i n C h i n a t o w n not f o l l o w the c o m m o n types o f signs outside o f C h i n a t o w n , this r e g u l a t i o n i n d e e d f o r c e d C h i n a t o w n to l i v e u p to the stereotyped i m a g e s p r o d u c e d b y w h i t e s . S u c h c u l t u r a l l y v i s u a l i z e d images o f C h i n a t o w n are c l e a r indicators o f difference b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e . A s d i s c u s s e d earlier i n this chapter, a m u s e u m i s a p l a c e w h e r e differences are articulated a n d r e a l i z e d i n a v i s u a l w a y , a n d i n m o s t cases, the differences refer to those between E u r o p e a n s a n d n o n - E u r o p e a n s . T h e b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n i n V a n c o u v e r that t o o k p l a c e f r o m the late 1960s c l e a r l y e x e m p l i f i e s this. T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f C h i n a t o w n w a s to f o l l o w the p i c t u r e o f authentic C h i n e s e culture created b y w h i t e s o c i e t y w i t h a great emphasis o n the v i s u a l aspects. C h i n a t o w n h a d to be preserved w i t h o u t b l e n d i n g into the landscape o f the rest o f the C i t y . D i s t a n c e b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e b e c a m e e v e n m o r e p r o n o u n c e d b y p r e s e n t i n g i t to the s o c i e t y i n a v i s u a l i z e d w a y . T h e b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n focuses o n the external appearance.  Kalman'  statement is a g o o d e x a m p l e . H e remarks that the e x t e r i o r o f b u i l d i n g s , w h i c h is d i r e c t l y e x p o s e d to the p u b l i c , h a d to f o l l o w specific regulations, whereas the i n t e r i o r w a s not the subject o f s u c h regulations unless a b u i l d i n g w a s u s e d for p u b l i c purposes ( 1 9 7 3 , p . 74). T h e exterior o f b u i l d i n g s a n d signage g a i n e d greater attention than a n y t h i n g else i n C h i n a t o w n , a n d this w a s the focus for e n h a n c i n g the e x o t i c atmosphere o f C h i n a t o w n . T h i s e x a m p l e indicates  101 that the v i s u a l i z a t i o n o f " C h i n e s e n e s s " matters o n l y w h e n it is e x p o s e d t o the eyes o f w h i t e society, s e r v i n g as e v i d e n c e that the v i s u a l i z a t i o n is i n d e e d done for the pleasure a n d enjoyment o f w h i t e s . In the process o f beautification, it seems that C h i n a t o w n w a s detached f r o m the characteristics o f p e o p l e w h o b e l o n g e d there. It is fair to say that the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n w a s a c c o m p l i s h e d i n a w a y that reflects E u r o p e a n tastes i n e x o t i c i s m and authenticity; i.e., authenticity p r o d u c e d i n their o w n i m a g i n a t i o n . H o w e v e r , it d i d not reflect the changes o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y that t o o k p l a c e a l o n g s i d e the transformation o f C h i n a t o w n . C h a o ( 1 9 7 1 ) indicates that dress, f o o d , a n d c u s t o m s o f the C h i n e s e i n C a n a d a began to s h o w the influence o f W e s t e r n culture b y the 1930s a n d 1940s (pp. 7 3 - 4 ) . T h e beautification o f C h i n a t o w n , h o w e v e r , does not incorporate s u c h changes. It is important to note that the d e v e l o p m e n t a n d preservation o f C h i n a t o w n c o n f l i c t w i t h e a c h other. B y erasing unpleasant i m a g e s o f C h i n a t o w n o f the past a n d g i v i n g it a m o r e c u l t u r a l character, C h i n a t o w n r a p i d l y b e c a m e a h i s t o r i c space i n V a n c o u v e r society. D e s p i t e the fact that C h i n a t o w n w a s p e r c e i v e d as a ghetto i n the past, this w a s n o w a n important area o f the C i t y because o f its " h i s t o r i c a l " a n d " c u l t u r a l " characteristics that n o w e n r i c h e d society. T h e b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n w a s c a r r i e d out b a s e d o n the b e l i e f that C h i n a t o w n h a d to be " p r e s e r v e d " i n a w a y that c o u l d g i v e a sense o f retrospective a n d h i s t o r y to w h i t e society. T h i s c o n f l i c t s w i t h the n o t i o n o f the future-oriented progress o f society, o n w h i c h W e s t e r n societies h a d d e v e l o p e d . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f C h i n a t o w n h a d to be a c h i e v e d w i t h o u t l o s i n g the " t r a d i t i o n a l C h i n e s e " atmosphere. A n d " t r a d i t i o n a l C h i n e s e " suggests w i d e , u n b r i d g e a b l e differences between w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e . T h e n e w images o f C h i n a t o w n b e c a m e less associated w i t h those o f the c o n t e m p o r a r y C h i n e s e i n V a n c o u v e r as a result o f the  102 beautification schemes. C h i n a t o w n w a s taken a w a y f r o m the C h i n e s e b y w h i t e society w i t h o u t their consent a n d m o u l d e d into w h a t w h i t e s w a n t e d to b e l i e v e w a s " C h i n e s e . " W h a t is the o u t c o m e o f b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n , then? A s d i s c u s s e d i n the p r e v i o u s chapter, C a n a d i a n society started to express c u l t u r a l differences supported b y the o f f i c i a l p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . T h e attempt to m a k e C h i n a t o w n c u l t u r a l l y d i s t i n c t i v e i s , after a l l , c o n f i r m i n g the status o f C h i n a t o w n as " O t h e r " i n society. T h e w o r d s u s e d to describe C h i n a t o w n today h a v e less negative connotations c o m p a r e d to the past because o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m and s o c i e t y ' s c h a n g i n g c o n s c i o u s n e s s about differences b e t w e e n g r o u p s i n society. H o w e v e r , C h i n a t o w n is s t i l l a n object that is presented as a n e x p r e s s i o n o f d i v e r s i t y w i t h i n society, a n d d i v e r s i t y c a n exist o n l y w h e n there are boundaries that demarcate e a c h g r o u p . M i t c h e l l (1988) points out that p o s s e s s i o n o f a space o f " O t h e r s " a n d k e e p i n g it a space o f " O t h e r s " h e l p to create a stable identity o f a m o d e r n c i t y because it c a n serve as a p o i n t o f reference to project w h a t its identity is b y c o m p a r i n g to w h a t it is not (p. 165). V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n i n d e e d fulfills this f u n c t i o n o f p r o d u c i n g a concrete identity o f V a n c o u v e r b y presenting i t s e l f as a s y m b o l o f d i v e r s i t y . K e e p i n g C h i n a t o w n as a d i s t i n c t i v e space i n the c i t y f u l l o f e x o t i c atmosphere is a r e f l e c t i o n o f V a n c o u v e r ' s o w n statement o f w h a t it is not.  4 . 6 Chinatown: The Present and Future In c l o s i n g this chapter, I w i l l indicate that C h i n a t o w n ' s status as a m u s e u m has been e m b r a c e d b y the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . I w i l l s p e c i f i c a l l y focus o n the i n v o l v e m e n t o f the C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e to b r i n g u p this p o i n t . T h e C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e w a s f o u n d e d i n 1973 w i t h the financial support f r o m the m u n i c i p a l , p r o v i n c i a l , and federal g o v e r n m e n t s , a n d its g o a l s w e r e to p r o m o t e a n d c o m m u n i c a t e C h i n e s e culture, a n d to increase u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f  103 the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i n C a n a d a ( C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e , 1993). T h e C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e today consists o f five m a i n parts, a n d a m o n g w h i c h , I w i l l discuss t w o o f t h e m here as the e x a m p l e s o f the C h i n e s e c u l t u r a l representation by the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y for w h i t e s . T h e first e x a m p l e is the c o m p l e x o f the M u s e u m and A r c h i v e s , w h i c h o p e n e d to the p u b l i c i n 1998.  T h e b u i l d i n g o f the M u s e u m a n d A r c h i v e s " i s r e m i n i s c e n t o f the architecture  o f the M i n g D y n a s t y (1368 - 1644) w i t h its t i l e d a n d c u r v i n g r o o f ( M u s e u m a n d A r c h i v e s C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e , n.d.). It needs to be m e n t i o n e d that the architectural style f l o u r i s h e d i n the p e r i o d o f the M i n g D y n a s t y has n o relevance to any m e m b e r s o f t o d a y ' s C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i n V a n c o u v e r . Therefore, it does not reflect their culture o r e x p e r i e n c e . T h e s e c o n d e x a m p l e is the S u n Y a t - s e n G a r d e n w h o s e c o n s t r u c t i o n w a s a n n o u n c e d i n 1983.  T h i s garden a l s o f o l l o w e d the s t y l e that d e v e l o p e d i n the M i n g D y n a s t y era. N o t o n l y  the garden w a s b u i l t i n the style that m e m b e r s o f t o d a y ' s C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y c o u l d not identify w i t h , but also the materials u s e d for the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the garden w e r e fabricated i n C h i n a a n d then brought to V a n c o u v e r to increase its " a u t h e n t i c i t y " ( C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e , 1993). It seems clear that the C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e i n fact p r o m o t e s C h i n a t o w n as a p l a c e to v i s i t w h e r e one c a n see a n d experience " e x o t i c " a n d " a u t h e n t i c " C h i n e s e culture. It s h o u l d be m e n t i o n e d , t h o u g h , that the g o v e r n m e n t s ' i n v o l v e m e n t as sponsors m i g h t h a v e h a d an influence o n the d e c i s i o n s made b y the C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e to s o m e extent. H o w e v e r , w h a t e v e r p o l i t i c a l pressures m a y exist, the C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e functions as a m a j o r p r o m o t e r o f C h i n e s e culture to the w i d e r V a n c o u v e r society today. A s C h i n a t o w n strengthened its character as a m u s e u m , the departure o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y f r o m it b e c a m e m o r e o b v i o u s . T o the current C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y , the indifference o f the y o u n g e r generation to C h i n a t o w n is a serious c o n c e r n for its future.  The  104 less y o u n g p e o p l e o f C h i n e s e ancestry b e c o m e interested i n C h i n a t o w n , the w i d e r the e m o t i o n a l distance g r o w s between t h e m a n d C h i n a t o w n . S u c h c o n c e r n is reflected i n a n attempt to b r i n g y o u n g C h i n e s e b a c k to the c o m m u n i t y a n d to C h i n a t o w n . F o r e x a m p l e , the former C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e C h a i r m a n S. W a h L e u n g a n n o u n c e d i n 1983 that he w o u l d m a k e a d o n a t i o n to a w a r d scholarships to outstanding y o u n g C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e volunteers i n the hope o f attracting m o r e y o u n g C h i n e s e to the C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e a n d to C h i n a t o w n ( C h i n e s e C u l t u r a l C e n t r e , 1983, p . 17). A n o t h e r e x a m p l e is the creation o f the Vancouver Chinatown Revitalization Committee ( V C R C ) Y o u t h Network in 2003. The V C R C w a s f o r m e d i n 2001 w i t h the g o a l o f b r i n g i n g together groups i n C h i n a t o w n , a n d the Y o u t h N e t w o r k w a s set u p to increase the i n v o l v e m e n t o f the y o u t h i n this project ( T h e V a n c o u v e r C h i n a t o w n Revitalization Committee Y o u t h N e t w o r k , 2003). These examples indicate that the separation o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d C h i n a t o w n has c o m e to the p o i n t that efforts to reconnect the C h i n e s e to C h i n a t o w n need to be m a d e .  105  Conclusion  T h e C h i n e s e h a v e e x i s t e d i n C a n a d a for m o r e than a century, a n d it seems that the f l o w o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s to this c o u n t r y w i l l not be s t e m m e d i n the near future. I n spite o f a r e l a t i v e l y l o n g h i s t o r y o f i m m i g r a t i o n , the C h i n e s e h a v e n e v e r been able to escape from the status o f " O t h e r " i n C a n a d i a n society. H o w e v e r , the w a y i n w h i c h the C h i n e s e are objectified has c h a n g e d o v e r t i m e . E x p l i c i t d i s c u s s i o n s o f r a c i a l difference are n o w a v o i d e d ; whereas c u l t u r a l differences are e m p l o y e d m o r e often n o w than ever before to express C a n a d a ' s s o c i a l d i v e r s i t y . It is important to note, h o w e v e r , that the C h i n e s e r e m a i n an object o f differentiation i n contrast to w h i t e s because o f their c u l t u r a l distinctiveness i m p o s e d b y the p o l i c y o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . I n c o n c l u s i o n , I hope to d r a w attention to the w a y s i n w h i c h m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m reinforces d i s t i n c t i o n s between " U s " a n d " O t h e r s . "  C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n to C a n a d a c a n be d i v i d e d into several phases. W h a t characterize each phase are C a n a d a ' s p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l attitudes t o w a r d s C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n , w h i c h has been reflected i n the f o r m o f l e g i s l a t i o n . F r o m the first C h i n e s e settlement to the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the h e a d taxes, the C h i n e s e w e r e a l l o w e d into C a n a d a w i t h r e l a t i v e l y little d i f f i c u l t y .  There  w a s d e m a n d for C h i n e s e w o r k e r s as cheap labour to h e l p b u i l d the infrastructure i n C a n a d i a n society. F o r e x a m p l e , a n u m b e r o f C h i n e s e w o r k e r s w e r e recruited to construct the C P R i n the late 19th century. H o w e v e r , the phase o f restriction a n d e x c l u s i o n , characterized b y successive h e a d taxes a n d the C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t , f o l l o w e d after the c o m p l e t i o n o f the C P R i n 1885. D u r i n g this t i m e p e r i o d , the C h i n e s e p r e d o m i n a n t l y existed i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 79). N o w that the C P R w a s c o m p l e t e d , to satisfy the requirement for B r i t i s h  106 C o l u m b i a to j o i n C o n f e d e r a t i o n , the C h i n e s e b e c a m e u n w a n t e d p e o p l e i n society. I n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , the g o a l w a s t o create a B r i t i s h c o l o n y d o m i n a t e d b y w h i t e s and, there w a s s i m p l y n o r o o m for the C h i n e s e . A s contract w o r k e r s , the C h i n e s e faced the needs o f f i n d i n g n e w j o b opportunities after the c o m p l e t i o n o f the C P R . T o f i l l s u c h a need, the C h i n e s e b e g a n to s h o w signs o f o c c u p a t i o n a l a n d g e o g r a p h i c a l m o b i l i t y c a u s i n g increased contact w i t h w h i t e society ( L i , 1998, p p . 51-3). Therefore, the fear a n d uneasy feelings t o w a r d s the C h i n e s e w e r e i n f l a m e d as the C h i n e s e g r a d u a l l y e n c r o a c h e d o n the r e a l m o f w h i t e s . T h e C h i n e s e b e c a m e a threatening p o p u l a t i o n that needed to be strictly c o n t r o l l e d . T h e C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t c a n be regarded as an extreme f o r m o f h o s t i l i t y a i m e d at not o n l y the C h i n e s e w h o c o u l d p o t e n t i a l l y i m m i g r a t e to C a n a d a , but also the C h i n e s e already l i v i n g i n C a n a d a . C a n a d i a n society e m b r a c e d strong characteristics o f E u r o p e a n c o l o n i a l i s m ; it w a s w h i t e s w h o w e r e entitled to rule the society. B e c a u s e o f the strong influences o f c o l o n i a l i s m , C a n a d i a n society w a s constructed a r o u n d the E u r o p e a n s o c i a l n o r m s a n d v a l u e s . C a n a d i a n society w a s created for w h i t e s to a l l o w t h e m the p o w e r a n d to ensure their status as the p r i v i l e g e d . O n the other h a n d , differences based o n r a c i a l difference, n o n - w h i t e s as a w h o l e w e r e p o l a r i z e d b y w h i t e s as a g r o u p that c o u l d not access the same p r i v i l e g e s . T h e v i s u a l difference o f races b e c a m e a l a b e l that d i s t i n g u i s h e d n o n - w h i t e s f r o m w h i t e s . T h e C h i n e s e w e r e p e r c e i v e d as a n obstacle to a c h i e v i n g the status o f a B r i t i s h c o l o n y , so the b a n i m p o s e d o n C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n w a s i m p l e m e n t e d i n the h o p e o f e r a d i c a t i n g the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n f r o m C a n a d a . B e s i d e s r a c i a l difference, differences o f culture between w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e w e r e also interpreted to reinforce the p e r c e p t i o n o f C h i n e s e as " O t h e r " i n society. I n the m i n d s o f w h i t e society, c u l t u r a l differences o f the C h i n e s e w e r e projected as b a c k w a r d n e s s , i m p l y i n g their i n c a p a b i l i t y o f a c h i e v i n g the standards o f E u r o p e a n s o c i a l n o r m s a n d values, hence their l a c k o f a b i l i t y to assimilate into C a n a d i a n society. F o r this reason, the  107 existence o f the C h i n e s e i n C a n a d a w a s regarded as a danger that m i g h t h i n d e r the d e v e l o p m e n t o f society. T h e C h i n e s e I m m i g r a t i o n A c t severely d a m a g e d the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y b y d i m i n i s h i n g its p o p u l a t i o n s i z e . E a r l y C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e p r e d o m i n a t e l y m a l e s , r e f l e c t i n g the gendered characteristics o f j o b s that w e r e a v a i l a b l e . M o r e o v e r , these C h i n e s e w o r k e r s intended to return to C h i n a once they a c c u m u l a t e d e n o u g h w e a l t h — they d i d not p l a n to settle i n C a n a d a a n d raise a f a m i l y , w h i c h e x p l a i n s the m a l e d o m i n a n c e o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . A l s o , the i m m i g r a t i o n regulations i m p o s e d o n the C h i n e s e a n d hostile s o c i a l attitudes a i m e d at t h e m m a d e it d i f f i c u l t for t h e m to b r i n g their f a m i l i e s f r o m C h i n a . F o r this reason, the f a m i l i e s o f these early C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e often g e o g r a p h i c a l l y separated between C a n a d a a n d C h i n a , creating s i g n i f i c a n t l y u n b a l a n c e d sex ratios i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y ( A n d e r s o n , 1 9 9 1 , p . 141; L i , 1998, p p . 6 3 - 7 0 ; N g , 1999, p . 11; W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 149). T o b a n C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n meant not o n l y to stop n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s f r o m c o m i n g to C a n a d a , but also to a s s a i l the natural p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h o f C a n a d a ' s C h i n e s e community. C a n a d a ' s C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y e x p e r i e n c e d serious gender i m b a l a n c e s u n t i l the 1960s. T h e f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m h e l p e d i m p r o v e the u n b a l a n c e d sex ratios ( A n d e r s o n , 1991, p . 99), b y a d d i n g a n u m b e r o f females a n d y o u t h to the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y , w h o c o u l d contribute to the g r o w t h o f the C a n a d i a n - b o r n C h i n e s e . A l t h o u g h there w e r e some restrictions, s u c h as the age restriction o f u n m a r r i e d c h i l d r e n e l i g i b l e for the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 90), g e o g r a p h i c a l l y separated f a m i l y m e m b e r s o f e a r l y C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s w e r e finally u n i t e d i n C a n a d a . T h e C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y then b e g a n to experience internal d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i n terms o f its d e m o g r a p h i c structure.  108 T h i s d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i n fact c h a n g e d the w a y the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y h a d b e e n constructed since the early 2 0 t h century. T h e p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l structures that h a d b e e n integrating the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y w e r e based o n t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations ( W i c k b e r g , 1982). T h e y p r o v i d e d assistance for their m e m b e r s , offered j o b opportunities, a n d b e c a m e the l i n k between the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y i n C a n a d a a n d C h i n a . F o r the C h i n e s e , w h o w e r e i n s t i t u t i o n a l l y a n d s y s t e m i c a l l y e x c l u d e d f r o m C a n a d i a n society, t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations w e r e the o n l y p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l structures that they c o u l d t u r n to. T h e y w e r e the needle a r o u n d w h i c h the c o m m u n i t y w a s thread. O n the one h a n d these o r g a n i z a t i o n s filled  the r o l e o f a m u c h n e e d e d support s y s t e m ; o n the other h a n d they a l s o i m p o s e d a s o c i a l  hierarchy based o n o n e ' s e c o n o m i c affluence ( C r i s s m a n , 1967, p . 199; S k i n n e r , 1977, p p . 5 4 3 , 5 4 7 - 5 3 ; W i c k b e r g , 1994, p p . 73-5). T h e consequence generated b y s u c h a situation w a s the d u a l structure o f s o c i a l stratification that the majority o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y h a d to endure: as " O t h e r " i n the w i d e r C a n a d i a n society, a n d as p o o r w i t h i n the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y . T h e i n f l u e n t i a l status o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations e v e n t u a l l y d e c l i n e d as the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y began to g r o w diverse a n d heterogeneous. These t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations w e r e h i s t o r i c a l l y d e v e l o p e d to serve a r e l a t i v e l y h o m o g e n e o u s g r o u p that shared r e l a t i v e l y s i m i l a r experiences. H o w e v e r , as the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y g r e w m o r e d i v e r s e i n s i d e , the d e m a n d s a n d needs also b e c a m e m o r e c o m p l e x . S a t i s f y i n g one g r o u p o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y w a s not e n o u g h to fill other g r o u p s ' needs; the appeal o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations for the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y w a s thus eroded. T h e d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y a n d the d e c l i n e o f t r a d i t i o n a l v o l u n t a r y organizations further accelerated i n the last phase o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n , w h i c h w a s characterized b y the n e w i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c i e s a n d their r e v i s i o n s i n the 1960s, a n d the  109 i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m i n the early 1970s. It is p r o b a b l y fair to say that this last phase d e t e r m i n e d the d i r e c t i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y ' s d e v e l o p m e n t . N e w p o l i t i c a l a n d i m m i g r a t i o n changes meant that the C a n a d i a n g o v e r n m e n t a l l o w e d the C h i n e s e to l e g a l l y enter C a n a d a as independent i m m i g r a n t s w i t h o u t sponsors. T h e c r i t e r i a that these n e w C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s h a d to meet b e c a m e the v e r y characteristics that differentiated t h e m f r o m C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s i n the past. M a n y post 1967 C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s h a d a h i g h l e v e l o f education, q u a l i f i c a t i o n s for s k i l l e d occupations, a n d the experience o f l i v i n g i n u r b a n i z e d — a n d to some extent W e s t e r n i z e d — e n v i r o n m e n t s p r i o r to i m m i g r a t i o n : T h e y h a d little i n c o m m o n w i t h the C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s o f the past. M o r e o v e r , w h a t set these t w o types o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s apart w a s their places o f o r i g i n . T h e southern r e g i o n o f C h i n a u s e d to be the m a j o r source o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n before the e x c l u s i o n era; therefore, the C h i n e s e w h o c a m e to C a n a d a as part o f the f a m i l y r e u n i f i c a t i o n p r o g r a m w e r e m o s t l y f r o m this area, too ( L i , 1998, p p . 95-6). H o n g K o n g , h o w e v e r , q u i c k l y t o o k o v e r the p o s i t i o n o f the largest C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n source w h e n the B r i t i s h a n d C h i n e s e governments started negotiation o n the authority o v e r H o n g K o n g i n the m i d d l e o f the 1980s. T h i s p i c t u r e w a s i n turn c h a n g e d b y the e n d o f the 2 0 t h century, e l e v a t i n g the northern part o f M a i n l a n d C h i n a to the status o f largest C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n source.  T h e d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n o f the C h i n e s e c o m m u n i t y b e c o m e s e v e n m o r e relevant w h e n w e l o o k at the recent g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s p e r s i o n o f the C h i n e s e i n V a n c o u v e r . T h e C h i n e s e , w h o used to be c o l l e c t i v e l y c o n f i n e d to the areas o f C h i n a t o w n a n d Strathcona, c a n be f o u n d i n almost e v e r y residential area i n a n d a r o u n d V a n c o u v e r today. T h a t is not to say that s u c h a g e o g r a p h i c a l d i s p e r s i o n o f the C h i n e s e p o p u l a t i o n has o c c u r r e d e v e n l y , h o w e v e r . T h e o l d e r generation o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s tended to r e m a i n c l o s e to C h i n a t o w n ; whereas the n e w  110 generation o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s seems to have a strong preference for c h o o s i n g r e s i d e n t i a l areas a w a y f r o m C h i n a t o w n a n d i n the suburbs ( C h i a n g , 2 0 0 1 , p p . 137, 2 0 6 - 7 ; H i e b e r t , 2 0 0 0 , 1998; L e y , 1998). A s a result, n e w C h i n e s e centres have b e e n created, s u c h as R i c h m o n d , a n d m o r e C h i n e s e residents are b e g i n n i n g to relocate themselves c l o s e r to these areas. T h i s suggests that the C h i n e s e s t i l l have a strong tendency to concentrate i n p a r t i c u l a r areas to create ethnic enclaves. T h e f i n d i n g f r o m research b y B a l a k r i s h n a n a n d H o u (1999) indicates that i n general v i s i b l e m i n o r i t y groups are m o r e l i k e l y to s h o w r e s i d e n t i a l c o n c e n t r a t i o n than w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n groups, a n d this i m p l i e s that the r a c i a l difference r e m a i n s as a b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d n o n - w h i t e s . T h e difference between the C h i n e s e settlement patterns o f the past a n d present is that the residential areas that recent C h i n e s e i m m i g r a n t s have been c h o o s i n g are suburban n e i g h b o u r h o o d s w h i c h h i s t o r i c a l l y hosted residents o f m i d d l e - c l a s s E u r o p e a n b a c k g r o u n d s . T h e s e n e i g h b o u r h o o d s w e r e h i s t o r i c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d based o n both s o c i a l class a n d r a c i a l m e a n i n g s . T h e question o f C h i n e s e residents' i n these areas w a s p e r c e i v e d b y w h i t e residents as a s i g n that n o n - w h i t e s w e r e t r y i n g to cross the b o u n d a r y b e t w e e n the t w o groups. T h i s b e c a m e a root o f heated c o n t r o v e r s y k n o w n as the " m o n s t e r h o u s e " i n c i d e n t i n the late 1980s a n d e a r l y 1990s ( R o s e , 2 0 0 1 ) . T h e c l a i m s made b y the l o n g - t e r m residents i n the areas, m o s t o f w h o m w e r e o f E u r o p e a n o r i g i n s , w e r e framed i n a d i s c u s s i o n o f c u l t u r a l differences. T h e s e n e w C h i n e s e residents w e r e a c c u s e d o f b u i l d i n g their houses i n a w a y that d i d not m a t c h the landscape o f the n e i g h b o u r h o o d , hence c a u s i n g the destruction o f already established images o f the n e i g h b o u r h o o d a n d lifestyles associated to the area ( L e y , 1998, p p . 3 3 6 - 9 ; R o s e , 2 0 0 1 , p . 4 7 6 ) . I n short, the C h i n e s e h a v e s t i l l been central to s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s . Interestingly, the p o i n t e m p h a s i z e d throughout this c o n t r o v e r s y w a s the " c u l t u r a l " differences these n e w C h i n e s e residents brought w i t h t h e m to these established n e i g h b o u r h o o d s . T h e  Ill g r o w i n g o p p o s i t i o n against r a c i s m i n society discourages one to discuss a n d express s o c i a l issues i n r a c i a l terms ( T h o b a n i , 2 0 0 0 , p . 2 9 5 ) , as the monster house i n c i d e n t e x e m p l i f i e s . H o w e v e r , the fact that m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is a n o f f i c i a l p o l i c y o f C a n a d a a l l o w s r o o m for u s i n g c u l t u r a l terms instead o f r a c i a l terms to c l a i m that the l o n g - t e r m residents, t o o , h a v e legitimate rights to protect their culture that they have nurtured i n their n e i g h b o u r h o o d s . I n this w a y , c u l t u r a l difference c a n b e c o m e a u s e f u l t o o l t o d r a w boundaries b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d n o n whites. In other w o r d s , m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m c a n f u n c t i o n as a strategy to m a i n t a i n differences between " U s " a n d " O t h e r s . " I n a d d i t i o n , the m a i n t a i n e d b o u n d a r y between w h i t e s and n o n w h i t e s a l l o w s the cultures o f n o n - w h i t e s to be a n object o f c o n s u m p t i o n a n d e x p l o i t a t i o n . T h i s c a n be e x e m p l i f i e d i n the case o f the b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n . C h i n a t o w n i n the past w a s a space that w a s m a r k e d a n d s t i g m a t i z e d b y the r a c i a l difference o f the C h i n e s e ; n o w it is a culturally significant space. T h e beautification o f C h i n a t o w n w a s p e r c e i v e d as a n i d e a l p l a n to preserve " d i s t i n c t i v e " C h i n e s e culture i n society, w h i c h otherwise m i g h t h a v e disappeared because o f the strong influence o f B r i t i s h a n d F r e n c h cultures. T h i s v i e w alone suggests the u n e q u a l status o f C h i n e s e culture: C h i n e s e culture w a s s o m e t h i n g that needed to be protected. T h e b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n started i n the late 1960s t h r o u g h i n i t i a t i v e s m a d e b y the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r . R e p l a c i n g C h i n a t o w n ' s unpleasant images o f a ghetto — w h i c h w e r e i n d e e d the creation o f d i s c r i m i n a t o r y treatment o f the C h i n e s e b y w h i t e s — w i t h pleasant, e x o t i c , a n d i n t r i g u i n g images p u t t i n g a strong emphasis o n v i s u a l l y attractive features o f C h i n e s e culture, a n d i n fact served w h i t e society i n t w o different w a y s . F i r s t , the v i e w o f C h i n a t o w n i n V a n c o u v e r b e c a m e the s i g n o f C a n a d i a n s o c i e t y ' s a c c e p t i n g attitude t o w a r d s the C h i n e s e a n d their culture. S e c o n d , beautified C h i n a t o w n offered w h i t e s a n o r i e n t a l i z e d space  112 w h e r e they c o u l d entertain themselves b y e x p e r i e n c i n g s o m e t h i n g extraordinary w i t h o u t t r a v e l l i n g vast distances ( O k i h i r o , 2 0 0 2 ) . I n this thesis, I a p p r o a c h e d C h i n a t o w n b y l o o k i n g at it as a m u s e u m o f C h i n e s e culture a i m e d at w h i t e c o n s u m p t i o n . T o e x p l a i n this point, I d r e w u p o n theory o f the m u s e u m as a p u b l i c arena i n w h i c h cultures o f " O t h e r s " are represented to " U s . " T h e h i s t o r y o f m u s e u m e x h i b i t i o n is the h i s t o r y o f the o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n o f " O t h e r s " i n W e s t e r n societies ( B a x a n d a l l , 1991, p . 3 9 ; M a c d o n a l d , 1998, p . 11). I n V a n c o u v e r , this w a s m a d e p o s s i b l e because the r e a l m s o f " C h i n e s n e s s " appeared extraordinary, e x o t i c , a n d interesting to w h i t e s . W h a t they f o u n d i n the setting o f the m u s e u m w a s s o m e t h i n g they c o u l d not encounter o r experience i n their e v e r y d a y life context. S e e k i n g excitement outside o f their o r d i n a r y lives l e d to the rise o f t o u r i s m , e s p e c i a l l y i n post w a r W e s t e r n societies. I n the g r o w t h o f t o u r i s m , p e o p l e started to t r a v e l to p l a c e s w h e r e they c o u l d n o w experience s u c h e x c i t e m e n t rather than b r i n g i n g objects to their r e a l m i n order to d i s p l a y t h e m ( U r r y , 2 0 0 2 , p . 2). S u c h trends also m o d i f i e d the concept o f the m u s e u m f r o m a c o n f i n e d space to a m o r e o p e n space w i t h n o p h y s i c a l boundaries as the t e r m " m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s " suggests ( M a l r a u x , 1953). V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n b e c a m e a " m u s e u m w i t h o u t w a l l s " as a result o f the C i t y ' s beautification i n i t i a t i v e . T h r o u g h m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , c u l t u r a l differences b e c a m e o f great i m p o r t a n c e i n C a n a d i a n society. I n order to express s u c h c u l t u r a l differences b e t w e e n w h i t e s a n d the C h i n e s e , b e a u t i f i c a t i o n w a s p r o m o t e d b y a d d i n g v i s u a l l y d i s t i n c t i v e features o f C h i n e s e culture to C h i n a t o w n . A n d the features o f C h i n e s e culture that w e r e h i g h l i g h t e d w e r e d e c i d e d b y the C i t y to suit E u r o - C a n a d i a n tastes. A s I m e n t i o n e d i n the last chapter o f this thesis, some parts o f C h i n a t o w n are not g e n u i n e l y the p r o d u c t i o n o f C h i n e s e culture alone, but the c r e a t i o n o f b o t h W e s t e r n a n d C h i n e s e cultures. B e c a u s e o f strong e m p h a s i s o n the v i s u a l  113 aspects, h o w e v e r , C h i n a t o w n is s t i l l " C h i n e s e " to w h i t e s . T h e b e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f C h i n a t o w n w a s not for the C h i n e s e , but for w h i t e s w h o w o u l d enjoy c o n s u m i n g c u l t u r a l differences. S u c h m a n i p u l a t i o n o f culture w a s p o s s i b l e because o f the persistent d i c h o t o m i z a t i o n o f " U s " a n d " O t h e r s " created t h r o u g h the h i s t o r y o f c o l o n i a l i s m . B e c a u s e these t w o groups are not s u p p o s e d to m i x together, " O t h e r s " became a m y s t e r i o u s , e x o t i c entity f r o m the perspective o f " U s . " B e c a u s e o f u n e q u a l p o w e r d i s t r i b u t i o n , " O t h e r s " a n d their cultures became s o m e t h i n g that c o u l d be u s e d to satisfy w h i t e c u r i o s i t y i n the concepts o f m u s e u m s a n d t o u r i s m , l e a d i n g to c u l t u r a l e x p l o i t a t i o n . T h e concept o f " m u s e u m s w i t h o u t w a l l s " a n d the p r o m o t i o n o f t o u r i s m a l l o w e d the c u l t u r a l e x p l o i t a t i o n o f " O t h e r s " i n their o w n setting; a l t h o u g h d i s p l a y e d objects stay o n the site, their m e a n i n g s c a n be c h a n g e d o r distorted w h e n some m o d i f i c a t i o n s are added to the objects i n order to appear m o r e attractive to the eyes o f c o n s u m e r s . C h a n g i n g culture i n v o l v e s t a k i n g it a w a y f r o m the p e o p l e w h o it b e l o n g s to ( G r e e n w o o d , 1989, p . 179), a n d this is e x a c t l y w h a t happened i n V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n . A s a space o f " O t h e r , " C h i n a t o w n does not b e l o n g to w h i t e s i n a r e a l sense; at the same t i m e , it n o longer b e l o n g s to the C h i n e s e , either, because the space w a s reconstructed b y w h i t e s f r o m their o w n perspectives a n d for their o w n purposes. W h o is responsible for C h i n a t o w n ' s future i f it does not b e l o n g to a n y o n e ? C h i n a t o w n s a l l o v e r the w o r l d are c a l l e d " C h i n a t o w n s " because they are l o c a t e d outside o f C h i n a . A n d it i s i m p o s s i b l e for t h e m to b e c o m p l e t e l y free from the influences o f the societies i n w h i c h they exist. V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n is n o e x c e p t i o n . A l t h o u g h the C h i n e s e are a n o l d g r o u p i n the h i s t o r y o f i m m i g r a t i o n to C a n a d a , they b u i l t their c o m m u n i t y i n a s o c i a l space that h a d already been structured b y w h i t e s . F r o m this perspective, it is natural for C h i n a t o w n to differ from w h a t w h i t e s i m a g i n e d as b e i n g C h i n e s e . H o w e v e r , V a n c o u v e r s o c i e t y has desperately p u r s u e d "authentic" a n d " t r a d i t i o n a l " atmospheres i n C h i n a t o w n based o n their  114 o w n i m a g i n a t i o n ( T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 1964). T h i s i m p l i e s that V a n c o u v e r c a n not accept C h i n a t o w n as a space that w a s i n f l u e n c e d b y cultures o f b o t h E u r o - C a n a d i a n s a n d C h i n e s e . B e c a u s e C h i n e s e culture is culture that b e l o n g s to " O t h e r , " C h i n a t o w n as a f o r m o f c u l t u r a l representation has to e x p l i c i t l y express w h a t m a k e s it different f r o m E u r o p e a n culture. T h i s i s e v i d e n c e o f C h i n a t o w n ' s d e n i e d status as a part o f V a n c o u v e r society.  115 Bibliography  A l p e r s , S. 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