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UBC Theses and Dissertations

"China round the corner" : Vancouver’s Chinatown and the Chinese community in a changing "multicultural"… Nakamura, Mayumi 2005

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"China Round the Corner": Vancouver's Chinatown and the Chinese Community in a Changing "Multicultural" Society by MAYUMI NAKAMURA B.A., Tsuda College, 2002 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (SOCIOLOGY) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April 2005 © Mayumi Nakamura, 2005 11 ABSTRACT T h i s thesis conceptualizes V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n as a museum a imed at the whi te popula t ion groups i n the context o f mul t icu l tura l Canad ian society. The purpose o f this research is to suggest that a d ichotomiza t ion between whites and Chinese resul t ing from c o l o n i a l i s m is reproduced through the p o l i c y o f mul t icu l tu ra l i sm. E x p l i c i t v i sua l i za t ion for the purpose o f "preservat ion" made Chinese culture a subordinate and exploi table object that served as a source o f entertainment for whites. The Chinese i n Canada, w h o had greatly suffered f rom rac ia l d i sc r imina t ion i n the past, are n o w regarded as an important ethnic and cul tura l group that enriches Canad ian society under the p o l i c y o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm. H o w e v e r , it remains to be seen whether they and their culture have t ruly earned equal status to that o f whi te culture. The C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r conducted beautif icat ion schemes on C h i n a t o w n f rom the late 1960s to the 1980s. A s a result, C h i n a t o w n became a cul tural site where Chinese culture is represented w i t h a strong emphasis o n v i s u a l aspects. Preservat ion o f C h i n a t o w n as a cul tural entity consequently made it an ar t i f ic ia l space that does not reflect the reali ty o f the current, d ivers i f ied Chinese communi ty . Therefore, people o f Chinese o r ig in today cannot identify themselves w i t h C h i n a t o w n . C h i n a t o w n was forced to remain dist inct ive f rom the rest o f the C i t y , and its distinctiveness was measured in compar i son to white culture. T h i s impl i e s an unbridgeable distance between the whi te and Chinese . In this research, archives regarding the beautif icat ion o f C h i n a t o w n were examined to study what modif ica t ions were added and what aspects o f Chinese culture were emphasized to create an imaginary space o f Chinese culture for whites . M o s t o f the materials studied for this research were publ i shed by the C i t y o f Vancouve r . T h e y were employed to reflect images o f "authentic" Chinese culture shared by whites. These sources were also useful to reveal how multiculturalism further promoted the dichotomization between whites and Chinese by keeping the Chinese and their culture distinctive. i v T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S Abstract ii Table o f Contents i v L i s t o f Tables v i L i s t o f F igures v i i A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s v i i i I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 Chapter I The H i s to ry o f the Chinese i n Vancouve r : A Hi s to ry o f M a r g i n a l i z a t i o n 12 1.1 Introduct ion 12 1.2 Phase One : O p e n Immigra t ion 14 1.3 Phase T w o : Res t r ic t ion and E x c l u s i o n 19 1.4 Phase Three: F a m i l y Reuni f i ca t ion 23 1.5 Phase Fou r : Post 1967 Immigrants 27 1.6 C o n c l u s i o n 29 Chapter II The Chinese C o m m u n i t y i n C h a n g i n g Canad ian Socie ty 33 2.1 Int roduct ion 33 2.2 Tradi t iona l V o l u n t a r y Organizat ions 34 2.3 The Chinese C o m m u n i t y : D ive r s i f i ca t ion and Di spe r s ion 37 2.4 C h i n a t o w n ' s C h a n g i n g S o c i a l M e a n i n g i n M u l t i c u l t u r a l Canad ian Socie ty . . . . 43 2.5 C o n c l u s i o n 49 C h a p t e r I I I S e t t l e m e n t Pa t t e rns o f N e w C h i n e s e I m m i g r a n t s a n d R e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the N o t i o n o f R a c i a l Rela t ions i n V a n c o u v e r 53 3.1 Introduction 53 3.2 N e w Immigra t ion P o l i c i e s and N e w Ch inese Immigrants 54 3.3 Dis t r ibu t ion o f the Chinese Popula t ion i n V a n c o u v e r 60 3.3.1 V a n c o u v e r C M A 61 3.3.2 The C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r 64 V 3.4 Re-cons t ruc t ion o f the N o t i o n o f R a c i a l Re la t ions i n M i d d l e - c l a s s E u r o p e a n Neighbourhoods o f V a n c o u v e r 71 3.5 C o n c l u s i o n 75 C h a p t e r I V M a k i n g a " M u s e u m : " B e a u t i f i c a t i o n o f V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n as a C u l t u r a l A t t r ac t i on 78 4.1 Int roduct ion 78 4.2 T h e M u s e u m a s a C o m m u n i c a t i o n T o o l o f " U s " / " O t h e r s " D i c h o t o m i z a t i o n 79 4.3 T o u r i s m a n d M u s e u m w i t h o u t W a l l s as t he S i t e o f a N e w F o r m o f C o l o n i a l i s m 85 4.4 A p p l i c a t i o n o f Theories to V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n 90 4.5 Reconstruct ion o f N e w Images o f V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n 94 4.6 C h i n a t o w n : The Present and Future 102 C o n c l u s i o n 105 B i b l i o g r a p h y 115 v i LIST O F T A B L E S Table 3.1: The M o s t Populated C o m m u n i t i e s i n V a n c o u v e r 66 Table 3.2: The C o m m u n i t i e s w i t h Largest Chinese Populat ions i n V a n c o u v e r 66 Table 3.3: Chinese Popula t ion Increase i n Selected C o m m u n i t i e s f rom 1996 to 2001 69 V l l L I S T O F F I G U R E S Figure 3.1: The Shift o f Chinese Immigra t ion Sources to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a 59 F i g u r e 3 .2 : T h e T o t a l P o p u l a t i o n D i s t r i b u t i o n a m o n g the F i v e M u n i c i p a l D i s t r i c t s i n 2001 62 F i g u r e 3 .3 : T h e C h i n e s e P o p u l a t i o n D i s t r i b u t i o n a m o n g the F i v e M u n i c i p a l D i s t r i c t s i n 2001 62 F igure 3.4: M a p o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r 69 v m A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T T h i s thesis c o u l d not have been comple ted wi thout generous help and support f rom many people. A l t h o u g h a l l o f their names cannot be ment ioned here because o f the l imi t ed space, I w o u l d l ike to send the greatest thanks to D r . G r a h a m E . Johnson and D r . R e n i s a M a w a n i o f the Department o f A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y at the Un ive r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . The suggestions and recommendat ions f rom them were o f great help for me to approach m y academic interest w i t h new perspectives and enthusiasm. I a m grateful for a l l the encouragements I received f rom them. I w i s h to extend thanks to m y special friends D o r y C h u a , A g n e s M a c D o n a l d , Jason G u n a w a n , L a r a Jones, Genev ieve Lapoin te , and K i r s t e n S o l l i - N o w l a n for a l l the encouragement they gave to me. I a m thankful to C l i n t C o u l s o n for his generous help w i t h correct ing so many grammat ica l mistakes i n this thesis. Las t , but defini tely not least, I w o u l d l ike to thank m y parents and m y sister Sa tomi i n Japan for their continuous emot iona l support throughout m y t ime i n Vancouve r . 1 Introduction "Where are y o u from? A r e y o u Chinese , K o r e a n , or Japanese?" T h i s is the quest ion I was asked repeatedly w h e n I l i v e d i n A u s t r a l i a i n 1997 as an exchange student at the age o f 17. T h i s experience made me real ize where I stood i n Aus t r a l i an society: I was an outsider and a member o f the minor i ty . B e i n g a part o f the ethnic minor i ty i n society was an eye-opening experience for me. A s an ind iv idua l w h o was born to Japanese parents and g rew up in Japan, I was a lways a member o f the majori ty group that compr i sed o f a s ignif icant ly large por t ion o f the nat ional popula t ion: U n t i l I l i v e d i n A u s t r a l i a I had been complete ly ignorant about m y status among the majori ty i n society because it was a fact I had taken for granted. The experience o f be ing exposed to mul t ie thnic and mul t icu l tura l Aus t r a l i an society gave me a n e w perspective o n the structure o f a nation-state. A nation-state does not necessari ly need to be compr ised o f a rac ia l ly or e thnical ly homogenous group. O n the other hand, however , one question occurred i n m y m i n d : w h y d i d people a lways ask me where I was f r o m if, as a theory, i t was acceptable for mul t ip le groups to coexis t i n one society? Gradua l l y I came to notice that non-white Aus t ra l i an indiv iduals also had an experience s imi la r to mine . T h e y were constantly questioned about their "o r i g in s " despite the fact that many o f them were actual ly born i n A u s t r a l i a and had never l i v e d anywhere else. B e c o m i n g aware o f the minor i ty status as a person o f co lour was not the on ly new perspective that I ga ined i n Aus t r a l i a . I d iscovered m y s e l f be ing intr igued to find evidence o f non-Western cultures i n Aus t r a l i an society. F o r example , A s i a n cuis ine was avai lable a lmost everywhere; i n a shopping m a l l , there was a store that so ld curios imported from A f r i c a n countries; shirts adorned w i t h Japanese characters were i n fashion, and some people even had tattoos o f Chinese characters o n their bodies. These non-Western cultures were a l l associated w i t h the act ivi ty o f consumpt ion . B e i n g Japanese myself , I can on ly speak for Japanese culture. W h e n I saw people consume Japanese culture, I came to wonder i f the w a y I regarded Japanese culture and the w a y it was perce ived by n o n Japanese people were the same or at least s imi lar . A m o n g these cultures, it seemed that Chinese culture was most fascinating i n terms o f its v i s u a l appeal. I must admit that I was probably b e c o m i n g one o f the consumers o f Ch inese culture. Beau t i fu l ly decorated C h i n a t o w n was a part icular ly exc i t ing place to go o h the weekends where cheap yet savoury Chinese food c o u l d be enjoyed. H o w e v e r , One conversat ion w i t h m y Chinese friend changed m y percept ion o f C h i n a t o w n . Af te r m o v i n g to Canada f rom C h i n a for her graduate program, she found V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n very ar t i f ic ia l . She said, "Landscapes i n C h i n a today l ook noth ing l ike that. N o t h i n g i n C h i n a t o w n was famil iar to me and I was a complete stranger there." T h i s conversat ion made me th ink about what C h i n a t o w n means in today 's V a n c o u v e r society. M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has been Canada ' s o f f i c ia l p o l i c y for over three decades, and Canada is Often regarded as a successful example o f a mul t icu l tu ra l society i n w h i c h diverse groups coexist w i t h relat ively l o w levels o f tension between them ( K y m l i c k a , 1998, p.2). The p o l i c y o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm made r o o m for minor i ty cultures i n society. These cultures have been va lued and cherished because they became the ve ry k e y factors o f soc ia l d ivers i ty . T h e Chinese seem to fit perfectly i n this picture as one o f the diverse groups enr ich ing Canada ' s ethnic and cul tura l fabric. Such a v i e w , however , needs to be contested. Canad ian society h is tor ica l ly organized i t se l f around the strong not ion o f c o l o n i a l i s m ( K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 56). The c o l o n i a l soc ia l structure permeated the be l i e f o f whi te supremacy, and this became a rationale for r ac i sm and d iscr imina t ion a imed at non-whites . A l t h o u g h it m igh t be true that 3 the p o l i c y o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm has contributed to the decl ine o f outright d i sc r imina t ion based o n one 's race, it needs to be pondered whether mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm has t ruly achieved the mutual and equal relationships among dist inct ive groups and their cultures i n Canad ian society and whether mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm has meant the end o f r ac i sm ( A n g , 2001 , pp . 14-5; K y m l i c k a , 1998, pp . 81-2). V a n c o u v e r ' s Chinese commun i ty and C h i n a t o w n are set as the subject o f this research. Spec i f i ca l ly , I argue that mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm as a p o l i c y reinforces the d icho tomiza t ion between whi tes and non-whites . The Chinese are k n o w n as one o f the oldest immigrant groups i n Canada ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 149). A s the h is tor ica l examples o f the head taxes and the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t i n the early 20th century indicate, they had a lways been an object o f rac i sm in the past. Severe d i sc r imina t ion towards the Chinese and w i d e soc ia l and cul tura l distances between whi t e s and the; Chinese resulted i n the geographical confinement o f the Chinese into the space k n o w n as C h i n a t o w n . A s A n d e r s o n (1991) describes i n her w o r k Vancouver's Chinatown, C h i n a t o w n was regarded as a "ghetto" i n the context o f early V a n c o u v e r . It was a soc ia l ly constructed space that s y m b o l i z e d the inferiori ty and backwardness o f the Chinese w h o stood opposite to whites. The images o f C h i n a t o w n and the Chinese helped so l id i fy the white identity; the project ion o f the images o f C h i n a t o w n and the Chinese as what whi tes were not, by contrast, created the no t ion o f what whi tes were (Anderson , 1991, p 96) . Pu t i n the binary relat ionship w i t h whites , the Chinese further became an unfamil iar group for whi te society. Furthermore, the space o f the Chinese , C h i n a t o w n , existed p sycho log ica l l y outside o f whi te society. Canad ian socie ty 's d iscr iminatory attitudes towards the Chinese and other non-whi te groups gradual ly began to ease reflect ing the changing atmospheres o f the international commun i ty through and after the w a r per iod . F o l l o w i n g W o r l d W a r II, Canada began to 4 receive immigrants and refugees f rom European countries other than B r i t a i n and France, and the source countries were later expanded to non-European countries w h e n the n e w immigra t ion po l ic ies were adopted i n the 1960s ( H a w k i n s , 1972). These changes added ethnic, rac ia l , and cul tural d ivers i ty to Canad ian society, and the understanding o f the Chinese also gradual ly improved as contact between whites and the Chinese , especia l ly those w h o were Canadian-born , increased. T o adjust to such soc ia l transformations, mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm was introduced i n 1971 as an o f f i c ia l p o l i c y o f the nation-state o f Canada. K y m l i c k a (1998) sees mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm as a vehic le that facilitates the integration o f immigran t groups into mainstream Canad ian society (p. 8). In contrast, Pa rekh (2000) states that mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm i n Canada is structured o n the basis o f b i l i n g u a l i s m o f E n g l i s h and French , and B r i t i s h and F rench cultures serve as reference points i n Canad ian society to construct soc ia l norms and values. Therefore, the judgment o f other cultures is made accord ing to these soc ia l norms and values. In this respect, mul t icu l tu ra l i sm indeed prevents the equal integration o f whi tes and non-whites compr i s ing o f the majori ty o f recent immigrants by us ing cul tural terms to differentiate these t w o groups. A l t h o u g h the subject o f her study is Aus t r a l i an society, A n g (2001) shares a s imi la r v i e w to Parekh . She notes that mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm w o r k s to mainta in the boundary between whites and minor i ty groups (p. 16). It is this v i e w o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm suggested by A n g and Parekh that I w i l l emp loy as the core theoretical argument o f this thesis. The p o l i c y o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm functions i n favour o f the h is tor ica l ly p r iv i l eged group i n society, whites , f rom t w o perspectives. Firs t , because mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm as a theory emphasizes cul tura l divers i ty , it requires minor i ty groups to remain cul tura l ly distant from whi te society to main ta in their distinctiveness i n society. Fo rced to mainta in a cul tura l ly unique existence i n Canad ian society, minor i ty groups are prevented from cross ing the l ine that d iv ides whites and non-whites . Second, this forced 5 preservation o f cultures i n fact provides a source o f entertainment for whites. The cul tural distinctiveness o f minor i ty groups is in t r iguing for many whi te people. F o r this reason, mul t icu l tu ra l i sm can have an explo i t ive character; it can keep minor i ty groups distant f rom whites , but it is acceptable for whites to enjoy other cultures at their w i l l . I n the interactions between whites and non-whites , their relationships are not equal . In this research, I approach V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n as a museum that represents Chinese culture contextual ized i n mul t icu l tu ra l i sm. V a n c o u v e r society has h is tor ica l ly perceived C h i n a t o w n as a dis t inct ive space. In the past, it s tood out as a "ghetto" where rac ia l ly marked Chinese resided i n extremely c rowded condi t ions . In this sense, C h i n a t o w n had been a space o f margina l iza t ion . The space was to be purposely avoided b y whi tes . A l t h o u g h C h i n a t o w n had started to show signs o f becoming a tourist attraction as early as the 1930s (Anderson , 1991, p . 145), a drastic transformation took place f rom the 1960s to the 1980s. U n d e r ini t iat ives o f the C i t y o f Vancouve r , w h i c h reflected the soc ia l changes tak ing place i n Canada, C h i n a t o w n was made into a h is tor ica l and cul tura l space, a p lace to v i s i t and experience the exot ic cultures o f the Chinese . In short, C h i n a t o w n was reconstructed, again by whites , to become something comple te ly opposite to what it had been i n the past. T h i s h igh ly marg ina l ized space o f Chinese was incorporated into the wide r society by changing its characteristics to be a cul tural entity. B u t is it possible to say that the Chinese commun i ty and C h i n a t o w n today have earned genuinely equal status as whi tes i n Canad ian society? T o discuss mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm as a m e d i u m that promotes hierarchal b inary relations between whites and the Chinese , I w i l l argue that C h i n a t o w n is a museum, or a museum without wa l l s to be more precise, that developed a long w i t h the increased interests i n tour i sm i n post w a r Wes te rn societies. H i s to r i c a l l y , museums developed into p u b l i c spaces i n w h i c h cultures o f "Others" were d isp layed to be enjoyed by the European " U s . " The presentation o f 6 difference was achieved by w a y o f emphas iz ing the v i sua l aspects o f "Other" cultures. T h i s is also relevant i n the case o f C h i n a t o w n . M o r e o v e r , the increase o f tour i sm has also strengthened the character o f C h i n a t o w n as an object o f commodi f i ca t ion and exploi ta t ion. In the b e l i e f o f mul t icu l tu ra l i sm, C h i n a t o w n plays an important role i n adding cul tura l diversi ty. H o w e v e r , this divers i ty is perce ived as divers i ty o n l y w h e n compared to the culture o f " U s . " In this sense, Chinese culture is rendered to be a consumable entity, w h i c h impl ies the hierarchal relations between whites and the Chinese . T o expand o n the d iscuss ion o f hierarchal relations between whites and the Chinese further reinforced by mul t icu l tu ra l i sm, I w i l l also unfo ld the d iscuss ion o f the monster house incident that took place i n the late 1980s and early 1990s. H o n g K o n g immigrants to Canada rap id ly increased i n the 1980s, w h i c h was init iated by the picture o f the unpredictable po l i t i c a l and soc ia l feature o f H o n g K o n g result ing f rom the dec i s ion o f the B r i t i s h government to return it to C h i n a i n 1997 ( L e y , 1999, p . 3). These new H o n g K o n g immigrants as a group were re la t ively affluent and had little i n c o m m o n w i t h those Chinese immigrants w h o had come to Canada p r io r to the introduct ion o f the new immigra t ion po l i c ies i n the 1960s. T h e y started to settle i n areas w h i c h were h is tor ica l ly populated by people o f middle-c lass European backgrounds. In the process o f their movement into such areas, the hous ing was subject to renewal . Smal ler , o lder houses f rom the 1920s and the 1930s were replaced by newer houses w h i c h were larger and had features w h i c h d i d not match w i t h the character o f the exis t ing hous ing (Hiebert , 2000 , p . 29) . Because n e w Chinese residents i n the areas became the owners o f many o f these new houses, they were seen to be responsible for large unga in ly structures and were also he ld to cut d o w n trees, pave garden areas and general ly interfere w i t h the exis t ing ambience o f his tor ic neighbourhoods (Rose, 2001 , pp. 476-7) . L i t t l e attention was g iven to the fact that the bui lders o f these new houses were not Chinese . 7 Th i s also caused changes o f the demographic structures o f residential areas, increasing the percentage o f non-white residents. A l t h o u g h the subject o f this controversy was the Chinese w h o were perce ived as rac ia l ly different f rom the long-term residents, the opposi t ion to the increase o f Chinese residents i n these areas was expressed i n cul tura l terms, rather than rac ia l terms (Rose, 2001) . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m decreased overt rac ia l d i sc r imina t ion i n Canad ian society; however , this monster house incident serves as an example that denia l o f non-whites f rom whi te society was articulated through the use o f cul tural terms. Therefore, mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm was used as a too l o f d ichotomiza t ion o f whites and non-whites . A no the r issue is the "fate" o f C h i n a t o w n and the ne ibour ing area o f Strathcona. These areas had been populated predominant ly by people o f Chinese o r ig in . Indeed, because o f residential restrictions imposed upon the Chinese , these were one o f the few areas i n w h i c h people o f Chinese o r ig in were able to l i ve , un t i l the late 1930s w h e n a modest dispers ion began. T h i s dispersion cont inued after f ami ly reunif icat ion f o l l o w i n g the repeal o f the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t i n 1947. In the wake o f further changes i n immigra t ion po l i c ies i n the 1960s, w h i c h I w i l l discuss, people o f Chinese or igins began to settle throughout the Greater V a n c o u v e r region. N e w areas o f settlement changed the relat ionship o f the Chinese communi ty to " C h i n a t o w n " and its ne ighbour ing area. The Chinese commun i ty had been largely associated w i t h the soc ia l space o f C h i n a t o w n . A s Chinese immigra t ion grew, the popula t ion o f the Chinese communi ty became more diverse, changing its character to become associated w i t h other spaces. C h i n a t o w n remained - but changed. It is this change that is the major focus o f m y arguments. Th i s thesis consists o f four chapters. The first two chapters p rov ide a h is tor ica l and soc ia l background to the development o f V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n and the Chinese communi ty . 8 Chapter I summarizes the history o f Chinese immigra t ion to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and d iscr imina t ion that many Chinese immigrants experienced due to the head tax and other restrictive legis la t ion. The a i m o f this chapter is to describe the process i n w h i c h the Chinese were g iven the status o f "Other" i n Canad ian society and the aff irmation o f this status through legis la t ion. The examinat ion o f l aw is important because it reflects the soc ia l atmospheres o f that t ime. M o r e o v e r , because on ly those w i t h power , w h o were mos t ly o f B r i t i s h or ig ins , had access to enacting and enforcing legis la t ion and c o u l d ensure their status i n society, the d iscuss ion i n this chapter w i l l also point to the w a y i n w h i c h the colonia l i s t assumptions were projected in society, and h o w the Chinese were exc luded f rom society. In Chapter II, I w i l l talk about the Chinese commun i ty and C h i n a t o w n i n relat ion to the dec l in ing influence o f t radit ional voluntary organizations. The Chinese commun i ty i n the past was constructed around the soc ia l structure o f t radit ional voluntary organizations, as W i c k b e r g (1982) shows i n his extensive study. Because tradit ional voluntary organizations were such a c ruc ia l insti tutional structure i n the Chinese communi ty and because they were located i n C h i n a t o w n , the Chinese communi ty and C h i n a t o w n were indeed two soc ia l entities significant port ions o f w h i c h over lapped each other. H o w e v e r , such a close tie between the Chinese commun i ty and C h i n a t o w n broke d o w n , and the members o f the Chinese communi ty today feel less associated w i t h C h i n a t o w n compared to the past. T h i s is part ly because t radi t ional voluntary organizations lost their integral power over the communi ty as they cou ld no longer meet the changing demands o f the rap id ly d ivers i fy ing Chinese communi ty . T h i s is not to suggest that voluntary organizations lost their centrali ty i n the Chinese communi ty , however . T h e older organizat ions remained but were supplemented by newer vibrant organizat ions that met new realities and contributed, u l t imately , to newer defini t ions o f C h i n a t o w n . 9 Chapter III and I V w i l l l ook into the contemporary mul t icu l tura l Canad ian society and the Chinese communi ty . Chapter III examines the demographic changes among recent Chinese immigrants and their settlement patterns i n V a n c o u v e r by us ing statistical data. Canad ian society today is often regarded as less racist and d iscr iminatory after the revis ions o f immigra t ion po l i c ies i n 1967 and the introduct ion o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm i n 1971. In this chapter, m y purpose is to p rov ide a counter-argument to such an opt imis t ic v i e w o n immigra t ion po l ic ies and mul t icu l tu ra l i sm bor rowing f rom K i m (1999) and Thoban i (2000). There s t i l l remains d i sc r imina t ion against minor i ty groups; it has on ly changed the w a y it is expressed. F r o m this point o f v i e w , I w i l l discuss the Chinese residents ' geographical movements into h i s to r ica l ly European suburbs located w i t h i n and around Vancouve r . A s ment ioned earlier, this phenomenon became a controversy because such geographical movements o f the Chinese were perce ived by whi te residents as a dis tort ion o f the boundary between them and the non-whi te popula t ion . In agreement w i t h scholars such as A n g and Parekh , I w i l l argue that mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm has restricted the total integration o f the Chinese into whi te society. F i n a l l y , i n chapter I V , I w i l l c lose ly examine today ' s C h i n a t o w n i n V a n c o u v e r as a m u s e u m that shows and represents Chinese culture to society. In this chapter, I w i l l p rov ide some theories and concepts concern ing the museum and its functions and exp la in h o w museums i n general can become a m e d i u m o f communica t ion that conveys the messages o f c o l o n i a l i s m and d ichotomiza t ion o f " U s " and "Others ." The concepts o f "museums wi thout w a l l s " (Ma l r aux , 1953) and museums as educational facil i t ies (Bennett, 1995 ,1998) are par t icular ly important to m y argument that V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n is a museum. W o r k by T i m o t h y M i t c h e l l (1988), Colonizing Egypt, is useful to discuss the case o f V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n as a space i n w h i c h the no t ion o f c o l o n i a l i s m was reconstructed i n the process o f obj e d i f i c a t i on o f non-whites and their cultures. The theoretical connect ion between the 10 museum and tour i sm w i l l also be made i n this chapter to illustrate h o w and w h y V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n has become such a tourist attraction. F o l l o w i n g these general theoretical remarks, I examine V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n and its development as a museum. I w i l l examine some o f the beautif icat ion and revi ta l iza t ion schemes i n C h i n a t o w n f rom the late 1960s. Despi te efforts by the C i t y P l a n n i n g Department o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r to consult w i t h representatives o f C h i n a t o w n interests, the representation o f Chinese culture i n C h i n a t o w n was general ly created by adding v i s u a l l y appeal ing features i n what was be l ieved (pr imar i ly by non-Chinese) to be Chinese . Further, new organizations emerged, inc lud ing the Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre and the Chinese Garden Socie ty w h i c h were led by middle-c lass Chinese (main ly professionals and businessmen), and promoted an elite class vers ion o f Chinese culture. T h i s representation o f Chinese culture i n C h i n a t o w n was not necessari ly fu l ly appreciated by the older generation o f Chinese people w h o l i v e d , w o r k e d and shopped i n C h i n a t o w n , al though non-Chinese vis i tors w h o came to the area found it meaningful and entertaining. C h i n a t o w n increasingly had two parts; W e s t and East o f M a i n Street (Chao , 1971, p . 45) . Wes t o f M a i n Street was frequented by non-Chinese tourists w h o were served by Chinese shopkeepers and Chinese employees i n souvenir shops, sma l l restaurants, bakeries and, increasingly, stores se l l ing electronic goods (Chao , 1971, pp . 90-1). The second part, East o f M a i n Street, was the commerc i a l heart o f C h i n a t o w n . C h a o (1971) states that East o f M a i n Street preserved its identity as a representation o f the l ifestyle o f the older generation o f Chinese i n V a n c o u v e r and an area "free f rom foreign culture, free f rom tour ism, and free f rom outside con t ro l " (p. 47) . T h i s part o f C h i n a t o w n was f i l l ed w i t h grocery stores se l l ing Chinese foodstuffs, vegetables, meat and poul t ry, Chinese medicines , r i tual goods, and c o o k i n g equipment. T h i s part was attractive to vis i tors i n a different w a y f rom Wes t o f M a i n Street 11 because it was fu l l o f unfami l ia r sights, sounds and smel ls , w h i c h were closer perhaps to the real i ty o f a w a y o f l ife pract iced by the older generation o f Chinese people. I ron ica l ly , it c o u l d also be attractive to new, urbanized Chinese immigrants w h o were not fami l ia r w i t h such a l i festyle. 12 Chapter I The History of the Chinese in Vancouver: A History of Marginalization 1.1 Introduction In this chapter, I w i l l p rov ide an o v e r v i e w o f the his tory o f Chinese immigra t ion to Canada and discuss their marg ina l i zed status as "Othe r" i n Canad ian society. T h e i r distinctiveness i n Canad ian society has a lways attracted a great deal o f attention, affecting the w a y they have been treated i n society. T h i s chapter w i l l explore h o w Canada ' s po l i t i c a l and soc ia l attitudes towards the Chinese have been reflected i n their immigra t ion , and i n the formation o f the Chinese communi ty . I w i l l approach d i sc r imina t ion and rac i sm against the Chinese as a consequence o f European hegemony and Euro-cen t r i sm created through European co lon ia l i sm. International Chinese immigra t ion has a l o n g history that can be traced back centuries. A l t h o u g h the Chinese are one o f the oldest immigrant groups i n Canada ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 149), Chinese immigra t ion to N o r t h A m e r i c a is a re la t ively recent phenomenon. It was not un t i l the 19th century that Chinese immigrants began to arrive i n N o r t h A m e r i c a . T h e y consisted o f on ly a s m a l l por t ion o f overa l l Chinese immigra t ion , most o f w h i c h was bound to Southeast A s i a n countries ( L y m a n , 1974, pp . 3-4). M a n y Chinese w h o immigra ted to the countries i n Southeast A s i a were merchants w h o established import and/or export businesses serving European colonizers o f the reg ion ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 5). In spite o f the smal ler scale immigra t ion , the Chinese had a s ignif icant impact o n Canada , e v o k i n g tremendous po l i t i ca l , soc ia l , economic and cul tural repercussions i n Canad ian society. The po l i t i c a l and soc ia l structures o f that t ime were strongly characterized by the influence o f B r i t i s h co lon i a l i sm . B r i t i s h settlement i n what is n o w Western Canada brought not o n l y people o f B r i t i s h o r ig in , but also their po l i t i c a l systems, culture, and soc ia l 13 beliefs (Creese & Peterson, 1996, p . 119). Therefore, it was the soc ia l norms and values o f the B r i t i s h that structured Canada ' s west coast. Because the popula t ion was predominant ly B r i t i s h , their soc ia l norms and values became the soc ia l standards against w h i c h everyone else was measured. Th i s chapter examines Chinese immigra t ion to Canada in four phases: open immigra t ion , restr ict ion and exc lus ion , f ami ly reunif icat ion, and post-1967 immigra t ion . In the d iscuss ion o f the first phase o f open immigra t ion , I w i l l describe i n detai l the early settlement process o f the Chinese . T h i s part w i l l l ook at the t ime per iod f rom the ar r iva l o f the first Chinese i n what is n o w B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a to the establishment o f the Chinese commun i ty i n Vancouve r . The d iscuss ion o f the first phase sketches out the po l i t i c a l and soc ia l backgrounds that made the Chinese "Other" i n c o l o n i a l Canad ian society. T h e conceptual izat ion o f the Chinese as "Other" i n opposi t ion to whites as " U s " is a core concept that runs through this research; hence this section is important i n the sense that it sets the theoretical ground for this thesis. The f o l l o w i n g three phases are characterized by legis la t ion imposed o n people o f Chinese o r ig in by whi te society. The established soc ia l status o f the Chinese as "Other" legi t imat ized and a l lowed whites to subject them to continuous regulat ion and control . T o reflect this point , discussions o f these three phases w i l l be constructed around immigra t ion legis la t ion that was imposed upon the Chinese . Because o f the great influence o f co lon i a l i sm , whi tes had been the p r iv i l eged group i n society. The i r p r iv i l eged status a l l o w e d them to access power to manipulate the po l i t i c a l , soc ia l , and economic structures. W h e n it comes to the process o f ju r i sd ic t ion , the beliefs and perspectives o f the power fu l are most l i k e l y to be reflected, creating the hierarchal relations between those w i t h access to the power and those without . A d d i n g to this, Bee tham (1991) explains that: 14 L e g i t i m a c y is s ignificant not o n l y for the maintenance o f order, but also for the degree o f cooperat ion and qual i ty o f performance that the power fu l can secure f rom the subordinate; it is important not o n l y for whether they remain ' i n power ' , but for what their power can be used to achieve, (p. 29) Therefore, l o o k i n g into the legis la t ion imposed o n the Chinese and their immigra t ion to Canada can reveal soc ia l perceptions assigned to the Chinese over t ime. 1.2 Phase One: Open Immigration It was o n A p r i l 25 , 1858 w h e n the first 30 Chinese arr ived f rom San Franc i sco to what later became Canada (Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre M u s e u m and A r c h i v e s , 1998, p . 3) . These Chinese were g o l d miners heading to the Fraser R i v e r . F o l l o w i n g this, systematic recruitment brought a number o f workers f rom C h i n a to the g o l d mines i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , w h i c h resulted i n a rap id increase o f the Chinese popula t ion i n the area w i t h i n a short pe r iod o f t ime ( W a r d , 1978, p . 23 ; W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 13-4). F o r example , the number o f Chinese i n the C a r i b o o i n northern B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a grew from 30 i n 1858 to as large as 4,000 by the end o f 1863 to form Canada ' s first Chinese communi ty i n B a r k e r v i l l e (Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre M u s e u m and A r c h i v e s , p . 4) . The rap id increase o f the Chinese i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a can be expla ined by a combina t ion o f push and p u l l factors. Chinese society had been suffering f rom the explos ive popula t ion growth that caused severely poor standards o f l i v i n g . A s the cul t ivated lands were expanded, a larger amount o f food became avai lable . Because o f the ava i lab i l i ty o f food, the death rate dropped and the popula t ion q u i c k l y increased. The g r o w i n g popula t ion meant demand for larger l and to produce more food; however , the popula t ion size g rew so b i g that the shortage o f food supply became cr i t i ca l . T o make matters worse , po l i t i c a l instabi l i ty, 15 natural disasters, and foreign intervention also took place to create soc ia l instabi l i ty ( L y m a n , 1974, p . 5; W i c k b e r g , 1982, pp . 6-10). These incidents destroyed the economic structure, leading to the break d o w n o f the soc ia l and po l i t i c a l structures as w e l l ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 10). S u c h situations generated a p o o l o f potential immigrants , a r i s ing from the need to support famil ies . T o the Chinese , Canada seemed to be able to offer better chances o f success because o f the d iscovery o f g o l d mines o n the west coast. A l s o , cheap labour to construct an mfrastructure was i n great demand i n Canada at this t ime. The preceding g o l d rush fever i n A m e r i c a had started to decl ine by the t ime new g o l d mines were discovered i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . T h i s became a strong incentive for g o l d miners to relocate themselves f rom A m e r i c a to Canada . A m o n g these miners were a sma l l number o f Chinese . H o w e v e r , it was rare for these Chinese g o l d miners to come across instant weal th . One reason is that economic prosperi ty and j o b opportunities around g o l d mines d i d not last l ong for there were l imi t s to the g o l d found i n mines . Furthermore, Chinese miners cont inued seeking g o l d flakes after a large por t ion o f g o l d had already been dug by white miners ( C h o w , 1996, p . 14, 39). Therefore, the amount o f g o l d Chinese miners cou ld obtain was extremely sma l l , and this can be pointed out as another reason w h y it was more di f f icul t for them to become weal thy i n a short per iod o f t ime. A s the opportunities around g o l d mines became scarce, the construct ion o f the Canad ian Pac i f i c R a i l w a y ( C P R ) became a major source o f employment for the Chinese . M a n y Chinese workers were i n v o l v e d i n the construct ion o f C P R , and employers sometimes even preferred them to whi te workers ( W a r d , 1978, p . 36). Chinese males had smaller physiques than whi te males, and they also had abi l i ty to use dynamite and explos ive materials. These features o f Chinese workers were va lued w h e n tunnels had to be dug through the R o c k y Moun ta ins . Despi te dangerous w o r k i n g condi t ions and long hours, wages p a i d for 16 this w o r k were l o w . M o r e o v e r , wages p a i d to Chinese workers were even lower than those pa id to whi te workers ( C h o w , 1996, p . 2 ; L i , 1998, p . 49 ; W a r d , 1978, p . 17). The Chinese put up w i t h such w o r k i n g condi t ions and d iscr iminatory treatment. Therefore, Chinese workers appeared to be a more attractive labour force to employers : they were cheap and exploi table . Bes ides , they were also easi ly replaceable. O n e example signifies this point . Because o f dangerous w o r k environments, accidents often happened dur ing the C P R construct ion, k i l l i n g large numbers o f ind iv iduals . In such fatal accidents, the Chinese were more l i k e l y to become v ic t ims than whi te workers . T h i s impl ies that the l ives o f Chinese were perce ived less va lued than whites , and were thus disposable ( C h o w , 1996, p . 19; W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 23) . Af t e r a l l , the Chinese were suitable for B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s labour market o f this part icular t ime per iod , and the construct ion o f the C P R , w h i c h was the requirement imposed upon B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a to j o i n Confederat ion, might not have been achieved wi thout the contributions and sacrifices o f Chinese workers . The comple t ion o f the C P R i n 1885 had a great impact not o n l y o n the development o f V a n c o u v e r as a c i ty , but also o n the Chinese communi ty . V a n c o u v e r was geographical ly l i nked to central Canada and grew into a place o f p o l i t i c a l and economic importance. S u c h changes i n V a n c o u v e r had signif icance for the Chinese i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , too. L i (1998) indicates that, as contract workers , many Chinese ind iv idua ls were required to f ind n e w j o b opportunities after the comple t ion o f the C P R , so that they c o u l d continue p r o v i d i n g f inancia l support for their famil ies back i n C h i n a (pp. 51-3). N o w that V a n c o u v e r had established i t se l f as the centre o f economic activit ies o n the west coast, these Chinese expected better chances o f f ind ing j o b opportunities i n V a n c o u v e r and its ne ighbour ing areas. V a n c o u v e r ' s c l imate was another attractive feature. The majori ty o f Chinese i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a o f that t ime were o r ig ina l ly f rom the southern part o f C h i n a where the cl imate was re la t ively m i l d . Therefore, 17 V a n c o u v e r became the major destination o f the internal Chinese migra t ion w i t h i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , w h i c h eventual ly resulted i n the emergence o f the large Chinese c o m m u n i t y i n Vancouve r . B y the t ime B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a entered Confederat ion, the Chinese had already formed a communi ty i n Vancouve r . B y the 1890s, more than 1,000 Chinese were res id ing i n V a n c o u v e r alone (Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre M u s e u m and A r c h i v e s , 1998, p . 9). A n t i - C h i n e s e feelings existed i n other Western co lon ia l societies, too. A c c o r d i n g to W a r d (1978), g o l d miners f rom A m e r i c a had already been fami l ia r w i t h the d iscr iminatory attitudes and marg ina l iza t ion o f people o f Chinese o r ig in p r io r to their a r r iva l i n Canada (p. 24) . T h e y developed ant i-Chinese feelings through first-hand, direct da i ly contact w i t h Chinese miners . W a r d goes further to point out that ant i -Chinese feelings that emerged and spread i n V a n c o u v e r were a result o f internal migra t ion o f the Chinese from other areas o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , rather than the international migra t ion o f the Chinese (p. 46) . A l t h o u g h the existence o f the Chinese among whi te society was gradual ly increasing soc ia l intensity i n Vancouve r , it was yet to be o f great concern to the rest o f the society dur ing the per iod o f the g o l d rush. T h i s indicates that the congregat ion o f the dispersed Chinese popula t ion into a re la t ively sma l l area created an increased v i s i b i l i t y i n society, b u i l d i n g up uneasy feelings among whi te society. T h e y were " v i s i b l e " because they d i d not fit the descr ipt ion o f an ideal whi te society that B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a was so desperate to achieve. T h i s resulted i n the development o f ant i -Chinese feelings into so l id , inst i tut ional ly organized d i sc r imina t ion and rac i sm against the Chinese i n Canad ian society. In the process o f b u i l d i n g a communi ty , a clear l ine was d rawn between whites and the Chinese , w h i c h conf i rmed the soc ia l perceptions o f these t w o groups. The Chinese became what whites were not and whites became what the Chinese were not (Anderson , 1991, p . 96). 18 T h i s perspective was deeply rooted i n co lon ia l i sm . The no t ion o f c o l o n i a l i s m involves the takeover o f po l i t i c a l , soc ia l , and economic structures o f a co lon ized society, and European settlement o f several centuries l ed to the establishment o f European based po l i t i ca l , soc ia l , and economic foundations i n Canada (Perry, 2000, p . 146). Because European norms had become a reference point o f var ious types o f judgments i n Canad ian society, the pronounced difference o f the Chinese i n every aspect came to be used as rationale for d iscr iminatory attitudes and practices against them. It needs to be mentioned, however , that difference does not exist or is not recognized unless there are established norms and values to be compared to. V a n c o u v e r was the society created around B r i t i s h norms and values, and anything that d i d not fit into this society became an object o f exc lus ion . A c lear ly defined boundary o f superior " U s " and inferior "Others" on the basis o f rac ia l difference became the very reason to jus t i fy further d i sc r imina t ion , m a k i n g the Chinese more subordinate and vulnerable i n society. A l t h o u g h s taying close to one another as a group was probably the Ch inese ' s o w n strategy to cope w i t h the surrounding host i l i ty ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 36), it was these hosti le soc ia l condit ions that forced them to l ive i n a c losed area o f Vancouve r , what has n o w come to be k n o w n as C h i n a t o w n . The host i l i ty and discr iminatory attitudes towards the Chinese were reflected i n l a w that prevented them from o w n i n g property outside o f C h i n a t o w n . C h i n a t o w n stood out as a dis t inct ive area i n the B r i t i s h soc ia l context. In the minds o f po l i t i c a l l y and soc ia l ly prominent figures, V a n c o u v e r was destined to develop into a B r i t i s h co lony for whites ( W a r d , 1978, p . 31). Therefore, C h i n a t o w n became a space both p sycho log i ca l l y and geographical ly separated f rom whi te society. A n d e r s o n (1991) denotes that C h i n a t o w n was a creation that was supported by the not ion o f European hegemony (p. 9), w h i c h supports the point that the Chinese were po l i t i ca l ly , soc ia l ly and geographical ly confined to C h i n a t o w n because o f g r o w i n g d iscr imina t ion and rac i sm a imed at them by whi te society. 19 The differences between the Chinese commun i ty and C h i n a t o w n and the w i d e r Canad ian society were interpreted as signs o f infer ior i ty; the Chinese d i d not have cultures s imi la r to European culture, were not w i l l i n g to assimilate, or were incapable o f ass imi la t ing to European standards. F o r these reasons, the Chinese were perce ived as be ing inferior to whites. S u c h ideas in f lamed d i sc r imina t ion and rac i sm against people o f Chinese o r i g i n i n Canada for decades to come. Because the rac ia l and cul tural differences o f the Chinese and other non-white groups were soc ia l ly interpreted to stand as signs o f their " in fe r io r i ty , " they were projected as obstacles that cou ld deter the development o f whi te society. F o r this reason, any poss ible negative impact o n whi te society had to be prevented, and the ab i l i ty o f non -whi te groups to influence po l i t i c a l and soc ia l factors had to be reduced through d i sc r imina t ion . A s a result o f geographical confinement o f the Chinese i n C h i n a t o w n , "the Chinese c o m m u n i t y " and " C h i n a t o w n " became over lapping entities. Therefore, I w i l l use these t w o terms interchangeably i n what fo l lows . C h i n a t o w n became the very geographical space i n w h i c h the Chinese commun i ty existed, and the Chinese commun i ty formed an extremely close associat ion w i t h a part icular space that existed i n the whi te imaginat ion. 1.3 Phase Two: Restriction and Exclusion This phase started i n the late 19th century and lasted un t i l 1947, the year the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t was repealed. D i s c r i m i n a t i o n and rac i sm towards the Chinese and other non-whi te populat ions reached unprecedented levels i n Canad ian society dur ing this phase. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and its whi te residents he ld part icular ideals about the future. H a v i n g established i t se l f as a member o f Confederat ion, B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a was determined to become a society consis t ing o f whites and serving their needs. Therefore, the po l i t i c a l and soc ia l atmosphere 20 profoundly favoured whi te residents, whereas people w h o c o u l d not fit i n this picture started to be marg ina l ized and excluded. In this respect, legis la t ion such as the head taxes and the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t o f 1923 c lear ly indicated the p o l i t i c a l and soc ia l c l imate o f Canad ian society, i n w h i c h the Chinese were constructed as "Other . " The a i m o f such legis la t ion was to d i m i n i s h the Chinese cornmunity i n Canada . The head taxes effectively reduced the number o f n e w Chinese immigrants and the size o f the Chinese popula t ion . A l t h o u g h the numbers o f Chinese i n Canada actual ly increased immedia te ly after the introduct ion o f the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t due to the natural popula t ion increase, the p roh ib i t ion o f Chinese immigra t ion through the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t , combined w i t h deaths and repatriation o f Chinese immigrants , eventual ly offset this popula t ion growth . B y 1941, the size o f the Chinese commun i ty became smal ler than it had been pr io r to the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 148). Therefore, l aws targeting the Chinese i n this phase contributed to the decl ine o f their popula t ion size to the point the Chinese communi ty was i n danger o f disappearance. The fact that the head tax was first introduced as early as 1886, on ly a year after the comple t ion o f the C P R , supports the percept ion that the Chinese were not w e l c o m e d i n Canad ian society. A l t h o u g h the p rov ince o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and Canada had re l ied heav i ly o n Chinese workers to b u i l d the C P R , once this goa l was achieved, the Chinese were no longer necessary and became obstacles to the establishment o f whi te society. Therefore, the government introduced the head taxes w i t h the intention o f d i m i n i s h i n g the Chinese popula t ion. The first head tax o f 1886 was 50 dollars per person, w h i c h was then increased to 100 dollars , and by 1903, it rose sharply to 500 dollars . Such a harsh restr ict ion successfully reduced the number o f new Chinese immigrants c o m i n g to Canada because many Chinese w h o intended to immigrate c o u l d s imp ly not afford it. 21 O n the surface, the most important purpose o f the head tax legis la t ion was to reduce the number o f the Chinese i n Canada . The h idden intention, however , was to reduce the number o f "unwanted" Chinese immigrants . B y "unwanted" Chinese , I mean poor Chinese w h o c o u l d potential ly become a cheap labour force i n the Canad ian labour market. Because o f their characteristics both as replaceable and cheap, the existence o f the Chinese was regarded as a menace to the status o f whi te workers (Warbur ton, 1999). The i r lower socia l status w h i c h was der ived f rom rac ia l and class difference became a jus t i f ica t ion for unequal treatment (Warbur ton, 1999, pp . 111-4). The Chinese became the "enemy" i n whi te society, especia l ly threatening the work ing-c lass popula t ion. H o w e v e r , not a l l Chinese immigrants were considered to be enemies to the government o f Canada . A l t h o u g h the Chinese c o u l d never be free f rom rac ia l iza t ion i n Canad ian society, there was a s m a l l group o f them w h o were exempt f rom p a y i n g the head taxes. T h i s group inc luded d ip lomat ic and consular representatives, tourists, merchants, and students (Anderson , 1991, p . 58). The government acknowledged the importance o f the intake o f Chinese merchants especia l ly because they c o u l d "contribute capital and trade arrangements to Canada ' s development" (Anderson , 1991, p . 58). T h i s impl ies that the ways i n w h i c h Canada treated the Chinese were determined on the basis o f the benefits they c o u l d provide to whi te society. M o r e o v e r , because o f their affluent status as merchants, they were less l i k e l y to become labourers w h o w o u l d compete against their whi te counterparts i n the same j o b market. Therefore, the head taxes functioned as a w a y o f screening out the weal thy merchant class f rom the poor w o r k i n g class (Anderson , 1991, p . 58). The Chinese were a l l o wed into Canada on ly w h e n they c o u l d make an economic contr ibut ion to Canad ian society and s t i l l be "harmless" to whi te workers . 22 The head taxes succeeded i n reducing the overa l l size o f the Chinese communi ty . H o w e v e r , they c o u l d never comple te ly el iminate the in f lux o f "unwanted" Chinese i n Canada . A l t h o u g h sma l l i n number, there were Chinese ind iv idua l s w h o negotiated the categories exempt f rom p a y i n g the head taxes. C h o w (1996) gives one example o f such cases i n her w o r k w h i c h explores early Chinese settlements i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . In an in terv iew w i t h C h o w , one Chinese m a n revealed his experiences i n Canada that took place i n the few years f o l l o w i n g h i s a r r iva l . H i s father and brother had already resided i n Canada and wanted h i m to j o i n them so that he c o u l d help the fami ly business. Because o f the p roh ib i t ion imposed o n Chinese labourers c o m i n g to Canada , he came o n a student v i s a instead. H e was i n school for three years just to main ta in the v a l i d status o f a student, yet he w o r k e d each day before go ing to schoo l and dur ing the lunch break to support the f ami ly business (pp. 131-2). The Chinese Immigra t ion A c t o f 1923 can be perce ived as an extreme fo rm o f host i l i ty and hatred a imed at the Chinese by Canad ian society. T h i s legis la t ion was introduced f o l l o w i n g the head taxes and was effective un t i l its repeal i n 1947. U n d e r this l a w a l l people o f Chinese ancestry were denied entry to Canada. Statist ical informat ion illustrates a stark difference i n the numbers o f Chinese a l l o w e d i n Canada between the t w o t ime periods before and after the introduct ion o f the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t . A c c o r d i n g to S i m m o n s (1998), 43,470 Chinese indiv iduals entered Canada as legal immigrants between 1906 and 1924: by contrast, between 1924 and 1946 o n l y seven Chinese immigrants were permit ted entry (p. 38). These figures on ly indicate the number o f Chinese immigrants lega l ly a l l o w e d i n Canada : the number o f i l l ega l immigrants is u n k n o w n . H o w e v e r , these figures c lear ly suggest that the legis la t ion was a imed at e l imina t ing the Chinese presence i n Canada . A l t h o u g h whi te society d i d not w e l c o m e the Chinese i n general, the favourable attitude o f the Canad ian government towards the weal thy Chinese merchant class d i d not change even 23 after the enactment o f the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t . Importantly, the l a w made an except ion for Chinese merchants: W h o devoted [their] und iv ided attention to mercanti le pursuits, w h o had not less than $2,500 invested i n an enterprise impor t ing to Canada or expor t ing to C h i n a goods o f Chinese or Canad ian o r ig in or manufacture and w h o had conducted such a business for at least three years. ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 90) A g a i n , they were a l l o w e d i n Canada because o f the perce ived financial benefits they c o u l d offer. In the case o f the Chinese , their value to Canad ian society was measured by the economic contributions they cou ld make, but not i n terms o f po l i t i ca l , soc ia l or cul tura l contributions. A n d such economic contributions were not made by their par t ic ipat ion in economic activit ies compet ing or cooperat ing w i t h the whi te popula t ion , but bas ica l ly by transporting their weal th from C h i n a to Canada . 1.4 Phase Three: Family Reunification The th i rd phase o f immigra t ion is from the repeal o f the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t to the r ev i s ion o f immigra t ion po l ic ies i n 1967. T h i s phase is characterized by the f ami ly reunif icat ion program that improved severe imbalances o f sex ratios and skewed age distributions i n V a n c o u v e r ' s Chinese communi ty (Anderson , 1991, p . 99) . In many w a y s the fami ly reunif icat ion p l an contributed to the d ivers i f ica t ion o f V a n c o u v e r ' s Chinese communi ty . A b r i e f o v e r v i e w o f Canad ian society dur ing and after the w a r pe r iod is useful here to contextualize the d iscuss ion o f the influence that the f ami ly reunif icat ion p rogram had o n Chinese immigra t ion and the Chinese communi ty . The Chinese were not o f f i c i a l ly admitted into the army dur ing W o r l d W a r I. The i r status as legitimate Canad ian ci t izens had been denied by white society because their race demarcated them as people w h o were not e l ig ib le to 24 become Canad ian (Anderson , 1991, p . 171). T h e y were not on ly denied entitlement to the basic rights they deserved to exercise, but they were also prevented f rom m a k i n g a contr ibut ion to society, by serving i n the army, for example . Despi te such humi l i a t i ng treatments, however , the Chinese were s t i l l w i l l i n g to devote themselves to the country they be l ieved they be longed to. The Canadian-born Chinese were finally inc luded as e l ig ib le applicants for the Canad ian army dur ing W o r l d W a r II (Anderson , 1991, p . 171; N g , 1999, p . 43) . F o r one, their wi l l ingness to help Canada i n the previous w a r generated appreciat ion f rom some parties. The most important reason, however , was the fact that Canada and C h i n a n o w shared a c o m m o n enemy. Pe rce iv ing Japan as the c o m m o n enemy suddenly changed the soc ia l attitudes towards people o f Chinese and Japanese o r ig in i n Canada . The Japanese were sent to the internment camps i n the interior whether they were foreign-born or Canadian-born , and d i sc r imina t ion against them became extremely severe ( W a r d , 1978, p . 148). O n the other hand, Canad ian society started to quest ion the rationale for d i sc r imina t ing against the Chinese i n Canada because o f the international al l iance between Canada and C h i n a . It is important to note here that the d is t inc t ion between the Chinese and the Japanese was blurred unt i l the midd le o f the 19th century w h e n Japan 's mi l i t a ry expans ion i n A s i a and v ic to ry against Rus s i a generated attention f rom Western nations ( W a r d , 1978, p .97) . P rev ious ly whi te society had found little reason to dis t inguish between these groups because they were "Others" w h o d i d not be long to " U s . " D i s t i nc t i on w i t h i n the category o f "Others" was s imp ly not important to whites . Y e t , the boundary between whites and non-whites gained prominence dur ing W o r l d W a r II and fostered the Japanese internment. Because o f Japan 's perce ived "superior" status to C h i n a from the perspective o f whi te society, the immigra t ion restrictions imposed o n the Japanese were less severe than those imposed o n the Chinese 25 ( W a r d , 1978, Chapter 6). H o w e v e r , once the w a r broke out and the treaty between B r i t a i n and Japan was repealed, people o f Japanese o r i g i n suddenly became rac ia l "Other" and enemy aliens. A g a i n , it was rac ia l difference that indicated w h o c o u l d become " U s " and w h o had to be "Others ." The contributions that people o f Chinese o r ig in made dur ing this t ime f ina l ly gained recogni t ion f rom whi te society. F o r example , the Chinese communi ty i n V a n c o u v e r bought Canad ian V i c t o r y B o n d s to f inancia l ly support Canada dur ing the w a r effort (Chinese Cu l tu ra l Centre M u s e u m and A r c h i v e s , 1998, p . 13). T h i s is not to say that the Chinese were granted fu l l rights. Rather, to regain their basic rights i n society, the Chinese veterans took ini t iat ives to appeal to the federal government as representatives o f the Chinese communi ty ( N g , 1999, p . 44) . Changes i n the international communi ty after the wars also p l ayed a role i n c o n v i n c i n g the Canad ian government to reconsider its blatantly d iscr iminatory treatment o f the Chinese . The awareness o f human rights s ignif icant ly increased i n the post-war international communi ty , w h i c h also became a pressure upon Canad ian society ( H a w k i n s , 1972, Chapter 1, p . 128). A m o n g the rights re-granted to the Chinese , such as the r ight to vote and the repeal o f the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t , the introduct ion o f the f ami ly reunif icat ion p rogram had a great impact o n the demographic structure o f the Chinese communi ty . The early Chinese commun i ty was predominant ly male oriented. The head taxes and the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t geographical ly separated a number o f famil ies . The repeal o f the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t a l l owed these famil ies to reunify i n Canada. A l t h o u g h such changes saved the Chinese commun i ty f rom van i sh ing from Canad ian society, the difference o f race s t i l l p reva i led i n dis t inct ion between " U s " and "Others ." Immediate ly after W o r l d W a r II, Canada started to receive large vo lumes o f refugees and 26 displaced persons f rom European countries ( H a w k i n s , 1972, pp. 15-8). These countries were not B r i t i s h or F rench ; however , they were s t i l l countries i n Europe whose populat ions consisted largely o f whi te people. These newcomers added cul tural and ethnic divers i ty , but were more "harmless" i n terms o f the rac ia l homogenei ty o f Canad ian society. Canada s t i l l desperately tr ied to main ta in i t se l f as a whi te nat ion. S u c h intention was found i n the f ami ly reunif icat ion program, too. T h e different e l ig ib i l i t ies for the f ami ly reunif icat ion program were emp loyed depending o n the rac ia l category o f an applicant. F o r example , people o f European backgrounds, i.e. whi tes , were able to b r ing their immediate f ami ly members to j o i n them as l ong as they were residents o f Canada ( H a w k i n s , 1972, pp . 120-1). In contrast, people o f A s i a n o r ig in had to first meet the requirements o f be ing Canad ian ci t izens. Furthermore, i n the case o f people o f A s i a n backgrounds, there was an age restr ict ion for unmarr ied ch i ld ren e l ig ib le for the program, w h i c h was not appl icable to people o f European backgrounds. The age restr ict ion o f ch i ld ren to be e l ig ib le for the fami ly reunif icat ion program was 18 years, w h i c h was later raised to 21 years ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 90). These restrictions i n fact made it d i f f icul t for the Chinese to b r ing their famil ies to Canada under the fami ly reunif icat ion program. Firs t , because o f the severe host i l i ty a imed at the Chinese i n the past and the depr ivat ion o f the r ight o f naturalization, it can be assumed that the rates o f Chinese immigrants w h o he ld Canad ian c i t izenship were not h igh . Second , the exc lus ion era o f over 20 years aged these Chinese ind iv idua ls i n Canada and their famil ies i n C h i n a . It is possible that a number o f ch i ld ren born to Chinese famil ies before the exc lus ion era had already g r o w n older than the age restriction. T h i r d , a l though this is not a direct influence o f the fami ly reunif icat ion p rogram itself, many Chinese l i v i n g i n Canada lost contact w i t h their famil ies w h e n the invas ion o f the Japanese army into C h i n a occurred dur ing 27 W o r l d W a r II ( L i , 1998, p . 68). Therefore, a l though the f ami ly reunif icat ion p rogram brought a m u c h larger number o f Chinese immigrants to Canada compared to the t ime o f exc lus ion , it is also true that the Chinese c o u l d not ga in as many benefits from this p rogram as c o u l d whi te immigrants . Af t e r a l l , the Chinese popula t ion g rowth was kept to a m i n i m u m . 1.5 Phase Four: Post 1967 Immigrants E v e n under the restrictions and restraints based o n rac ia l difference, the Chinese commun i ty internally d ivers i f ied i n terms o f its demographic structure mos t ly because o f the gradual emergence o f a Canadian-born generation and the reunif icat ion o f famil ies separated dur ing the exc lus ion era. The revis ions o f the new immigra t ion po l ic ies i n 1967 drast ical ly accelerated these gradual changes w h i c h had been occur r ing w i t h i n the Chinese communi ty . The character o f Chinese immigrants and their places o f o r ig in s ignif icant ly changed f o l l o w i n g the r ev i s ion o f immigra t ion po l ic ies , w h i c h made the Chinese communi ty diverse i n terms o f their soc io-economic status i n Canada . S u c h changes were further p romoted w h e n the p o l i c y o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm was introduced i n 1971. The internal transformation o f the Chinese communi ty became relevant when the stereotypical o l d images o f the Ch inese came to be replaced by the image o f " m o d e l m i n o r i t y " (Anderson , 1991, p . 213); nonetheless this term s t i l l suggests the status o f "Other" assigned to the Chinese . A s Chapter III speci f ica l ly focuses o n Chinese immigrants o f this phase, the d iscuss ion unfolded i n this section is kept to be a b r i e f ove rv i ew o f the post 1967 Chinese immigrants to Canada . The rev i s ion o f the n e w immigra t ion po l i c ies i n 1967 r emoved rac ia l and ethnic categories from immigra t ion selection; instead, the revised po l ic ies introduced new cri ter ia k n o w n as the point system. The point system was used to increase the por t ion o f benef ic ia l immigrants to Canad ian society. H a w k i n s (1972) argues an important aspect o f changing 28 immigra t ion po l i c ies i n Canada were the shifts o f the Canad ian domestic economy and labour market (pp. 41-53). The focus o f Canada ' s economy m o v e d f rom the sphere o f industry and manufacture, to that o f informat ion and technology. These changes demanded that the labour force satisfy the qual if icat ions such as education and occupat ional sk i l l s and knowledge . N e w immigrants admit ted to Canada as potential labour force participants were not exempt f rom meet ing such qualif icat ions. It became clear that intake o f on ly refugees and displaced persons was not enough to f i l l the needs o f a changing Canad ian economy. Bes ides , European countries were recover ing re la t ively q u i c k l y f rom the damages f rom W o r l d W a r II, and the needs for them to immigrate to other countries were not as strong as i n the immediate post-war per iod . T h i s caused a decl ine i n the number o f qua l i f ied immigrants f rom Europe . Therefore, seeking immigrants w i t h satisfactory qualit ies outside Europe became a strategy to be pursued. These changes opened the door to Chinese immigra t ion f rom a l l over the w o r l d . The revis ions o f the immigra t ion po l i c ies i n 1967, w h i c h removed rac ia l and ethnic categories, increased not o n l y the number o f Chinese immigrants but also immigrants f rom the so-cal led " th i rd w o r l d , " such as the Car ibbean, L a t i n A m e r i c a , and Southeast A s i a ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 206) . It is important to poin t out here that Chinese immigrants o f post 1967 no longer shared the same characteristics as the early Chinese immigrants (Anderson , 1991, pp . 214-5; L i , 1998; pp . 7, 96-7; W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 245) . W h i l e the major source o f Chinese immigrants i n the early days was the southern part o f C h i n a , H o n g K o n g became the m a i n source o f Chinese immigra t ion soon after these new immigra t ion po l i c ies were enacted. M a i n l a n d C h i n a d i d not regain its pos i t ion as the major source o f Chinese immigrants to Canada un t i l the number o f immigrants f rom H o n g K o n g s ignif icant ly dropped after 1997 ( L i , 1998, p . 96; Statistics Canada , 2003) . 29 The shift o f place o f o r ig in also indicated that Chinese immigrants shifted f rom immigrants f rom rural to urban areas" to " immigrants f rom urban to urban areas." H o n g K o n g immigrants , the m a i n component o f Chinese immigrants after the introduct ion o f the new immigra t ion po l i c i es , came to Canada w i t h h i g h education, ab i l i ty i n the E n g l i s h language, and experiences o f urban l i v i n g for a certain per iod o f t ime (Anderson , 1991, pp. 214-5). In other words , these " n e w " Chinese immigrants were a group o f people w h o had less i n c o m m o n w i t h the " o l d " Chinese immigrants . The gap between the " o l d " and " n e w " Chinese immigrants became even w i d e r i n the 1980s and the 1990s. B y the late 1980s, most o f Chinese immigrants came f rom H o n g K o n g . It changed not on ly Canad ian socie ty ' s perception on Chinese immigrants as a group o f affluent people , but also the p o w e r relationships w i t h i n the Chinese communi ty . These new Chinese immigrants outnumbered the older generation o f Chinese immigrants . C o m p a r e d to the older generation o f Chinese immigrants , the n e w Chinese immigrants had more suitable characteristics (i.e. education, language s k i l l , economic competency, and experience o f l i v i n g i n Wes te rn ized urban environments) that enabled them to adjust to Canad ian society. 1.6 Conclusion The Chinese communi ty , w h i c h was part o f V a n c o u v e r ' s history since its b i r th as a c i ty , were a lways inf luenced strongly by the po l i t i c a l structure o f Canada. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a began as a B r i t i s h co lony characterized by a s izeable whi te popula t ion , Chr i s t i an i ty , and loyal ty to the Queen o f Eng l and . It was B r i t i s h oriented soc ia l norms and values that structured society. In this respect, there was no r o o m for the Chinese to be accepted as equal participants. Differences based on race, language, culture, r e l ig ion , and cul tura l practices 30 marked them out as a soc ia l group that c o u l d not fit i n the society already established i n the B r i t i s h w a y . Despi te such w i d e differences between whi tes and the Chinese , Chinese workers were favoured i n some sections o f industry that prospered i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The Chinese contr ibut ion to the comple t ion o f the C P R is one such example . The i r w o r k made a huge contr ibut ion to b u i l d an mfrastructure that later became the basis o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ' s development. H o w e v e r , their culture and existence i n society were neither w e l c o m e d nor appreciated. In this sense, B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a and the rest o f Canada made the most o f Chinese workers wi thout g i v i n g them any credit for their contributions. The hosti le attitudes o f whi te society towards the Chinese are par t icular ly evident i n the history o f Chinese immigra t ion and immigra t ion l aw . A s W i c k b e r g (1982) states, "the Chinese were the on ly immigrant group i n Canada for w h i c h there was a complete structure o f special legis la t ion and regula t ion" (p. 207) . It is important to note here that the legal iza t ion o f r ac i sm and d i sc r imina t ion against the Chinese had a s ignif icant impact o n the w a y i n w h i c h the Chinese were treated i n Canad ian society. Because legis la t ion had the power o f l eg i t im iz ing racist and discr iminatory practices, the Chinese were rendered vulnerable to and powerless against such r ac i sm and d i sc r imina t ion . A s shown i n this chapter, the ways i n w h i c h the Chinese have been treated by whi te society are c lear ly reflected i n legis la t ion. F o r example , ant i -Chinese feelings g rew to the point that they c o u l d be effectively used as an electoral strategy by pol i t ic ians (Warbur ton, 1999, p . 106; W a r d , 1978, p . 33 ; W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 50). A n d these pol i t ic ians were indeed i n a pos i t ion i n w h i c h they c o u l d access the authoritarian power i n the po l i t i ca l structure. A n d e r s o n (1991) highl ights this point by stating that "the idea o f a ' C h i n e s e ' race was a most 31 convenient concept for po l i t i c a l manipu la t ion . . .at both p r o v i n c i a l and d o m i n i o n levels , used (not necessari ly consc ious ly) to w i n electoral support and inspire a col lec t ive sense o f identif icat ion among a ' w h i t e ' in -group" (p. 63) . Therefore, " i n the minds o f whi tes , ' race ' and 'na t ion ' became interchangeable id ioms around w h i c h soc io-po l i t i ca l units were bui l t and conquered" (Anderson , 1991, p . 110). W h e n the clear l i n k between "whi te race" and " C a n a d i a n " was created, there was no space for the Chinese to fit in and their status as "Other" was even more f i rmly established. The changes i n immigra t ion po l i c ies i n the 1960s and the introduct ion o f a p o l i c y o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm i n 1971 eased the restrictions p laced upon the Chinese i n Canada . C h a n g i n g immigra t ion po l i c i e s a l l owe d the numbers o f Chinese immigrants to g row. B y the early 1970s Chinese constituted the largest category o f migrants to Canada w h i c h was mainta ined over a 30 year pe r iod ( L i , 1998, pp . 95-102). Such migrants came as entire famil ies , un l ike earlier periods, and they were more diverse i n terms o f place o f o r ig in , weal th , class and educational backgrounds. T h e y were more l i k e l y to adapt to Canad ian society easier and faster than the older generation o f Chinese immigrants . It was on ly helped by recogni t ion o f the va l id i ty o f a Chinese cul tural expression i n the context o f a mul t icu l tura l society. C lea r ly , by the 1970s, the pos i t ion o f the Chinese " t i l e " i n Canada ' s ver t ica l mosa ic had changed dramat ica l ly f rom their si tuation as portrayed i n Por ter ' s c lass ica l account o f the Canad ian soc ia l stratification system (Porter, 1965). The s m a l l second generation Chinese o n their return f rom w a r took ini t iat ives to achieve the extension o f basic rights to the Chinese popula t ion , and this certainly helped the new immigrants obtain professional status. Some Chinese immigrants f rom H o n g K o n g came w e l l equipped w i t h Engl ish- language and other sk i l l s and experienced substantial upward m o b i l i t y i n Canad ian soc ia l context, w h i c h a l l owed for spatial d ispers ion away from C h i n a t o w n , as I w i l l indicate i n Chapter III. T h e y became a 32 " m o d e l m i n o r i t y " but, it can be suggested, this concept impl ies a cont inued object if icat ion as "Other . " A s Canad ian society underwent dramatic changes i n the 1970s, the characteristics o f the Chinese communi ty also changed, and these w i l l be discussed i n the f o l l o w i n g chapter. 33 Chapter II The Chinese Community in Changing Canadian Society 2.1 Introduction A s I sketched out i n Chapter I, the Chinese commun i ty had a lways been under the influence o f Canad ian po l i t i c a l agenda and immigra t ion l aw. The same holds true for the po l i t i c a l and soc ia l par t ic ipat ion o f the Chinese i n the w i d e r Canad ian society. In this chapter, m y focus is o n the internal transformation o f the Chinese communi ty . I w i l l argue that the Chinese communi ty o f the past was c lose ly organized around tradit ional voluntary organizations; however , this structure has undergone changes and n o w the tie between the Chinese communi ty and tradit ional voluntary organizations has become loose. B y tradit ional voluntary organizat ions, I mean the ethnic based organizations established before or dur ing the t ime o f Chinese exc lus ion , such as the Chinese Benevolen t A s s o c i a t i o n ( C B A ) . The reason w h y tradi t ional voluntary organizations are so important is that "the his tory o f Chinese communi t ies is largely the history o f the g rowth and development o f voluntary organizat ions" (Johnson, 1994, p . 129). I f Johnson 's statement is v a l i d , the "dec l ine" o f these tradit ional voluntary organizations is also an important component o f history o f the Chinese commun i ty i n Vancouve r . A l t h o u g h the decl ine o f t radit ional voluntary organizations has great s ignif icance i n terms o f the changing Chinese communi ty i n Vancouve r , this is not to suggest that external factors, such as Canad ian po l i t i cs , d i d not also affect the internal changes o f the Ch inese communi ty . In fact, these t w o factors are inseparable. F o r example , the external factors w i t h the greatest influence o n the Chinese c o m m i m i t y can be said to be the po l i t i c a l and soc ia l changes towards mul t icu l tu ra l i sm. S o c i a l " tolerance" towards minor i ty groups, i nc lud ing the Chinese , started to increase as mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm was adopted i n Canada . The demographic divers i f ica t ion and geographical d ispers ion o f the Chinese communi ty , w h i c h c o u l d be considered as the signs o f separation o f the Chinese communi ty f rom C h i n a t o w n , also o w e d m u c h to this p o l i c y . H o w e v e r , this p o l i c y is not omnipotent jus t as any other po l i c ies are not so. I w i l l argue that mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm is a po l i t i c a l and soc ia l t oo l that reinforces the established dis t inc t ion between whites and non-whites . 2.2 Traditional Voluntary Organizations Before d iscuss ing the decl ine o f t radit ional voluntary organizations, a b r i e f o v e r v i e w o f their general roles and characteristics needs to be p rov ided . M a n y scholars share the v i e w that the root o f t radi t ional voluntary organizations can be found i n Chinese society (Cr i s sman , 1967; L i , 1998, pp . 77-80; N g , 1999, pp . 11-3; W i c k b e r g , 1982, pp . 10-1; 1994). The p r imary function o f tradit ional voluntary organizat ions was to offer mutual help to their members and to protect them from unfamil iar soc ia l surroundings. Domes t i c migra t ion f rom rura l to urban areas had a lways been part o f the history o f Ch inese society. Geograph ica l m o b i l i t y meant that urban communi t ies were compr ised o f people f rom different backgrounds. O n encountering dis t inct ive groups o f people, migrants faced diff icul t ies de r iv ing f rom differences o f behaviours , soc ia l and economic structures, and soc ia l norms and values. Trad i t iona l voluntary organizations helped them w i t h economic support, scholarship, employment , and so forth i n such unfami l ia r environments ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, pp . 10-1). E a r l y Chinese immigrants brought this type o f support system w i t h them as a strategy o f su rv iva l i n Canad ian society. L i (1998) adds his v i e w o n the or igins o f t radit ional voluntary organizations i n Canada . H e points out that "the emergence o f these ethnic institutions had more to do w i t h insti tutional r ac i sm i n Canada than w i t h whatever t radi t ional culture might have been transplanted f rom 35 C h i n a " (p. 7). F o r m i n g voluntary organizations was the most fami l ia r strategy used by the Chinese to cope w i t h unfami l ia r soc ia l environments; at the same t ime, r e ly ing o n such organizations became the o n l y w a y for the Chinese to survive i n a new and hosti le land. F o r instance, ind iv idua ls d i d not need to be part o f a part icular k i n group to become a member o f a " c l a n " associat ion. O n the contrary, memberships i n c l an associations i n Canada were often granted for established friendship and/or partnership among the Chinese communi ty ( C h o w , 1976 ci ted in L i , 1998, p . 78). T h i s impl ies that the Chinese communi ty gave pr ior i ty to the importance o f the goal (i.e., establishment o f voluntary organizations i n order to survive i n Canad ian society) over the procedures o f ach iev ing it. H o w e v e r , t radit ional voluntary organizat ions serving Chinese communi t ies i n Canada shared s imi la r functions w i t h those o f t radi t ional voluntary organizations i n Chinese society. There were three major roles that t radi t ional voluntary organizations p l ayed i n the context o f Canad ian society. The first function was the dis t r ibut ion o f a w i d e r range o f po l i t i ca l and soc ia l opportunities. Because the Chinese were the group o f people w h o were r ac i a l ly , po l i t i c a l l y , and soc ia l ly s ingled out f rom the w i d e r Canad ian society, t radit ional voluntary organizations were the on ly fo rm o f inst i tut ional ized structure that c o u l d provide the Chinese w i t h po l i t i c a l and soc ia l support. Wi thou t t radit ional voluntary organizations, opportunities to function as part o f the po l i t i c a l and soc ia l system might not have been avai lable to Chinese immigrants . The second function was to support the development o f soc ia l networks among the Chinese . Trad i t iona l voluntary organizations, w h i c h were phys i ca l ly and emot iona l ly central to the communi ty , were the l o c i o f leisure, communica t ion , and entertainment for Chinese men w h o dominated the Chinese communi ty ( N g , 1999, p . 15). The Chinese developed soc ia l capi tal through activit ies offered by tradit ional voluntary organizations. The th i rd function was to serve as a po l i t i c a l and soc ia l l i n k between C h i n a and Chinese 36 communi t ies i n Canada . In the t ime pe r iod i n w h i c h the communica t ion technology was yet to be developed, and w h e n the Chinese s t i l l preserved the strong sojourning characteristics hop ing to return to C h i n a one day, obta in ing informat ion about their homeland and their famil ies was a matter o f great importance. Tradi t iona l voluntary organizations, however , had a different aspect as w e l l . T h e y served i n favour o f prominent Chinese merchants w h o monopo l i zed businesses and merchandise under the c l a i m that they protected the members o f the organizat ion by p r o v i d i n g them w i t h stable business opportunities (Skinner , 1977, pp. 543, 547-53). The abi l i ty to control economic activit ies was direct ly interpreted as po l i t i c a l power i n the Chinese communi ty . In this sense, tradit ional voluntary organizations had become heav i ly p o l i t i c i z e d agencies established on the base o f business activit ies. In fact, the leadership i n these tradi t ional voluntary organizations was granted on the basis o f one 's weal th and prestige (Cr i s sman , 1967, p . 199). Therefore, t radit ional voluntary organizations had two-s ided characteristics. T h e y became p o l i t i c a l and soc ia l institutions that constrained the Chinese l ife to a certain extent, i n return for p r o v i d i n g them w i t h the p o l i t i c a l and soc ia l structures they c o u l d identify w i t h amidst a hosti le soc ia l environment i n Canada . These organizat ions acted as buffers against Canada ' s unfavourable soc ia l condi t ions for the Chinese b y put t ing them under the umbre l la o f their inf luent ial power . It is important to note, however , that such a benefit was made avai lable on ly through the membership o f a tradit ional voluntary organizat ion. In other words , the Chinese had no choice but to be i n v o l v e d i n the structure o f tradit ional voluntary organizations i f they were to obtain any k i n d o f assistance or support that they needed for su rv iva l . Therefore, internal soc ia l stratification created by tradit ional voluntary organizat ions resulted i n a very stark soc ia l hierarchy within the Chinese communi ty . A s ment ioned earlier, 37 f inancia l competence was a direct l i n k to the access to power i n the po l i t i c a l and soc ia l realms o f the Chinese communi ty . Therefore, becoming a c o g o f a t radit ional voluntary organizat ion meant to enter a r i g i d , strict soc ia l hierarchal structure stratified accord ing to one 's economic status i n the communi ty . The po l i t i c a l and economic powers exerted o n the members o f an organizat ion were accumulated i n the hands o f a sma l l por t ion o f wel l - to -do merchants ( W i c k b e r g , 1994, pp. 73-5). Hence , to c l i m b up the ladder o f soc ia l stratification w i t h i n the Chinese communi ty was extremely diff icul t for the majori ty o f the Chinese communi ty . The concentration o f p o w e r i n the weal thy merchant class prevented the majori ty o f Chinese f rom hav ing access to the power that c o u l d alter such hierarchal relations and improve their status w i t h i n the Chinese communi ty . Therefore, hierarchy w i t h i n the Chinese commun i ty was replicated and reinforced by the structure o f t radit ional voluntary organizations. Despi te the fact that there was on ly the slightest chance o f upward soc ia l m o b i l i t y , becoming a member o f a voluntary organizat ion was a c r i t i ca l condi t ion o f su rv iva l i n Canada. J o i n i n g a t radit ional voluntary organizat ion was the o n l y w a y for Chinese immigrants to be a part o f and funct ion i n a cohesive communi ty . 2.3 The Chinese Community: Diversification and Dispersion A l t h o u g h tradi t ional voluntary organizations had formed the core p o l i t i c a l and soc ia l structure i n the Chinese communi ty , their s ignif icance gradual ly began to drop i n the midd le o f the 1930s. The reasons for their decl ine have m u c h to do w i t h the demographic divers i f ica t ion and the geographical d ispers ion o f the Chinese communi ty i n Vancouve r . B o t h the divers i f ica t ion and dispersion o f the Chinese communi ty were due i n the past to the changes i n Canada ' s domest ic po l i t i cs . The gradual decl ine o f t radit ional voluntary organizations f o l l o w i n g the d ivers i f ica t ion and dispersion o f the Chinese commun i ty suggests 38 the l imi t s o f their influential power , effective m a i n l y over a re la t ively homogeneous bachelor society w i t h i n the geographical space o f C h i n a t o w n . The shift towards the internal demographic d ivers i f ica t ion o f the Chinese commun i ty accelerated after the introduct ion o f the new immigra t ion po l i c ies i n 1962 and their r ev i s ion i n 1967. A s a result, the l eve l o f divers i ty i n the Chinese commun i ty gradual ly increased. A l t h o u g h significant internal d ivers i f ica t ion o f the Chinese communi ty occurred f o l l o w i n g the inf lux o f H o n g K o n g immigrants w h i c h began i n the late 1980s, the Chinese commun i ty dur ing this t ime experienced a polar iza t ion between loca l -born and Chinese-born ( N g , 1999, Chapter 4) . A w i d e range o f demands and needs f rom this d ivers i f ied group were no longer satisfied by tradit ional voluntary organizations w h i c h had served a more homogeneous group. The reduction o f host i l i ty towards the Chinese i n Canad ian society was another factor that d imin i shed the influence o f t radit ional voluntary organizations i n the Chinese communi ty . Protect ion o f the Chinese f rom the wide r Canad ian society was one o f the c o m m o n l y shared goals among tradit ional voluntary organizations throughout Canada . H o w e v e r , once the leve l o f host i l i ty began to decl ine, and po l i t i c a l and soc ia l opportunities gradual ly came to be w i t h i n reach o f the Chinese , this core function o f tradit ional voluntary organizations became less appeal ing to the Chinese . The Chinese were n o w capable o f leading their l ives outside o f C h i n a t o w n w i t h litt le or no rel iance o n the tradit ional voluntary organizations that had been so important h is tor ica l ly . A n increasing number o f Ch inese began to seek opportunit ies outside o f C h i n a t o w n ; whereas the nature o f t radit ional voluntary organizations to create a soc ia l order w i t h i n the Chinese commun i ty through economic and occupat ional supports and po l i t i c a l and soc ia l opportunities d i d not change accordingly . A s a result, these tradit ional voluntary organizations c o u l d no longer meet the demands made by the Chinese communi ty . In other 39 words , t radit ional voluntary organizat ions started to lose their influence over the Chinese , w h i c h had been integral to the sol idar i ty o f their communi ty . D i v e r s i f i e d components o f the Chinese popula t ion and changing soc ia l condi t ions i n favour o f the Chinese w o r k e d hand i n hand to make the Chinese communi ty even more heterogeneous i n terms o f ind iv idua l experiences and soc ia l perceptions. A l t h o u g h the term "the Chinese c o m m u n i t y " tends to y i e l d the image o f a homogeneous group, the reali ty o f today ' s Ch inese commun i ty is otherwise. T h e longer the Chinese l ive i n Canad ian society, the more heterogeneous their c o m m u n a l and ind iv idua l experiences become. Exper iences as a community have been mos t ly under the influence o f Canad ian pol i t i cs towards the Chinese and other minor i ty groups, because each communi ty i n society tends to be treated as a single unit wi thout m u c h considerat ion o f their internal divers i ty . H o w e v e r , experiences as an individual are affected by both the po l i t i c a l factors i n the wide r Canad ian society and one 's soc ia l status w i t h i n the communi ty he or she is entit led to. It is p robably fair to point out that d ivers i f ied personal experiences o f the Chinese are the consequences o f the dual soc ia l structures: the structure o f Canad ian society as a who le and the structure o f the Chinese communi ty . Canad ian po l i t i c s influences them as members o f the communi ty , w h i l e their soc ia l status i n their communi ty , for example their place o f bir th or o r ig in and soc io-economic status, sex, and age, determines where one stands, what he or she experiences w i t h i n the communi ty , and to what extent he or she gets i n v o l v e d w i t h the Chinese communi ty . Therefore, experiences o f ind iv idua l members can also differ f rom one another. Personal experiences become important bases o n w h i c h each ind iv idua l constructs his or her perceptions. Therefore, different experiences can cause the existence o f mul t ip le perceptions coexis t ing w i t h i n one communi ty . Den i se C h o n g , the author o f The Concubine's Children (1994), demonstrates this point i n a te lev is ion interview (broadcasted o n 10 Ju ly , 2004, N e w V I ) . The Concubine's Children 40 is a b iographica l n o v e l o f her mother w h o was born and raised i n Canada du r ing the t ime o f Chinese exc lus ion . C h o n g , w h o was born after the exc lus ion era, reveals the different p o l i t i c a l and soc ia l experiences o f her mother and herself. The experiences and opportunities o f C h o n g ' s mother outside o f C h i n a t o w n were severely restricted mos t ly because o f d iscr iminatory po l i t i c a l c l imate i n Canada . B y contrast, C h o n g hersel f successfully participated i n Canad ian po l i t i c a l and soc ia l realms, and even w o r k e d for the P r i m e M i n i s t e r o f Canada . T h i s resulted i n the m o u l d i n g o f a different percept ion o f the self. C h o n g to ld the interviewer that her mother had taught her to see herse l f as Canadian, but not Chinese. One can assume that her mother ' s v i e w der ives f rom her unpleasant experiences i n C a n a d a as a person o f Chinese ancestry. "Chineseness" was the marker o f the exc lus ion and denia l f rom the w i d e r Canad ian society. Therefore, for C h o n g ' s mother, pursu ing "Canadianess" seems important to ga in better opportunities i n society. H o w e v e r , C h o n g does not necessari ly share this v i e w w i t h her mother. She makes it clear that she sees herse l f as a Canadian of Chinese descent. These attitudes towards be ing Chinese between t w o Canadian-born generations serves as one example o f the divers i f ied Chinese popula t ion based on generational differences. A s a result o f these differences, the propor t ion o f the Chinese w h o were not associated w i t h t radi t ional voluntary organizat ions increased over t ime. T h i s also meant that the increased por t ion o f the Chinese popula t ion that stood out of reach o f t radi t ional voluntary organizations was no longer in terwoven i n the soc ia l hierarchy determined by these organizations. A l t h o u g h it was less so i n the past because o f the host i l i ty directed at the Chinese , par t ic ipat ion i n such organizations has a lways been voluntary, not mandatory. Therefore, it is not surpr is ing to see the drop o f membership i n recent years as the members c o u l d not receive benefits they expected f rom tradit ional voluntary organizations. 41 In her study o f Chinese entrepreneurial w o m e n f rom H o n g K o n g , C h i a n g (2001) g ives a g o o d example o f the dec l in ing s ignif icance o f t radi t ional voluntary organizations. She notes, among the few w o m e n w h o j o i n e d ethnic associations for their businesses, "none o f them were associated w i t h the tradit ional c lan associations or 'huiguan.'' Rather, they preferred service c lubs such as the L i o n ' s C l u b , soc ia l service associations such as S . U . C . C . E . S . S . and protestant churches" (p. 335). It is evident f rom this example i n C h i a n g ' s study that these tradi t ional voluntary organizations cou ld not stretch or mainta in their influence over such new components o f the Chinese communi ty . M o r e o v e r , n e w organizations (i.e., the L i o n ' s C l u b , S . U . C . C . E . S . S . , and churches) had more specif ic goals ; therefore they are more relevant to the part icular needs o f the d ivers i f ied Chinese popula t ion . A l s o , these new organizations were more inc l ined to i nvo lve people o f non-Chinese or igins , a l l o w i n g members to cross the boundaries o f race and ethnici ty. The Chinese n o w have choices o f what type o f organizat ions they want to j o i n depending o n types o f support and services they need. Therefore, the existence o f such b i g differences w i t h i n the commun i ty surely weakened the power o f t radit ional voluntary organizations, whose m a i n goals were to serve a re la t ively homogeneous group o f people. Ano the r soc ia l factor that affected the decl ine o f t radit ional voluntary organizations was the geographical d ispers ion o f the Chinese popula t ion throughout the V a n c o u v e r region. The Chinese , w h o l i v e d close to one another i n the conf ined areas o f C h i n a t o w n and Strathcona, began to seek residential spaces beyond these areas after the late 1960s (Johnson, 1994, p . 125). Hieber t (1998) agrees w i t h Johnson, say ing that "the Chinese c o m m u n i t y has m o v e d beyond the o l d C h i n a t o w n i n the c i ty o f V a n c o u v e r to different areas and its ne ighbour ing cit ies. T h e y are no longer conf ined to the Strathcona areas next to C h i n a t o w n " (quoted i n C h i a n g , 2001 , p . 8). Today , the Chinese residents can be found almost everywhere 42 i n the region o f Vancouve r . A s exempl i f ied i n the case o f R i c h m o n d , they have established a new Chinese centre away f rom old C h i n a t o w n . F o r instance, one s ix th o f the popula t ion o f R i c h m o n d identif ied themselves as be ing o f Chinese ethnic o r ig in i n 1991, and the Chinese popula t ion i n the areas o f Oakr idge , Ker r i sda le and Shaughnessy has doubled i n recent years (Hiebert , 1998, p . 10). T h e decl ine o f t radi t ional voluntary organizat ions and the weaken ing associat ion between the Chinese popula t ion and such organizations created a situation i n w h i c h the Chinese no longer needed to l ive close to these organizations. Th i s also means that they c o u l d n o w l ive away f rom C h i n a t o w n . A certain type o f Chinese popula t ion , however , had no choice other than to stay close to C h i n a t o w n and tradit ional voluntary organizations because o f their heavy rel iance o n them. F o r example , Chinese immigrants w h o had come to Canada before the exc lus ion per iod developed strong connections w i t h tradit ional voluntary organizations and formed their l ives around such support systems. F o r this reason, geographical d ispers ion o f the Chinese popula t ion has occurred i n uneven ways to reflect their soc io-economic status and place o f o r ig in . A n d e r s o n (1991) points out that n e w Chinese immigrants and Chinese res id ing i n V a n c o u v e r for a l o n g per iod o f t ime have different residential patterns (p. 214) . W h i l e earlier Chinese arrivals w i t h l o w income and l o w E n g l i s h prof ic iency remained i n C h i n a t o w n and the Strathcona area, the new Chinese immigrants , especia l ly those f rom H o n g K o n g , w i t h h i g h levels o f education, g o o d c o m m a n d o f the E n g l i s h language, and o f h igh soc io-economic status, were more l i k e l y to reside i n the areas outside o f C h i n a t o w n , such as R i c h m o n d . The characteristics o f each Chinese group became spatial identities o f the geographical areas they chose. A n d eventually, the characteristics o f each geographical space served as clues to attract n e w residents f rom s imi l a r backgrounds. 43 The Chinese communi ty fragmented i n terms o f geography and demography. I w i l l discuss i n more detai l the settlement patterns o f new Chinese immigrants i n the next chapter. 2.4 Chinatown's Changing Social Meaning in Multicultural Canadian Society The decl ine o f t radi t ional voluntary organizat ions occurred a long w i t h the demographic d ivers i f ica t ion and the geographical d ispers ion o f the Chinese communi ty . S u c h transformation also changed the soc ia l meaning o f the Chinese communi ty and o f C h i n a t o w n . C h i n a t o w n , w h i c h served as the po l i t i ca l , soc ia l , cul tural , economic and geographical locus o f the Chinese communi ty , began its transformation into an arena o f c o m m e r c i a l and tourist activit ies i n the midd le o f the 1930s. A s A n d e r s o n (1991) argues, " C h i n a t o w n was becoming a European c o m m o d i t y " (p. 157). A l t h o u g h the Chinese commun i ty as a w h o l e was s t i l l suffering from severe r ac i sm and d i sc r imina t ion under the effects o f the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t o f 1923, it was also a t ime i n w h i c h mainstream society developed a more increased awareness o f the Chinese . Gradua l understandings o f the Chinese were achieved through direct interactions between whites and the Chinese (especial ly the Canadian-born generation) i n pub l i c spaces such as schools and churches. C h o w (1996) gives an example f rom northern B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . Because o f an extremely s m a l l number o f ch i ldren i n the Chinese communi ty , Chinese ch i ld ren c o u l d not f i n d a large enough peer group o f a s imi l a r cul tura l and ethnic background w i t h w h i c h to soc ia l ize . F o r this reason, they were more l i k e l y to establish meaningful relationships w i t h non-Chinese ch i ldren , mos t ly those o f European backgrounds (p. 149). Changes i n the soc ia l perceptions o f C h i n a t o w n , n o w a unique space fu l l o f exot ic and mysterious flavours, was supported and structured by the changing socia l norms i n Canada , i nc lud ing mul t icu l tu ra l i sm. The changes i n soc ia l norms and values part ly resulted f rom the 44 reconstruction o f Canad ian society after W o r l d W a r II. C a n a d a needed immigra t i on to b u i l d the nat ion. Furthermore, the devastating w a r had caused a large number o f refugees and displaced persons i n European countries, and Canada started to accept them based o n humanitar ian grounds ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 61). Hence , people f rom var ious backgrounds ar r ived i n Canad ian society, al though they were most ly o f European background and non-European people were yet to be w e l c o m e d . The preference for European indiv iduals over non-Europeans is c lear ly stated i n the 1947 Statement on Immigra t ion P o l i c y declared by the M a c k e n z i e K i n g Cabine t ( H a w k i n s , 1972, pp . 91-3). The select ion o f immigrants and refugees based o n their rac ia l categories might not have led to the v i s i b i l i t y o f rac ia l divers i ty immedia te ly after the war ; however , it is not to say that Canad ian society d i d not face increasing heterogeneity. Canada ' s demographic structure, especia l ly i n the urban areas, began to change drast ical ly dur ing this t ime per iod because o f the inf lux o f immigrants and refugees f rom Europe . These immigrants and refugees formed a number o f ethnic communi t ies that were required to coexist i n one space. The increased encounters between people o f different backgrounds began to occur at the l eve l o f everyday l i fe , w h i c h made the pub l i c more aware o f the existence o f cul tural differences w i t h i n Canad ian society. Canada introduced mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm i n a framework o f b i l i ngua l i sm as a nat ional p o l i c y i n 1971. M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m was introduced i n a manner o f reflect ing the demands f rom various minor i ty groups for equal recogni t ion i n Canad ian society. Canada had acknowledged the B r i t i s h and F rench as dist inct ive foundation groups o f the nation; however , Canad ian society was rapid ly changing i n terms o f the demographic make-up, and it was obvious by then that the differences between the B r i t i s h and F rench were not the on ly differences found i n Canad ian society. In this sense, mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm was introduced to Canada i n haste so that the of f ic ia l p o l i c y o f the nat ion and the soc ia l situation w i t h i n the territory o f the nation-state 45 corresponded w i t h each other. T h e real mean ing o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm and consequences o f it were not deeply deliberated ( K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 40) . The introduct ion o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm changed Canad ian socie ty ' s attitudes towards minor i ty groups and their cultures to some extent. P r i o r to mul t icu l tu ra l i sm, minor i ty groups were expected to assimilate into the w a y o f l i v i n g established by the B r i t i s h and F rench groups i n terms o f soc ia l norms and values, behaviours, and culture; whereas mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm encourages minor i ty groups to preserve and express their dis t inct ive cul tural features. Dis t inct iveness came to be regarded as something to be celebrated and cherished, rather than something to be condemned. K y m l i c k a ' s (1998) op in ion , however , suggests that the pressure o n minor i ty groups to conform to the established soc ia l structure is s t i l l persistent i n Canad ian society. A c c o r d i n g to K y m l i c k a , the p o l i c y o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm was introduced to accommodate the integration o f immigrant groups (1998, p . 8). H e c la ims that there are two different types o f minor i ty groups: "nat ional m i n o r i t y " and " immigran t groups" ( K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 2) . N a t i o n a l mino r i t y is " a h is tor ica l society, w i t h its o w n language and institutions, whose territory has been incorporated (often involuntary, as is the case w i t h Quebec) into a larger count ry" ( K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 2) , and because o f the involuntary nature o f their incorporat ion into the larger society, they should be entit led to c l a i m that their l inguis t ic and inst i tut ional rights to be fu l ly recognized and protected (pp. 31-2). H o w e v e r , i n K y m l i c k a ' s v i e w , this same c l a i m does not quite apply to the case o f immigrant groups. H e c l a ims that immigrant groups ' dec i s ion to leave their p lace o f o r ig in is voluntary; therefore they m o v e to a n e w society w i t h an expectation o f integration into the exis t ing soc ia l structures and culture (p. 35). K y m l i c k a (1998) defines the "integration o f ethnic groups" as: 46 the extent to w h i c h immigrants and their descendants integrate into an ex is t ing soc ia l culture and come to v i e w their l ife-chances as t ied up w i t h par t ic ipat ion i n the range o f soc ia l institutions, based o n a c o m m o n language, w h i c h defines societal culture, (p. 28) T h i s def ini t ion o f integration suggests the existence o f a presupposed dis t inct ion between "core" group(s) o f society and "marg ina l i z ed" groups. T h i s also impl ies one-way interactions between these core and marg ina l i zed groups; it is marg ina l i zed groups that mod i fy their cul tura l v i e w s to those o f core groups, but not the other w a y around. Therefore, as far as Canad ian mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm is concerned, it is a not ion that is constructed around the already exis t ing, w e l l established soc ia l order by the whi te popula t ion , namely those o f B r i t i s h and F rench or igins . N o w let us focus o n what k i n d o f "difference" mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm incorporates. A s suggested i n the term o f "m\ilti-culturalism," it is cul tura l distinctiveness that serves as a scale o f distinctiveness and divers i ty i n society. The holocaust dur ing W o r l d W a r II raised important questions about rac ia l difference. The Jews i n Europe , w h o belonged to the Caucaso id race, were the object o f extremely severe " r a c i s m " by the A r y a n s , c l a i m i n g their superiori ty to the Jews. B l a c k M o v e m e n t s i n the 1960s also stirred the discourse around rac i sm and raised increasing opposi t ion against d i sc r imina t ion based o n rac ia l categories. F o l l o w i n g such his tor ica l trends, dist inctions made i n the soc ia l contexts started to shift towards those more based o n ethnicity and culture than race ( A n g , 2001 , pp . 104-5; K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 91). The fact that dist inctions based on race were gradual ly decreasing i n o f f i c ia l discourse d i d not mean the disappearance o f rac ia l iza t ion . A n g (2001) states that "the whi te / 'o ther ' d iv ide is a h is tor ica l ly and sys temical ly imposed structure w h i c h cannot yet, i f ever, be superseded" (p. 186). K y m l i c k a (1998) also suggests that Canad ian society is yet to be free 47 f rom rac ia l d iv i s ion . W h a t has changed is the w a y o f l o o k i n g at the rac ia l d i v i s i o n f rom "whi te /b lack" to "whi te /non-whi te" as a result o f the emergence o f groups that do not fit i n either whi te or b lack , such as La t inos , A s i a n s , and A r a b s (pp. 81-2). These non-white groups have been able to ga in more recogni t ion by their cul tura l and ethnic dist inctiveness w i t h i n the category o f non-whi te , but they are s t i l l perceived and pos i t ioned i n relat ion to whiteness. The boundary between whi tes and non-whites persists: "whiteness is the unmarked n o r m against w h i c h a l l 'others ' have to be specif ied i n order to be represented" ( A n g , 2001 , p . 186). Canada as a mul t icu l tura l society seemingly changed the age-long persistent image o f the country as a whi te nat ion; the real i ty, however , m a y be otherwise. The strong foundation o f Canada ' s whiteness is reflected i n the p o l i c y o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm, too. T h i s is evident f rom the fact that: M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is not about minor i t ies , for that impl ies that the majori ty culture is uncr i t i ca l ly accepted and used to judge the c la ims and define the rights o f minor i t ies . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is about the proper terms o f relat ionship between different cul tural communi t ies . (Parekh, 2000 , p . 13) M i n o r i t y groups ' cultures have been "tolerated" and " acknowledged" w i t h i n the established soc ia l f ramework. The strong B r i t i s h and F rench cultures a lways serve as a reference to judge to what degree cultures o f minor i ty groups are distinct. It is important to point out here that the judgments o f each culture i n relat ion to B r i t i s h and F rench cultures become a useful tool f rom the perspective o f minor i ty groups, too. M e m b e r s o f minor i ty groups have better chances to gain recogni t ion i n society and c l a i m more rights by interpreting their difference f rom the point o f the established soc ia l values and norms. M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is the concept and p o l i c y that ho lds l eg i t imacy o n l y w h e n there is a premise that the society under d iscuss ion is diverse and heterogeneous i n terms o f its cul tural 48 const i tut ion. I n other words , differences must exist before the concept o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm can exist. C a n c l i n i (2000) states that "diversity and heterogeneity are terms that serve to establish catalogues o f differences, but they do not account for interactions and m i x i n g between cultures (emphasis i n o r ig ina l ) " (quoted i n A n g , 2001 , p . 87). T h i s impl ies a conf i rmat ion o f boundaries l y i n g between different groups as a result o f mul t icu l tu ra l i sm. O n the one hand mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm enhanced Canada ' s unique character as a nat ion cons is t ing o f diverse popula t ion groups; o n the other hand, the introduct ion o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm conf i rmed dis t inc t ion between the Charter Groups and other minor i ty groups. A n g (2001) states: " M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is understood to mainta in the boundaries between the diverse cultures it encompasses, o n the one hand, and the overa l l boundary c i r cumscr ib ing the nation-state as a w h o l e , o n the other" (p. 16). T h e "encouragement" to preserve one 's culture and to express it i n an exp l i c i t w a y can indeed d iv ide Canad ian society into smaller segments, i n other words . Because o f the pressure o n minor i ty groups to remain unique, it can also be interpreted as a denial to fu l ly become "Canad ian , " the image o f this nat ion constructed upon B r i t i s h and F rench heritage. S o far, I have sketched out that the w a y s i n w h i c h "Otherness" has shifted f rom rac ia l differences to ethnic and/or cul tural differences. H o w e v e r , as I have stated above, rac ia l difference is s t i l l a strong reference point o f differentiation. I w i l l n o w discuss h o w the introduct ion o f mul t icu l tu ra l i sm affected the Chinese communi ty . In the past, differences o f the Chinese f rom the mainstream society were the ve ry reason that they needed to be exc luded from society and denied their fu l l rights. These differences include those o f race, ethnici ty, soc ia l norms and values, and culture. The r i s ing opposi t ion against d i sc r imina t ion based o n one 's phys i ca l appearance helped w i t h the decrease o f exp l i c i t d i sc r imina t ion against the Chinese i n the pub l i c space. A s far as Chinese culture is concerned, it comes to be interpreted 49 i n a w h o l e different w a y i n today 's Canad ian society. Dis t inct iveness suddenly becomes something "celebrated" and "cher i shed" i n the be l i e f that it is part o f what makes Canadian society unique and r i ch . Chinese culture, a long w i t h other minor i ty cultures, is va lued because it is "different." Put t ing an emphasis o n difference is equal to d rawing a l ine to d iv ide society into groups. It is important to poin t out that Canada ' s long-standing soc ia l structure, b u i l d o n the basis o f B r i t i s h co lon ia l i sm, s t i l l has an influence o n the w a y i n w h i c h the perceptions o f non-whites are constructed. F o r this reason, C h i n a t o w n has become an object that can communica te a message o f the dist inctiveness o f the Chinese to the w i d e r Canad ian society, and such distinctiveness comes to be perce ived w i t h more favourable attitudes f rom Canad ian society. It m a y be true that the w a y i n w h i c h the Chinese are perceived i n society has drast ical ly changed for better; however , it also needs to be noted that it is another fo rm o f creating boundaries. 2.5 Conclusion Tradi t iona l voluntary organizations had p layed extremely important roles i n the history o f the Chinese communi ty . T h e y were located i n the heart o f C h i n a t o w n , w h i c h meant that they were the very core part o f the Chinese communi ty . H o w e v e r , jus t l ike the regulations and restrictions on the Chinese popula t ion depended on the domestic po l i t i c s o f Canada , the rise and fa l l o f t radi t ional voluntary organizations had a lways been under influence o f Canad ian pol i t i cs . Af te r a l l , the existence o f these t radi t ional voluntary organizations, too, was the consequence o f changing attitudes o f the wide r Canad ian society towards the Chinese and a succession o f domestic po l i t i c a l shifts w i t h i n Canada. 50 T h e phys i ca l separation o f the Chinese commun i ty f rom the geographical space o f C h i n a t o w n brought about internal fragmentation w i t h i n the Chinese communi ty . The Chinese , once p h y s i c a l l y bound to C h i n a t o w n and the Strathcona area, have come to identify less w i t h such areas. T h e changing demographic structure o f the Chinese weakened the connect ion to the geographical space. I w i l l quote from C h i a n g (2001) at length to introduce one example o f the internal fragmentation: A n ar t i f ic ia l boundary was d rawn between the ' o l d ' Chinese immigrants w h o were assimilated to the Canad ian culture, fluent i n E n g l i s h , and had achieved success through 'struggle and hard w o r k ' and the unassimilated ' n e w ' immigrants w h o d i d not speak proper E n g l i s h and d i d not understand the Canad ian culture, and w h o came to Canada w i t h enviable weal th . T h i s d icho tomy was manufactured by the ' o l d ' immigrants w h o had become assimilated to the dominant culture, from w h i c h they had adopted the biased v i e w against their co-ethnic recent arrivals, (p. 362) S u c h d icho tomy is part ly a consequence o f the rapid divers i f ica t ion o f the Chinese popula t ion under the introduct ion o f new immigra t ion po l ic ies and the emergence o f Canadian-born generations. Trad i t iona l voluntary organizations, o r ig ina l ly established for re la t ively homogeneous groups o f people, c o u l d not serve w e l l enough to such a d ivers i f ied communi ty . The changes that the Chinese communi ty underwent had close l inks to the po l i t i c a l and soc ia l changes o f the w i d e r Canad ian society. The increasing heterogeneity o f the nat ional popula t ion led Canada to the introduct ion o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm i n the ear ly 1970s. O n the one hand mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm has been helpful i n re lax ing d i sc r imina t ion and rac i sm against minor i ty groups i n Canada; o n the other hand, it has also d rawn a clear boundary between the Charter Groups and minor i ty groups by emphas iz ing the distinctiveness minor i ty groups have. It is this distinctiveness compared to the B r i t i s h and F rench norms rather than distinctiveness 51 a m o n g minor i ty groups that matters the most . In this w a y , mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm can be regarded as another fo rm o f creating "Others ," on ly i n a more subtle w a y than i n the past. The subtleties can be raised w i t h respect to the cont inued prominence o f voluntary organizations w i t h i n the Chinese communi ty . The arguments may appear at first glance to contradict what I have argued regarding the decl ine o f " t rad i t ional" voluntary organizations. U n t i l the changes i n immigra t ion po l ic ies i n the 1960s, the Chinese commun i ty was c lose ly associated w i t h C h i n a t o w n . It contained the organizations and their headquarters that were the k e y i n main ta in ing l i nks to C h i n a and p r o v i d i n g sol idar i ty w i t h i n the communi ty . T h e y became less relevant f rom the 1970s on ; there was , however , the g rowth o f new organizations w h i c h met new needs. A n early organizat ion was S . U . C . C . E . S . S . , w h i c h was founded i n 1973 as an organizat ion to deal w i t h the t rauma o f immigra t ion . It g r ew and prospered and was staffed by professionals f rom H o n g K o n g . The goa l o f this organizat ion was to serve as a "b r idge" between newcomers and Canad ian society, and it p rov ided language t ra ining and s k i l l upgrad ing ( N g , 1999, p . 123). S . U . C . C . E . S . S . is also i n v o l v e d w i t h issues o f accommoda t ion for the elder ly . It began i n C h i n a t o w n and has remained an important presence there but it has s ignif icant ly expanded into other newer areas o f Chinese settlement, a key topic i n the next chapter. A no the r key organizat ion was the Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre, w h i c h was also founded i n 1973. It was formed by a group o f Chinese professionals, f rom the post exc lus ion era generation, to challenge the Chinese Benevolen t A s s o c i a t i o n ( C B A ) ( N g , 1999, p . 111). It was a significant s y m b o l i c shift. The Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre offered courses i n M a n d a r i n Chinese (as w e l l as Cantonese) for both Chinese and non-Chinese . It offered pa in t ing and ca l l igraphy classes and gave access to a vers ion o f Chinese culture that was at once 52 "mul t i cu l tu ra l " but also different f rom the cul tural needs o f the earlier ve r s ion o f the Chinese communi ty . The S u n Ya t - sen Garden , w h i c h was bui l t i n the architectural style f rom the M i n g Dynas ty era, is another example o f "e l i te ' Chinese culture, distant f rom the culture o f the older generation o f Chinese immigrants . It is evident f rom these examples that the Chinese Cu l tu ra l Centre has been t ry ing to reach out not o n l y to new Chinese immigrants but also non-Chinese populat ions by re inforc ing "ol ienta l i s t" concepts o f Chinese culture. S ign i f ican t ly , the Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre , l ike S . U . C . C . E . S . S . , has a branch i n R i c h m o n d , the densest Chinese settlement i n the Greater V a n c o u v e r area (The Chinese Cu l tu ra l Centre, p . 1993). The better restaurants began to be located i n the suburbs and C h i n a t o w n ceased to be the centre o f the Ch inese cu l inary experience. T h e communi ty , as the next chapter w i l l indicate, has become spat ial ly m u c h more diverse. 53 Chapter III Settlement Patterns of New Chinese Immigrants and Reconstruction of the Notion of Racial Relations in Vancouver 3.1 Introduction The introduct ion o f n e w immigra t ion po l ic ies i n 1962 and their rev i s ion i n 1967 s ignif icant ly changed the characteristics o f Canad ian immigra t ion i n terms o f its rac ia l and ethnic make-up, soc io-economic status, and cul tura l background, such as language and re l ig ion . The result was the rapid and steady increase o f a non-white popula t ion i n Canada . S u c h changes were rea l ized through the shift o f immigra t ion source countries. In the past, B r i t a i n and France were the dominant sources o f immigra t ion to Canada ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 34). Immigra t ion sending countries expanded i n the post-war per iod to include other European nations such as Italy, Nether lands, Hungary , Por tugal , and Greece ( H a w k i n s , 1972, pp. 3-15). In addi t ion to these gradual ly d ivers i f ied immigrants f rom Europe , the immigra t ion po l i c ies i n the 1960s opened the door to non-European immigrants , result ing i n a larger number o f non-white immigrants compared to whi te immigrants . The g rowth o f Chinese immigrants to Canada was already b e c o m i n g significant by the end o f the 1960s, and i n the late 1980s, Canada started to accept a large number o f Chinese immigrants w i t h higher qualif icat ions. A significant por t ion o f them had business/entrepreneur backgrounds and came m a i n l y f rom H o n g K o n g . These n e w immigrants do not necessari ly share s imilar i t ies to Chinese immigrants w h o came i n earlier periods. F o r example , they have different settlement patterns to those o f the older generation o f Chinese immigrants w h o came to Canada before the n e w immigra t ion regulations. Research has shown that ethnic minori t ies i n Canada tend to l i ve close to other members o f their o w n ethnic group creating enclaves, i n order to preserve their culture and accommodate 54 ethnic businesses (Balakr i shnan & G y i m a h , 2003; Ba lak r i shnan & H o u , 1999; L e y , 1998, pp. 6-10). The Chinese are not an except ion. W h i l e it is true that Chinese residents are dispersed throughout Vancouve r , it seems that their d ispers ion has been occur r ing i n an uneven wa y . F o r example, R i c h m o n d has attracted a great amount o f attention as a " n e w " Chinese centre i n the reg ion o f V a n c o u v e r (Ch iang , 2001 , pp . 206-7) . T h i s chapter consists o f three parts. The first part describes the changing characteristics o f recent Chinese immigrants . M y discuss ion w i l l also include h o w the immigra t ion po l ic ies i n the 1960s and the p o l i c y o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm have actual ly reinforced the boundary between whites and non-whites w i t h reference to w o r k done by scholars such as K i m (1999) and Thoban i (2000). The second part w i l l p rov ide f indings f rom statistical data regarding the Chinese popula t ion d ispers ion i n the V a n c o u v e r Census Me t ropo l i t an A r e a (Vancouve r C M A ) and the m u n i c i p a l district o f the C i t y o f Vancouve r . I w i l l suggest that the Chinese s t i l l have a strong tendency to concentrate i n part icular areas and I w i l l analyze this phenomenon i n this section. In the th i rd part o f this chapter, I w i l l spec i f ica l ly focus on the movement o f Chinese into V a n c o u v e r ' s suburbs and the controversies that stem f rom such geographical changes. The concept o f suburbanizat ion w i l l be used to project the ideal l ifestyle pursued by middle-c lass European residents and to suggest that this idea l ized l ifestyle structured o n the basis o f class and ethnici ty has p l ayed a ro le i n main ta in ing spatial identities. The controversies evoked by n e w Chinese residents as a consequence o f their perce ived rac ia l difference, w h i c h is translated and encoded as cul tural difference, w i l l be also discussed. 3.2 New Immigration Policies and New Chinese Immigrants A l t h o u g h V a n c o u v e r comprises on ly 6% o f the nat ional popula t ion, research shows that 18 to 2 0 % o f n e w Canad ian immigrants i n the midd le o f the 1990s chose V a n c o u v e r as 55 their home destination ( L e y , 1998, p . 332; 1999, p . 4) . T h i s tendency is more apparent i n the case o f A s i a n immigrants , i nc lud ing a large por t ion o f Chinese immigrants . The geographical p r o x i m i t y to the A s i a Pac i f i c reg ion and the existence o f l ong standing ethnic communi t ies attract many A s i a n immigrants to Vancouve r . A l s o , Hu t ton (1998) points out the importance o f V a n c o u v e r as a gate c i ty b r idg ing Canada and the A s i a Pac i f i c region i n the f i e ld o f international business activit ies. A s a result, the A s i a n popula t ion i n V a n c o u v e r has been steadily g r o w i n g since the late 1960s, rap id ly changing the demographic structure o f the region. A s H a w k i n s (1972) points out, immigrants f rom non-tradi t ional sources, such as A s i a , L a t i n A m e r i c a and the Car ibbean, doubled i n number f o l l o w i n g the r ev i s ion o f the immigra t ion po l i c ies i n 1967 (p. 206) . The Chinese were part o f this s ignificant increase o f immigrants f rom non-tradi t ional source areas, and the 1980s was the decade i n w h i c h Canada started to experience the impact o f the greatest increase o f people f rom C h i n a . The r emova l o f the rac ia l category f rom the immigra t ion po l i c ies i n 1967 and the in t roduct ion o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm i n 1971 g ive an impress ion that Canada has left d iscr iminatory attitudes against non-white groups i n the past and has become a d i sc r imina t ion-free society. M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , as a nat ional p o l i c y , encourages fuller par t ic ipat ion o f minor i ty groups i n mainstream Canad ian society and more active interactions between different soc ia l groups ( A n g , 2001 , p . 14; K y m l i c k a , 1998, p . 8, 40 , 48) . T h i s picture o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm seems to be too ideal is t ic , however . A s an of f ic ia l and legit imate p o l i c y , mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm has been exert ing the power that prevents the practice o f overt d i sc r imina t ion and outright prejudice to a certain extent. H o w e v e r , it does not necessari ly mean that d i sc r imina t ion and rac i sm no longer exist i n Canad ian society, nor does it mean boundaries between whi tes and non-whites and between each dis t inct ive group have disappeared, as shown i n the previous chapter. 56 N o t on ly mul t icu l tu ra l i sm, but also the 1967 immigra t ion po l i c ies a l l o w d isc r imina t ion towards immigrants o f co lour (Thobani , 2000) . A c c o r d i n g to Thoban i , the access to c i t izenship r ight i n the h is tor ica l context was an important part o f nat ion b u i l d i n g that let the B r i t i s h and F rench transform themselves into "Canad i an , " creating the sense o f be long ing to a single nat ion (2000, p . 284) . In this sense, Canad ian c i t izenship has been h is tor ica l ly conceptual ized to m a i n l y serve people o f B r i t i s h and F rench or igins . Therefore, Canada is often conceptual ized as a whi te nation. L i b e r a l i z i n g immigra t ion po l i c ies by accept ing a g r o w i n g number o f people o f co lour means that Canada has g i v e n these immigrants access to c i t izenship rights, too. H o w e v e r , condit ions apply as immigrants require three years o f residency in Canada before be ing e l ig ib le to c l a i m ci t izenship (Thobani , 2000, p . 298) . A l t h o u g h this change makes Canada l ook more open and w e l c o m i n g to people o f colour , Thoban i argues that Canada ' s immigra t ion regulations are s t i l l d iscr iminatory . Canada , be ing a welfare state, requires its residents, whether they are ci t izens or temporary residents, to fu l f i l l obl igat ions, such as pay ing taxes. A t the same t ime, however , non-ci t izens cannot be enti t led to the same pr iv i lege enjoyed by ci t izens. T h o b a n i (2000) puts it i n this w a y : The denia l o f access to soc ia l entitlements, or the p rov i s ion o f unequal access to certain sectors o f the popula t ion w o u l d further the border ing o f 'outsiders , ' whose welfare was be ing constructed as separate f rom that o f the nat ional communi ty : unequal access to soc ia l entitlements w o u l d actualize i n very mater ial terms the status o f 'not be long ing ' to the soc ia l body. (p. 290) Therefore, it is non-white immigran t groups that have been most affected by such situations because they n o w comprise the majori ty o f immigrants c o m i n g to Canada . The 1967 immigra t ion po l ic ies were introduced to a l l o w these non-white rac ia l groups i n ; however , the consequence is that they ended up becoming the major " v i c t i m s " o f inequal i ty constructed 57 around the c i t izenship rights in i t i a l ly possessed by the B r i t i s h and French . It is these non-whi te immigrants w h o had to remain vulnerable at least un t i l they acquired Canad ian ci t izenship. F o r example , because o f their v i s a status, they had to face certain occupat ional restrictions and even when they were employed , there was no guarantee that their v i s a w o u l d be renewed; o n the other hand, they s t i l l had to fu l f i l their tax payment obl iga t ion . Despite such condi t ions , the great increase o f Chinese immigra t ion to Canada occurred i n the 1980s. In 1984, C h i n a and B r i t a i n first started to negotiate H o n g K o n g ' s pos i t ion as a B r i t i s h co lony . The Chinese government demanded that H o n g K o n g be returned to C h i n a , and both parties reached an agreement ( L e y , 1999, p . 3) . T h i s po l i t i c a l negotiat ion, however , created enormous feelings o f anxiety among H o n g K o n g residents, because o f the unpredictable future o f their society. H o n g K o n g , w h i c h had developed into a capitalist society under a strong influence o f B r i t i s h rule, c o u l d not foresee its economic and business prospects after its control was handed over to the Chinese communis t government i n 1997. Thus , people l i v i n g i n H o n g K o n g w h o had large sums o f capi tal started to search for places outside H o n g K o n g that c o u l d g ive them the f inancia l security they desired ( L e y , 1999, p . 3). A s part o f their search for a secure place to settle and to transport their weal th , many H o n g K o n g residents began the process o f obtaining passports issued by capitalist , Wes te rn countries, namely the U n i t e d States, Canada , B r i t a i n , Aus t r a l i a , and N e w Zea land (Hut ton, 1998, p . 301). In this sense, immigra t ion f rom H o n g K o n g was init iated b y a desire for safe shelter where people o f Chinese ancestry c o u l d pursue better opportunities. In addi t ion, many desired a l ifestyle that they had already established under the capitalist system. Changes i n H o n g K o n g ' s po l i t i c a l c l imate were not the on ly incentive d r i v i n g people f rom H o n g K o n g to Canada. Hieber t (2000) points out that Canada ' s immigra t ion po l i c ies were mod i f i ed i n the late 1980s to accept a larger number o f immigrants (p. 26) . A n d it was 58 done " w i t h a definite eye toward H o n g K o n g " ( L e y , 1999, p.3) . R e c e i v i n g weal thy H o n g K o n g immigrants was an a l legedly effective and qu i ck w a y to increase the v o l u m e o f Canada ' s domestic capi tal after the economic recession. N e w Chinese immigrants were perce ived as providers o f economic resources to Canada . The personal wea l th brought by these Chinese immigrants was almost 3 b i l l i o n dol lars i n 1996 alone ( L e y , 1998, p . 333). T h e increase o f Chinese immigrants to Canada i n the past few decades is s t r ik ing. F o r example , as many as 8 0 % o f immigrants to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n the 1990s were A s i a n , o f w h i c h the majori ty came f rom H o n g K o n g and T a i w a n ( L e y , 1999, p . 3). A c c o r d i n g to the 2001 Census , 1 7 % o f the popula t ion i n V a n c o u v e r C M A are o f Chinese ethnic o r ig in (Statistics Canada, 2003) . A l t h o u g h the unpredictable future pushed H o n g K o n g to become the largest Chinese immigra t ion source by the early 1990s (S immons , 1998, pp . 36-7), f indings f rom BC Statistics (2000, 2001 , 2002) indicate that the or ig ins o f Chinese immigra t ion have recently shifted f rom H o n g K o n g to M a i n l a n d C h i n a . In 1999, the total number o f immigrants c o m i n g f rom M a i n l a n d C h i n a , T a i w a n , and H o n g K o n g was 11,919 compr i s ing 3 3 . 1 % o f the total number o f immigrants to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ( B C Statistics, 2000) . The figures for 2000 and 2001 are 11,614 (31.3%) and 11,837 (30.9%) respectively ( B C Statistics, 2 0 0 1 , 2 0 0 2 ) . The data illustrate the steady stream o f Chinese immigra t ion to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . H o w e v e r , w h e n w e explore the dis tr ibut ion o f place o f o r ig in among these Chinese immigrants , there is an obvious change. B y 1999, M a i n l a n d C h i n a became the source country o f more than 6 0 % o f Chinese immigrants to B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ; whereas less than 1 0 % came f rom H o n g K o n g ( B C Statistics, 2000) . T h i s trend cont inued i n 2001 , w h e n M a i n l a n d C h i n a increased its share to almost 8 0 % ; whereas the share o f H o n g K o n g immigrants dropped as l o w as about 5 % ( B C Statistics, 2002) . A s evident f rom this statistical data, M a i n l a n d C h i n a is by far the largest 59 source o f today 's Chinese immigrants to Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a . A s a result, V a n c o u v e r ' s Chinese commun i ty has become more heterogeneous and diverse. It is wor th no t ing that differences i n Chinese immigrants are found not on ly between those w h o came to C a n a d a before and after the new immigra t ion po l ic ies , but also between those a r r iv ing i n the last few decades. Figure 3.1: The Shift of Chinese Immigration Sources to British Columbia Source: BC Statistics, 2000, 2001, 2002 1999 2000 2001 Year Despi te the increasing divers i ty among Chinese migrants, more attention tends to be pa id to the commonal i t i es between Chinese immigrants . These s imi lar i t ies inc lude a h igh l eve l o f educat ion and economic affluence, to name but two . S u c h features o f new Chinese immigrants have contr ibuted to the creation o f a new stereotype o f " m o d e l m i n o r i t y " and their internal dist inctiveness is often over looked. The concept o f m o d e l mino r i t y suggests that the Chinese , a long w i t h other minor i ty groups, are s t i l l the subject o f rac ia l iza t ion and e thinic izat ion: it has o n l y changed the w a y these groups are differentiated f rom whi tes . K i m (1999) notes that " ta lk o f cul tural differences inevi tably activates deeply entrenched v i e w s o f rac ia l d i f ferences . . . .Cul ture has become code for the unspeakable i n the contemporary era" (p. 117). Thoban i (2000) shares a s imi la r v i e w w i t h K i m , b o r r o w i n g the thoughts o f G i l r o y (1992) and B a r k e r (1981): 60 In the post -Second W o r l d W a r per iod , the ' n e w ' r ac i sm organizes rac ia l iza t ion through the discourse o f cul tura l difference — and not o f r ac ia l infer ior i ty — s ign i fy ing membersh ip i n the nat ional / racial communi ty i n cul tura l terms. ' C u l t u r a l ' difference encodes and stands i n for rac ia l difference, (p. 295) The use o f the term " m o d e l " can let one escape from us ing exp l i c i t racist or d iscr iminatory language. H o w e v e r , as K i m (1999) c la ims , emphas iz ing the internal characters o f a group inc lud ing the ethics o f hard-work and respect for elders and authorities, suggests that the group is not culturally assimilated into whi te society, but is instead rac ia l ly different from it (pp. 117-8 ,121) . 3.3 Distribution of the Chinese Population in Vancouver The Chinese popula t ion , once be ing conf ined to C h i n a t o w n , has dispersed beyond these geographical boundaries. A s pointed out i n previous chapters, C h i n a t o w n had a lways been regarded as a space that existed outside o f the r ea lm o f whi te society. In other words , the geographical def in i t ion o f C h i n a t o w n served as the boundary between whites and the Chinese . In this sense, by m o v i n g beyond the boundary o f C h i n a t o w n , Chinese immigrants attempted to cross this l ine that separated whites and non-whites . T h i s part o f the chapter is d i v i d e d into t w o sections: V a n c o u v e r C M A and the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r . B y l o o k i n g at V a n c o u v e r C M A i n the first sect ion, I w i l l engage i n a general d iscuss ion o f the suburbanizat ion o f Chinese residential patterns. V a n c o u v e r suburbs have been typ i ca l ly populated by middle-c lass European groups i n the past; therefore the increase o f Chinese residents i n the area raises questions about whether the dispersion o f the Chinese indicates that they have successfully crossed the boundaries between whites and non-whites . The second section w i l l spec i f ica l ly focus on the m u n i c i p a l district o f the C i t y o f Vancouve r . 61 The C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r is the host o f the largest Chinese enclave, and the largest total popula t ion i n V a n c o u v e r C M A . Through a close examinat ion o f the Chinese popula t ion dispers ion w i t h i n the C i t y o f Vancouve r , I w i l l t ry to show w h i c h areas o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r have experienced a s ignif icant concentrat ion o f a Ch inese popula t ion , and what can exp la in such demographic structure changes. 3.3.1 Vancouver C M A The data suggest that the total popula t ion, the v i s ib l e minor i ty popula t ion , and the Chinese popula t ion i n V a n c o u v e r C M A show uneven demographic dis tr ibut ion patterns (Statistics Canada , 2003) . The f ive m u n i c i p a l districts w i t h the largest popula t ion sizes are also the m u n i c i p a l districts that have the largest popula t ion o f v i s ib le minor i t ies i nc lud ing Chinese residents. These five m u n i c i p a l districts are: Vancouve r , Surrey, R i c h m o n d , Burnaby , and C o q u i t l a m . V a n c o u v e r is the centre o f the reg ion i n terms o f po l i t i ca l , economic , cul tural , and soc ia l act ivi t ies , and such characteristics o f V a n c o u v e r as the regional core attract a larger por t ion o f the popula t ion than any other district. A l l the other four m u n i c i p a l districts w i t h large shares o f the popula t ion are the ne ighbour ing districts o f Vancouve r . These five m u n i c i p a l districts alone contain 76 .6% o f the total popula t ion o f V a n c o u v e r C M A i n 2001 (Statistics Canada, 2003) . A c c o r d i n g to the report, 619,155 v i s ib l e minor i t ies o f V a n c o u v e r C M A out o f 697,755, and 311,935 Chinese out o f 334,040 l ive i n these five m u n i c i p a l districts l is ted above (Statistics Canada, 2003) . In other words , 88 .7% o f the v i s ib l e minor i ty popula t ion and 93 . 4% o f the Chinese popula t ion l i ve i n these five m u n i c i p a l districts. These figures indicate that, i n these five districts, 4 5 . 4 % o f the popula t ion is v i s i b l e minor i ty and 2 2 . 9 % is Chinese . T h e shares o f the v i s ib le minor i ty and Chinese populat ions i n the overa l l V a n c o u v e r C M A 62 populat ions are 3 9 . 2 % and 18.7%, respectively. Therefore, it is wor th not ing that both v i s ib le minor i ty and Chinese show a stronger tendency to gravitate toward these f ive m u n i c i p a l districts. Figure 3.2: The Total Population Distribution among the Five Municipal Districts in 2001 Source: Statistics Canada, 2003 Figure 3.3: The Chinese Population Distribution among the Five Municipal Districts in 2001 Source: Statistics Canada, 2003 • Burnaby • Coquitlam • Richmond • Surrey • Vancouver • Burnaby • Coquitlam • Richmond • Surrey • Vancouver The h igh por t ion o f Chinese residents in these f ive m u n i c i p a l districts raises important soc io log ica l questions. V a n c o u v e r is no exception to N o r t h A m e r i c a n ci t ies that developed surrounding suburban areas. These suburban areas emerged to host people o f middle-c lass and European backgrounds . The images attached to such suburbs are " a landscape o f home ownership marked by a peripheral locat ion, l o w density development , and re la t ively easy access to ownership for y o u n g famil ies w i t h ch i l d r en" (Jackson, 1985, c i ted i n R a y , Halse th , & Johnson, 1997, p . 78); the suburb is " a stable fami ly oriented set t ing" (Ray , Halse th , & Johnson, 1997, p . 78). It seems on the surface that the Ch inese have been successful ly accepted i n such environments characterized by middle-c lass European populat ions , or they 63 successfully fit themselves into such environments. H o w e v e r , it is not necessari ly the case w h e n w e look at the por t ion o f Chinese i n relat ion to each dis t r ic t ' s total popula t ion . The five m u n i c i p a l districts that have the largest Chinese populat ions are the f o l l o w i n g : Vancouve r , R i c h m o n d , Burnaby , C o q u i t l a m , and Surrey. The shares o f each m u n i c i p a l d is t r ic t ' s Ch inese popula t ion are 48 .2%, 19.2%, 15 .0%, 6 .0%, and 4 .9%, respect ively (Statistics Canada, 2003) . These data indicate that nearly 7 0 % o f the Chinese i n V a n c o u v e r C M A can be found i n V a n c o u v e r and R i c h m o n d alone; and w h e n the share o f B u r n a b y is combined to these two districts, the share o f the Chinese popula t ion o f these three districts comprises over 8 0 % . W h e n it is compared to the dis t r ibut ion o f the total popula t ion o f V a n c o u v e r C M A , the concentration o f the Chinese seems more apparent; V a n c o u v e r (30.6%), R i c h m o n d (9.2%), Bu rnaby (10.9%), C o q u i t l a m (6.3%), and Surrey (19.5%) (Statistics Canada , 2003). Concentrat ion, i n particular, needs to be l ooked at i n relat ion to the size o f the total popula t ion o f each m u n i c i p a l district. B o t h V a n c o u v e r and R i c h m o n d have Chinese populat ions that greatly exceed their shares o f the total popula t ion o f V a n c o u v e r C M A . The Chinese popula t ion i n R i c h m o n d extends its share o f the total popula t ion b y 10%, and i n the case o f Vancouve r , the percentage almost exceeds by 2 0 % . T h e por t ion o f the Chinese popula t ion i n Burnaby also exceeds its share o f the V a n c o u v e r C M A popula t ion , a l though to a lesser extent than V a n c o u v e r and R i c h m o n d . O n the other hand, both Surrey and C o q u i t l a m have a fair share o f the Chinese popula t ion w h e n compared w i t h their total popula t ion size. A l t h o u g h R i c h m o n d comes fourth i n terms o f the popula t ion size i n V a n c o u v e r C M A , it is the m u n i c i p a l district that has the highest por t ion o f the v i s ib le minor i ty and Chinese populat ions. In R i c h m o n d , 58 .6% o f the popula t ion described themselves as v i s i b l e minor i t ies , and 6 6 . 7 % o f these as Chinese (Statistics Canada , 2003) . Therefore, i n 2001 near ly 4 0 % o f 64 the total popula t ion i n R i c h m o n d ident i f ied as Chinese . I w i l l p rovide the information o f V a n c o u v e r here i n compar i son w i t h the case o f R i c h m o n d . V a n c o u v e r is second o n l y to R i c h m o n d i n terms o f the percentage o f the Chinese popula t ion i n the total popula t ion o f the district. In Vancouve r , 4 8 . 5 % o f the popula t ion is a v i s ib l e minor i ty , out o f w h i c h , 6 0 . 9 % is Chinese . Hence , about 3 0 % o f the popula t ion i n V a n c o u v e r define themselves as Chinese . These findings i m p l y that the existence o f the Chinese i n R i c h m o n d is l i k e l y to be more v i s ib le than i n V a n c o u v e r because o f the higher percentage o f the Chinese popula t ion , al though the actual number o f the Chinese i n V a n c o u v e r exceeds that i n R i c h m o n d . W h a t these figures suggest is that the Chinese s t i l l congregate i n part icular areas, al though they m a y no longer do so i n C h i n a t o w n , as was the case h is tor ica l ly . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m migh t have he lped the decl ine o f exp l i c i t r ac i sm and d i sc r imina t ion against the Chinese and other minor i ty groups, and increased opportunities for the Chinese to some extent. H o w e v e r , the concentration o f the Chinese i n suburban areas impl ies that the soc ia l distance between whi tes and the Chinese is s t i l l s ignificant. F o r example , research shows that European groups are less l i k e l y to congregate geographical ly as are the Chinese and other v i s ib l e minor i ty groups (Balakr i shnan & G y i m a h , 2003) . 3.3.2 The City of Vancouver N o w I w i l l shift the focus o f inqui ry to the dis tr ibut ion patterns o f the Chinese popula t ion w i t h i n the C i t y o f Vancouve r , the m u n i c i p a l district i n V a n c o u v e r C M A w i t h the largest Ch inese popula t ion . T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r has h is tor ica l ly been the home o f the Chinese . C h i n a t o w n n o w occupies on ly a smal l section o f the c i ty , i n and around w h i c h the Chinese congregated i n the past. E x a m i n a t i o n o f the Chinese popula t ion dis t r ibut ion w i t h i n the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r w i l l reveal whether such a pattern o f Chinese congregat ion around 65 C h i n a t o w n has changed over t ime. T h i s is the point that can be over looked w h e n the focus o f the inqui ry is on ly o n V a n c o u v e r C M A , because it does not l ook into the Chinese settlement patterns i n each m u n i c i p a l district . F o r this part o f the inqui ry , the data f rom Local Area Statistics (2004) issued by the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r are employed . Local Areas Statistics p rov ide informat ion o n the demographic structure o f each communi ty i n 1996 and 2001 inc lud ing popula t ion size, income, durat ion i n the communi ty , age, and so on . T o indicate the size o f the Chinese popula t ion i n each communi ty , I have used the data that show the size o f the total popula t ion and the percentage o f the popula t ion whose mother tongue is Chinese . It must be ment ioned that there is a poss ib i l i ty o f e l imina t ing the ethnic Chinese popula t ion whose mother tongue is not Chinese b y l o o k i n g at statistical groups sorted b y language differences. H o w e v e r , w h e n w e consider that Chinese immigra t ion to Canada drast ical ly increased i n the 1980s and 1990s and that most o f these immigrants were f rom M a i n l a n d C h i n a , H o n g K o n g , and T a i w a n , where Chinese is the o f f i c ia l language, whether be it Cantonese or M a n d a r i n , it is most l i k e l y that they c l a i m Chinese as their mother tongue. F o r the purpose o f convenience, I use the term "the Chinese popu la t ion" here to refer to this group. The dis t r ibut ion o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s total popula t ion is m u c h more dispersed than that o f the Chinese popula t ion . R e n f r e w - C o l l i n g w o o d and Kens ing ton-Cedar Cottage (8 .2%, respectively) are the most heav i ly populated communi t ies i n the C i t y o f Vancouve r , f o l l owed by Wes t E n d (7.7%), K i t s i l a n o (6.1%), Hast ings-Sunrise (6.1%), and Sunset (6.1%), consis t ing o f 42 .4% o f the total popula t ion i n the C i t y (The C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2004) . The f ive communi t ies w i t h the heaviest concentration o f Chinese speaking people are as fo l l ows : R e n f r e w - C o l l i n g w o o d (13.5%), Kens ing ton-Cedar Cottage (11.5%), Hast ings-Sunr ise (9.4%), Vic to r i a -F rase rv iew (9.2%), and K i l l a r n e y (6.5%) (The C i t y o f Vancouve r , 2004) . W h e n combined , these five communi t ies share as m u c h as 5 0 . 2 % o f the Chinese popula t ion i n the C i t y o f Vancouve r . A n d e r s o n ' s (1991) account explains the re la t ively large size o f the Chinese popula t ion i n these communi t ies — they are the communi t ies to w h i c h the Chinese m o v e d w h e n they started to explore residential areas outside o f C h i n a t o w n i n the 1930s as there were no restrictive covenants i n place (p. 147). Table 3 .1: The M o s t Popula ted C o m m u n i t i e s i n V a n c o u v e r 1. R e n f r e w - C o l l i n g w o o d 44,950 2. Kens ing ton-Cedar Cottage 44,560 3. W e s t E n d 42,120 4. K i t s i l a n o 39,620 5. Hast ings-Sunrise 33,425 Source: The C i t y o f Vancouve r , 2004 Table 3.2: The C o m m u n i t i e s w i t h Largest Chinese Populat ions i n V a n c o u v e r 1. R e n f r e w - C o l l i n g w o o d 19,598 2. Kens ing ton-Cedar Cottage 16,845 3. Hast ings - S u n r i s e 13,615 4. V i c t o r i a - F a i r v i e w 13,385 5. K i l l a r n e y 9,437 Source: The C i t y o f Vancouve r , 2004 67 A s evident f rom the figures presented above, the concentrat ion o f the Ch inese popula t ion does not necessari ly share the same pattern as the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s popula t ion. The degree o f concentration is c lear ly higher for the Chinese popula t ion than the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r popula t ion . In 2001 , 26 .4% o f the popula t ion o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r c l a imed Chinese as their mother tongue, and i n the same year 13 communi t ies , out o f 22 , had the Chinese populat ions that exceeded 26 .4%. A m o n g these communi t ies , n ine o f them have a Chinese popula t ion higher than 3 0 % , and five communi t ies have populat ions over 4 0 % . Surpr i s ing ly enough, in one communi ty , Oakr idge , more than 5 0 % o f the popula t ion identif ied Chinese as their mother tongue (The C i t y o f Vancouve r , 2004) . These figures c lear ly indicate that they are concentrated i n some areas as opposed to others. A n o t h e r interesting difference i n the d is t r ibut ion patterns between the overa l l popula t ion o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r and the Chinese popula t ion is the geographical a l locat ion o f those most populated communi t ies . A l l f ive communi t ies w i t h the heaviest concentrat ion o f Chinese are found at the east end o f the c i ty , and a long the border o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r and Burnaby . M o r e o v e r , they are l i teral ly ne ighbour ing one another, shaping a fa i r ly large geographical section o f the C i t y . Consequent ly , there is a h i g h v i s i b i l i t y o f Ch inese i n these areas. In the case o f the total popula t ion, the communi t ies w i t h larger populat ions are more geographical ly dispersed. W h i l e the areas w i t h re la t ively h i g h proport ions o f the Chinese popula t ion are co l l ec t ive ly located i n the east end o f the C i t y o f Vancouve r , these communi t ies do not necessarily co inc ide w i t h communi t ies that have been exper iencing a rap id g rowth o f the Chinese popula t ion i n recent years. Ker r i sda le , M a r p o l e , Oakr idge , K i l l a r n e y , and V i c t o r i a -Fraserv iew are the communi t ies that experienced the greatest increase o f Chinese between 1996 and 2001 . In the past, these areas' m a i n popula t ion groups were those o f European 68 backgrounds (Hiebert , 1998, p . 10). In these communi t ies , the Chinese popula t ion increased between 1996 and 2001 by 6.4%, 5.5%, 5.5%, 5.2%, and 4 .4%, respect ively (The C i t y o f Vancouve r , 2004). These figures illustrate the s ignif icance o f the increase o f the Chinese w h e n compared to the fact that the overa l l Chinese popula t ion o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r increased by on ly 1.9% dur ing the same t ime per iod . Interestingly, a l l o f these five communi t ies are located to the south o f 41st A v e n u e , geographical ly c lose to R i c h m o n d . T h i s shows s imi la r patterns o f concentration o f the Chinese popula t ion ment ioned above; that is , there are several communi t ies w i t h a re la t ively h igh percentage o f people o f Chinese ancestry i n close geographical p rox imi ty . In compar ison w i t h the Chinese popula t ion , I w i l l n o w prov ide the same statistical informat ion about the total popula t ion o f the C i t y o f Vancouve r . The communi t ies that had experienced the most significant popula t ion increase f rom 1996 to 2001 were: D o w n t o w n ( inc lud ing G a s t o w n and Ch ina town) (60.8%), K i t s i l a n o (8.3%), R e n f l e w - C o l l i n g w o o d (7.6%), F a i r v i e w (Granv i l l e Island) (6.7%), and Sunset (6.7%) (The C i t y o f Vancouve r , 2004) . The outstanding popula t ion increase i n the D o w n t o w n area is poss ib ly ascribed to the number o f h i g h rises and condomin iums constructed i n recent years, w h i c h can u t i l ize the l im i t ed spaces thereby m a x i m i z i n g the resident capacity. Despi te this surpr is ing g rowth o f the total popula t ion i n the D o w n t o w n area, the Chinese popula t ion i n this area increased by on ly 2 .4% i n the same t ime per iod . 69 Table 3.3: Chinese Popula t ion Increase i n Selected C o m m u n i t i e s f rom 1996 to 2001 percentage Ker r i sda le 6 .40% M a r p o l e 5 .50% Oakr idge 5 .50% K i l l a r n e y 5 .20% Vic to r i a -F rase rv i ew 4 . 4 0 % Source: The C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2004 F igure 3.4: M a p o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r Source: The C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2004 The data p r o v i d e d above is helpful when observ ing recent Ch inese immigran t s ' settlement patterns. It is possible to assume that a fa i r ly large por t ion o f new Chinese residents m o v i n g into the f ive communi t ies (i.e., Ker r i sda le , M a r p o l e , Oakr idge , K i l l a r n e y , 70 and Vic to r i a -Frase rv iew) is compr ised o f recent Chinese immigrants . U n l i k e the older generation o f Chinese immigrants , these n e w immigrants are more l i k e l y to have qual if icat ions that help them cope w i t h the soc ia l structure and lifestyle i n V a n c o u v e r w i t h less d i f f icu l ty . A l t h o u g h they are n o w m o v i n g into areas o r ig ina l ly populated by people o f European o r ig in , it is clear that they are m o v i n g close to the " n e w " C h i n a t o w n , or Chinese centre, o f R i c h m o n d . Hence , this illustrates that rac ia l segregation o f even the most recent Chinese immigrants is s t i l l apparent i n the context o f V a n c o u v e r society; the on ly change is where they n o w concentrate. The data that look on ly at C h i n a t o w n ' s popula t ion changes are not avai lable . Local Areas Statistics, however , p rovide data for Strathcona, the communi ty r ight next to C h i n a t o w n that h i s tor ica l ly had the highest concentration o f Chinese immigrants . A c c o r d i n g to statistical data, whereas the total popula t ion o f Strathcona decreased by 0 .6% from 1996 to 2001 , the decl ine o f the Chinese popula t ion i n this same area was m u c h greater. Strathcona experienced a 2 . 7 % drop i n the Chinese popula t ion between 1996 and 2001 , m a k i n g it the c o m m u n i t y w i t h the largest Chinese popula t ion decrease i n the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r over this t ime pe r iod (The C i t y o f Vancouve r , 2004) . The statistical data emp loyed here, however , do not point to the cause o f this decl ine. A l t h o u g h it is imposs ib le to specify whether geographical movement o f the residents beyond the communi ty boundaries or the deaths o f the ag ing Chinese popula t ion p layed a role , the figures i n the statistics indicate that the Chinese popula t ion size i n Strathcona has been c lear ly shr i r iking. 71 3.4 Re-construction of the Notion of Racial Relations in Middle-class European Neighbourhoods of Vancouver A s described i n the previous section o f this chapter, the increase o f the Chinese popula t ion i n areas o r ig ina l ly populated by European groups, such as R i c h m o n d , Ker r i sda le , and Oakr idge , is a phenomenon that has been occur r ing i n recent years f o l l o w i n g the significant increase o f the Chinese popula t ion . In addi t ion to the areas just ment ioned, Shaughnessy also serves as an example o f this phenomenon. Shaughnessy has been k n o w n for be ing an extremely expensive residential area that has p r imar i l y hosted residents o f B r i t i s h background. A l t h o u g h the total popula t ion o f this communi ty s l ight ly dec l ined i n the late 1990s, the por t ion o f Chinese i n the area increased by 1.0%, compr i s ing o f 2 7 . 8 % o f the total popula t ion o f the commun i ty i n 2001 (The C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , 2004). In this respect, Shaughnessy seems to be f o l l o w i n g the same path that R i c h m o n d , Ker r i sda le , and Oakr idge have taken: it is no longer a commun i ty that is exc lus ive ly whi te . In this sect ion, I w i l l explore the under ly ing concept o f rac ia l relations w i t h a focus o n V a n c o u v e r ' s neighbourhoods w i t h suburban characteristics. T h e geographical movement o f recent Chinese immigrants into the suburban areas h is tor ica l ly populated by middle-c lass European residents has evoked some controversies surrounding the Chinese i n Vancouve r . Long - t e rm residents o f these neighbourhoods blame the increasing numbers o f Chinese for the rad ica l transformation o f ne ighbourhood landscapes. Feel ings o f uneasiness and anxiety about such changes eventual ly developed into the so-cal led "monster house" incident. The monster house incident was init iated by the rap id house price increases and construct ion o f monster houses changing the established landscapes ( L e y , 1998, pp . 336-9; Rose , 2001 , p . 476) . The typ ica l descr ipt ion o f monster houses is : 72 Houses that extended to the edges o f the lo t . . . Characterist ic des ign elements o f the houses inc luded a lack o f surrounding surface vegetation, a square or rectangular box-shape, and an eclect ic m i x o f architectural styles and traditions, often incorporat ing Greek co lumns , neo-Georg ian and modernist designs, large w i n d o w s , spira l staircases and tower ing entrance-ways, and the use o f bright colours and a variety o f b u i l d i n g materials. ( M i t c h e l l , 1993; L i , 1994; M a j u r y 1994; L e y , 1995; R a y etal, 1997; L e y , 1998, c i ted i n R o s e , 2001 , pp . 476-7) In the process o f the developments, suburban neighbourhoods have constructed par t icular geographical identities. These identities include images such as spacious properties and safe environments to raise famil ies . S u c h characteristics o f suburban neighbourhoods, however , also set the boundary determining w h o can and w h o can not legi t imately reside there. F o r example , o w n i n g a property w i t h a spacious ya rd requires one to h o l d a certain amount o f finances. M o r e o v e r , the geographical distance f rom the c i ty core, where most business activit ies take place , demands indiv iduals i n the suburban areas to have a means o f transportation or to be able to afford to commute frequently to the c i ty core. S u c h requirements indicate that one must be part o f a certain economic status group to l ive i n these suburbs. Furthermore, Canad ian society is no except ion i n terms o f Western societies i n w h i c h soc ia l class stratification crosscuts differences o f race. In Canad ian society, the d is t inc t ion o f classes greatly overlaps the dis t inct ion o f different ethnic and rac ia l groups. In other words , ethnic and rac ia l difference can be a c ruc ia l factor i n determining one 's soc ia l strata i n society. The no t ion o f class d is t inct ion based o n race and ethnici ty s t i l l persists in Canad ian society; i n this sense, mul t icu l tu ra l i sm has not achieved the goal o f the real coexistence o f var ious groups wi thout confl ic t , or mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm has done little to equal ize income inequali t ies. A s 73 ment ioned earlier, the dis t inct ion o f different rac ia l groups often comes to be expressed as a binary d icho tomy between whi tes and non-whites , and such dis t inct ion is discussed and expressed i n the language o f cul tural difference, but not o f rac ia l difference. In most situations whites are perce ived as "super ior" to non-whites; therefore whites can enjoy a great deal o f prestige i n the po l i t i ca l , soc ia l , and economica l spheres. A s a result, the soc ia l status o f whites i n society became even more f i rmly f ixed and stable. O n the other hand, non-white popula t ion groups were a lways submerged under whites because o f attributed differences based o n race and ethnici ty. The b ipolar d is t inct ion between whites and non-whites is relevant to the case o f the development o f V a n c o u v e r suburbs. A s A d a m s (1984) and Douce t and W e a v e r (1991) suggest, strong class, ethnic and rac ia l homogenei ty o f ex is t ing groups i n the ne ighbourhood characterise each suburb (ci ted i n R a y , Ha lse th & Johnson, 1997, p . 78). Suburbs o f Western societies are often characterised by native-born whi te middle-class residents (Ray , Halse th & Johnson, 1997, p . 78), and V a n c o u v e r ' s suburbs are no except ion. F o r example , i n 1971 R i c h m o n d ' s popula t ion was m a i n l y Europeans (87%) (Hiebert , 1998, pp . 10-11), and " R i c h m o n d has throughout its history been a steadfastly European space w i t h i n greater V a n c o u v e r " (Ray , Ha lse th & Johnson, 1997, p . 88). A l s o , "the K O S area [Kerr isdale , Oakr idge , and Shaughnessy] retained the character o f a midd le or upper- income suburb, w i t h large properties, a popula t ion m a i n l y compr i sed o f t radit ional nuclear famil ies , and a dis t inct ly ' E n g l i s h ' landscape and cul tura l sens ib i l i ty" (Hiebert , 1998, p . 10). A s evident i n these examples, the factors that g ive geographical areas identities are the soc ia l class and rac ia l background o f the residents. S u c h identities in turn become markers to determine w h o can and can not fit into the ne ighbourhood wi thout e v o k i n g controversies. 74 Because geographical identities are determined b y residents ' class and race, the Chinese do not fit the category o f " i d e a l " residents i n these areas. The g rowth i n the v i s i b i l i t y o f the Chinese contradicts the picture o f the ne ighbourhood he ld by long-term whi te residents. A l t h o u g h the financial competence o f recent Chinese immigrants can push them into the midd le and upper classes, they are neither whi te nor nat ive-born. W h y does the in f lux o f Chinese immigrants i n var ious residential areas become so problemat ic and evoke controversies w i t h i n these neighbourhoods? G o l d b e r g ' s (1993) w o r k is useful here: " R a c i s m s become inst i tut ionally no rma l i zed i n and through spatial configurat ion, jus t as soc ia l space is made to seem natural, a g iven , by be ing conce ived and defined i n rac ia l terms" (quoted i n R a y , Ha lse th & Johnson, 1997, p . 81). Society sees geographical spaces not o n l y i n terms o f class difference but also i n terms o f ethnic and rac ia l d is t inct ion. In this sense, the g r o w i n g presence o f the Chinese i n t radi t ional European middle-c lass neighbourhoods is " i n v a d i n g " the boundary between whites and non-whites . W h a t makes this monster house controversy a contemporary form o f r ac i sm as opposed to that o f the past is the w a y i n w h i c h it is conceptual ized. In the contemporary context, r ac ia l difference is articulated through cul tural difference. The subject to be b lamed for the changes o f landscapes i n the neighbourhoods is new Chinese residents; however , the languages used i n the d iscuss ion o f this issue hard ly suggest that rac ia l difference i t se l f is wha t matters to the long term residents. It is " cu l tu ra l " difference, such as an architectural style, w h i c h has caused this controversy. R a y , Halse th and Johnson (1997) point out the nature o f this controversy by stating, " i n the case o f R i c h m o n d , hous ing has more often been used as a m e d i u m and metaphor for the expression o f concern about ne ighbourhood level ethnic change" (p. 83). In other words , a clear associat ion was made i n the minds o f the pub l i c between "the C h i n e s e " and "monster houses." W h i l e mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm and the non-75 discr iminatory po l ic ies might prevent such overt d iscr iminatory attitudes towards the Chinese ; this example shows that rac ia l iza t ion and e thnic izat ion is s t i l l evident i n Canad ian society. In the d iscuss ion o f the monster house incident, cul tural difference is often used against n e w Chinese residents; however , research finds that the ways i n w h i c h new Chinese residents l ive does not a lways differ from that o f the neighbourhoods under d iscuss ion here. R a y , Ha lse th and Johnson (1997) discovered i n their study that the Chinese are actual ly the ones w h o l i ve up to "the normat ive behaviour c o m m o n l y associated w i t h suburbanizat ion," that is , the ownership o f single-detached hous ing (p. 93) . They found that the por t ion o f the Chinese o w n i n g single-detached hous ing is larger than that o f the Br i t i sh /F rench popula t ion i n R i c h m o n d ; however , this fact is easi ly ignored i n the d iscuss ion around the Chinese and their monster houses. In this sense, the Chinese do not violate the established w a y o f l i v i n g i n the suburbs. O n the contrary, they are re-producing the so-cal led preferable l ifestyle o f the suburb. T h i s can serve as evidence that contemporary forms o f r ac i sm are o n l y coated w i t h c la ims o f cul tural difference. Cu l tu ra l d ivers i ty is one th ing that is celebrated and promoted by the p o l i c y o f mul t icu l tu ra l i sm. H o w e v e r , the instance o f the monster house controversy impl ies that cul tural differences can also be used to mainta in the boundary between whi tes and non-whites and enable the reinforcement o f the d is t inc t ion wi thout appearing exp l i c i t l y racist. 3.5 Conclusion T h e introduct ion o f new immigra t ion po l ic ies i n the 1960s changed the face o f Canad ian immigrants i n terms o f not on ly personal qual if icat ions, such as language sk i l l s , professional sk i l l s , and soc io-economic status, but also rac ia l and ethnic background. T h e change o f rac ia l and ethnic make-up o f immigrants is due to the shift o f immigra t ion source countries from Europe to A s i a , Cent ra l A m e r i c a , and the Car ibbean. In addi t ion the Chinese 76 came to shape a great propor t ion o f these recent immigrant arr ivals , especial ly since the midd le o f the 1980s. These new types o f Chinese immigrants are characterized by their professional sk i l l s and occupat ion, weal th , knowledge i n the E n g l i s h language, and a fa i r ly l ong experience o f l i v i n g i n urban soc ia l environments p r io r to their a r r iva l to Canada . Because o f g lobal iza t ion , these urbanized areas share some features o f Western societies l ike Canada, i nc lud ing capitalist values. F o r this reason, these n e w Chinese immigrants are already famil iar w i t h the Western w a y o f l i v i n g . W h e n the in f lux o f Chinese immigra t ion i n Canada reached its peak i n the 1980s, H o n g K o n g was the largest immigra t ion sending country. T h i s was the consequence o f the uncertain, unpredictable future o f H o n g K o n g after the Chinese government took over the cont ro l o f H o n g K o n g from B r i t a i n i n 1997. T h i s si tuation created a large number o f potential immigrants to the Wes t i n search o f f inancia l security and a stable l i fe . H o w e v e r , after 1997, the picture o f Chinese immigra t ion sources started changing, push ing M a i n l a n d C h i n a to become the biggest sending country o f Chinese immigrants , f o l l owed by T a i w a n and H o n g K o n g . S u c h changes i n the characteristics o f Chinese immigrants made the exis t ing Chinese communi ty o f V a n c o u v e r d ivers i f ied and complex . The Chinese commun i ty began to be d i v i d e d into segments a long the lines o f the t ime o f a r r iva l to Canada, language prof ic iency i n Chinese and E n g l i s h , soc io-economic status, and place o f o r ig in . T h i s is par t ia l ly due to the new immigra t ion regulations and the p o l i c y o f mul t icu l tu ra l i sm, w h i c h l ed to the dispers ion o f people o f Chinese ancestry throughout the region o f Vancouve r . In spite o f this d ispers ion compared to that o f the past, there are s t i l l strong patterns i n their choice o f residential areas. T h e Chinese are n o w found i n every distr ict o f V a n c o u v e r C M A , and this phenomenon is especial ly pronounced i n R i c h m o n d . The district today is often referred to as the " n e w " 77 C h i n a t o w n . W i t h i n the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , i t seems that there are t w o geographical areas that are populated by different types o f Chinese . The area consis t ing o f several communi t ies a long the border o f V a n c o u v e r and Burnaby is characterized by the older generation o f Chinese immigrant ; whereas the area made up b y communi t i es located to the south o f 41st A v e n u e is populated by the more recent, and new type o f Chinese immigrants . The latter area is geographical ly close to R i c h m o n d , w h i c h suggests that this Chinese settlement is occur r ing around a n e w Chinese centre o f V a n c o u v e r . The n e w immigra t ion po l i c ies and the introduct ion o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm appear to be changing the d iscr iminatory attitudes o f Canadians towards non-white minor i ty groups. H o w e v e r , the reali ty is that on ly the art iculat ion o f such d i sc r imina t ion has changed. The apparent d i sc r imina t ion based o n rac ia l difference has n o w been expressed through cul tura l difference. The controversy over new Chinese residents changing landscapes o f areas t radi t ional ly populated by European groups is a g o o d example o f h o w rac i sm has been transformed. It is their " cu l tu ra l " difference, but not " r a c i a l " difference, that has been presented as an issue to be discussed i n the controversy. B y shift ing the focus o f differentiation f rom race to culture, one can get away f rom appearing racist, especia l ly i n a society where cul tural difference and divers i ty are celebrated. In this sense, the boundary between whites and non-whites persistently exists i n Canad ian society beh ind the guise o f mul t icu l tura l i sm. T o be more precise, it can be said that mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm actual ly reinforced these boundaries i n Canad ian society. 78 Chapter IV Making a "Museum:" Beautification of Vancouver's Chinatown as a Cultural Attraction 4.1 Introduction T h i s chapter w i l l focus o n V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n as a socia l entity transformed into a tourist attraction that functions as a museum o f Chinese culture. C h i n a t o w n , w h i c h had a lways been psycho log ica l l y distant f rom the w i d e r V a n c o u v e r society, developed ar t i f ic ia l and imaginary features as a result o f the beautif ication schemes conducted by the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r f rom the 1960s onwards. C h i n a t o w n changed its appearance to become a museum o f "Chineseness" targeted to attract whi te society, and the result was a p sycho log ica l d isconnect ion o f the Chinese commun i ty f rom C h i n a t o w n . Terms such as "whi te society ," "the w i d e r Canad ian society," "whi tes , " and "Europeans" w i l l be used interchangeably i n this chapter for the people o f European backgrounds were s t i l l the dominant group i n almost every aspect o f V a n c o u v e r society dur ing the t ime pe r iod under d iscuss ion. The goa l o f this chapter is to suggest that the beautif ication o f C h i n a t o w n and its reconstruction as a tourist attraction were achieved o n the premise o f non-Europeans as "Others ," w h i c h was embedded i n the colonia l is t thoughts o f Western societies. Furthermore, I intend to reveal that such hierarchal relations between Europeans and non-Europeans were i n fact reinforced by g i v i n g C h i n a t o w n a cul tura l ly significant meaning under the not ion o f mul t icu l tu ra l i sm. The d iscuss ion o f C h i n a t o w n as a museum is useful to reveal these points . A l t h o u g h m y discuss ion w i l l on ly concern the case o f V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n , it can also apply to many other ethnic minor i ty groups and their cultures i n Canada. Theoret ica l arguments structure the first h a l f o f this chapter. Firs t , I w i l l introduce the development o f modern museums i n Western societies, and the soc ia l context i n w h i c h 79 museums came to take the ro le o f educat ional institutions. T h e construct ion and reinforcement o f ideologies enabled by the functions o f museums w i l l be the centre o f d iscuss ion. F o l l o w i n g this, I w i l l make the theoretical connect ion between the museum and tour i sm i n the context o f post W o r l d W a r II Western societies. The latter h a l f o f this chapter w i l l examine V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n as a tourist attraction and museum that c rys ta l l i zed the boundary between whites and the Chinese , creating a " c o l o n i z e d " oriental space w i t h i n the C i t y o f Vancouve r . T h i s d iscuss ion w i l l be constructed around the theories and concepts presented i n the first h a l f o f the chapter and m y o w n analysis o f o f f i c ia l documents concerning the beautif icat ion o f C h i n a t o w n . M o s t o f the documents were obtained f rom the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r A r c h i v e s and the U B C L i b r a r y Spec ia l Co l l ec t ions . These p r imary sources include, of f ic ia l documents pub l i shed by specia l committees for the beautif ication o f C h i n a t o w n authorized by the C i t y o f Vancouve r , an o f f i c i a l report submitted to the C i t y government, and pamphlets and brochures that h ighl ight C h i n a t o w n as a tourist and cul tural attraction. T h e y were chosen as the p r imary sources for this research to better reflect the perspective o f the whi te society o n C h i n a t o w n . In order to include the responses o f the Chinese commun i ty to the beautif ication schemes, a rch iva l documents c o m p i l e d by Chinese organizations are also examined, such as the Chinese c o m m u n i t y ' s c l a i m to the C i t y o f Vancouve r . 4.2 The Museum as a Communication Tool of "Us"/ "Other" Dichotomization T o " s h o w " appeal ing objects is the most important task soc ia l ly assigned to museums o f modern days, and people expect to "see" interesting things o n their v i s i t to museums (Baxanda l l , 1991, pp. 33-4). The concept o f modern museums is a creation o f Wes te rn societies, and i n the process o f its development, museums assumed the role o f mass education 80 (Bennett, 1995, p . 7 1 , 1 0 9 ; 1998, p . 28) . In this section, I w i l l try to reveal h o w the ideo log ica l education through museums successfully achieved the dis t inct ion between " U s " and "Other" i n Western societies. T o n y Bennett discusses the bi r th o f modern museums f rom the late 18th to early 19th centuries i n B r i t i s h society (1995, Chapter 1). A c c o r d i n g to Bennett , n e w soc ia l norms and values emerging f rom the Industrial R e v o l u t i o n and the introduct ion o f cap i ta l i sm became the d r i v i n g forces o f the soc ia l reform o f B r i t i s h society, and museums, a long w i t h l ibrary and p u b l i c lectures, served as useful communica t ion tools for such norms and values (1998, p . 18). The changes i n the mode o f product ion that accompanied the soc ia l changes resulted i n a s ignif icant decl ine i n the value o f specia l ized knowledge and sk i l l s ; whereas the standardized knowledge and sk i l l s became o f greater va lue due to their adaptabil i ty to a w i d e r range o f occupations (Er iksen , 2002, pp. 100-4). A t the same t ime, the b ipolar iza t ion o f economic classes caused the creation o f a depr ived and exploi ted poor w o r k i n g class popula t ion , consis t ing o f the majori ty o f society. These rap id changes had a great impact o n the w a y society was organized not on ly at the macro leve l , but also at the m i c r o leve l . Interpersonal relationships, w h i c h once were organized around a kinship-based group and loca l i zed group became weaker . T h i s is because indiv iduals were p u l l e d away, both p sycho log i ca l l y and phys i ca l ly , f rom such a t ight ly kni t communi ty i n order to adapt to the rapid ly changing soc ia l structure (Er iksen , 2002, pp . 106-8). Socie ty became fragmented, and the need to reintegrate people emerged to a v o i d the further fragmentation that can cause a serious col lapse o f the society. A s tradit ional soc ia l ties formed around k insh ip and loca l groups weakened, people began to lose a poin t o f reference around w h i c h they c o u l d construct their identity and a sense o f be longing . Socie ty was i n need o f reconstructing identity to keep i t se l f integrated, and 81 museums seemed to be a useful strategy to foster feelings that c o u l d be c o m m o n l y he ld by people i n society. T h i s is where the character o f the museum as a pub l i c space becomes o f great importance. In the past, the s ignif icance o f m u s e u m col lec t ions and exh ib i t i on w a s determined accord ing to the worthiness o f the donor ( M a c d o n a l d , 1998, p . 8). M u s e u m s were perce ived as a m u c h more private rea lm that was under a strong influence o f prominent ind iv idua ls i n society. H o w e v e r , soc ia l changes also led to changes i n the place o f museums i n society. M u s e u m s had to be opened up to educate the p u b l i c to help them develop an identity and a sense o f be long ing ( M a c d o n a l d , 1998, p . 9 , 1 1 ) . In this w a y , the soc ia l meaning o f the museum drast ical ly changed. G r e e n w o o d c la ims that, as early as i n 1888, the museum became "as necessary for the mental and m o r a l heal th o f the ci t izens as g o o d sanitary arrangements, water supply, and street l igh t ing are for their phys i ca l health and comfor t" (ci ted i n Bennett , 1995, p . 18). M u s e u m s acquired a n e w role o f speaking to and educating the pub l i c . N o w let us look at h o w the museum c o u l d achieve its status as a communica tor o f c o m m o n l y shared feelings i n society. The w a y i n w h i c h people created their identity i n the past was mos t ly based o n b l o o d ties and face-to-face relat ionships as ment ioned earlier. In other words , their identity re l ied o n something " tangible ." T h i s was no longer the case i n modern , capitalist Wes te rn societies. K a t r i e l ' s (1993) w o r k on a heritage museum i n Israel exempl i f ies this point . She c l a ims that the presentation o f i nd iv idua l experiences i n the f o r m o f a museum exh ib i t ion generates a sense o f " c o m m o n " history, and this h is tory is interpreted as " c o m m o n " culture. Personal experiences o f an i nd iv idua l can be shared by vis i tors to the exh ib i t ion as theirs w h e n they have a s imi la r experience themselves. Therefore, they make a connect ion between their o w n experience and someone else 's experience o f an exhib i t ion , w h i c h develop into the sense o f sharing the c o m m o n his tory and culture. Therefore, the 82 funct ion o f the m u s e u m to " s h o w and t e l l " is effective to make such abstract, hence " in tangib le" notions comprehensive through v i sua l iza t ion . B u t h o w is it poss ib le? The abi l i ty o f the museum to communicate ideo log ica l and abstract notions to society must be described here i n accordance w i t h Bened ic t A n d e r s o n ' s (1983) discussions o f pr int cap i ta l i sm and its contr ibut ion to the development o f na t ional i sm. In h i s theory, what made pr int cap i ta l i sm successful was people ' s exposure to ident ica l informat ion through c i rcula t ion o f pr inted materials. E x p o s e d to the same informat ion i n pr inted materials, people came to accept ideologies i n the contents as theirs and began to real ize the existence o f an " imag ined c o m m u n i t y . " S u c h abi l i ty o f pr inted materials to communica te specif ic information to the pub l i c can be s imi l a r ly found i n museum exhibi t ions (Anderson , 1983, Chapter 10). " C o m m o n " his tory and culture i n the f o r m o f a m u s e u m exh ib i t ion fosters the sense o f sharing something c o m m o n among vis i tors . The fact that the museum exh ib i t ion is conf ined i n the museum complex and that people are required to make an effort to v i s i t museums become obstacles to communica te to a w i d e audience as was the case w i t h pr inted materials. Y e t , the museum s t i l l has the power to communica te consistent informat ion b y p r o v i d i n g the p u b l i c w i t h a " s i n g l e " set o f d i sp layed objects. O n c e the exh ib i t ion is arranged i n a certain form, it remains the same for the durat ion o f the exh ib i t ion . Therefore, v is i tors to the exh ib i t ion are exposed to exact ly the same materials regardless o f the t ime o f their vis i ts . A l o n g s i d e the exh ib i t ion o f " c o m m o n " history and o w n culture, what has become popular i n terms o f the museum exh ib i t ion is the d isplay o f "different" and "d i s t inc t ive" cultures f rom that o f one 's o w n (Alpers , 1991, pp. 31-2; M a c d o n a l d , 1998, p . 9) . European expans ion ism and imper i a l i sm led to the successive establishment o f European colonies i n non-European countries and societies. O n e outcome o f c o l o n i a l i s m is an increase i n 83 encounters between European and non-European peoples. T h e experience o f encounter ing non-Europeans made Europeans aware o f differences between these t w o groups, and one consequence o f this was the d ichotomiza t ion between Europeans as " U s " and non-Europeans as "Others ." M i t c h e l l (1988) c la ims that pe rce iv ing non-Europeans as "Others" is i n fact h o w Europeans made their o w n identities. T h e lengthy quote f rom his w o r k Colonizing Egypt is useful here: W h a t Or ien ta l i sm offered was . . . a series o f absolute differences accord ing to w h i c h the Or ienta l c o u l d be understood as the negative o f the European . These differences were not the differences w i t h i n a self, w h i c h w o u l d be understood as an a lways-d i v i d e d identity; they were the differences between a se l f and its opposite, the opposite that makes possible such an imaginary , und iv ided self . . . .the domina t ion o f the Wes t over the non-Western w o r l d depended o n this manner o f creating a ' W e s t ' , a s ingular Western self- ident i ty . . . .what is outside is paradoxica l ly what makes the W e s t what it i s , the exc luded yet integral part o f its identity and power , (p. 166) T h e point here is that the creat ion o f "Others" as a dis t inct ive category, i.e., non-Europeans o r Orientals , occurred i n a manner to reflect " U s . " The not ion o f " U s " becomes clear on ly w h e n the images o f what w e are not are v i sua l i zed and captured. T h i s creates an imaginary , ar t i f ic ia l , and yet profound boundary determining w h o belongs to " U s " and w h o does not. A n d anyone w h o does not satisfy the cri ter ia to be inc luded i n the group o f " U s " falls into the category o f "Others ." Re in fo rc ing the idea o f non-Europeans as inferior and p r imi t ive people was the w a y Western societies understood "cul ture." Cul ture i n the midd le o f 19th century Europe meant " a single evolut ionary process . . . [which] was w i d e l y be l ieved to be the natural outcome o f a 84 long development, a process tha t . . . was assumed to be the basic, progressive movement o f humani ty" (C l i f fo rd , 1988, p . 92). M a c d o n a l d ' s (1998) account o n the scientif ic exhibi t ions that were dedicated to v i sua l iza t ion o f the concept o f progress indeed supports this point (pp. 9-13). M a c d o n a l d argues that scientif ic exhibi t ions communica ted var ious k inds o f messages to the pub l i c that ranged f rom "the progress o f humank ind and o f scientif ic k n o w l e d g e " to a "personal journey towards greater knowledge and mastery" (1998, p . 12). Hence , culture in the Western soc ia l context was defined as a l inear development o f humank ind towards a single goal . Therefore, the judgments o f cultures o f "Others" were based o n h o w far beh ind they stood f rom European culture. C l i f f o r d (1988), however , suggests that "cu l ture" i n Western societies came to change its mean ing by the turn o f the 20th century to be aware o f distinctiveness and p lura l i ty (p. 93) . H o w e v e r , this change i n the w a y i n w h i c h Western societies perce ived culture does not necessari ly mean that cultures o f "Others" came to be treated equal ly. The different attitudes to these cultures are exempl i f i ed i n the very act o f phys i ca l ly m o v i n g non-European cultures to museums as d i sp layed objects to be enjoyed by European audiences, for example . D r a w i n g f rom M a r y L o u i s e Pratt, C l i f f o r d uses the term "contact zone" to mean "the space o f c o l o n i a l encounters, the space i n w h i c h people geographical ly and h is tor ica l ly separated come into contact w i t h each other and establish ongoing relations, usual ly i n v o l v i n g condi t ions o f coerc ion, rac ia l inequali ty, and interactive conf l i c t " (Pratt, 1992, quoted i n C l i f f o r d , 1997, p . 192). T h i s statement holds true w h e n w e look at museum exhibi t ions o f non-European cultures. A l t h o u g h non-European cultures are not part o f "ou r" Wes te rn societies, i t i s acceptable for Europeans to m o v e "their" cultures f rom their o r ig ina l settings. A s described earlier, the cultures o f "Others" were by no means regarded as part o f "ou r" European culture. O r , the poss ib i l i ty o f such cultures becoming part o f "ou r" culture was absent. T h i s is because 85 there was a strong no t ion o f d ichotomiza t ion , deny ing the erasure o f the boundary between these t w o opposite groups: Europeans and non-Europeans were the groups that are never supposed to m i x together. F o r this reason, the concept o f Europeans came to be understood by be ing assured o f what they were not, w h e n compared to non-Europeans. In this sense, ref lect ing the image o f o w n became an inevi table process o f identity construct ion i n the West . Hence , s h o w i n g wha t belongs to "Others" invo lves unequal power relations between w h o is seeing and w h o is be ing seen. A s Foucaul t (1977) describes i n Discipline and Punish, the continuous observation can l ink the observer direct ly to the power that can be exerted o n the object o f the observation. In the context o f museum exh ib i t ion o f non-European cultures i n Western societies, it is Europeans l o o k i n g at d i sp layed cultures o f non-Europeans. Th rough such activit ies, "Westerners had for centuries studied and spoken for the rest o f the w o r l d ; the reverse had not been the case" ( C l i f f o r d , 1988, p . 256) . The repetit ion o f this seeing/being-seen relat ion between Europeans and non-Europeans indeed further reinforced the power relationships established through the history o f co lon i a l i sm . 4.3 Tourism and Museums without Walls as the Site of a New Form of Colonialism The assumption that European culture and non-European cultures are mutua l ly exc lus ive made the rea lm o f "Others" appear "extraordinary" and "exo t i c " to Western societies. A s M i t c h e l l (1988) points out, c i t ing E d w a r d Sa id ' s Orientalism, the g rowth o f the importance o f Orientals , or non-Europeans, has been para l le l to the g rowth o f c o m m e r c i a l and c o l o n i a l interest that Europe had towards Orientals (p. 139). The trend o f exh ib i t ing non-European cultures indeed strengthens the not ion o f c o l o n i a l i s m or the unequal p o w e r relat ionship between Europeans and non-Europeans even i n the present context. In this l ight, C l i f f o r d (1997) provides examples o f four museums o n the west coast o f Canada , a l l o f w h i c h 86 feature l oca l F i rs t N a t i o n groups and representations o f their cultures (Chapter 5). H e cr i t i ca l ly interprets the exhibi t ions o f F i rs t Na t ions say ing that representations o f their histories are also a representation o f the history o f Europeans i n w h i c h co lon iza t ion and exploi ta t ion p layed a large part i n creating the soc ia l order and inequali ty that s t i l l exist i n today 's w o r l d (p. 137). T h i s can apply to many other examples o f non-European cul tural exhibi t ions . The representation o f subordinate non-European his tory and culture cannot be poss ible wi thout the representation o f European co lon i a l i sm , because the experience o f be ing co lon i zed is an inf luent ial and important part o f what comprises their history and culture. The post W o r l d W a r II era underwent tremendous changes that increased the m o b i l i t y o f goods and people. The development o f communica t ion and transportation technologies contributed to a m u c h greater l eve l o f associations beyond nat ional boundaries. F o l l o w i n g these changes, the fo rm o f museums also experienced some k i n d o f transformation w i t h the help o f f lour ish ing tour ism. Despi te such transformation, however , museums were s t i l l able to spread the ideas and ideals o f co lon i a l i sm . Bennett (1995) explains that a museum i n the late 18th and early 19th centuries served as an arena where the pub l ic learned soc ia l ly acceptable and appropriate behaviours . H i s d iscuss ion is based upon Foucau l t ' s theory about knowledge and power relations generated i n the structure o f p r i son . In Discipline and Punish (1977), Foucaul t describes h o w the act ivi t ies o f observation, w h i c h are facil i tated b y the panopt ica l structure o f p r i son , can create absolute power relations between the prisoners and guards. A c c o r d i n g to Bennett , the awareness o f other v i s i to rs ' existence i n the confined space o f a museum is effective enough to make a museum's d i sc ip l inary funct ion w o r k (1995, Chapter 2) . The vis i tors come to a m u s e u m to see the d isp layed objects, but at the same t ime, it is possible that they are seen b y others i n the 87 g iven space alongside the d isp layed objects. The museum vis i tors , therefore, take o n the roles o f both the observer and the observed. Hence , the act ivi ty o f v i s i t i ng museums involves a s imi la r power relat ionship as the pr i son structure suggested by Foucaul t , because it is this repetit ion o f observ ing and be ing observed that creates the power relations w h i c h can regulate the behaviours o f the observed (Bennett, 1995, pp . 63-9). F o r this reason the pub l i c vo lun ta r i ly learn h o w to behave i n the pub l i c sphere i n the context o f museum settings by becoming aware o f other vis i tors i n their presence. Bennett points out another d i sc ip l inary function o f museums. H e suggests that the architecture o f museums can also regulate people ' s behaviours i n a more p h y s i c a l way . The conf ined space created by the museum structure l imi t s v i s i to r s ' capacity for m o v i n g freely. Bennett notes that the arrangement o f exhibi t ions w i t h i n the museum structure, such as the w a y o f o rgan iz ing exhibi t ions has a coercive force to direct people ' s behaviours i n a certain manner (1995, Chapter 2) . V i s i t o r s are expected to f o l l o w the paths inside the museum complex f rom the entrance to the exit and keep their hands away f rom d isp layed objects. Whether it is a conscious or unconscious act, people learn expected behaviours i n the g i v e n environment o f the museum. The museum's d i sc ip l ina ry funct ion is , however , dec l i n ing as the concept o f "museums without w a l l s " (Ma l r aux , 1953) gradual ly comes into existence. M a l r a u x c la ims that sites that conta in artifacts and cul tura l objects can be attractive enough for people to v i s i t there i n the same w a y that they v is i t museums. In the case o f museums without wa l l s , d i sp layed objects are presented i n their o r ig ina l setting, w h i c h is a great advantage because they do not have to damage the images o f authenticity or distort the meanings these objects have ( M a c d o n a l d , 1998, p . 14). Furthermore, the c ruc ia l difference between ord ina l museums and museums wi thout wa l l s is that the latter can offer the sense o f inf ini ty to the v is i tors 88 der iv ing f rom the fact that there are no wa l l s creating a c losed space (Ma l r aux , 1953, p . 16). Because o f the absence o f phys i ca l boundaries prevent ing the vis i tors from certain movements , museums without wa l l s can not exert the same type o f power o n people as that o f ordinary museums or even prisons (Hetherington, 1996, p . 160). The coercive p o w e r exerted o n the phys i ca l movements o f human bodies is not effective i n the context o f museums wi thout wa l l s . A s Hether ington suggests, the concept o f museums without wa l l s d imin i shed the coercive force that the architectural structure c o u l d exert o n human bodies. The d imin i shed coercive power gave the vis i tors more freedom to enjoy the objects i n their o w n ways . Instead o f the decl ine o f such phys i ca l restr ict ion, however , I suggest that museums wi thout wa l l s brought a new d imens ion to power relations between the observer and the observed. A n d it was further conf i rmed as tour i sm came to be connected to the concept o f museums wi thout wa l l s . U t i l i z a t i o n o f a space w i t h artifacts or cul tural objects can increase the authenticity o f a d isp lay and help mainta in the real meanings o f these artifacts and cul tura l objects by not r e m o v i n g them from their o r ig ina l site. K e e p i n g artifacts and cul tural objects i n their o r ig ina l settings, and yet presenting them as an exh ib i t ion requires the observer to t ravel considerable distances. T h i s can be v i e w e d as a n e w phenomenon that was i n v o l v e d i n the process o f the development o f museums wi thout wa l l s . In this respect, the emergence o f museums wi thout wa l l s and the rise o f tour i sm are correlated. V i s i t i n g sites w i t h artifacts and cul tura l objects wor th seeing has become a major tourist act ivi ty . H o w e v e r , what is perce ived wor th seeing and w h o decides it? T h e concept o f tour ism, l i ke the concept o f museums, is a creat ion o f Western societies. T o u r i s m developed par t icular ly after W o r l d W a r II i n Western societies inf luenced b y g loba l iza t ion ( U r r y , 2002, pp . 45-50). T o u r i s m is established by geographical movements , i.e. getting away from ordinary l i fe . H o w e v e r , what remains the same even after the development 89 o f museums without wa l l s and tour i sm is the placement non-European "exo t i c " and "extraordinary" cultures as objects to be seen and experienced by those w h o v i s i t the sites. S u c h cultures o f "Others" are s t i l l out there as a target o f commodi f i ca t ion and exploi ta t ion to be enjoyed by the European: it became o n l y a matter o f h o w far one must t ravel to enjoy and consume the cultures o f "Others ," and distance is becoming a smal ler issue thanks to the development o f transportation technology and the trend o f g loba l iza t ion . U r r y (2002) defines tour i sm as fo l lows : [Tourism] is about consuming goods and services w h i c h are i n some sense unnecessary. T h e y are consumed because they supposedly generate pleasurable experiences w h i c h are different f rom those typ ica l ly encountered i n everyday l i fe . A n d yet at least a part o f that experience is to gaze upon or v i e w a set o f different scenes, o f landscapes or townscapes w h i c h are out o f their ordinary, (p. 1) F o r Europeans w h o take part i n tourist activit ies, to v i s i t " e x o t i c " places to explore something "extraordinary" is a pleasant and in t r iguing experience. H o w e v e r , for the locals o f such a place, the environment consumed by tourists is s t i l l a place o f everyday l i fe . Therefore, i n some sense, their space is " c o l o n i z e d " b y the Europeans i n the name o f tour i sm (Greenwood , 1989, p . 173; O k i h i r o , 2002, p . 291) . The u t i l i za t ion and m a x i m i z a t i o n o f the " e x o t i c " and "extraordinary" atmospheres are the ve ry core features o f both tour i sm and museums. Cul tu re is presented to those w h o do not be long to it to be enjoyed and consumed. The presentations o f non-European cultures are made w i t h an overt emphasis o n v i sua l aspects to make them look more dis t inct ive and eye-catching to a European audience. M u s e u m s need to " s h o w " interesting objects; hence choos ing v i sua l ly attractive objects to make the exh ib i t ion more appeal ing is an inevi table 90 process. Such modi f ica t ion o f cul tural representation is a imed not at the holders o f the culture, but to the outsiders w h o consume it. T o add some emphasis on specific aspects o f culture, however , can cause the loss o f the cul ture 's authenticity to those w h o be long to it because: Cul ture i n its very essence is something that people bel ieve i n implicitly. B y m a k i n g it part o f the tour i sm package, it is turned into an expl ic i t and p a i d performance and no longer can be be l ieved i n the w a y it was before. Thus , commodi t i za t ion o f culture i n effect robs people o f the very meanings by w h i c h they organize their l ives [i talics or ig ina l ] . (Greenwood , 1989, p . 179) I w o u l d argue here that the bi r th o f museums without wa l l s as part o f the rise o f tour i sm has further promoted the not ion o f co lon i a l i sm and reinforced unequal relations between Europeans and non-Europeans. The loca l cultures are modi f i ed , consumed, and exploi ted i n the w a y that suits the European tastes wi thout the consent o f the locals . M u s e u m s without wa l l s surely g ive more freedom to vis i tors to m o v e at their w i l l . T h i s means, at the same t ime, that they have a greater ab i l i ty to explore the private rea lm o f the loca l people and their culture, and the more loca l cultures are turned into cul tural exhibi t ions . T h i s can result i n strengthening the v i e w o f non-European cultures as consumable objects and the people behind these cultures as subordinate. 4.4 Application of Theories to Vancouver's Chinatown In this section, V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n w i l l be analyzed as a museum without wa l l s that has been reconstructed through the perspectives o f whi te society. I intend to show what aspects o f "Chineseness" come to be emphasized i n this part icular geographical space o f C h i n a t o w n through the process o f beautification, changing C h i n a t o w n f rom a place to be 91 avoided, into a place to v is i t . The beautif ication schemes made C h i n a t o w n into a space o f h is tor ica l and cul tura l f lavours where one c o u l d see Chinese culture. In this respect, C h i n a t o w n became a museum wi thout wa l l s , where one can experience "extraordinary" and "exo t i c " atmospheres. The transformation o f C h i n a t o w n indeed changed its soc ia l meaning and image i n V a n c o u v e r society. H o w e v e r , it has on ly changed the w a y i n w h i c h C h i n a t o w n signifies the status o f "Other ." The redevelopment o f C h i n a t o w n was achieved b y put t ing a significant amount o f emphasis o n the v i sua l iza t ion o f "Chineseness ." A s prev ious ly ment ioned, museums and tour ism are concepts created i n Western societies. It is the European v i e w o f Chinese culture that p l ayed a determinative role i n dec id ing what should be presented i n what w a y , because it is for Europeans that the v i sua l i za t ion o f cultures are c o m m o d i f i e d through tour i sm and m u s e u m exhibi t ions . T h i s v i sua l iza t ion , based u p o n the European images o f "authentic" Chinese culture, was also a useful strategy to erase derogatory and unfavourable images o f C h i n a t o w n that had persisted for decades. C h a n g i n g C h i n a t o w n ' s images for more posi t ive ones indeed promoted a favourable image o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r as a developed metropol i tan c i ty i n w h i c h dis t inct ive soc ia l groups can coexis t i n harmony. A n d such harmonious coexistence o f dis t inct ive groups is exact ly what Canada ' s mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm ideal ly pursued. In other words , the commodi f i ca t ion o f C h i n a t o w n created the ideal picture o f what mul t icu l tu ra l i sm was supposed to achieve. O n the other hand, however , the v i sua l iza t ion o f culture i n C h i n a t o w n caused the space to become a h igh ly ar t i f ic ia l soc ia l entity m a k i n g its status o f "Other" an even more concrete one. The status o f "Other" h is tor ica l ly imposed on the Chinese a l l o w e d whi te society to restrict the l ife o f Chinese i n V a n c o u v e r to a great extent, dep r iv ing them o f their r ights and opportunities. Such deprivations further conf i rmed their "Otherness" i n society because o f the 92 lack o f access to and contact w i t h whi te society. A n d this re inforced their status as "Other , " w h i l e g i v i n g whi te society a legitimate reason to discr iminate against the Chinese : it became a v i c ious cyc le . The Chinese were rap id ly becoming an object to be contro l led and regulated i n society where soc ia l norms and values were determined by whites . Because o f C h i n a t o w n ' s "Otherness," it became a place that physically exis ted i n the boundaries o f the C i t y , but psychologically existed out o f it ( O k i h i r o , 2002, p . 294). Because o f the extreme soc ia l and, to some extent, residential segregation o f the Chinese , the contact between whites and the Chinese was scarce, and the Chinese existed comple te ly outside o f the whi tes ' ordinary life context. The Chinese and anything related to them stood i n opposi t ion to whi te society, and hav ing a look at Chinese spaces was becoming "enjoyable" for many whites i n some senses because o f the perce ived differences between them (Anderson , 1991, Chapter 5). The v i e w s o f C h i n a t o w n and the Chinese l i v i n g there c o u l d conf i rm the be l i e f that whites and the Chinese d i d not be long together. M o r e o v e r , the m u c h lower standards o f l i v i n g found i n C h i n a t o w n even strengthened the not ion o f European superiori ty, despite the fact that such l i v i n g condi t ions were part ly due to the w a y that the w i d e r Canad ian society treated the Chinese . Despi te increasing whi te interest i n C h i n a t o w n , there s t i l l remained persistent stigmas that kept many people away f rom C h i n a t o w n . The process o f t ransforming C h i n a t o w n f rom a ghetto to a place that c o u l d be safely v i s i t ed changed it into a museum without w a l l s . It also affected the mode o f C h i n a t o w n ' s economy, integrating it into and m a k i n g it dependent o n the structure o f European tour ism. F o r example , A n d e r s o n (1991) indicates that the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r acknowledged the industr ial va lue o f C h i n a t o w n i n as early as 1924 (p. 141). The discr iminatory p o l i c y o f the government i n the past d i d not leave the Chinese commun i ty and C h i n a t o w n many options other than part ic ipat ing i n a tour i sm economy to secure a means o f 93 ga in ing currency. T h e long last ing r ac i sm and d iscr imina t ion against the Chinese d i d not a l l o w them to construct meaningful ties w i t h the w i d e r Canad ian society that c o u l d foster better po l i t i c a l and economic opportunities. A s a result, the Chinese communi ty and C h i n a t o w n had to take advantage o f the "different" and "d i s t inc t ive" characteristics g iven to them by whi te society. I ron ica l ly enough, C h i n a t o w n ' s character as "different" and "d i s t inc t ive" became the very reason it c o u l d f lour ish i n a tourist economy. Because o f its " a b i l i t y " to become an object o f an exh ib i t ion o f "Otherness," C h i n a t o w n surv ived i n V a n c o u v e r society. C h a o (1971) remarks about the increase o f tour i sm i n C h i n a t o w n d rawing f rom examples i n the U n i t e d States: M a n y t ravel agencies i n S a n Franc i sco and N e w Y o r k C i t y have gu ided tours o f their China towns . F o r $3.50, a person gets a 2 Vi - hour guided trip through the streets i n C h i n a t o w n , i nc lud ing a Chinese meal . T h i s type o f arrangement has attracted many whi te tourists to such a degree that gu ided tours o f China towns occur almost everyday, (p. 91) T h i s quite precise ly illustrates C h i n a t o w n ' s status as a tourist destination by revea l ing that the vis i ts to China towns were activit ies arranged by travel agencies. C h i n a t o w n , became a place to v is i t , a place p sycho log ica l l y outside o f the everyday context, has become a site that belonged to "Other ." A l t h o u g h C h i n a t o w n ' s dependency o n the tourist economy is largely due to external p o l i t i c a l factors, b y the late 1960s, the Chinese commun i ty accepted tour i sm as part o f C h i n a t o w n ' s character. T h i s character was even put forward by the Chinese themselves to protest against the p l an to b u i l d a freeway cutt ing through C h i n a t o w n . The C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r p lanned the redevelopment o f the C i t y i n the 1960s, and the construct ion o f the freeway was 94 part o f it. The p l an to b u i l d the freeway was proposed to foster a smooth f l o w o f traffic into the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r and an increased access ibi l i ty to the d o w n t o w n area (Anderson , 1991, p . 200) . A l t h o u g h the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r might not have p lanned to tear d o w n C h i n a t o w n as a w h o l e , the Chinese communi ty i n V a n c o u v e r feared the destruction o f C h i n a t o w n , nonetheless (Anderson , 1991, pp. 200-9) . T o a v o i d such a situation, the merchant organizat ion made a c l a i m to the C i t y government to protect C h i n a t o w n f rom being destroyed. T h e y argued: C h i n a t o w n is a t radit ion, a landmark and a major tourist attraction o f the C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r and has been such almost since the bi r th o f the C i t y . Today , the Tour is t business is the second largest business i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n terms o f dol lars and cents. Thousands o f dollars are spent annual ly p romot ing the tourist business i n V a n c o u v e r and i n p romot ing the c i ty as a Conven t ion C i t y . C h i n a t o w n has a lways been o n the A g e n d a o f v i s i t i ng delegates. (Chinese Benevolen t A s s o c i a t i o n , 1967) T o u r i s m had g r o w n to a degree that c o u l d jeopardize the Chinese commun i ty and C h i n a t o w n i f it was taken away f rom them (Anderson , 1991, p . 204) . The persistent protests against the construct ion o f the freeway ended i n favour o f the Ch inese communi ty . H o w e v e r , the path C h i n a t o w n f o l l o w e d after this incident resulted i n the destruction o f the close ties between the Chinese commun i ty and C h i n a t o w n . W h a t is s ignificant and yet i ron ic is the fact that to promote tour ism, Chinese themselves exploi ted racist images to protect their soc ia l space. 4.5 Reconstruction of New Images of Vancouver's Chinatown Render ing Chinese culture and space as commodi t ies to be consumed i n the setting o f tour i sm par t ia l ly affected the w a y s i n w h i c h V a n c o u v e r ' s Chinese commun i ty perce ived and interacted w i t h C h i n a t o w n . T h i s is indicated by examin ing h o w C h i n a t o w n ' s soc ia l images were reconstructed w i t h the v i sua l iza t ion o f Chinese culture init iated by the C i t y o f Vancouve r . 95 Such transformation mou lded C h i n a t o w n into a soc ia l entity that d i d not cul tura l ly be long to either whites or the Chinese . C h i n a t o w n had not necessari ly been favourably perceived by the w i d e r Canad ian society throughout history. The c o m m o n l y he ld images o f C h i n a t o w n for decades include: a menace to society; f i l thiness; o p i u m den and addicts; l o w standards o f l i v i n g condi t ions such as extremely c rowded accommodat ions ; prost i tut ion; and gambl ing . It is noticeable that these images p laced upon C h i n a t o w n have an extremely close connect ion w i t h the stereotyped and st igmatized activit ies o f the Chinese residents i n the area. A great deal o f overlap can be found between the images o f the Chinese commun i ty and o f C h i n a t o w n . Because o f their s ignif icant ly close ties, the images o f the Chinese were reflected i n those o f C h i n a t o w n , showing that C h i n a t o w n i n the past had belonged to the Chinese . N o w that C h i n a t o w n has established its place i n society as a tourist attraction, the focus has shifted to its appearance that speaks to whi te society. The images o f C h i n a t o w n that had been he ld i n society before the beautif icat ion schemes were the creations o f whi te society: Chinese culture and customs were perce ived and interpreted accord ing to the soc ia l norms and values o f whites . In spite o f this fact, these images became the ve ry object o f re-creation, again as a result o f whi te ini t iat ives. A n d the w a y i n w h i c h the c i ty government intended to beautify C h i n a t o w n was m a i n l y through a v i sua l i za t ion o f "Chineseness ," or put t ing a v i sua l i zed emphasis o n what seemed more l ike Chinese culture to them. O k i h i r o ' s (2002) w o r k o n China towns i n A m e r i c a is direct ly relevant here. H e states that Ch ina towns i n the present A m e r i c a n society are "v i r tua l communi t i e s" w h i c h are the textual and imaginary communi t ies created through tour i sm activit ies (p. 291) . Because o f the role o f C h i n a t o w n as a tourist site that shows Chinese culture, "or ien ta l iz ing o f C h i n a t o w n w o r k e d for its creators" ( O k i h i r o , 2002, p . 300). 96 M i t c h e l l (1988) shares a s imi la r v i e w w i t h O k i h i r o o n "or ien ta l" places. H e sees such sites as spaces where the search for the structure that is "raised i n the imag ina t ion" takes place (p. 21) . H e goes o n to say that European vis i tors "come expect ing to find a w o r l d where a structure or meaning exists somehow apart, as i n an exh ib i t ion , f rom the ' rea l i ty ' o f th ings- in-themselves" ( M i t c h e l l , 1988, p . 21) . M i t c h e l l ' s account o n oriental spaces constructed i n the imaginat ion o f Europeans becomes legitimate w h e n w e look into the w a y C h i n a t o w n was reconstructed to suit European tastes. A s shown earlier i n this chapter, Wes te rn societies have a l ong his tory o f representing cultures o f "Others" i n the form o f exhib i t ion . The emergence o f museums wi thout wa l l s and tour i sm has changed the w a y that vis i tors interact w i t h the d isp layed objects. F o r example , v is i tors can touch or experience the "objects." Y e t , both museums wi thout w a l l s and tour i sm s t i l l place the ac t iv i ty o f seeing i n the centre. T h i s explains the direct l i n k to the focus o n the v i sua l aspect when a museum without wa l l s and a tourist attraction is created. T h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r ' s intention to put a strong emphasis o n the v i sua l aspects o f Chinese culture is c lear ly expressed i n Chinatown, Vancouver, B.C.: Design Proposal For Improvement, publ i shed i n 1964 by the C i t y P l ann ing Department. A c c o r d i n g to the proposal , the improvement schemes i n v o l v e d the f o l l o w i n g four stages: 1) re-routing o f heavy traffic; 2) p rov i s ion o f off-street pa rk ing ; 3) redevelopment o f the land defined by Pender Street, C o l u m b i a Street, and Pender and Keefe r D i v i s i o n ; and 4) construct ion o f pedestrian mal l s o n East Pender Street (p. 8). It should be noted that the first two stages o f the schemes were very inf luent ial o n the v i s u a l impress ion o f C h i n a t o w n . F o r this reason, I w i l l focus o n these points here. The heavy traffic and cars parked o n the streets conf l ic ted w i t h the images o f h o w C h i n a t o w n should 97 appear to whi te society. T h i s exemplif ies the points made by both O k i h i r o and M i t c h e l l . H e a v y traffic and existence o f cars o n the streets are characterized by industr ia l izat ion and the invent ion o f mass product ion started i n Western societies. Because C h i n a t o w n is perce ived as a r ea lm o f non-Europeans i n the minds o f Europeans, C h i n a t o w n is not supposed to share the same or even s imi l a r features as Western societies. A l t h o u g h exc luded and marg ina l ized , C h i n a t o w n is part o f V a n c o u v e r society at least i n terms o f its geographical locat ion. Therefore, i n some w a y it has also taken part i n the development o f the society. H o w e v e r , because o f its character as "Other" i n society, C h i n a t o w n was denied the chance to appear l ike other areas o f the C i t y . K e e p i n g the v i s i b i l i t y o f traffic and cars l o w is not the on ly example . A m o n g a l l the features o f C h i n a t o w n , the most aesthetic and eye-catching is the abundant use o f the co lour red and the existence o f a number o f signs f i l l ed w i t h Chinese characters. These features contribute to the creation o f a pecul iar atmosphere i n C h i n a t o w n that has a strong appeal to whites . K a l m a n (1973) c o m p i l e d a report o n the condit ions o f bui ld ings i n C h i n a t o w n , w h i c h was submitted to the C i t y P l ann ing Department. K a l m a n , w h o was a professor o f the Department o f Archi tec ture at the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a at that t ime, based his report o n an examinat ion o f bu i ld ings and architectural structures i n C h i n a t o w n . H e categorized these bui ld ings accord ing to the different architectural styles and suggested what k inds o f renovations and restoration should be done i f there was any need for such treatments. T h i s report reveals an extremely interesting fact: most o f the bu i ld ings i n C h i n a t o w n were indeed designed by European architects and were bui l t i n non-Chinese architectural styles, a l though it a lso suggests that a modi f i ca t ion o f the use o f recessed balconies above the ground f loor was added to the styles to increase the Chinese look ( K a l m a n , 1973, pp, 7, 28-9). M o r e o v e r , K a l m a n indicates the absence o f bu i ld ings designed by Chinese architects i n C h i n a t o w n by 98 saying that "the w o r k o f the on ly Chinese architect o f record, W . H . C h o w , have suffered so badly f rom demol i t ion and alternation that w e k n o w little about his s ty le" (p. 7). Therefore, what is presented to whites as " C h i n e s e " is not genuinely Chinese , but a mixture o f European and Chinese cultures. T h i s raises an important quest ion. I f what is presented to society as " C h i n e s e " i s not comple te ly Chinese , w h y do people s t i l l perceive it as Chinese? E x p l i c i t v i sua l i za t ion o f what Western societies perce ived as " C h i n e s e " became a useful solut ion. In this sense, the use o f the co lour red i n C h i n a t o w n is h igh ly intentional. In his report, K a l m a n clear ly states that the use o f red tiles to b u i l d detached rooflets is emp loyed i n order to make them look Or ienta l , i n an ar t i f ic ia l w a y (1973, p . 38). The replacement o f o l d street l igh t ing w i t h n e w l igh t ing o n red poles is another example o f the use o f red w i t h an intention to enhance the Chinese atmosphere. T h i s replacement was suggested f o l l o w i n g the case o f San F ranc i sco ' s C h i n a t o w n because it has p roven that the co lour red can create " a dist inct oriental character" ( C i t y P l a n n i n g Department, 1964, p . 16) and therefore, the C i t y thought that it w o u l d w o r k w e l l i n V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n . The def ini t ion o f a dist inct oriental character or an oriental l ook remains vague i n both proposal and K a l m a n ' s report, however . It can be assumed that the fact that Orientals stood i n opposite to whi tes became so obvious i n the l ong history o f co lon i a l i sm that such a no t ion probably d i d not appear as something to be specif ied or expla ined. Chinatown Historic Area Streetscape Improvement Project (The C i t y o f Vancouve r ) publ i shed i n February 1979 is an excellent source that reveals h o w m u c h effort was put i n to make C h i n a t o w n even more " C h i n e s e " by p a y i n g a significant amount o f attention to the v i sua l aspects. T h i s memorandum summarizes the conf l ic t between the C i t y P l a n n i n g Department and the Eng inee r ing Department over the brightness and the cost o f t w o different types o f suggested l igh t ing o n Pender Street. The Eng inee r ing Department considered safety 99 and cost eff ic iency as the most important factors i n choos ing one o f the two suggested l igh t ing options, and the one they thought should be chosen was brighter and cheaper to mainta in . O n the other hand, the C i t y P l a n n i n g Department insisted that the l igh t ing choice must m a x i m i z e the appearance o f C h i n a t o w n . The C i t y P l a n n i n g Department over-ruled the Eng inee r ing Department and l igh t ing i n C h i n a t o w n was changed to reflect the op in ion o f the C i t y P l a n n i n g Department. A s suggested i n the design proposal o f 1964, l igh t ing poles were painted red and this p layed a significant role i n m a k i n g the environment more "Ch inese . " F i r s t ly , the co lour sets the area apart f rom the rest o f the C i t y , where l igh t ing poles are painted green. Secondly , the shared knowledge i n whi te society that the co lour red is often used o n occasions o f celebrat ion i n Chinese culture direct ly l inks one 's imaginat ion to the "Chineseness ." A l o n g w i t h the street l ight ing , the effective use o f signage in C h i n a t o w n was another strategy that the C i t y P l a n n i n g Department emp loyed to increase the " C h i n e s e " appearance i n the area. The C i t y P l ann ing Department imposed a set o f regulations that spec i f ica l ly appl ied on ly to C h i n a t o w n . Through these regulations, the business and store owners o f the area were required to endure these double standards despite the expensive maintenance costs. T h i s can serve as evidence o f unequal relations between whites and the Chinese as O k i h i r o (2002) points out (p. 298) . Chinatown: Sign Guidelines ( C i t y P l a n n i n g Department, 1974) reads: V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n presently has a unique ethnic and v i sua l character. These guidel ines are intended to ensure the preservation and encouragement o f some o f the environmental aspects w h i c h contributed to its present attractiveness and distinctiveness. W h i l e this area is characterized by a mixture o f older, h i s tor ica l ly significant structures and bui ld ings more recently constructed, many o f them do, however , have a strong characteristic Chinese motif , i nc lud ing some o f the signs (except many o f those o f recent years w h i c h conform to more universa l s ign ing 100 methods). M u c h o f the character o f C h i n a t o w n , i n fact, is direct ly attributable to the mult i tude o f complex , decorative signs. S i g n i n g po l ic ies i n this area should , therefore, be more tolerant o f the number, size and placement o f a l l signs (except i n the case o f those structures deemed o f the highest historic/aesthetic s ignif icance). A l l n ew s ign ing i n this area should , however , incorporate Chinese motifs , symbols and forms rather than stereotyped s ign types w h i c h dominate other c o m m e r c i a l areas, (p. 2) B y suggesting that Chinese characters and motifs be used i n signs and that signs i n C h i n a t o w n not f o l l o w the c o m m o n types o f signs outside o f C h i n a t o w n , this regulat ion indeed forced C h i n a t o w n to l i ve up to the stereotyped images produced by whites . S u c h cul tura l ly v i sua l i zed images o f C h i n a t o w n are clear indicators o f difference between whi tes and the Chinese . A s discussed earlier i n this chapter, a m u s e u m is a place where differences are articulated and rea l ized i n a v i s u a l w a y , and i n most cases, the differences refer to those between Europeans and non-Europeans. The beautif icat ion o f C h i n a t o w n i n V a n c o u v e r that took place f rom the late 1960s c lear ly exempl i f ies this. The development o f C h i n a t o w n was to f o l l o w the picture o f authentic Chinese culture created by whi te society w i t h a great emphasis o n the v i sua l aspects. C h i n a t o w n had to be preserved without b lending into the landscape o f the rest o f the C i t y . Dis tance between whi tes and the Chinese became even more pronounced b y presenting i t to the society i n a v i s u a l i z e d w a y . The beautif ication o f C h i n a t o w n focuses on the external appearance. K a l m a n ' statement is a good example . H e remarks that the exterior o f bui ld ings , w h i c h is d i rect ly exposed to the pub l i c , had to f o l l o w specif ic regulations, whereas the interior was not the subject o f such regulations unless a b u i l d i n g was used for pub l i c purposes (1973, p . 74). The exterior o f bu i ld ings and signage ga ined greater attention than anything else i n C h i n a t o w n , and this was the focus for enhancing the exot ic atmosphere o f C h i n a t o w n . T h i s example indicates 101 that the v i sua l i za t ion o f "Chineseness" matters on ly w h e n it is exposed to the eyes o f whi te society, serving as evidence that the v i sua l i za t ion is indeed done for the pleasure and enjoyment o f whites . In the process o f beautification, it seems that C h i n a t o w n was detached f rom the characteristics o f people w h o belonged there. It is fair to say that the beautif icat ion o f C h i n a t o w n was accompl i shed i n a w a y that reflects European tastes i n exo t i c i sm and authenticity; i.e., authenticity produced i n their o w n imaginat ion. H o w e v e r , it d i d not reflect the changes o f the Chinese commun i ty that took place alongside the transformation o f C h i n a t o w n . C h a o (1971) indicates that dress, food, and customs o f the Ch inese i n Canada began to show the influence o f Western culture by the 1930s and 1940s (pp. 73-4). The beautif ication o f C h i n a t o w n , however , does not incorporate such changes. It is important to note that the development and preservation o f C h i n a t o w n conf l ic t w i t h each other. B y erasing unpleasant images o f C h i n a t o w n o f the past and g i v i n g it a more cul tural character, C h i n a t o w n rap id ly became a his tor ic space i n V a n c o u v e r society. Despi te the fact that C h i n a t o w n was perceived as a ghetto i n the past, this was n o w an important area o f the C i t y because o f its "h i s to r i ca l " and "cu l tu ra l " characteristics that n o w enr iched society. T h e beautif icat ion o f C h i n a t o w n was carr ied out based o n the b e l i e f that C h i n a t o w n had to be "preserved" i n a w a y that c o u l d g ive a sense o f retrospective and history to whi te society. T h i s confl ic ts w i t h the not ion o f the future-oriented progress o f society, o n w h i c h Western societies had developed. The development o f C h i n a t o w n had to be achieved wi thout los ing the "tradi t ional C h i n e s e " atmosphere. A n d "tradi t ional C h i n e s e " suggests w ide , unbridgeable differences between whites and the Chinese . The new images o f C h i n a t o w n became less associated w i t h those o f the contemporary Chinese i n V a n c o u v e r as a result o f the 102 beautif icat ion schemes. C h i n a t o w n was taken away f rom the Chinese by whi te society wi thout their consent and mou lded into what whites wanted to bel ieve was "Ch inese . " W h a t is the outcome o f beautif ication o f C h i n a t o w n , then? A s discussed i n the previous chapter, Canad ian society started to express cul tural differences supported by the of f ic ia l p o l i c y o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm. The attempt to make C h i n a t o w n cul tura l ly dis t inct ive is , after a l l , con f i rming the status o f C h i n a t o w n as "Other" i n society. The words used to describe C h i n a t o w n today have less negative connotations compared to the past because o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm and socie ty ' s changing consciousness about differences between groups i n society. H o w e v e r , C h i n a t o w n is s t i l l an object that is presented as an expression o f divers i ty w i t h i n society, and divers i ty can exist on ly w h e n there are boundaries that demarcate each group. M i t c h e l l (1988) points out that possession o f a space o f "Others" and keeping it a space o f "Others" help to create a stable identity o f a modern c i ty because it can serve as a poin t o f reference to project what its identity is by compar ing to what it is not (p. 165). V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n indeed fulf i l l s this function o f p roduc ing a concrete identity o f V a n c o u v e r by presenting i t se l f as a s y m b o l o f divers i ty . K e e p i n g C h i n a t o w n as a dis t inct ive space i n the c i ty fu l l o f exot ic atmosphere is a ref lect ion o f V a n c o u v e r ' s o w n statement o f what it is not. 4 . 6 Chinatown: The Present and Future In c lo s ing this chapter, I w i l l indicate that C h i n a t o w n ' s status as a m u s e u m has been embraced by the Chinese communi ty . I w i l l speci f ica l ly focus o n the involvement o f the Chinese Cu l tu ra l Centre to b r ing up this point . The Chinese Cu l tu ra l Centre was founded i n 1973 w i t h the financial support f rom the mun ic ipa l , p r o v i n c i a l , and federal governments, and its goals were to promote and communica te Chinese culture, and to increase understanding o f 103 the Chinese commun i ty i n Canada (Chinese Cu l tu ra l Centre, 1993). The Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre today consists o f f ive m a i n parts, and among w h i c h , I w i l l discuss t w o o f them here as the examples o f the Chinese cul tural representation by the Chinese communi ty for whites . The first example is the complex o f the M u s e u m and A r c h i v e s , w h i c h opened to the pub l i c i n 1998. The bu i ld ing o f the M u s e u m and A r c h i v e s " i s reminiscent o f the architecture o f the M i n g Dynas ty (1368 - 1644) w i t h its t i l ed and cu rv ing r o o f ( M u s e u m and A r c h i v e s Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre, n.d.). It needs to be ment ioned that the architectural style f lourished i n the per iod o f the M i n g Dynas ty has no relevance to any members o f today 's Chinese communi ty i n Vancouve r . Therefore, it does not reflect their culture or experience. The second example is the S u n Ya t - sen Garden whose construct ion was announced i n 1983. T h i s garden also f o l l o w e d the style that developed i n the M i n g Dynas ty era. N o t on ly the garden was bui l t i n the style that members o f today 's Chinese communi ty c o u l d not identify w i t h , but also the materials used for the construct ion o f the garden were fabricated i n C h i n a and then brought to V a n c o u v e r to increase its "authentici ty" (Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre, 1993). It seems clear that the Chinese Cu l tu ra l Centre i n fact promotes C h i n a t o w n as a place to v i s i t where one can see and experience " exo t i c " and "authentic" Chinese culture. It should be mentioned, though, that the governments ' involvement as sponsors might have had an influence o n the decis ions made by the Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre to some extent. H o w e v e r , whatever po l i t i c a l pressures m a y exist, the Chinese Cu l tu ra l Centre functions as a major promoter o f Chinese culture to the wide r V a n c o u v e r society today. A s C h i n a t o w n strengthened its character as a museum, the departure o f the Chinese commun i ty f rom it became more obvious . T o the current Ch inese communi ty , the indifference o f the younger generation to C h i n a t o w n is a serious concern for its future. The 104 less young people o f Chinese ancestry become interested i n C h i n a t o w n , the wide r the emot ional distance grows between them and C h i n a t o w n . Such concern is reflected i n an attempt to b r ing y o u n g Chinese back to the communi ty and to C h i n a t o w n . F o r example , the former Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre C h a i r m a n S. W a h L e u n g announced i n 1983 that he w o u l d make a donat ion to award scholarships to outstanding y o u n g Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre volunteers i n the hope o f attracting more y o u n g Chinese to the Chinese Cu l tu r a l Centre and to C h i n a t o w n (Chinese Cu l tu ra l Centre, 1983, p . 17). A no the r example is the creation o f the V a n c o u v e r C h i n a t o w n Rev i t a l i za t ion Commi t tee ( V C R C ) Y o u t h N e t w o r k i n 2003 . The V C R C was formed i n 2001 w i t h the goa l o f b r ing ing together groups i n C h i n a t o w n , and the Y o u t h N e t w o r k was set up to increase the involvement o f the youth i n this project (The V a n c o u v e r C h i n a t o w n Rev i t a l i za t ion Commi t tee Y o u t h N e t w o r k , 2003) . These examples indicate that the separation o f the Chinese communi ty and C h i n a t o w n has come to the point that efforts to reconnect the Chinese to C h i n a t o w n need to be made. 105 Conclusion The Chinese have existed i n Canada for more than a century, and it seems that the f l o w o f Chinese immigrants to this country w i l l not be s temmed i n the near future. In spite o f a re la t ively l ong history o f immigra t ion , the Chinese have never been able to escape from the status o f "Other" i n Canad ian society. H o w e v e r , the w a y i n w h i c h the Chinese are objectif ied has changed over t ime. E x p l i c i t discussions o f rac ia l difference are n o w avoided; whereas cul tural differences are employed more often n o w than ever before to express Canada ' s socia l divers i ty . It is important to note, however , that the Chinese remain an object o f differentiation i n contrast to whites because o f their cul tural distinctiveness imposed b y the p o l i c y o f mul t icu l tu ra l i sm. In conc lus ion , I hope to draw attention to the ways i n w h i c h mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm reinforces dist inctions between " U s " and "Others ." Chinese immigra t ion to Canada can be d i v i d e d into several phases. W h a t characterize each phase are Canada ' s po l i t i c a l and soc ia l attitudes towards Chinese immigra t ion , w h i c h has been reflected i n the fo rm o f legislat ion. F r o m the first Chinese settlement to the introduct ion o f the head taxes, the Chinese were a l l o w e d into Canada w i t h re la t ively litt le d i f f icul ty . There was demand for Chinese workers as cheap labour to help b u i l d the infrastructure i n Canad ian society. F o r example , a number o f Chinese workers were recruited to construct the C P R i n the late 19th century. H o w e v e r , the phase o f restrict ion and exc lus ion , characterized by successive head taxes and the Chinese Immigra t ion A c t , f o l l o w e d after the comple t ion o f the C P R i n 1885. D u r i n g this t ime per iod , the Chinese predominant ly existed i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a ( W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 79). N o w that the C P R was completed, to satisfy the requirement for B r i t i s h 106 C o l u m b i a to j o i n Confederat ion, the Chinese became unwanted people i n society. In B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , the goa l was to create a B r i t i s h co lony dominated by whi tes and, there was s i m p l y no r o o m for the Chinese . A s contract workers , the Chinese faced the needs o f f ind ing new j o b opportunities after the comple t ion o f the C P R . T o f i l l such a need, the Chinese began to show signs o f occupat ional and geographical m o b i l i t y causing increased contact w i t h whi te society ( L i , 1998, pp . 51-3). Therefore, the fear and uneasy feelings towards the Chinese were in f lamed as the Ch inese gradual ly encroached o n the r ea lm o f whites . T h e Ch inese became a threatening popula t ion that needed to be strictly control led. The Chinese Immigra t ion A c t can be regarded as an extreme fo rm o f host i l i ty a imed at not on ly the Chinese w h o c o u l d potential ly immigrate to Canada , but also the Chinese already l i v i n g i n Canada . Canad ian society embraced strong characteristics o f European c o l o n i a l i s m ; it was whites w h o were entit led to rule the society. Because o f the strong influences o f co lon i a l i sm , Canad ian society was constructed around the European soc ia l norms and values. Canad ian society was created for whites to a l l o w them the power and to ensure their status as the p r iv i l eged . O n the other hand, differences based o n rac ia l difference, non-whites as a who le were po la r i zed by whites as a group that c o u l d not access the same pr iv i leges . The v i sua l difference o f races became a label that dis t inguished non-whites f rom whites. The Chinese were perce ived as an obstacle to ach iev ing the status o f a B r i t i s h co lony , so the ban imposed o n Chinese immigra t ion was implemented in the hope o f eradicat ing the Chinese popula t ion f rom Canada . Bes ides rac ia l difference, differences o f culture between whi tes and the Chinese were also interpreted to reinforce the percept ion o f Chinese as "Other" i n society. In the minds o f whi te society, cul tural differences o f the Chinese were projected as backwardness, i m p l y i n g their incapabi l i ty o f ach iev ing the standards o f European soc ia l norms and values, hence their lack o f abi l i ty to assimilate into Canad ian society. F o r this reason, the 107 existence o f the Chinese i n Canada was regarded as a danger that might hinder the development o f society. The Chinese Immigra t ion A c t severely damaged the Chinese c o m m u n i t y by d i m i n i s h i n g its popula t ion size. E a r l y Chinese immigrants were predominately males , ref lect ing the gendered characteristics o f j obs that were avai lable . M o r e o v e r , these Chinese workers intended to return to C h i n a once they accumulated enough wea l th — they d i d not p l an to settle i n Canada and raise a f ami ly , w h i c h explains the male dominance o f the Chinese communi ty . A l s o , the immigra t ion regulations imposed o n the Chinese and hosti le soc ia l attitudes a imed at them made it dif f icul t for them to b r ing their famil ies f rom C h i n a . F o r this reason, the famil ies o f these early Chinese immigrants were often geographical ly separated between Canada and C h i n a , creating s ignif icant ly unbalanced sex ratios i n the Chinese communi ty (Anderson , 1991, p . 141; L i , 1998, pp. 63-70; N g , 1999, p . 11; W i c k b e r g , 1982, p . 149). T o ban Chinese immigra t ion meant not o n l y to stop new Chinese immigrants f rom c o m i n g to Canada, but also to assai l the natural popula t ion g rowth o f Canada ' s Chinese commun i ty . Canada ' s Chinese commun i ty experienced serious gender imbalances un t i l the 1960s. The fami ly reunif icat ion program helped improve the unbalanced sex ratios (Anderson , 1991, p . 99), by adding a number o f females and youth to the Chinese communi ty , w h o c o u l d contribute to the g rowth o f the Canadian-born Chinese . A l t h o u g h there were some restrictions, such as the age restrict ion o f unmarr ied ch i ld ren e l ig ib le for the f ami ly reunif icat ion program ( H a w k i n s , 1972, p . 90), geographical ly separated fami ly members o f early Chinese immigrants were finally uni ted i n Canada . The Chinese communi ty then began to experience internal d ivers i f ica t ion i n terms o f its demographic structure. 108 T h i s d ivers i f ica t ion i n fact changed the w a y the Chinese communi ty had been constructed since the early 20th century. The po l i t i c a l and soc ia l structures that had been integrating the Chinese communi ty were based o n tradit ional voluntary organizations ( W i c k b e r g , 1982). T h e y p rov ided assistance for their members , offered j o b opportunities, and became the l i n k between the Chinese commun i ty i n Canada and C h i n a . F o r the Chinese , w h o were inst i tut ionally and sys temical ly exc luded f rom Canad ian society, t radit ional voluntary organizations were the o n l y po l i t i c a l and soc ia l structures that they c o u l d turn to. T h e y were the needle around w h i c h the communi ty was thread. O n the one hand these organizat ions filled the role o f a m u c h needed support system; o n the other hand they also imposed a soc ia l hierarchy based on one 's economic affluence (Cr i s sman , 1967, p . 199; Skinner , 1977, pp . 543, 547-53; W i c k b e r g , 1994, pp . 73-5). The consequence generated by such a si tuation was the dua l structure o f socia l stratification that the majori ty o f the Chinese communi ty had to endure: as "Othe r" i n the w i d e r Canad ian society, and as poor w i t h i n the Chinese communi ty . The inf luent ial status o f t radit ional voluntary organizations eventual ly dec l ined as the Chinese communi ty began to g r o w diverse and heterogeneous. These tradit ional voluntary organizations were h is tor ica l ly developed to serve a re la t ively homogeneous group that shared re la t ively s imi l a r experiences. H o w e v e r , as the Chinese c o m m u n i t y g rew more diverse inside, the demands and needs also became more complex . Sat is fying one group o f the Chinese communi ty was not enough to fill other groups ' needs; the appeal o f t radi t ional voluntary organizations for the Chinese communi ty was thus eroded. The divers i f ica t ion o f the Chinese commun i ty and the decl ine o f t radit ional voluntary organizations further accelerated i n the last phase o f Chinese immigra t ion , w h i c h was characterized by the new immigra t ion po l i c ies and their revis ions i n the 1960s, and the 109 introduct ion o f mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm i n the early 1970s. It is probably fair to say that this last phase determined the d i rec t ion o f the Chinese c o m m u n i t y ' s development. N e w po l i t i c a l and immigra t ion changes meant that the Canad ian government a l l o w e d the Chinese to lega l ly enter Canada as independent immigrants wi thout sponsors. The cri ter ia that these new Chinese immigrants had to meet became the very characteristics that differentiated them from Chinese immigrants i n the past. M a n y post 1967 Chinese immigrants had a h igh leve l o f education, qual if icat ions for s k i l l e d occupations, and the experience o f l i v i n g i n urbanized — and to some extent Western ized — environments p r io r to immigra t ion : T h e y had little i n c o m m o n w i t h the Chinese immigrants o f the past. M o r e o v e r , what set these t w o types o f Ch inese immigrants apart was their places o f o r ig in . T h e southern reg ion o f C h i n a used to be the major source o f Chinese immigra t ion before the exc lus ion era; therefore, the Chinese w h o came to Canada as part o f the f ami ly reunif icat ion program were mos t ly f rom this area, too ( L i , 1998, pp. 95-6). H o n g K o n g , however , q u i c k l y took over the pos i t ion o f the largest Chinese immigra t ion source w h e n the B r i t i s h and Chinese governments started negotiat ion o n the authority over H o n g K o n g i n the midd le o f the 1980s. T h i s picture was i n turn changed by the end o f the 20th century, e levat ing the northern part o f M a i n l a n d C h i n a to the status o f largest Chinese immigra t ion source. The divers i f ica t ion o f the Chinese commun i ty becomes even more relevant w h e n w e look at the recent geographical d ispers ion o f the Chinese i n Vancouve r . The Chinese , w h o used to be co l lec t ive ly conf ined to the areas o f C h i n a t o w n and Strathcona, can be found i n almost every residential area i n and around V a n c o u v e r today. That is not to say that such a geographical dispersion o f the Chinese popula t ion has occurred evenly , however . The older generation o f Chinese immigrants tended to remain close to C h i n a t o w n ; whereas the n e w 110 generation o f Chinese immigrants seems to have a strong preference for choos ing residential areas away f rom C h i n a t o w n and i n the suburbs ( C h i a n g , 2001 , pp. 137, 206-7; Hieber t , 2000, 1998; L e y , 1998). A s a result, new Chinese centres have been created, such as R i c h m o n d , and more Chinese residents are beginning to relocate themselves closer to these areas. T h i s suggests that the Chinese s t i l l have a strong tendency to concentrate i n part icular areas to create ethnic enclaves. The f ind ing from research by Ba lakr i shnan and H o u (1999) indicates that i n general v i s ib l e minor i ty groups are more l i k e l y to show residential concentration than whi te popula t ion groups, and this impl ies that the rac ia l difference remains as a boundary between whites and non-whites . T h e difference between the Chinese settlement patterns o f the past and present is that the residential areas that recent Chinese immigrants have been choos ing are suburban neighbourhoods w h i c h h is tor ica l ly hosted residents o f middle-c lass European backgrounds. These neighbourhoods were h is tor ica l ly identif ied based o n both socia l class and rac ia l meanings. The question o f Chinese residents ' i n these areas was perceived b y whi te residents as a s ign that non-whites were t ry ing to cross the boundary between the t w o groups. T h i s became a root o f heated controversy k n o w n as the "monster house" incident i n the late 1980s and early 1990s (Rose, 2001) . The c la ims made by the long-term residents i n the areas, most o f w h o m were o f European or igins , were framed i n a d iscuss ion o f cul tura l differences. These new Chinese residents were accused o f b u i l d i n g their houses i n a w a y that d i d not match the landscape o f the neighbourhood, hence causing the destruction o f already established images o f the ne ighbourhood and lifestyles associated to the area ( L e y , 1998, pp . 336-9; Rose , 2001 , p . 476) . In short, the Chinese have s t i l l been central to soc ia l confl ic ts . Interestingly, the point emphasized throughout this controversy was the "cu l tu ra l " differences these new Chinese residents brought w i t h them to these established neighbourhoods. The I l l g r o w i n g opposi t ion against r ac i sm i n society discourages one to discuss and express soc ia l issues i n rac ia l terms (Thobani , 2000, p . 295) , as the monster house incident exempl i f ies . H o w e v e r , the fact that mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm is an o f f i c ia l p o l i c y o f Canada a l l ows r o o m for us ing cul tural terms instead o f rac ia l terms to c l a i m that the long-term residents, too, have legit imate rights to protect their culture that they have nurtured i n their neighbourhoods. In this w a y , cul tura l difference can become a useful t o o l to draw boundaries between whi tes and non-whites . In other words , mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm can function as a strategy to main ta in differences between " U s " and "Others ." In addi t ion, the mainta ined boundary between whites and non-whites a l lows the cultures o f non-whites to be an object o f consumpt ion and exploi ta t ion. T h i s can be exempl i f i ed i n the case o f the beautif icat ion o f V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n . C h i n a t o w n i n the past was a space that was marked and s t igmatized by the rac ia l difference o f the Chinese ; n o w it is a culturally s ignificant space. T h e beautif ication o f C h i n a t o w n was perce ived as an ideal p l an to preserve "d i s t inc t ive" Chinese culture i n society, w h i c h otherwise might have disappeared because o f the strong influence o f B r i t i s h and F rench cultures. T h i s v i e w alone suggests the unequal status o f Chinese culture: Chinese culture was something that needed to be protected. The beautif icat ion o f C h i n a t o w n started i n the late 1960s through ini t iat ives made by the C i t y o f Vancouve r . R e p l a c i n g C h i n a t o w n ' s unpleasant images o f a ghetto — w h i c h were indeed the creation o f d iscr iminatory treatment o f the Chinese by whites — w i t h pleasant, exot ic , and in t r iguing images put t ing a strong emphasis o n v i sua l ly attractive features o f Chinese culture, and i n fact served whi te society i n two different ways . Fi rs t , the v i e w o f C h i n a t o w n i n V a n c o u v e r became the s i gn o f Canad i an soc ie ty ' s accept ing attitude towards the Chinese and their culture. Second, beautified C h i n a t o w n offered whites an or ienta l ized space 112 where they cou ld entertain themselves by exper iencing something extraordinary wi thout t ravel l ing vast distances ( O k i h i r o , 2002) . In this thesis, I approached C h i n a t o w n by l o o k i n g at it as a museum o f Chinese culture a imed at whi te consumpt ion. T o exp la in this point, I d rew upon theory o f the museum as a pub l i c arena i n w h i c h cultures o f "Others" are represented to " U s . " The history o f museum exhib i t ion is the history o f the object if icat ion o f "Others" i n Western societies (Baxanda l l , 1991, p . 39; M a c d o n a l d , 1998, p . 11). In Vancouve r , this was made possible because the realms o f "Chinesness" appeared extraordinary, exot ic , and interesting to whites. W h a t they found i n the setting o f the museum was something they cou ld not encounter or experience i n their everyday l ife context. Seek ing excitement outside o f their ordinary l ives led to the rise o f tour ism, especial ly i n post w a r Western societies. In the g rowth o f tour ism, people started to travel to places where they cou ld n o w experience such excitement rather than b r ing ing objects to their r ea lm i n order to d isplay them ( U r r y , 2002, p . 2). S u c h trends also mod i f i ed the concept o f the museum from a confined space to a more open space w i t h no p h y s i c a l boundaries as the term "museums without w a l l s " suggests (Ma l r aux , 1953). V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n became a "museum wi thout w a l l s " as a result o f the C i t y ' s beautif ication ini t ia t ive. Th rough mul t icu l tu ra l i sm, cul tural differences became o f great importance i n Canad ian society. In order to express such cul tural differences between whites and the Chinese , beautif icat ion was promoted b y adding v i s u a l l y dis t inct ive features o f Chinese culture to C h i n a t o w n . A n d the features o f Chinese culture that were h ighl ighted were decided by the C i t y to suit Eu ro -Canad ian tastes. A s I ment ioned i n the last chapter o f this thesis, some parts o f C h i n a t o w n are not genuinely the product ion o f Chinese culture alone, but the creation o f both Western and Chinese cultures. Because o f strong emphasis o n the v i sua l 113 aspects, however , C h i n a t o w n is s t i l l " C h i n e s e " to whites . The beautif icat ion o f C h i n a t o w n was not for the Chinese , but for whites w h o w o u l d enjoy consuming cul tural differences. S u c h manipula t ion o f culture was poss ible because o f the persistent d icho tomiza t ion o f " U s " and "Others" created through the his tory o f co lon i a l i sm . Because these t w o groups are not supposed to m i x together, "Others" became a mysterious, exot ic entity f rom the perspective o f " U s . " Because o f unequal power dis t r ibut ion, "Others" and their cultures became something that c o u l d be used to satisfy whi te cur iosi ty i n the concepts o f museums and tour ism, leading to cul tural exploi ta t ion. The concept o f "museums wi thout w a l l s " and the p romot ion o f tour ism a l l owe d the cul tura l exploi ta t ion o f "Others" i n their o w n setting; a l though d i sp layed objects stay o n the site, their meanings can be changed or distorted w h e n some modif ica t ions are added to the objects i n order to appear more attractive to the eyes o f consumers. C h a n g i n g culture involves t ak ing it away f rom the people w h o it belongs to (Greenwood , 1989, p . 179), and this is exact ly what happened i n V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n . A s a space o f "Other , " C h i n a t o w n does not be long to whi tes i n a real sense; at the same t ime, it no longer belongs to the Chinese , either, because the space was reconstructed by whi tes f rom their o w n perspectives and for their o w n purposes. W h o is responsible for C h i n a t o w n ' s future i f it does not be long to anyone? China towns a l l over the w o r l d are ca l l ed " C h i n a t o w n s " because they are located outside o f C h i n a . A n d it is imposs ib le for them to be comple te ly free from the influences o f the societies i n w h i c h they exist. V a n c o u v e r ' s C h i n a t o w n is no except ion. A l t h o u g h the Chinese are an o l d group i n the his tory o f immigra t ion to Canada , they bui l t their commun i ty i n a soc ia l space that had already been structured by whi tes . F r o m this perspective, it is natural for C h i n a t o w n to differ from what whites imagined as be ing Chinese . H o w e v e r , V a n c o u v e r society has desperately pursued "authentic" and " t radi t ional" atmospheres i n C h i n a t o w n based on their 114 o w n imaginat ion (The C i t y o f Vancouve r , 1964). T h i s impl ies that V a n c o u v e r can not accept C h i n a t o w n as a space that was inf luenced by cultures o f both Euro-Canadians and Chinese . 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