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Gendered filiality and heroism in the Tale of Golden Bell, a Choson fictional narrative Olsen, Leif 2004

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Gendered Filiality and Heroism in the  Tale of Golden Bell, a Choson Fictional Narrative by Leif Olsen  B.A., Brigham Young University, 2001 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in  The Faculty of Graduate Studies (Department of Asian Studies) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard.  The University of British Columbia Vancouver April 2004 ©LeifOlsen, 2004  Library Authorization  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Leif Olsen  05/08/2004  Name of Author (please print)  Date (dd/mm/yyyy)  Title of Thesis:  Degree:  Gendered Filiality and Heroism in the Tale of Golden Bell, a Chos6n Fictional Narrative  Year:  MA  Department of  Asian Studies  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, BC Canada  2004  Olsen ii  Abstract  Gendered Filiality and Heroism in the Tale of Golden Bell, a Choson Fictional Narrative  Heroic deeds depicted in a Choson-period fictional narrative, Kum pangul chon (Kumnyong chon  or the Tale of Golden Bell, are performed by the title character,  born with supernatural attributes. A l l the while exemplifying filiality, Golden Bell wields miraculous power to defeat the enemy, bring solace to a troubled people, protect the nation, and aid Zhang Hailong, a filial young man. The tale portrays a female (born as a golden bell) who possesses power greater than men, but in the end it is through her filial devotion, beauty, polygynous marriage to Hailong, and mothering of two sons that she is deemed virtuous, and not through her feats. Golden Bell, a product of her mother's own filiality to her agnatic lineage, exhibits filial emotions, while Hailong plays the exemplar of filial Confucian virtues. Golden Bell's supernatural achievements are overshadowed by both Hailong's and Golden Bell's emulation of Confucian ideologies. Golden Bell, along with other similar fictional narratives with female protagonists, attracted a wide readership. Why were Golden Bell and similar works so popular among readers in Neo-Confiician Choson? How is heroism in Golden Bell and other stories with female heroes different from narratives with male heroes? This paper explores the kososol T ? J IS (early 4  /  N  fiction) genre; the widespread reading, transcription, and distribution of narratives; the characteristics of female hero narratives; and the heroic deeds presented in Golden Bell itself.  Olsen iii  A complete translation of Golden Bell and a transcription of the oldest extant copy are included in the appendices.  Olsen iv  Table of Contents  Abstract  ii  Acknowledgements  v  Introduction  1  Kososol, Early Fiction  3  Reading, Transcribing, and Distributing Kososol  12  Female Hero Fiction  18  Versions of Golden Bell  25  Review of Golden Bell Studies  31  The Story Heroism in Golden Bell  50 54  Conclusion  66  Appendix I: Note on the Translation  68  The Tale of Golden Bell  72  Appendix II: Transcription of Kum pangul chydn tan, British Library Copy A  126  Tale of Golden Bell Transcriptions Listed by Editor/Translator Bibliography  175 178  Olsen v  Acknowledgements  For various kinds of generosity with respect to this research, I wish to thank Dr. Bruce Fulton and members of his Korean literature translation seminar at UBC—Dr. Ross King, Mrs. Kyoungsun Ann, Dr. Shin Ju-Cheol (of Hankuk University of Foreign Studies), Sinae Park, Teresa Lee, and Jenny Kim. I am indebted to them for their assistance in translating Golden Bell. Hyuk-Chan Kwon, PhD candidate at U B C , provided invaluable feedback on one of the first drafts of my paper, later presented at the Twelfth Annual Graduate Student Conference on East Asia at Columbia University. Versions of the paper were also presented at the Interdisciplinary Colloquia Series at U B C and at the Ninth Annual Korean Studies Graduate Conference at Harvard University, where I benefited from the insightful comments of Professor Kwon Young M i n of Seoul National University. I feel particularly indebted to Dr. Fulton for covering travel expenses on numerous occasions and for his valuable guidance throughout this project. Dr. King introduced me to Korean scholarship on the topic as well as to the underappreciated scholarship of Adelaida Trotsevich and other Russian work on Korean literature. He spent hours with me reading through portions of these books and checking the early modern Korean transcription. Elisabeth Toronto Olsen spent days thoroughly proofreading the text, and Catherine Moody of Brigham Young University willingly assisted with the French translation. I am grateful for the criticism and suggestions from members of my thesis committee, Dr. Fulton, Dr. King, and Dr. Alison Bailey, who spent much of her time going over the text  Olsen vi  and providing many references to Chinese literature. And I wish to thank Dr. Tineke Hellwig for willingly chairing the thesis defence.  Olsen vii  Aos meus pais, Roydon S. e Elisabeth Toronto Olsen  Olsen 1  Gendered Filiality and Heroism in the Tale of Golden Bell  Introduction  Slaying tigers, bringing a person back to life, and saving an entire empire from attack are but a few heroic deeds depicted in a Choson-periodfictionalnarrative, Kum pangul chon ^fe^iirft, or the Tale of Golden Bell. The title character Golden Bell, born with supernatural 1  attributes, performs these feats of heroism, all the while exemplifying hyo  or filiality.  Golden Bell wields miraculous power to defeat the enemy, comfort her mother, and aid Zhang Hailong, a young man of parallel virtue. The tale provided an alternate view for Cho2  son-period women of an androgynous character, Golden Bell, who possesses power greater than men—she saves a man, protects a nation, and inflicts punishments on both men and women—but in the end it is through her filial devotion, beauty, polygynous marriage to Hailong, and mothering of two sons that she gains official recognition, and not through her heroic feats.  1. Also known as Kum pangul chyon -er hi: ?! and Kumnyong chon ^ (^lijfil—also Kumyong chon). It also appeared as Ntinggyon nansa f b ^ H - S . The main version of the tale referred to here is the earliest one (see "Versions of Golden BelF below), the 28-leaf Kum pangul chyon tan ^•'#^r S £h British Library Copy A , which appears in K i m Tonguk, W. E. Skillend, and D . Bouchez, eds., Kyongin kososol p 'an 'gakpon chdnjip, 4:35-48. y  ;  c  ;  2. Hailong MM (Haeryong) means "sea dragon." I have chosen to translate Kumnyong's (Kum pangul) name as "Golden B e l l " because for much of the story she assumes the form of a round golden bell. Therefore, translating Hailong as "Sea Dragon" is a bit misleading, since he never appears in such a form. Since the story takes place in China, I have transcribed characters' names in pinyin, even though copies of the tale (beginning with the earliest) are in onmun W3L~, the Korean vernacular script. The pinyin here is based on the Chinese characters suggested by Sin Kihy6ng, Han'guk sosolpaltalsa, 428-31, and by Chang Tdksun, Chon Kyut'ae, Chdng Pyonghon and Y i Yugyong, K i m Kidong and Chon Kyut'ae, K u Inhwan, Kw6n T'aengmu and Ch'oe Okhui, Pak Yongsik, Sin Tohgik, and Y i Sangt'aek in their modern Korean transcriptions.  Olsen 2 Golden Bell, along with other fictional narratives with female protagonists, attracted a wide readership. Why were Golden Bell and similar works so popular among readers in Neo-Confucian Choson MMl How is heroism in Golden Bell and other stories with female heroes different from narratives with male heroes? I explore these questions by discussing the kososol "^"'hlft (early fiction) genre; the widespread reading, transcription, and distribution of narratives; the characteristics of female hero narratives; the various copies that exist of Golden Bell; and the heroic deeds presented in Golden Bell itself.  Olsen 3  Kososol, Early Fiction  According to U K'waeje's 1989 estimate, about 1,270 kososol came out before the sinsosolffi'hWl,or modern novel. Some scholars have considered using the word sinhwa 3  Ifrlrj (new  story) for fictional narratives, but since the word is a homophone (tongumiuio  i^iila) with sinhwa i f IS (myth), the idea has been dropped. Other terms used for kososol have been Yi Cho sosol ^ ^ l J i S , Yi Cho sidae sosol ^ ^ B ^ f ^ ' h l S , Choson sosol /  N  ^RM'hM, Choson cho sosol ULff^'htft, Choson wangjo sosol ISMEE^'hi£, and Choson sidae sosol ISI^Bvf'Tv/hlft, in reference to the Choson period. But since the Choson period spans the end of the fourteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century and sinsosol such as Hyol iii«« Jftt^]^ (Tears of Blood, 1906) by Y i Injik appeared in the Choson period, the term Chosonfictionis too vague. Some scholars have used chon'gi sosol W^'bM  (nar-  ratives of the strange) as well as kusosol Uphlft andyef sosol ^'hlS (old narratives), but the terms were not widely accepted because they were either too specific or too broad in meaning. The more prevalent term for fictional narratives is kojon sosol T^H^iS, but this is problematic because not all are necessarily considered "classics," as the word kojon suggests. Ch'oe Unsik prefers the term kososol old folk tales or legends.  "r^hfft, the ko coming from kodam r^!£, which refers to  4  3. Ch'oe Unsik, Han 'guk kososol yon 'gu, 79. 4. Ibid., 27-34. In the footnotes and bibliography I have translated kojon sosol as "classical fiction" and kososol as "early fiction." Even though the terms refer to the same works, I wanted to preserve Korean scholars' different terminology. The terms early novel or early fiction might suffice in English. Early before novel suggests that the novels are not equivalent in either form or development to what we consider modern-day novels. Or,  Olsen 4  The earliest piecefromKorea classified as a kososol is believed to be the collection Kumo sinhwa & WMa& (New Stories of the Golden Turtle [Mount Kumo]), written by Kim 5  Sisup ^ B ^ H (styled Tongbong 'MM, 1434-93) around 1465. As with other literary forms, fictional narratives came into Korea through China. Ch'oe Unsik traces the narrative form back to the Tang dynasty (618-907), when mysterious events were written down in prose form.  6  Adelaida F. Trotsevich traces the origin of Korean fiction to "historical biography, Taoist pseudobiography and the Buddhist parable." Hu Yinglin rSffi^l in the Ming dynasty 7  (1368-1636) classified Chinese fiction into six different categories: zhiguai  (chigoe in  Korean; mysterious, strange, or spooky stories), chuanqi Mat (chon 'gi; romance—fanciful or strange tale, not necessarily an equivalent of the later ydmjong sosol llfSfrf'hlS, love story), zalu It if: (chamnok; miscellany), congtan Jt§£ (ch 'ongdam; collected essays), bianding ^ B T  (pyonjong; a type of educational essay), and zhengui MM (chamgyu; a kind of didactic story).  8  Chinese prose writing was being read on the Korean peninsula quite early. Emanuel Pastreich writes, fiction is a general term used presently to mean any type of fictional writing in prose whether it be short stories, novels or historical/autobiographical fiction. Earlyfictiononce again suggests an early stage of narrative writing (and the term is much less bulky than "fictional narrative"). 5. Even though the length of the fictional narratives spoken about here varies, I have uniformly italicized each of them (I have placed songs and short folk tales in quotes). I have included a romanized Korean title along with Chinese characters. Though modern sources provide Chinese characters for most kososol titles, it does not necessarily mean that the piece—or even the title—was ever composed in hanmun (Chinese script), regardless of whether the background of the story is in China, Korea, or elsewhere. The title is followed with an English translation, which I have placed in parentheses; all English titles are in roman type and headline-style capitalization, differing from sentence-style capitalization for title translations in the bibliography, regardless of whether an English translation exists (relatively few fictional narratives are available in English). If the name of the protagonist in the title is Chinese, I have pinyinized the name—for example, Kwon Ikehung chon MISLSLM (Tale of Quan Yizhong)—although this should not suggest that in the literary production of the character in a Korean context there was no intercultural hybridity. 6. Ch'oe Unsik, 17.  7. Trotsevich, Koreiskil srednevekovyi roman, 197. 8. Ch'oe Unsik, 17-8. For an in-depth look into Hu Yinglin's classification strategy and his definition of xiaoshuo ' h l S (sos6l), see Laura Hua Wu, "From Xiaoshuo to Fiction: Hu Yinglin's Genre Study oiXiaoshuo" 339-71.  Olsen 5  The tales of bizarre lands found in Shan hai ching [Shan hai jing U J $ | | 1 ] (Classic of Mountains and Seas) was introduced into the state of Paekche in the third century C E . Combined with Chinese Six Dynasties anthologies of stories of the strange (chih-kuai [zhiguai]), it provided an early literary model for proto-fiction. Some sections from the early historical narrative by Pak Il-lyang (d. 1096) entitled Sui chon [Ifc^ft] (Records of the Strange and Unusual) survived in later anthologies. Pak Il-lyang employed Chinese schemata and plot constructions to relate strange events in Korea.  9  In addition, the Taiping guangji ^ ^ J f f 12 (Extensive Records from the Reign o f Great Tranquility) a Song dynasty anthology of tales, highly influential in China, as well as the collection Soushen y7 S f$S£ (Search for the Supernatural) had made it to Korea by the twelfth century. Y i Illo  (1152-1220) took ideas from the zhiguai in the latter volume for his  P'ahan chip WtffiM (Collection for Dispelling Boredom). For centuries Chinese fiction had a great influence on Korean writers. K i m Sisup wrote that he was greatly enlightened by the widely popular collection of spooky stories (guaitan [koedam] Ss^) Jiandeng xinhua  H S f f l S (New Stories for Trimming the Lampwick) by Ju Y o u H f f r (1347-1433), a Ming-dynasty writer. Even the popular Ch'unhyang chon 10  (Tale o f Ch'unhyang)  from Korea includes references to moral tales of Chinese women, elements of Xixiangji  E§0  IB (Romance of the Western Chamber) by Wang Shifu ZEUS:Tf ( c 1250-1300), and a Tang 9. Pastreich, "The Reception of Chinese Literature in Korea," 1069. 10. Ch'oe Unsik, 19-20. The first Korean to use the term sosol in a title was Yi Chesin (1536-84) in his Ch'dnggang sosol WH-'^ljR, (Blue River Story). Hong Manjong (1643-1724) included the Paegun sosol £ 1 1 ' M S (Tales of White Clouds), claimed to have been written by Yi Kyubo (1168-1241) in the latter Koryo MM period (918-1392), in the anthology he edited called Sihwa ch'ongnim I#fSi|§# (Anthology of Poems and Stories). Excellent coverage of Ming literature can be found in Ellen Widmer, The Margins of Utopia:  "Shui-hu hou-chuan " and the Literature ofMing Loyalism.  Olsen 6  chuanqi narrative of a righteous courtesan, "Li Wa zhuan"  (An Account of Li Wa) by  Bo Xingjian E3?f1© (775-826)." Writers found the fictional narrative style very effective in carrying their message. Kim Sisup felt that even though the content of the story may be mystical or untrue, narratives were harmless and could fill the reader with joy. Some fictional narratives served a didactic purpose—to teach moral behaviour or to inculcate filial piety into the minds of the readers or listeners. Of fictional narratives, Ming-dynasty author Feng Menglong MW-M. (1574-1646) stated they could easily stir people's souls and motivate them to change, more so than the Xiao jing  #H (Classic of Filial Duty) or Lunyu Irala (Analects).  12  Confucian scholars perceived  with mixed reactions that the immediacy novels had with their audience was more powerful than the teachings of Confucius. Scholars were quick to point out thatfictionwas untruth, or lying. They opposed sosol-tQddmg, believing that the stories were not only a waste of time, but unrealistic. Yi Hwang  (T'oegye MM, 1501-1570) felt they did not encourage the reader to perform  virtuous deeds and were an obstacle to the enlightenment of humanity. Ch'ae Chegong H$H§ (1720-99) was concerned that women were going into debt borrowing the booksfromlenders, and Yi Tongmu  (1739-93) complained that women were reading too much and getting  lazy, while Yi Hakkyu ^ P 3 t (1770-1835) wrote, "These days, silk-clad womenfolk very much enjoy reading kungmun sosol ll!i ht£ [fiction written in the Korean vernacular script] /  to the light of an oil lamp" for hours into the night. Hong Chikp'il VkWffl (1776-1852) called for prohibiting womenfromreading onp 'ae 11. Pastreich, 1076. 12. Ch'oe Unsik, 18-20.  (fiction) because they were turning their ears  Olsen 7  from the wise. Chong Yagyong T ^ f l t (Tasan ^ L i l , 1762-1836) went so far as to say that fiction harms one's health. Efforts made by Confucian scholars to stem the tide of sosol-reading include harshly criticizing authors, prohibiting the books' import, and burning the books. But not all scholars agreed. Ho Kyun f^iSI (1569-1618), as a writer himself, praised the narratives, but did criticize Shuihu zhucrn 7jt?fHi|, a Chinese narrative attributed to Shi Naian MM^,  (c. fourteenth century) and Luo Guanzhong  K i m Manjung  (Sop'o S S , 1637-92) wrote defending children who read fiction. Although there was much 13  official opposition to narrative-reading by top scholars, many of the intelligentsia participated in it nonetheless, attested to by the fact that some hunmun 'M~SC (Chinese script) versions of fictional narratives were transcribed copies of the hurt 'gill ?b # (also kungmun M3t or onmun W-~3t, "Korean vernacular script") originals, and vice versa—a topic which remains a controversial one to this day, since most early fiction was undated and anonymously written. Oddly enough, Korean Neo-Confucian scholars did not object to yomjong sosol, or love stories, which showed young men and women of social standing falling in love and having relationships without their parents' consent. Possible reasons might be that scholars wrote them anonymously and were either partial to them or considered them beneath their consideration. One of Korea's oldest Active forms, the love story may have first appeared with one of K i m Sisup's stories, Yi saeng kyujang chon ^^MWtM  (Student Y i Peers over the  Wall). Idealistic in approach, love stories feature a young couple falling in love and uniting 14  after many obstacles. Numerous examples exist, including the Ch'aebong kam pyolgok %^%MMM (Love Song of Ch'aebong), Kwon Ikchung chon H ^ f i f f  (Tale of Quan  13. See ibid., 37-98. A l l translations are my own. 14. According to Ch6ng Chudong's survey of 320 fictional narratives, 55% of them end in (quoted in Song Kisol, Han 'guk kubi chonsung iii yon 'gu, 116 n. 1).  chon {$•  Olsen 8  Yizhong), Ok Tanch'un chon EE;Fr#fil (Tale of Ok Tanch'un), Paekhakson chon  rStSUff  (Tale of the White Crane Fan), Sugyong nangja chon Mi%Wc^% (Tale of the Maiden Sugydng), Sukhyang chon Ml=rl$- (Tale of Shuxiang), Unyong chon Mz%zl$- (Tale of Unyong), :  Yi chinsa chon ^jJt±f$ (Tale of Chinsa Yi), Yongyong chon ^li^fil (Tale of Yingying), 15  and Yun Chigyong chon ^^HWuM (Tale of Yun Chigyong).  16  As shown with the popularity of the love novel—which seemingly defied Choson guidelines on premarital division of the sexes (which was stricter for women, especially high-born women) and parental involvement in children's marriages—events portrayed in narrative literature began to show increasing stages of opposition to the medieval feudal order. Class consciousness and even individual consciousness deepened in the stories. After the hunmin chdngum fllKlEii? ("proper sounds to instruct the people": the Korean vernacular alphabet) was invented in the fifteenth century, the literacy of upper-class women as well as commoners increased.  17  Although it is not known what the literacy rate was for women during the entire Choson period—Yung-Ffee Kim places women's literacy at about ten percent toward the end of Choson —it is known that many aristocratic women read quite a few Chinese novels in Ko18  rean translation beginning in the late seventeenth century. About forty such translations, Pastreich writes, "survived in the Naksonjae library of the royal palace, where they had been the reading material of palace ladies." Most of the novels arefromthe caizi  parent  (scholar-beauty) genre, "relating the struggles of women to overcome barriers to a proper 15. A chinsa is a person who has passed only the first exam for an official post. 16. Ch'oeUnsik, 181. 17. "Commoner" is a translation of p'yongmin a general term for people not of the aristocratic ruling class. Social strata in ChosSn are explained below. 18. See Yung-Hee K i m , "Women's Issues in 1920s Korea."  Olsen 9  marriage." The Korean translations include a high quantity of Sino-Korean vocabulary, 19  showing that many of these women had a remarkable knowledge of Chinese. Lee Eul-hwan states that in upper-class homes women read many of the Confucian classics as well as books on female propriety. Martina Deuchler states that "many women were literate" in Choson 20  Korea and discusses how Korean officials, in order to set "the domestic realm in order," propagated Chinese texts that extol female virtues. Queen Consort Sohye BEM^EJn 21  (1437-1504) compiledNaehun 1*1 PI (Instructions for Women) and in it declared, "Women ... are ignorant of the urgency of virtuous conduct. This is what worries me daily!" It appears that she is speaking directly to a female readership. According to Ch'oe Unsik, Seoul publication (kyongp'an female, and Chonju publication (wanp'an  ~%KWL)  readership was mainly  readership was mainly male. Ch'oe Unsik 23  T Z W L )  believes that in Seoul a large number of palace women, upper-class women, and courtesans made up the main portion of the readership; and in Chonju menfromthe chungin dp A (middle class) and sori 24  (petty clerk) classes read them and later, when the members of the  farming class moved up economically and learned to read, they too consumedfiction.Furthermore, the Japanese invasions of 1592 and 1597 and the Manchu invasion of 1636 disrupted  19. Pastreich, 1075. 20. Lee Eul-hwan, " A Study on the Conception of Language Ethics of Y i Dynasty Women," 81, 84-5. 21. Deuchler, "Propagating Female Virtues in Choson Korea," 142-6. Throughout her article, Deuchler lists individual examples of women who both read and wrote. 22. Quoted in ibid., 147. 23. Ch'oe Unsik, 132. 24. Although social strata developed and changed throughout the Chos6n period, the following outlines a simplified version of Chos6n social classes. Chungin are those between yangban ^SE—"officials of the two [civil and military] orders": scholar-official class, aristocratic meritocracy (Carter J. Eckert et al., Korea, Old and New: A History, 90)—and the lower class (sangin & A). Chungin were usually astronomers, interpreters, physicians, professional military personnel, and administrative subordinates to yangban. Sangin, about seventy-five percent of the population, included craftsmen, farmers, and merchants—it was this class that bore the main burden of taxation. Butchers, convicts, executioners, kisaeng, mourners, shamans, shoemakers, slaves, and traveling entertainers made up the lowest class, ch 'onmin ^S;.  Olsen 10  the established societal order. Chong Pyonghon and Yi Yugyong cite evidence showing that after the invasions people became more concerned about profiteering than fulfilling one's moral duties. The subsequent disorder affected the aristocracy and inklings of a national consciousness began to grow. JaHyun Kim Haboush discusses the impact the devastation had on postwar literature: "Dead bodies as metaphors for the wounded political body of the Choson state also occupied a prominent place in the postwar discourse of seventeenth-century Korea." A stronger sense of ethnicity emerged, and literature commemorating the dead appeared in the form of mongyurok WM@k (records of dream journeys). Also, commoners' identity and 25  social awareness deepened, and as a result Sirhak H # ("Practical Learning") developed, which called for greater economic and social justice for people of the lower classes. P 'yongmin (commoner) culture flourished and attracted vast attention. Therefore, scholars believe that many of the fictional narratives that are assumed to be from the period of roughly the mid-1600s to the early 1900s, including Golden Bell, were authored byp 'yongmin. Readership soared during the period. Booksellers and book lenders appeared in cities and all over the countryside as a result of the change. Cheap prices for the books led to greater accessibility to fictional narratives.  26  Chong and Yi write that the right to enjoy culture and the arts was more equalized during this period of change. The rise of the people's culture gave impetus to the phenomenon of more heroes with supernatural powers, or "super heroes," appearing in literature as well as depictions of low-born characters climbing the social ladder and the triumph of righteousness  25. Haboush, "Dead Bodies in the Postwar Discourse of Identity in Seventeenth-century Korea: Subversion and Literary Production in the Private Sector," 2-5. 26. Chong and Y i , "Yosong yongung sosSl paro pogi," 290.  Olsen 11  over evil. P 'yongmin literature, with its didactic characteristics and sentimentality, became a literature for the masses.  27  27. Ibid., 291.  Olsen 12  Reading, Transcribing, and Distributing Kososol  Methods of circulatingfictionalnarratives varied. Kubi munhak P W~$C^ (oral literature) existed for centuries in Korea, but there is also the phenomenon of recorded literature being passed on orally as well. In the mid- to late Choson period, kangdoksa MWM, public readers, would read and even perform the novels. Yi Oppok, household manager of a high-ranking official, would perform the narratives as he read them, acting out the hero and imitating the women. Public readers would often stop at an interesting point and sell copies 28  of the fiction. An account by Yi Tongmu of a reader at a tobacconist shop in Chongno, Seoul, suggests that many listeners were very much enthralled by the story, for when the reader reached the point of deepest despair in the hero's life, one listener was so moved to anger that he stabbed the reader to death.  29  Not only did fiction become more widely read and listened to during the period from the mid-1600s to the early 1900s, many men (of various classes) and women (of the upper classes) transcribed these stories by hand. Therefore, in addition to printed versions, p'an'gakpon I S ^ U ^ ,  30  manyfictionalnarratives exist in manuscript form,p'ilsabon MM^,  28. Ch'oe Unsik, 103-4. One record states that he dressed up as a woman, wore makeup, spoke like a woman, entered the women's chamber, read sosol all night, and ended up sleeping with them. When it was found out that he'd also been having intercourse with them, Minister Chang Pungik had him executed. 29. Cho Tongil, "Sosol ui sSngjang kwa pySnmo," 3:476 30. In the p'an'gakpon category, the oldest extant versions of the narratives are panggakpon which refers to copies locally made by various forms of printing before modern mass-produced copies appeared. Panggakpon were generally made by merchants for profit, and the term is used to distinguish them from other books published by the government {kwan'gakpon TlT^!!^), religious/philosophical institutions {sawon'gakpon T f l?^!]^), and private individuals for non-profit purposes {sagakpon %LM^). Existing copies of panggakpon include hwalchabon (a copy printed with movable type)—both mokhwalchabon T f c S ; ^ ^ (wooden type) andydnhwalchabonW&^r^ (lead type)—mokp'anbonJfM.^- (printed with woodcut engraving), t'op'anbon zhM.^ (clay or brick engraving), and sokp'anbon (stone engraving),. See Ch'oe Unsik's chapter on  Olsen 13  as well. Ch'oe Unsik argues that the main purpose for the transcription of narratives was most likely for education. Since most women did not read hanmun, few educational opportunities existed for them. Thefictionalnarratives, he argues, filled the gap in education for them. He also states, Han 'gul narratives expanded the insight of women of that period and served as books on ethics or educational materials that instructed them on their code of conduct. Since all things were set up in the interests of men, narratives that emphasized the role of women, who were socially and domestically oppressed, must have reassured their souls and fostered their dreams. Therefore, women fought over the narratives, read them, and transcribed them as time permitted.  31  Ch'oe Unsik states that the transcription process on the surface may have appeared to help women practice their handwriting or learn appropriate rules of conduct, but thefictionalnarratives, many of which featured powerful women like Golden Bell, may also have served as a means of exploration and empowerment for them in a society that had distinctly defined roles for women according to their class. By calling narratives mainly educational materials (kyoyangmul ifcli W), Ch'oe Unsik posits that women were educated by a male Neo-Confucian hegemony. Some yangban did 32  purposefully choose ethical and didactic (non-fiction) texts to transcribe for family use. One fictional narrative was transcribed by a mother for a daughter preparing to be married, one from a father to a daughter, and anotherfroma grandparent to a granddaughter-in-law, most of distribution and copying of early fiction, "Kososdl iii yut'ong kwa ibon," 106-58. According to Ch'oe Unsik, the locations of the various places where Seoul han 'gul panggakpon were published suggest that they were assembled outside the city gates, where the chungin lived (128). 31. Ibid., 119-20. One writer actually witnessed women fighting over who got to read the narratives next. 32. Deuchler notes that educational materials were not necessarily authored by males. Queen-Consort Sohye's Naehun (1475), although largely a compilation of teachings from Chinese classics, contains her own advice and admonishments to women. See "The Tradition of Women during the Y i Dynasty," 5-6.  Olsen 14  these for educational purposes. Doubtless, many didactic and educational texts existed and 33  were transcribed, but Ch'oe Unsik's analysis does not take into account texts, such as Golden Bell, that are Confucian on the surface yet tacitly disguise inner themes of expropriation of power, gender subversion, and temporal liberation from present roles. Such an overgeneralization of the widely practiced act of transcription, in which both men and women took part,  34  dismisses other equally important reasons. The 16-leaf woodblock print edition of Golden Bell omits the scene in which Golden Bell saves the empire from Northerner attack. It merely states that Hailong fought with the head enemy and defeated him, leaving Hailong with all the glory. Transcribers (or in this case publishers/engravers) nearly always added, deleted, or 35  altered the stories they transcribed.  36  A woman known as "Cho T'aeok's mother" would copy by hand volumes of narratives, which suggests that though they were not the original authors, women did take an active role in the process of transcription, in itself a form of creation. A young fourteen-year-old girl known as "Kwon sojyo" (Miss Kwon) copied down a version of the female warrior narrative, Chong Sujong chon M^MM  (Tale of Zheng Xiuzhen). She wrote the following:  33. About 2,500 naebang kasa ^HJ^WM (lyrics from the women's quarters) survive. These were unpublished inner-room poetry composed and performed by upper-class women that circulated within the family. The anonymous pieces were often passed on to daughters and granddaughters at marriage. See Kichung K i m , An Introduction to Classical Korean Literature: From Hyangga to P'ansori, 123; and K i m Yong-sook, "The Characteristics of Korean Women's Literature: The Fatalistic Approach to the Bitterness in It," 41-44. 34. Ch'oe Unsik notes that yangban-c\ass women, palace women, chungin men, and sori took part in transcription. 35. Ch'oe Unsik, 140. Ch'oe has produced convincing research to show that old editions of narrative tales can be dated relative to other copies by looking at philological evidence. 36. See ibid., 106-58. He mentions that oral transmission of the texts also underwent alteration by public readers and reciters, quoting from a yangban observer who followed a public reader around Seoul for a week. Some transcribers would change character names.  Olsen 15  ^AflSl  *]±?r 37  Kwen swocye sipso sey uy ssenwola ni choyk cyunin un kapninsayng Kwen swocye philsela  Palace women also transcribed fictional narratives. Some poor yangban transcribed the narratives for pay—at about 50 chon a shot. A closer look at women's copies of narratives, especially of female hero narratives, is necessary. Unfortunately, few women left their names on handwritten copies of fictional narratives. Could the process of transcription have led to women authoring their own tales, especially those with female heroes? Nothing can be proven. It is known that women were writing in East Asia for a long time. China, looked up to by Korea for centuries, saw its first woman of letters, Ban Zhao ffiBg (45-102?), as early as the Han dynasty, and in Japan Otomo Saka39  noue no Iratsume Af^JxJLSlJic (c. 695-750) wrote poetry. In Korea, the first female authors known by name hark back to the sixteenth century, such as the poets Sin Saimdang ^ Sf H'M. (1504-51), Hwang Chini ScMf? (fl. mid-sixteenth century), and Ho Nansorhon | ^ M 8 $ f (1563-89), but none of them authored fictional narratives. Fiction by a woman first appeared in Japan during the Heian period when Murasaki Shikibu  (c. 973-c. 1014) wrote Genji  monogatari M&fygWi (Tale of Genji), and it wasn't until the Qing dynasty that Wang Duan ffi^o (early eighteenth century) wrote her historical novel. In Korea, it is known that at least two eighteenth-century fictional narratives were written in part by females. The So ssi myonghaeng rok  BH 'ilM (Memoirs of Lady So) was written by the sons and daughters of  Y i Kwangsa (1705-77), and Wanwdrhoe maengyon ^cj^#^$ (Alliance Formed at the 37. Ibid., 99, 110. "Miss Kw6n wrote this at age 14. Handwritten by Miss Kwon, born in the kabin year, owner of this book." The transliteration beneath the quote is in Yale romanization, useful for early modern Korean. The kabin year here might be 1852. 38. Ibid., 120. 39. Anne Birrell, "Women in Literature," 205.  Olsen 16  Wanwol Pavilion), a roman-fleuve filling up 180 volumes—the longest Choson-period fictional narrative—was written in part by the mother of An Kyomjae and the daughter of Yi On'gyong (both An and Yi held government positions).  40  The argument for female authorship might also be supported by the fact that many of the earliest extant copies of fictional narratives are in han 'gul, including Golden Bell, Nam Yun chon fWULfil (Tale of Nam Yun), Pak ssi puin chon # K ^ A f H (Tale of Lady Pak), and Tukkop chon  {% (Tale of a Toad)—or both hanmun and han 'gul script or a mixture thereof  such as Ch 'oe Koun chon $LM.MW (Tale of Ch'oe Koun), Im Kyongop chon # i l H{H (Tale of Im Kyongop), So Tongji chon Mr^l^P'ft (Tale of Tongzhi the Squirrel), and Sukhyang chon. However, the fact that a piece is in the vernacular script cannot always settle whether a piece was authored by a man or woman. Although scholars often referred to the vernacular script as amgul Q s " (or amk'iil ^ H " , "women's writing") and many women were "major contributors to vernacular Korean writing," many men used the alphabet in their own writing as well.  41  Seeing Korean vernacular script as exclusively "women's writing" ignores the fact that many male p 'yongmin and yangban (often anonymously) used the script. Kisaeng  (courtesans), many of whom were literate and a few of whom read  hanmun, might also have been authors of early fictional narratives. One possible explanation 42  to support female authorship of kososol might be that women, mostly likelyfroma. yangban or fallen yangban family (since they were the women most often educated in reading and writ-  40. Ch'oe Unsik, 89. 41. JaHyun K i m Haboush, "Versions and Subversions: Patriarchy and Polygamy in Korean Narratives," 279, and "Private Memory and Public History: The Memoirs of Lady Hyegyong and Testimonial Literature," 124. 42. Kisaeng are known to have written poetry since the Kory6 period. See Kathleen McCarthy, "Kisaeng and Poetry in the KoryS Period," 6-13.  Olsen 17  ing), could have written some of the early fictional narratives, and upon her delivering the 43  manuscript to one of the p 'yongmin publishers at the time, the publisher could have added Chinese characters (to account for mixed-script pieces) or edited the piece, resulting in joint authorship. Although limited in their day-to-day activities, upper-class women could engage 44  in some forms of business —maybe behind-the-scenes writing and publishing was one of 45  them. But women writers in premodern Korea faced many obstacles; as a useful parallel, Anne Birrell points out that in China for a woman to "have her voice represented in the canonical tradition," the following would have been required: (1) literacy, (2) literariness in writing, (3) admittance to a literary salon, (4) sponsorship by a male patron, and (5) access to literary production.  46  Further studies on Choson women's language might provide details as to the gender of the author; however, determining whether the writing is "feminine" or "masculine" does not 47  necessarily lead to determining female or male authorship, as it is known that male writers (most often poets) have written in the "feminine voice" in China, Japan, and Korea.  48  43. I have not come across any sources specifically stating that p 'yongmin women were literate in Chosdn.  44. Many of the panggakpon editions, for example, were published by p 'yongmin. 45. In 1906, Homer B. Hulbert observed, "Strange as it may seem, the only kind of shop [an upper-class] woman can keep is a wine-shop. O f course she never appears in person, but if her house is properly situated, she can turn a portion of it into a wine-shop, where customers can be served by her slave or other servant. ... Silk culture is an important industry, in which ladies take a prominent part." Another interesting observation he made is that women of lower classes "act as tutors to the daughters of their more fortunate sisters. They teach the Chinese character and literature, letter-writing, burial customs, music, housekeeping, hygiene, care of infants, obstetrics, religion,/7c//on, needlework and embroidery," as quoted in Denise Potrzeba Lett, In Pursuit of Status: The Making of South Korea's "New " Urban Middle Class, 60-61 (my emphasis). M y guess is that these women may have come from fallen yangban families, or were part of a new generation of women who had access to educational opportunities opening up at the beginning of the twentieth century. See Yung-Hee K i m , 28, for information on pre-1920s education for women. 46. Birrell, 216-7. 47. Lee Eulhwan's article on language ethics during the Choson period discusses how women both studied and were taught about language and behaviour from the Chinese classics (see 93-105). 48. Birrell, 200. Chong Ch'Sl Mffll (1536-93) is an example from Korea of a male writer using the feminine voice.  Olsen 18  Female Hero Fiction  One genre of earlyfictionalnarrative often figured women in positions of authority in Choson society. The genre has come to be called yosong yongung sosol ^C'f435liJ ift. /  N  Understanding yosong yongung sosol, or female herofictionalnarratives, will shed some 49  light on heroism as represented in Golden Bell. In Korea, the appellation for the genre has varied over the years and still varies from scholar to scholar. Song Hyon'gyong refers to the narratives as yogol sosol icfSt'hlS, which Chon Yongjin later uses in reference to the Pak ssi puin chon. Cho Tongil distinguishes 50  between yosong chuin'gong iii yongung sosol icttlfcA^^I 5lli J ife (heroic fictional /  N  narratives with a female protagonist) and namsong l^tt chuin 'gong ui yongung sosol (heroic fictional narratives with a male protagonist) in his discussion of Golden Bell, Kim Won chon ^felHfil  (Tale of Jin Yuan), Sukhyang chon, and others. Chong Myonggi uses the term j>651  hogolgye sosol ^iR^t^'hlfe.  52  Chong and Yi place Golden Bell with Hong Kyewol chon  fil (Tale of Hong Guiyue), OkChu hoyon EEftJf^ (Three Jades and Three Jewels Get Hooked Up), Pak ssi puin chon, and Pang hallim chon ^j^t#f# (Tale of Fang the Scribe). 53  54  49.1 have chosen to translate yosong yongung sosol as "female hero fiction" and yogol sosol as "heroine fiction" to keep in line with Korean scholarship on the topic. But unfortunately, "female hero fiction" implies that these tales were counterparts to or a subclassification of a male heroic fiction genre. 50. Chon Yongjin, ed., Hong Kiltong chon, Pak ssi puin chon, 92; see also Y i Sangt'aek and Yun Yongsik, Kojon sosollon, 37. 51. Cho Tongil, 3:476. 52. See ChSng Myonggi, "Yohogolgye sosol ui hyongsong kwajong yon'gu" (master's thesis, Yonsei University, 1980). Reference from Chdng and Y i , "YosSng," 285. 53. This is a narrative where three brothers (triplets) Wan M (Handsome Jade), Zhen ^ (Treasure), and Jing J§ (Glowing Jade)—referred to as "jades" because they were collectively an auspicious gift—meet three sisters, the jewelly triplets Zizhu SIgfc (Amethyst), Bizhu HJSfc (Emerald), and Mingzhu J $c (Pearl), who are all H  Olsen 19  Chon Yongmun calls the genre yosonggye  yongung sosol, but later switches to 55  yosong yongung sosol, which Chong and Y i also use. But they believe the appellation is still 56  problematic. Placing the yosong in front ofyongung sosol suggests that the narratives featuring a female hero are a subgenre of the hero narratives featuring males. Chong and Y i argue that the narratives with female heroes differ fundamentally from the (male) hero narratives and should be categorized separately.  57  China has a long history in literature of women who disguise themselves as men and are treated as heroes. Judith Zeitlin explains why. "Filial piety, blood vengeance, requital of true friendship, and the desire to serve the state," she says, "are all acceptable motives."  58  Often, female characters' motives for cross-dressing are justified to maintain a Confucian or noble virtue. (Here, I am using the term "Confucian" as a loose "amorphous and a historical concept," which Dorothy Ko, JaHyun K i m Haboush, and Joan R. Piggot define as "a cluster of ethical ideals articulated in the Chinese classics." ) In "Mulan ci" 59  /fciUfl (Ballad of Mulan)  Mulan goes to war in place of her aging father, in the Tang tale "Xie Xiao'e" UrM^ (Xie  military generals. The emperor is suspicious of his generals' gender, so he has the three brothers and three sisters enter a bathhouse together, and the emperor marries them off to each other. 54. The main character in this story, a woman disguised as a man, gains a government post and marries another woman. 55. Chon Yongmun, "Yosonggye yongung sosol ui hyongsong tongin," Mogwon omunhakA (1983) and "Y6s6nggye yongung sosdl iii yon'gu," Omunyon'gu 10 (1985). See Chong and Y i , "YosSng," 285. 56. Chon Yongmun, "Ydsdng yongung sos6l ui kyet'ongj6k ydn'gu," Omun yon'gu 17 (1988) and Han 'guk yosong yongung sosol ui yon 'gu. The term was used earlier by M i n Ch'an, however, in "Yosong yongung sosol iii ch'urhydn kwa hudaejok pyonmo" (master's thesis, Seoul National University, 1980). The female warrior/general narratives form a subcategory, variously referred to asydjanggun timgjang ui kososol and yojanggunhyong sosol, respectively, in Y 6 Seju, "Yqjanggun tungjang iii kososol" (master's thesis, Yongnam University, 1981), and Son Y6nja, "ChosSnjo ypjanggunhydng sos6l ySn'gu" (master's thesis, Ewha Womans University, 1982). Complete references listed above were culled from Ch6ng and Y i , "Ydsdng," 285. 57. See ibid., 265-6,285. 58. Zeitlin, Historian of the Strange: Pu Songling and the Chinese Classical Tale, 116. In some stories, transvestism is severely punished. 59. Ko, Haboush, and Piggott, Women and Confucian Cultures in Premodern China, Korea, and Japan, 3. They also cite evidence from the historian Lionel Jensen that the term "Confucianism" was invented by the Jesuit missionaries in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century China.  Olsen 20  Xiao'e) Xiao'e dresses as a man to "avenge the murders of her father and husband.""" In female hero fictional narratives, often female generals command armies or supernatural women control the elements. Women having authority over men in a strictly patriarchal, Neo-Confucian society was either highly unlikely or impossible. The concept of women 61  dressing as men and acting as men closely relates to the concept of transformation in female hero fictional narratives. In Golden Bell, the daughter of the Dragon King of the South Sea is born as a golden bell and later turns into a beautiful woman. In Pak ssi puin chon, Pak's ugliness is transformed into beauty. The depiction of transvestism and transformation is highly significant in a gender-divided and highly clothing-conscious society. In Choson times, one's dress indicated one's status and gender. Kang Kumsuk states that in Choson times, and, I might add, among certain classes of society, at one of thefirstceremonies for children, tol e", boys are given indigo pants and girls a crimson skirt. From their childhood on, boys and girls wear different, sex-specific clothing. 62  An elaborate set of sayings (soksind f&fSIa) about clothing placed restrictions on the use of men's clothing by women and vice versa—for instance, "A woman should not hang her clothes on top of a man's," "Righteousness is corrupted if a woman wears a man's belt," "A woman should not walk over a man's clothes," and "If a husband places his clothes over his wife's belly, she has easy labour" (50-1). Certain hairstyles were also strictly observed: When 63  consent was given for marriage, girls underwent a ceremony called kyerye ^ H . A girl's 60. Zeitlin, 118. 61. However, Lillias Horton Underwood wrote in 1904, "It is a great pity men do not wear their hair this way [in a topknot] in America. We women who favor women's rights would soon find it a mighty handle by which to secure them, for in the hands of a discerning woman it is indeed an instrument of unlimited possibilities. ... By one of these well-tried arrangements have I beheld a justly irate wife dragging home her drunken husband from the saloon; and firmly grasping this, I have seen more than one indignant female administering the corporal punishment which her lord and master no doubt richly deserved," as quoted in Laurel Kendall and Mark Peterson,  Korean Women: View from the Inner Room, 7. 62. Kang, Yosong ui Ml yosong ui sam, 50.  63. Hair customs followed during the Choson period actually date back to Koryfi times.  Olsen 21  mother unbraided her hair and did it up in a chignon. Boys' hair ritual was called kwallye MWt. Material (as in clothing) and physical (as in hairstyles) transformation was a part of initiation ceremonies. This kind of transformationfromone stage to the next through a change of 64  appearance was dictated by Confucian ritual. I quotefromKang above mainly to indicate the level to which division of the sexes developed in the Choson period. Division of the sexes in Choson is reflected in attitudes toward literature as well. As David McCann notes, Hanmun literature was read and written primarily by men of the elite class. Women and nonelite men infrequently learned the classics and, if literate at all, tended to use only the simpler Korean alphabet, han 'gul. Even within the field of Korean vernacular literature, the dualistic structure appears as a significant motivating factor in the plots of such well-known stories as The Tale of Ch'unhyang, or the Tale of Hong Kiltong [Hong Kiltong chon ^ ^ S f f ] . "  65  Such a "dualistic structure" appears throughout female hero narratives, including Golden Bell. On the one hand, Confucian rites and customs are upheld—external issues in a narrative—and on the other they are broken—internal (and sometimes subtle) issues. One issue in female hero narratives that is both internal and external is transvestism. Chong and Yi state that Golden Bell's campaniform birth can be seen as the same device as dressing up as a man. For in66  stance, transvestic women openly disregard propriety and custom—their action confuses or "corrupts" ideas of status, gender, and class. Conversely, women uphold Confucian mores by demonstrating their loyalty to the state, as in the female hero narratives where women are cast as generals—their disguise is the only means whereby they can publicly show their loyalty. 64. See Ch'oe Kisuk, "Sdngjang sosdl ro pon Kumpangul chon, Kim Won chon," 153-88. 65. McCann, "Formal and Informal Korean Society: A Reading of Kisaeng Songs," 129. 66. Chong and Y i , "Ydsdng," 297-9.  Olsen 22  However, Golden Bell's non-human form differs significantly from a clothes-based issue: Golden Bell is not necessarily wearing a removable costume, she does not choose to wear any particular clothing (she was born as a bell, and it is implied that this shape was decided upon by the Jade Emperor and the ancients), and she is not trying to pass as a man, but her form does serve as a disguise to act in a heroic fashion. Chong and Yi find that tales of supernatural beings (Un sorhwa  ji? A f S g S )  and stories  in which a woman selects her husband, such as "Sut kumnfln saram ui haengun" # i^fe }^^\  A  (A Charcoal Burner's Luck) and the Ondal sorhwa ffllttSfiS (Story of Ondal),  where Princess P'yonggang convinces Ondal to marry her, may have influenced the female hero fictional narratives in which women dressed up as men. Song Hyon'gyong delineates 67  four types of female hero narratives: (1) a woman in a superior role—a woman is cast as 68  general and a man becomes second in command—as in Chong Sujong chon and Hong Kyewol  chon; (2) a woman on equal footing with men, acting as general, as in Yi Taebong chon ^ A M f # (Tale of Li Dafeng); (3) a woman acting in military roles under men, helping them, as in Ongnu mong 3EHi!£ (Dream of the Jade Chamber); (4) a woman performing magic in the background to aid people, as in Chang Kukchin chon ^SSJStt (Tale of Zhang Guozhen) and Pak ssipuin chon. Golden Bell wouldfitin the fourth category.  A reason for the popularity of female hero narratives may be that consumers of early fictional narratives in Korea were often upper-class or palace women. There were also many 69  67. Ibid., 272-6. 68. SSng Hy6n'gy6ng, "Y6gSl sosdl kwa Sol In 'gwi chon: K u chdjak ny6ndae wa suip nydndae, suyong kwa pyonyong," 167. 69. Bruce Fulton, "Korean Novel," 675; Otani Morishige, quoted in Haboush, "Filial Emotions and Filial Values: Changing Patterns in the Discourse of Filiality in Late Choson Korea," 175; Y i and Yun, 82.  Olsen 23  men who only read kungmun,fictionwritten in Korean vernacular script. According to Cho 70  Tongil, female Choson readers (not to mention listeners) far outnumbered their Chinese and Japanese counterparts. Lady Yun, Kim Manjung's mother, was well-versed in hanmun and 71  mostly readfictionalnarratives. Women, either as listeners or readers, may have been drawn 72  to the authority the female characters wielded or the freedom they assumed. In Chong and Yi's words, "Female hero narratives are the textualization of dreams that could not come about in the Choson reality." They believed that the power these female characters enjoy is a reflec73  tion of Choson women's desire to escape social inferiority. Female heroes must have appealed to women's imaginations. Chong and Yi further state, "Literature is not an exact reflection of society, but the result of refraction and change." The hogusong  Jut$i'l4  (fictitiousness) in-  herent in the works has taken events from real life and Changed them to create an alternate space for female and male readers. Chong and Yi remind us that female heroes, who gain 74  70. Ch'oe Unsik, 96-7. K i m Hosu ^ ^ l i is recorded in the Yorowon yahwagi MS&U&MU (Folk Tales from the Authorities) by Pak Tuse #4-1ft (1650-1733) as being a man who can read kungmun, but not hanmun; and in the Kydngsudang chip HHI^H (Collected Works of Kyongsudang), Sin W i (1769-1847) admits that after felling trees all day, he enjoys reading sosol at night, revealing that commoners (p 'yongmin) also enjoyed reading kungmun sosol. 71. Quoted in Ch'oe Unsik, 91. Cho Tongil, however, does not cite any kind of source to support this conclusion, and Ch'oe notes that public readership took hold later in Korea than it did in China and Japan. 72. H6 Nans6rh6n also read hanmun, but I know of no record stating she read fictional narratives. Her younger brother Kyun gave a portion of her poems to Ming poet Zhu Zhifan ^fe^Hr, who had them published as Nansorhon chip JUSfFil (Lanxuexuan j i ; Collected Works of NansSrhSn), to critical acclaim. In 1711 it was published in Japan where it became well-loved (Han 'guk minjok munhwa taebaekkwa sajon, s.v. "H6 Nansdr-  h6n"; McCann, Early Korean Literature, 77). I am also unsure of whether Y i I's well-versed mother, Sin Saimdang, read fictional narratives. Lady Song 5fcJS; (Tokpong fl. mid-Choson) wrote hansi ?§il# (poems in Chinese) collected in her Song ssi sigo ^fttNfll (Poems by Lady Song) of which there is no extant copy, but some of her work survives: " M a ch'on ryong sang um" (Recitation over Sky-reaching Peaks), "Hui sin sa si" U3?f "irlNF (Joy over a New Home), "Chung mi am" MMl$k (To Eyebrow Rock), etc. 73. Chong and Y i , "YSsong," 266. Chong and Y i however base their statement on the understanding of the social position held by middle- to upper-class women during the Chosdn period. They fail to include in their definition of "woman" women who didn't marry into the system or women who were owned as slaves. Such inclusion would greatly diversify their argument, moving it away from an overly narrow view of the "Choson woman." 74. Ibid., 266. It would be interesting to compare female hero fiction to romance novels written for mass consumption in the US today. Romance novels are written primarily for a female audience and in them a woman often subtly (and cleverly) tames a rugged outdoorsy man.  Olsen 24  recognition through supernatural powers and through dressing up as men, in the end give up their newfound status and live on in a Confucian society, as in Hwang changgun chon j f T f f jpt  i$. (Tale of General Huang), Kim Huigyong chon ^Sffif# (Tale of Jin Xiqing), Ok  Chu hoyon, Yi Pongbin chon ^MM\M- (Tale of Li Fengbin), and Yi Taebong chon. However,  there are narratives where the woman dresses up as a man and secures her position even after her gender is exposed. The strong female characters outperform inefficient men, and criticize the societal order that excludes them, as in Chong Sujong chon, Hong Kyewol chon, Pang hallim chon, and Yi haksa chon ^ijirfcfll (Tale of Li the Scholar).  75  75. Ibid., 292-4.  Olsen 25  Versions of Golden Bell  Some scholars have attempted to find Chinese counterparts to Golden Bell. As a fictional narrative, it is similar to the Tang dynasty "Bai yuan zhuan" F33&{l| (An Account of the White Monkey; also known as "Xu Jiang shi zhuan" HfXjSifll) and Bu Jiang Zong bai yuan  ffiffm&lafll (Supplement to Jiang Zong's "Biography of a White Monkey"). In the  zhuan  Tangdai congshu Jif fulfil (Tang Collection of Reprints), a short bibliographical note on Zhu bei 3#W (The Pig's Arm) reveals a story with transformation and a golden bell. In her translation of the note, E. D. Edwards writes, A certain man of Wu saw a fine-looking girl standing on a dyke. He called her and she came and stayed with him till morning. Before she left he tied a golden bell upon her arm. Next day he could not find her anywhere, but chancing to pass a pigsty, he saw inside a sow with a golden bell tied on its fore-leg.  76  Golden Bell also has similarities with the Yuan dynasty Chen xunjian meiling shi qi ji (Inspector Chen Loses His Wife in Meiling) in Hong Pian's $^f§! anthology Liushijia xiaoshuo  TN+Ipi'hlft  (Sixty Stories), also called Qingpingshan tang hua-  ben f r e ^ l l l ^ l f r S ^ (Storiesfromthe Clear and Peaceful Mountain), and Shenyangdong ji ^rUtlf IB (Record of Shenyangdong). Sin Kihyong and Chang Toksun see similarities to 77  76. Edwards, Chinese Prose Literature of the Tang Period, A. D. 618-908,2:272. 77. Sin KihySng, Han 'guk sosol paltalsa, 54; Han 'guk minjok munhwa taebaekkwa sajon, s.v. "Kum pangul ch6n"; Sin Tongik, "Haeje," 98-100; and Yenna Wu, "Vernacular Stories," 597-9. I discuss the tales further in "Review of Golden Bell Studies" and "Heroism in Golden BelF below. I have not yet found Shenyangdongji but Shenyangdong (same characters) is the background location of Chen xunjian meiling shi qiji.  Olsen 26  Golden Bell in the Ming dynasty roman-fleuve by Wu Cheng'en %7^%t (c. 1500-82), Xiyou ji S M I B (Journey to the West), and Sin sees connections to a Yuan drama of Northern China by L i Haogu ^ & r ?, Zhang sheng zhu hai 4  (Scholar Zhang Boils the Sea).  78  Any of the above Chinese stories may have directly or indirectly influenced Golden Bell, yet it difficult to say with certainty because both the authorship and date of composition of Golden Bell are unknown. Cho Tongil believes Golden Bell falls into a group of fictional narratives that date to the mid- to late seventeenth century, although no conclusive philol79  ogical evidence exists to support this. K i m Yonho believes that because the patriarchal clan figures so prominently in Golden Bell, the piece may date from the beginning of the eighteenth century; Pak Iryong places it at the end of the eighteenth century. W. E . Skillend notes that 80  81  actual copies of the early fiction texts "hardly ever go back beyond the middle of the nineteenth century." Y i Ch'anghon generally agrees. On a detailed chronology chart, Y i places most of 82  the earliest copies of kososol around 1840, rarely placing a piece prior to this date, as he does Yongmun chon chon  #;l€?f^  flPlfll  (Tale of Longmen) of c. 1829 and Im Kyongop chon (or Im changgun  [Tale of General Im]) of c. 1780. Y i places the oldest copy of Golden Bell at  1860 (which he believes is British Library Copy B , or what he calls "Copy A " ; I discuss the  78. Sin Kihyong, 54; and Chang T6ksun, "KumnySng chSn," 210. 79. Quoted in Pak Yongsik, Han 'guk kojon munhak chonjip:  Kum pangul chon / Kim Won chon / Nam Yun chon / Tang T'aejong chon / Yi Hwa chon / Ch 'oe rang chon, 10. See also Im Songnae, Yongung sosol yuhyong yon 'gu, i . Golden Bell may have been written in the early eighteenth century, according to K i m Yonho—see his "Yongung sos6l ui yuhydng kwa pySnmo e kwanhan ydn'gu," 245. Cho Tongil notes that Golden BelVs oviparous elements predate Hong Kiltong chon (sixteenth century), but the fact that the protagonist possesses supernatural powers suggests that it may be contemporary with Hong Kiltong. However, its portrayal of the dichotomy between heaven and earth place it later than Hong Kiltong (quoted in Pak Yongsik, Han 'guk, 9-10). Cho Tongil also asserts that Golden Bell is faithful to the legacy left by the Tale of Hong Kiltong (quoted in Cho  Huiung, ed., Kojon sosol chakp 'um yon 'gu ch 'ongnam, 59), yet recent scholarship contests both the authorship and the dating of Hong Kiltong. See Robert J. Fouser, '"Translations' of Hong Kildong: From Story to Classic to Icon and Beyond," 25^41. 80. Kim Y6nho, 245. 81. Pak Iryong, "YSngung sosSl ui yuhyong pyoni wa kfl sosolsajdk uiui," 137. 82. Skillend, Kodae Sosol ^f^^M: A Survey of Korean Traditional Style Popular Novels, 13.  Olsen 27  disagreement more fully below), but conjectures that this is a copy of an earlier piece. Al83  though it is difficult to date the original Golden Bell, philologists and historical linguists could possibly undertake comparative studies to discover which one is the older copy. Because of the many different versions of Golden Bell that exist—regardless of which is oldest—this story must have enjoyed wide readership just like other similar stories of filiality from China and Korea.  84  Ch'oe Unsik has examined philologically the earliest versions of Golden Bell. Specifically, Ch'oe Unsik looked at palatalization, use of archaisms, initial consonant dropping (the older form oiydja °i^f [woman] being nyoja M*f), auxiliary particles, consonantal assimilation and differentiation, and monophthongization. An example would be the changes 85  that took place in the word son (adul °f H ) with a direct object particle (rullul ilA§-):  otul lol —> otul lul —* atul ul  Thefirstchange is the drop in the use of the arae a (a vowel no longer used in modern Korean), and the second is the modern use of the object particle. The examples above are taken from three different panggakpon versions: a 28-leaf one, a 20-leaf one, and a 16-leaf one. Through this example and many others, Ch'oe Unsik has found that the 28-leaf versions are the oldest, followed by the abridged 20-leaf one and the 16-leaf ones. 86  83. Y i Ch'anghon, Kyongp'anpanggaksosdlp'anbonyon'gu, 552-67. 84. Pak Yongsik, "Kumnydng chon y6n'gu: Kkum kwa pyonsin ui sinhwajSk p6mju," 2. 85. Ch'oe Unsik, 282-3. 86. The 20-leaf Seoul edition actually has an imprint "Songdong Sin'gan" Tt^^ifiJ—Songdong is present-day MySngnyundong BJHinlBl (Ch'oe Unsik, 127-8), near the former residence of Song SiySl 5K:Kf^!l (1607-89), prominent in the Soin A (Westerner) political faction. The 20-leaf version is reprinted in Ch6ng and Y i , "Yosong," 75-110.  Olsen 28  Each of the editions are in han 'gul and datefromthe period 1847 to 1862. Two older handwritten copies survive, as well as a dozen or so modern reprints (beginning in 1916). The oldest extant version is the 28-leaf British Library woodblock print "Copy A," as 88  opposed to "Copy B," which is identical to the 28-leaf National Library of Korea (Kungnip Chungang Tosogwan MiL^^kMHit)  version.  89  Ch'oe Unsik lists differences between Copy A and the National Library version (identical to Copy B), finding twenty-two orthographical and lexical instances that suggest it is an earlier copy than B and only nine cases in B that hint otherwise (273-5). For example, Ch'oe uses the example  H  W ^ - (ililhun,  90  "one day"; the "ditto" [ori munja -£-2]^-*}] in-  dicates a repeated character in the original xylographic text and the virgule represents a line break)fromCopy A as being a predecessor to ^ / " 91  (ililuri) in Copy B; Yi Ch'anghon uses  the same example in his claim that Copy B (his "A") is the earlier text. Yi claims that the 92  engraver saw the original H / " -tr and, because of its placement at the bottom of the line, mistook the " for a "5" (h). Ch'oe calls ililhun a more archaic form. Both arguments largely leave out any detailed historical linguistic analysis. I am more persuaded by Ch'oe's stance, since H H *1 (ililhi) with a "5" is an earlier form for H H °] (///7/); the ~& appears to have 93  dropped out of the word. Copy B is definitely more legible, which may be one reason that a 87. Ch'oe Unsik, 127. 88. Skillend notes that the British Library was once called the "British Museum Library" ("Puritas Submersa Resurgit," 126), which is why it is stilled called 'TaeySng Pangmulgwan" fz^WWdM (British M u seum) in Korean scholarship. 89. A l l are kyongp 'anbon, editions published in Seoul. Reprinted in Pak Yongsik, Han 'guk, 14-85. Pak Yongsik includes a modern Korean translation of Copy B . It is unclear which kyongp 'an version Y i Sangt'aek uses in his abridged version in modern Korean, "Kum pangul ch6n (Kumnydng chon)," in Kojdn sosol, 154-77. A Russian translation, Zolotoy bubenchik 3 O J I O T O H B y 6 e H H H K , by A . A . Kholodovich appeared in 1960, as cited in Trotsevich, Koreiskaia srednevekovaia povest ',251. 90. Examples from early modern Korean are in Yale romanization. 91. Page lb, line 12; see Appendix II. 92. Y i Ch'anghon, 40-1. 93. See Nam Kwangu, Kyohak kod sajon; and Y u Ch'angdon, Yi Chod sajon.  Olsen 29  complete transcription of Copy A has not yet appeared in print. The other 28-leaf copy is owned by the National Museum of Asiatic Arts (Musee national des Arts asiatiques) in Paris. The rare 22-leaf and 20-leaf versions can be found in the Aston Collection at the St. Petersburg Branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies (Sankt-Peterburgskiy filial Instituta vostokovedeniya CaHKT-TIeTep6yprcKHH (hnjiHaji HHCTHTyra BOCTOKOBeztemiH) and in the  possession of Kim Tonguk, respectively. The 16-leaf versions can be found at the National Library of Korea, the Academy of Korean Studies (Han'guk Chongsin Munhwa Yon'guwon  ft HS^if ~XiYM%^, which has two copies), Seoul National University (Soul Taehakkyo A  i -zr±^$t),  and Ewha Womans University (Ihwa Yoja Taehakkyo ^ T B ^ r ^ A P K ) . Also,  one was in the possession of the late Professor Ha Tongho, whose collection of rare books has since been divided. One each of the two manuscript (handwritten) copies exist at the Oriental Library (Toyd Bunko ]&W3CM) in Japan and the Korea University Library (Koryo Tae94  hakkyo Tosogwan MWJZ^&M  HII). The only copies reprinted in Kim Tonguk et al. are 95  the two 28-leaf British Library copies (4:35-62), Kim Tonguk's 20-leaf copy (1:283-92), and the 16-leaf copy owned by Professor Ha Tongho (4:63-70). During the period of Japanese rule, at least seven modern-type editions appeared. By 1930, over 250 different adaptations or faithful reproductions of earlyfictionalnarratives appeared. During this time many of the original titles were changed to thematic titles. The first kososol to appear in modern typeset were Yi Haejo's 1912 adaptations of Ch 'unhyang chon, what he called Okchunghwa W^pVc (Flower in the Prison), and Sim Ch'ong chon ¥kM\M  94. This was transcribed in musullyon  Year of the Dog, 1898 (Ch'oe Unsik, 270; Skillend,  Kodae, 42). 95 .Ch'oe Unsik shows that the Korea University handwritten copy is actually a transcription of the 1917 modern-type Sech'ang edition (284-91).  Olsen 30  (Tale of Sim Ch'ong), which was named Kangsangnyon £ C _ h ^ (Lotus on a River). 96  97  Golden Bell also appeared under the title Nunggydn nansa tb JILII© (One Can Hardly Believe One's Eyes) in 1917, one of the many kososol marketed under new names invented by the 98  publisher during the period. In recent years the tale has been anthologized several times. Golden Bell and  many  other  fictional  narratives  can  now  be  viewed  online  (www. seelotus.com).  96. 97. 98. 99.  99  Skillend translates Sim Ch'ong as Shen Qing ("Korean Literature," 371). Ch'oe Unsik, 136. Skillend's translation {Kodae, 58). See "Tale of Golden Bell Transcriptions Listed by Editor/Translator" near the bibliography.  Olsen 31  Review of Golden Bell Studies  Although not as extensively studied as other kososol (such as Hong Kiltong chon or Sim Ch 'ong chon), Golden Bell has been the topic of a number of studies over the years.  Nineteenth Century In his Bibliographic coreenne, Maurice Courant (1894) includes an entry on Golden 100  Bell (Kum pangul chyon  which he romanizes as "Keum pang-oul tjyen" and trans-  lates, "Histoire de la sonnette d'or" (Story of the golden bell). He summarizes briefly the beginning portion of the talefroma 28-leaf copy: At the end of the dynasty of the Yuan, TG, an official named Tjang Ouen [Zhang Yuan] conceals himself along with his wife in the mountains to escapefromthe confusion of the war. (418) Courant continues to relate the story. Here, I have placed my corrections to his summary in angle brackets: One day, in a dream {the event took place after a dream}, [Zhang Yuan] sees a child prodigy descend from heaven, and introduces himself as the son of a dragon {the Dragon King of the East Sea}; as he was going about with the daughter of another dragon {Dragon King of the South Sea}, he encountered evil spirits {a monster} that were going to kill his companion {she is killed}; he begs the Zhang woman to let him inside her—he asks her to hide him. The 100. Courant, Bibliographie coreenne, 418-9.  Olsen 32  woman opens her mouth and the child prodigy turns into red air and enters her body. Nine months later, she gives birth to a child she names "Hai ryong," MM [Hailong] (dragon of the sea). Meanwhile, the "Mak" [Mo] woman has a husband by the name of "Kim Sang nang" [Jin Sanlang] who lives a life of vagrancy. He abandons the woman because she is very ugly; the Mak woman sees, in a dream, a girl prodigy descendfromheaven and say: "I shall become your daughter" {Mo is presented the daughter by five ancients}. The Mak woman is very embarrassed to see her stomach grow big because her husband is not there; she gives birth to a golden pumpkin {a golden bell}, that moves as though alive; the Mak woman throws it into the fire and it comes out five days later with greater lustre than before. At about sixteen years of age, the pumpkin {bell} gains great power; she ... can control the elements {it has this power at birth}, and she befriends Hai ryong. The two attack the enemy and they flee. The girl prodigy takes off her pumpkin covering {transformsfroma bell into a woman} and with Hai ryong ascends to heaven {they marry on earth}. The pumpkin, he incorrectly states, is compared to a bell—hence, the title of the narrative. Although Courant apparently mixes some events in Golden Bell with Kim Won chon (which involves a shiny melon), it is quite remarkable that a nineteenth-century reference to Golden Bell exists in a European language.  1950s and '60s Kim Kidong includes Golden Bell in his preliminary work, Han'guk kodae sosdl  kaeron (1956), but I discuss his research below, based on a later edition of his workfrom1975.  Olsen 33  Sin Kihyong (I960) traces the origin of Golden Bell's birth as a bell to nansaeng 101  sorhwa  ^P^iftiS,  what I like to call "oviparous tales," where heroes are hatched from eggs  (see "Heroism in Golden BelV below). He includes a summary of Golden Bell and suggests Chinese characters for many of the place names and characters. The story has similarities with the Ming dynasty roman-fleuve by Wu Cheng'en, Xiyou ji, and a Taoist play of Northern China from the Yuan dynasty, Zhang sheng zhu hai. In Zhang sheng zhu hai, two immortals are banished to earth, one as a Confucian scholar and the other as the daughter of the Dragon King of the East Sea. They meet up again, marry, and are allowed back into the immortal realm. In Golden Bell, Golden Bell and Hailong start out as daughter and son of different dragon kings, are born into mortality and later marry. Sin also states that various episodes in Golden Bell are much like those found in other kososol. Bian's abusing Hailong is reminiscent of the novercal mistreatment K'ongjwi reM (Tale of K'ongjwi and P'atchwi). Golden Bell  ceives in K'ongjwi P'atchwi chon  and Hailong's saving Princess Jinxian and her ladies-in-waitingfroma monster is much like Hong Kiltong's saving two men's daughtersfroma similar predicament. In addition, Sin classifies Golden Bell as a chigoe sosol, a mystical or spooky story, which seems to echo Tang dynasty stories about animals—Ren hu zhuan AlfcW about a tiger, "Bai yuan zhuan" about a monkey, and "Qian shi zhuan" f f  ftfH  and "Lie hu zhuan"  about foxes—which he  guesses may have influenced the creation of Golden Bell. Sin includes a helpful chart of fictional narratives written in the Choson period, detailing five items: (1) authorship (for example, Pak ChiwSn ^hfei:^ [1737-1805], Kim Manjung, anonymous, etc.); (2) reign period of publication, if known; (3) script used (hanmun or 101. SinKihySng, 54.  Olsen 34  kungmun or both); (4) background of the story (China or Korea—or India, as is the case with Kum songaji chon ^."o- }^] {$ [Tale of the Golden Calf] and Allakkuk chon ^^MM [Tale 0  of Sukhavati], or the human body, as in Ch 'on 'gun pon 'gi ^ H ^ ^ B [History of the Mind] by Chong Kihwa f$B§[1786-1827]); and (5) genre (chdn'gi, kundam Jp-!£ [war story], etc.). In a catalogue of the Korean collection at the Institute of the People of Asia, O. P. Petrova (1963) lists a 22-leaf woodblock print of Golden Bell, part of the Aston Collection in St. Petersburg.  102  Number 41 in his survey of kososol, W. E. Skillend (1968) finds "The Story of the Golden Bell," as he calls it, "extremely difficult to follow in detail"; but briefly mentions the bell being "born of a woman" and ending "as a woman itself." He lists the locations of the 103  block prints.  1970s  Taking a mythological approach, Kim Yolgyu (1971) borrows Joseph Campbell's notion of a monomyth (what Kim calls tanwon sinhwa Il7n#lrj)  104  to describe Golden Bell:  A hero ventures forthfromthe world of common day into a region of supernatural wonder; fabulous forces are there encountered and a decisive victory is won; the hero comes backfromthis mysterious adventure with the power to bestow boons on his fellow man.  105  Kim finds traces of this myth in the structure of Golden Bell, Kim Won chon, and Hong Kiltong chon. He further compares Golden Bell and Kim Won (which he believes to share the same 102. 103. 104. 105.  Skillend, Kodae, 58. Ibid, 58-9. K i m YSlgyu, Han'gukminsokkwa munhakydn'gu, 14. Campbell, The Hero with a Thousand Faces, 30.  Olsen 35  structure) to the folk tale Chihaguk taejdk check'i sorhwa ifeTSA^i^?niSIrj (Story of Vanquishing the Great Demon of the Underworld—it is also called Chihaguk taejdk t 'oech 'i sorhwa ttTHA^Cjfi^niSlrj), some parts of which may have influenced the structure and content of Golden Bell (88). To quotefromYun Kyongsu (1999), the story is as follows. (1) 106  Long ago, a famished demon (agwi Wife) of the underworld appears on earth and steals away the king's three princesses. (2) A knight declares that he will save the princesses and heads out with some of the king's men. (3) A mountain god (sansin \hffl) appears and shows them the entrance to the underworld. (4) The knight leaves the men behind on earth, climbs into a basket, and comes to the underworld. (5) One of the three princesses comes out to fetch some water and meets the knight. The knight turns into a watermelon and enters the demon's house. (6) The three princesses entice the demon with strong drink. Once it is asleep, the knight removes two needles, which are the source of its strength,fromthe demon's side and chops its head off. (7) The knight sends the princesses to earth, but the king's men do not help the knight out and run off with the princesses to the palace. (8) The knight, his body stuck in the underworld, receives helpfromthe mountain god and returns to earth. He marries the third princess. Kim Yolgyu sees the same structure in Golden Bell. A nine-headed monster steals away Princess Jinxian and her ladies-in-waiting—corresponding to (1) above—and Hailong travels tofindthe monster that has swallowed Golden Bell (2), although Hailong is unaware of the Princess. The ladies-in-waiting (3) direct him to the monster's lair. He enters the monster's home (5), albeit without any transformation, and Golden Bell has incapacitated the monster long enough for Hailong to kill it with a sword (6). The Emperor makes him his royal son-in-law by marrying him to the princess (8). Kim makes no mention of the differences  106. Yun, Tohae: Han 'guk kososol iii tonggul mot 'ip 'iiyon 'gu—Tan 'gun sinhwa ui suyong ul chu uro, 415.  Olsen 36  between the two stories, as in (4) and (7), but rather goes on to give a detailed analysis of the many similarities between the Kim Won chon and the Chihaguk taejdk chech'i sorhwa.  107  Kim Kidong (1975) notes that both kyongp 'an and wanp 'an editions of Golden Bell 108  exist and gives a summary of its plot. He finds this one the most exciting of the chuanqi narratives and, though complex, comparatively well composed. He concludes, however, that there is nothing to the story other than an exciting storyline and the plot itself has been copied from Kim Won chon.  A. F. Trotsevich (1975) has uncovered a basic formula in the medieval Korean narrative: a main character lacks something essential. For example, he or she might lack conformity between inner and outer qualities. They might be virtuous but have a physical deformity or low-born status. Then he or she would undergo a process to bring these qualities into balance. Trotsevich's theory rings true for Mo. The goodness of Mo's inner qualities of loyalty and filial piety are not manifest in her outward appearance. Her husband rejects her for her ugly face and not until after his death recognizes her virtues, apologizes, and sleeps with her in spirit. Trotsevich continues, noting that characters may lack a stable or unified family situation, such as the hardships K'ongjwi and P'atchwi endure under their stepmother and the struggles Hailong and his parents undergofrombeing separated during war. Furthermore, Hailong, 109  the son of a Dragon King, is born into the mortal world, and can no longer exercise his magical powers. He is abandoned by Zhang and his wife, picked up by a bandit, and abused by the bandit's wife. He nonetheless receives helpfromGolden Bell to complete chores, to avoid traps, and to kill a monster. His marrying the emperor's daughter, Princess Jinxian, and, I might add, Golden Bell (his original premortal wife) brings him back to his preordained 107. Kim YSlgyu, 88-91. 108. Kim Kidong, Yi Cho sidae sosollon, 106-8.  109. Trotsevich, Koreiskaia, 35.  Olsen 37  place. The hero's quest (Trotsevich refers to Hailong as the hero) in this world prepares him 110  or her for the next.  111  In the twenty-one narratives Trotsevich examines, she lists eleven common features, three of which Golden Bell shares: (1) departure of herofromhome (Hailong leaves home), as in Chang P'ungun chon jjHHIHfJ (Tale of Zhang Fengyun), Cho Ung chon MMM (Tale of  Zhao Xiong), Ch 'oe Koun chon (or Ch 'oe Ch 'ung chon -IS J&fil), Chok Songui chon ffc%B.W (Tale of Chi Shengyi)," Chong Sujong chon, Hong Kiltong chon, Paekhakson chon, So 2  Taesong chon  HAjSfH (Tale of Su Dacheng),  Sol In'gwi chon Mt^MM  (Tale of Xue  Rengui), Sukhyang chon, Yang P'ung chon l^llfll (Tale of Liang Feng), Yongmun chon, and Yu Ch'ungnyol chon M&$l\M (Tale of Liu Zhonglie); (2) exchange of mementos (Golden Bell gives scrolls to Zhang and his wife and later Hailong), as in Chang P'ungun chon,  Ch 'unhyang chon, Paekhakson chon, Sol In 'gwi chon, Sugyong nangja chon, Sukhyang c  and Yongmun chon; and (3) recognition of person on account of the presentation of memorial objects (Master Zhang and Hailong compare their identical scrolls), as in Chang P 'ungun chon,  Ch 'unhyang chon, Paekhakson chon, Sol In 'gwi chon, Sukhyang chon, and Yongmun chon  Trotsevich sees folklore motifs in Golden Bell, such as the motif of abduction and salvation. She discusses an example from the Silla period in Samguk yusa HHHjfilji: (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), in which Lady Suro is abducted by a dragon of the sea during a luncheon with her prince. With the help of the local citizens, the prince is able to retrieve her. In Golden Bell, the emperor's daughter, Princess Jinxian, is abducted by a 114  110. Ibid, 76-8. 111. Ibid., 85-88. 112. Chinese characters vary from copy to copy.  113. Trotsevich, Koreiskaia, 91-2. 114. Ibid., 112.  Olsen 38  monster, and Hailong—with the help of the Jinxian's ladies-in-waiting, Golden Bell, and the princess herself—kills the monster and returns the princess to the emperor. As Trotsevich says, "In the story Hailong is merely present; he does not do anything."  115  She includes a brief lexical analysis of Golden Bell (156-7) and discusses the shared symbols in the text (180-91), such as the "Kyok yang ka" WMW (Ji rang ge; Ground-thumping Song), which is also mentioned in Ch 'unhyang chon, Hong Kiltong chon, 116  Pak ssi puin chon, and Sukhyang chon. Trotsevich also analyzes the conceptualization of time in the story (206-210). Song Kisol (1976), like others before him, compares Golden Bell and Kim Won to the Chihaguk taejdk chech'i sorhwa and believes that Golden Bell's narrative is a "restructured  Korean thing" and a fusion of adapted folk tales. He lists twelve different motifs or themes from folk tales. Song states that most Choson-period fiction features (1) dreams, which 117  118  may account for the unusually high number of dreams—seven—that appear in Golden Bell; dreams mark the major structure of the narrative. (2) References to Taoism abound: the five ancients appear to Mo and bestow Golden Bell with supernatural abilities and the young lad (Hailong) turns to red ether and enters Zhang's wife's mouth. Folk motifs are (3) the filial daughter-in-law (Mo), as in a story about a daughter-in-law who risks her life to procure a cucumber in the dead of winter (as recorded by Yi of Chonui  ^ft), and (4) sexual in-  115. Ibid, 118. 116. The song may have pre-Han HI dynasty (206 BC-AD 220) origins. According to Burton Watson, the song is "reputed to be ... of very early times sung by peasant elders as they beat on the ground to keep time." Watson has translated the song as, "When the sun comes up we work, / when the sun goes down we rest. / We dig a well to drink, / plow the fields to eat— / the Emperor and his might—what are they to us!" (The Columbia Book of Chinese Poetry: From Early Times to the Thirteenth Century, 70). 117. Song Kisdl, 70, 95-115. 118. S6ng Kisol fails to name any specific folk tale featuring a dream, but I have found "Munhui maemong sorhwa" TTS) Hl^lSfS (Munhui Buys a Dream), a story set in the Silla period. Pohui dreams that she climbs S6ak (present-day Mount Kyeryong HH 111) and urinates. She relates the dream to her younger sister Munhui who buys the dream with a silk skirt. Y i Wan'gun and Y i Hakchun, eds., "Munhui maemong s6rhwa," Sorhwa, http://www.seelotus.com/frame_g.htm.  Olsen 39  tercourse with a non-human (Mo and her deceased husband Jin Sanlang), as in the Tan'gun ttlff  myth in which a man and a bear-turned-woman have intercourse. Other folkloric ele-  ments in Golden Bell have (5) similarities to oviparous tales, as mentioned above, and (6) an esurient character or cormorant (yoksim kkurogi ^ ' L ^ s ] 7]) like Mu Sun, a man who kidnaps Golden Bell. Mu Sun is much like the greedy old hag who steals the fisherman's jewel in the "Dog and Cat Regain a Lost Jewel" (Kyon myo ui poju t'arhwan  Jf $c#jil).  1 1 9  Golden Bell's bringing Zhang's wife back is reminiscent of (7) gratitude (poun $&JrS), or repaying someone's kindness, in stories where the gods reward a filial child. Also, episodes in Golden Bell featuring (8) monsters, (9) a stepmother, (10) the overcoming of a trial, (11) 120  121  exuviation,  and (12) "miscellaneous items" such as a birthmark, and a battle, may have  earlier roots as attested to by the following folklore with numbers corresponding to the items above: (9) wicked stepmother stories, (10) Chihaguk taejdk chech'i sorhwa, and (12) birthmarks, which might have significance in folk beliefs, and battles, which may have precedents in military fiction. 1980s Kim Sunjin (1980)  uses the structure of the Chihaguk taejdk chech'i sorhwa to  compare the structure in Golden Bell, Hong Kiltong, and Kim Won. Kim also compares how  119. In this story, an elderly man catches a carp and sees tears in its eyes. He feels sorry for it and throws it back into the sea. The following day, the man returns to the shore and a young man appears, introducing himself as the son of the Dragon King. The elderly man is rewarded with a precious jewel, and he and his wife become wealthy. A greedy old hag in a neighbouring village steals the jewel and the elderly couple's dog and cat retrieve it (and later fight over it). Ibid., "Kae wa koyangi ui kusul tat'um." 120. Again S6ng Kisol provides no specific example from a folk tale. 121. For example, Golden Bell sheds her shell. S6ng KisSl only uses the Tale ofLady Pak, rather than a folk tale, as a comparison. 122. Kim Sunjin. "Chihaguk taejdk chech 'i sorhwa wa Y i Cho chon'gi sosol ui kujo taebi punsSk."  Olsen 40  the characters Hailong, Hong Kiltong, and Jin Yuan defeat the enemy and concludes that Golden Bell is merely a helper and not a main character in the biographical narratives. Ch'oe Tusik (1982) notes that Golden Bell follows a basic structure found in heroic 123  fiction, but there is a major gender reversal—the womanly Golden Bell performs all the heroic deeds for the manly Hailong. Because of the Confucian ideal of namjon yobi %  (men  are superior, women inferior), Golden Bell appears in a non-human form to assist her husband Hailong (the two were married in their premortal life). Sin Tongik (1982) takes a comparative literature approach to Golden Bell and Kim Won. Using Stith Thompson's 1946 "dragon slayer" model, Sin notes that Golden Bell matches many of the basic elements of dragon tales: a man saves a princess from a dragon/monster, the dragon usually has about seven heads (Golden Bell's monster has nine), and the slayer and the princess eventually marry. Sin further shows similarities to a Mongolian tale, in which 124  125  the protagonist slays a monster with one hundred heads. It also resembles the Bu Jiang Zong bai yuan zhuanfromthe Tang dynasty and Chen xunjian meiling shi qiji from the Yuan dynasty as well as Shenyangdongji (98-110). In Bu Jiang Zong bai yuan zhuan, a monster steals a man's wife (so there is no marriage to a princess in the end), and she conceives a simian child (similar to "Bai yuan zhuan"). Both Chen xunjian meiling shi qiji and Shenyangdongji have obvious parallelism: women (wife in Chen xunjian meiling shi qi ji and single women in Shenyangdong ji) are snatched away by monsters and are saved in the end (the hero of Shenyangdongji marries three beautiful women). Though the Chinese stories may have influenced  123. Ch'oe Tusik, "Kumnyong ch6n yon'gu—kujojSk punsok ul chungsim uio." 124. Sin Tongik, "Haeje," 94-5. 125. Sin Tongik romanizes this as "Buruldai Bogdo," but I have not yet been able to locate a reference to this.  Olsen 41  directly or indirectly the contents of Golden Bell, there is no exact match for it. In other words, it is not a copy of a Chinese work, but an intertextual reworking of various folk tales and works offictionfromboth Korea and China. Sin also compares Golden Bell to Ch 'oe Koun chon, Ch 'oe munhon chon'W^MM-  (Tale of Ch'oe's Documents), and Hong Kiltong chon. Once  again the comparison of Golden Bell to the Chihaguk taejdk chech 'i sorhwa is rehashed, and  Sinfindsmany connections in all the stories he discusses to Propp's model of a princess captured by a demon, including the introduction to the hero, the monster's capture a princess, the hero's journey tofindthe princess, the hero's killing of the monster, and the hero's marriage to the princess or the recovering of his wife (135). Cho Tongil (1983) writes that some heroes infictionalnarratives are based on historicalfiguresor events, such as Hong Kiltong chon, Im Kyongop chon, Imjin rok 3rMI^ 126  (Record of the Black Dragon Year), and Pak ssipuin chon; and others, especially those set in China have no basis in fact, such as Chang P 'ungun chon, Cho Ung chon, and Yu Ch 'ungnyol chon. He traces the origin of the heroicfictionalnarratives with a female protagonist to "Pari kongju"tf}-5J|£ - Z E (Princess Pari), who visits the otherworld to obtain medicinal water to save her ailing father. Cho Tongil believes that ancient myths like this influenced Golden Bell. He notes that at the end of the story, Golden Bell, although a magical being during most of the tale, meets an end befitting such a story—she is allowed to live a peaceful life because she is a woman. Pak Iryong (1983) explores structural changes in heroic fictional narratives and also discusses the narrativization of the Chihaguk taejdk chech 'i sorhwa in Golden Bell.  126. The story may be based on an actual person who led a peasant uprising (as noted in the Choson [Annals of the Chosdn Dynasty]) and may have been derived from oral folktales surrounding the man. See Fouser, 28-9.  wangjo sillok MMUMMM  Olsen 42  So Chaeyong (1987) compares the cave motif in various tales, suggesting that the 127  cave serves as a space for the reuniting of the protagonist and the captured, just as Hailong meets up with Golden Bell in the monster's lair. Emergingfroma cave, where heroes prove their character by overcoming a perilous situation, can signify a rite of passage into the realm of heroes.  1990s Im Songnae (1990) classifies Korean heroicfictioninto four types: (1) ch 'eje kaehydk hydng HtM^t^-M (social reformation type), (2) aejdng sdngch'wi hydng f^1rf story type), (3) nungnydk ponwi hydng A{#TP  H:0  (trial type), and (4) illyun suho hydng  (safeguarding morality type).  gory—along with Chang Kydng chon  (love  128  Im places Golden Bell in the third cate(Tale of Zhang Jing), Chang P'ungun chon,  Hydn Sumun chon 3£.W3cM (Tale of Xuan Shouwen), So Taesdng chon, and Ssangju Jtiydn  H ^ n f H£ (Remarkable Alliance of the Matching Jewels)—in which the hero Of the story goes through trials to prove his or her skills. The narrative usually details the hero's birth, suffering (usuallyfrompoverty or abandonment), rescue, marriage, further hardships, learning, advancement in life, and reunion (with loved ones) as well as prosperity and ultimate death. Im notes that in Golden Bell the marriage, learning, reunion, and death steps are skipped but fails to mention they all (except death) do occur at different times in the story, just not in the order he delineates. A commonality Im fails to mention is that all six stories are set in China.  127. So Chaeyong, "Kojon sos6l ui tonggul mot'ip'u—Chihaguk taej6k t'oech'i sorhwa rul chungsim Oro." 128. Im S6ngnae, 38. M y English translations of the types differ from those Im provides in an English abstract, 168-70.  Olsen 43  Referring to Golden Bell's transformation into a bell and into a woman, Pak Yongsik (1990) seeks to explain "transformation": "People can never escape their shadows, which means that while people are themselves they simultaneously exist beyond themselves, that while people possess their own selves, they are also living an imaginary existence outside of themselves." He therefore sees transformation not as strange fantasy, but as a means to 129  break through stifling situations. In early Koreanfiction,dreams and transformation are manifestations of that unconscious desire. Like other heroicfiction,Golden Bell is divided into twos: heaven and earth, justice and injustice, and trial and triumph. Both protagonists, Hailong and Golden Bell, have their trials. Hailong, born into mortality as nobility, is weakened—he is abandoned and abused and must rely on Golden Bell for help. Golden Bell, a noble woman herself, is born into humble circumstances as a non-human and her mother tries to destroy her. But, unlike Hailong, she has been endowed with great powerfromthe ancients (450-1). Pak writes that dreams are the kernel of the story and perform various functions in the narrative: they prophesy, identify, and warn. Pak then compares Golden Bell to Chihaguk taejdk chech 7 sorhwa (452). Kwon T'aengmu (1992) begins his and Ch'oe Okhui's study with a quotefromthe Great Comrade (Kim Ilsong), "Cultural arts reflect a time's societal order as well as people's political life, economic life, and customs." The main function of the tale, Kwon argues in his 130  introduction, is to "extol virtue and reprove vice" (5). He states that the stories he and Ch'oe include in their anthology, Golden Bell, Changkki chon ^^MM- (Tale of a Cock Pheasant), T'okki chon £ . 7 ] fH (Tale of a Rabbit), and Tukkop chon, "cannot escape the limitations of  129. Pak Yongsik, "KumnySng chSn," in Han 'guk kojon sosol chakp 'umnon, 449.  130. Kwon, introduction to T'okki chon, 1.  Olsen 44  medieval literature" (12) because they do not clearly reveal the class system and they endorse feudalist polygyny. Pak Yongsik (1993) calls for more comparative studies between Korean and Chinese literature since Golden Bell falls into the chuanqi category. He gives a review of the studies 131  done on Golden Bell since 1955 and identifies seven main topics of research: (1) narrative 132  (Kim Yolgyu, Pak Iryong, Sin Tongik, So Chaeyong, and Song Kisol), (2) Golden Bell's heroism (Cho Tongil), (3) functions of the bell (Song Kisol), (4) meaning of women's transformation (Kim Miran), (5) the work's structure and meaning (Ch'oe Tusik, Ch'oe Unsik, 133  134  Kim Sunjin), (6) comparison to Chinese chuanqi (Sin Tongik), and (7) comprehensive studies (Pak Yongsik [1990]). Of all the studies Pak concludes that only Kim Miran and Ch'oe Unsik takefreshnew approaches. Pak fails to include Trotsevich's study on Golden Bell. Kim Miran (1995) is the first scholar to take an in-depth gender studies approach to Golden Bell. She cites sources postulating that prehistoric humans worshipped the Great i3S  Mother (r 'aemo JzW), a being who rules the earth and its cycle of life and death as well as its productive power. Prehistoric people did not distinguish between themselves, others, and the earth. As totemic society developed, people chose animals, to which they where magically connected, to represent their group or tribe. This might explain why literature, such as the  13.1. Pak Yongsik, "Ktimnyong chdn," in Kojon sosol yon 'gu, 759.  132. Pak Yongsik cites five books that make brief mention of Golden Bell and include no in-depth study: K i m Sayop, Kaego kungmunhaksa (1955); Pak Songui, Han 'guk kodae sosolsa (1958); Y i Chaesu, Han 'guksosol yon 'gu (1969); K i m Kidong, Yi Cho sidae sosollon (the 1975 version of which I cite above); and Chang TSksun and Ch'oe ChinwSn, eds., Hong Kiltong chon, Imjin rok, Sinmi rok, Pak ssipuin chon, Im Kyongop chon (1978 133.1 discuss Kim Miran's study from a 1995 version below. 134.1 discuss Ch'oe Unsik's study from a 2001 version below. 135. Kim Miran, "Koj6n sos61 e nat'anan yfisSng pySnsin ui uimi: y6s6ng ui yasSng kwa kwallySnhayS," 271-97. See also Kang, "Warrior/Worshipper/Wanderer: Maternal Images in Contemporary Korean Women Writer's Works," 65-70.  Olsen 45  Tan'gun myth or the folk tale "You nui" °} -r-^f °) (Fox Sister), shows animals turning into 136  humans or being born from eggs. Kim sets up this background to discuss female transformation in Choson fictional narratives, such as Golden Bell, Hyongsan paek Ok M ill F3 5 (White Jade of Verbena Mountain), No ch 'onyo ka ^MizW  (Song of the Old Maid), and Pak ssi puin  chon. She examines five issues: (1) why female characters in these stories are born as a bell or with a hideous appearance before their transformation, (2) how others in the stories react to their appearance, (3) what the transformation process is, (4) how the transformed appearance is received by others, and (5) for what purpose the women's supernatural power is used (283—4). Kim attempts tofindreferences to the "Great Mother" in nearly every episode of Golden Bell, which seems futile since she does not provide enough evidence to show that such a prehistorical concept ever existed. Pak Yongsik (1998) combines his two previous studies (1990, 1993) into one.  137  Yun Kyongsu has a paper published on Golden Bell in 1998, but I discuss his re138  search below, based on an expanded 1999 edition of his work. Ch'oe Kisuk (1999) sees Golden Bell and Kim Won as initiation stories. Golden Bell 139  and Jin Yuan both undergo transformation, which signifies their ceremonial transition from one realm to the next. Through this transformation, they gain greater capacity to understand the world and their own identities. Golden Bell endures her mother Mo's initial rejection and abuse; the only way for her to gain recognitionfromher mother is to use her powers to perform 136. This tale depicts a couple who already have three sons and ask for a daughter. As punishment, they are sent a girl who is really a fox (there are many fox women in Chinese tales). One night her oldest brother hides himself to see why the horses are disappearing and sees his sister enter the stable, stick her hand up a horse's rump, fish out its entrails, and eat them. She eventually eats every horse and every member of the family except the oldest brother. He is finally able to kill her and in her place is a swarm of mosquitoes (mosquitoes' proboscides are shaped similarly to foxes' snouts). Ibid., 279-83. 137. Pak Yongsik, "Kumnyong chon y6n'gu," 1-15. 138. Yun, "Kumpangul chon e nat'anan yongsin kwannySm kwa sinhwaj6k koch'al," 267-91. 139. Ch'oe Kisuk, 153-88.  Olsen 46  filial acts. Once she has proven herself domestically, she later learns to use her powers to protect herselffromthe thief Mu Sun and other people of that society. Once she is well equipped with experience, she goes forth to aid Hailong (161-73). Also, there is a period of Confucianization in characters where they learn to abide by principles offilialityand loyalty (183-8). Golden Bell not only showsfilialityto her mother, but loyalty to the state by saving the empirefromattack. Im Suhyon (1999) studies the "informational units" in Golden Bell to analyze the effects implied elements in the text have on the cognitive process of the reader. Words like 140  ch'asi  ifcfcBvf  (now) and hwasol ISIS (once upon a time)—what Im calls adverbs, but the dic-  tionary classifies as nouns—mark a shift in time, character, and space. A collection of summaries and critical essays on Choson fictional narratives edited by the Kojon Munhaksil (Classical Literature Office, 1999) of the Choson Munhak Ch'angjaksa (Choson [North Korean] Literature and Writing Company) is, like Kwon T'aengmu and Ch'oe Okhtii's work above,fromNorth Korea. The Munhaksil writes, Golden Bell "extols virtue 141  and reproves vice" and teaches adherence to feminine integrity by the necessary division between women and men; an example they give is of Golden Bell turningfieryhot when men try to touch her (113). Golden Bell not only helps in family affairs, but goes forward to "oppose the irrational and degenerate feudalist family system, extortion by influential and conspiring people, tyrannical oppression of the people by the feudalist hegemony, and attack by foreign invaders"; and she does not "sit still thinking about the unfortunate people" but she works toward saving them and promoting social justice (114-5). She and Hailong have a relationship  140. Im SuhySn, "Kososdl ui chdngbo tanwi yon'gu:  Kum pangul chon ul taesang uro," 101-29.  141. Kojon Munhaksil, Choson Munhak Ch'angjaksa, ed. Han'guk kojon sosol haejejip, 106-17.  Olsen 47  based on supporting each other and helping their fellow citizens; the story wastes no time dwelling on their love (115). Yun Kyongsu (1999) maps out the underlying structure as well as the mythical and archetypal elements of Golden Bell using copious diagrams, some more informative than others (some are incorrect). On page 115, Yun mistakes Golden Bell for Hailong, saying 142  that Golden Bell was given a sign to recognize her parents when they abandoned her—this actually happened to Hailong. He also states that Golden Bell was born as a human (405); she is born as a bell. Yun devotes space to the hardships that Hailong faces and how he overcomes them, but although Hailong is hit by the guard in prison and deals with Bian's abuse until Golden Bell appears, the most critical hardships (killing tigers, confronting a monster, gaining victory over invaders) are overcome for him by Golden Bell, which then lead to the haep 'i ending ~$\ $\ ^ (happy ending) he talks of. Yun mentions several times that Golden Bell and Hailong have committed some crime or sin and then are sent to earth as a punishment (412), but there is no evidence in the story to suggest this.  2000s Cho Huiung (2000) includes a bibliographical entry in his Kojon sosol chakp'um yon 'gu ch 'ongnam (Bibliography of Studies on Classical Fiction) and includes quotes on the 143  story's dating (from Cho Tongil, Kim Yonho, and Pak Iryong) and comparative studies (Cho Tongil, Kim Kidong, Kim Sunjin, Kim Yolgyu, Sin Tongik, and Song Kisol).  142. Yun, Tohae, 405-28. 143. Cho Huiung, 59-61.  Olsen 48  Chong Py6ngh6n and Yi Yugyong (2000) write that the struggles Golden Bell un144  dergoes are reflective of the hardships and oppression women faced in Choson society. Golden Bell subtly reflects female superiority but is portrayed as merely helping her man. Chong and Yi state that the golden bell functions the same way as transvestism—in this case, women dressing up as men—that appears in other Choson fictional narratives. This theory has its limitations because Golden Bell is not trying to pass as a man. James Hoyt (2000) makes the first (albeit brief) English-language reference to Golden Bell since 1968. He calls Golden Bell the "shamanic protector" of Hailong.  145  I discuss Yi Ch'anghon's study (2000) in "Versions of Golden Beir above. In his transcription of examplesfromthe 28-leaf British Library Copy A (what he calls "B"), he 146  makes several errors: on page 39 in the paragraph beginning with "Bl," isteni 31 c]M (line 2) should be nisteni  ^i* ^ and hwosang 3L-% should be hwosyang J L ^ (line 11). On page 40,  non cl should be nun TT (B2, lb), ca *\ should be co ^ (B9,4a), and lu S. should be Iwo S. (B10, 4b). Ch'oe Unsik's work (2001) offers a useful comparative study of the many different editions of Golden Bell—both handwritten (p'ilsabori) and locally printed (panggakpori)—from a philological viewpoint to aid in dating the publications. He then takes a look 147  at the work's structure and meaning (305^14). Ch'oe sees a series of cycles throughout the text that operate between the real and imaginary worlds, between suffering and fortune, and in physical or situational transformation. He also discusses the readership of the novel and offers  144. Chong and Y i , "YSsong," 289-314. 145. Hoyt, Soaring Phoenixes and Prancing  erature, 461.  146. Y i Ch'anghon, 38-46. 147. Ch'oe Unsik, 269-304.  Dragons: A Historical Survey of Korean Classical Lit-  Olsen 49  suggestions on why certain elements of the story were deleted or expanded in early twentieth-century editions of Golden Bell.  Summary Very few of the studies conducted thus far ever consider the contemporaneous Choson consumption of Golden Bell, negotiation between genders, or the influence of Chinese literature. A majority of the scholarship focuses on the story's underlying structure, and many scholars go to great lengths trying to make the episodes fit into their diagrams—often of Western (Proppian) origin. Rather than constructing new readings of the text, many scholars have attempted to impose certain models onto the text.  Olsen 50  The Story  Im Suhyon has identified 69 individual events that make up the story line of Golden Bell. * Using his outline as a guide, I provide below a basic plot summary to aid in under14  standing the story. The story, set in China, opens at the end of the Yuan dynasty and takes place in the 149  early Ming dynasty (1368-1644). Zhang Yuan, a retired government official, and his wife 150  have no heir. Zhang and his wife meet a young lad who introduces himself as the third son of the Dragon King of the East Sea. He tells them that he and his wife, the daughter of the Dragon King of the South Sea (who is born as a golden bell later in the story), encountered a monster. They fought back—his wife perished and he escaped. The lad then requests Zhang's wife to let him enter her mouth, promising to repay her posterity. She consents, and he turns into red energy and enters her mouth. She gives birth to a handsome and intelligent boy they name Hailong (sea dragon), in reference to his draconic origins. In the midst of a war, the parents feel compelled to leave their boy by the wayside and promise to fetch him back later. Hailong is discovered and taken home to Zhaoji village by a bandit named Zhang Shen. In the meantime, Mo, a virtuous woman, has cared for her ailing mother-in-law ever since her husband abandoned her. Upon her mother-in-law's death, Mo sees to her burial and builds the ceremonial small hut next to her grave to mourn and watch over it. The spirit of her husband, who has died in a war, returns to apologize for his misconduct and sleeps with her. To 148. Im Suhyon, 106-9. 149. China was a popular setting for Choson fictional narratives. Lee Neung-woo estimates that only ten to twenty percent of them had their setting in Korea ("A New Approach to Women in the Novels of the Y i Dynasty," 9). 150. The late Koryo (918-1392) period.  Olsen 51  reward Mo's unstinting faithfulness andfiliality,the Jade Emperor allows the Dragon Princess (the premortal wife of Hailong) to be born through Mo as a golden bell  151  who rolls about  performing all kinds of magical tasks, such as heating the hut at night and retrieving food (like fruit and birds). Word of Golden Bell's magic spreads. A greedy man named Mu Sun steals Golden Bell, and she causes his house to catchfirein the night. Mu Sun reports to Zhang Yuan (see above), who is now a magistrate, that Golden Bell is like a monster (yogoe £ £ S ) . Zhang Yuan has Mo and Golden Bell arrested and orders his men to destroy the bell. Golden Bell is brought before him, but various attempts to slay her prove ineffective. For example, one man chops her to pieces, but each piece becomes another scurrying bell. Finally, all the bells are thrown in a boiling cauldron, and Zhang Yuan retires for the night believing they havefinishedher off. But in the night she uses her powers to torment Zhang Yuan with heat and cold until his wife finally convinces him to release Golden Bell and Mo. Later, Zhang's wife dies of a sudden disease and Golden Bell, in gratitude to the wife for having herself and Mo released, brings her back to life with magical herbs. Thereafter, Golden Bell spends her nights with Zhang's wife and her days with Mo. She gives Zhang and his wife a scroll (which functions as way of communication because the bell cannot speak) with a picture of them abandoning Hailong during the war, and she disappears. In the meantime, the emperor announces that his daughter, Princess Jinxian, has been kidnapped by a monster and offers a reward to anyone who canfindher.  151. Golden Bell's name might be construed as " K i m Kum pangul," " K i m Pangul," " K i m KumnySng" (since her father's surname is Kim), "Kum Ry6ng / Ny6ng / YSng," or "Jin Ling / Jinling." In the 28-leaf version, there is a distinction between "Kum pangul" (or "Pangul," also spelled "Pangul" and "Pangol") being her name before she is more officially dubbed "Kumny6ng" by Zhang Yuan, although she is referred to by both versions throughout the tale.  Olsen 52  Back in Zhaoji, the kind bandit Zhang Shen is like a father to Hailong. Zhang Shen's wife, Bian, detests the boy and resents the fact that Zhang Shen loves Hailong more than their own son Xiaolong. On his deathbed, Zhang Shen tells Hailong how he found him and pleads with Bian to love Hailong as much as Xiaolong. After Zhang Shen dies, Bian abuses Hailong and forces him to do all the work. She even attempts to kill him on several occasions. Golden Bell knows of his suffering and comes to his rescue. She warms his room and helps him complete his tasks. Bian is suspicious of Hailong and once again plans ways to get rid of him. One day, Xiaolong goes out and murders someone. Bian blames it on Hailong. Hailong is imprisoned but, through the magic of Golden Bell, is soon released. Finally, Hailong leaves home for the hills where he meets a monster. Golden Bell shows up to save him but is swallowed by the monster who then heads back to its cave. Hailong follows behind, enters the cave, and meets a group of women who are the ladies-in-waiting to Princess Jinxian. They tell him the whole story of her kidnapping and discuss how to save her. Hailong finds the monster writhing on the floor (Golden Bell is still inside of it, struggling to get out). Princess Jinxian appears and hands Hailong a sword. Hailong kills the monster and Golden Bell comes out. They all return to the emperor, and he marries Hailong to Princess Jinxian. Around this time, the empire is being attacked by the Northerners. Hailong commands the imperial army to protect the nation, which is ultimately saved by Golden Bell, although Hailong also does his part in the battle. When Hailong returns to the palace, the Empress and Princess Jinxian hand him a scroll (identical to the one given to Zhang and his wife). Zhang, Zhang's wife, and Mo have been saddened by Golden Bell's disappearance. Golden Bell returns to them, and Zhang and his wife dream that they will meet Hailong while  Olsen 53  Mo dreams of meeting her daughter. When they awake, they find a fairy maiden in the place of Golden Bell. Hailong is again sent forth by the Emperor as a travelling inspector in order to put a stop to banditry. He travels the countryside and brings peace to the nation. He pays a visit to Zhang Shen's grave and has a monument erected there. He has Bian and Xiao long brought to him, and he gives them enough money and silk to live on for the rest of their lives. Stopping by the local magistrate's home, he sees a scroll hanging on the wall and finds that it matches his own. Soon after, he recognizes the magistrate as his father and the woman as his mother. They tell him about Golden Bell, and Hailong reports to the throne. A processionfromthe court is sent to bring Golden Bell, Mo, Master Zhang, and his wife to the capital. All of the parents are looked after at the palace until they die. Hailong marries Golden Bell as well, at Princess Jinxian's suggestion. Golden Bell gives birth to their first son, and Hailong's three sons are appointed honourable government posts and his three daughters are married to respectable families.  Olsen 54  Heroism in Golden Bell  In her studies on heroism in English literature, Mary Beth Rose proposes that heroism conjures to mind "morally elevated protagonists" who are "courageous" and the "stress on movement and adventure, on rescue, rule, exploration, and conquest, points to a tradition of heroism that is distinctively masculine." In such a construct, women are largely viewed as 152  occupying a different sphere, one internal, more private and less public. Heroism associated with maleness is also a feature of Choson-period fictional narratives. The very word for hero in Korean—yongung  —is embedded in a concept of masculinity. When the word yongung is  used in Golden Bell, it describes a male in the story. Although yongung can refer to both males and females in modern-day Korean, Chong and Yi point out that there is the suk'dt (male) ung fflL in yongung, but that the word has now taken on an extended meaning inclusive of either sex. According to Trotsevich, a basic formula for Choson fictional narratives during this 153  period involves the lack of an essential trait in—or an ideal situation for—a highly moral character, such as deformity or poverty. A lack of conformity between the inner values 154  (filiality, loyalty) and outer qualities (appearance, economic background) creates a need to bring the cosmos back into order, which is a theme throughout Golden Bell.  155  152. Rose, Gender and Heroism in Early Modern English Literature, xi. 153. Chong and Y i , 285. The word hero in English went through a similar semantic change, having at one point an almost exclusively male connotation: "a man of courage and nobility famed for his military achievements" {Webster's Third New International Dictionary, s.v., "hero").  154. Trotsevich, Koreiskaia, 75. 155. The imbalance in the cosmos may be reflective of an ambivalence toward extreme filiality as shown in the Samguk sagi—a topic covered well by Hai-Soon Lee in "Representation of Females in Twelfth-century Korean Historiography," 75-96.  Olsen 55  Golden Bell and Hailong: Gifts to Parents  In a way, Golden Bell functions as a reward for her mother, who has been extremely devoted to mourning for her mother-in-law and tending her grave—even though her husband was unfaithful to her in life. The spirit of her deceased husband appears, acknowledges his ill-treatment of her, and apologizes by reconsummating their union. Thus, Golden Bell is born, the product of faithful application of Confucian ritual and virtue. Mo has loyally served her husband's family, which may help justify Golden Bell's subsequent devotion to her natal home. In addition, a Confucian audience would have recognized and appreciated Mo's unstinting faithfulness, which justifies the superhuman power bestowed on Golden Bell. Hailong is also born as a gift to parents of noble character. Zhang has been a loyal subject to the previous dynasty and is morally upright, and his wife is equally virtuous. Zhang's wife allows the premortal Hailong to enter her body and be born as their child. Soon after his birth, however, his parents abandon him while fleeing bandits. Hailong is then raised by a kind bandit and by Bian, his cruel wife, a common trope. Hailong is the ideal filial son to his adoptive parents—even after hefindsout that he was abandoned. Hailong, therefore, embodiesfilialvirtue, similar to Mo, Golden Bell's mother.  Golden Bell's Attributes and Heroism  Golden Bell's premortal life accounts for her unusual birth and supernatural characteristics. Golden Bell is endowed with power by the five ancients before she is given to Mo. Each ancient grants her special mastery over something—such as the seasons, distance, the  Olsen 56  winds and mist—or bestows a particular gift such as strength and a mortal birth to a mega-filial mother by the spirit of her deceased husband. Mo conceives and produces a golden bell, but why a bell? Golden Bell's shape and metallic body suggest a non-human being without any feeling. But though Golden Bell appears as an animate object, she still exhibits human emotion and psychomorphic attributes. The campaniform body may serve as a disguise to enable her to perform certain tasks. She enters Hailong's room to warm him up and he later disrobes himself completely because of the broiling heat. This subtly implies a particular intimacy between the two, although nothing overtly sexual is mentioned. Golden Bell, once gendered in a former life and now born into the mortal world somewhat degendered, is later regendered as a woman whom Hailong marries. I do not see here a mere duality as some scholars suggest (Kim Miran and Yun Kyongsu), but a continuous process of negotiating the many roles Golden Bell assumes—first, as the daughter of the Dragon King of the South Sea, then the wife of the son of the Dragon King of the East Sea (who is later born as Hailong), and afterward a beautiful wraithlike woman in the world of spirits. In the midst of the narrative she becomes a non-gendered and silent bell although with construably gendered or humanlike emotions, and finally the fit second wife of Hailong and mother of his first son. Mo's giving birth to a round-shaped bell may be compared to earlier Korean myths wherein important figures are bornfromeggs, such as Pak Hyokkose  #tft)glS, the tradi4  156  tional founder of Saro, which later became Silla. Song Kisol claims that Korea is the source 157  156. What Sin Kihyong calls nansaeng sorhwa, "oviparous tales" (54). Trotsevich also sees Mo's initial rejection of Golden Bell as a folklore motif rooted in oviparous tales (Koreiskaia, 116-8). Others born from eggs were Sok T'arhae of Silla, King Suro lrSl3E of Kaya, and King Tongmyong ^ B J i i g i of Koguryo (Song Kisol, 118). 157. Peter H . Lee, Anthology of Korean Literature: From Early Times to the Nineteenth Century, 5; Eckertetal., 19.  Olsen 57  for the over 30 or so oviparous tales that exist in East and Southeast Asian traditions, including Sumatran, Bornean, Burmese, Annamese, and Davao (Philippines). Usually it is a man born 158  of otherworldly parents (or one of the parents is human)froman egg and the man goes on to become a hero. But Golden Bell's heroic birth differsfromPak Hyokkose's and others'. When Mo gives birth to a golden bell, she tries throwing it away, drowning it, and burning it. Scholar Kim Miran states that Golden Bell, rejected atfirst,gains approvalfromher mother through her own efforts, which differs from stories where men, hatched from eggs, are at first rejected—if rejected at all—and then protected by the local animals.  159  In several Korean folk tales bells have a magical or protective power: in "Pheasants and the Bell," the sound of the bell saves a manfroma snake; in the Silla "Bell Village," the 160  161  sweet sound of a bell underground convinces a child's parents to not bury him alive (the father was acting out of filial piety toward his mother and wanted to save more food for her), and in the Koguryo M^W "Dragon Bell," a dragon-shaped bell comes to life and wanders from 162  its temple to a pond to protect the temple. Another Koguryo folk tale is reminiscent of Master Zhang's and Mo's attempts to destroy Golden Bell: "The National Fortune and a Gold Bell,"  163  in which neighbouring kingdoms wage war on King Kwanggaet'o StliitEE (374-412) until his monk destroys a valuable large golden bell he believes is attracting the enemy. Not only is the round shape of the bell culturally significant, but bells themselves have a long history in East Asia. In the Cixousian tradition of wordplay, let us consider Golden 158. Song Kisol, 118. 159. K i m Miran, 285. Chumong 9KW is thus protected as it is recorded in Y i Kyubo's "Tongmyong wang p'yon" W. (Lay of King Tongmy5ng). 160. As told by Y i H6n-Gu, in Z6ng In-Sdb, ed. and trans., Folk Tales from Korea, 96-7.1 am unsure of the exact Korean title of this and the other folk tales. 161. Tae Hung Ha, Folk Tales of Old Korea, 88-9. 162. Park Yongjun, ed., Traditional Tales of Old Korea: A Mixture of Legend and History of Korea's  Colorful Past, 5:276-9. 163. Ibid, 273-6.  Olsen 58  Bell's very name, Jinling  (Kumnyong), which includes the metal/gold character ^  ("brightness in dirt") twice, the second time as a radical to the "command" or "order" 164  the top part which shows people A gathering to one — place with a person  character  kneeling underneath P , as when heralds used bells to convene people to hear imperial speeches. Both the second character's i f i metallic nature and its calling or summoning to165  gether a group bespeak prestige and authority as well as the power to bring the cosmos (people and the elements) under submission—the type of power Golden Bell wields. The character ^ also represents money and precious commodities, something to be cherished (as she is by Mo, Zhang, his wife, Hailong, and others). Gold symbolizes fortune and misfortune as well as strange events in China, and the sun, the king, and the gods in Korean myths; Golden Bell 166  receives her unusual strengthfromancients representing the Jade Emperor. In Korean literature, gold often represents ethical values, which Golden Bell adheres to. #fi means not only "bell" and "wind-chime," as in yoryong  (handbell) and ydngt'ak # p l i , ([wooden] gong,  bell, wind-chime), but also something to summon or conjure the spirit world. Bells are believed to have originated in Asia, and the earliest bell, found in China, dates to 1,500 BC. Harking back to the Korean foundation myth, Hwang Byung-ki notes that king Hwanin gives his son Hwanung "three things symbolizing the authority of Heaven: a mirror, a sword, and a bell." Drums and bells were used as part of certain rituals (at a sodo M-xk) 167  164. Although the bell is made of or resembles gold, Ch'oe Kisuk points out that the bell possesses power over its natural metal property and therefore remains unaffected by events (getting pounded on by a rock, being thrown into fire) that would normally deteriorate or damage gold (165). 165. C. A . S. Williams, Outlines of Chinese Symbolism and Art Motives, 38-40. 166. Han'guk Munhwa Sangjing Saj6n P'ySnch'an WiwSnhoe, ed., Han'guk munhwa sangjingsajon, vol. 1, s.v. "kum." 167. Hwang, "The Korean Beat: In Search of the Origins of Korean Culture," 9.  Olsen 59  during the Three Kingdoms period.  Bells have long held an important and sacred role in  Korea, and their large-scale developmentflourishedduring the Buddhist Silla period where they took on further meaning as they came to represent a way to "enlighten the sentient beings" with truth. Along with chanting, handbells are used when asking for something of a Buddha, bodhisattva, or spirit. Shamans hold a handbell in their right hands in ceremonies where they 169  invoke the spirits. Ch'oe Kisuk additionally notes that the objects given to Golden Bell by 170  the ancients are things used by shamans in kut ^ (mediation ceremonies): multicoloured silk, a fan, and energy. The preternatural and potent are embedded in the meaning of Golden Bell's 171  name, as bells are objects capable of functioning as intermediaries between the worldly realm and spiritual realms. Golden Bell exists in the mortal realm, and her being the daughter of the Dragon King of the South Sea in her former life further endows her with otherworldly power. Not only might Golden Bell's shape have a precedence in folk tales, but her very conception most likely has its roots in stories featuring sexual intercourse between a human and non-human (imul kyogu sorhwa J I ^ 3 C #§!£!![§). Centuries before Golden Bell, the Tang  dynasty "Bai yuan zhuan" relates the story of a large white gibbon abducting Ouyang He's wife. William H. Nienhauser, Jr., writes, "Impregnated by the beast, she isfinallyrescued and gives birth to a son; this young man resembles a simian but eventually gains fame for his skill in literary arts." Although much differentfromMo—a human—sleeping with the spirit of 172  168. S5ng Kisol, 122-3. 169. Hwang, 9-10. The quote is taken from the inscription on the Divine Bell of King S6ngd6k, commonly known as the Emille Bell. Bells are one of the four main Buddhist percussion instruments: the temple bell (fanzhong % t i [pomjong]), universal drum (honggu 3Z>|£ [honggo]), cloud chime (yunban WiWL [unp'an]), a wooden fish (muyu Tkilt [mogo]). Other temple bells include small bells (xiaozhong 'hM [sojong]), handbells (yaoling $s#n) \yorydng]), and chimes (qing[gydngsoe, brass rice bowls]) and are akin to other metal instruments, such as gongs and cymbals. 170. In some dances, spirits are invoked symbolically, not necessarily for a religious purpose—see "Salp'uri (Spirit-cleansing Dance)," http:// www.asianmfo.org/asianmfo/korea/perforrri/salpuri.htm. 171. Ch'oe Kisuk, 165. 172. William H . Nienhauser, "T'ang Tales," 582-3.  Olsen 60  her once-human, deceased husband, and giving birth to bell (which resembles neither one of them), the "Bai yuan zhuan" still shows a literary precedence for unusual encounters and strange offspring. Along a similar line with Golden Bell, Song Kisol notes an instance in the Silla story "Tohwa nyo Pihyong rang s6rhwa" W^Vc'k^M^WVc  (Tohwa and Her Son Pi-  hyong), where Tohwa sleeps with the deceased spirit of King Chinji and gives birth to Pihyong. Tan'gun, the legendary founder of the Korean people, is born of a heavenly being 173  and a bear that turned into a woman. The purpose of these incongruous unions may serve to justify the superior qualities of the child. Kim Miran also believes that man's fascination with the seemingly magical process of women's reproduction is a prehistoric precedence to Golden Bell} * Golden Bell's miraculous birth and magical powers astound both men and women in 1  the story. Magic as portrayed in early myths may account for the supernatural qualities of Golden Bell. Before her birth as a bell, Golden Bell is bestowed with five giftsfromfiveancients: (1) mastery of the seasons, (2) mastery over distance, (3) ability to control the winds and the mists, (4) strength, and (5) promise of birth to a loyal,filialmother in the mortal world. Golden Bell's multiple layers of power, her ability to control the elements, and ultimately her transformation into a woman are reminiscent of the "Tongmyong wang sinhwa"  ^SjEEijif  IS (Myth of King  Tongmyong) in which Haemosu MMM transformsfroman otter to a jackal and then to a hawk in order to represent his dominion and control over the various realms in the natural world: water, land, and sky.  175  173. Song Kisol, 119-20. 174. K i m Miran, 273. 175. Quoted in Ch'oe Kisuk, 156.  Olsen 61  Tales of the strangefromChina made their way to Korea centuries before Golden Bell appeared (see "Kososol, Early Fiction" above), and over the years Chinese fictional narratives depicting uncanny, abnormal events were imported, translated, and consumed in Korea. Many depicted individuals with superhuman traits. Y. W. Ma and Joseph S. M. Lau write, "If one member of a loving couple is not an ordinary mortal, normally it is the woman who plays the superhuman role."  1 7 6  Immensely popular in the Qing dynasty, Pu Songling -jf! ^  ^  (1640-1715) authored many unusual, even macabre, stories depicting female transformation and women with supernatural powers in his collection, Liaozhai zhiyi WHf  (Strange Tales  from Make-do Studio). His stories contain elements similar to those in Golden Bell: in "Nie 177  Xiaoqian" jUr'hfra (Nie Xiaoqian) a ghost girl and concubine marry a man and bear him children (reminiscent of imul kyogu, sexual intercourse between a human and non-human), in "Xianti" ®<.iz (A Chivalrous Woman) a girl possesses strength greater than a magical fox who transforms himself into a "pleasure-boy" for her male lover, and in "Xiaoxie" 'hlS (Ghost-girl Xiaoxie) the king of the underworld sends a ghost boy to be reborn into a mortal family (much like Golden Bell is sent to be born of Mo).  178  Judith T. Zeitlin lists themesfromPu's stories:  (1) women are transformed into men, (2) men pose as or are transformed into women, (3) women dress as men, (4) women are born "grotesquely ugly," and (5) women are cast as shrew 179  or termagants.  176. Y . W. M a and Joseph S. M . Lau, Traditional Chinese Stories: Themes and Variations, 337. 177. Also translated as Liaozhai's Records ofthe Strange, since Liaozhai is Pu's "scholarly sobriquet" (Zeitlin, 1). 178. Pu Songling, Strange Tales from Make-do Studio, trans. Denis C. and Victor H . Mair, 90-102, 106-15,212-25. Lorraine S. Y . Lieu, Y . W. Ma, and Joseph S. M . Lau translate " A Chivalrous Woman" as "The Lady Knight-errant" in M a and Lau, 77-81. 179. Zeitlin, 99-131.  Olsen 62  But Golden Bell does not fit neatly into any of these categorizations. She is not intentionally concealing her gender, nor is she grotesque or a shrew. Golden Bell uses her innate power to perform chores for her mother. She helps Hailong as well—her power plows his fields, warms his room, saves his life, and wins his heart. Golden Bell also brings Hailong's mother back to life. Supernatural skill, therefore, functions here to satisfy society's filial expectations of a proper Choson woman. Supernaturality is not used for self-serving means or to obtain glory as a victorious hero, but to benefit a mother, a husband-to-be, and in-laws-to-be. Even Golden Bell's spiteful treatment toward Hailong's cruel adoptive mother Bian and her son Xiao long is justified because neither of the two is a blood relative to Hailong. While she 180  possesses heroic power, Golden Bell nonetheless operates under the state-supported Neo-Confixcian constraints operative during the Choson era. Golden Bell, although she was capable of fighting a sea monster in the supernatural realm into which she was born, of necessity has her female gender—her womanliness—repressed in the form of a bell in order to perform heroic deeds in the world of humans. As something not altogether female, Golden Bell is unmatched in her heroism, and she is enabled to act on behalf of Hailong in masculine capacities. Both Golden Bell and Hailong's heroism is negotiated and defined in relation to each other. Mary Beth Rose states, "Heroism for both men and women comes to be constituted through its enabling relation to positions, capacities, virtues, and values usually associated with women and femininity."  181  North Korean scholar Kwon T'aengmu takes a Marxist approach, noting that the female hero's deeds in Golden Bell reveal the author's view that women can be liberatedfroman 180. The wicked kyemo MM (stepmother) figure appears in several Korean fictional narratives: Changhwa Hongnyon chon ^MVcMMW (Tale of Changhwa and HongnySn), Hwang Wolson chon MHitiiW (Tale of Hwang W6ls6n), Kim Inhyang chon ^ C # f W (Tale of K i m Inhyang), and K'ongjwi P'atchwi chon (a Cinderella-like story). See Ch'oe Unsik, 179. 181. Rose, 113; emphasis added.  Olsen 63  oppressive feudalist system and the domestic sphere, oppose societal evils in society, and protect national security alongside men. Kwon infers that her heroic deeds include affiliat182  ing with men and women of all social classes (4). Kim Miran believes that the female hero's ability to transform herself is a means of overcoming women's inferior position to men. Not 183  only do readers see a female crossing newfrontiers,they also see Mo's husband beg his wife's forgiveness for having left her for a better-looking woman. Yet, in the end, even though Golden Bell takes on unconventional roles, she is still a second wife to her husband, and Mo remains a faithful widow by not remarrying.  Hailong's Heroism Hailong, also the product of a miraculous birth, isfrequentlyrecognized for his righteous deeds throughout the story. He is endowed with good looks and valour, but no supernatural power. Hailong honours the grave of his adoptive father, the bandit Zhang Shen, and remains devoted to his adoptive and abusive mother, Bian, even though she attempts to kill him on various occasions and even falsely accuses him of murder. While Hailong serves prison time for alleged murder, Golden Bell casts her spell over the local magistrate's infant son who cries until he is able to play with Hailong. Hailong gains the magistrate's favour and is released. On another occasion, Bian and Xiaolong marvel that Hailong drags home two tigers; however, unbeknownst to them, these are the very beasts Golden Bell has slain. Golden Bell assists Hailong in every trial he faces. Even in the episode where Hailong kills the demon and saves Princess Jinxian and her ladies-in-waiting, he receives crucial helpfromthe women in the story. Golden Bell, having  182. Kwon, introduction, 4-6. See also Kojdn Munhaksil, 106-17. 183. Quoted in Pak Yongsik, "Kumnyong chSn," in Kojdn sosol, 766.  Olsen 64  been swallowed by the demon in a previous attempt to save Hailong, wreaks havoc on the demon's innards and incapacitates it long enough for Hailong to take a sword—a sword handed to him by Princess Jinxian—and finish the defenceless beast off. The monster is a female, but assumes different forms—is king at one point, nine-headed at creature at another, and the golden female swine at another. For his courage, the Emperor declares Hailong an imperial son-in-law and marries him to the princess. With this newfound prestige, Hailong becomes a high-ranking military officer and saves the nation from invasion by the "Northerners," who in reality are scared off by Golden Bell. Kim Miran points out, "The fact that Zhang Hailong becomes an imperial son-in-law, renders significant meritorious deeds to his country, and gains a high government position is all due to Golden Bell's strength" (286). Golden Bell is responsible for Hailong's glory and heroism. But what makes Hailong's filiality and efforts stand out is the fact that he resolves to be devoted without the aid of the supernatural. Even before Golden Bell helps him out, his human integrity is apparent. The story has us questioning the meaning of heroism—does it involve defeating the foe with extraordinary power or is it manifested by adherence to the highest Neo-Confucian virtues? Both Golden Bell and Hailong portray parallel virtuous conduct, but Hailong, interestingly, functions as receptor of fame for deeds performed wholly or in part by Golden Bell. In two episodes, Hailong as the General and as the Chief Travelling Inspector, does achieve peace in the country by his own merits. Before Golden Bell rescues Hailong from a trap, General HailongfightsHogak, a general of the opposing Northern forces, and afterward kills him. As Inspector he uses his wisdom and leadership to stop banditry without any help from Golden Bell (who by this time has turned into a woman). Actually, Hailong is bestowed  Olsen 65  with many different titles at court (Imperial Son-in-law, General, Prime Minister, Inspector, Prince, etc.), but nearly each time he receives a title or advances to the next level it is all due to Golden Bell.  Olsen 66  Conclusion  Golden Bell, like other female hero narratives, has a dualistic structure. Regarding the topic of dualism, I would like to quote at some lengthfromJaHyun Kim Haboush's article "Filial Emotions and Filial Values: Changing Patterns in the Discourse of Filiality in Late Choson Korea": In proposing that the elite class was also engaged in popular discourse, I do not mean to suggest their wholesale flightfromthe hegemonic discourse. They were the very same people who produced and consumed prescriptive literature. That the same group of people should participate in two discourses of opposite nature is not unusual. In her study of a Bedouin community, Abu-Lughod describes two different, almost opposite modes of discourse in which the same persons engage depending on the social occasion and company.  184  Two modes of discourse, covering both internal and external issues, are at play in Golden Bell. Korea has a strong tradition of the textual representation offilialityas one of its highest 195  virtues. Clark Sorensen and Sung-chul Kim write, "Filial piety has long been fundamental to Korean ethics." They point out that during the Koryo dynasty, the Pumo unjung kyong 5c® MltfS (Sutra of Parental Grace) was popular, and the ethic was subsequently solidified  184. The Bedouin also have a public discourse that places emphasis on "valor, independence and autonomy," while there is a private discourse in more intimate circles that permits "expression of pain and vulnerability." See Haboush, "Filial Emotions," 172. 185. The Lila Abu-Lughod study, found in Veiled Sentiments: Honour and Poetry in a Bedouin Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), is quoted in Haboush, "Filial Emotions," 176.  Olsen 67  in the Choson period. But Korea also has a history of subtext to these ideal representations. 186  As JaHyun Kim Haboush notes,filialityis a central theme in many Choson-dynasty works, such as Chok Songui chon and Sim Ch 'ong ka %fc MW (Song of Sim Ch'ong), and the main :  characters of these stories both adhere to filial values and show filial emotions (172). Particularly those tensions between a woman's filial emotion toward her natal home and the insistence of Confucian norms for women to be filial only to their patrilocal family upon marriage are demonstrated. Haboush says of Sim Ch'ong, who is loyal to her own father, "It is clear that filial emotion, presented as a powerful, natural force is not seen as gender-based. A woman's filial emotion is as powerful and as untransferable as a man's" (172). This is also true for Golden Bell. She isfilialto her natal home and her filiality is presented as an empowering agent. However, in the story, it is Hailong who gains rank and honour. Golden Bell remains, albeit not entirely, a behind-the-scenes enigma, keeping in line with the Confucian concept of man governing the outside world and women the inside. Seen in the light of other Choson-era female herofictionwhere female generals return to their domestic spheres after saving their nation, Golden Bell too, in the end, is noted not for her heroic exploits, but for her beauty and for giving birth to Hailong'sfirstson. Golden Bell's supernatural achievements are overshadowed by Hailong's this-worldly feats, and her own emulation of Confucian ideologies so valued by Choson ruling classes. Golden Bell, a product of her mother'sfilialityto her agnatic lineage, may serve to exhibit the emotional side of filiality, while Hailong plays the exemplar offilialvirtues.  186. Sorensen and K i m , "Filial Piety in Contemporary Urban Southeast Korea: Practices and Discourses," 155.  Olsen 68  Appendix I  Note on the Translation  Like many other Choson fictional narratives, Golden Bell is set in China. Since the story exists only in the vernacular script, during translation I was reluctant to sinify every name because it not only meant resorting to pseudo-Chinese geographical and personal names where reliable equivalents could not to be determined, but also de-Koreanizing a text that has had a significant Korean readership. A sort of Sino-Korean hybridity has existed in Korean literature for centuries. For example, Samgang haengsilto ElMftMM  (Conduct of the Three Bonds,  Illustrated), a Chinese collection of short accounts about filial children, loyal subjects, and faithful wives, appeared in Korean vernacular script as early as 1434. Many of the several hundred people in the stories are believed to be based on historical figures, and all of the accounts focus on Chinese people (save sixteen of them which are set in Korea). Each picture is accompanied by an illustration with both a Korean text and a Chinese one, but the Korean versions of these stories have been subtly changed and provide interesting elucidations for non-Chinese consumption. Samgang haengsilto went through many court-sponsored editions 1  under similar titles and each time included more indigenous examples—and always had the aim of inculcating Confucian virtues into the common people. Likewise, the characters in Golden Bell, though Chinese (or otherworldly but in a Chinese cosmos), in many ways are the  1. See Hyeon-hie Lee and Ross King, ed. and trans., "Samgang haengsil-do: Conduct of the Three Bonds, Illustrated"; and Shibu Shohei, Genkai "Sankd kojitsuzu" kenkyu.  Olsen 69  same stilted, simplified models, appropriated and overtly Confucianized in a Korean way for Koreans. Correctly rendering into English both Chinese and Korean references is a topic discussed in part by Robert Fouser and Chang Hyohyon. 1 have taken into account their criti2  cisms of English translations of premodern Korean fiction in my own. Fouser, for example, finds Marshall R. Pihl's translation of Hong Kiltong incorrectly sinified, lacking in detail, and too Latinate for the original style. Chang Hyohyon further states that Pihl's Hong Kiltong translation and Mun Huigyong's rendering of Pak ChiwSn's work fail to provide enough annotations for English-speaking audiences; however, the same annotations would be just as helpful for Korean audiences as well. In the end, however, I chose to identify Golden Bell characters and places with Chinese names. In order to render names in pinyin for the translation, I relied on suggestions from modernized transcriptions of and essays about Golden Bell. In the main text I use pinyin romanization and in the footnotes I use Yale romanization to transliterate lexical itemsfromthe 3  original early modern Korean text and McCune-Reischauer to romanize modern Korean terms. The footnotes also include the han 'gul equivalent where possible, unless it is a word with an arae a (a vowel no longer used in modern Korean)—in those cases I only provide the romanization. In the footnotes, I use the following abbreviations for the modern Korean transcriptions I refer to (see "Tale of Golden Bell Transcriptions Listed by Editor/Translator" below):  2. See Chang Hyohyon, "Han'guk koj6n sosSl ydngydk ui che munje," in Han 'gukkojon sosolsayon 'gu, 703-42. Fouser's article is discussed at length in Chang's chapter. For English translations of kososol, see Richard Rutt and Kim Chong-un, Virtuous Women: Three Classic Korean Novels. 3.1 have modified Yale romanization just a bit here for philological reasons. The character T , usually transcribed as wu, does not need the w when preceded by a p H or an /n D , but I have inserted a w in these environments anyway to distinguish apu S. from a pwu -r-.  Olsen 70  Chang  Chang Toksun  Chon  Chon Kyut'ae  Chong & Yi  Chong Pyonghon and Yi Yugyong  Kim & Chon  Kim Kidong and Chon Kyut'ae  Ku  Ku Inhwan  Kwon & Ch'oe  Kwon T'aengmu and Ch'oe Okhui  Pak  Pak Yongsik  Sin Tongik  Sin Tongik  Yi  Yi Sangt'aek  In addition to these nine versions, I also looked at two online versions, whose annotations (or lack thereof) were similar to the printed copies. One common trait of each of these modern transcriptions is that they provide explanations for select difficult-to-understand Chinese idiomatic phrases, but offer very few explanations of classical Chinese references, obscure or ambiguous Korean terms, and suggestions for Golden Bell geography. Some of the explanations could be more inclusive of multiple readings, and some of the information they give is inaccurate. Only a few of the footnotes actually say "misang"  TJCP  (unidentifiable). Rather than provide examples here, I  would refer the reader to the footnotes in my translation below. One item that Chang Hyohyon complains about in his evaluation of premodern fiction translations into English is that the translators fail to include enough footnotes to aid the non-Korean in understanding the original text; however, I would like to add that every translator (or transcriber) of Golden Bell into modern Korean fails to provide enough notes for a Korean to understand the text as fully as possible. While being analyzed in a translation seminar, portions of Golden Bell stumped  Olsen 71  Korean literature scholars, both Korean and non-Korean alike. Another item that made translation of Golden Bell into English difficult was that very few of the translators into modern Korean bothered to reveal which original version of Golden Bell they were referring to. Though a majority of the narrative in Golden Bell is in the past tense, it often switches to the present when the author is describing an emotionally charged episode. In English I have uniformly preteritized the sentences. Also, Golden Bell makes mention of historical figures, such as the Zhizheng Emperor, but it is still difficult to guess the geographical locations throughout the story. It seems as though the author knew some Chinese place names, but had only a vague understanding of where they were in relation to each other. Any errors detected in this translation are entirely my own.  Olsen 72  The Tale of Golden Bell  Once upon a time, toward the end of the reign of the Zhizheng Emperor of Yuan there 4  lived a man named Zhang Yuan who held a government post and was charged with recording imperial decrees. When the Yuan dynasty collapsed giving way to the Ming, Zhang secluded 5  6  himself at Mount Yifeng in Taian County. One day Zhang had a dream in which the guardian 7  8  spirit of Mount Lantian summoned him saying, "The times are inauspicious and presently 9  there will be a great calamity. You had best leave at once." And with that he disappeared. Zhang awoke and related the dream to his wife. Then and there he led her back along the way they had come, when suddenly a storm arose. A young lad clad in red appeared before them and beseeched them as follows, "Your humble servant's life is hanging in the balance. Good woman, please save me." Zhang's wife said in astonishment, "Young adept, whatever is the matter and how do you propose we save you?" The lad stamped his feet in urgency and said, "Your humble servant is the third son of the Dragon King of the East Sea. I recently wed the daughter of the King of the South Sea and 10  4. One of the reign titles (1341-68) under the Emperor Shundi (Toghan-Temur), whose reign in the Mongol Yuan dynasty spanned 1333 to 1368, when he was expelled from China and fled to Mongolia. 5. Harrwen refers to hanyuan another name for hanlinyuan or yiwenguan S i l t , scribal posts that recorded imperial edicts. 6. Around 1368. 7. Sin Kihyong gives Ip'ungsan 1^13,111 for lrungsan ] ^ 4 - (428). Sin Tongik says the mountain is unidentifiable. 8. Ku says that Thoyancyu is Taianzhou M^'Hi. Zhang abandoning his post may be to avoid imprisonment of literati that occurred during the incoming Hongwu reign (1368-98) of the Ming dynasty (Mary Tregear, Chinese Art, 142), but here it seems to imply that Zhang's moral rectitude is at such a level that he cannot bring himself to be disloyal to the former government. 9. According to Ku, Namcyensan cf^i'ir is Lantianshan H EB 111. 10. The seas spoken of here most likely are the East China Sea and the South China Sea. 0  Olsen 73  was returningfrompaying my respects to her parents, when my wife and I encountered the South Island Pearl Monster skimming along the East Sea, whereupon he attempted to snatch 11  away my bride, the Dragon Princess, but we joined forces and fought back. The Dragon Princess fought to the death, but your humble servant, too young to exercise my magical powers, managed to escape. Unable to reach the Underwater Palace as of yet, I have ventured far into the world of humans where I find my strength weakened and canfleeno farther. I beg of you, good woman, if you would be so kind as to open your mouth wide for a moment, I will take leave of my body and repay your posterity for this favour." Zhang's wife opened her mouth, and with a shudder the Dragon Son turned into red ether and entered her body. The wife swallowed and suddenly everything went dark; there was a mad swirl of wind and an eerie rumbling. Nonetheless Zhang and his wife hastened to conceal themselves in a cavern. Presently the wind grew still and the sun shone brightly. They managed to make their way outside, and found themselves in the border area of Taian and Gaotang counties. Mountainous region though it was, homesteads were plentiful and inhabited by goodly folk. Among these people were many renowned for their devotion to integrity and righteousness, people who would lend a helping hand to those in need. Zhang endeared himself to them with his elegant comportment and his gentle and deferential manner of speaking. One villager lent the couple a house, another lent him the use of a plot of land, and those with children clamoured to engage him as a tutor. Owing to this, Master Zhang secured an ample livelihood and became known as Man of the Mountain. In the meantime, Zhang was forever lamenting his lack of offspring. One night he dreamed that both heaven and earth turned black, andfromthe clouds descended a blue dragon 11.1 have read Tonghoy hwosyanguy namsyem cincyuyokwoy as Tonghae hosang eso Namsom Chinju YogoeMM j figfc Chong & Y i transcribe namsyem as namson 12. For Kwotangcyu JV^TT might be Gaotangzhou iftjUritl in Shandong Province. A  Olsen 74  that proceeded to shed its scales, transform itself into a scholar, and approach Zhang, saying, "Ever cognizant of my debt of gratitude to you, I am now aware that you yearn for progeny. I had despaired of ever repaying my debt. But today as the Jade Emperor received his morning audience, he reviewed various false accusationsfromthroughout the realm. One of the cases involved the youngest daughter of the Dragon King of the South Sea. She is my daughter-in-law. She and her groom were returningfromtheir nuptials when she was killed by a monster and her distressed spirit lodged a grievance with the Jade Emperor. His Majesty instructed a deva guardian to exact full retribution and sent my lad clad in red, the Dragon Son, 13  to the world of humans with instructions to live out the remaining karma of the young couple. And so it was that I petitioned the deva guardian to entrust my son to your home." The scholar then vanished whereupon Zhang and his wife awoke and related their dreams to each other, keeping the joyous news to themselves. And indeed that very month brought indications of pregnancy and in ten moons' time she gave birth to a handsome little boy. His face resembled the young adept they had encountered on Mount Lantian. Babe in arms though he was, he bore a princely countenance and temperament that promised extraordinary talents. They named him Hailong, "Sea Dragon,"  14  and styled him Yingtian, "Moves with Heaven."  15  Then as now, good things never last. At this time, the Son of Heaven was commanded from on high to ascend the throne, but there was civil unrest. If it wasn't an upstart King of Wei plundering to the south, it was the self-styled King of Zhao marauding to the west. The entire land was in disarray; untold thousands sought refuge. Master Zhang found himself among  13. Sin Tongik notes that kumkwang being in Hinduism and Buddhism. 14. Hoylyong is Hailong $ifi.  15. Ungthyen -§-^. is Yingtian M%-  is kumgangyoksa 4cPl!J7J±, a deva king or guardian, a divine  Olsen 75  these refugees with the pursuing forces hard on their heels. Zhang and his wife took turns carrying Hailong on their back until at last, energy spent, his wife tearfully spoke, "If we insist on saving our child, the three of us will perish together. Dear husband, leave the child and me behind for now. Later, you can dispose of our remains." But Master Zhang could not abide the prospect and held them close. They wailed while the enemy grew ever closer. In tears, Zhang implored his wife, "Let's leave Hailong behind." His wife forced herself to set Hailong down on the side of the road. "We'll come back for you soon, so sit here like a good little boy. Here, eat this while we're gone." So saying, she gave him a piece of fruit. "Take me with you," Hailong cried. Zhang tried to mollify the boy while urging his wife to flee. They set out but could not help looking back at every step to see Hailong calling them to hurry back. At this point, the bandits finally arrived and were about to kill Hailong, but one of the bandits, Zhang Shen by name, dissuaded them saying, "What's the use in killing a crying 16  child who's lost its parents?" And with that he set Hailong on his back, fell in again, and said to himself, "I have suffered at the hands of those in the central authority and cast in my lot with the bandit ranks. It was never my original plan. What's more, I can tell this child's features bear all the marks of nobility. This is my chance." He contrived to fall behind and slip away to his ancestral home south of the river.  17  16. For C(y)ang Sam ^r(^)^r, can be can,  cen (as in cenci U M ,  K i m & Chon give the characters 3 6 ( Z h a n g Shen); the second element  uneven), or shen (ginseng) in pinyin. The ginseng (shen) concept seems to work  well since the bandit saves Hailong. In Yi  Cho sidae sosollon, K i m Kidong writes Zhang San USEE (106-8). vrritesjiangnan gujunKM'^W>forkangnam kwokwun QSt^Lvt (429). Pak translates of the river" (kangnam iii kohyang &Sk$\ J I ^ K ) . Jiangnan (kangnam) can refer to the area  17. SinKihySng this as "home south  south of the Yangzi % ^ river.  y  Olsen 76  From up in the hills, Master Zhang and his wife saw that the dust had settled, and they returned to find Hailong gone. Zhang's wife beat her chest in despair. "If only I had left some mark by which we could have known him. In all the confusion, I didn't think of it. Once he's grown up, how will we ever know him?" Zhang comforted her, saying, "We will surely recognize Hailong by the red birthmark on his back in the likeness of the Big Dipper." As they searched all about, they were captured by the mounted officers of the Zhao and pressed into the service of the general. The general 18  noticed Zhang was a man of exceptional bearing and realizing that such men are hard to find, loosed his bonds and admitted him to his retinue. He persuaded Zhang to join in with him whereupon they found themselves in perfect accord. On the spot, the general made Master 19  Zhang an advisor, and it was owing to his wise counsel that the borders were extended by thousands of li. For this, Zhang was rewarded with his choice of a small fortress estate to the 21  southwest where he was to go and take his leisure.  18. O f all eleven modem Korean translations I am referring to, only Pak suggests that the cwocyang in cwocyang wisyeykuyuy T M I ^ ^ is Cho nara changsu 3 : (Zhao commandant). In the translations, wisyeykuyuy -rl -M] ^ $\ is translated into modem Korean as both wise ege -rl >*fl °1] Tfl (to authority) and wisegi ege $] *\) 7} °fl Tfl. The -gi in wisegi might be i£f (cavalryman). But according to Nam Kwangu's Kod sajon, kuy 3\ can be, among other things, f t and -ege -°fl Tfl (to a living creature) or -kke (honorific form of -ege). Martin doesn't list kuy 3\ as functioning as -ege, but he lists -icy 5] as -ege. I inserted the word mounted to account for the kuy since it is unlikely that kuyuy is functioning as a double -ege. 19. Hoi- is an older causative form equivalent to sik'i20. British Copy A shows hinchoyk, where the bin could also be either hyen (as Pak says) or hen (Chang). Hyonch 'aek is "wise policy," and honch 'aek lUfcM is "counsel, recommendation." 21. Pak transcribes British Copy A as kwuchyenni T ^ - ^ (nine thousand li) but translates it ch'dn ri (ch'dlli) 3l B] (one thousand li); Copy A has kwu(nwu)chyenni ^(-rO^m—the first character is a bit ambiguous. Other translations show nu(ru) ch'dlli -T^-TO^SI ^ ^ P S , what Kw6n & Ch'oe define in a footnote as su ch 'olli Wi M. (many thousands of li). 1  1  Olsen 77  From there, Master Zhang, along with his wife, was sent forth to Leiyang District,  22  which lies near the western border of the Shu. The terrain there is rugged and the people peace-loving. Zhang assumed his new post; his administration was even-handed and the subjects laboured in tranquility. The happy voices of his subjects resounded far and near. 23  Meanwhile, there was a certain Jin Sanlang of Zhaoji Village in Chengnan who 24  25  combined a chivalrous demeanour with a profligate disposition. He abandoned his wife, Mo  26  by name, for the lack of a beautiful face and took instead a woman of the Zhao clan and 27  settled on their lands. But Mo, unbowed by this turn of events, remained to care for the aging mother of Jin Sanlang. Their destitution compelled Mo to take on menial work for another family, and the breakfast and dinner she received there she would take home to share with her mother-in-law. In time her mother-in-law died. Mo grieved day and night and gave every attention to her funeral. After interring her in the ancestral burial ground, she fashioned a thatched hut before the grave and kept a nightly vigil without fail for a good ten years. Many were the filial daughters-in-law in those times, but none to compare with Mo. One day, Mo had a dream. Up she rose from the hut to float hither and thither, coming to rest at a place whose hills and streams were unsurpassed and their beauty scintillating. The first thing she noticed was four hoary old men. Mo dared not venture near, and as she was hesitating thus a young attendant presented himself.  22.1 am not sure exactly where Nwoyyanghyen Leiyang  (Roe[Noe]yang 3] [ie| ]<Q  m  ^ °<J^ is referring to, so I have assigned it the city of  Korean) in Hunan SIS province, since it lies to the south. The hyen is  most likely xian HI (district). 23. Kw6n & Ch'oe say nakchyo  (maul ui namugun f-ir^l n  M-r"?).  24. Sin KihySng suggests Zhaoji instead of Chao (Tang).  is rakch'o ^SL  (HH) and define it as "village woodcutters"  M% for Cokey =£71] (429). I have transcribed M as zhao (morning)  25.1 assume Syengnam ^ ^ is Chengnan ££$3. 26. Sin KihySng suggests that Mak ^ is Mo H. 27. Kim Kidong gives Zhao M for Co 3i.  Olsen 78  "The Jade Emperor has bidden our Masters speak with you. Make haste and go to them." Mo did as she was instructed and found the four ancients, each occupying one of the four points of the compass. This is what they told her: "The Jade Emperor is aware of your boundless fidelity and exceeding filiality and commends you unstintingly. It was His Majesty's desire to bless you with offspring, but as fate would have it, your husband perished in the wars. His Majesty therefore felt compelled to seek another means by which to bless you with filial offspring. It so happened that the daughter of the Dragon King of the South Sea and the 28  son of the Dragon King of the East Sea met a grievous death at an early age, and they proceeded to supplicate the throne of the Jade Emperor for recompense. Whereupon, His Majesty entrusted us four with powers of redress, which we duly accepted, and it was our good fortune to find a favourable place to settle the son of the Dragon King of the East Sea. As of yet, though, we have failed to select a place for the Dragon Princess. And so, now we shall bring her to you. Sixteen yearsfromnow you will observe her face. Observe her now and commit her face to memory."  29  So saying, they summoned herfromabove. There descended a wraithlike maiden, and Mo beheld her ageless beauty. The maiden was addressed by the ancient clad in red: "I can offer you only mastery 30  31  of the seasons. You may control them at your pleasure. Yes, I shall give you the ability to  28. Copy A says kikilwo woktyey thaphaity 7]7)SL ^-3] ^ f ^ f ^ l instead of woktyeykuy woktyey ^-^] f r ^ r - ! , as in Copy A (which is the version I compare Copy A to in the following footnotes even if no specific reference is made). K u , Sin Tongik, Kw6n & Ch'oe, and Chong & Y i treat kilwo as a summative and particle, -kiro -7} and attach it to the preceding verb: hayokkiro Sf'S 7] 29. Copy A says chotung instead of uysim $\ 43. Kw5n & Ch'oe say this is ch 'adung Ife^p (difference in  thaphaicy -£rtf]3\  2  status). 30. A syenkwan shaman).  -&?r is son'gwan fdjUT, an official  in fairyland  (son'gwan can also refer to a female  Olsen 79  control the seasons." He produced from his sleeve a length of silk in the Five Colours and 32  presented it to her saying, "In sixteen years' time we shall meet again; surrender it to me then." Next, the ancient clad in blue gave her a fan, saying, "With this, you can cover a thousand li in a single day. Surrender this as soon as you're finished." And now, the ancient clad in white handed her a crimson fan and said; "With this, you can control the winds and the mists. After you have found the Mo woman, surrender it." The ancient clad in black merely smiled, saying, "I have nothing to give you, but I shall lend you strength"—whereupon he lent her black qi. The maiden took up her gifts with one last look at Mo, and the moment she was about to ascend, a call of the crane announced the approach of another ancient, who, clad in yellow, descended and seated himself, saying, "Tell me, what recognition have you bestowed on the Mo woman? What recompense have you arranged for the Dragon Princess?" The first four ancients explained thus and so about their plan to make the Dragon Princess Mo's very own child. The yellow-clad ancient knit his brow, saying, "But then the child will lack a proper surname—we could not wish this upon a filial daughter-in-law." He consequently proceeded to explain thus and so, saying, "In this way, the world will know the Will of Heaven and as for the mother and daughter, they will come to know ethics and morality." All present concurred and they set off, each astride his iridescent cloud. All Mo could do was gaze wide-eyed about her. Traces of the ancients disappeared beyond mist and clouds; there was only the rushing of a towering waterfall. As she trudged home, she slipped and fell  31. Copy A has chocihol kesi (what one will possess) instead of cyemcihol kesi (what one will be blessed to give birth to). Kw6n & Ch'oe incorrectly assign Chinese characters to ch 'aji (2^£0, housekeeper) but give the correct definition. 32. The Five Colours usually refer to blue, yellow, white, red, and black.  Olsen 80  from an icy precipice and awoke to realize it had all been a dream. Reviewing the events of her dream, she realized her husband had died. She did what she could to offer up a memorial ceremony for him. She could not contain her grief. One day when Mo's sorrows were etched on her face, a chilling gust of wind arose, and there outside her hut stood none other than Sanlang. Startled, Mo inquired, "Has it not been decades, my husband, since you abandoned me? I knew not whither you had gone and many were my doubts and misgivings, when a divine spirit told me you had perished in the wars. I realized that although dreams are not to be believed, this one was unmistakable, and I therefore prepared a memorial mat for you without a tablet—but I can't help wondering whether I am seeing you in theflesh.Please, explain how it is that you present yourself at such an ungodly hour." Sanlang said in a voice choked with emotion, "Truly I knew not of your feminine virtues, and was unable to temper my prodigal proclivities. Heaven has visited me with misfortune for the sin of unduly neglecting you, and I died in this time of upheaval. I remain condemned in the next world—and rightly so. Enlightened though I may be, I am not yet wise enough to enter the ranks of the spirit world and am left to wander about in my wanton ways. Your observances on my behalf have been exemplary and added to my shame. In spite of the gulf that separates the worlds of light and darkness, I feel compelled to reward you." He spoke as if he were right there beside her, and he left. Hefrequentedher dreams, where they renewed their intimacy. Before she knew it, Mo had stomach pains, and her belly began to stir with child and grow bigger. She considered this exceedingly strange and worried lest she be found out. In the tenth moon, she felt the onset of labour and prepared for childbirth in her hut. Lo and behold, there was no child but a being, bright and shiny, in the form of a golden bell.  Olsen 81  Astonished at this peculiar sight, she pressed down on it with her hand, but it remained intact. She struck it with a rock, but it did not break. She cast it far and turned away, but it rolled right back. More incredulous, she flung it into deep water, but when she came back, the golden bell was bobbing on the surface. Seeing Mo leave, it came rolling after her as before. Mo considered, "I was born under a bad star. Meeting afreakof nature such as this bodes ill for me." She proceeded to light the fire and stuffed the bell into the fire hole. Five days later as she poked through the ashes, out popped the golden bell without a scratch, more striking andfragrantthan ever. Mo resigned herself to letting it do as it pleased. At night it would snuggle with Mo and by day itfrolickedabout. If perchance it spotted a bird on the wing, it shot up to retrieve it. It could climb trees to pickfruit.This provender the bell would set before Mo. On closer examination, Mo noticed something like a webfrominside the bell that glossed all that it touched, and it had a fine furry outer covering that was invisible to the casual eye. Whenever Mo was chilled, the bell would snuggle up to her, and Mo would no longer 34  feel cold. And when Mo returned to her hutfrommilling grain out in the elements in the dead of winter, the bell would scamper outside to greet her. When it was cold enough to drive Mo inside, she always found it surprisingly warm, and the light shiningfromthe bell made the interior of the hut bright as day. Mo thought this peculiar. Lest others find out, she kept the bell in the hut by day and slept with it close to her bosom by night. Little by little, the bell grew. It clambered up the hills as if on flat ground. Neither dust nor mud could sully it, roll about where it might. Things went on like this for quite some time and naturally people came to find out what was going on, and when everyone decided to investigate, the entrance to the hut was teeming 33. Copy A says te pischi * 3I*1 (more light) instead of kum pischi -ir^^l (golden light). 34. The Copy A text is a bit unclear—the furriness comes from the word that looks like swulip which Chdng & Y i , K u , Pak, and Sin Tongik say is sollip # j i (pine needles).  *g- Q, <  Olsen 82  with people. Women would pick the bell up; its light was resplendent and soft, its fragrance soared. But if among these visitors any man tried picking it up, it would dig into the ground. Not only would it be immovable, but its body became as afireball.No one dared touch it and marvelled at it all the more. In the village was a manfroma well-to-do family named Mu Sun, a scoundrel whose 35  foolish greed and heinous conduct exceeded all humankind. He set out to steal Mo's bell, and seized the chance while Mo was sleeping to spirit away the golden bell and return home and 36  boast to his wife and children. He then hid the bell. That night a fire arosefromout of nowhere and enveloped the whole house. Mu Sun was so surprised that he couldn't put on his clothes and dashed outside naked and turned to see the flames reaching the sky and the wind fanning the force of the fire. He could do nothing but watch his many possessions andfiirnishingsturn to ashes. Both Mu Sun and his wife moaned insanely. Amid all of this, they did not forget the bell. They approached the dying embers, dug through the ashes, and found the bell. From the ashes, the bell sprang forth and wrapped itself in Mu Sun's wife's skirts. They retrieved the bell and brought it out. That night Mu Sun's wife could not bear the cold, and Mu Sun said, "How can you be so cold in this broiling heat?" His wife said, "Moments ago this bell was burning with such heat, but now it's cold as ice. No matter how much I try to tear it off, it feels as though it has dug into myfleshand it won't come out."  35. In copies A and B , the name is Mwok Swon ^-^r. His name is also rendered Muk Son (Ku and Sin Tongik) and Mu Son (Chang, Chon, K i m & Ch6n, Kwdn & Ch'oe, and Yi). For Mu Son, Kim & Chdn suggest Wu Sun ]$M. However, I chose the (Korean) surname Mok H , Mu in pinyin, to retain the w-initial element and took K i m & ChSn's suggestion for the given name. 36. Copy A has canun *rfe (sleeping) in place of epnun ^ (not there; away).  Olsen 83  As soon as Mu Sun rushed forth to grab hold of it and tear it away, the bell instead turnedfieryhot and Mu Sun couldn't touch it. He screamed to his wife, "It's boiling hot! How can you say it'sfreezing!"And they argued back and forth. The bell had supernatural power over heaven and earth, so on one side it was cold as ice and the otherfieryhot. Mu Sun and his wife had no idea that the bell could change as such—only now did they realize it, saying, "We were rash in our conduct in stealing away this thing that we had no idea was sentfromHeaven. We have therefore suffered misfortune and have nothing left to do except apologize to Mo." That very night, they paid a visit to Mo's hut, where they found her seated, weeping over the loss of the bell. Mu Sun's wife stepped forward, fell to her knees, and implored her. Mo at once called for the bell and before she could say its name the bell rolled into the room.  37  Mu Sun's wife apologized to her, but Mu Sun, holding a grudge, went straight into the magistrate's office to report the golden bell's monstrosity to the magistrate. Master Zhang listened carefully and was so highly astonished that he marvelled at the news. He immediately dispatched a patrol with orders to bring the bell before him. Not long thereafter, the patrolmen returned and reported, "As your humble servants 38  39  tried to catch the bell, it would slip away here and slide over there. It is impossible for your humble servants to catch it." Master Zhangflewinto a rage and sent the patrol to apprehend Mo. It was only then that the bell came out rolling. Master Zhang began his official business. He looked at the bell 40  in its resplendent golden light as it illuminated people left and right. Some regarded it as un-  37. Copy A has pangulwo *&J2S. (into a room) in place of makulwo ^\H.iL (into a hut). 38. Copy A text is unclear, but it appears to be hokwo (and then) rather than niukkwo ^\ ^JL (suddenly). 39. From swointungi ^91^-°), wheresoin ' h A is a first-person pronoun with a pluralizer. 40. Copy A has nawonuncila T-t-^-Tr^l ^r (comes out) in place of stolaonuncila (follows after).  Olsen 84  canny, others as amazing. Master Zhang commanded a patrolman, "Deal it a heavy blow with the iron hammer!" The soldier hit it with all his might. The bell went underground but popped right back out again. This time the soldier set it on a stone and whacked it, but the bell swelled up and gradually got bigger until it grew larger than the size of a man. Master Zhang handed the soldier a treasured sword and said, "There is none other like this sword under heaven. Even if it inflicts a deep wound on a person, no blood can stain its blade. Destroy it with this sword." The soldier lifted the sword and struck with it once. The bell split into two identical bells, and they rolled about bumping into each other. He repeatedly struck the pieces, doubling them each time. The courtyard was filled with bells! Everyone was shocked. Zhang ordered, "Bring oil to a boil in a cauldron immediately and throw the bells into it!" Several people followed his command, brought oil to a boil, and threw the bells into it. Gradually the bells became smaller and the people rejoiced. The original bell became smaller and smaller until it was the size of a date pit. It floated on top of the oil before sinking to the bottom. One of the men approached the cauldron's edge in order to draw out the bell, but all the boiled oil had completely hardened into metal. The cauldron was sealed, and Mo was sent to prison. She was first taken to the women's quarters, where Zhang's wife urged her husband, "I saw today's spectacle and it is certainly heaven-sent. The bell cannot be disposed of so easily by human hands. Please release the woman Mo and see how things turn out." Zhang said with a sneer, "Magical a monster though it may be, how is it that we cannot control such a little thing?"  Olsen 85  His wife tried to persuade him, but he would not hear her. That very night when all were asleep, the bell, still inside the cauldron, took its chance while the guard had dozed off, punctured the sealed cauldron, and rolled out. It went straight into the flue leading to both the women's quarters and the magistrate's quarters. Suddenly, the sleeping Zhang let out a loud cry and awoke. Taken aback, his wife held him close and asked, "What has stirred you so, dear husband?" Master Zhang said, "The spot I was lying on is so sizzling hot, I felt I was burning out of my skin!" So he traded places with his wife and lay down. But he was just as hot as before. Unable to stand it a moment longer, he went out to the outer quarters and there too the room was like a roaring fire. Again, unable to endure it any longer, he wandered about outside until dawn. When his breakfast was placed before him, he tried to eat, but the food was so hot there was no way for him to bring it to his mouth. No matter how cold the place was where he let the food cool down, his meal grew gradually hotter. All the day long he grumbled, and then when his supper was placed before him, it was not hot, but cold as ice. Because of this, he skipped his meals, and again at night when he tried to sleep, it was as hot as the day before. And so it continued for three or four days: he could not eat, he could not sleep, he was nearly dead. He knew for certain that the bell's magical powers were behind this and stole away to the cauldron. He discovered that the cauldron was punctured and the bell was nowhere to be found. He sent somebody off at once to the prison, and he returned with this report: "Ever since the Mo woman was locked up, that bell has penetrated the prison door and has come and gone. Clenchingfruit,it has pushed its way inside through a crack in the door.  Olsen 86  Your humble servant looked in and could identify no one in the iridescent cloud of Five Colours that had surrounded the prison." Zhang's wife begged for Mo to be released. Master Zhang acquiesced and had her released at once. From that day forward, his eating and sleeping returned to normal. Zhang heard of Mo's filial acts and felt great remorse. He had her hut taken down and in its place had a large house built and ordered the laudatory Red Gate erected. In addition he prohibited outsiders and gave her a monthly stipend. All in all he made her life comfortable. 41  Ever since Master Zhang had come to Leiyang, he had been well provided for, but day and night he thought of Hailong and grieved with his wife. Because of this, his wife eventually became bedridden with a serious illness, and all medicines proved ineffective. Master Zhang stayed by her side night and day. One day, the wife took her husband's hand in hers and wept, saying, "Your humble wife's fortune is ill-fated. I lost my only child in the war and the thought of meeting him by chance in my lifetime has preserved me to this day. For over a decade, not knowing whether he was dead or alive, an illness has crept into the marrow of my bones. This is the last day I have to live. Even should I go to the highest of the nine heavens, how can I close my eyes? Please, dear husband, take good care of yourself for a long time." Her life came to an end. Master Zhang looked into her face and mourned, often fainting. People came right and left to steady him and tend to his needs. The bell came rolling in from outside and approached the wife's, corpse. Everyone watched as the bell dragged in what looked like a leaf, set it down, and left. It was quickly taken up. It appeared to be a leaffroma tree. Upon the leaf was written in fine script, GRATITUDE  HERB.  41. Copy A clearly says welum -|l-§-, which Pak defines as worum M P« (money given each month to cover living expenses) though Sin Tongik believes the word is unidentifiable. Chong & Y i and Kw6n & Ch'oe say it is woriin E I d (monthly wages).  Olsen 87  Master Zhang was elated, and said, "This is a repayment out of gratitudefromthe Mo woman," and stuffed the leaf into his wife's mouth. In the time it takes to eat one meal, the wife's body began to move and she turned herself over. The weeping on both sides ceased, and those present massaged her hands and feet. At that moment, she let out long breaths. Master Zhang inquired after her health, and the wife, awakeningfromher deathly slumber, answered clearly—her mind was vigorous. Delighted, Zhang told the entire story and was happy as never before. After that, his wife fully recovered from her illness and went in person to Mo's house where she thanked her profusely for granting her a second life. They became sworn sisters, after which the bell rolled up to 42  Zhang's wife, and she and Master Zhang loved it and never let it out of their grasp. As though already familiar with them, the bell cuddled up to them and welcomed their embraces. It used its cleverness to fulfill people's wishes. They named her Jinling, "Golden Bell."  43  By day, Golden Bell would go to her own home, but at night she would return to Master Zhang's home and sleep in the wife's bosom. Their affection exceeded that of kin. One day, Golden Bell dragged something in. Zhang and his wife regarded the thing as bizarre and picked it up. It looked like a scroll. When they unrolled it, they found a drawing of a child sitting on the roadside crying with bandits approaching on all sides as well as the image of a man and woman abandoning their child and fleeing, while looking back and weeping. There was also a drawing of a soldier setting Hailong on his back and heading toward his home in the countryside. moyco, which Pak, Chang, Chon, and K i m & Ch6n translate as kyorui #ait (oath of brother- or sisterhood) and Kwdn & Ch'oe as maeja which with hydngje JTLI& they say means nydja hyongje * l | (North Korean spelling of ~tc-f-JnLlll), "female siblings." Ch5ng & Y i and K u say maejo ^ °] 42. Copy A says  (swear) and Sin Tongik maeja SS^r, both unlikely translations. 43. Kumnyeng is Jinling ^Ife (Golden Bell). From this point on, I refer to the named Golden Bell as a she, in order to personify her, to make reference to her premortal form and to foreshadow the human form she will assume.  Olsen 88  Master Zhang cried, saying, "This drawing is surely a depiction of us abandoning Hailong." His wife also wept, saying, "How do you know he's still alive?" Zhang said, "From the picture of someone carrying a child on his back and entering a village. Come to think of it, I'm absolutely certain that it is somebody carrying him away to raise him. Golden Bell is most mysterious—she knew we were grieving and has let us know that Hailong is at least not dead. But she has not given us to know where he is. This too must be the Will of Heaven." They hung it over their bed and whenever they looked at it, their sadness found no solace. Afterward, Golden Bell suddenly disappeared. Mo cried and entered the main wing of the local government office and announced that Golden Bell was gone. Zhang and his wife were as greatly surprised as they were saddened. Meanwhile, the founding emperor of the Ming dynasty brought peace to the whole 44  land and ruled justly as a good and wise king. He reduced taxes and lightened punishments. Overjoyed, the people of the land responded by singing the "Ground-thumping Song." ' The 45  Empress in her old age gave birth to her first child, a princess fully endowed with beauty and virtue, unequalled in ten thousand ages. Little by little, the Princess grew and by age ten her filial deeds went unsurpassed. Her hundred charming talents complemented her gifted 46  44. Zhu Yuanzhang (1328-98; reigned 1368-98), reign name Hongwu S 5 t 45. Kyokyang ka HI5ISfc (Ji rang ge). The song may have pre-Han dynasty (206 BC-AD 220) origins. According to Burton Watson, the song is "reputed to be ... of very early times sung by peasant elders as they beat on the ground to keep time." Watson has translated the song as, "When the sun comes up we work, / when the sun goes down we rest. / We dig a well to drink, / plow the fields to eat— / the Emperor and his might—what are they  to us!" (The Columbia Book of Chinese Poetry: From Early Times to the Thirteenth Century, 70). 46. Copy A haspoykhyen instead ofpoykthoy. Poykhyen ispaekhyon HaM (one hundred talents). Pak is the only one who mentions Copy B'spoykthoy, which he transcribes aspaekt'ae ("various phases," used in the terms miin paekt'ae H A S S I , "various poses of glamorous women," and insaeng paekt'ae A^feMSl,  Olsen 89  comportment. The Emperor and Empress cherished her like a treasured jade; they could not 47  set her down, and they gave her the imperial name of Princess Jinxian, "Golden Fairy."  48  Now the time is spring, toward the middle of the third month. The Empress gathered the Princess and ladies-in-waiting, and in the moonlight they assembled in her garden, which 49  was adorned with all varieties of flowers. The women were bathed in moonlight, and the flowers'fragrancedrenched their clothing. As nesting birds squabbled, the women led each other with their delicate hands and, drifting elegantly to andfro,went up to the west garden  50  where they gazed all about in wonder. All of a sudden a group of black clouds emerged from the southwest grounds. A raging wind blew something bizarre toward them, and it opened its mouth as it swooped down on them. All the women fainted and fell on their faces. Soon afterwards, the clouds lifted and both heaven and earth became calm once more. By the time the others came to their senses and stood up, the Princess and two ladies-in-waiting were nowhere to be found. All were greatly astonished and searched everywhere for them, but there was neither hide nor hair. Apprised of the situation at once, the Emperor, too, was greatly as51  "various phases of life"). Pak translates yoyo -S_iL in the early modern text as yoyoty\MX(pretty) and then yoyo 1k3; (young) in the modern text. 47. Choymwoy here is chaemo ^|^. Mo |& can refer specifically to "reverence in one's actions." 48. K i m & ChSn say Kumsyen is Kumson ^{llj, which is also another name for the Buddha. Chang 2 writes, Nosdn kongju ic-Q^ ^ (Princess Nos6n), and Ch6n renders it, Noson p'okchu hc-Q^^r (which I am quite sure he did not intend to mean, "Noson the Heavy Drinker"). 49. Hwuwen here is huwon (a queen's garden). 50. Pak translates syewen ^ ^ as sowon H I S (garden to the west). Ch6ng & Y i believe syewen is the famed Shanglinyuan _h#?E, the imperial garden and hunting grounds of the Qin HI and Han dynasties. However, the Shanglinyuan was in Changan U S (Xi'an ffiS) and was believed to be destroyed at the end of the Han dynasty. The imperial gardens spoken of in Golden Bell may be set in Nanjing ^ B., the early Ming capital before its move to Beijing ikj?. in the early fifteenth century. Kwon & Ch'oe say syewen is sowon JSIE, the Yuan imperial capital's (Beijing) West Flower Gate (XihuamenffiljIH).There was such a gate centuries later in the late Ming-early Qing palace fortress. 51. Copy A has hyengyengi ^§ ^ °1 instead ofyenghyengi ^ ^ °1, which Pak says is yonghyong (shadow). Hyengyeng is hydngyong j&ilfr (form inseparable from its shadow).  Olsen 90  tonished and immediately called for the imperial guards. He had the entire palace surrounded and searched, but no trace was found. 52  The Empress lamented, saying, "How in heaven or on earth could this have happened?" She could no longer bring herself to eat or drink and grieved bitterly day and night. 53  The Emperor was also beside himself and had no idea what to do, so he issued an official proclamation stating, "To him whofindsthe Princess, half the empire!" Before all this took place, Zhang Shen placed Hailong on his back and slipped away. Within a few days he had returned to his ancestral home. His wife Bian was so delighted she dashed toward him and said, "I worried day and 54  night, not knowing whether you were dead or alive. I dreamed last night that I saw you ride in on a dragon, and I assumed right away you had met misfortune. How could I have known that I'd live to see you again today?" She pointed toward the child and asked, "Where did you get that child from?" Zhang Shen explained thus and so. Bian put on a happy face, but deep in her heart she was greatly displeased. Late into life, Bian had not yet borne children, until suddenly she showed signs of pregnancy. Zhang Shen was overjoyed when she gave birth to a son and named him Xiaolong, "Little Dragon." 55  At age seven, Xiaolong began to show some talent, but how could it compare to Hailong, who bore the attractive demeanour of Pan Yue and was magnanimous toward his 56  52. The verb here is etutwoy °] — ^ ) , which may be a dialect form of ot-  (obtain); Hamgydng i$Mi  dialect has odubonda °] H^-n]- for odobonda ^ °] ^ r ^ L 53. Pak, Chong & Y i , Sin Tongik, and K u take cyelkwok to be cholgok #635 (extreme mourning), and Chang, Kw6n & Ch'oe, K i m & Chon, Chon, and Y i write cholgok (abstaining from eating and drinking)—Pak uses the former characters and gives the latter translation. 54. Pyen ^ is Bian TA according to Sin Kihyong, and Bian ~F according to K i m Kidong.  55. Swolyong i - f - is Xiaolong ' L f l .  Olsen 91  parents? Hailong and Xiaolong learned to write together. For each Chinese character that Hailong learned, he understood ten other characters and with one glance he could easily read multiple things. By age ten, Hailong had mastered composition. Zhang Shen was a compassionate person, and loved Hailong more than his own offspring. Bian, forever jealous of the attention Hailong received, would strike her son Xiaolong infrontof Zhang Shen sofrequentlythat he criticized his wife's lack of kindness. 57  At age thirteen Hailong had acquired a heroic appearance, wisdom, and talents; the sun paled in comparison to his dignified magnanimity which was clear and shiny as the restless  58  vast blue sea. How could his loftiness and excellence be compared to that of a common child? Still, Bian grew more jealous day by day and plotted every conceivable method to send him away, but Zhang Shen refused to listen to her and loved Hailong all the more. Zhang Shen made sure that Hailong was at his side at each moment to protect his human nature and fate. Hailong was obedient; so complete was he in his devotion to Zhang Shen that no relative dropped by without praising him. As has always been the case since times of old, if a hero misses out on his chance to confront his destiny, his body exhausts itself soon thereafter. Zhang Shen suddenly fell ill and all medicines proved ineffective. Hailong constantly devoted himself to his adoptive father's aid, but alas Zhang Shen showed no signs of convalescence and each day his condition worsened. Zhang Shen realized that he could no longer stand up on his own and, holding Hailong's hand in his, wept and said, "Today my life will come to an end. How can I deceive 56. Pan Yue S I S (247-300) was a poet from Jin H China known for his good looks. L i - l i Ch'en calls him the "paragon of pulchritude" (Chieh-yuan Tung, Master Tung's Western Chamber Romance, 128 n. 97). 57. Copy A has what looks like thinhotela, which is most likely the verb t'anha- fr*}— (find fault with; criticize), instead of hanhotela (limited). 58. Copy A has twichinun ^\ $r (upset; overturn) instead ofphecinun 5| * |fe-(spread; expand).  Olsen 92  your relational propriety? During the war, I found you on the roadside when you were only three years old. You had such a remarkable physiognomy and extraordinary temperament that I put you on my back and ran away, hoping that you'd bring glory to our clan. But, unhappy, I now die and go to the land of the dead—how can I shut my eyes? Bian and her son are uncompassionate and will certainly harm you after I'm gone; your means of self-protection are up to you. Do be careful. A true man does not harbour trifling suspicions, and though Xiaolong is my unworthy son, he is my own flesh and blood. I beg you look after him, and if you do not cast him out, I shall have no lingering regrets though I go to the underworld." He called Bian and Xiaolong to his side, bade them sit down, and said, "Even after I die, show your tender love particularly toward Hailong; treat him as you would Xiaolong. Some day Hailong will become respectable and will enjoy glory for ages to come, so do not take my dying words lightly this day." Thus saying, he died. Hailong deeply mourned his passing, so that there was not a soul who saw him that did not gape in awe at his devotion. Hailong gave every attention to the funeral and interred Zhang Shen in the ancestral burial ground and returned home. Hailong had no place to turn or rely on and was sad both night and day. After Zhang Shen's death, Bian treated Hailong ex59  tremely cruelly and withheld food and clothingfromhim regularly. Every day she made him work the dry fields and rice paddies. He had to feed the cows. She gave him not a moment's rest when he collected firewood. Bian badgered him night and day. Hailong became even more humble and diligent and indulged in no idleness; his natural appearance grew emaciated as he 60  sufferedfromhunger and cold.  59. For  uyyangholtuy, Chong & Y i and Kw6n & Ch'oe suggest uihyanghal hot ft fall: % (place to rely  on). 60. Copy A ha,s hoythqyihaet'ae  UM, laziness) in place of hwoyphi  (hoep'i 0®,.avoidance).  Olsen 93  The time was the dead of winter. Bian slept with Xiaolong in a warm room and made Hailong mill the rice, so Hailong would pound the rice in the mortar till very late at night. How did this child persevere under one layer of clothing? He went to his room for a moment and tried to rest,'but the biting wind drove the snow into his room and he had nothing to cover himself with. He winced and slept on his face, but awoke and saw his room grow bright as though it were day and hot like summer. He was sweating all over and, alarmed, rose to see that the sun had not yet come up. A heavy layer of snow still covered thefield.He rushed to the mill to complete the night's work, but it had already been done and the rice had been placed in a vessel. He gaped in disbelief at the strange events and traced his steps back to his room, which was just as bright and hot as before. With great suspicion, he looked all about the room and found what looked like a bell the size of a drum lying on his bed. If he tried to grab it, it would scutter one way or roll the other way out of his reach. Hailong marvelled and looked closely; the golden light shone brightly and had hot spots in the Five Colours on it, and each time it moved, it gave off a powerful fragrance. Hailong thought, "These are definitely not chance occurrences," and deep in his heart he was delighted. Once steeped in hunger and cold, his body was no longer shivering, and he again fell asleep and slept late. That night Bian and her son were so cold they could not sleep. They sat through the whole night shivering. When the sun rose, she emergedfromher room and looked about. A thick blanket of snow had covered the house and a cold wind nipped at her face. She called for Hailong but received no answer. "He surelyfrozeto death," she silently mused, as she shoved the snow aside, and stepped outside. Opening Hailong's door just a crack, she was taken aback to see Hailong stripped naked and sound asleep. As she tried waking him up, she looked all  Olsen 94  around—the snow had completely covered everything in a blanket of white, and only the outer quarters, where Hailong was relegated, remained untouched by even a speck of snow! A powerful heat rose like smokefromhis room. Dumbfounded, she went in and told Xiaolong, "This is so very strange—come and see what he is doing!" Hailong, rousedfromhis sleep, entered Bian's room, politely inquired after her health, and grabbed a broom. He had only started to sweep the snow out when suddenly a fierce gust of wind swept up all the snow within minutes. The wind dispelled, and Hailong speculated over the incident. Bian considered it all the more outlandish and thought, "Hailong is clearly involved in black magic and tricking people. If I let this go on, a great calamity will befall me." She tried to devise the best way to seize the chance to kill him. However, a clever plot to rid herself of him eluded her, until finally she hit on a scheme. She called Hailong to her, saying, "Since my husband passed on, you've seen how our family fortune has disappeared. Our family owns a farm in Jiuhudong, but in recent years there have been so many mishaps because of tigers 61  infesting the area and people getting injured, that the farm has been closed for decades. If you reclaim that land, I'll marry you off. We too would be happy if we lived under your care, and I do worry that we may regret sending you to such a dangerous place." Hailong gladly accepted her proposal, quickly got the plow in order and made ready to leave. Bian pretended to dissuade him, but Hailong laughed, saying, "Life and death are already assigned in Heaven; how can a few beasts hurt me?" and departed with celerity. Bian came to the gate and told him to hurry back. Hailong responded to her farewell and traveled to Jiuhudong. In a small field with dense vegetation surrounded by steep cliffs, he 61.1 chose to see Kwuhwotwong ^S.-^- as Jiuhudong TLf&M-  Olsen 95  grabbed hold of some vines and entered. All he came across were the tracks of tigers, leop62  ards, jackals, and wolves. Any human traces were obscured. 63  Hailong, unconcerned, proceeded to take off his outer clothes. He rested for a moment. As the sun began to set behind the western mountains, he started to plow a few furrows. Suddenly a strong wind swooped by, kicking up sand. Over a hill a tigress with a white forehead sprang forth, her scarlet jaws agape. Hailong came to his senses and made ready to defend himself, butfromthe west yet another huge tiger roared like a thunderbolt and jumped forward—Hailong was surely in dire straits. All of a suddenfrombehind his back, Golden Bell rushed forth and took on the tigers one by one. The tigers bellowed and pounced upon Golden Bell. Golden Bell head-butted them as they came until the two fell to the ground headfirst. Hailong leapt in and killed the animals and then looked to see Golden Bell, rolling quick as lightning. Within half an hour she had plowed the spacious field. Hailong considered Golden 64  Bell strange but enchanting and thanked Golden Bell a thousand times. Dragging the dead tigers, he descended the mountain. When he turned around to look, Golden Bell was nowhere to be found. Around the same time back at home, Bian was thinking she had sent Hailong to a certain death. She gladly assumed he had been killed and felt the happiest she'd ever been. Suddenly she heard a clamour and people chatteringfromoutside. Bian dashed out and saw Hailong dragging in two enormous tigers. Absolutely shocked, she praised the fact that he'd safely returned, pretended to be happy that he'd caught the large tigers, and told him to get  62. According to Pak, tungna -^M is tung namu •¥• (wisteria vine). Ch6ng & Y i call it tungna H H , "a general term for viny plants, such as ivy, arrowroot, etc." To Kwdn & Ch'oe, it is taengdaengi tonggul ^ °1 ^ (Cocculus trilobus, related to the moonseed family, Menispermum). 63. Pak suggests that the ravenous beasts are tigers, panthers, wolves, and foxes. 64. Nelun H- (wide; spacious), yet the same field is called cyekun 2) (small) above. -  Olsen 96  some rest right away. Hailong mentioned his unworthiness of such praise and went to his room where Golden Bell was already waiting for him. That night, Bian, together with Xiaolong, dragged the dead tigers into the district office on the sly. Upon seeing this spectacle, the astounded Magistrate asked, "Where did you go to catch those two huge tigers?" Bian replied, "We were fortunate enough to catch them in a tiger trap, and now we humbly present them to you." The Magistrate praised them and rewarded them with ten guan in cash. Bian accepted 65  the reward and hurried back home, admonishing Xiaolong, "Not one word is to be said about this." As they hastened along, the darkened east grew darker. As soon as they came over a hilltop, a group of strong bandits approached them. Without so much as a "how do you do?" they bound Bian and her son to a treetop, robbed them of all their belongings and clothing, and left the area. Bian hungfromthe tree naked. Every method she used to escape came to no avail. It was Golden Bell who had magically tied them to the tree—how could they escape? Then Hailong wokefromhis sleep, and came in tofindthat Bian and Xiaolong were missing. He looked all around and could not locate even the captured tigers. Greatly alarmed, he thoroughly checked every nook and cranny. Overhearing some passersby saying amongst themselves, "A bandit tied some people up in a tree and made a run for it," Hailong suspected something and quickly found Bian and her son, naked, hanging high up in a tree. He quickly climbed the tree and helped them down. Golden Bell's supernatural powers knew no limits. If Hailong were hot, she'd cool him off; if he were cold, she'd make it warm for him. She lightened all his difficult tasks. Hailong set his heart on Golden Bell. Time passed, and one day Xiaolong idly ventured forth and 65. One guan  M is a string of one thousand coins.  Olsen 97  somehow murdered someone. He returned and told Bian, who was so surprised that she did not know what to do. A constable, large as a tiger, rushed over to haul Xiaolong off, but Bian hid Xiaolong and then dashed out. Pointing to Hailong, she declared, "You killed someone and are deliberately pretending to know nothing about it while trying to put the blame on a young child for it!" She began to strike Hailong, reviling him. Hailong thought, "If I vindicate myself, Xiaolong will die. I could turn myself in to keep my honorary father's lineagefrombeing discontinued forever—and I could never let that happen. On the one hand, it would be better that I die to pay back the great indebtedness I have to my parents for bringing me up, and yet even more so on the other hand, I should not disregard my master Zhang's dying words to look after Xiaolong." And so Hailong came forward and declared, "I am the murderer; Xiaolong is falsely accused." Asking no more about the matter, the officer apprehended Hailong, led him to the courtyard of the magistrate's office, forced him to his knees, and demanded a confession. Hailong gladly admitted to the crime and a confession was drawn up. They locked him up in a cangue and lowered him into his cell. A golden luminescence seemed to safeguard Hailong's person as he went. The Magistrate regarded it as odd and sent a servant at night to the prison. Not much later, the servant returned and reported, "In most cells where there are criminals, it is too dark to see anything, but where Hailong rests there is something glowing as bright as a fire. I took a peek and Hailong, even though he is locked up in a cangue, is lying asleep under a silk blanket." Hearing this and considering it highly unusual, the Magistrate looked deeply into the matter. The law of his district was to severely punish criminals guilty of murder once every fifth day and then shut them up again in their cells. Infivedays, all the criminals were brought  Olsen 98  up, and punishment was meted out to each. It drew near to the time for Hailong's beating. Recently, in his old age, the Magistrate had gained a son, and this year his son turned three. He adored his son, who was like a treasured gem in his hands. This day, the Magistrate sat his child down before Hailong who was getting beaten. With each blow of the cudgel, the child cried his head off and fainted. The Magistrate did not know why this was and became flus56  tered. He ordered the bastinado be stopped, and the child went on playing as before. Terrified, the Magistrate had Hailong's cangue removed, held Hailong under light custody, and dared not strike him again. Several months passed by, and all too soon it was winter. Even though Bian did not bring Hailong adequate morning and evening meals, he showed no signs of distress. One night, the Magistrate and his wife slept together with their son at their feet. The parents suddenly awoke—their child was nowhere to be found. The couple trembled and searched every quarter, but there were no traces. The Magistrate and his wife hurried about in a dither and shouted for him everywhere. All at once, the jailer rushed in and announced, "It is most unusual—it sounds as though there is a baby bawling in the prison." The Magistrate stumbled and tumbled all over himself in his flight to the prison where he found the child seated before Hailong and crying. The Magistrate sprang forward, snatched the child up in his arms, and said on his way out, "That wizard Hailong is an atrocious fiend! Whip him to death—no questions asked!"  66. Pak here says kankanhi ? r l h * l is kan 'gani describes a child crying its head off.  (at intervals), but Kwon & Ch'oe say the former  Olsen 99  The torturer, wielding a huge whip, flung it at Hailong with all his might, but before it hit him the Magistrate's son fainted as before. The Magistrate's wife turned pale and related 67  to her husband in the outer quarters what had happened. The Magistrate was surprised and told them to let Hailong downfromthe cangue. That night the child disappeared as before, and they ran straight to the prison. The child was having Hailong hold him and they were playfully teasing each other. The parents drew their sonfromprison, but soon after the child cried and begged to go back into the prison. No matter how much they coaxed him, he would cry and whine day and night. Able to bear it no longer, they had the maid put him on her back and carry him into the prison. Only then did he laugh and romp about, making Hailong pick him up. He did not leave Hailong alone for even a moment. The Magistrate inevitably found Hailong innocent and released him, telling him to take good care of the child. Hailong thanked the Magistrate, and from that day on Hailong lived in one of his outbuildings where the Magistrate showered him with clothing, food, and other niceties. At this time, Bian wanted to find out whether Hailong had been put to death. To her chagrin, she learned the truthfroma confiding local clerk. She consulted with Xiaolong, "Hailong has been setfree,and if the governor-generalfindsout about our false accusation of murder, we will die." She continued, "We have no choice but to get rid of our future trouble." She called on Hailong right away and told him, "I received word that your uncle's illness is so serious that I must visit him. Xiaolong will travel with me to my brother's home, so come home tonight, sleep, and go." Hailong consented and slept alone in the outer quarters. In the late hours of the night, a fire suddenly broke out and he was encircled by flames. Joltedfromsleep, Hailong quickly 67. The original says pwuhuyyethwo -T-S) <^S. for which I have found no translation. Y i writes pwuhuythwo, minus the ye (as do Sin Tongik and KwSn & Ch'oe), and says the meaning is "before it reaches the body." Pak translates it as kkomtchakto ^ ^ J E . and Chong & Y i as kkumtchokto 5 . ([does not] budge).  Olsen 100  came out to see the light from the flames reaching the sky and smoke and embers billowing toward heaven. An unanticipated wind aided the intensity of the flames reducing the home to ashes. Only the outer quarters were left untouched by theflames.Hailong looked toward heaven and sighed, "Heaven, how can you send a person down and weary his whole life so?" He went straight back into the room and wrote something on the wall, then continued out to Zhang Shen's grave, where he wept bitterly for a spell. Then he stood up straight and took to the road. Hailong did not know where he was headed, but he turned his wandering feet southward. Around this time, thinking that Hailong had most likely died, Bian came back. To her dismay, she saw that Hailong's room had not burned and made out his writing on the wall, which read, H E A V E N HAS SENT M E HERE, BUT M Y FORTUNE HAS B E E N I L L - F A T E D . I LOST M Y PARENTS IN WAR, A N D WANDERED A L O N G A R O A D . DESTINED TO C O M E TO THIS H O M E , I WAS NURTURED FOR OVER TEN Y E A R S . THE DEPTH OF L O V E A N D AFFECTION, THE SADNESS OF D E A T H . I STROVE TO P A Y B A C K THE KINDNESS, BUT IT WENT UNNOTICED. I WAS SENT FORTH TO DIE! O N TIGER M O U N T A I N  68  I TILLED THE D R Y FIELDS A N D  S U R V I V E D — W H E N I RETURNED HOME, Y O U WERE UNHAPPY. I WAS PUT IN PRISON FOR M U R D E R , A N D STILL M Y M I S F O R T U N E  69  REMAINS.  A FERE AROSE TO ENGULF M E ! L U C K I L Y , I AVOIDED THE CATASTROPHE. I A M DISOWNED. TEARS S T R E A M DOWN BEFORE M Y E Y E S .  68. Only Pak mentions hwosan S.^} in his translation, which I assume is hosan t&lh (Tiger Mountain; tiger-infested mountain). 69. For oykhwoy Pak puts aekhoe J@# (height of misfortune); all others say it is aekhwa JafS (calamity, misfortune), except for Sin Tongik who mistranscribes it as oehoe $\ s\ and says it is unidentifiable.  Olsen 101  I M E N D M Y FAULTS. Y O U M A Y N E V E R SEE M E IN D A Y S TO C O M E . W H E N I THINK OF D A Y S PAST, I W O U L D NOT H A V E EXPECTED THIS P A T H .  Upon reading all of it, she worried lest others discover it, so she erased the message. Meanwhile, Hailong left Bian's home and headed south until he arrived at a place where an enormous mountain blocked his path. He could not find a way around, and as he thus vacillated Golden Bell rolled in and led the way ahead. He followed her over a ridge. Between steep cliffs, the green grass and rock became a bit easier underfoot. Hailong sat on a rock and as he was taking a rest, suddenly there was a thunderclap. In the ensuing tremor a strange beast with golden fur gaped open its vermilion mouth, bounded toward Hailong, and tried to bite him. Hailong rushed to avoid its attack, and Golden Bell quickly blocked the beast. The beast shook its body and turned into a thing with nine heads. It snatched up Golden Bell, swallowed her, and entered its lair. Downcast, Hailong said, "Golden Bell is surely dead," and mourned, not knowing what to do. Suddenly a mad whirlwind passed by and in the midst of a cloud a voice cried out, "Why do you idly wander so instead of rescuing Golden Bell?" The cloud disappeared, and Hailong thought, "Heaven has given me instruction, yet I haven't even a small weapon on me. How can I fend for my life? But if it weren't for Golden Bell, how could I have survived?' He girded up his loins tightly and rushed into the cave, but 70  could discern no farther than a few inches infrontof him. After several li, he still found no traces. But, exerting all the strength he had, he managed to crawl along until suddenly the  70. From cangswok id tantanhi hokwo, which means "dress tightly (in order to accomplish something), and..."  Olsen 102  ground and sky came into clear view. The sun and moon cast their bright light. He was thus enabled to examine his surroundings and make out some gold lettering on a stone monument: PENGLAIDONG, M O U N T L A N T 7 A N  71  He came upon a stone bridge resembling a cloud, which spanned a towering waterfall. He crossed over the sacred waterfall and found a gate, widely opened, which led into the middle of Penglaidong. There he dimly saw a mother-of-pearl palace with its inner and outer walls. Looking closer, Hailong and saw written above the gate, again in large gold letters: JINXIAN P A L A C E  7 2  Long ago, following the onset of time, the Golden Pig appeared as the spirit of the sun 73  and moon and attained enlightenment; its magic is endless. Hailong hesitated outside the gate and dared not go in. Suddenly, however, he spotted several women beyond the gate coming outside, so Hailong quickly hid himself in the fragrant grass. He watched as the women brought bloodstained clothes to the stream and washed them. They talked amongst themselves, "Our sovereign went out today because of sudden pain in its innards. The thing has been vomiting blood countless times and fainting. What with its supernatural powers and all, to get  71. None of the transcriptions provide any Chinese characters or explanations for Pwongnoytwong. In Chinese myths, Mount Penglai If ill (Pongnaesan) is a place inhabited by immortals. The name is also used in Korea to describe the Kumgang Mountains ^^IJlll in summer. I use dong M for twong Mount Lantian is where Zhang and his wife originally meet Hailong. 72. Again, no transcription provides any characters or definitions for Kumsyensyutwopwi o ^ r f .£¥1, transcribed as Kumsonsudobu ilMd^rin.-T- by ChSng & Y i , K u , Pak, Sin Tongik, and Y i ; Kumsdnsudobi ^-Q^rSLV] by Kw6n & Ch'oe; and Kumsonsubu - n ^ ^ r - T - by Chang, Chon, and K i m & Chon. I am unsure whether this is a direct allusion to Princess Jinxian (KumsSn) or not, or to the Underwater Palace {subu TKlff) that the premortal Hailong was unable to visit. A syuto TT S (archaic spelling for sudo is a cave, so with pi ffi, it could be Monument to Jinxian Cave. Subu is also H Jff (capital city), and kumsyen could refer to any number of kumsons, such as 4EJ§ (gilded fan), MM (silk fan), &$jL (golden thread), Spit (komun'go string), or &f$t (golden ship). Or it could be Kum sonsubu ^ f e ^ " ^ - , Golden Bow (of a ship). Sudo could also refer to a "capital city" (Hf^), or even a "beautiful city by a lake or river" (TKfP). Since the following sentence makes mention of the Golden Pig, the word may be a reference to the Pig or its residence. 73. Kumcyey o - ^ l (kumjd kumch'e ^ E H ) refers to the Golden Pig, a monster believed to live underground. The Golden Pig refers to the monster that has used its magic, including the power to transform itself, to capture Golden Bell.  Olsen 103  this kind of disease ... it will be good if it feels better soon. Otherwise, if it takes a while to heal all will be horrible for us." One of the women said, "Her Highness the Princess dreamed last night that an ancient came downfromheaven and said, 'Tomorrow around noon, a most gifted lad will come in, capture the evil demon, and rescue you. You will be able to return to your homeland. This lad is the son of the Dragon King of the East Sea and has a destiny bound with yours. These experiences are also a part of your fate. By all means, do not resist the decree of Heaven,' and asked her to not reveal this to anyone. But it's already past one in the afternoon and no one has come, so the dream must have been false." She let out a heavy sigh. Upon hearing this, Hailong promptly shoved the weeds aside and quickly approached them. Startled, the women began to flee, but Hailong detained them, saying, "Don't be frightened. I came here tofindthe evil demon—show me just where it is!" The women stopped to listen. They remembered the Princess's dream and marvelled. In tears they approached Hailong and declared, "Because of you we will live! Please make it possible for each of us to return home!" They then led Hailong inside the layered inner gates, where they heard the heinous groans of some beast coniingfromthe beautiful interior of the palace. Hailong quickly found the beast lying on a table convulsing. When this beast saw Hailong, it tried to get up but fell on its back again, its body writhing so much that it could not get anywhere. All the while it was continuously vomiting blood. Hailong wanted to slay it but he carried no weapon. Suddenly, a most lovely woman, her body delicately arrayed in a crimson skirt decorated with the seven treasures, lifted a valuable swordfromits place on the 74  74. In Buddhist texts, the seven treasures are usually gold, silver, lapis lazuli, crystal, agate, mother-of-pearl, and coral.  Olsen 104  wall and handed it to Hailong. He quickly steadied his grip on the sword and pounced upon the monster's chest, repeatedly stabbing it until at last the beast went limp and died. A closer inspection revealed the beast to be a golden-haired sow. Hailong tore open her chest whereupon Golden Bell came rolling out. Hailong was exceedingly glad and shouted, "Are you twenty women tricking us? Will you be turning into monsters?" 75  All the women knelt down together and announced, "We are all humans, not monsters. We were mistakenly abducted by the monster to this place and endured its abuse as servants. The one who moments ago handed you the sword is none other than the present Emperor's only daughter, Princess Jinxian." Before they could finish their explanation, the resplendent Princess came forth with traces of sorrow on her face and thanked Hailong, saying, "I am indeed the Princess. Six years ago I humbly escorted my mother the Empress in her garden to enjoy the moonlight when this monster snatched us away. The reason for my life being spared night and day is that until this very time my ladies-in-waiting have endured the abuse, and we have thus survived. By the grace of Heaven you took it upon yourself to come to our rescue. If we could but return to our homeland to meet our parents before we die, we would be perfectly gratified." She lifted her sleeve to hide her face and wept bitterly. After hearing every particular, Hailong was filled with sadness and said, "I wish to accompany you out of here, but it will be difficult to traverse the rough terrain. Let me take leave of you for a short time to report to the local magistrate so that I may return to assist you in all stateliness. Please wait here a moment." The Princess cried, saying, "But once you are gone, who knows what other mishap might befall us!" She implored Hailong to let them follow him. 75. Here, the number of women is several dozen, but later it is specified as twenty.  Olsen 105  Hailong comforted her saying, "That golden bell is made of the principles of heaven and earth, and so naturally her magical powers entrapped the monster. Your Highness's preservation was also brought about by this bell. No matter the difficulty, she will surely save you. So do not worry. I shall return momentarily," and he made his way quickly out of the cave and headed straight into the southern fortress. He found a crowd of people gathered at a main crossroad. They were reading a public notice, and Hailong plowed his way through to see the writing: THE EMPEROR HAS CIRCULATED THE FOLLOWING THROUGHOUT THE L A N D : OUR R O Y A L PERSON L A C K E D VIRTUE FOR WE PRODUCED N O CROWN PRINCE A T A N E A R L Y STAGE A N D H A D O N L Y ONE DAUGHTER. A R O U N D MIDNIGHT O N A CERTAIN D A Y , SHE WAS A B D U C T E D B Y A MONSTER. IF THERE BE A N Y M A N WHO FINDS HER A N D PRESENTS HER TO U S , WE S H A L L SHARE H A L F THE EMPIRE A N D BE E Q U A L IN RICHES A N D HONOUR.  Once Hailong was finished reading, he took down the notice, much to the surprise of the government official in charge of the notice. The official grabbed hold of Hailong and demanded to know the meaning of this. Hailong replied, "I cannot discuss this matter here." He brought the official before the superior officer and told him the entire story. The magistrate was delighted beyond measure and had Hailong sit on the floor of the main hall. He congratulated Hailong, saying, "Such a thing has not come to pass for ages!" and had him report the long and short of it. Hailong then mustered up a dignified and capable crew and requested urgent leave. The magistrate and his crew at once ventured with Hailong toward Mt. Lantian.  Olsen 106  When Hailong made the first trip, he did not pay close attention to details, and so on the return trip in the vast mountain he lost track of the way and they truly wandered about, until suddenly Golden Bell appeared before them and led the way. The magistrate marvelled at this and followed along into the cave. From the time that the Princess had sent forth Hailong, she had offered up supplications to Heaven, and now here rolled Golden Bell and behind her a vast multitude of infantry and cavalry. The magistrate alitfromhis horse, approached the Princess, and inquired after her health. He had the ladies-in-waiting assist the Princess into a sedan chair and they set out. Once the troops had accompanied the twenty ladies-in-waiting along with the Princess out of the cave, Hailong set fire to Penglaidong and brought Golden Bell out. The landscape shook at the sound of their rejoicing. Once the magistrate had arranged for the Princess to stay in a special outlying building and had put Hailong up in an inn, he proceeded to report the circumstances to the imperial throne and then treated his distinguished guests to a feast beyond all measure. The Princess would not let Golden Bell out of her hand for even a moment. Day and night she held Golden Bell close and had her show the way up to the capital, with the twenty women in tow. Even now, the Emperor and Empress still mourned the loss of their Princess day and night. Even though they lay under silk blankets in opulence, food and sleep were a tremendous burden. Happiness had fledfromall they did, until at last they received word about the Princess. Nonetheless they were half in doubt at the news and unable to speak. At last they read the magistrate's report and were extremely overjoyed. The imperial court and all its officials came forthfromthe five palace gates and requested audience to offer their congratulations to the Emperor. Shouts of joy erupted both inside and outside the palace. Gladness shiningfromthe imperial visage, the Emperor received each congratulatory visitor. Not only did the Emperor  Olsen 107  have the Qingzhou magistrate's report circulated, but he also sent forth three thousand 76  ironclad cavalrymen early in the morning with instructions to protect the Princess's procession. While he himself was thus preparing to go forth to welcome the procession in person, he quickly thought upon Zhang Hailong's meritorious deed, and with his imperial script made him general over the charioteers and asked him to accompany the Princess. Still on the road, Hailong was honoured to accept the imperial decree delivered to him and bowed deeply four times facing north. He tied the hefty general's insignia to one side of his waist and took the lead of all local governors and officials. His stately decorum shone with divinity. Day and night they doubled their pace until they arrived at the imperial capital. As the Emperor led his court outside the city to greet them, his people filled the streets shouting "Long live the Emperor!" They jumped for joy and danced while their happy voices resounded far and near. The procession entered the palace, and the Empress wept, embracing the Princess and holding her face. Teardrops also fellfromthe Emperor. The Princess dried her tears and proceeded to explain in detail the entire story of her abduction by the monster and her sufferings. She also recounted her dream in which an ancient had appeared and told how Hailong was able to subdue the pig monster through Golden Bell's magic. The Empress stroked Golden Bell and said, "Heaven has saved you through this creature." The Emperor and Empress sat in their thrones in the Hall of Great Supremacy where were gathered all vassals in military and civil affairs and both sides of the imperial family. The 76. No transcription gives Chinese characters for chyengcyu ^ in Shandong Province 111 j K ^ .  TT.  So I assigned it Qingzhou  W'M'\, a city  Olsen 108  Emperor summoned Zhang Hailong. Zhang Hailong entered bowing and expressing his gratitude countless times. The Emperor beheld his dignified countenance and gallant magnanimity—a truly exceptional man in his generation. His heart overjoyed, the Emperor took hold of his hand and said, "Lord, if we discuss your meritorious deed, the highest mountains seem low and the rivers and seas shallow. I do not know how to repay you for this." He recited the Princess's dream and desired to make Hailong his imperial son-in-law. The Emperor at once ordered the Ministry of Rites to select an auspicious date and instructed the Treasury, "Build a separate palace just outside of the Pure Flower Gate and arrange a flower garden. Construct a 77  passageway connecting it to this palace, so they may come and go as they please." He then commanded the Ministry of Rites to prepare the wedding vestments. The propitious day was upon them. Hailong in dignity received the Princess, and they turned to enter their palace. The bride and groom sat on their bed facing each other—truly they were a match made by Heaven! The Emperor along with the Empress arrived at the new palace. The Imperial Son-in-law and Princess traversed the long veranda to welcome them and together they returned with Hailong escorting the Emperor and the Princess escorting the Empress. The banquet was elegant; the ceremonial jade they wore chinkled. Their solemnity was majestic, their serenity gentle. The Princess solicited the Emperor to allow her to give each of the women abducted by the monster a thousand pieces of gold and then send them back to their own homes. The women all praised the virtues of the Princess.  77. No transcription provides characters for Chyenghwamwun which might be an anachronistic reference to Qing Hua Yuan jing-  ^:§Hr, so I have chosen Qinghuamen  ffiMM, the royal flower gardens in Bei-  Olsen 109  Around this time, the northern barbarian Ch'6ndal intended to restore the Yuan 78  7y  dynasty. He commanded a military force of one million soldiers and one thousand powerful OA  men. Having made Hogak leader over the van and Sol Manch'ol their deliverer, the army crossed the Yellow River and approached the capital. In every village and district they passed 81  through, the people abandoned all resistance and did what the enemy desired—thus within ten days the enemy had overtaken thirty-six checkpoint stations. They rushed in like a flood and overwhelmed the northern sector. The Emperor caught word of the invasion and was greatly astonished. He consulted with his court, but not a single one could offer him any help, which sorely grieved him. Suddenlyfromthe crowd of attendants, the Imperial Son-in-law Zhang Hailong stepped forward and said, "Your Majesty's servant is but young and ungifted, yet if I might be allowed one 78. Pwuknwo ^ i c , which is most likely pungno itM. Kwon & Ch'oe say this means Hyungno f2]§X (Huns), while the version of Golden Bell that Chang, Chon, and K i m & Chon have based their transcriptions on actually says Hyungno; however, the time period of Hun activity in northern China, from about the third century BC to the first century AD, does not coincide with the fourteenth-century background of the story. Since the attempt is to restore the Yuan dynasty, the invading forces are most likely Mongol. 79. No transcription provides any further information on Chyental % The -tal might be a reference to a Mongol or Tatar (often the names were used interchangeably in China and could denote any barbarian); the Sino-Korean word for Tatar is Taltan i t f f i (Dada in pinyin). It is unclear whether the name is meant to refer to a historical figure. One candidate might be Usahar Khan (Togus Temtir), who was the last Yuan sovereign known to reign (1378-87) after expulsion by the Ming; however, I have not been able to locate a reference saying he ever tried to restore the Yuan dynasty or the Mongol Empire, as Temur (Tamerlane, 1336-1405) made efforts to in Central Asia (see Beatrice Forbes Manz, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane, 1-2). Although, the Mongols continued to pose a threat to Ming China, it was not until 1449 that they defeated the Ming armies in the Battle of Tumu, where they captured the Chinese emperor (see Moss Roberts' afterword to Luo Guanzhong, Three Kingdoms, 453). I have rendered all Northerners' names as a single unit with no surname, even though K i m & Chon treat the first element as a surname. Exceptions are S51 Manch'61 and SSI Manch'un, whose names appear with and without the S61. 80. It is unclear who Hwokak SL^F is. In the story, there is a later reference to the Hu tS (Ho in Korean), which is what in former times Chinese called non-Han nationalities who lived to the north or west, so I am uncertain whether it should be "Kak the Hu" instead of Hogak—the same with "Tal the Hu" (Hodal) who appears later. I am also unsure of the meaning of the phrase Syelmanchyelnwo kwuungsolol sama; most of the transcriptions say, SolManch 'dl[ch'un] ro kuungsa rul sama, and only Kwon & Ch'oe provide any elucidation: "kuungsa is unidentifiable." It is uncertain whether Syelmanchyel is a reference to Xue Wanche MMWi (S61 Manch'61, d. 653), the Tang general who led forces against Koguryd, or names a Mongol man similar in aptitude to him. A few paragraphs below, a similarly unidentifiable "S61 Manch'un" appears, who must be a different character from S61 Manch'ol. Some transcriptions carry only the name S61 Manch'un throughout. Kwuungso may refer to one appointed to save or preserve one's own people. 81. Kwon & Ch'oe believe that the writer confused this river with one farther north. However, i f the army is heading toward Nanjing they would have most likely traversed the river.  Olsen 110  company of soldiers, your servant shall sweep away the Northerners and pay back the smallest part of your royal favour." The Emperor silently deliberated over the matter for a long time and declared, "Our Royal Person is aware of your capabilities. Yet if I dispatch you to this perilous place, how could my heart be at ease and how would the Empress and Princess allow it?" His son-in-law knelt and bowed before him, saying, "Your servant has heard it said that in time of national crisis one cannot care for one's parents. Now that such a time has come upon us how can we trifle over worrying for our wives and children and err in the face of a national calamity?" Even now, Hailong's dignity was magnified by great wisdom. The Emperor could not impede the young man's will and straightway conferred on him the titles General Who Guards the North and Commander of the Navy and presented him 82  with the glowing white lance and gilded axe as well as the Imperial Sword, thus contributing 83  to the might of his army. The General commanded all troops to retreat and then placed the officers and men in divisions. They marched forth in dignified order, chanting in solemnity. The Empress received word of the goings-on and was greatly astonished. She rushed forth to reason with the General, but alas he was already departing. There was nothing she could do. She said, "Fulfill your meritorious service with haste, sing a triumphal song, and return—do not break my heart!" The General comforted the Empress and Princess with good words of consolation and departed. As the Emperor, accompanied by his court, saw the army off in person, he took the 82. Kwon & Ch'oe transcribe syukwun Tp-i? as sukkun MW-, suggesting that Hailong was in charge of restoring discipline to the army, which might make more sense than sugtm JKW (navy), since the navy is not involved in this battle on land. Cinpwuk cyangkwun ^^--SHf, transcribed as chirtbuk changgun WkiYMW (General Who Guards the North), is a title dating back to the Han dynasty. 83. Forpoykmwohwangwel, I have used Chong & Y i ' s version,paengmo hwangwol £ ^"jSci^. Pak sees the paengmo as £ ^ (lance tied with a white sash), and Kw5n & Ch'oe as (white banner adorned with an oxtail).  Olsen 111  General's hand in his, unwilling to let go of it. He implored him again and again. It was late in the day when the Emperor finally returned to the palace. As the General led forth his large army, their great banners, lances, and swords hid the sun and moon. In the midst of the earth-shaking drumbeat and war cries, the top general—a mere lad—wore the phoenix helmet and golden armour. In his right hand he wielded the Imperial Sword and in his left he held the 84  White Feather Fan. He rode astride a Dayuan steed that could cover a thousand li in one day. 85  He was like a god and his steed like a flying dragon; the momentum of their onward march could not be stayed. Meanwhile, Hogak gathered his forces to Nanchang and met the General's forces 86  there. They fought each other beneath the mountain Huangling. Hogak gathered up the 87  five-coloured banner to beseech the assistance of the gods and came to the front line. His 88  waist was ten spans wide, and his face was like a wagon wheel. His blond hair covered a dark face. He grasped a long spear and came forward, with Sol Manch'un on his left and Hodal on his right—all of them were over nine feet tall, and their faces hideous. From the Ming en89  campment came the sound of a cannon. The gate to the camp flew open, and there beneath the colourful gate banner stood one general. His face was like white jade, his back like a bear, his waist like a wolf. His majestic appearance was manly and wondrously dignified.  84. The text says, ssangkwokem ^ J L ^ i , which KwSn & Ch'oe transcribe as sangbang kom flJiJiM, which I translated as the Imperial Sword a few paragraphs above. 85. During the Han dynasty, the Dayuan JzM (also Dawan) kingdom was situated in the Ferghana Valley (present-day Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) and was known for its excellent horses. 86. For Namchang I have used the pseudo-Chinese name Nanchang. There is a Nanchang ^ H within Jiangxi (L H province, which is much farther south. . 87. This is a made-up name for Hwangnyeng , as in Huangling jSc-St (Yellow Peak). 88. Kwon & Ch'oe say that wosoyksinwu is osaeksinu Sfejjtf #J, a five-coloured banner used to ask for divine assistance. Chong & Y i say it is osaek sinu H&jQffl, a five-coloured hawk. They believe that the sinu may be referring to fast horses. 89. Nine che JR (ch'ok) would equal about nine feet and eight inches. :  Olsen 112  Hogak called out in a loud voice, "You baby smelling of your mother's milk, ignorant of the time appointed by Heaven, come out like a fool to battle—are you ready to become a frightened ghost with one stroke of my blade?" Infuriated by this, the General took a good look at his left and right before calling out, "Which of you will seize this bandit for me?" Before he finished so saying, a lieutenant general stepped forward—it was none other than Liang Chun. He brandished his sword and immediately charged toward Hogak. From 90  the ranks of the Hu, Sol Manch'un rode out, his spear forward, to protect Hogak and with91  stood him. Afterfiftyor so parries with the sword, there was still no victory. Suddenly Sol Manch'un, feigning defeat, slipped away. Liang Chun followed quickly behind, shouting, "Do not flee! Taste my sword at once!" Manch'un stealthily nocked an arrow on his bow, drew it back, and released it. Liang Chun, chasing him unawares, took the arrow smack-dab in his left shoulder and fellfromhis horse. From the ranks of the Ming, Zhang Wan rushed out, rescued Liang Chun, and began to 92  return. Sol Manch'un turned his horse around and gave chase. Enraged, Zhang Wan struck S61 Manch'un and they fought. After a dozen bouts, there was no victor, and Hodal rushed forth to aid Manch'un. Pursued on both sides, Zhang Wan fled. The General ordered the gong sounded, his soldiers drawn back, and Liang Chun looked after. The following day Hogak came again and challenged the General to a decisive battle. This made the General's blood boil. He charged out on his steed with his spear pointing directly at Hogak. A greatfightensued, and neither was victor even after a hundred or so jousts.  90. For Yangchyun I have assigned the surname Liang (as in Liang Feng the name as Chun (pinyin for the three main ch 'un characters: # , W, and ^ ) . 91.1 have chosen to see hocin J l ^ l as (Hu battle formation). 92. For Cyang Man ^ ^ f , I have chosen Zhang Wan 5fiH.  and transcribed  Olsen 113  In spirit both generals grew braver and braver—they knew not when to desist until the gong soundedfromthe Hu ranks and they drew back. Hogak returned to his camp and said to several lieutenant generals, "I had set at naught the Ming general's youth, but now I realize his valour and strength are difficult to overcome. I will devise the perfect scheme to seize him,'' and Hogak did not show his face for several days. The General strongly urged the enemy to fight. Finally, Hogak threw open wide the gate to the camp and shouted, "Today, either you or I shall die!" He wielded his spear and rushed forward. He reached the General and they fought. After about fifty jousts, suddenly Hogak turned his horse around and abandoned his ranks, fleeing into a ravine. The General set off on his steed in pursuit, thinking, "The enemy has set some trap, but how can that deter me?" He charged straight into the ravine between two steep mountains and as he was just about to overtake Hogak, Hogak disappeared in a crowd of scarecrows. The General looked about suspiciously and turned his steed around. Suddenly at the sound of a cannon the mountaintops on either side caught fire. In the light of the flames rising high into the sky, the General realized that these straw effigies standing all about contained explosives such as gunpowder and saltpetre. The way out was shut, and the intensity of the all-consumingflameswas spreading into the ravine. He couldfindno escape. The General looked skyward and cried out, "I set the enemy at naught—how could I have known that I would come here to die this day?" He drew his sword and was about to slit his own throat when suddenlyfromthe southwest a golden light approached with a clamour. Golden Bell came in, braving the bright  Olsen 114  flames, and conjured up a cold wind infrontof the General. The fire could not advance any closer to the General and withdrew itself to another spot. The General looked upon Golden Bell and, overcome by joy, caressed her saying, "How will I ever repay you for all the many favours of saving my life?" He was profoundly happy. Within a moment the leapingflameshad all but vanished, and the General was overjoyed. He brought Golden Bell back to the camp. The officers and soldiers had been rushing about in afrenzyand were immeasurably surprised to see the General return. In high spirits, they caused the ground to shake with their sounds of rejoicing. The General called forward several lieutenant generals, whispered something in their ears, and, after making an oath with them, secretly moved their encampment to another location. Meanwhile, Hogak, having lured the General into the ravine and thinking him trapped, returned to his camp and told his generals, "Even though it is said that Zhang Hailong has the bravery to ascend into the skies or to journey deep into the earth, how could he possibly have escaped death today? This night we shall surely plunder the Ming army!" That very night he gathered his forces and they sped surreptitiously to the Ming encampment, but there was not one person to be found. Hogak was greatly astonished and acted quickly to move his soldiers out, when suddenly, at the shot of a cannon, a general wielding a sword blocked the path and shouted, "Hogak, general of our enemy, do you know who this is?" Caught in the rush, Hogak was taken by surprise. He cast bis eyes about and saw it was none other than Zhang Hailong. Greatly astonished, Hogak went pale and could not even move his hands. With a swift swipe of the General's glowing blade, Hogak's head went tumbling  Olsen 115  under hoof. Manch'ol, Hodal, and others witnessed Hogak's death (it nearly scared the life out of them), and they fled to their own encampment to find the Ming banner flying implanted right in the middle of it. Zhang Wan charged forward and thrust his spear through Hodal, killing him. Sol Manch'un faced southward and galloped away, but Liang Chun intercepted him, and killed him with a single thrust. The Ming army proceeded to crush the remaining forces and then returned. The General was greatly pleased and threw a huge feast. After he had rewarded the entire army, he sent news of the victory to the imperial court and it was published throughout the land the very same day. Each village bustled with activity as the people received the returning Ming army in honour and sent them forth again in like manner. Ever since the Emperor sent his son-in-law to the battlefield, he was racked with worry night and day. Then he saw the news of Zhang Hailong's victory, was overcome with great joy, and received the congratulations of his court. The whole Empire shook with sounds of rejoicing. His Majesty dispatched messengers with urgent orders to comfort the General and lead the army safely home. Within a few days, the Emperor heard that the General was approaching. He led all the government officials forth to a pavilion ten li from the palace to greet the General. From far off the Emperor spotted him—the General's dignity and the orderliness of his ranks truly indicated that he had the makings of such a leader. The Emperor was overjoyed at this and turned to his court and said, "The young commander bears himself with the decorum of Zhou Yafu —indeed he shall be the Beam and Pillar of the State, the Chief Support of Subjects. 93  How can I but care for him?" His court shouted hurrahs and the nation celebrated their securing such a great man of talent. All at once, the General arrived and paid his respects to the Emperor. His Majesty was 93. Classical reference used to denote a great general. During the time of Emperor Jing Mffi of the Han dynasty, Zhou Yafii J S S l ^ (7—143 BC) put down the Rebellion of Seven Kingdoms ^ ^ - t S S L in 154 BC.  Olsen 116  delighted and took the General's hand in his and placed his other hand on his back, saying "When I sent you to the battlefront, sleeping and eating were a burden for me night and day. Now that you have vanquished the foe, we can sing a triumphal song. My worries have been lightened. What more would Zhang Liang or Kongming have done? And with what may I 94  95  repay your deed?" The General prostrated himself and said in a loud voice, "It was not due to any of your humble servant's talents or skills, but rather Your Majesty's great blessings and the efforts of the other generals." His Majesty considered him all the more worthy of praise, and took the General forthwith to the palace. He gathered all the attendants, discussed with them the General's meritorious deeds, and conferred on him the titles General Who Guards the North, Prime Minister, and Defender of the Empire. The newly dubbed Prime Minister firmly declined to 96  accept these titles, but the Emperor would not hear of it, so the Prime Minister could do nothing but express his gratitude. He returned to bis home, entered the women's quarters, and presented himself to the Empress and the Princess. The Empress, though overjoyed to see him, said sadly, "Last night Golden Bell left this behind and disappeared. It is most unusual." Astonished, the Prime Minister received the scroll she handed him and studied it. There was pictured a young child who had lost his parents in a war and who was sitting down crying. Below that the next scene depicted a soldier carrying the child on his shoulders and heading  94. Zhang Liang US ^ (?—168 BC), noble descendant of the State of Han, rebelled against Qin rule to help establish the Han dynasty. 95. Kongming ? L ^ is the style for Zhuge Liang (181-234), who, orphaned at a young age, was chief military advisor for the Shu kingdom, which he helped to set up after disintegration of the Han dynasty. He died in an attempt to reconquer land occupied by the Wei i t . Zhuge Liang is featured in Sanguozhi =LMl& (Three Kingdoms). 96. "Prime Minister" and "Defender of the Empire" are my translations of cwasungsyang ^ j r ^ H  (zuochengxiang 7jE3<ffl) and wikwukkwong $\ -^"ir (weiguogong MMQ).  Olsen 117  toward his home in a country village. Once the Prime Minister had looked it all over, he suddenly realized what it meant and with tears in his eyes thought of his own lot in life, "It is all sent by Heaven." He carefully safeguarded the scroll and was sorely grieved when he looked at itfromtime to time. Meanwhile, not only Mo sorrowed day and night to have lost Golden Bell, but Magistrate Zhang and his wife also could not get over their grief. One time, as they conversed with each other late into the night, suddenly Golden Bell opened the door and came in. All of them, overcome with happiness, sprang toward her, embracing her in turn—one can scarcely fathom such a scene of immense joy. That very night Mo and Zhang's wife both dreamed the same dream. An ancient descendedfromheaven and said, "Your misfortunes are now thoroughly over. Not long hence a son shall pass along this road—do not let the moment slip by." He continued, "When Mo sees the face of the young girl, she shall know her instinctively." And to Golden Bell he said, "You have fulfilled your destiny—your mortal reward shall be grand," and he ran his hand over Golden Bell. All of a sudden the bell burst and a wraithlike maiden appeared. The ancient said, "Surrender to me the treasured gifts we gave you." The maiden returned thefivearticles to the ancient who placed them in his sleeves and rose into the air. The two women realized this was an extraordinary dream and quickly awoke. They searched for Golden Bell but couldfindher nowhere. All of a sudden they found a beautiful woman sitting beside them. They stood up to examine her more closely—it was truly the maiden they had seen in their dream. Her every aspect possessed heavenly light and captivated the mind of those who beheld her—indeed she was the fairest of the fair.  Olsen 118  As soon as Mo laid eyes on her, she was spellbound and knew not what to do. She simply stared like a child at Golden Bell. Master Zhang received word of the goings-on, and as soon as he rushed in he beheld that which was never before heard of and that which was seen for thefirsttime in all ages. In jubilation, he named her Golden Bell the Young Lady and 97  gave her the sobriquet Shanai, "Kind Loving." He asked her about what she had gone 98  through since they last saw her. He was unable to record all she said, but they thanked Heaven. Nothing could compare to their joy. One day, Golden Bell implored her mother, "Let us go home." Mo regarded it as odd, but immediately took Golden Bell home. Zhang's wife followed behind and did not leave Golden Bell's side for even a moment. Meanwhile, the season's crops failed and people's hearts werefilledwith unrest. Bandits popped up here and there, slaying many villagers and pillaging their properties. The local authorities could not put a stop to it, which caused even the Emperor to worry. Prince  99  Hailong prostrated himself before him and implored, "Your Majesty's servant is ungifted, but I shall now go forth and put at ease the hearts of the people as well as alleviate Your Majesty's worries." The Emperor was overjoyed and forthwith made him Chief Travelling Inspector of the Imperial Censorate, and told him to depart that very week to placate every county and dis100  trict. The Inspector thanked the Emperor for his graciousness and bowed in deference. Once he  97. Or "Jinling" ^ E $ B . This is the same name she had as a bell, minus the "Miss" or "Young Lady" <M1 title. 98.1 have construed Syenoy as Shanai 99. K i m & Chon say that wiwang $\ % is Wei wang H E E (king of the Wei), but it appears to be another way of referring to the multi-titled Hailong. 100. M y translation of syurimwuiwochaleso(xunfuduchayushiMM^^M^.). In Ming administration, a travelling inspector (xunfu) would oversee provincial administration and was sent out from the Censorate  (duchayuan fGfSK, formerlyyushitai  Olsen 119  had withdrawnfromthe court, taken his leave of the Empress, and paid the Princess a farewell visit, he took to the road. He inspected every town and opened the granaries, providing aid to the starving people. With humaneness and justice, he admonished the bandits, meting out clear rewards and punishments. He investigated and set to rights every county and district he passed through, and the people willingly obeyed him. Within a few years, the hearts of the people had been pacified. The land was governed so well and citizens were so honest that even if someone dropped an article along the wayside, no one would steal it. Bandits disappearedfromthe mountains, and the people responded by singing the "Ground-thumping Song" to celebrate this time of peace and by naming the Inspector's secret acts of virtue. After a few months, the Inspector and his men were passing through southern terrain when they came upon Zhang Shen's grave. As the Inspector thought about his past life, his mind was most sorrowful. He went before the grave, composed an encomium, and performed his ceremonial offerings. His collar was soaked with his tears. He then called out to the Governor, "In memory of the benevolence I was brought up in, I wish to erect a monument and attractively arrange the burial grounds." The Governor agreed and straightway summoned artisans. Within three days the grave was thoroughly tidied and the work was announced complete. Then Inspector Hailong attempted to find Xiaolong and his mother. At this time, Xiaolong was in destitute circumstances, rovingfromvillage to village begging for his food. The Inspector could not overcome his feeling of bleak sadness and so determined to search them out and have them brought before him. When Bian and her son approached him, they could not bring themselves to look up at him. Instead they prostrated themselves before him, asking punishment for their many crimes. Inspector Hailong himself dismounted, took hold of Bian and her son, and sat them upright,  Olsen 120  comforting them. Mother and son were frightened and cautious. Unable to say a thing, all they could do was weep. The Inspector was not troubled in the least over past deeds and spoke to them in peace. Bian and her son were overcome with emotion and felt great remorse. The Inspector's request was approved, and Bian and her son were given ten thousand guan in cash and one hundred rolls of silk. The Inspector said, "This is not much, but it is to pay back your kindness in raising me for thirteen years. Live here in this land and come visit me once a year." After the Inspector said his farewells, he took to the road. Xiaolong went to great lengths to see his older adopted brother off and became the richest man in the South. There was not a single person in his town or the neighbouring villages who did not hold him in high regard. As the Inspector headed toward the capital, the road went through Leiyang District. When he stopped over in Leiyang and stayed the night at an inn, he spoke with the local official. Because of their similar natures, they found themselves in perfect accord and chatted late into the night. After the official left for the night, the Inspector, truly in anguish, could not sleep. He dozed off for a moment, and an ancient holding a stick began to teach the Inspector, saying, "As a young hero with extraordinary capabilities, your name is known throughout the world, and your grandeur makes the heavens and earth shake—yet, do you not think of your parents? Your parents were just here, right under your nose, and you did not recognize them, which shows a lack of devotion on your part. I am ashamed for you." Hearing this, Hailong tried to question him to find out more, but he suddenly awoke and discovered it was all a dream. He was in a quandary and could not sleep again. He betook himself to the local magistrate's home. The official received him in thefrontcourtyard, and together they sat down in the hall set aside for official business. As they spoke, suddenly the Inspector saw a scroll hanging on the wall  Olsen 121  just like the one in his own pocket. He looked it over carefully with great suspicion and asked, "What manner of painting is this on the scroll?" The official said with deep remorse, "Finally in my old age I gained a son, and it has been eighteen years since he was lost in the war. I know not whether he is dead or alive. It weighed on my mind day and night until I met an extraordinary being who, knowing my heart and mind, painted this picture for me. I hung it up and look at it often." The Inspector forthwith opened his silk pocket, drew out a scroll, and laid it out. The official looked it over and saw that the two scrolls appeared to be painted by the same person with the same brush. They deemed it odd that they could not detect even the slightest discrepancy between the two paintings and were unsure what to think, but since there was no conclusive evidence, they did not know what to say. Finally, the official asked the Inspector, "Where did your scroll comefrom?There is something quite strange about all of this—please do not hide the matterfromme, but tell me every detail." After the Inspector had told the whole of his story, he related in detail the part about his rising in the world, gaining fame, and entering into nobility through Golden Bell's supernatural powers as well as the circumstances surrounding the scroll which Golden Bell later gave to him before she left. As the official listened, he choked up and managed to say, "I too have something to say about Golden Bell," and continued, "This scroll too is something that Golden Bell dragged in. I had not seen her for several years until now. She returned, shed her covering, and is a rare beauty unmatched in all ages." He added, "My child has seven birthmarks on his  101. In the form of the B i g Dipper.  Olsen 122  Hearing this, the Inspector lost control and began to moan. Zhang's wife came rushing in and embraced the Inspector. The three of them joined together wailing. Everyone in the district heard the news, and who among them could not but marvel at it? The Inspectorfinallydried his tears, knelt down, and besought them, "Because of my lack of devotion it took this long to meet my parents, and I would not regret to die ten thousand times for this crime. Heaven looked out for me and Golden Bell guided me to bring me to this very spot." Accordingly he related in detail everything that had happened to him. He said, "Now, it is said that Golden Bell has returned to her former state. I wish to see her if I may." Master Zhang and his wife at last composed themselves and said, "Such happiness and joy, rarity and wonder have not been seen since the remotest antiquity. It is not an untoward thing that you wish to see her, but for propriety's sake the girl does not want you to see her." The Inspector understood. He spent the rest of the night penning a letter and sent it to the capital. When the Emperor read the letter, he rejoiced, saying, "The Prince has traveled throughout all the land and has found his parents and Golden Bell, who is said to have returned to her former state, which is likely something that human power could not have wrought." The Emperor went in to see the Empress, and both she and the Princess also rejoiced beyond measure. The Princess stated, "Golden Bell is sentfromHeaven. If we do not now obey the will of Heaven and of the people, we shall be smitten with calamity for our ingratitude. Your Majesties, I humbly believe that insisting on Golden Bell's marriage to my husband is a suitable way to reward his meritorious service." The Emperor deemed this asfittingand forthwith instructed several hundred palace women and eunuchs to prepare a magnificent procession, and he sent them forth. He made Golden Bell an adopted daughter of the Empress. With his own handwriting he composed  Olsen 123  wrote up a document designating her as "Princess Golden Bell" and had it proclaimed all over that very day. He conferred on Mo the title Great Paragon of Utmost Filial Piety, and declared that Master Zhang and his wife, since they were faithful retainers of the Yuan dynasty, would not receive a government post in the Ming dynasty, and ordered the Prince to be diligent in carrying out his will. The eunuchs led the procession with dignity and in just a few days' time arrived in Leiyang. After conveying the Emperor's wishes and reading his proclamation, they went straight to Mo's residence. Mo was greatly astonished and flustered. Golden Bell sensed what her mother was feeling and said, "When they come to our home, please have them sit in the main room and exercise exceptional caution. Do not pay heed to anyone's laughter." Just as shefinishedspeaking, the court ladies and ladies-in-waiting presented them with their name cards, after which they entered the home and inquired after their health. The women from the court then presented them with the imperial proclamations designating Golden Bell as Princess and Mo as Paragon of Piety. The new Princess arranged the incense table and received the proclamation. Afterward she prostrated herself four times toward the North. In pairs the palace ladies approached and bowed in turn. They delivered the Imperial injunction to quickly escort the Princess and Lady Mo to the palace. Lady Mo and her daughter knew they must not delay. When the two of them climbed into the golden palanquin reserved for daughters of the Emperor and set forth, it was impossible to describe the stateliness and glory of their passage. Master Zhang and his wife also set forth, as did the Prince, and in a few days' time they entered the capital. The Prince and his father expressed their gratitude and Princess Golden Bell entered the inner courts and presented herself to the throne. The Emperor and Empress  Olsen 124  brought in Princess Jinxian and as they showered Princess Golden Bell with praise, Jinxian with delight took Golden Bell's hand in hers. They favoured one another and felt as close as sisters. The Emperor instructed the Ministry of Rites to select an auspicious day and ordered the Treasury to prepare a feast. He went out of the palace to welcome the Imperial Son-in-law and receive the congratulatory visitors—such splendour was scarcely seen in any age. Wearing the marriage robes, the Prince entered the inner courts. When he and Princess Golden Bell were finished with the ceremonial bowing, they returned to the main palace. The marriage fell on the very same day that Princess Jinxian was slated to go forth and greet her parents-in-law. After the groom's parents presented Mo with the ceremonial blue and red 102  silks, the two princesses went in together, received the customary formalities, and sat on their thrones. The eminence and charm in their countenances shonefromtheir eyes and illuminated the entire assembled party. Master Zhang and his wife along with Mo felt a fullness of joy at the sight and rejoiced all through the day, and when the sun began to set behind the western mountains, the young attendants carried candles and led the Prince and Princess Golden Bell into their chamber. The two of them reminisced about past days and talked late into the night until they put out the light, and he led her by her beautiful hands to the bed—their affection for each other was immense as a mountain and vast as the sea and sank deep into their hearts, never to be forgotten. Early the following morning, the princesses each went to their parents-in-law in bed and inquired after their health. Nothing could compare to the love and endearment the parents-in-law felt toward them. The princesses were both accorded their respective towers:  102. Although Kwdn & Ch'oe note that chinyeng (ch'inyong MM) refers to a groom paying respects to his parents-in-law, Chang notes that the word here refers to a ceremony in which a bride goes forth to greet her groom. Since this is thefirsttime Princess Jinxian has met her parents-in-law—Master Zhang and his wife—I have interpreted ch 'inyong as Jinxian's paying her respects to them.  Olsen 125  Princess Jinxian lived in Yingyun Tower and Princess Golden Bell lived in Hujie Tower. After the court ladies and ladies-in-waiting were divided and each assigned to one of the towers, they entertained the two princesses in the evening, and during the day waited upon and delighted their parents—even Lady Mo was with them and was carefully looked after. As time sped by, Zhang and his wife as well as Lady Mo enjoyed good fortune and received a stipend until they passed awayfromnatural causes. Nothing could compare to the intense ceremony of their children's grieving. As time wore on, Princess Jinxian gave birth to a boy and two girls, and Princess Golden Bell bore two boys and a girl. All of them resembled and took after both of their parents. Each boy was handsome and good-natured and each girl ladylike, beautiful, and gentle. The oldest son's name was Mengzhen, borne by Princess 104  Golden Bell, who was appointed as Head of the Government Officials. The second son, Menghuan, borne of Princess Jinxian, became Commander of the Imperial Cavalry. The third son Mengqi, Princess Golden Bell's child, worked as a scribe at the Academy of Imperial Decrees. The three girls were each betrothed to sons of well-known noble families and became virtuous wives to excellent husbands. With the entire family in a spirit of perfect harmony one with another, they lived in peace,freefromall worries. The children each gave birth to sons and daughters, and these grandchildren prospered and amassed great fortune and honour—they lacked nothing. What unfolds next will be told in another tale, but herein is the general summary recorded and the history revealed. Future generations—read it!  Translatedfromthe Korean by Leif Olsen 103. For Ungwunkak -s-^r !" (Ungun'gak) and Hwocyelkak S.^.^ (FfojSlgak), I have assigned the most common pinyinizations of each Korean syllable (such as ying for ungjie for chol, etc.). 104. Like the towers above, I have invented pinyinized names for the sons of Golden Bell and Jinxian. 2  Olsen  126  Appendix II  Transcription of Kum pangul chyon tan, British Library Copy A  /la/i  1  ^-IM-^ £  2  sHI.  4  <H  #-fi°lBr  3^  *C-JV|  «a{^}2^  *1  «\E.\i]  ^  A l ^ O ]  U|5  1. From the 28-leaf wood-block print Kum pangul chyon tan, British Library Copy A, which appears in Kim, Skillend, and Bouchez, 4:35—48. Ch'oe Unsik judges this version to be the oldest. I have used Pak Yongsik's transcription of British Library Copy B as a general guide (and consulted a copy of the original) and have somewhat followed his word spacing, punctuation, and paragraphing. It is difficult to determine whether some of the iung o are ngiung/ngi t> or not, so I have used the c> throughout. See Ch'oe Unsik for a simplified comparison of copies A and B (273— 5). 2. There is a squiggly line (ori munja) between the U and the £ (in both British Library copies A and B) that functions as a ditto, to show that the preceding character is repeated. It appears consistently throughout the text (except twice, once at a column break and once at a page break). I have indicated the dittoed character with angle brackets {}. For an illegible character in copy A, I inserted the copy B character in square brackets []. For ambiguous characters, I placed the more likely alternative in parentheses 0.  Olsen  5  3,  7  ^  -l-M?^  »  #34  ^  8 9  < W o]#  ^ 3  - ^ J  ^  11 1"^ - 2 - 4 4 12  <y-ti 4  -T-2J  ^  4  f r i t ? "  ^ 4  914$)  « < * | 44^*1  ^e)A]^  <tl  ^lcg  l ° R  ^ 2  4(4)^1  15 4 ^ 3  ^ 1  SH  ^  I N "5"^ « J : 4 4  14  ^  V j - ^ ^ i r - M l 3>:4 M  13 4*1 «HflaL[S.]  «1 Si  ^IT^M]."  <>1^4  €, " i ^ f e ^ t l  10  ^44."  43V«1 3^*1 3*13  127  &?<$ 4 4  4 3 £ 2  =f>^S. ^ 4 44^§  -g^g.  £  ^fe 4 4 . 3 ^  /lb/ 1  1 « e ] o ) c f . " * 7 l k ^-tlol  2 HSi ^  3}£ 1  3  6  l - T l ^ Jf<?H  4 e ] 4 j i {3L}o]t  4  1- # 4  5  71 £ 7 1 ^ £ «  ^  alsNl  £  iLM 4 ^ ? ^ 4 4 .  ig*] o} ^  £ 3 4 4 {4)42 ##3] 4 ^ 4  Jf^l  ^^-t H]o]- jrtg-^  ^^o)  3. Ch'oe Unsik sees this as toyhwohwyay ^3L5LH (273); the hwo is most likely a typo. Although he does not include complete transcriptions, Ch'oe includes some lists of differences between Copy A and the National Library of Korea 28-leaf wood-block print as well as the 20- and 16-leaf versions.  Olsen  6  Hi-.  ^=&|  8 9  ^ r ^ ° l V ^ - - f A t J i <?14H ^ t q e ) - . ZL  Ql^f  ^ S ^ l ^ E ] £  <*) A  10 fe ^Sfi}  71*1  ^  "  tav)Bj  M  l  12 €  ^>H  ^  iLja ^XJ  ^  -fr-^tq  i?l<$ ^ t c N  <Hs.*l ^ q  13 Q ^ ? f # 5 I ^ J L 14 £  £-*r*PJ  «Jii  11 # ( 4 ) ? H z r t t M .  S.^  fe^?#  ^  128  ^{^}  # £ . 3 . ^ ^fe*l V S | ^  s]a}  ?]<k  <y-tl i4 >^f M i ^ ,  ^  6  #1- ^ 1  6  H  £.fe  /2a/  fe#3  1  q(M-)^ ^ve]5r. ^ 4^1^ t ^ j ^ l  2  .a  3  *Ht t ^ U l ^ - J E .  4  AN  Xfl  6  « 5 H  ^3. ^  4^1  SL^7\  ^t<*|  ZL^\^S\  4?2r ^*^vM5r." tal  ^1 ^tltrlu)  «] j 7  &?]°\?\)  ^  sflsl iL-g-?H JivH  ^7J-(^.)^7H  5 fe * M ^  ^t<^  Jg-^  ^ o] #  4. Copy B has ipcyelsouyhomye "^j-ll^S] mainly make note of only major lexical differences. 5. Copy B has ninkapul Vl^-i:.  ^  #  *  3  £.3 ^ 3 )  ^ [ A r J O ^  Throughout this transcription, I  Olsen  7 4 ^ 4-&44. 4^- 4^-44 -§-4 -g-4?2 444 § 4 * 4 t a L ^ - i -g-444 t4. 5:444^  8  ^ 4  9 414. ° H 44 Tf^44(4)?44 t l M 4 4 ? 4 ^ 4 4 ? ^ . 10 ^ 2 t t < ^ y - ^ s 11  44"§-fe 4  <^^oi  ^ 5 4 4 . 4 4 4 4^4 314 4 4 1 4 i r ^ 4 ^544.  12 tlf-^- 4 ^ 1-4 ^2 4 4 4 434 ^tr4 ^-44 #4 13 sirli i i 4 t 4 * 4 -r-4 M}*} 4 14 i 4 4 ^42. 4 ? 3 4 4 15  #4 ^44 ^ t 4 4 ^  444  -f4 £ ^  tl#44 4^4."  ^-Irai  "4  *4^  44  ^-4^44 £ 4 4 4(4) 47}-  /2b/ 1 £ 4 4 . 44 #4 2  1-6  7f^." * 4 4#?4^E  4 <94 « ^ 4714 4 4 ^ 444 4,  3 444 o]  "-T-4  ^1^-01  ^31 o > ^ _ ^ »  44 44^ 4714s 7>44  4 t4^s 44 2 £ 4 t f M 2 ^-4^ 4 # t 4 44^4 5  4 £4^-4 « 4  ^?4  =f>4 5 - 4  ^44  4S4  4^-tfe44. 44  6 £ 4 4 5 - 4 4 4f-t- i i s ^44 t 4 ^ ^ 4 4 4 4 £ 4 4 4(4) 7 4 4, "413 $4 ^ - £ 1 42 -ffe 4#  ^ ^43  ?vin?"  8 ^ J L 5.47I- 4 4 ? 4 , "4 4^14 ^ 4 ? 4 ^ 5 . 4 1 ^ ? 4 ^  6. Ch'oe sees he/ 1 (274).  Olsen 9  L) <$x)  £  11  j=Lvq ^  12 iLM  o}3\  €  3 ) - ^ 4 7 } £3} ^ * [ l r ]  # s) <afe^lsr. ^ S H 7f£-i-  13 # o>c|^  ol  ^^°l5f  V3}<2}-  Jiol  fe43  C " 4 ^  S I T < H ^ # ^ fi.#o] ^ 71 # W<21  14 *1 * * r $ ^ - l  ^  i M i L ? " 3*1  15 ^  "?l-§-^  $1*1 # L f i L B ] J 2 . ? "  l ^ o s -g-?<^M  ^ H ( i )  fe[^]  /3a/  4  ? ( T ) ^ m  *1*<3  °lH)£.q  Aj*n  5  5 ) ^ $ 7 s l 4=151- ? M 3*1  6  <£^fe ^ i * l ^ ] q AT-^O] t g ^ . ^ l ¥ ] ^ o ] ^ . g . 2.3,^  7  * | S r . 3*1  8  #7i*fe 4 ; 3  9  ^  r  ^go]  ^<$Z  *  3*1  ^-?£]  J : ^ ^ * ^  11 ? f e « H <$JL i i S l  #  c4ti.e] i ^ ^ S 7 q ^ r  ^^°1  ^ t J !  o ] ^ A J ^ 2T11#^  Q^*]  7K7l)^ ^ ( ^ ) A l <&go] ^ )  ^o]  til*ltES  tfSj  27>  JL^-c]  Olsen 131  12 4 4 13  44 444  44  #5-4 44  ir4 4 ^ t 3 i  i 4-4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 S * £ . 4 4 ^ 4 4 2 4 4 4  4^  TT4  14 ? 4 ^ 4 4 # 4 4 ( 4 ) 4 4 ? 4 4 ^ 4 J L 4 4 * 4 4 4 4 ^ 1 4  15 s 4 <S44. 4 ( 4 } ^ ^ 4 4 4 4 4 4 ^  4 ^ 4 -§-4  tt  /3b/ 1 4 ^4 2  4 ^4 4?4 444 4 * ? 4  244. 44  4 4 £-§-4 -MJ-i- -S-^4 4 4 4 ^  3 44 4444 4 4 44  ^ 4 t 2 ^ 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 5 . 4 , "-r-4 * 4 ^ 4 4 t 4 ? 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 45.4." ? 4 ^ ,  5 4 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 £ 4 4 4 ( 4 ) 4 4 1 -g-?4 4 3 J 4 4 4 4 6 4 4 4, "^-44 4 4 4 45L1 4 4 45-43i 4 4 4 £ 4 ^ 4 7  44(4)  44^4 t44  ^ 4 4 44 4 M  8 ? f e 4 4 . 1 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 4(4) 9 s 44^4 ?444 10 4 ^ 11  7  ^  irS# 4 4  t  #34 £4  4 ^ 4 ^ 4 2.(204 4 ^ ? 4 4  4 4 4 4 4 fi-^rtl: 4 4 S # 4 4 -f 4 5 . * 4 ^ - 4 4  1 4 2-^)  ^4 f  4^.5.  1# 4 £ 4 ^ 4  12 4 (4)4 ^ 4 * 4 ^ 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 1 4 4 ^ 4  4§  ^  4^1 4 4 4 ^ 4 ^  7. Copy B has woktyeykuy 4 4 4 . At the break between lines 9 and 10, the ditto (ori munja) is not used for the second ki 4 , which is not too unusual an occurrence at column breaks.  Olsen  13 ^v4  ^ 4  4 # 1  4^1  J£444  ^ 4  ^ ^ 4 ^ 4 1 ^ 4 (4}-%2 4 4 V44-  14 <34 * 4 . " 15 [414^  1- 444  4 4  i4  4(4)24^44. * 4 4 4 4  €-4 4^4,  "4fe  *  /4a/ 1  4 S  2  *s  3  ir 4 4 4 £ 5  9  44  ^4  -^4  4£  4*^4  * 4 ^ - #4^^#  5.4 4 ^ 1  ii44."  4 4  4 4 ^ iLM^l ? 4 4 . "  "^44  ^ 4  4 ^ 7 f 4 ^ 4 4 4 1 4 ^ 4 ^ 4 4 444  6  4 ? 4 . " t J i >£ ^ 4 4 4 4  7  4£4."  8  J£4 § f A S  9  4  4 4  ^ 4  4^41 7>4 1 4  4 ^ 4  "44(441  11 ^ 4 4 4, "  4  12 v  4  13 £  444." t 4  14  4  4  4, " 4 4 5 L 4 # 3 4  4  *  #  3 ^ 4  44  ^ 4 4 4 ^ . 441  t 4  4^  £ 4 #4(4) *2  «4a.4  8. Copy B has uysimi 4 4 4 . 9. Copy B has cyemcihol ^ 4 1 ^ .  4  ^ 4  3 4  £ 4  4 4  4 4 4 4 4  4  4(4) 4 4 4  4  4  4 4  4 4 4 3 ^ 4  4 4 4  W 4  % 4 4 4 4  4 4 t 3 £ 4 . "  ^fe ^ 4 4 €  4 4 4 . 4 ^ ( 4 ^ } t 4  4 4 4 £ 4 4 ( 4 )  4fe 4 4  4 4 -T-S4I4 4 4  10 t ^ ? " ^ 1 4 4 4 4 , 4  ^4v4  -r-4 4, "4^  i r 4 ^ 4 4  4  ^ s . #4 4 ^ 4 . "  4, " « 4 4 4 4 1  4 4 4 4 4  4  4, " 4  [4^1 i ^ 4  & ^ 4 4 4 4  5  ^4  ^ 4  4 4  4 4 5 .  £4fe  *r4  * 4 4 4 ^  ^4  ^^-4  1 0  ^ 4 4 ^ .  4  Olsen  15  ^Hfq  « f e  5L^*)  /4b/ 1  £ * r ? 6 )  2  5]  3  A]  #7}<&&<>}i%.  A?]qeq t  ^^1  SfjL  Hiatal  A ) l # 3  4  ^ #q  5  M- f ? ^  6  qqtqq  7  q-qsq  8  A ^  t>  q-i AI^O]  11  ^ q  ; 12  ^ A i q  P}*1 ^qtl^e}-.  Oj-^t^q  M-g-^OJ  )  e]  ^ e ] j 7 q-#q  u^q  o j e ^ i  %  ^4  ^  #^*]r%.  ^ - ^ i  ^j^t^qq  n q i a i - q s s i s ^° >#  7l-£ f£t 2)?iqer.  q^  A?iq?q.  #[q-] T H  ^q.  4M-°1 -^H ^ q-^  K f s l  0  ±t  ^  q A j ^ q  ^Wii?"  ^ q q ^qqq^t-n S.^JL  B]-  (o)}Bi  ^V^B}.. #  ^s. «}-q 7l$  9 q ^^.q, ^  6  ^q?#  j=^fejis.  iiqq:?  10  A |  * H  7}^-  f  31*1  q  »  13 q-t 14  ^q  s o i  j * H ? q 3!7l*l  <3^q * I ^ - * M  q?q ^ T T ?  £  1  ^  ^  %tJL  -g-^-q cj-qqq n q  ^ . ^ i q q ? q j 2 . ? q^- -B-  ^312*1  f ii2r."  15 ^ A I ^3)--s-q-7r ser^f ^ ^s. ^ - q t q  10. Copy B has wwwoyuy -£;qq. 11. Copy B has syuknyecitekul ^ q q ^ j - i r .  ^ l ^ r 4§°1 si^^i  133  Olsen  134  /5a/  1 31^412 4 4 # 4 ( 4 ) 4 1 4 (4)4 4 4 4 4 4 $4 £ 3 e * 4 2  37il  444\s  1 3  4(4)  4 4 2 4 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 47} ^ 4 ^ 4 4 ^ 4  3 4 4 4 f e 4 4 4 ( 4 ) 4 ^ 4 4 ^ 4 3 4 4 4 4 t m 4 £4^.u| 4 44TT 4 4 5 . 5  *4  2.4  44 ^ 4 4 4 4 * 4 ^  444  £ 5 . 5 . ^fss] 44(4}  44 43  44-5-jL ^  6 44(4) 4 4 ^ 4 ^ 44 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 ^ 2  44s  4  1-4 S-4 4 <My  7 4 ^ # 4 4 4 5 . ^ 4 4 . 4^- 4 ^ ? 4 4 4 4 4 3 £ #4 8 ^ 4 4 2 £ 4 5 . 4 4 4 ^ - 4 1- -r-4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 9 4 4 4fe 4 # 10  4 4 4 ^#4  "44 4 4 4 ^ 4  4 4 5 . ^ 4 4 . 4 4 41444,  4 4 ^ 41-1 4 4 4 4 4 4 £ 4 ? 4  11 4 4 €• 4 ^ 4 4 4 5 . 4 . "  1-44 4 4 4^-4  4  ¥45*44  12 4 4 ^ 4 314-&# 44-1-4 4 4 4 5 . 4 4 ? 4 f e 4 5 . 4 13  4 314*5 4^- 4 ( ^ } ? 2 ^ 4 4 ^ ? 4 ^ s 4 4 I I ^  14  ;a4  15  40}^  4 £ 42  ^  44  E e  #4  j  444  ^ O J T ^  44 £ 4 442  .4 4 4  12. Copy B has isteni 3 4 4 . 13. Copy B has pwulnewokenol 1 : 4 5 4 ^  ii*4  f2 ^4  4  44  in place of khukey ciikenol 3.7\]  444^. 14. Copy B says hoymanhokwo 4 4 " ? 31. 15. Copy B has kumpischi n"9!4 in place of te pischi 4 914.  Olsen  135  /5b/  I  «1  3  "i-q ^-i-i-i  71 Al  #J^5L*i  6  ^0.3.  7  If7l ^ # 7 l f e  8  q  9  7 l « *gq#*l  tij-ol^  feal  10 * 7 l  ^*1  # r £ 2^51  # q  =el7M~|  n  ^ q  ^o}  cfqq  7  ^q-sl^q  13 oMd  3  s.o]  14 A l ^ o l  v\7]tf^.  15  I r ^ S ^lfe l  feqq  0  ti v-i-oi 0  x i ^ t q  w ^ o l ^{^} ^  q  ^ q ^ q 7 IEO] a  9l#  q q q-  #  XV$) # ( ^ 5 )  #qsl 7^P}4  Jfiiei^ 4*1 ^  ^  ^1&I*K*1}  ^cft ^  fe°ler.  q-  ^-q-nl  o}^  ^ o l ^ * § o ] 7H1 SITT^)  [£]16  ^ * m i 8  ^<gq  ^ q Jis] 31*1 ^  W5r  g }  ^ . q q  12 M - g - H l t a i a 6  tfoj  $qsi- p>sq  t q  II  d - f q  ^ j ,  oVq^C-lH}.  ^$-£J  q q * q  ^oi  q o l ^71 ^  71 # ^ ^ . £ 1 a ^o]  c-1^4A?Si  IM-I  E  16. The text is a bit unclear here; several translations take this as swol s. Copy B says chwul #. 17. Copy B has hantuysye ^ s ) ^ . 18. Copy B has nasimyen ^k }^. 0  Olsen  /6a/ 1  ?2 444  2  42  ^4  3  4  4  ^4  5  2  6  4 4  7  441  8  4 4 4 £ 5 4  9  444  1 9  <S4 1:4 ( 4 ) 4 4  44# 44  ^ 4 4  M I  4 41  4- 4 4 4  11 "4 4 4 4  444  4 ? 4 4 4 4  442  #4^44.  441  444  44  444  44  44  ^ 4 4  4 ? 4  4 41  4 4 4 34  44  4 ^ 4  4  4 4 4  2 f^4£  2  441  444  44  444  4 ^ 4  4S 4 ^ 4  13 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 4 2 4 £ 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 ^ 4 £ 4  44  14 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 . 4 4 1  * 4  44  34  4,  444  4 4 24." ^ 4 ^  4, " 4 4 4 ? 4 ^  44(4)  «44^s  4 4 44^44?" 4 4  4 ^ 4  15 it?" ?22o 4 5 . 4 £ 4 4 4 4 4  £ 4  4 4 4 4  31 4 4 #  444(4)  444  4  44  4(31)44(2)  4 4 4 444  4, " 4 4 4 4 4 4  44  4 4 ? 4  44  ^ 4  <94 2 4  431 4 4  2 ^ 4 4  44fe 24  1 4  £ 4 t 4  2^  444  4 4 4 ^-4 4 £ 4  §fe44. 34  4^4  34  t4  -^41  £ 4 4 42-47fl ^ 4 ? 4 4 ^ 4 4 4  10 i T 4 ^ E 4 4  12 4 4  4fe  2.4! 43^44.  4  444  t v 4 4 4  ^  /6b/ 1 4  41  42  4 4 4  44  4  4 ^ 4  4sfl 4 4 2  4  £5.44  19. Copy B has epnun t)fe. 20. Pak Yongsik omits this hokwo ^ 2 in his transcription of Copy B.  Olsen  2 2^14 4 4 4 4 ^ . 4 , "44 4 4 ^ 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 £ 3 4 * 4 4 4 4 £ 5 4 4 4 4 * 4 4*flfe  5  2  £  ^ 4 £5 4  4 44711 7} 4 4 ii44." " § " 2 ^ 4 4 4 4 s 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 5 41  4 2 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 43] 4 ^ 4 4  44?4^  6 4 4 ^4 4 4 4 4 ? 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 ^ 4 4 45.5.21 n 4  7 5.^44. 4 4 4 4fe -^31*4 4 4 4 5.44 4 4 4 4 4 ^5 8 2 4 £ ^ 4 4 4 4 4 ^-444 5-455.1: 2 * 4 4^4 4 2 4 9 344"§"4 4 4 4 4 1 i L 4 4 4 4 1 445.4 * 4 4 4 * 10 [2]22 £ 4 4 s ? 4 , "4:444 4 4 1 45.4 2 4 4 4 4 ^ 4 4  11 4 ^ * £ 4 ^ 4 4 4S54 ^4 4 4 4 ? 4 v 4 4 . " 4^4 4 £ ( 5 ) 12 *4 4 4 1 a.44 4 4 1 4 $ £ 4 2^14 4 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 13 5.fe44.  23  4^4 4 4 1 4 4 2 4 4 1 a.4 4 4 4 4 4 * 4  14 ^14^11 & 4 4 4 4 . 4 4 2 4 4 4 4 2 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 # £  15 * 4 § - i s j s *14 4 4 *4 5-4 U 4 4 * 4 4 4 4 4 4 :  /7a/ 1 4 44 £ 4 4 4 £ 5 4 4 44  4 4 1- 4 4 £ 2 ^ £ 4 £ { £ ) 4  2 4 4 4 ( 4 ) 2 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 . 4^4 a . ^ 4 4 4 4 4 4 , "4 J i  21. Copy B has makulwo 4 £ 5 . 22. Copy B has niukkwo 442.  23. Copy B has stolawonuncila ^45^44.  Olsen  3 3fe €43 4  [v]M  fe^l4.  zj-i^  o|  5 ^sM*l  ^ } ^1 ^ - i  q q q . "  <3tq  ^l-Tlfe  8  Liffuj 4<y  ^{^}  10  7>p}7>q q-o>7M  15  7j#  7  71 f # 7}p} 7]§#  ^ o i q  *H q ^  M  7  h  q  ^4^47]- {7}}er^7lfe  711*1 <33H  zisl  q-Ali 4 4 ^ 4  ? H #«1 feel ^ 4  4##  ^{^} t l ^ 3<H #3 f  xfloioi  felfe}  11 q ^ ^ 3 .  14  ^  7r  71 Al 711  13 T H ^ .  6 H ?  ^ q 7lfe Tfloioi ^ 7 l * c i q ^{^}  9  12  t q  q q  tt°]  u  Msei-  #  *lfe  6 ^ ! ^ 1 4 cM-°14. *I44 7 <H(q) S-^oi  q ^ s ] s\ ^ q  "5.fe <yAiq  21**14."  s)3!fe*14. <=»1  ?2  iL^q TlAiq  nel7fq tircfAi  q-AH  s>^oi  ^-ojol  Tg^m  q A l  1=^ V H ^ i 2  "JL#<>1 H ] ^ . A ] ^ * I 4  *H*]  *ai  $*i  qu>  tt°]  /7b/ 1  ^43  2  1- ^ A l * q 7 K 1  3  q7>C]u| {q}^3L tt°] ^-47} 3711 ^^1 *l?al M 514^1 fe ^91  4  *1  £1:31  ^4  5 ^71  wj-i-oi  #  fe  7 r  4 3 =^^71- °>43S *  Sal 4 4  "A^^-ol  ^ E o ] c ^ B l ^ ^  ^ S .  ol-^-q =  ^^AlVix?"  fe?4." 4 2  ^-o]  «  TT#3  tt  %,  "fefe  ^-eiq. ^Vjiq- ^  Olsen 139 6 3 4 4 £t  44- 4 4 4 4 4 4 . 4 4 £ 4 4 4 4 * 4  445.  7 5 444 4^4 44 444 4 4444. £2 444 4 * 8 4  4 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 . 2 4 4 4 4 4 ^ 45.4  9 * 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 ° J 4 4 1 : 4 4 <Sfe44. 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 10 4  444(£)24  4(4) 4 (4)444. 4 4 4 4 * 4 4  & 444 4 *  11 4 241TT ^ 4 4 4 * 2 ^ 4 4 § 4 4 4 4 . 4 ^ 4 2 : 4 4 4 * 12 2 s 2 4 4 2 - 4 2 4 4 4 1 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 . 4 4 * ^ 1 1 4 13 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 * 2 2 4 4 * 4 4 4 4?11 4 3 4 4 4 .  4  14 ^ 4 4 2 ^ # 4 2 7 f 4 4 7 M I 7> a.4 7>4 4 4 4 2  44  15 4 ^ 4 4 4 . 4 4 ^ 1 5 . 5 * 4 ^ - 4 # 4 71^.4  *344  /8a/  1  * 4 , " 4 4 4 4 45 2 4 4 4 44  4 4 #2  4<y*4  2 4 4 £ #2 S . 4 4 4 5 445.5 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 5 . 4 4 4 4 3 4 #4  #4 2 4 4 ^ § 44 4 4444." ?4^E4 4 4  4 t * 4 4 * 4 4 4 4 442  4 4 4 4 1 £ * 4 2444(4) 4  5 4 4 4 4 2 4 4 . 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 s^4  4 2 27fl 4 4 4  6  4 4 « 2 zi 4 4 2711 ^ 4 4 5 . 4 4 4 4 314 4 4 4 4*.  7  jL ^ p } r 4 ^-g-t-  <^,g- sgov^fl * 4 4 . 4 4 . 4 ^ - 4  24. Ch'oe sees this as sikatwoy 4 4 4 .  Olsen 140 8 4 4 44 4 5 4 4 ^ 4 * 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 * 2 4 4 5 . 9 5 4 * i 4 # 4 * 4 4 4 4 4 4 £ 4 * 4 ^344 4 4 * 4 10 4 4 4 a * 4 11 4 4  12  ^ 4  4 4  ^ 4 4 41 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 ^ 4 4 42  -sr#i  4 4  4,  4 2-44 4 4 4 4 2 4 4 £ 4 * 4  "^4 SL%  4 4  4  4(4)4 4  4 4 ^ 4  4  4 4 4 4v44  13 * 4 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 £ 5 4 1 4 ^ 4 ^ 4 1 4 £ 1 E 4 14 44. ^ 4 4 £ 4 4 1 - 3 4 ^ 4 4 5 . 4 5 . ? ^ 4 4 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 15 i L 4 * 4 i 4 . " * 2 4 * 4 1 4 4 * 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 2 4 4 * 4 ( 4 )  /8b/ 1 2 5 4 4 * 4 44 4 £ 4 ^ 3 : * 4 4 4 2 5 4 444 ^ 2 44 44 43] 4 * 5 247>4^ £ 4 £ 4 44 4 4 4 # 3 4 4 4 4 £ 2 7>444. ^4 ^4 £ 4 4 £ ^ 4 4 4 4 5 4 4 ^ 4 Tfl 4^4 £ 4 4 4 *44fe ^ 4 4 4 4, " 4 ^ 4 4 £ 4 2 4 5 4 5 4 . " * 2 2 4 1 4 4 °J4 4 * 4 4 3 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 6 4 4 * 4 £ 4 w 4 ^ 44 4 S 4 2 4 2 4 4 4 4 4 ? 4 2 7 314 4 ? 1 4 4 4 4T11 4 ^ 4 4 . ^4 1 4 4 E 4 4 4 4 2 2 4 8 4 4 4 4 4 ( 4 ) * £ 5 4 4 * 4 ^ 4 4 4*4 4 4 4 4 4 1 9 4 * 2 4 4 4 4 * 4 4 . 4 4 5 4 4 4 131 4 4 3 ( ^ ) 4 ^ 4 4 10 44 4 4 4 4 4 ^4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 ( 4 R e l l * 2 4 2 131 4  Olsen  ^  11 I?] ZL *3.fe y&o]  q  Jf°l oj-^ o . ^ - ^  12 ? q ^ q feq * H * M 13  * I  14 * K ^1 ^ 3  oKr^H  < = > 1 HH ° > 7 H 6  ^  #3  ^-47}  q  ^ B ] #71 q *J  ^-^ 14  ^^3. tfeqq.  15 q q - q q 9J{9i}fe ^  ^  * M  s^-q  J f q # Jfei # q f e ^ q feq 31*1*1 q  /9a/ 1  7J ^ * ] i L q  ^ f e  ^ 7 1 fe I ^ M ^  2 -ffeq * ^ q £ 4 ° 1  fi^.SLai  # q ^*1*1 *>?11 ^ e l J i q - 4 ^  3  i - H ^31 t q - i i f e  4 5  3. 7 > f e -fel  6  ^ q 4 4 # *>sAlvq$ioi?" ^  B6  " * S 1 °jai # f ^ 5 L 6  4^-4 ^  8  ^  -°-5l ^ t f e  9  ^7fl ? 3 I 3  Al-ftq  10 a i ^ # q  ZL o^]M. °J(<3)aI %7\  Zl^Tlfe ^o] £ q "*1 ^ q £ i g 7 > ^ t§Aj=ois4." ^ f ^ l i £ - i - H 4*l  7 fe 3 4 r 4 4 . ^ 4 £ 3 ,  o}t] ^ 7 > S 1  *Jfe  ^ f e  E.el7r  ^ q ^ q ^Aj^Tl  3 #  4 4  ^al  7 > s q q 6}t\?\)  ^ q  Tg^  7  }  #4 ?ii4."  ^ 2 ; a q q q ^ q f q * i q q - . ZL ^ q ^-  11  * ° i 4 3 ^ f e 4*1 - i - q q q q n q 4 ^  12  q ? q ^ q Jfq ^ 4 H  13 q s 3 i « q q t  q  # q <g  4*1 q q t q q . q ^ . q^j-q^qq.  ?  141  Olsen  14 4 1 1 1 4 ( 4 ) ^ 4 4 4 4 # 4 15 4 # r 4 4 4 4 £ S  447>i 4 4 ? 4 4 4 . %  44*44 444 44?4  4  /9b/ 1 J L 4 4 4 4 . 4(4) 2 4 $ 4 4 4 4 4 s ^ 4 4 T T * 2 4 4 2 .&{£}* 4 4 4 3 4 2 4 4 . 4 4 4 4 4 £ 4 4 4 4 4 ^ ^ 4 4 4 4 . ^4fe  3 M l  4 44  2 5  44?^  4444. 4  ^  4 4 4 4 4 1 4 4 4 2 4 4 4 £|4 4 4 4 4 ? 4 4 4*11 4 4 4 4 4 4 2 4 41f4 4 4 * 2 4 £ 4  5 4*2  6 4. 4 4 1 342  4<34 4 4  7 4 *4 44 4454 8 ^ 4 4 24 2 44 9  < 3 4 3 4 4 (4)42  4 4 4 4 4 44  441 4 4 ^ § 4 4 4 442  4§4  42,4  13 4 4 4 4  (4)444 4 4 4  4 4 4 2 4 #4  15 4 4 4 4 " 4 4 ^ 4 1  42  S 4  44*  £544  £ 4 4 44 4 4 444."  25. Copy B has poykthoy 4 4. 26. Copy B has yenghyengi 1 1 4 .  43  444  " 4 4 4 4 4 4 44 4 4 4^4£." ^42  14 * 4 4 4 4 * 4 4 4 4 ^ 2 " J i ? ^ 4 £ 4  3  43*  4 4 ^4fe  444 42 4 £ 4  44  44*4  444 44 14244. 44  11426 <S444.  12 * ^ 4 4 4 ^ 5 - 4 2 . 4 * ^  ^3*4  441-4(4)^ £ 4  10 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 £ 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 #4 11 4 4 £  414  *44  142  Olsen  143  /10a/ 1  4. 4 4 4  444  4 4 4 <S2 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4  £4  21=4  2 £ 4 2 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4, " 2 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 4 4 4 3  4 4 4 4 44  4^4  4  124  £fe ^ 4 4 £ 4 # 3 4 4 4 ^ 4 £ ? " * 2  5  41 4^4  6  £4." 4 4  7  ^-A]O]  ^r47> 4 4 4 4 4 4 4  51-1 4 * 4  8  444  4 ^ 4 4 4 * 4 . 44  44 44  9  44 4 £ 4 4 4 4 £ 4 4  *344  24  4 4 42  ^4*4  4, " 4 4 4 4 4 4  4 2  4  4 4 £ £ ? " 4 4 4, " 4 ^ ( 4 * )  4 4 * 4 444  44  £ 4 5 . 4 4 4 2 4 24  44*4  *44. 44 444  4^4  34 4^4£. 44 4 1  * 3  ^£4  44*4  444  4  4*-4  4  10 4 4 4 2 1 4 4 4 2 1 4 * 4 4 4 ^ 4 * 4 2 ? ^31 4 4 11 4 4 4 ^ 4 4 4 . 4 4 4 4 4 ^ § 4 4 12 44-fer 4 4 4 4 * 4 13 4 4  4 4 ( 4 ) 4*[^]  14 * 4  444  15 4 v 4  ^2  2 44  £44  4444  2  ^1444 3 4  -^4t4  44 £ 4 44 2 £ 44  4(4)*44. 8 4 4 4 42  4  4(4)2  £44  444  ^431 4 4 4  441  44^29 ^  ^44^11 4 4 4 £ . 4 4 4 4 * 4  2  14  44  ^jz. 4£  27. Copy B has ilncanchyengkuyhoye 1 1 4 1 4 * 4 . 28. Copy B has hanhotela 4 * 4 4 . 29. 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[441  Olsen 175  Tale of Golden Bell Transcriptions Listed by Editor/Translator  Chang Toksun jjHi^jlOt, ed. "Kumnyong chon" ^ipfiS. In Kurno sinhwa / Kumnyong chon / Hwasa / O Yuran chon ^ £ 4 4 - ( ^ ^ f r l g ) / ^ ^ 4(^^f#)/5f K?b^)/£--rr-44 A  (M^MM)  [New stories of the golden turtle / Tale of Golden Bell / History of the flower  kingdoms / Tale of O Yuran], 105^47, 210. P'iltok chongson Han'guk kojon munhak 4 4 4 ^ ^fSl^'Jft^C^P [Selected must-reads in classical Korean literature] 9. Seoul: Myongmundang, 1994. Chon Kyut'ae Crisis, ed. "Kumyong chon" ^l^ft(^"44). In Han'guk kojdn munhak taejonjip H S ' i i ^ i P ^ : ^ ! [Complete collection of Korean classical literature],  5:317-47. Seoul: Chungang Toso, 1984. Chong Pyonghon H f i and Yi Yugyong 4 4 4 , eds. "Kum pangul chon" i ? 4 4 4 . In Han'guk iii yosong yongung sosol 4^" 4 1"$ 4 4 ^ ^ [Korea's female hero fiction], 75-110. Seoul: T'aehaksa, 2000. It'eksut'u K'oria 4 ^ £ 4 4 ^ 4 4 , ed. "Kumnyong chon" ^ 4 / ^ $ M f . In Han'guk panggakpon sosol chonjip 4^4 i'4-2i' |l 4 ^ [Collection of Korea's locally pubz  ,  lished fiction]. Seoul: KRpia, 2000-3. http://k5000.nurimedia.co.kr/intro.asp?. Kim Kidong  and Chon Kyut'ae ikitS, eds. "Kumnyong chon"  &§&M(vT^  Kdmhyangjong ki / Kumnyong chon / Chu saeng chon ^^47]  (§H#^§e •  •  In • 4 !l4  • ffitkW) [Record of beautiful silk pavilion / Tale of Golden Bell /  /i,  <  Olsen 176  Tale of student Zhou], 134-89. Han'guk kojon munhak 100 £ t S 4 f t £ P 100 [Korean classical literature 100]. Seoul: Somundang, 1984. Ku Inhwan 4 4 4 , ed. "Kumnyong chon" ^  4. In Chon Uch 7 chon 4 4 4 4 ffl  [Tale of Chon Uch'i], 125-71. Uri kojon tasi ikki 4 3 J2.4 t^X\ oi 7] [Rereading our classics] 14. Seoul: Sinwon Munhwasa, 2003. Kwon T'aengmu 4 4 "4 and Ch'oe Okhtii ^14^, eds. "Kum pangul chon (yunsaek)" and "Kum pangul chon (wonmun)" ^ 4 4 4 ( 4 £ - ) . In T'okki chon £ 3 4 [Tale of a Rabbit], 161-269. 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