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LEED Green Building Rating System : values of consumption Coleman, Sylvia 2004

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L E E D G R E E N BUILDING RATING S Y S T E M : V A L U E S OF CONSUMPTION by S Y L V I A C O L E M A N B.Sc, The University of Sydney, 1994 B.A. , McGill University, 1999 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL F U L F I L M E N T OF T H E REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E D E G R E E OF M A S T E R S OF A D V A N C E D STUDIES IN A R C H I T E C T U R E in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (School of Architecture) We accept this thesis as conforming to Jhe requu-ed-standard T H E UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A April 2004 © Sylvia Coleman, 2004 Library Authorization In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis: L6et> Cr&£&^ T>>lUU>//vi 6- VlAT<*S& &iSr<M$ VAudes. OP O D A K U I M P 7 7 Q N J Name of Author (please print) Date (dd/mm/yyyy) Degree: /M ,A -S.A • Y e a r : Department of &ctfc&U p p AvZ.CJtt(TeCTUiJ^r The University of British Columbia Vancouver, BC Canada Abstract T h e Uni t ed States Green Bui ld ing Council 's ( U S G B C ' s ) Leadership in Energy and Design Green Bu i ld ing Rating System ( L E E D ) is a product of its time and place. It is a fundamental assumption of this thesis that the most con-scious, effective change is made through an understanding o f causes and or i -gins. That context is one o f underlying N o r t h Amer ican values, as represented by N o r t h Amer ican consumer culture, environmentalism, and worldview. H a v i n g its origins in consumer culture, green consumerism is a paradox wh ich addresses superficial change but not the underlying values and wor ld -views that drive large-scale change. N o r t h Amer ican environmentalism is uniquely wilderness-focussed and b i o p h i l i a A n d N o r t h Amer ican worldviews are undergoing a shift, or integration, wh ich has consequences for the devel-opment o f L E E D . I f the values of a consumer culture are embedded i n L E E D , and, i f those values are opposed to that o f a sustainable culture, then what w i l l be the ultimate effect o f L E E D on the drive to increased bu i ld ing sustainability? B y elaborating on the socio-cultural and conceptual origins from w h i c h L E E D has arisen, wh ich includes the creative tension between the environmental and industry groups that created it, the L E E D system becomes contextualized and internal motivations i l luminated. T h e impl ic i t value-context is examined via qualitative, theoretical examina-t ion of the literature concerning consumer culture, environmentalism and worldviews, while the explicit social context for L E E D is addressed through a case study conducted at the Vancouver Island Technology Park ( L E E D G o l d award, 2002). Occupants were surveyed about their attitude toward the L E E D label, green bui lding, and environmental labelling i n general. It was found that N o r t h Amer ican consumer culture was evident i n how L E E D is marketed and delivered. N o r t h Amer ican environmentalism was evident i n the content o f L E E D performance areas. N o r t h Amer ican wor ld -views, both mechanistic and holistic, were evident i n how the L E E D system could be used, as a checklist for green bu i ld ing features, and/or as a holistic, integrative design tool. Recommendations were given to both environmental-ists and industrialists i n four areas, concerning L E E D system specificity, green consumerism, the potentially problematic effect o f technology transfer i n other cultural contexts, and the differences between implement ing green vs. sustainable bui ld ing. ii Table of Contents Abstract ii List of Figures and Tables iv List of Abbrev iat ions v Acknowledgements vi 1 Introduct ion 1 1.1 Purpose of the S tudy 5 1.2 Research Ques t ion 5 1.3 Methods 6 1.4 Research A s s u m p t i o n s 7 1.5 Scope of the Thes is 8 1.6 Impor tance of the Thes is 9 1.7 Report S t ruc tu re 11 2 The LEED System and Green Building 12 2.1 The U .S . G r e e n Bui ld ing Counc i l ' s G reen Bui ld ing Rat ing S y s t e m 13 2.2 Green and Susta inab i l i t y in Arch i tec ture 16 2.3 LEED Per fo rmance A reas 17 3 Theoret ical background 23 3.1 Cu l tu re and Va lues 24 3.2 Imp l ica t ions : LEED in a Nor th A m e r i c a n contex t 41 3.3 Wor ldv iews 44 3.4 Imp l ica t ions : LEED and Wor ldv iews 52 4 Case Study 54 4.1 Vancouve r Is land Techno logy Park 55 4 .2 The S u r v e y 56 4 .3 C a s e S tudy Resul ts 56 4 .4 Imp l i ca t ions : the VITP C a s e S tudy and LEED 68 5 Conclus ions and Recommendat ions 71 5.1 Speci f ic i ty of LEED 72 5.2 Techno logy Transfer 73 5.3 G reen vs . Sus ta inab le Bui ld ing 74 5.4 G reen C o n s u m e r i s m 75 Appendix I - Case Study Survey 77 Appendix II - Case Study Management Sect ion and Comments 96 Appendix III - Sample LEED Evaluation Checkl ist 100 Work Cited or Consulted 101 iii List of Figures and Tables Figure 2.0: Registered LEED Projects by Building Type, as of 20.11.03 (USGBC, 2003) 14 Figure 3.0: The new approach to building in a global context (Bourdeau 1999) 27 Figure 3.1: The Guggenheim at Bilbao, Spain, by Frank. O. Gehry 37 Figure 3.2: Worldviews 1 and 2 (Adapted from Leith 2004) 46 Figure 4.1: The Vancouver Island Technology Park, Vancouver Island, BC 55 Figure 4.2: LEED Gold 2002 award/plaque in VITP lobby 56 Figure 4.3: Mode of finding out the VITP had been awarded a LEED Gold label 57 Figure 4.4: LEED sign as motivation to read more about green buildings 58 Figure 4.5: Importance of LEED label for company's image (opinion) 58 Figure 4.6: Environmental labels influencing personal purchasing choices 59 Figure 4.7: Buy and use less in general 59 Figure 4.8: Buy and use environmentally-friendly products and services 60 Figure 4.9: Ranking of Individuals for ability to make the most difference to the environment 61 Figure 4.10: Ranking of Government for ability to make the most difference to the environment 61 Figure 4.11: Ranking of Companies for ability to make the most difference to the environment 62 Figure 4.12: Ranking of Communities for ability to make the most difference to the environment 62 Figure 4.13: Satisfaction with Air, Light, Acoustics, Temperature 63 Figure 4.14: Satisfaction with View, Quality and Durability of Interior Materials 63 Figure 4.15: Satisfaction with Showers, Fitness Centre, Restaurant 64 Figure 4.16: Satisfaction with Dual-flush toilets, Waterless Urinals and Recycling Facilities 64 Figure 4.17: Satisfaction with Sports Facilities, Landscaping, Parking 65 Figure 4.18: Satisfaction with distance to home, availability of public transport 66 Figure 4.19: Ability of LEED sign in lobby to make public aware that the VITP is a "Green Building" 66 Figure 4.20: Ability of VITP building and grounds to make public aware of "Green Buildings" 67 Figure 4.21: VITP effect on personal performance and productivity 67 Figure 4.22: Satisfaction with Look/ aesthetic of VITP building and grounds 68 Figure 4.23: Opinion of VITP building environment overall as a place to work 68 Table 2-0: Perceived barriers to sustainable design (Cassidy 2003) 14 Table 2-1: LEED 2.1 Performance Areas, Credits, Points and proportion of system 18 iv List of Abbreviat ions A S T M Amer ican Society for Testing and Materials B E P A C B u i l d i n g Environmental Performance Analysis C l u b Boutek (non-acronym for) Bu i ld ing and Const ruct ion Technology, South Afr ica B R E E A M Bu i ld ing Research Establishment Environmental Assessment M e t h o d C S I R C o u n c i l for Scientific and Industrial Research F S C Forest Stewardship C o u n c i l H V A C Heat ing, Venti la t ion and A i r Cond i t i on ing system L E E D Leadership i n Energy and Environmental Design Green B u i l d i n g Rat ing System (New Construction) L E E D - C D Leadership i n Energy and Environmental Design Green B u i l d i n g Rat ing System (Construction and Design) L E E D - C I Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design Green Bu i ld ing Rat ing System (Commercia l Interiors) L E E D - E B Leadership i n Energy and Environmental Design Green Bu i ld ing Rat ing System (Existing Buildings) L E E D - N C Leadership i n Energy and Environmental Design Green B u i l d i n g Rat ing System (New Construction) P O E Post Occupancy Evaluation V A S Visua l A n a l o g Scale V I T P Vancouver Island Technology Park W T O W o r l d Trade Organisation V Acknowledgements I wou ld like to thank m y committee: Dr . Ray Cole , Dr . Charles Weinberg, and Peter Busby, for their wealth o f constructive guidance, continuous support and unflagging patience wi th the intricacies o f wr i t ing a thesis. M y grandparents are the people that m y education started wi th , and my parents are the ones who kept the ball rol l ing. I thank them and other family members for their support o f the strength and curiosity that has kept me constantly interested in my wor ld and how it might work. Friends also play a crucial role i n the product ion o f a thesis, and I w o u l d like to thank Kris t ina Kovacs and Chr i s Jackel, Esteban Undurraga, and D a v i d Hodgson for their way o f helping to keep things in perspective, and for lending an ear (and a hand) whenever requested. M y rag-tag crew o f rock climbers and adventure racers were also crucial in helping me retain my sanity by dragging me outside when I most needed a break. Acknowledgements are due also to the staff o f Cafe Crema, wh ich managed to stay open unt i l I had almost completed the thesis. Final ly I w o u l d like to thank A r t Beaver and m y band, the Mississaugas o f Scugog Island First Na t i on , for the financial stewardship o f m y work. vi As human beings, we perceive and understand the material world at the level of abstractions, languages, and symbols. We act on the basis of these percep-tions and beliefs. This fact has been largely ignored in the field of environ-mental studies. .. If environmentalists\do not sufficiently explore the power of common beliefs to condition behaviour as it relates to ecological issues, they will continue to develop ineffectual arguments and recommendations... [W]e need to fight the symbolic on the level of the symbolic, not merely pro-vide material evidence illustrating the fallacy of belief. Facts never speak for themselves. (Smith 1998) i INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter 1 - Introduction Al though the seriousness o f the global environmental problem continues to be fiercely debated, few w o u l d disagree that there is any concern in the first place. In a conceptual sense, the environmental crisis can be considered anthropocentric: the journalist G w y n n e Dyer, for example, has commented that it is not the planet that w i l l 'suffer' the consequences o f human actions, because it w i l l s imply adapt, blithely, to the new conditions. Rather, humans, and biota in general, are the ones who w i l l have to risk being unable to adapt to the new conditions that we create (Dyer 1994). As Toby Smi th indicates in the opening quote above, our daily life is suffused wi th a complex o f symbols, values, beliefs and practices, creating an intan-gible layer o f meaning that individuals can both access and alter, seemingly at the same time. Th i s layer we call many names, "culture" being one o f them; and this culture arises out o f a given personal worldview. T h e buil t environ-ment that we create, both conceptual and physical, must derive at least i n part from a shared sense o f meaning or culture. Th i s thesis assumes a major defining hallmark o f N o r t h Amer ican culture to be one o f "consumerism". This is discussed further i n Section 3. O f course, it is absurd to assert that every individual residing in N o r t h Amer ica is a proponent o f the consumerist lifestyle. However, the attitudes o f consumerism permeate N o r t h Amer ican lives i n such a way that it is almost impossible not to confront them: whether one is averse, indifferent or ad-dicted to consuming and the general belief-attitude-perception system that is consumerism, we are all nevertheless concerned in some way wi th consump-t ion. W e eat, watch, hear and breathe consumption. It is a fact, i f not a way, o f life. O n e o f the characteristics that human beings pride themselves on is their abi l -ity to create; a culture's buildings and supporting infrastructure are sometimes referred to as examples o f their creative crowning achievement. In N o r t h Amer ica today, those achievements are all too often highly resource-intensive and pollution-creating facilities. T h e construction and maintenance o f buildings, particularly commercial buildings, are highly energy-intensive activities i n the industrialized as well as the industrializing 1 wor ld . C o m p l e x and often oversized Heat ing, Vent i la-t ion and A i r C o n d i t i o n i n g ( H V A C ) systems are commonplace in commercial buildings (and increasingly i n private homes), from Vancouver to Jakarta to Vienna . In our air-condit ioned lives we can more easily ignore the fact that global warming, despite the nay-sayers, may well be happening. A levelling ' The terms "industrialized" and "industrializing" will be used throughout, and will be considered interchangeable with "Western" / "Northern" / "developed; and "Eastern" / "Soudiern" / "underdeveloped", respectively. 2 Chapter 1 - Introduction field o f consumption and increasingly technological solutions are globally becoming the norm. The forces o f globalization, wh ich have been increasing since 19 t h century colonization, and i n particular since air travel and long-distance c o m m u n i -cations became common , have propagated foreign-derived bui ld ing types, fre-quently lacking specificity for their site and culture. Notably, w i th the advent o f the International Style i n the 1920s, technology was "used to i ron out differences i n bui ld ing contexts, in many cases resulting i n increased energy consumption and environmental impact due to the contextually inappropri-ate architectural concepts and materials u t i l i zed . . . " (Geissler and T o d d 1999). The same authors quote Sayigh and Marafia, stating that low-technology, traditional designs incorporating shading, evaporative cooling, appropriate thermal mass, natural ventilation and radiative cool ing become identified wi th underdevelopment and poverty — and become overtaken by West-ern-style bui ld ing types wh ich tend to be, by comparison, technology- and energy-intensive (Geissler and T o d d 1999). W e use technology to overcome environmental constraints and feedbacks, and our culturally adaptive mindset adopts our new powers wherever it is convenient. W h e n the primary forces o f globalization, transition i n economies, and increasing uncertainty over energy supply are taken into account, the antici-pated direction is for "green" alternatives to current energy-intensive bu i ld -ings, in both industrialized and industrial izing countries. However, green bui ld ing, such as it is understood by the general publ ic and still , perhaps, by some o f the architecture-related industries, is often still seen as "other" — as a niche discipline, the ment ion o f w h i c h tends to popularly evoke the not ion o f houses made from straw bale or rubber tires, w i th solar panels. 2 Further, green buildings in general still tend to be marginalized, per-haps because o f the association o f the more radical elements o f earlier envi-ronmental movements. In contrast to the celebrity, iconic structures that tend to dominate the architectural spotlight, green buildings more often present an understated, quietly functioning presence wh ich does not always success fully capture the public's visual attention. Th i s , ironically, is where a market-based certification system like L E E D ™ 2.1 (Leadership in Energy and E n v i r o n -mental Design Green B u i l d i n g Rat ing System for N e w Const ruc t ion and Major Renovations) ( U S G B C 2003), may have a large role to play. C o m m u n i t y environmental activism, certification systems and eco-labels have proliferated since the environmental movement got underway i n the late 2 For example, from a person unfamiliar with the term: "Sustainable architecture? Is that about peanut oil in the latex paint?" 3 C h a p t e r 1 - I n t r o d u c t i o n 1960s. In the industrialized wor ld , and increasingly elsewhere, the regula-tion o f resource use and environmental contamination has relied i n part on a drive to employ standards and certification systems. Green bu i ld ing rating systems include L E E D , B R E E A M and B R E E A M - G r e e n L e a f , among others. Certification systems that certify products such as wood include the Forestry Stewardship Counci l ' s system. N o r t h Amer ica and Europe utilize other non-bui ld ing product eco-labelling schemes inc luding Eco-Logo , Green Seal, Blue Angel , and others. Certification systems and their labels are extremely useful to the consumer — critically, when recognized as legitimate — because o f the amount o f i n -formation that can be "condensed" and therefore communicated efficiently to the consumer. Notably, "eco-labelling" is useful where environmental benefits are not immediately obvious, and/or where the target audience significantly lacks relevant information (Blum, De i lmann , and Neubauer 2001). Th is is where a green bui ld ing rating system becomes instrumental in terms o f bring-ing into effect broad-scale change: an eco-label can give a bu i ld ing cachet or appeal, particularly i f it does not engage the public's otherwise visual interest. T h e L E E D system is a bui ld ing rating tool o f design guidelines and standards. T h e U S G B C ' s promot ion o f the L E E D system aims to better the way buildings are made and operated in terms o f reducing energy and resource consumption, among other factors. T h e L E E D rating system comprises a comprehensive set o f criteria wh ich determine the extent o f the envi-ronmental performance o f a bu i ld ing — according to that framework — and confers a market-oriented label along wi th exposure on the U S G B C website. L E E D has gained exponentially in popularity since its inception, and ini t ia l use in 1998. It serves more than one purpose i n that it can be used to guide design and/or as a post-occupancy certification system for retrofits. L E E D is a product o f the U S Green Bu i ld ing C o u n c i l ( U S G B C ) , and in turn is a product (like any other) o f its time and place, situated wi th in the N o r t h A m e r i -can worldview — at the core o f wh ich consumption is so deeply embedded that it can be difficult to perceive. Arguably, w i th the forces o f globalization, L E E D IEADIKSHIP IN ENCHGV I ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN Rating System Version 2.0 Including the Project Checklist lime 2001 4 Chapter 1 - Introduction the apparent N o r t h Amer ican worldview is becoming more commonplace, w i th local variations, around the globe. However, this increasing prevalence cannot alter the fact that ecosystems are particular to location, w h i c h has profound implications for the transference o f L E E D globally. 1.1 Purpose of the Study This thesis aims to examine the underlying value system wh ich is the founda-t ion for L E E D in a N o r t h Amer ican context. T h e study seeks to do this i n two ways: qualitatively via relevant literature, and quantitatively via a case study, comprising a survey conducted at the Vancouver Island Technology Park, a retrofitted L E E D G o l d bui lding. First, this study attempts to situate the L E E D certification system w i t h i n its social context: that o f N o r t h Amer ican consumer culture, environmentalism and worldview. It w i l l be a major assumption o f this thesis to consider N o r t h Amer ican and not just Canadian cultural values, pr imari ly because L E E D is originally an U S system. Further, while Canadian and Amer ican societies dif-fer in terms o f daily practices, attitudes, values and systems, it is argued that both share what is essentially a fundamental, large-scale consumer culture bias. A s a mechanism o f change wi th in what is the N o r t h Amer ican envi-ronmental movement, a certification system like L E E D must be the product o f the unique N o r t h Amer ican consumerist values and worldview. T h i s is detailed in Section 3. Second, the study aims to examine the L E E D system from the perspective o f the end-user, the occupant, i n an effort to assess its function as a marketing tool (that is, where the L E E D system product is the label) and its function as a green bui ld ing design tool (where the L E E D system product is the build-ing). Th i s is important because the "success" o f L E E D w i l l be measured not only by how well it is marketed and how many buildings become certified via L E E D , but also by how well it performs as a design tool — as evidenced by practical use on a day-to-day level. Th is is examined in Section 4. 1.2 Research Question Through a critical analysis o f the culture, worldview and value system which underlie the making and implementation o f the L E E D system, and through an assessment o f what drives broad-scale social change, the possible l imi ta-tions o f the ability o f L E E D to change the marketplace, and what that means, may be i l luminated. 5 Chapter 1 - Introduction • I f L E E D is a product o f its time and place, how does it seek to effect change? • Does L E E D seek to transform the market i n order to instigate a great-er awareness and usage o f green bui lding, or does it a im to change people's expectations and demands? • Is changing people's expectations and demands a part, even a neces-sary part, o f market transformation? • W h a t is the qualitative difference between changing the market and changing society? • Assuming that fundamental change is required for a sustainable society, i f L E E D is a market-based and market-bound system, how can it effect fundamental change and remain viable (because the market, by defini-t ion, is about innovation — that is, constant change)? In essence: if the current values of a consumer culture are embedded in LEED, and, if those values are counter to that of a sustainable culture, what will be the ultimate effect of LEED on the drive to sustainable building as a whole? 1.3 Methods T h e impl ic i t , or value-laden context o f L E E D is assessed through a qualita-tive, literature-based investigation o f the culture and worldview that are an inseparable part o f the culture in wh ich the L E E D system originated and is implemented. The resulting conclusions shed light on the positive aspects as well as the self-limitations o f the L E E D system w i t h i n the contextual a im o f the drive to sustainability. Th i s contextualization o f L E E D is accomplished through a systematic, dialectic approach which assesses the large-scale, theoretical context, and the small-scale, real-world context in which L E E D is based. L E E D ' s explicit, small-scale social context is assessed through a case study survey conducted wi th occupants at the Vancouver Island Technology Park (VITP , recipient o f a L E E D 2.0 G o l d award i n 2002). T h e survey attempted to ascertain occupant attitude and perception toward the L E E D label and the L E E D bui ld ing in which they worked. T h e survey focussed on ascertain-ing i f the L E E D label (with reference to eco-labels i n general) had affected occupants' perception o f green bui ld ing as a whole, and what green or L E E D - i m p l e m e n t e d features were most attractive to the user. In addit ion, oc-6 Chapter 1 - Introduction cupant perceptions and attitudes toward green bu i ld ing features (i.e., whether green bu i ld ing features function wel l and/or are aesthetically appealing; and whether it is the L E E D label or the bui ld ing itself wh ich generates the most interest) were also elicited. F ind ing out whether it is the label or the bui ld ing wh ich has the great-est pedagogical — or "inspirational" — impact on occupants (who are, o f course, members o f society i n general) w i l l provide the thesis w i th real-world information on the most effective means o f social change wi th respect to green bui ld ing . 1.4 Research A s s u m p t i o n s This thesis is based, necessarily, on some fundamental assumptions, wh ich are outl ined here (and defined in Section 3). • Regarding culture: • N o r t h Amer i ca is characterized by consumer culture. • Regarding environment: • I f commercial /economic infrastructure and systems remain as they are, increasing consumption and profit cannot correspond w i t h decreasing energy and resource usage in the long term. • Envi ronmenta l sustainability requires fundamental, deep changes in institutional structures as well as individual behaviour. • Green bu i ld ing is a growing niche market wh ich is l ikely to become more important as the debate over N o r t h Amer ican energy and resource consumption becomes more critical • Regarding marketing and commerce: • A market system is essentially a "cultural" overlay — a system of exchange wh ich forms the basis o f a capitalist economy. • Markets are characterized by innovation which , i n order for the system to be viable, must be replaced by other innovations ever ready for new consumption. Hence the cont inuing cycle o f supply and demand. As such, it is difficult to see how a pattern o f l iv ing based on a capitalist market system can be "fundamentally sustainable." 7 Chapter 1 - Introduction 1.5 Scope of the Thesis There are four things that this thesis is not. First, although the case study addresses occupant-related aspects o f "bui ld ing performance" o f a L E E D Gold-rated bui ld ing, the case study is not a post-oc-cupancy evaluation ( P O E ) : it does not use the same methods and it is not as intensive. Rather, this case study data is used to bolster the research questions, wh ich consider the effect o f L E E D marketing on public perception. Second, this thesis is not a treatise on, or rant against consumption as it relates to bu i ld ing product ion. Consumpt ion is a fact o f life. But it is how we approach and deal w i th the issues o f consumption that w i l l determine the path that our culture takes; and it is a core a im o f this thesis to illustrate the relationship o f the L E E D system to the uniquely N o r t h Amer ican culture o f consumption wi th in wh ich it was conceived. T h i r d , although a large part o f the thesis considers broad socio-cultural aspects relating to L E E D , the thesis does not have a psychological component i n the strictest sense o f that term. Psychology deals w i th specific mechanics o f individual human behaviour, whereas this thesis is more concerned wi th the dynamics o f large groups, that is, w i th the societal and cultural level (as i n an anthropological or sociological sense). Th is thesis deals abstractly wi th social change on a much larger scale. Last, this thesis also does not intend to authoritatively define such things as "culture" or "worldview", i f only because such concepts have not hitherto been defined satisfactorily. Rather, these terms w i l l be defined for and used solely w i th in the context o f this study. T h e L E E D system has not so far been explicitly considered in terms o f consumption or the socio-cultural values that underlie its making and imple-mentation. Further, although research has been undertaken to more specifi-cally analyze the correlation between L E E D - d e s i g n e d buildings and occupant performance and productivity (see substantial work by Judith Heerwagen; or A d r i a n Leaman and B i l l Bordass) there do not appear to be studies that consider L E E D wi th in broader-scale issues of value systems, or the environ-mental movement. In light o f the lack o f literature specifically relating to the topic o f this thesis, it has been necessary to attempt to synthesise ideas from a range o f disci-8 Chapter 1 - Introduction plines, including architecture, ecological and development anthropology, marketing and consumption, and environmental studies. Th i s study attempts to br ing these otherwise disparate theoretical threads together, and to synthe-sise them for the purpose o f look ing at L E E D from a uniquely socio-cultural perspective. 1.6 Importance of the Thesis A n y state o f affairs arises from a complex socio-cultural-economic matrix o f conditions. If these foundational conditions are not elucidated and under-stood, a given problem w i l l remain unsolved. T h e treatment o f the symptoms o f a problem is a superficial effort; addressing causes is what br ing about change. As Spowers notes, .. .so-called 'shallow' corporate environmentalism still dominates the mainstream, insisting on continued economic growth alongside re-source management, techno-fix applications like catalytic converters, and mild lifestyle changes like recycling. By treating symptoms rather than causes, this approach side-steps any serious investigation about the values which underpin the prevailing world-view and perpetu-ates the notion of'sustainable development, a concept which Teddy Goldsmith regards as a 'contradiction in terms'. (Spowers 2002) T h e L E E D system has grown exponentially in popularity and usage since its formal inception in 1998. However, does L E E D have the ability to fun-damentally change the bu i ld ing market, and what does that mean at the publ ic level? Are the changes that L E E D is capable o f making, superficial fixes, or deep-seated and fundamental change? I f both, how does one inform the other? A n d which is most crucial for long-term change i n the bu i ld ing industry, towards sustainability? Accord ing to the U S G B C website ( U S G B C 2003), the L E E D system was created to: • facilitate positive results for the environment, occupant health and finan-cial return • define "green" by providing a standard for measurement • prevent "greenwashing" (false or exaggerated claims) • promote whole-bui lding, integrated design processes • use as a design guideline 9 Chapter 1 - Introduction • establish market value wi th recognizable national "brand" • recognize leaders • stimulate green competi t ion • raise consumer awareness • transform the bui ld ing market A major part o f this thesis concerns the last two criteria. Cer ta inly wi th its function as a means o f communicat ion via labelling and marketing, L E E D has the potential to "raise consumer awareness o f green bu i ld ing benefits", as well as "transform the bui ld ing market". In socio-cultural terms, criteria w i th in L E E D enhance the comfort o f occupants; and the synergies created across various criteria have been cited as improving occupant performance and productivity, but L E E D as a green bui ld ing rating system is foremost intended to improve the environmental performance o f the bu i ld ing itself. L E E D does this not by explicitly a iming to change occupant behaviour, but by instituting green bui ld ing in the market. D u e to the large and diverse scope for green bu i ld ing that it already holds, L E E D does not necessarily guarantee occupant health and well-being, and i n fact it is still possible, (with 17% o f core credits directly devoted to oc-cupants), to perversely achieve L E E D Pla t inum without having utilised any points relating to occupants at all (Wise 2001). W i t h o u t an occupant o f some k ind , wh ich is to say, wi thout a function, a bu i ld ing is nothing but a shell. H o w well a L E E D bui ld ing performs w i l l greatly determine the relevance o f L E E D to the environmental movement, for, "[I]t is not what buildings are but what they do and how they do it that is the major concern o f sustainable development." (du Plessis 2001). I f environmental problem management is more accurately "social problem management", the implications for L E E D in the context o f long-term, sustainable environmental change are o f great importance. Cri t ical ly, how effective is L E E D as an agent o f environmental change i n the bu i ld ing sector, and in what way does it act? Accord ing to Geissler and T o d d (1999), the appropriateness o f a bui ld ing rating system's design "depends on the assess-ment systems' intention — is it s imply a system for comparing and rating buildings, or is it also intended as an agent o f change, a iming to reduce the environmental impact caused by the bui ld ing sector and increasing both user friendliness and cost effectiveness at the same time?" 10 Chapter 1 - Introduction A s a result o f these investigations, a more thorough understanding o f the underlying values and assumptions which therefore drive the use o f L E E D in N o r t h Amer ica w i l l al low greater understanding o f its trajectory and ultimate success. 1.7 Report Structure T h e report is divided into qualitative and quantitative research. Section 1 introduces the subject, a im, importance and scope o f the thesis. Section 2 defines green bui lding and briefly describes the L E E D system performance areas. Section 3 discusses the concepts o f culture, consumerism, N o r t h Amer ican mindset, globalization and worldviews, w i th application to L E E D and archi-tecture, and draws relative sub-conclusions in final "implications" sections. Section 4 covers the L E E D 2.0 G o l d retrofit project, the Vancouver Island Technology Park case study results, also wi th sub-conclusions drawn in a final implications section. In Section 5, both qualitative and quantitative research is brought together, and conclusions and recommendations drawn about the presence o f L E E D i n the N o r t h Amer ican marketplace. T h e Appendices contain the case study surveys (Appendix I) and comments from the case study (Appendix II). 11 While populist attempts to assuage the anti-ecological condition ofarchitecture usually rely on a pre-industrial ethos that precludes the social and cultural complexities of metropolitan life, high-tech alternatives require the interces-sion of a technological elite that will bypass the decision-making process of the polis. Both extremes, while they offer attractive models, are delusional and anathema to the ideals of the liberal city... unless an ecology-conscious architecture is rooted in social practices, it will have little change for making a significant impact on the production of the built environment, because, to paraphrase Fernand Braudel, technology alone is never the cause of social change, it is always implemented by social forces. (Ingersoll 1996) 2 T H E L E E D S Y S T E M A N D G R E E N B U I L D I N G 1 2 Chapter 2 - The L E E D System and Green Building 2.1 T h e U.S . G r e e n B u i l d i n g C o u n c i l ' s G r e e n B u i l d i n g R a t i n g S y s -t e m T h e U . S . Green Bu i ld ing C o u n c i l ( U S G B C ) is a nonprofit organisation founded in 1993 by a diverse group o f bui lding, building-related and en-vironment-related industry members. Th is diverse quality o f membership remains and is considered representative o f the green bu i ld ing industry as a whole. Commit tees and consensus o f its members guide the programs that the C o u n c i l runs. T h e U S G B C is commit ted to the promot ion o f green bui ld ing in the marketplace, ini t ial ly and pr imari ly through the use o f the L E E D Green B u i l d i n g Rat ing System tool. T h e L E E D system essentially seeks to reduce and/or conserve the burden o f demands for resources and services that a bu i ld ing creates, while enhancing the quality o f health and well-being o f its occupants. W h e n the U S G B C was considering systems for its pilot , the organisation looked to the U K ' s B R E E A M (Bui ld ing Research Establishment Env i ron -mental Assessment Method) system as a possible starting point . However, after consideration o f the A S T M (American Society for Testing and Mate r i -als) process, the Texan Green Builder's program, Canada's B E P A C (Bui ld ing Environmenta l Performance Analysis C l u b ) , and G B C (Green Bu i ld ing C h a l -lenge), and the U K ' s B R E E A M (Bui ld ing Research Establishment Env i ron -mental Assessment Method) , the U S G B C ultimately decided to devise a new system that w o u l d be better tailored to its specific context. T h e B R E E A M was an obvious choice, but was discarded i n favour o f developing the L E E D , first, because it relied on the development of an elaborate assessor infrastructure, essentially a national corps of code officials; and, sec-ond, because it was seen as focusing primarily on reducing carbon dioxide emissions, whereas the L E E D committee wanted to address a much broader set of energy impacts. (Cassidy 2003) T h e first version (1.0) o f L E E D was implemented in 1998, and the version that this thesis considers ( L E E D for new construction and major renovation projects, version 2.0) was released i n early 2000 ( U S G B C 2001). L E E D 2.1 was released in 2002. Other bui ld ing type-specific L E E D standards are i n development for existing bui ld ing operations ( L E E D - E B , Pi lot version), commercial interiors projects ( L E E D - C I , Pi lo t version), and core and shell projects ( L E E D - C D , Pi lot version) ( U S G B C 2003). 13 C h a p t e r 2 - T h e L E E D S y s t e m a n d G r e e n B u i l d i n g Figure 2.0: Registered LEED Projects by Building Type, as of 20.11.03 (USGBC, 2003) Table 2-0: Perceived barriers to sustainable design (Cassidy 2003) Laboratory 4 % A s s e m b l y 2 % Recreat ion 2 % Multi-Unit Resident ia l 3 % Industrial (manufacturing warehouse pub. works) 4 % Mult i -Use 2 1 % Interpretive Center (museum visitor centre zoo) K-12 Educat ion 6 % Commerc ia l Office 18% Higher Educat ion 9% Perceived barriers to sustainable design 'Adds significantly to first costs" . . 44% 'Market not interested or not willing to pay a premium" 42% 'Hard to justify, even on the basis of long-term savings" 35% 'Not comfortable with new ideas or technologies" 19% Too complicated/Too much paperwork" 16% 'Not applicable/DonI know" 24% 'Sustainable design not seen as a barrier" 5% BD&C White Paper Survey. 09/03 Base: 490 Source: Reed Research Group Mult i -use and commercial bu i ld ing comprise the largest sector o f L E E D -certified green bui ld ing. Figure 2.0 shows that the predominant bui ld ing type for registered L E E D 1.0, 2.0, 2.1 projects is multi-use, followed by com-mercial office. Since the introduction o f L E E D to the marketplace, it has become exceed-ingly wel l -known and sought after in industry. Developers are increasingly interested in gaining the "cachet" that L E E D can provide a new bui lding, through the marketing and exposure that the U S G B C provides. Another reason for LEED's remarkable success is its appeal to Ameri-cans' competitive nature. It takes a complex, multifaceted problem — sustainable design and development — and turns it into a game, with clearly established rules and intricate strategies, where Building Teams can decide how far they want to go, right up to Platinum, and devise a strategy to reach that mark. (Cassidy 2003) 14 Chapter 2 - The L E E D System and Green Building T h e hope is that as less aggressive firms follow more aggressive firms in the commitment to green bui ld ing , the rest o f industry, inc luding contractors, engineering firms, etc., w i l l follow suit and "the practice o f sustainable design w i l l become routine and ingrained i n their corporate culture. (Cassidy 2003). O n e cri t icism o f L E E D is the reverse o f its strength: as a system it is simple and straightforward to use, wh ich makes it broadly applicable; however, by the same token, it loses descriptive power i n terms o f a lack o f specificity for bu i ld ing types. T h e flipside o f this cri t icism is that by increasing specificity, the system begins to lose design flexibility. T h e U S G B C is currently charting a course between these two consequences. To answer the cri t icism o f lack o f specificity, the U S G B C is actively designing " L E E D products" which are spe-cifically tailored to bui ld ing types, and comprehensive marketing mandates to accompany them. L E E D faces three major challenges as a successful transformational tool: • T h e persistent perception that bui ld ing green is expensive. T h e U S G B C as well as architect firms wi th a vested interest in using L E E D have dedi-cated time and resources to prove that the cost margins are much smaller than assumed. However, recent research is doing much to dispel this perception, w i th results showing that: total financial benefits of green buildings are over ten times the aver-age initial investment required to design and construct a green build-ing. Energy savings alone exceed the average increased cost associated with building green. Additionally, the relatively large impact of pro-ductivity and health gains reflects the fact that the direct and indirect cost of employees is far larger than the cost of construction or energy. Consequently, even small changes in productivity and health trans-late into large financial benefits (Kats et al. 2003) • A d o p t i o n by the private sector. " [W]hi le the U S G B C describes L E E D as 'market-driven,' most o f the early adopters have been government agen-cies (Federal, state, and local government buildings make up half the L E E D registry), universities, schools, foundations, and environmental organizations, wh ich do not operate under the same financial parameters as the speculative commercial real estate market." (Cassidy 2003). A s discussed below in Section 3.1.7.2, the residential space, for example, may be the most effective context in w h i c h to drive broad-scale social acceptance o f green bui ld ing , because the home plays such a large part in personal identity and choice. As interest i n "green issues" continues 15 Chapter 2 - The L E E D System and Green Building in popular culture, and as L E E D grows i n influence in industry, so may L E E D be readily adopted by the private sector. • A d o p t i o n by the publ ic sector. ' O u r pr imary focus is on how we can get people to demand it in the marketplace. W e want people renting bu i ld -ings to say: 'Are you L E E D certified?'" (Gr iscom 2003). 2.2 G r e e n a n d S u s t a i n a b i l i t y in A r c h i t e c t u r e "Nature", stereotypically thought o f as natural wilderness, untouched by humans, is a concept frequently opposed by definition to culture. An th ropo -logical discourse asserts that nature and culture are constructs that we have created and manipulate for our convenience. Th i s conceptual dichotomy, between nature and culture, is problematic for environmental movements, i f not for society in general, because it implies that one realm is foreign, and separable from the other, when the two are, rather, interwoven. Architecture is an interesting discipline i n that, at the same conceptual level, it straddles this d ichotomy and ideally integrates the halves: making culture out o f nature; and placing culture in nature. " . . . [ I ] f the marriage between the buil t and natural environment is to be vital, mutual ly beneficial, and endure over time, we absolutely need to ensure that the flow o f resources between the two is sustainable." (Mendler 2002) In the popular imagination, "green" architecture is often conflated wi th "sus-tainable" architecture, and either may be corresponded w i t h a neo-luddite, or back-to-nature stereotype. T h e creation o f what is essentially a social Utopia has resonance in Western minds, as can be seen i n the work o f Christopher Alexander (neovernacular architecture), Leon Kr ie r (neoclassical architecture) and Paolo Soleri (Arcosanti), to name but a few diverse examples (Ingersoll 1996). W h a t is "sustainability" in the context o f building? In the context o f architec-ture, at its most fundamental, sustainability can take on two broad meanings. Sustainability can be understood i n the sense o f permanence/durability, in terms o f absolute and fundamental change; or, in the sense o f making use o f natural cycles, where, as W i l l i a m M c D o n o u g h has pointed out, "waste is food" ( M c D o n o u g h and Braungart 1998). Either meaning has relevance, but the latter is perhaps more radical. Sustainability is most meaningful i f applied at a global scale, endures longer in time, and "requires an understanding o f the absolute impact or stress that 16 Chapter 2 - The L E E D System and Green Building bui ld ing design and operation place on ecological systems to ensure that it is w i th in the productive and assimilative capabilities o f the local, regional and global ecosystems" (Cole 2000a). Sustainability i n design also considers embedded energy and manufacturing process (Cassidy 2003); there is grow-ing interest i n assessing Life-cycle-analysis ( L C A ) processes as a means to sustainable bui ld ing . O n the other hand, Co le asserts (2000a) that green design is best conceived as incremental improvements relative to a given benchmark. Green design: • reduces resource consumption: energy, materials, water and land • reduces ecological loadings: greenhouse gas emissions, ozone-depleting substances, solid and l iqu id wastes • improves indoor environmental quality: air, thermal, l ight ing and acous-tics Therefore, the difference between the terms, "green" bui ld ing , and "sustain-able" bui lding, as Co le (1999) points out, is a matter o f relative and absolute performance. Green bui ld ing is a relative term that relates green buildings wi th in a region to each other, addressing measurable performance quantities, while sustainable bui ld ing is an absolute term that discusses bui ld ing in terms o f broad-scale performance under the criteria o f sustainability. Notably, there is a significant difference between bu i ld ing green and sustain-able bui ld ing. T h e careless technology transfer o f L E E D to a developing country, for example, may produce green bui lding, but it won't necessarily produce sustainable bui ld ing, over the long term. Paradoxically, just as sus-tainability is a global issue, so does it become a highly cultural issue when a system o f assessment is imported. 2.3 LEED Performance Areas A s o f November 2003, the U S G B C reports that there are 77 LEED-ce r t i f i ed buildings and 1017 registered projects ( U S G B C 2003). T h e L E E D system is a voluntary design and construction tool wh ich the U S G B C created for the a im o f aiding in the design, construction and certi-fication o f green buildings. T h e U S G B C provides a focal point for the tool's development, and certified buildings receive exposure on the U S G B C web-17 Chapter 2 - The L E E D System and Green Building Performance Area Available Credits/Points % system Sustainable Sites 8 Credits/14 Points 2 0 % Water Efficiency 3 Credits/ 5 Points 7% Energy and Atmosphere 6 Credits/17 Points 2 5 % Materials and Resources 7 Credits/13 Points 19% Indoor Environmental Quality 8 Credits/15 Points 2 2 % Innovation and Design process 2 Credits/ 5 Points 7% site, through case study media announcements and at its annual Greenbui ld conferences. T h e L E E D system has five categories or performance areas covering: Sustain-able Sites, Water Efficiency, Energy and Atmosphere, Materials and Resources and Indoor Environmental Quali ty. Each performance area has 1-3 "prereq-uisites" wh ich must be fulfilled before the performance area credits can be gained. Once the prerequisites are achieved, a total number o f 69 points may be gained, from 34 performance-based credits. To certify a bui ld ing, 26-32 points must be earned. L E E D Silver Level re-quires 33-38 points; G o l d requires 39-51 points and P la t inum requires more than 52 points. Appendix III gives an example o f the administrative checklist that is used to determine the number o f points that a L E E D - c e r t i f i e d bu i ld ing has gained. 2.3.1 Susta inable Sites This performance area aims to establish siting which has a strong conserva-tionist emphasis: documented control o f erosion and sedimentation is the sole prerequisite, and the credits, for wh ich up to 14 points may be gained, consider redevelopment o f urban and brownfield sites, proximity to alterna-tive transportation, the reduction o f site disturbance, stormwater manage-ment and heat and light pol lut ion reduction. Appropriate siting is one o f the most fundamental aspects o f green bu i ld ing design, because it has such a consequent bearing on the flow and use o f resources and people. Table 2-1: LEED 2.1 Performance Areas, Credits, Points and proportion of system 1 8 Chapter 2 - The L E E D System and Green Building This credit is highly important for the integrative design aspect o f the L E E D tool, because it provides the scope for L E E D to answer to a wider environ-mental context. G i v i n g credit for the reduction o f heat islands, or o f light pol lu t ion i n this section, are specific examples o f how L E E D connects w i th the wider and more holistic context that is sustainable design. 2.3.2 Water Efficiency There are no prerequisites for this performance area, and 3 credits, covering water efficient landscaping, innovation i n water technology, and the reduc-t ion o f water use, are geared to conservation o f munic ipa l water supply and wastewater systems. Crit ically, this section does not explicitly allow for regional differences; local evapotranspiration rates are referred to, but there are impl ic i t differences attained i n the baseline. In terms o f watersheds, o f course, environmental resources do not recognise poli t ical or economic boundaries. Further, water efficiency garners one o f the smallest shares o f L E E D ' s overall emphasis, w i th 7% o f the credits resident i n this section. Such a proport ion o f emphasis could be inadequate in a desert region, for example, where water conservation wou ld require far more emphasis than energy conservation for the bu i ld ing to be adequately "green" for its location. 2.3.3 Energy and Atmosphere This performance area is weighted most heavily at 2 5 % o f the total system and emphasises energy alternatives and conservation, w i th three prerequisites for third-party bui ld ing systems commissioning, m i n i m u m energy perfor-mance, and C F C reduction. T h e following 6 credits essentially expand upon the prerequisites wi th credits for opt imiz ing energy, use o f renewable and green energy, further commissioning and el iminat ion o f H C F C ' s and halons, ongoing measurement and accountability. Th i s emphasis is particularly appropriate for the N o r t h Amer ican market where the impact o f commercial and residential bu i ld ing construction and operation accounts for ( U S G B C 2003): • 65 .2% o f total U . S . electricity consumption • 3 6 % of total U . S . pr imary energy use • 3 0 % o f total U . S . greenhouse gas emissions 19 Chapter 2 - The L E E D System and Green Building This performance area is particularly important in the N o r t h Amer ican context, where energy consumption is high. However, and similarly w i t h the water efficiency performance area, the applicability o f the strong emphasis in L E E D on energy to other contexts (low-technology buildings, or bu i ld -ings i n a developing country) is not assured. Further, op t imiz ing energy consumption and using alternative energies, for example, are very important technological fixes, but the habits o f the occupants and their attitude to energy consumption need to be addressed i f fundamental sustainability is to be addressed. 2.3.4 Materials and Resources W i t h 4 0 % (3 b i l l ion tons annually) o f raw materials used globally for bu i ld -ing construction ( U S G B C 2003), this section is o f pr imary influence, con-sidering that, as Rob Watson, N R D C senior scientist and a L E E D chair has stated, There is simply a fundamental disconnect between buildings and their hidden consequences.. .Most people don't realize that when we talk about clear cutting, we're talking about buildings. When we talk about power plants, mining, drought, and global warming, we're talking about buildings. (Reiber 2004) T h e storage and collection o f recyclables w i th in the bu i ld ing is a prerequisite for achieving any o f the seven materials and resources credits. B u i l d i n g reuse, construction waste management and resource use credits each require per-centages o f existing, recycled and/or salvaged materials, while the remaining 3 credits require the use o f a certain percentage o f local/ regional materials, re-cycled content and the use o f certified wood . H a l f o f the credits are measured i n dollar values because some items cannot be easily measured by volume or weight, but such a metric remains controversial. 2.3.5 Indoor Environmenta l Qual i ty T h e two prerequisites for indoor environmental quality involve a m i n i m u m of indoor air quality and the prevention o f exposure o f occupants to tobacco smoke. T h e first prerequisite is fairly c o m m o n in many jurisdictions, and moreover comprises good engineering practice. T h e second perquisite con-cerns el iminat ion o f tobacco smoke, wh ich is c o m m o n in some N o r t h A m e r i -can jurisdictions, particularly on the West Coast. There are a larger number o f credits in this performance area, and at 2 2 % of the total system, it is close 20 Chapter 2 - The LEED System and Green Building i n emphasis to sustainable sites and not far behind energy and atmosphere performance areas. Credits for the use o f technology such as carbon dioxide monitors, technol-ogy for increased ventilation effectiveness and a credit for a construction indoor air quality management plan are geared toward healthy and comfort-able air quality for occupants. Similarly, credits for the use o f low-emit t ing materials and indoor chemical and pollutant source control are intended to protect occupants from otherwise c o m m o n V O C ' s and other indoor chemical pollutants. Credits 7-8 deal w i th occupant controllabili ty o f the bui ld ing systems (ther-mal , ventilation and l ight ing systems), and cover daylighting and views. Th i s performance area aims at opt imiz ing occupant "health, productivi ty and comfort c o n d i t i o n s " ( U S G B C 2 0 0 1 ) . There has been increased research into the effect o f a green bu i ld ing environment upon occupant productivity, and much emphasis placed on the payback o f increased productivity over time, offsetting what may amount to 4-5% increase in green construction costs. W h i l e there are L E E D criteria wh ich address explicit human health and well-being, there aren't credits relating to communi ty or social or economic development. Rather, L E E D drives green solutions which reduce energy and space and alter interiors. L E E D seeks to alter the quality o f buildings built , through "market transformation". Alternatively, the socio-cultural dimensions o f bui ld ing include: • job creation (sustainable construction) • cultural, local sensitivity to and investment in : • materials • bu i ld ing layout • function • local climate • h igh or low technology, as appropriate For example, the South Afr ican Bu i ld ing Assessment Too l (under develop-ment by the C o u n c i l for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) Bu i ld ing and Const ruc t ion Technology (also k n o w n as Boutek), outlines the need for 21 Chapter 2 - The LEED System and Green Building social spaces, use o f local small businesses, access to childcare, use o f local contractors and food gardens. L E E D does not make a more explicit commitment to the broader aspects o f green bui ld ing such as occupant behaviour and how that behaviour might modify the bui ld ing itself, because its scope is already large enough. Is it appropriate to criticize a tool for not doing a job it was not intended to do in the first place? Yes, i f the job it overlooks is significant enough to be addressed. Th is thesis attempts to address, in part, what effect overlooking explicit socio-cultural aspects has on L E E D ' s investigation o f green bui lding. 2.3.6 Innovat ion Credits There are 2 credits in wh ich it is possible to earn up to 5 more points. T h e first is for innovation i n design not covered by other credits, and the second aims to support design integration by giving a point for incorporating a L E E D Accredited professional into the project team. These credits, i n par-ticular the one that considers innovation, are valuable i n their explicit promo-tion o f green design. Innovation is very highly valued in N o r t h Amer ican culture, above and beyond tradition. Tried and true traditions don't tend to create the k i n d o f excitement that new ideas and inventions do. N e w technologies are often embraced as quickly as possible; they play into a culture wh ich emphasises forward, linear progress and competi t ion. Credi t for innovation is unique to the L E E D system ( U K ' s B R E E A M system does not give credit for innova-t ion, for example), and very relevant to the N o r t h Amer ican marketplace. 22 The happy ending to the environmental crisis implied by green marketers makes no ecological sense. (Smith 1998) The problem with markets dependent on consumption is that the consumer cannot be relied upon to know what he or she wants. Consumers are unreliable. The producer must constantly try to outguess them. This is risky and tiring. Above all, in a stable middle-class society, people don't need or want enough goods to support an economy built upon their desire to consume. They already have a great deal. There is only so much room in their houses. Their family size shrinks as their class level rises. The middle-class mentality inevitably admires restraint and care and seeks quality goods which last and can be repaired. It is therefore more rational to simply decide what people should want, then tell them they need it, then sell it to them. This three-step process is called consumption. (Saul 1994) T H E O R E T I C A L B A C K G R O U N D 23 C h a p t e r 3 - T h e o r e t i c a l B a c k g r o u n d 3.1 Culture and Values "Culture", as it plays a part i n our everyday individual lives, as well as i n the structure o f our institutions, must be considered in an analysis o f the wor ld -view and values wh ich underlie, shape and drive the development and pro-mot ion o f the L E E D system. O u r culture gives us the language, the symbols, beliefs and values that we use to evaluate our daily existence; we feed our experiences back into the same culture, and cause it to evolve over time. ...the symbols used in advertising can only be successfully under-stood by consumers because they share cultural symbols. Economic, political, and social structures are riddled with the same symbols. We cannot separate culture from politics or economics because all are tied together by a common symbolic language. Indeed, it is culture that circulates these symbols throughout society. (Smith 1998) Cul ture has been defined in many different ways, depending on the disci-pline employing the term and the era o f use. T h e concept has been co-opted for a number o f purposes and has accordingly become even more vague i n definition; it now describes a wide assortment o f collective, social, regional phenomena. "Cul ture" is an increasingly fuzzy term — and perhaps this fact echoes the increasingly fuzzy "boundaries", i n an ever-globalizing wor ld . T h e term is used to refer to the creative and intellectual achievements o f a collective; it is also used to describe the range o f acceptable behaviours i n a corporate organisation, for example. A "cultural alignment", for example, is a marketing term wh ich refers to a business' operating system, and aims to ensure that all people have, at the least, a c o m m o n understanding o f the busi-ness mandates. Cul ture is learned behaviour or habits; it is a shared structure o f symbols wh ich people constantly apply and modify. There is a mutual ly- informing dynamic between a culture and its own self-definition. A self-definition is formed in a k i n d o f instantaneous two-way exchange o f information between a person and his or her environment. In this sense, whatever a culture might be is i n constant flux. It is largely for this reason that a definition o f "culture" is so difficult to p i n down. Yet while the term remains diffuse, it is nevertheless evident that the descrip-t ion o f a group, as defined by custom, belief, value and perhaps place, suffers without the use o f the word . Certainly, we tend to grasp the meaning o f the word — even i f it seems barely possible to categorically define it. 24 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background 3.1.1 Global izat ion T h e seminal Brundt land Report o f 1987 attempted to tackle the complex interplay o f an increasingly global awareness o f huge gaps between Nor the rn and Southern (i.e. alternative terms for Western and Eastern) development. Equity, or equal access to and distr ibution o f resources is a major driver o f sustainability, and is a strong concern in developed countries. T h e economic hegemony o f the N o r t h over the South is one that is perpetuated, in part, by consumer culture. However, the discourse on sustainability is often l imi ted in a focus on wealth as the solution to global development disparities. Showing that wealth does not and cannot be the driver o f social change, authors such as Sharma (1994) have done m u c h to increase the developed world's awareness o f the complexities o f global perspectives. In the developed wor ld people w i l l often define quality o f life i n terms o f wealth. A s Sharma points out, people i n the developing wor ld w i l l tend to define quality o f life through relationships wi th in the communi ty and the fulfil-ment o f (at least) basic material needs. Importantly also, while environmental consequences are becoming important issues along w i t h their causes (over-population, technology, policy and infrastructure), the environmentalist and sustainability debates are still very much debates o f the industrialised wor ld , where basic needs are more often more easily or immediately met. Global izat ion has been criticized as just another form of colonization, or as the further and continued incursion of Western values into developing coun-tries through economics. But environmental management takes on a different character depending on the culture or location that it springs from. Under the influence o f globalization and despite its apparent levelling forces, the concept o f culture becomes even more important, particularly wi th respect to the transfer o f technology and information across the intangible borders o f language, custom and values. As environmental management be-comes social management, a viable approach to environmental issues becomes value- rather than geography- based. By contrast, Meijer (2001) discusses the "genetic fallacy", wh ich assumes that a n o r m is suitable only to the culture o f its or igin , and is not useful for solv-ing problems elsewhere. However, while "the origin o f an idea i n one culture does not entail its unsuitability to another culture", (Meijer 2001) there are constraints which are specific to physical location. Locat ion is important both 25 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background ecologically and culturally. Despite the interconnectedness o f natural systems around the wor ld , the way that environmental issues are approached differs widely and is dependent on the culture that inhabits a given environment. In South Afr ica , for example, basic human needs are seen as a higher priority than 'green' issues, as the country faces massive socio-economic challenges. Furthermore, the rich biodiversity and wealth of natural resources make conserva-tion a high priority, 'greenfield' sites are relatively common, water is scarce, energy use is inefficient and there is a rapid rate of urbanisa-tion. (Barker and Kaatz 2001) Encouraging a developing country to adopt Western values (and products), has been called imperial ism or colonialism. O n the other hand, failure to inst i l Western standards o f l iv ing, or more precisely, to further the disparity through what has been called economic colonial ism is also considered a k i n d o f elit ism. Crit ically, in assuming fundamental difference, an underlying assumption is that another culture can, w i l l or should remain unchanged by its environ-ment —— which has, for better or worse, increasing ties to a k i n d o f global community. A culture, virtually an "organic" entity in the sense that it grows and senesces, w i l l change those criteria wh ich define it. It is not surprising that people in developing countries desire the same standard o f l iv ing as people i n the West. Does this imply that T h i r d W o r l d perceptions toward the environment w i l l move towards First W o r l d views? I f globalization continues as it has, it is certainly possible. Yet, complete globalization and homogenization o f culture is not inevitable. Accord ing to Saul (2004), there is evidence o f a backlash against — i f not the "death" o f —global izat ion, w i th a corresponding con-traction into nationalism and promot ion o f "local culture". It should not be surprising that culture might move and change i n this way, because change is often the result o f the tension between opposing forces, wh ich pu l l and shape a new context into being. Bourdeau's model (Figure 2.0) illustrates the developing interdisciplinary ap-proach to the construction o f buildings i n a global context. T h e major factors that are involved in construction are cost, quality and time, and are necessar-ily expanding to recognise social, environmental and economic aspects. Th i s 26 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background The new approach in a global context Figure 3.0: The new approach to building in a global context (Bourdeau 1999) ^^^^^ Competitive factors in the traditional labels ^^^^^^^^^^^ Biodiversity New paradigm The global context shows how the discourse o f sustainability, wh ich is broad in scope, has an influence on the construction industry. Because o f the increasingly-standard trend to globalization and internation-alization, particularly at the corporate/ commercial level, there are registered L E E D - N C projects in Canada, C h i n a , India and Spain, M e x i c o and Italy ( U S G B C 2003). It is interesting to note that the most successful green bu i ld ing in 2003 was a US-funded, L E E D - administered bui ld ing, the CH-Sohrab j i Godrej Green Business Centre, constructed i n Hyderabad, India, achieving L E E D version 2 Pla t inum: Among the unique features of the Hyderabad structure is the use of wind towers to reduce ambient temperature, making air condition-ers virtually redundant. The entire building's electrical fixtures have been automated to save power and 90 per cent of the 20,000 sq foot building does not require lights during daytime because of the way it is designed. (Rajghatta 2003) However, it is important to keep in m i n d that the success o f a bui ld ing, particularly in a developing country, cannot be reduced to innovative energy savings: From a global perspective, issues of social and economic equity must be balanced with the desire to achieve environmental and economic improvement — the Triple Bottom Line — in rapidly industrializing nations like China and India, as well as in Third World. It is one 27 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background thing to talk about building green in Seattle, quite another to apply the message of sustainability in Shanghai, with the most aggressive construction program of any city in the world. (Cassidy 2003) Thus there are vast differences i n approaches to environmental issues and green bu i ld ing between countries, and this is particularly true between indus-trializing and industrialized countries. Th i s has important implications for the use o f the L E E D tool i n a foreign context. Water efficiency, for example, is a much more important issue i n a desertic region (although it is becoming increasingly important i n N o r t h America) , whi le energy consumption may be somewhat less important in tropical areas. 3.1.2 C o n s u m e r Culture and Consumpt ion C o n s u m p t i o n is characterized by a complex interaction between individuals, services and institutions; and less the interaction between individuals and resources w h i c h has been the (academic) focus to date (Lancaster summer school, 2 0 0 1 ) . For the purpose o f the thesis, these are the primary defining characteristics o f a consumer culture: • Context is capitalist society • Economics or commerce and culture are now completely interdepen-dent • T i m e is equivalent to money • Consumer culture is fundamentally l inked to globalization • Disposable: obsolescence ("They don't make them like they used to") • Q u i c k turnover: the innovation is highly valued • Durab i l i ty is anathema to disposable culture (yet, durabili ty is sup-posed to be a major factor o f sustainability) • Wants become needs • Expectation o f immediate gratification • " M o r e / bigger is better" • Apparent freedom o f choice 28 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background • Sound bites: the rapid presentation o f variety creates the i l lus ion o f choice • To be free to consume is happiness • Consumer goods take on symbolic meanings ("externalities"), beyond the function for wh ich they were created. (These externalities are always culturally relative) T h e origins and causes o f "consumer culture" is much disputed, but it ap-pears to have arisen between the 17 t h and 18 t h centuries, when "it is possible to identify a society w i th in wh ich material possessions became prized less and less for their durabil i ty and more for their fashionability."(Miles 1998). O t h -ers assume that the drive to consume i n increasing amounts is innate and goes beyond natural l imits because ours is a culture whose values and technology enables us to ignore environmental feedbacks. Consumption consists of human and human-induced transforma-tions of materials and energy. Consumption is environmentally im-portant to the extent that it makes materials or energy less available for future use, moves a biophysical system toward a different state or, through its effects on those systems, threatens human health, wel-fare, or other things people value. (Stern 1997) Few w o u l d dispute that N o r t h America's is a consumer culture. M a n y are convinced that the problem at the core o f environmental issues is the propen-sity o f humans to consume resources, in ever-increasing amounts. Particularly in the industrialized wor ld , consumer mentality sees no l imi t to resources, and apparently seems rarely aware o f the effect o f consumption on the envi-ronment. Th i s is ostensibly driven by the advertising machine, whose stated mandate is to attract, "brand" and control people from the time they are ch i l -dren, in order to harness them to a life o f consumption. Consumers may well be much more aware o f the environmental implications o f their actions; but they do not change their patterns because o f a lack o f choice, a lack wh ich is due to infrastructural problems, such as institutional inertia. W h i l e consumers have freedom of choice, the choice o f available consumer goods w i l l be constrained not only by social and economic factors, but also by larger infrastructure constraints. W i l h i t e declares that the discourse on sus-tainable consumption is dominated by the model o f individuals w i th absolute freedom to choose, and is nonsense; that it is externalities such as the solidifi-cation o f social relations, demonstration o f conventionality or difference, etc, 29 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background which determine how m u c h we consume (Wilh i te 2001). F ind ing substitu-tions and alternatives for the symbolic meaning or externalities to consump-tion w i l l be key to changing behaviour and perception (Mil ler , 2001). A n d , The vast majority of energy use, releases of water and air pollutants, and many other environmentally destructive activities in the United States results directly from organizational behavior rather than in-dividual behavior—specifically, from the acts of corporations and governments... (Stern 1997) Notably, the concept o f consumerism is frequently accompanied by a "moral flavour", or takes a negative spin. However, according to M i l l e r (2001) there are positive sides to consumption: 1. it can comprise a means o f tackling poverty (most relevant for the indus-trializing world) 2. it can act as a k i n d o f "symbolic" or social "glue"; consumption creates social ties. Consumpt ion is therefore also a collective practice wh ich is a central aspect o f social posit ioning (Warde 2001). It is also critical to understand how it is that people come to make the habitual or "automatic" decisions wh ich enable them to feel 'normal ' and i n familiar situations, via the act o f consumption. In terms o f cultivating habits o f consumption and the use o f new products and/or inst i l l ing different lifestyles, it is m u c h easier to adopt a given practice than it is to abandon it, although the penalties for unconventional consump-tion are very minor, such as derision, for example (Warde 2001). T h e intro-duction o f air-condit ioning, for example, is also the introduct ion o f a whole new way o f life, and it is very difficult to reverse the evolution o f expectation and go back. Th is entails the concept o f "ratcheting": the constant reinven-t ion o f normali ty is forward-arching and rarely reversible (Shove 2001). Tha t is, it appears to be more difficult to give up a given product or habit than it is to adopt it, because the network o f associated habits and attitudes expands each time. L E E D is culture-bound. L E E D is conceived and situated wi th in N o r t h Amer ican culture: in other words, w i th in consumer culture. It is therefore one which relies on disposability, turnover, innovation, profit and increase to maintain itself. Since consumer goods take on a symbolic meaning wh ich is just as important as more tangible and behavioural aspects, the ability to 30 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background reverse attachments and wants can be particularly difficult. Th i s has impl ica-tions for the not ion o f the longer-term concept o f "sustainability", particu-larly at the local level o f the person/consumer. 3 . 1 .1 North Amer ican Envi ronmenta l ism Richard Ingersoll sees the rise o f the 'ecological architecture' movement (dat-ing in its most concentrated form from the social movements o f the 1960's) as comprising one o f the "conservationist strategies for agriculture, industry, and urbanism—the three major human sources o f environmental deple-t ion—to lower entropy and encourage a 'sustainable' environment." (Inger-soll 1996) Accord ing to G u h a (1990), the environmental ethic o f the U S is centred on wilderness thinking, and he illustrates this by contrasting these values w i t h the primari ly agrarian ethic o f India. However, he notes that these two ethics are in general conflict. In the U S , for example, the agrarian ethic as it is typified i n India no longer exists, but by contrast i n the U S it is has become charac-terized by an image o f sturdy independence and derived from the reality o f a sparsely populated continent. Toby Smi th illustrates the difference i n ap-proach thus: By selectively evoking Eastern religion, deep ecologists attempt to universalize what is in reality a specifically American philosophy. Furthermore, their biocentrism and obsession with wilderness can have devastating effects i f exported to the South... [in Project T i -ger in India], thousands of poor peasants were moved off their land in order to set up a series of American-style wilderness preservation parks. (Smith 1998) Call icot t (1994) believes that our Western environmental ethic today is based on three philosophies: anthropocentrism, biocentrism and ecocentrism. This means that the human is at the centre o f Western environmentalism; that is, ultimately, environmental issues have human interests at their core. A n d also, that the human loves life, and wants to save it and conserve it at all costs. Such a Western emphasis on wilderness and biophi l ia is reflected i n terms o f the L E E D Site Selection Cri ter ia I, for example, where attitudes o f wilderness conservation and biophi l ia are represented w i t h mandates to avoid wetland, parkland and spaces wi th endangered species. To a N o r t h Amer ican m i n d this emphasis w o u l d most l ikely seem faultless. However, the avoidance o f agricul-tural land (which makes sense in the Western wor ld where populations have 31 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background slowed and urban sprawl is considered undesirable) might not be applicable or relevant in a transition economy. In a developing country, the rate o f urban expansion may be so rapid that there is essentially little or no choice about the siting o f a new bui ld ing . Par-ticularly, i n "transition economies", where industrialisation and the effects o f globalization occur at an incredibly rapid rate, prime agricultural land may be o f surprisingly less value than the opportunity to employ hundreds o f people on a construction site and i n the subsequent new department store. T h e forces here involve weighing the value o f employing people to enable them to buy food to eat, w i th the value o f calling halt to urban sprawl for what is often subsistence agriculture, fn other words, dense urban sprawl wi th west-ern-style buildings are encroaching o n subsistence-style (notably, as opposed to corporate, technology intensive) agricultural land. Th i s is due to the forces o f transition to a global economy. In perspective, the rate o f industrialisation in a developing country is as fast as or faster than that wh ich the West experi-enced dur ing the industrial revolution o f the 1800s. It could be stated that environmental issues are the luxury o f the affluent. Parks i n particular are a Western "obsession". By contrast, persons l iv ing i n developing countries might be, by contrast, more concerned wi th the basic needs o f food and subsistence (Bourdeau 1999), as well as w i th other cultural issues such as spiritual and family life (du Plessis 2001), than w i t h the bio-physical aspects o f choosing a bui ld ing site. T h e balance shows that Western conservation practices come — at least i n theory— before the need o f dense populations o f people, and, that this conservation practice is based on a sparsely-populated, wilderness-influenced ethic. Threatened and endangered species, as a legislated and poli t ical focus, are also a phenomenon o f the West. Programs extending into developing countries from the West (i.e., as administered by the W o r l d Bank, W W F , and so on), despite collaborative actions, often miss socio-cultural issues. T h e saving o f a forested area i n India, for example (Young 2002) came at the cost o f the physical and cultural displacement o f an entire indigenous culture. Transi-tional economies, again, are often, by necessity, subsistence-focussed. In the face o f starvation, the environment and all its species are o f little import . G u h a (1990), for example, believes that in the U S the l imi ta t ion o f the environmental debate lies i n a focus on individual attitudes towards nature, having no location in a social context, and the reduction to binary 'good' and 'bad' sets o f ideas. 32 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background M o r e specifically, G l a d w i n et al (1997) have enumerated several hypotheses about why the "northern elite m i n d is biased against community, the envi-ronment, and a sustainable future". In part, they cite N o r t h Amer ican biases to: • proximity and disconnection ("Bio mind") : N o r t h Amer ican culture is biased to what can be seen and touched and immediately managed, both i n time and space • atomism, mechanism and rationalism ("Worldview mind") : N o r t h Amer ican culture is biased to th ink ing and acting i n terms o f rational cause and effect, discrete points (as opposed to interrelationship) • efficiency, growth and techno-optimism ("Contemporary mind") : N o r t h Amer ican culture is biased to th ink ing and acting i n terms o f science, to what can be quantified and • repression, projection, insulation and denial ("Psychodynamic mind") : N o r t h Amer ican culture is biased to th ink ing and acting i n terms o f b laming and/or failing to recognise the other, and masking actions wi th alternative reasons A l t h o u g h it wou ld be impossible to maintain only one hypothesis about the northern mind's bias (and this is why G l a d w i n et al. have proposed several), it seems reasonable to accept that aspects o f each hypothesis play a part i n N o r t h Amer ican treatment o f the environment. 3.1.2 A Global Environmenta l Ethic? As many critics have commented since the Brundt land report i n the mid-80s, human relationship and social sustainability play a far larger part in environ-ment than the West had yet considered, and that purely technological and economic fixes are thus one-dimensional, i f not useless. That is, environmen-tal management should be seen as social management, rather than resource management. O n the other hand, these perspectives and criticisms can be taken to the extreme. Chr isna du Plessis states, ...the arguments used to sell sustainability are based on a Western value system founded on individual wealth and regarded as 'devel-oped'.. . This view has resulted in arguments for sustainable develop-33 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background ment and construction which are founded on economic rather than ethical values, (du Plessis 2001) T h i s genre o f argument, while somewhat valid, has a slight moral timbre. Rather, humans have contextual wants, and as the context expands, so to do the wants. A l t h o u g h it can happen, it is not necessarily the case that a lack o f economy, or an emphasis on socio-cultural aspects, makes a sense o f ethics more pure. T h e c o m m o n enemy o f environmental ethics, according to Cal l icot t (1993) is scientific industrialism. Environmental ism and industrialism are not easy bed-fellows, and it is otherwise unusual to have representation o f these two groupings i n the L E E D . Th i s only illustrates the paradoxical, collaborative nature o f the system, as well as the tendency in N o r t h Amer ica to combine both. However, industrialism is nevertheless driven by a desire to enhance economic democracy and remove inequality. Authors Cal l icot t and Guha , for example believe that we are on the verge o f a new environmental ethic. G u h a emphasises a 'social ecology' where s implici ty and low-technology gives sustainability, while modern society gives equity. Cal l icot t , however, believes the emerging environmental ethic to be a con-struction informed by Eastern religions, evolution, ecology and the 'new physics'. Under this ethic "humans are embedded i n nature: k i n to all other l iv ing things on planet Earth and systemically interrelated wi th them... [and] more consonant w i t h the environmental ethics o f pre-industrial cultures." (Call icott 1993). Ironically, but perhaps effectively, Cal l icot t sees the interna-tional nature o f science as a basis for this ethic. 3.1.3 " G r e e n C o n s u m e r i s m " Q u o t i n g Toby Smi th (1998), the term, "'green', w i l l be used i n all its fuzzi-ness". Because studies suggest that only five percent o f people in the northern hemi-sphere are l iv ing sustainable lifestyles and consumerism, and that 'guilt-laden' messages that try to convert others to environmentally-friendly lifestyles, a U N E P spokesperson concluded that Sustainable consumption is not about consuming less, it is about consuming differently, consuming efficiently, and having an im-proved quality of life. (ENS 2003) 34 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background Green consumerism allows consumers to feel that they have made a benefi-cial, free choice and have acted i n favour o f the environment: this act is both a practical and a symbolic act. " [Green consumerism] is a story that seems reasonable to many consumers because it allows them to make their own sense o f a confusing environmental debate and provides them w i t h clear and immediate action they can take towards a resolution." (Smith 1998) Nevertheless, there is a paradox as a result o f this typically N o r t h Amer ican marriage between a mechanism w h i c h seeks "green" solutions along wi th its own promot ion , and the marketing o f its consumption. O f course, i f one wanted to be obtuse about it, a purely functional answer to the solution o f reduced energy and resource use is to bu i ld less, for example. Bu t such an opt ion i n our culture, perhaps even i n our wor ld , seems a little absurd: to not focus on economic, material development for increasing populations w o u l d be counter-productive. However, considering the L E E D tool under the rubric o f "green consump-tion" begs a few questions which concern the nature o f consumption. These positions have their origin i n the paradoxical nature o f "green business". That is, what are the consequences o f advocating "green consumption"? I f every person practiced so-called "green consumption", i n whatever capacity, given ideal infrastructures and opportunities; and given global populat ion levels and rates as they are, wou ld (increasing) green consumption still be "green" — wh ich is to say, benign to the ability o f future generations to sustain cur-rent levels o f living? James Wise has stated (2001) that L E E D runs the risk o f being construed as more "competitive marketing tools rather than as performance goals for real wor ld environmental conditions." T h e issue, therefore, is concentration on social management, behaviour management, and infrastructure modification, rather than solely marketing o f green bui lding. 3.1.4 Market ing and Social Change Marke t ing processes drive style and image and are central to the perpetuation o f consumer culture. Entire corporations are geared to finding out or even creating what the consumer wants, and this drives production. Marketers target a populat ion i n order to create a package o f things that they believe people want, creating attributes around a product, wh ich gives it its style and image. In this sense consumer choice tends to be constrained; 35 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background marketing decisions are often reliant on small focus groups o f random selec-tions o f the populat ion. Th is is not to say that consumers have absolutely no choice; it only says that they do not have what w o u l d otherwise appear to be a full range o f choice. Consumers can always vote wi th their purchasing power, but alternative candidates must be available. Social marketing aims to sell behaviour change wh ich is considered to be a benefit to the individual and generally to society at large. Behaviours ranging from smoking, to drunk driving, to l iv ing a more active lifestyle, have all been the target o f social marketing campaigns. T h e hallmark o f such campaigns is that they do not tend to promote a product, but rather a im to persuade or even challenge a viewer to voluntarily change their habits (reject or modify an o ld behaviour, or accept new ones), for their own benefit and/or for the good o f the greater community. T h e implementation o f the L E E D system is an example o f social marketing: regardless o f any other agendas, changing the behaviours o f institutions and those involved at the design level is the ultimate a im o f the L E E D Rat ing System. It does so by implementat ion o f a framework wh ich is used to guide bui ld ing design, siting and operation choices. However, it does not explicitly a im to change the behaviour o f the general public , particularly since this is not wi th in the scope o f the tool . T h e popular 1980s lay exposition o f chaos theory (Gleick 1987) identified that small causes can have unexpectedly large and seemingly unrelated effects. T h e same is true to when it comes to social change, according to M a l c o l m Gladwel l , author o f The Tipping Point (2000). Gladwel l compares broad social change to the shape and nature o f epidemics: there is a point at wh ich broad-scale change happens suddenly or "tips", and this is due to a number o f factors inc luding the contagiousness o f an idea, its actual context, and the kinds o f people who know and are able to communicate essential informa-t ion. A series o f small-scale changes can suddenly create an almost unpredict-able t ipping point in culture. It is wor th not ing that those who are in power and able to effect change are also, o f course, members o f the general public, and it is in this way that t ipping points are driven from wi th in . Tha t L E E D ' s appeal has already reached that "t ipping point" wh ich indicates that imminent change is likely, given the incredible rise in the relative interest i n its implementat ion over the past few years. 36 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background Figure 3.1: The Gug-genheim at Bilbao, Spain, by Frank. O. Gehry 3.1.5 Consumpt ion and Archi tecture 3.1.5.1 Commerc ia l Archi tecture Over time, consumer capitalism was able to exploit the fact that where "the symbolic value of consumer goods was endowed with an increased social significance."(Miles 1998) This was a key change which paved the way for the marketing of the image and its gradual conflation with style and identity, and which indicates by contrast one of the largest differences between a Green and consumerist agenda: Green requires that needs and wants are largely similar—and crucially, wants are never larger than needs. How this conflict in ethic plays out in architecture is clearly important to efforts toward sustain-able architecture. Chaplin and Holding assert that despite the proliferation in the 1980s of studies and theories surrounding consumption in different fields, there has been a conspicuous lack of dialogue concerning consumption and architec-ture (Chaplin and Holding 1998). While this is true for residential archi-tecture, it is not so for commercial architecture: consumption as it relates to commercial architecture is fairly well-discussed in the literature, particularly concerning malls and the spatial control of consumer behaviour. Identity is highly mediated through architec-ture. In marketing terms, it is ideal if com-mercial multifunction architecture is visible, easy to find and "legible". Instead of function, we have large volumes of space, "producing blankness" (Chase 1991). Similarly, buildings along a street in Greece could be residences, restaurants, or both, side by side. Interest-ingly enough in this context, public buildings in North America appear to be moving away from clear representation of function into adaptability and flexibility of space, where instead, signs and interiors are becoming more iconic, rather than the building taking that function: The attitude that most buildings exist to serve a function and not as objects of great interest in themselves was aided by advances in build-ing technology and legitimized by orthodox modernism, once it had been drained of its earlier ideological core. Late modernism has cel-ebrated the capacity for producing blankness by creating buildings 37 C h a p t e r 3 - T h e o r e t i c a l B a c k g r o u n d that are not articulated, either by ornament or by the materials from which they are made (Chase 1991). Architecture w i t h a capital " A " is very much about image and style; major works are eye-catching and often even controversial i n some way. T h e G u g -genheim i n Bilbao by Frank O . Gehry, for example, has been criticized for its lack o f attention to site and context, as it blooms metallically out o f a land-scape o f highways; ironically, the same bui ld ing has been praised because it is such a spectacle. O u r beloved and high-profile works o f architecture become icons: o f success, affluence, influence and meaning; o f conspicuous consump-tion, human creativity and identity. Accord ing to Hawthorne (2001), a decade or two ago "green" architects eschewed aesthetics because they felt that a concentration on a 'style' o f sustainable design w o u l d keep green architecture at the status o f a niche or "fringe activity", w h i c h involved, perhaps, solar panels i n the desert. However, the attitude that green architecture continues to use a formal or traditional language that is acceptably or safely conservative, is terrifically outdated, because it ignores the tremendous shift that has taken place in the general public's attitudes about architecture in the wake of Bilbao. It sounds almost shocking to say, but it's true: the public now wants its high-profile architecture as cutting-edge as pos-sible. Americans may not like what the avant-garde stands for, but they love what it looks like. Without a sexy aesthetic profile, a green building doesn't stand a chance of capturing contemporary public interest. (Hawthorne 2001) W h i l e this is true to some degree, because eye-catching works tend to be memorable, there is a sense in wh ich green bu i ld ing becomes memorable, and that is through the very idea o f being green. People w i l l respond to ideas, notions and symbols just as they respond to visuals. Beyond such icons, a bu i ld ing otherwise embodies a consumer culture inas-much as a particular style is in vogue: it is i n the created image, the marketing package, that determines whether a bui ld ing is attractively ' i n style', or not. That style could be an o ld style or an altered one that suddenly finds currency again, for reasons w h i c h are as complex as the interaction between history, values, attitudes, marketing, policy shifts, and the myriad o f variables wh ich combine emergently to constitute a culture. 3 8 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background A consumer culture must be predicated on fast turnover, since consump-tion drives production. T h e insatiability o f the consumer—whether innate and/or culturally constructed, or both—is relied upon to drive consumerism as a whole. Accord ing to Storey (1991), a consumer is used to immediate gratification; the consumer moves through a short-term psychological cycle o f longing which leads to consumption and subsequently to disil lusionment. D u e to improvements in technology, buildings are now buil t faster than ever before; the construction o f a residential bu i ld ing can take 11 weeks. A n d economics drives architecture in general: the "two-year payback" is now a defining hallmark o f bui ld ing development. Interestingly, the square footage per rental space i n commercial architecture has decreased—that is, unprofitable publ ic space is disappearing. Here, environmental issues come into play: i f ' sma l l is beautiful', then office archi-tecture, for example, is doing well . These buildings are really noth ing more than packaging, containers, wi th all three marketing functions evident: to be visible, to be found and to be legible. (Chase 1991) The speculative office building has become the cheapest possible envelope for the amount of space it surrounds. Most of its budget is devoted to the provision of required services. Many of the spaces inside, such as interior hallways, lack distinguishing characteristics because of rigid development restraints, and because the plan must present the fewest obstacles to any possible interior alterations. (Chase 1991) Further indicating differences i n the consumer role o f different architectures, Chase states that h igh art architecture and consumerist (commercial) archi-tecture are at cross-purposes by nature. "Architects are trained to go to elabo-rate, some might say absurd, lengths to avoid fantasy and literal representa-t ion, qualities that are the lifeblood o f consumer architecture. Consumerist architecture must communicate w i th the public clearly and directly" (Chase 1991). Commerc ia l architecture is much more representative o f the centrality of the image for consumer culture. "Commerc ia l vernacular architecture is deliber-ately conceived o f as imagery, as a form of environmental psychology based on marketing."(Chase 1991) There is much discussion about contemporary commercial architecture as superficial; similar to a "label" on a product (i.e., the buildings which have added facades merely meant to reflect the service or 39 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background product produces), a bui ld ing is about the creation o f a "brand" or identity, m u c h like what modern marketing aims to do for consumer products in general. Here there is some conflation o f the bu i ld ing object and the image. If green architects continue to produce buildings wh ich tend to be quietly functioning, environmentally responsible structures that rely on marketing and labelling to get their message across, but the publ ic has been sold to want and expect iconic and dramatic spectacles, then green architects may need to rethink their approach. O n e approach concerns the use o f L E E D and its processes, wh ich may have an advantage in that the mere idea or symbol o f green bu i ld ing is attractive to people, and capturing their attention on the conceptual level may be just as powerful a device, i f not more powerful, than capturing their visual attention. That is, in the context o f consumer culture, where one could assume that sustainable bui ld ing has more to do wi th the longevity o f style than w i t h the importance o f energy consumption, capturing the imagination may play a larger part in the transition to sustainable bu i ld ing than otherwise expected. 3.1.5.2 Residential Archi tecture Consumpt ion wi th respect to residential architecture takes on a completely different discourse from that o f commercial architecture, and tends to revolve around the socio-cultural, often genderized aspect o f "the home", wh ich is represented as an emotional, ideological (etc.) construct; as such the discus-sion concerns contents, surfaces, and materials, that is, superficial aspects o f style and status rather than the actual bui ld ing. These are the aspects o f residential architecture wh ich embody consumer culture, particularly given consumer culture obsession wi th design and current style. Interiors constitute a complex "ecology o f signs" wh ich w i l l include everything from furniture to posters as well as tidiness or disorder (Gurney 1999). Space is synonymous wi th affluence and having it is still a means o f express-ing status. T h e amount o f space allocated to different functions demonstrates values i n the local culture: the lack or presence o f large shared or communi ty spaces; hidden bathrooms; triple garages — all reflect certain values w i th in the culture that created such spaces. In N o r t h Amer ica , the numbers o f houses wi th second bathrooms have increased, whi le publ ic space in com-mercial architecture and urban space i n general has notably decreased. T h e location o f the bui ld ing also says much about identity and confers status; i n this sense, location is conflated wi th architecture to become one c o m m o d i t y 40 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background T h e functions o f a given space are also telling o f the values embedded wi th in culture; for example, the change in the use and size o f space o f the kitchen over time can be interpreted as representing a focus o f consumption in the home, and correlating wi th the rise o f consumer culture over time. T h e increase i n square footage in residential architecture over time can be consid-ered to be a reflection o f conspicuous consumption conferring status; and the insertion o f the second bathroom into the home, for example, could correlate w i th an increasing sense o f modernity and individual ism w h i c h respectively demand hygiene as wel l as instant response to needs. Style is another clear marker o f conspicuous consumption. T h e finish and interiors are equivalent to a display o f goods; or, on the other extreme, even a non-display o f goods. T h e l iv ing room wi th the high-tech theatre T V screen and the l iv ing room loft wi th nothing but a white chair can both be evocative o f a certain style. Recycled materials when slickly designed can be considered cool; and a m i l k crate table can have "student-style cachet". It s imply depends on how these images are "sold": anything can become trendy and stylish; all it takes is a little hype, a little marketing. Designing a L E E D rating system for the home (house, smaller residential buildings) could be quite important for the promot ion o f green bui ld ing i n the mainstream, because the home is such a large reflection o f a person's identity and choice (it is a rare person who does not modify their l iv ing space to reflect their identity). Residential bui ld ing is currently a highly important focus for U S G B C - a d m i n i s t e r e d L E E D . 3.2 Impl icat ions: LEED in a North Amer ican context N o r t h Amer ican culture is predominantly a "consumer culture". In such a culture where image and style are critical, the L E E D assessment method em-phasises quantification, technical processes and functionality. Are , therefore, the requirements o f a N o r t h Amer ican green bu i ld ing assessment method, L E E D , reflective o f a consumer culture? Given that consumer culture express-es itself through architecture via image, style, commodi ty and disposability, and given that the L E E D system encourages reduced energy and materials, then to what extent and i n wh ich ways does the L E E D green bui ld ing rating system embody the values o f a consumer culture? N o r t h Amer ican values can be seen as embedded i n L E E D in two ways. First, consumer culture is evident in the form o f the L E E D system: it relies heavily on its label, marketing, and promot ion mechanisms. Notably, in the case o f 41 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background L E E D - r a t e d buildings, the label plays a large part i n its success, practically providing a symbolic centre o f meaning for the bui lding. Second, N o r t h Amer ican environmentalism is evident in the content, or in the performance areas o f L E E D , where biophi l ic and wilderness values are strongly represent-ed. Th i s bias becomes clear when such N o r t h Amer ican values are considered w i t h i n a developing wor ld context. T h e context o f consumer culture rests on capitalism and the free market, as does L E E D , w h i c h is voluntary and market-based. Further, just as consumer culture is fundamentally l inked to globalization, the expansion and usage o f L E E D has already occurred throughout N o r t h Amer ica and has begun to do so through other countries. Just as wants become needs and expectation o f immediate gratification escalates, so the L E E D green bui ld ing rating system creates new needs and demands. A s many criteria as possible must be filled in order to attain the highest score; and, several credits require particular products. T h e simplici ty and straightforwardness o f L E E D does enhance its ease and speed o f use. T h e culturally relative externalities or symbolic meanings that consumer goods take on also apply to architecture. A large N o r t h Amer ican mal l becomes a site not only for shopping but also for teenagers to "hang out", wh ich has a long line o f cultural symbolism and association attached, mak-ing the bui ld ing achieve more social significance than its function o f housing stores. T h e symbolic meaning o f consumer goods therefore lends implications for transferral to a different context or country. Just as the idea o f adapt-ing B R E E A M was discarded i n favour o f conceiving L E E D because it was deemed more important to have a "home-grown" system w h i c h was relevant to its context, so too might other countries find L E E D unsuited to their cultural context, regardless o f increasing globalization over blurr ing distance and time. Buildings are therefore major cultural artefacts wh ich can and often do play a significant part i n cultural imagination as well as memory: architecture wh ich presents itself on a longer time or generational scale becomes an icon o f a given culture's achievements, both aesthetically and functionally. Further, durabil i ty is one component o f green bui lding, and particularly o f the potential longer-term goal o f global sustainability, wh ich is not explicitly 42 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background addressed by the L E E D system. In this sense, L E E D therefore represents a disposable ethic o f the consumer culture's market. Just as L E E D proposes to evolve wi th the market (and cultural expectation), so might it plug into long term sustainability, N o r t h American-style, via market evolution. Impor-tantly, L E E D - d e s i g n e d buildings themselves may play a part i n capturing the public's "green" imagination, wh ich , in a consumer culture, may be the best way to approach sustainable bui ld ing . Last, however, the reality o f "green consumerism", which is defined as being diametrically opposed to the values o f a sustainable culture, remains unad-dressed by the L E E D system; rather, L E E D is a green product, w i th in a context o f green consumerism. In order for sustainable bu i ld ing to be a reality i n a fundamental way, the paradox o f green consumerism w i l l need to be addressed. 43 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background According to Kurt Lewin, 'a behavior at some point in time is the result of a dynamic balancing of forces working in opposite directions. Some of these forces can be considered 'driving'forces, whereas other, opposing forces can be construed as 'restraining'forces. The interaction of these two sets of forces cre-ates an equilibrium point at which a behavior is 'frozen. To induce change, i.e., to 'unfreeze' a behavior, one must either increase the magnitude of the driving force or decrease the magnitude of the restraining force, at which point a new equilibrium will emerge.' (Salmon 1989) 3.3 Wor ldv iews 3 For the purposes o f this thesis culture w i l l be very loosely defined as people loosely bound by particular shared beliefs, values, and customs. A "world-view" on the other hand, is a collectively, culturally-shared way o f defining and understanding the wor ld : l ike a mental map, concept or model o f reality. Or ig ina l ly used i n a Chris t ian context, a worldview has come to be defined as the "template" that comprises the foundation for a culture and provides an even larger-scale mechanism for understanding the wor ld . Another word wh ich is similar i n meaning is pa r ad igm. T h e factors w h i c h create a worldview are defined for this thesis as: • Intellectual history: for example, the western worldview has been strongly shaped by ancient Greek and Judeo-Christ ian teachings and beliefs, lending ideas about human's superior m i n d and d o m i n i o n on the planet (Passmore 1980;Tarnas 1991) • Technology and Innovation: economy and science are major factors wh ich have shaped the western worldview to one wh ich is driven by cause and effect, quick technological fixes, rationalism.and atomism. • Physical history: the " W i l d West". T h e N o r t h Amer ican continent was a conquered land and colony and has a deep-seated pioneering, indepen-dent and competitive urge derived and modified from European ances-tors. Variations i n a general worldview can occur on many levels, from a broad, arguably even global scale, right down to the individual — definitions w i l l tend to be quite regional, dependent not only on where one was raised but also by w h o m . Language plays a vital part in a worldview and the compara-tive differences between emphases and word ing o f languages have often been referred to for corresponding i l luminations on the differences in worldview. 3 Section 3.3 relies in part on material from a manuscript (not published): Coleman, Sylvia, 2001. "Environmentalist Worldviews and Paradigm Shifts", University of British Columbia. 44 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background Call icot t (1994a), for example, understands environmental problems to be only in part technological; the other part has to do w i t h our worldview. H e asserts that thinkers and natural historians and scientists have contributed to our modern Western worldview, not because we have all studied their thought, but because their ideas have effectively "trickled down" as metaphors into our increasingly machine-centred wor ld (1994a:71-2): The history lesson seems to be this: The original scientific revolu-tion was followed by a technological application of the Newtonian paradigm, which was followed in turn by a revolution in the popular worldview. The mystical, religious worldview of the Middle Ages was thus gradually replaced by modernism as the then-new science was translated into hardware during the Industrial Revolution. By now, practically every person in the street has become, quite unwittingly, a Cartesian and Newtonian: a modern, in short. They are buying the modern classical worldview like it's going out of style. (Callicott, 1994a: 73) Tarnas also discusses the evolution o f worldviews, wh ich led to the modern Western worldview. Accord ing to Tarnas, a paradigm emerges in the history o f science only because "it is recognised as superior, as true and valid, pre-cisely when that paradigm resonates wi th the current archetypal state o f the evolving collective psyche." (Tarnas, 1991:434) Nevertheless, Rolston points out that worldviews are temporal, and l ikely to change as other ideas about how we see the wor ld take precedence. Further, i f the environment is indeed whol ly a "creation" o f ours, then so must be our value o f the environment; and both must then change w i t h the times. Previ-ously, for example, what was considered "wilderness" was feared and danger-ous, something to be conquered. N o w , wilderness tends to be considered pure and remote, a place to retreat to or commune wi th . W h y is considering a worldview important? T h e effect o f a particular worldview on a set o f guidelines and standards like the L E E D is to shape its original development, because it was devised by people sharing a large-scale worldview. W h a t makes understanding the foundational wor ldview o f a product like L E E D important, is that by understanding its origins, one may also gain insight into its use, relevance, development and trajectory. I f causes and origins are not understood, change may only be superficial. T h e L E E D was shaped by both environmentalists and industrialists, and while each have quite different views, their opposing motives are nevertheless 45 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background based on the same, deeper worldview or template. A l though , clearly, different industrial or environmental groups must each have different agendas and foci — whether using resources indiscriminately or responsibly, whether acting as a steward or as ruler o f the environment, and whether technology is seen as a fix or an evil — their attention and solutions are still concentrated on the same issues but in polar opposition. 3 . 3 . 1 Scientif ic Wor ldv iews: Mechanist ic and Systemic T h e N o r t h Amer ican worldview relies on a strong "scientific" tradition, w i th an emphasis on quantification and data. Science is a form o f knowledge wh ich reduces and quantifies, relying on empir ic ism and the apparent 'abso-lute' o f rationality. Popularly, and still w i th in the worldview or paradigm of science, authors in different disciplines (Callicott 1993; Capra 1982) have discussed an apparent transition from a mechanistic, linear Newton ian worldview (corresponding wi th the laws o f cause and effect); to a wor ldview w h i c h is touted as holistic or relational and web-like. Figure 3.2: WoHdviews 1 and 2 (Adaptedfrom Leith 2004) This developing worldview, w h i c h appears to exist at the largest scale, com-prises a "systems" approach, as opposed to a mechanistic, Newton ian ap-proach, wh ich is argued to be the overriding worldview o f the centuries since Newton . Th is systemic worldview becomes evident i n processes on many different levels, from the way that computers and the internet work and the development o f the fields o f market economy, anthropology, sociology, ecology, to name just a few. These fields have all developed since the mid-late 1800s, concurrently w i t h quantum physics, w h i c h is a point o f significance for theorists who have commented on paradigm shifts and worldviews. Figure 3.2 shows the relationship between the two wor ld -views and the human wh ich holds these i n m i n d . Accord ing to A l l i s o n , "Green" (non-utilitarian, some-times radical) philosophy is holistic (All ison, 1991:36, 44). A l l i son further asserts that orthodox science is, in fact, holistic i n that it assumes that the universe is made o f the same stuff, all obeying the same underly-ing laws (All ison, 1991:45). M o r e precisely, 'Science' is holistic inasmuch as all sciences (biology, ecology, chemistry. . .) are reducible to physics—even i f many 46 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background of the l iv ing systems that these sciences study have not yet been reducible to physics. H o l i s m is often impl ied to be superior to dualism or atomism; A l l i s o n i l -lustrates the apparently 'superior' metaphysics that tends to be attached to 'holism', and which is attached to the Green movement in general. Th i s sense o f metaphysics can lead to useless abstractions, but still refer to a not ion o f interrelatedness: It is like saying that energy and economic systems exist, but particu-lar motor cars or factory chimneys do not... in a very important logi-cal sense, motor cars and chimneys exist and energy and economic systems do not: we can construct a coherent and useful, if limited discourse without the relational categories. We cannot do so without individual particulars. (Allison, 1991:47). Th is is a comment on the abstractions that are often used for the justification o f the 'spiritual sophistication' o f hol ism. T h e argument for the superiority o f hol i sm is circular: it basically states, that because holistic theories have shown us to be systemically interconnected, hol ism is better—because we are (ac-cording to holistic theories) all systemically interconnected. But there is nothing to endorse the metaphysical, or other, superiority o f ho-l ism, aside from the fact that some have adopted hol ism as representative o f a new paradigm shift. Dua l i sm, as represented by Newton ian mechanics, has its common-sense and practical merits. But dualism as a means o f th ink ing about the wor ld has become demonized (i.e., the conceptions o f the separa-t ion o f m i n d from body, human from environment, reason from emotion, etc., are perceived as somewhat responsible for our health and environmental problems), w i th the keyword 'hol ism' as the preferred replacement for dual-ism. However, both holistic and dualistic approaches can remain in use at the same time, because one worldview applies when the other does not. Tha t is, it is possible to have both a system and Newtonian application at the same time; it is instead a matter o f perspective, o f scale and o f time. T h e bui ld ing is essentially a set of interrelated systems, where adjustment o f one system can lead directly or indirectly to change i n another. For example, "specifying an Energy Star-compliant roofing product that has a h igh emissiv-ity and reflectance for 7 5 % of the project's roof w i l l earn you a point under Sustainable Sites (SS) Credi t 7.2: Landscape and Exterior Design to Reduce Heat Islands" (Mcln t i re 2002). 47 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background L E E D the green bui ld ing rating system is first a mechanistic instrument i n that aspects o f green bui ld ing are broken down into performance areas wi th , o f course, discrete, quantifiable points. The emphasis is necessarily on what can be quantified: at its most basic function, the L E E D system could, in theory, s imply be used as a checklist, as a means to make points and gain a label and marketing exposure without much thought given to the bui ld ing in its broader, green or even sustainable context. However, L E E D is also a holistic system in the broad sense o f the word. Aside from being an engineering checklist, it is also a powerful, flexible, compre-hensive and integrative design system that covers primary as wel l as peripheral facets o f green bui ld ing. As representative o f a holistic or systemic worldview, the whole is greater than the sum of its parts: L E E D has the potential, when util ized by an effective and diverse design team, to produce green buildings w i t h wider synergies in and ramifications for its local environment. 3.3.2 Polar izat ions: Oppos ing Forces and Creat ive Tens ion T h e concept o f defining Western and Eastern worldviews by their polar difference is discussed by Chr isna du Plessis. In this theme, the West is conceived o f as being materially focussed, scientific, rational and "linear", while the East is argued to be more aware o f (natural) cycles and (intangible) spirituality. Th i s k i n d o f polarization is c o m m o n and was a central mo t i f i n the field o f anthropology: the "Other" (of a "primitive" culture) was defined i n such a way that they provided an inverse by definition, or a negative image against wh ich the dominant (Eurocentric) culture could be defined. T h e resulting comparison and contrast was a tool o f self-definition, as well as justification, for the European imperialist explorer o f exotic cultures. Consider the fol lowing descriptor-pairs, for example: hol ism — atomism cyclical/systemic — linear spirit — m i n d in tui t ion - reason epiphenomenal — cause/effect human — machine communi ty — individual quality - quantity content — surface timeless - immediate romantic - util i tarian sum total - reduced agrarian - urban nature — culture 4 8 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background T h e above pairs typify the oversimplification o f the apparent difference in worldviews. G i v e n the stereotypes that we have been exposed to for some decades, it is not difficult to associate the "East" w i th the left side and the "West" w i th the right side o f the pairs, Th is k i n d o f association has, tradition-ally, also led to the impl ic i t not ion that one worldview is morally superior, and the other, corrupt (which may well have its origin i n Chr is t ian and even Anc ien t Greek thought). Such polarizations are, o f course, value-laden. D u Plessis, for example, wishes to "expose the limitations o f the West's not ion o f sustainable development, [which is] based on a value system o f wealth, and expound ethical arguments that are rooted i n the systemic world-view o f traditional culture" (du Plessis 2001). However, having less on wealth does not automatically confer a sense o f greater ethics; and having a sense o f ethics is not made purer by virtue o f poverty (except i n Chris t ian tradition). Rather, all humans — o f any nation — have contextual wants: a frequently forgotten consequence o f development o f any k i n d is that as the context expands, so too do the wants. A g a i n , it may be more accurate to think o f such descriptor-pairs as integrated rather than opposed: as two opposing but inseparable sides o f the same whole. Peoples raised in an Eastern culture may well tend to emphasise com-munity, agrarian l iv ing and spirit, but it is absurd to state that they w o u l d not also consider the individual , the urban or anything rational. Similarly, to assert that Westerners emphasise the material and utilitarian to the exclusion o f all else is s imply inaccurate. Rebuttals can be made i n every case, where the drive to communi ty spirit and systemic th ink ing can be seen i n industrialized culture, just as the drive to urbanity and linearity can be seen i n industrial-iz ing cultures. T h e integration or cross-over between worldviews is taken to be a sign o f transition and shifting. T h e L E E D system is an integrated one, having been designed by members o f both industry and environmentalism. 3.3.3 Paradigm Shifts Fundamental changes to prevailing basic assumptions and attitudes about the environment are required, i f current environmental problems are to be solved. M o r e intelligent application o f conventional modern ideas about humans, the environment and proper relations between them must also play a part. 49 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background Searching for the 'value-cause' o f environmental problems is l ike peeling the proverbial on ion: there is no single cause for our environmental crisis, be-cause the causes and effects o f human behaviour are often too complex and interrelated to be easily reduced to elements. However, while fundamental changes to assumptions and attitudes are required, there are also uncontrollable elements that comprise the movement and trajectory o f social change, wh ich indicates that change does not occur unt i l a particular 'critical mass' or t ipping point i n the collective conscious-ness has been reached: as the saying goes, "there is nothing so powerful as an idea whose t ime has come." T h i s also requires the critical element o f time: Brand offers descriptions of past cultures that have extended views of the future but suggests that i f we want to change mindsets, even time frames such as 200 years are too readily imaginable, too incre-mental relative to the present. Frames of mind, he suggests, "change by jumps, not by degrees. (Cole 2000b) Cal l icot t is one o f a number o f authors to comment on the "emerging para-digm" i n the sciences: The biological sciences, especially ecology and the theory of evolu-tion, in tandem with the theories of special and general relativity and quantum theory... are creating a new postmodern scientific world-view. In it, humans are thoroughly embedded in nature: kin to all other living things on planet Earth and systemically interrelated with them. (Callicott, 1994b: 35). As a whole, this comment is significant, because the scientific paradigm is truly a strong force in the West (at least); it deeply informs our worldview. A worldview shift is simultaneously a mir ror ing and a creation o f the collec-tive. It is unl ikely that we can "control" a shift i n worldview. IfTarnas (1991), among others, is correct, such a shift occurs at a deeper, archetypal, collective level. Further, the implications are that a shift, i f any, w i l l occur as necessary; and only when a collective "critical mass" pushes the boundaries o f aware-ness just enough to get it moving . It seems that many are certain that we are i n the process o f a large-scale "paradigm shift"; and some are hopeful, i f not convinced, that the shift w i l l be beneficial for the environmental movement, wherein humans are placed wi th in nature rather than without , for example. 50 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background However, discussion about the paradigms o f hol ism and interdependence being the touted replacement o f the "dying" mechanistic worldview (see J . B . Cal l icot t or F. Capra, for example) seems misguided. B o t h mechanism and hol ism are representative aspects o f how we can and do think, and how we apply our analyses and technologies. There are shades o f grey and plural constructions. T h e conclusion indicates 'flexibility' and integration i n wor ld -views, contingent on local conditions. In any case, it doesn't seem that we are fully able to grasp the variability o f holistic, complex or emergent systems. O u r problems seem to reduce to epistemological ones: and this (as indicated by Tarnas (1991) and Evernden (1993), for example) is about ourselves, our minds, and how well we can know our environment, our current theory, time or culture. It may be that our worldview plays a m u c h more fundamental part i n our treatment o f the environment than anything else. Time also plays a problematic role i n that one generation's time scale is vastly smaller from that o f the planet's and although t ipping points o f broad-scale social change happen rapidly, it seems to literally take generations for that change to be fully integrated and expressed. St i l l , humans have value systems which are damaging to the environment. W e are not always immediately affected by environmental feedbacks or constraints, because we have, in many cases, overcome them wi th technology. T h e underlying foundation for environmental policy and action appears to concern an "anthropocentric survivalism", wh ich corresponds human survival w i th planetary survival. That is, environmental management is often directed toward an emphasis on how saving the planet is good for humans; something that is good for (or at least benign to) human-beings sells. Save rainforest species because undiscovered compounds may be useful for fighting cancer; cycle more because it's good for your health; or even, don't worry about global warming because the increased C 0 2 w i l l be good for crops. Neverthe-less, while such underlying motives might seem almost ethically questionable, they may well comprise the most successful core o f effective N o r t h Amer ican environmental management. In addit ion, more fundamental changes to our assumptions are needed: how-ever, i n the same sense that the time scale for paradigmatic change is large, such fundamental changes may effectively be out o f our hands. Worldviews tend to evolve o f themselves; but by the same token that large and small scale 51 C h a p t e r 3 - T h e o r e t i c a l B a c k g r o u n d informs each other, we are simultaneously, paradoxically, both the cause and the product o f broad-scale change. In terms o f the paradigm shift i n how we think and act, it therefore makes sense to integrate rather than eliminate. Despite popular urges to the con-trary, a "more natural" k i n d o f hol ism or systemicism as a mode o f th ink ing and creation w i l l not sweep away all environmental problems. B o t h mecha-nism and hol ism remain useful modes o f representation. T h e L E E D system is representative o f the paradigm shift that is already occurring, i n that it requires both small and reductionist, quantitative details w i th in a wider, holistic, systemic bui ld ing context. Collaborative efforts (such as those between environmentalist groups and businesses) are becoming more and more the norm, and integration o f design efforts is necessary at different levels. Integration and collaboration is also evident in the example o f the U S G B C ' s interdisciplinary focus as a starting point for the L E E D . 3.4 I m p l i c a t i o n s : L E E D a n d W o r l d v i e w s T h e L E E D system can be seen as a creation o f the N o r t h Amer ican wor ld -view i n two ways. First, it can be used as a quantitative checklist, w h i c h serves only to gain points and a label; its ini t ia l methods focus on quantification and reduction to elements, deriving from a mechanistic worldview. Second, L E E D is a product o f a holistic worldview i n the way that it can be used as an integrated design tool, where the resulting synergies and bui lding-environ-ment system is greater than the sum o f its parts. Therefore, L E E D acknowledges both green bui ld ing elements as well as a diversity o f environmental aspects and synergies, embracing a more holistic emphasis, and i n this way effectively integrates two worldviews. T h e integra-t ion o f worldviews is a more realistic outcome than worldview or paradigm shifts, because both worldviews are useful; they are s imply applicable at dif-ferent scales and under different circumstances. But it is unl ikely to leave one behind in transition to another worldview. This conclusion indicates that L E E D is on a positive track and in line w i t h the prevailing "zeitgeist", that is, in tune wi th fundamental change i n the N o r t h Amer ican environmental movement. 52 Chapter 3 - Theoretical Background T h e necessity for the adaptation o f L E E D according to culture and place becomes evident when considering differing worldviews and values, wh ich give sometimes vastly different wants and needs. A l t h o u g h L E E D may not a im for sustainable bui ld ing , which necessarily includes aspects o f long-term change, it may not be able to achieve sustainable bui ld ing , particularly in other cultures, and this has global implications, wh ich is the realm o f sustain-ability as a whole. T h e N o r t h Amer ican worldview is changing, and both holistic and mechanis-tic/ reductionist values are being incorporated into a new, integrative wor ld -view. T h e L E E D is a product o f this shift, and accordingly, succeeds w i th in its own context. 53 ...we got some new handrail designs and wider bathroom doors, but we didn't get a conversation on the role of design in public life. Green design faces a similar dilemma. We can only hope that the growing awareness of how buildings contribute to environmental degradation will lead the way to more conspicuous, even delightful, design solutions rather than push ecologically responsible architecture toward an understated utilitarian role. (Hawthorne 2001) 4 C A S E S T U D Y 54 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park A case study was conducted at the Vancouver Island Technology Park ( V I T P ) on Vancouver Island. T h e V I T P , originally the Glendale Lodge, was the first retrofitted bui ld-ing in Canada to receive a L E E D G o l d award, in 2002, and was chosen as a case study for this fact. T h e V I T P was originally buil t in the 1970s as a residential fa-cil i ty for the handicapped, and has a 165,000 ft2 concrete shell w i th concrete block interior. Figure 4.1: The After twelve months o f design, deconstruction and reconstruction, the facility Vancouver Island was transformed into a high-tech office bui ld ing. The V I T P is zoned for Technology Park, research, office and high-tech manufacturing, and located in a rural, campus-Vancouver Island, BC i-i • ci L f J \r 11 i like setting 5km nor th or downtown Victor ia , next to Camosun College and wi th in 5 k m o f two Universities. A N o r t h Amer ican showcase developed by Joe van Bellegham and retrofit-ted by Idealink Architects and Bunt ing Coady Architects, it has also w o n a B O M A Earth Award , a Greenways Developer's Award, an Award for Excel-lence in Urban Development, a 2002 Minister's Environmental Award , a 2003 Awards for Engineering Excellence, and a 2003 Special Recognit ion Innovation Award for Sustainable Development. T h e bui ld ing hosts a large range o f LEED- in f luenced features, inc luding dual-flush toilets, and BC ' s largest installation o f waterless urinals; the com-plex does not recycle water, but has p lumbing lines wh ich direct rainwater to toilet tanks. Due to its water loop heat pump system and efficient light-ing, the bui ld ing is expected to save 2 7 . 5 % o f the energy consumption o f an A S H R A E / I E S N A standard 90 .1 -1999 energy cost budget (EcoDesign Resource Society 2003). Grass and gravel pave parking and native plant land-scaping species are other major features. There are a large number o f facilities and amenities resident in the bui ld ing, inc luding a restaurant, conference room, fitness centre, showers and a wellness centre. 4.1 Vancouver Island Technology Park 5 5 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park A copy o f the checklist used for determination o f the L E E D award for the V I T P is given i n Append ix III. 4.2 The Survey Figure 4.2: LEED Gold2002 award! plaque in VITP lobby A survey was conducted at the V I T P in A p r i l 2003 and again i n M a y 2003 , wh ich attempted to assess the perceptions and attitudes o f the day-to-day occupants o f the V I T P , towards the V I T P bui ld ing itself as wel l as toward environmental labels, such as the L E E D . Each time the case study comprised two question-naires: one was tailored for "employees" and one for "management". These two questionnaires differed only i n that one additional section was added to the man-agement questionnaire regarding the decision to lease at the V I T P (see Appendix I). T h e majority o f questions were formatted using the V A S scale w i t h five answers; others were Yes-No ques-tions. There were sections for written comments. 4.2.1 Survey Delivery Process The surveys were delivered to staff and management individuals residing at the V I T P in A p r i l and May, 2003, by emailed pd f form, and by hardcopy in the lobby o f the bui lding. In the case o f the email distr ibution, managers o f the participating companies supervised delivery o f the survey. Respondents were given one week to fill out the survey: incentive was a coupon for a Starbucks beverage (onsite), on receipt o f the survey at the main business desk. In the case o f administration o f the second survey i n person, respondents were given the day to fill the survey out, and received the same coupon. 4.3 Case Study Results Forty-six occupants i n total replied, two o f w h o m held management posi-tions. Due to the low response by management, these surveys were combined wi th staff surveys, since they differed only i n the additional section. 56 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park The additional management data is not discussed and is left summarised in Appendix II, Section 7.1, since two samples constituted opinion rather than data from which any conclusions could be drawn. Also, data that was not explicitly discussed (i.e., comments) may also be found in Appendix II (Sec-tion 7). 4.3.1 Survey Respondents: Characterization Forty-five percent of the respondents had a college or university education; 39% were female; and the majority were satisfied with where they were physi-cally located (seated) in their company, with 80% in an open space. Most respondents were between the ages of 26-45 (67%). 4.3.2 LEED Label - Effects 67% of respondents knew that the V I T P had won a L E E D Gold award. O f those, exactly50% had found out about the award through the L E E D Gold plaque in the lobby. Less respondents had found out through marketing ma-terials at the V I T P (Vmktg), the V I T P website (Vweb), the U S G B C website, or had heard or read about it. Figure 4.3: Mode of finding out the VITP had been awarded a LEED Gold label How did you find out that the VITP had been awarded a LEED Gold label? Vsign Vmktg Vweb USGBC Method Heard Read Notably, the L E E D plaque in the lobby did not motivate those respondents at all to research more about green building. 57 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park Figure 4.4: LEED sign as motivation to read more about green buildings Did the LEED sign motivate you to read more about green buildings? 1 2 3 Yes, it really motivated me... 4 5 No, not at all M o r e respondents thought that the L E E D label was neutral for, or was not actually very important for their company's image. Figure 4.5: Impor-tance of LEED label for company's image (opinion) Importance of LEED label for company's image (opinion) 1 2 Very important... 4 5 Not important at all 4 .3.3 Purchasing Habits and Att i tudes to Labels These questions asked respondents about whether environmental labels influ-ence them, and about their purchasing choices. Respondents tended to be moderately influenced by environmental labels in general; the majority were 58 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park Environmental labels influence personal purchasing cho ices Figure 4.6: Environ-mental labels influenc-ing personal purchasing choices 25 20 c •S 15 c o I 10 • I 1 2 Greatly Influence.. 4 5 No influence at all Figure 4.7: « W Zfw /» general more interested in buying environmental products than they were in buying cheap products, per se. • 53% o f respondents felt that their purchasing habits were influenced at least to some degree by environmental labels (such as Recycling 'three chasing-arrows', Eco-Logo , etc). • Labels had little or no influence at all on 27% o f respondents. The responses to the questions about consuming more environmentally-friendly products or buying less (attempting to approach the "green con-I buy and use less in general, including environmentally-friendly products 25 20 | 15 e 8 10 I 1 2 Strongly agree... 4 5 Strongly disagree 59 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park I buy and use as many environmentally-friendly products and services as I can 25 20 I 15 c o S 10 K Figure 4.8: Buy and 0 use environmentally- 1 2 3 4 5 friendly products and Strongly agree... Strongly disagree services sumption" paradox) were similarly answered; people tended to give the same answer to both questions. Interestingly, there appeared to be a stronger bias toward agreeing that they bought and used less in general. However, this result needs to be bolstered wi th more data before conclusions can be drawn. H a l f o f the respondents somewhat or strongly disagreed that they bought the cheapest products regardless o f their environmental status. A third were neutral and only one person strongly agreed. 4 .3 .4 Ranking of Spheres The "ranking o f spheres" question required that respondents ranked 4 ele-ments o f society (individuals, companies, communit ies and government) according to how able they were to make a difference to the environment. This question garnered quite ambivalent results: most notably, respondents were divided in whether they thought individuals could make the most or the least difference to the environment. Companies and communit ies were rela-tively neutral i n their influence on making environmental change. However, between companies and communities, respondents were more l ikely to th ink that companies could make a difference and less likely to th ink that c o m m u -nities could make a difference. Respondents were divided on whether govern-ment could make the most or least difference. • Results w i th respect to Individuals were most divided between "most" able and "least" able to make a difference to the environment. 60 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park Ranking of 'Individuals' for ability to make the most difference to the environment 20 n to the environment I I • Results w i th respect to Government were somewhat ambiguous; respon-dents felt that government had at least some abili ty to make a difference; however, the highest results tended towards "most" ability. Figure 4.10: Rank-ing of Government for ability to make the most difference to the environment 20 16 in % 12 o Q. in m a tt 5 % 4 r\ Ranking of 'Government ' for ability to make the most difference to the environment • • • • • • • 1 2 Most 3 1 4 Least Similarly, respondents felt that Companies played a role o f some k ind in making environmental difference. 50% o f people said their company had a green corporate policy, while 3 0 % d id not know i f one existed. Communi t i es seemed to be ranked overall as having less o f a comparative role in ability to make a difference. 61 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park Figure 4.11: Rank-ing of Companies for ability to make the most difference to the environment Figure 4.12: Rank-ing of Communities for ability to make the most difference to the environment Ranking of 'Companies ' for ability to make the most difference to the environment 20 16 12 o Q. V) 0) an Least Ranking of 'Communit ies ' for ability to make the most difference to the environment 4 . 3 . 5 S a t i s f a c t i o n s O u t o f all the satisfaction queries, respondents were most satisfied wi th the fitness centre, restaurant, interior quality and durabili ty o f materials and view. 4 . 3 . 5 . 1 A m b i e n t f a c t o r s T h e majority o f responses rated light and acoustics wel l , mostly at very high to satisfactory. However, air quality was rated lower. Temperature garnered one comment: "Heat ing wi th in our office space is difficult to balance — some areas too hot, some too cold". 62 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park Satisfaction with Air, Light, Acous t ics , Temperature Figure 4.13: Satisfac-tion with Air, Light, Acoustics, Temperature 1 2 3 Very high satisfaction... 4 5 Very low satisfaction 4 . 3 . 5 . 2 Interiors Respondents were fairly satisfied wi th the quality and durabil i ty o f interior materials, but durabil i ty o f materials (Dur. Int. Material) was found to be a little less satisfactory than quality ( Q . Int. Material) . G iven the length o f time that the retrofitted bu i ld ing has been operating, durabili ty o f interiors may not be a noticeable factor. T h e view from a person's workspace was generally satisfactory. Figure 4.14: Satisfac-tion with View, Quality and Durability of Inte-rior Materials Satisfaction with View, Quality and Durability of Interior Materials 1 2 3 4 5 6 Very high satisfaction... Very low satisfaction / N/A 63 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park 4.3.5.3 Indoor amenit ies Figure 4.15: Satisfac-tion with Showers, Fit-ness Centre, Restaurant Three quarters o f the respondents were very satisfied or satisfied wi th the res-taurant. However, it is not clear i f this satisfaction had to do wi th its presence or wi th the quality o f food. People were generally very pleased wi th the Fitness centre and showers, wi th only a small percentage not using them (13%). Satisfaction with Showers, Fitness Centre, Restaurant r • Showers • Fitness Centre • Restaurant 1 I LT1 1 i 1 2 3 4 5 6 Very high satisfaction... Very low satisfaction /N/A 4.3.5.4 Indoor facil it ies Figure 4.16: Satisfac-tion with Dual-flush toilets, Waterless Urinals and Recycling Facilities Over half o f the respondents were satisfied wi th the dual-flush toilets. H o w -ever, one staff who had been there a year commented, "We have those?" A n d Satisfaction with Dual-flush toilets, Waterless Urinals and Recycling Facilities 1 2 3 Very high satisfaction... 4 5 6 V ery low satisfaction / N/A 64 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park this was an important comment: "Need to label dual flush toilet at V I T P so people know how to use them". T h e attitude toward recycling facilities seemed to tend from satisfaction to neutral; however, little or very low satisfaction was not at issue for these facili-ties in general. 4.3.5.5 Outdoor Facil i t ies Figure 4.17: Satis-faction with Sports Facilities, Landscaping, Parking Al though not directly related to the V I T P bu i ld ing environment, many o f the "open" comments made concerned the insti tution o f pay parking: "Rethink parking charges unt i l bus access from north, south and east areas are up and running". It is wor th not ing that bus access is now operational, and low-cost pay parking has been instituted. Satisfaction with Sports Facilities, Landscaping, Parking 1 2 3 4 5 6 Very high satisfaction... Very low satisfaction / N/A 1/3 o f respondents d id not use the outdoors sports facilities, while o f the 2/3rds that d id , almost all were very highly or well satisfied. T h e attitude to landscaping was ambiguous. 4.3.5.6 Location Proximity to home was treated wi th a little ambiguity: this is not surprising given that it is impossible to please everybody wi th respect to work-home location Bus services were not fully operational at the time o f the survey, and wou ld account at least in part for the lower satisfaction wi th "availability and sup-65 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park Figure 4.18: Satisfac-tion with distance to home, availability of public transport port o f alternative/ public transport". T h e situation has since been rectified and schedules posted in the bui ld ing. Satisfaction with distance to home, availability of public transport in 25 20 c OJ c 1 5 o I 10 tt * 5 TJrlijJ I 1 2 3 4 5 6 Very high satisfaction... Very low satisfaction / N/A 4.3.6 V ITP Building and Grounds T h e V I T P bui ld ing and grounds were thought to be a good example o f "Green Bui ld ing" . Respondents felt that the V I T P bui ld ing and grounds themselves were slightly better able to create awareness o f green bui ld ing than the L E E D sign. (However fewer respondents answered the L E E D sign question.) Figure 4.19: Ability of LEED sign in lobby to make public aware that the VITP is a "Green Building" Abil i ty of L E E D s ign in lobby to make publ ic aware that the VITP is a "Green Bu i ld ing" 10 8 m c •a 6 0 in A tt * 2 0 • 1 • • • 1 2 3 4 5 Very high... Very low 66 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park Figure 4.20: Ability of VITP building and grounds to make public aware of "Green Build-ings" Figure 4.21: VITP effect on personal performance and productivity Abil i ty of VITP building and grounds to make publ ic aware of "Green Bu i ld ings" 10 c a T3 c o a. it> a a. 1 2 Very high... 5 Very low The majority o f respondents felt that the V I T P environment had a very or somewhat positive effect on their performance and productivity. O n e o f the two managers in the sample felt that this effect was stronger. T h e majority o f respondents were just satisfied wi th or neutral about the look or aesthetic o f the bui ld ing and grounds. VITP effect on personal performance and productivity 25 v> 20 c A) •o 15 o I 10 o> Bt tfc I 1 2 3 4 5 6 Positive effect... Negative effect / N/A / Imposs. to tell T h e V I T P bu i ld ing environment overall was considered to be superior to, or good i n comparison to other places worked. 67 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park Satisfaction with Look/ aesthetic of VITP building and grounds Figure 4.22: Satisfac-tion with Look/ aes-thetic of VITP building and grounds 25 20 c 9 •o 15 o | 10 LL 1 2 Very high satisfaction... 4 5 Very low satisfaction Figure 4.23: Opinion of VITP building environment overall as a place to work Opinion of VITP building environment overall as a place to work 4.4 Implications: the VITP Case Study and LEED Accord ing to the case study, L E E D , as a system which produces green bui ld-ings, works well : according to a third o f the occupants, a majority o f the respondents, people like work ing in the V I T P . T h e bu i ld ing as a whole was rated as strongly "superior", or "good" in comparison to other places worked its aesthetic was rated as good to neutral. The L E E D label, alone, expresses the message that the bui ld ing is green: but it is pr imari ly a marketing mechanism aimed at industry. T h e label does not, 6 8 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park on the other hand, perform or even propose to perform a pedagogical func-t ion: occupants are not inspired to find out more about green or sustainable bui ld ing i n general, as a result o f having noticed the label. In fact, W h i l e the label itself may not have been o f large note to occupants, the suc-cess that L E E D has had in the bu i ld ing market shows that the L E E D label seems to work as it was intended — for industry. Features o f the bu i ld ing indicated that convenient facilities (e.g., restaurant, fitness centre) created the most consistent satisfaction. Specifically green features were appreciated: so long as they d id not create problems or difference. Waterless urinals, for example, created some dissatisfaction. Information signs (about individual bu i ld ing features, such as the grass-pave parking) appeared to stimulate more interest than the label or process or act o f certification itself. Thus , people are interested i n green bu i ld ing features that are relevant to them and easily accessible, but less concerned about find-ing out more about L E E D as a system or process o f certification. Further, the ability o f the bu i ld ing to market itself, or communicate its green function does not need to be absolutely obvious, as this function becomes condensed in the label. Thus , we end up wi th celebrity information icons; labels and signs — as opposed to celebrity buildings. Nevertheless, over time the case study suggests that people w i l l be more interested in the bui ld ing and its features than in the label. T h e comments frequently featured requests for more information, signage and advertising, such that, contrary to Smi th (1998), facts do speak for themselves. In this sense, the bu i ld ing itself has potential to teach people, or pedagogical potential, particularly where infor-mation is provided. T h e case study suggests that tangible issues matter more to occupants than certification and labels; in fact, according to respondents, the label itself had little to no motivating effect to find out more about green buildings. I f toilets don't work as people are used to, or acoustics i n the bu i ld ing are irritating, then it is more likely that occupants have a generalized dissatisfaction wi th the bui ld ing as a whole. At ten t ion to seemingly mino r details like these, i n addition to the bigger picture o f green bu i ld ing and sustainability w i l l be crucial to the success o f a bui ld ing as a functioning and enjoyable space for occupants. In support o f the findings in the theory Section (3), a strong conclusion is drawn wi th respect to capturing the public's "green" imagination, as epito-69 Chapter 4 - Case Study: Vancouver Island Technology Park mized by the following, a general comment: "I am very proud, personally, to be work ing i n this environment. I admire the initiative i n this venture". Th i s finding also ties i n wel l w i th the idea, brought up i n Section 3.2, that sustain-able bui ld ing i n a consumer culture may be better related wi th longevity o f style. T h e case study therefore indicates, pr imari ly from comments (Appendix II, Section 7.3), that the "feel-good" aspect o f " l iv ing green" plays a large part i n satisfaction wi th the bui ld ing itself. T h i s is the way that L E E D might most successfully plug into the promot ion o f green bu i ld ing at the publ ic level, by inspiring people conceptually, i f not visually. W h i l e green buildings could focus more on aesthetics in order to capture the publ ic imagination, it seems that the promot ion o f the idea o f green bui ld ing may be enough to pique their interest. One step further and a danger lies in the possibility o f the marketing o f L E E D and the power o f its label to eclipse the bu i ld ing or perhaps even the effort to long-term sustainability itself — or, to market a bu i ld ing wh ich may have achieved discrete criteria but however wh ich may not function effective-ly as a whole. It is also possible that L E E D allows points to be gained, check-list-like, but that the bui ld ing doesn't function wel l as a whole; for example, a bui ld ing may gain points for using solar power, but those panels may be obstructed such that they become highly inefficient. In a related discussion, Wise (2001) expresses fear that the next incarnation o f L E E D could be more of a competitive marketing tool than a set o f performance goals for real wor ld environmental conditions. 70 From a business point of view, green consumerism is declined as a market-ing opportunity. Simple living would be bad for business. Indeed, anything counter-consumptive would be counter-productive. (Smith 1998) Given that no single definition of a problem is uniquely accurate, the power to control the framing or defining ofan issue is of paramount importance if an organization is to gain acceptance of its proposed solution. Without question, this power resides disproportionately with government, corporations and other institutions possessing legitimacy, social power and resources and access to the mass media. (Salmon 1989) C O N C L U S I O N S A N D R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S 71 C h a p t e r 5 - C o n c l u s i o n s a n d R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s T h e L E E D system is a market-based, N o r t h Amer ican green bui ld ing rating tool , and is one innovation i n a cont inuing series o f market innovations that drive the bui ld ing market toward green bui lding. T h e L E E D system achieves its green bui ld ing mandates, i n providing a recognisable label for industry, and i n providing a green bu i ld ing product for occupants, w i th wh ich (in the case o f the V I T P case study), the occupant appears to be satisfied. L E E D therefore currently works extremely well as a mechanism of bu i ld ing industry transition and green bui ld ing design tool, w i th in its context and wi th in its own cultural boundaries. It is native to its value system, wh ich plays a large part i n why it achieves its aims. T h e L E E D system is also the product o f the creative tension between oppos-ing forces: that o f N o r t h Amer ican environmentalism and that o f industry. A t the same time, it is also, fundamentally, the product o f N o r t h Amer ican consumer culture, environmentalism and worldview, wh ich have impl ic i t ly shaped its form and content. It is the ever-changing balance o f power that is struck between these forces that w i l l determine the ongoing success o f L E E D . It is a generalization, but on the conceptual level, that the two main groups at the core o f L E E D development can also be thought o f as representing more holistic (environmentalist) and more mechanistic (industry) worldviews. In-tegration o f the two in the N o r t h Amer ican context is what is occurring, and the balancing o f their emphases is therefore important. Recommendations are made here to each side o f that balance, to environmentalist and industrial groups involved i n the L E E D system evolution. 5.1 Specificity of LEED O n e cri t icism o f the L E E D system is that it is considered not specific enough for bu i ld ing type. Accordingly, the U S G B C is involved in creating L E E D "products", each tailored to bu i ld ing type. However, i n light o f the further-ing o f consumer culture values, and emphasising mechanistic, reductionist worldviews, high specificity may not prove to be the most useful or long-term. Specificity devolves away from the aim of holistic, integrative design; increased specificity may do more to hamper innovation and the understand-ing o f broader social and design issues than it does to create green bui ld ing. Increasing the specificity o f L E E D for bui ld ing type, theoretically runs the danger o f emphasising the checklist aspect o f L E E D over the holistic integra-tive design aspect o f L E E D , as wel l as compounding the difficulties o f man-aging the system by the U S G B C . 72 C h a p t e r 5 - C o n c l u s i o n s a n d R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s T h e environmental lobby at the heart o f L E E D development could accord-ingly offer their perspective regarding increased specificity, by remembering to make an emphasis on the larger-scale or global ecological context. Industry might take note that by increasing the specificity o f L E E D products, the brand's strength i n the marketplace could easily become diluted. H a v i n g an increasingly large number o f L E E D products could make its appeal more diffuse and confusing, and also extremely unwieldy to administer. It may seem that offering more choice to the consumer is an empowerment; but the quality o f that choice is what matters most. M o r e freedom or latitude (i.e., i n making design choices) within a single green bu i ld ing rating system might be more effective than tailoring that system to different contexts. Similarly, and it is not an intuitive conclusion i n the context o f creating clearly defined mandates for industry, but concentrating on defining funda-mental or basic design principles, and cont inuing to flesh out design synergies (both proximal and distant), meanwhile keeping in m i n d the occupant's daily, tangible, everyday processes and habits, may go farther to institute sustainable bu i ld ing than expected. Th i s implies some detachment from market forces; again, it is through the balancing act o f these powers that L E E D w i l l evolve. Just as the sustainable adage recommends to "think global, act local", so too should a green bu i ld ing rating system take into consideration both large-scale, holistic and fundamental design principles as wel l as small-scale, everyday elements and processes o f the occupant. C o n t i n u i n g analogously, green and sustainable are flipsides o f the same coin; they differ i n terms o f scale and over time: green concerns small-scale benchmarks while sustainability concerns how those benchmarks are maintained in the wider context and even i m -proved upon over time. It is a comprehensive effort to integrate these large-scale and small-scale perspectives in design, i f not just at the conceptual level, but the effort alone is a much more valuable project than emphasising one perspective (or corresponding worldview) at the cost o f the other. 5.2 T e c h n o l o g y T r a n s f e r T h e N o r t h Amer ican environmentalist value system that lies at the core o f the L E E D performance areas implies that transference o f L E E D to another culture could be problematic i n a number o f ways. Specific, local adaptation to local conditions —environmental , socio-cultural, and economic— w o u l d be required, w i t h the possibility kept in m i n d that the L E E D system may not be relevant i n another context. Tha t is, environmentalists could keep in m i n d the wilderness, b iophi l ic values that comprise the core o f L E E D , such that 73 Chapter 5 - Conclusions and Recommendations development i n another country could be hampered under the assumption that cultural, environmental values are the same or even transferable. . Here industry may keep in m i n d , for example, the furor over W T O meetings, point ing out that the value o f globalization is, i n the popular m i n d at least, debatable. A s mentioned in Section 3.1.1, globalization is not an inevitable conclusion, and it may be through more investment i n local context that long-term sustainability becomes viable. S imply put, impl ic i t cultural values, or even foreign marketing forces and industries, may not be compatible w i th the consumer culture and wilderness values embedded i n L E E D . I f globalization, and similarly, the entry o f L E E D into other markets is a form o f economic hegemony or colonization, then environmental benefits i n the long, sustainable term are questionable. 5.3 Green vs . Sustainable Building Green bu i ld ing is not necessarily the same as sustainable bui ld ing , as defined i n Section 2.2. Since sustainability concerns broad-spectrum, absolute, global and longer-term goals than green bui ld ing , and since L E E D does not explicit-ly consider broader socio-cultural and economic issues, and is reliant on local, transient market forces, it achieves green bu i ld ing benchmarks, thereby only approaching "sustainable bui ld ing" . However, because the scope o f L E E D is already so large, it is uncertain that the system could easily be adapted to ac-complish "sustainable bui lding" , at least, wi thout some devolvement into less specific, more fundamental design principles. I f the scope o f L E E D allowed it, provisions for local job creation, wi th pre-and even post-construction socio-economic impacts o f the L E E D process could be useful additions. Further, incorporating an element o f "time" into the system is clearly difficult because o f increased labour i n application and monitor ing; but it is partly through the element o f time that "green bu i ld -ing" becomes "sustainable bui ld ing" . However, a method that uses simple administration processes already in place could be used for re-certification based on the principles o f embodied energy, social capital and durability. Life Cycle Analysis is one related area o f investigation by other authors (Scheuer and Keoleian 2002; Trusty and Hors t 2002) and incorporates investigation o f bui ld ing processes over time. Careful consideration o f how time and socio-cultural aspects might be incorporated into the system may yield fruitful innovations in a larger context o f sustainability. 74 C h a p t e r 5 - C o n c l u s i o n s a n d R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s T h e questions that both environmentalists and industry may want to ask themselves while considering green bu i ld ing i n contrast to sustainable bu i l d -ing, might be, what w o u l d a bui ld ing rating tool look like i f it took into account the maxims, "less is more", or, "small is beautiful"? I f durabili ty and maintenance over time were features? O r i f potential human behaviour and a penchant for using or modifying interior spaces i n unexpected ways were important? Nevertheless, as Toby Smith has pointed out (1998), "green" is bad for business; and sustainability is even worse, i n N o r t h Amer ica , at least. W h a t recourse does rapid market turnover have against products wh ich last i n time? Yet, it is wor th not ing that economics is inextricably interwoven wi th envi-ronmental health; o f course the economy is based on the manufacture and distribution, at the most basic level, o f natural resources. A n d construction and use o f buildings make up a major o f natural resource use and consump-t ion (forestry, min ing , etc.). Scarcity increases value, wh ich is good for the seller but bad for the buyer; i n the case o f the bu i ld ing industry, scarcity o f primary materials is not a desirable state o f affairs. Understanding the con-nections between economics and sustainability and how to make them work together in a N o r t h Amer ican consumer culture is no small challenge. 5.4 Green Consumerism Another complex challenge to L E E D concerns the perpetuation o f green consumerism. Th i s paradox is one major issue that the L E E D system does not address, in wh ich consumers are enabled to purchase green products and thereby relieved o f making more fundamental lifestyle choices, wh ich might instead be, for example, where "less is more". It is this state o f affairs wh ich , aside from temporarily alleviating immediate environmental problems, never-theless perpetuates the tricky problem that is consumerism i n N o r t h Amer ica . In any case, the issue o f green consumerism is such a large and ingrained par-adox in consumer culture, that requiring the U S G B C to provide an answer for it through resolving to recognise and negate green consumerism through some k i n d of change to the L E E D system itself, is probably too much to ask. T h e U S G B C itself is a member o f consumer culture. Rather, the creators o f L E E D can themselves be continually self-reflexive and self-analytical. B y con-tinually referring to the value- and worldview-context that so invisibly shapes consumer culture, so may the "t ipping point" be activated and the drive to sustainable bui ld ing be shaped, by the leaders in the field who are also them-selves members o f society. Interdisciplinarity i n the process o f L E E D evolu-75 Chapte r 5 - Conclus ions and Recommenda t ions t ion remains key, because it is in the struggle for balance between mul t ip le and opposing forces that the most creative innovations may take place. For green bui ld ing to become an attractive opt ion i n a consumer culture, L E E D may work best in its provision o f a "symbolic product", that is, i n p iquing and capitalizing on people's imagination w i t h respect to green bu i ld -ing. Longevity in a consumer culture may have more to do w i t h style and concept than wi th energy consumption, for example. Captur ing and then maintaining a culture's interest in green architecture — which must also, at the same time be approached at the tangible level — w i l l o f course have a critical part to play in social transition. T h e increasing popularity o f L E E D indicates the appeal o f the label for industry. It is through market processes that L E E D is becoming known; and it is l ikely that L E E D is also is a reflection o f its time and culture, that is, a reflection o f the Zeitgeist wh ich demands green solutions. T h e case study suggested that while the L E E D label created a visible message, it d i d little to motivate occupants to find out more about green bui ld ing . Th i s result sug-gests that environmental labels may not be active agents o f broad change: they are packages o f information, but it is what is done wi th that information that counts. After all , it is the people who are leaders, such as in the U S G B C , or a bu i ld ing developer, or governments, for example, who become interested and com-mitted to the development o f green bui ld ing as a whole. If that is the case, then the L E E D system simply makes green bui ld ing potential straightforward and easier to realise. T h e system lays out well-thought and well-intentioned mandates for green bui ld ing. But whether the populari ty o f L E E D is merely reflecting what already exists in the publ ic imagination, or whether it is driv-ing market change itself, is uncertain; and perhaps, not even relevant. Th is conclusion also only reflects the paradox that is at the heart o f social change; a critical mass or t ipping point is required before change happens, but what actually makes that point come about is a complex web o f forces, wh ich are difficult to reduce to single causes. Th is more abstract conclusion w i l l not l ikely have much bearing on how the L E E D system is uti l ized and promoted in the market, but it may nevertheless be useful to keep i n m i n d , since activating change is, i n part, what the L E E D system aspires to do. 76 A p p e n d i c e s Appendix I: Surveys Dr . Charles Weinberg's C o n d o m Project survey, Consent and Ethics forms were o f great use i n the design o f the surveys on the fol lowing pages. D u e to differences i n page formatting, and in the interest o f saving space, note that the layout o f the surveys does not appear exactly as originally produced. 77 C o n s e n t : Your participation in this study is entirely voluntary, and filling out the survey asserts that you have given your consent to participate. However, you are not obligated to fill out the survey and may choose not to do so without jeopardy. Please keep this form for your records. Survey Information and Instructions LEED™ 1 & Green Building: Perceptions and Attitudes at the VITP • The following survey asks you about your perceptions and attitudes towards the Vancouver Island Technology Park. There are 5 pages of questions and the survey should only take about 7 minutes to complete. • This survey is completely voluntary and anonymous. A summary of the results will be made available to participants through VITP management, but it will not be possible to identify you personally. • Please read each question and circle.the number (1-5), or, fill in the circle, which today, you will receive a coupon for a complimentary Starbucks beverage, valid at the Hard Drive Cafe. A "Green Building", for the purpose of this survey, is defined as a building that has been designed and built (or retrofitted) using L E E D ™ 2.0 guidelines, in order to minimise impacts on the environment and the building occupants' health. For example, these impacts might include minimising the consumption of energy and water on-site, and/or minimising the amount of land or non-recycled materials used. G E N E R A L INSTRUCTIONS: WHAT IS "GREEN BUILDING"? 79 WHAT IS "LEED"? The L E E D (Leadership In Energy And Environmental Design) 2.0 Green Building Rating System is a design guideline and standard for the development of high-performance, sustainable buildings. The green criteria cover sustainable sites, water efficiency, energy and atmosphere, materials and resources, indoor environmental quality and design innovation. A new or retrofitted building is voluntarily submitted to the L E E D process by the developers and designers. If the building has been successfully designed to a certain level of L E E D guidelines, it will be awarded one of four awards or labels: L E E D Certified, Silver, Gold, or Platinum. The Vancouver Island Technology Park was awarded a L E E D Gold label in 2002. This was the first L E E D Gold award in Canada. Survey LEED™ & Green Building: Perceptions and Attitudes at the VITP This section asks questions about your opinions about environmental information labels, and your satisfaction with V I T P building features. 1. D i d you know that the Vancouver Island Technology Park (VITP) had been awarded a " L E E D G o l d " award or label? O Yes O N o > If you answered "No", please skip to Question 6, below. 2. H o w did you find out that the V I T P had been awarded a L E E D G o l d label? Check all that apply: O Signs at the V I T P O Through V I T P marketing materials O Through the V I T P website O Through the U S G B C website O Heard about it (colleague, friend) O Read about it (newspaper, magazine, article) O Other: 3. D i d the L E E D sign motivate you to find out more about green buildings (at the V I T P and /o r in general)? 80 Yes , it really motivated me 1 2 3 4 5 N o , not at all 4. H o w important do you think the L E E D Gold award is for your company's image? Very important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all 5. Has the L E E D award or label affected your clients' perception o f your business? Yes , a lot 1 2 3 4 5 N o , not at all O N / A O Impossible to tell 6. Please rate your satisfaction with the following features at the V I T P . I f the question concerns a facility that you don't use, please circle N / A instead. a. Air quality V e r y high satisfaction 1 b. Light quality V e r y high satisfaction 1 3 c. Acoustics/noise quality V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 d. Temperature V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 e. General view from workspace V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 f. Restaurant (cafe) N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 g. Showers N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 h. Indoor Fitness Centre N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 i . Dual-f lush toilets V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 Very low satisfaction V e r y l ow satisfaction V e r y low satisfaction V e r y l ow satisfaction V e r y low satisfaction V e r y low satisfaction V e r y l ow satisfaction V e r y l ow satisfaction V e r y l ow satisfaction 81 j. Waterless urinals N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 V e r y l ow satisfaction k. Recycling facilities N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 1. Quality o f interior materials V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 m. Durability o f interior materials V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 n. Outdoor sports / recreation facilities V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 o. Ou tdoor landscaping V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 p. Grass & gravel pave parking V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 q. Distance to your home V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 N / A 4 5 V e r y l ow satisfaction V e r y l ow satisfaction V e r y l o w satisfaction N / A V e r y l ow satisfaction V e r y l ow satisfaction V e r y l o w satisfaction V e r y l ow satisfaction r. Availabi l i ty and support o f alternative/public transport N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 V e r y l ow satisfaction s. Overa l l "look" or aesthetic o f the building V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 V e r y l o w satisfaction 7. D o you think that the V I T P is a good example of a green building? Yes , it's a good example 1 2 3 4 5 N o , not at all ^ Why or why not? 8. What, i f anything, could be done to make people more aware o f green buildings? 82 9. Compared to your experience i n other situations, what k ind o f effect has the V I T P environment had on your own performance and productivity on the job? V e r y positive effect 1 2 3 4 5 V e r y negative effect 10. D o the V I T P building and/or grounds draw positive or negative comments from your colleagues or other people? O Most ly positive O Most ly negative O N o n e ^ Please give an example of these comments, if any: 11. Compared to other buildings that you have worked in , how do you find the V I T P building environment, overall, as a place to work? Superior 1 2 3 4 5 Worse Last, please provide some general and background information about yourself and your company in the following questions. These w i l l serve o n l y to help ca tegor ize and ana lyze the responses to the survey . 12. D o e s your company have a green corporate policy, or a demonstrated commitment to green principles (i.e., purchase recycled products)? O Yes O N o O D o n ' t know 13. T o what extent do environmental labels in general (e.g., Recycl ing "three chasing arrows", E c o - L o g o , Ene rGu ide , Blue Ange l , etc.) influence your personal purchasing choices, and get you to buy environmentally-friendly products? Greatly influence 1 2 3 4 5 N o influence at all 14. I consciously buy and use as many environmentally-friendly products and services as 1 can. 83 Strongly agree 1 2 3 4 5 Strongly disagree 15. I buy and use the cheapest products I can find; some o f these might be environmentally-friendly. Strongly agree 1 2 3 4 5 Strongly disagree 16. I consciously try to buy and use less i n general, including environmentally-friendly products and services. Strongly agree 1 2 3 4 5 Strongly disagree 17. Please rank the following, from 1 — 4, i n terms o f wh ich group you think can make the most difference to the environment (1 for the most, 4 for the least): Government (institutions, agencies, etc) Companies Communit ies (municipalities, regions) Individuals 18. H o w long have you been wi th the company? year(s) 19. Is your desk: O In an office? O In an open space wi th others? 20. Please rate your satisfaction with where you are physically situated i n your company's space: V e r y satisfied 1 2 3 4 5 V e r y dissatisfied 21. Age range: O 1 8 - 2 5 O 2 6 - 3 5 O 36 - 45 O 4 6 - 5 5 O 56+ 22. Gender: O Male O Female 23. Education: O H i g h School O College d ip loma O Undergraduate degree 84 O Postgraduate degree I f you have any c o m m e n t s about the V I T P , about this survey, or a d d i t i o n a l ques t ions that you think needed to be asked, please write them here: This concludes the survey. THANK YOU for your time!! 8 5 V Consent: Your participation in this study is entirely voluntary, and filling out the survey asserts that you have given your consent to participate. However, you are not obligated to fill out the survey and may choose not to do so without jeopardy. Please keep this form for your records. Survey Information and Instructions LEED™ & Green Building: Perceptions and Attitudes at the VITP • The following survey asks you about your perceptions and attitudes towards the Vancouver Island Technology Park. There are 7 pages of questions and the survey should only take about 9 minutes to complete. • This survey is completely voluntary and anonymous. A summary of the results will be made available to participants through V I T P management, but it will not be possible to identify you personally. G E N E R A L IN |TRUcflbNS-: ' ! • Please read each question and circle the number (1-5), or, fill in the circle, which you feel best suits your response. • I Some questions allow you to mark more than one answer. • Please do not write your name anywhere on this form. • Please keep the Consent form (previous page) and this Information sheet for your records. • If you bring your completed survey to the HardDrive Cafe by 5:30pm today, you will receive a coupon for a complimentary Starbucks beverage, vfilirl at thp,,l-lsir;HnHvp Cstfo. WHAT IS "GREEN BUILDING"? A "Green Building", for the purpose of this survey, is defined as a building that has been designed and built (or retrofitted) using L E E D ™ 2.0 guidelines, in order to minimise impacts on the environment and the building occupants' health. For example, these impacts might include minimising the consumption of energy and water on-site, and/or minimising the amount of land or non-recycled materials used. 87 WHAT IS "LEED''? The L E E D (Leadership In Energy A n d Environmental Design) 2.0 Green Building Rating System is a design guideline and standard for the development of high-performance, sustainable buildings. The green criteria cover sustainable sites, water efficiency, energy and atmosphere, materials and resources, indoor environmental quality and design innovation. A new or retrofitted building is voluntarily submitted to the L E E D process by the developers and designers. If the building has been successfully designed to a certain level of L E E D guidelines, it will be awarded one of four awards or labels: L E E D Certified, Silver, Gold, or Platinum. Survey LEED™ & Green Building: Perceptions and Attitudes at the VITP This section asks questions about your opinions about environmental information labels, and your satisfaction with V I T P building features. The Vancouver Island Technology Park was awarded a L E E D Gold label in 2002. This was the first L E E D Gold award in Canada. 1. D i d y o u k n o w that the Vancouver Island Technology Park (VTTP) had been awarded a " L E E D G o l d " label? O Yes O N o > If you answered "No", please skip to Question 6 below. 2. H o w d i d y o u f i n d out that the V I T P had been awarded a L E E D G o l d label? Check all that apply: O Signs at the V I T P O Through V I T P marketing materials O Through the V I T P website O Through the U S G B C website O Heard about it (colleague, friend) O Read about it (newspaper, magazine, article) O Other: 3. D i d the L E E D sign mot iva te you to f i n d out m o r e about green buildings (at the V I T P and /o r i n general)? Yes , it really motivated me 1 2 3 4 5 N o , not at all 88 4. H o w important do you think the L E E D Gold award is for your company's image? V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all 5. Has the L E E D award or label affected your clients' perception o f your business? Yes , a lot 1 2 3 4 5 N o , not at all O N / A O Impossible to tell 6. Please rate your satisfaction with the following features at the V I T P . I f the question concerns a facility that you don't use, please circle N / A instead. a. Air quality V e r y high satisfaction 1 b. Light quality V e r y high satisfaction 1 V e r y low satisfaction V e r y l ow satisfaction c. Acoustics/noise quality V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 V e r y low satisfaction d. Temperature V e r y high satisfaction 1 3 V e r y low satisfaction e. General view from workspace V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 V e r y low satisfaction f. Restaurant (cafe) N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 V e r y low satisfaction g. Showers N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 V e r y low satisfaction h. Indoor Fitness Centre V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 N / A 4 5 V e r y l ow satisfaction i . Dual-f lush toilets V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 Very low satisfaction 89 j. Waterless urinals N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 V e r y l ow satisfaction k. Recycling facilities N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 1. Quality o f interior materials V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 m. Durability o f interior materials V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 n. Outdoor sports / recreation facilities V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 o. Ou tdoor landscaping V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 p. Grass & gravel pave parking N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 q. Distance to your home V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 V e r y l ow satisfaction 5 V e r y low satisfaction 5 V e r y l ow satisfaction N / A 5 V e r y l ow satisfaction 5 V e r y l ow satisfaction 5 V e r y low satisfaction 5 V e r y low satisfaction r. Availabi l i ty and support o f alternative/ public transport N / A V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 V e r y l ow satisfaction s. Overa l l "look" or aesthetic o f the bui lding V e r y high satisfaction 1 2 3 4 5 V e r y l ow satisfaction 7. D o you think that the V I T P is a good example of a green building? Yes , it's a good example 1 2 3 4 5 N o , not at all > Why or why not? 8. What, i f anything, could be done to make people more aware o f green buildings? 9 0 9. Compared to your experience i n other situations, what k ind o f effect has the V I T P environment had o n y o u r o w n pe r fo rmance a n d p r o d u c t i v i t y o n the job? V e r y positive effect 1 2 3 4 5 Very negative effect 10. D o the V I T P b u i l d i n g a n d / o r g r o u n d s draw positive or negative comments f rom your colleagues or other people? O Mos t ly positive O Mos t ly negative O N o n e ^ Please give an example of these comments, if any: 11. Compared to your experience i n other situations, what k ind o f effect has the V I T P environment had on the pe r fo rmance a n d p r o d u c t i v i t y o f y o u r employees? Positive effect 1 • 2 3 4 5 Negative effect O Impossible to tell 12. Has the V I T P had any impact o n the h i r i n g a n d re ten t ion o f employees? Posit ive impact 1 2 3 4 5 Negative impact O Impossible to tell 13. Compared to other buildings that you have worked in , how do you find the V I T P building environment, ove ra l l , as a p l a c e to w o r k ? Superior 1 2 3 4 5 Worse 91 If you had a role in the decision to lease at the VITP, please continue. If you did NOT have a role in making the decision to lease at the VITP, please skip to the final section starting with question 12 on page 6. This section asks about your company's decision to lease at the V I T P . 14. D i d your company pay a premium to lease at the V I T P ? O Yes O N o O D o n ' t know 15. Please rate the impact that the following factors had on your company's decision to lease space at the V I T P . a. L E E D G o l d label V e r y much a factor 1 2 3 4 5 N o t at all a factor > I f the L E E D G o l d label was a factor, did that matter to you? O Yes O N o b. Lease terms V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all c. Lower operating costs, i f relevant (if not, circle: N / A ) V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all d. Ant ic ipa t ion o f lower operating costs over time, i f relevant (if not, circle: N / A ) V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all e. Employee health and satisfaction V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all f. V I T P ' s positive ability to enhance corporate image V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all g. A p p e a l o f environmental responsibility V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all 92 h. Appea l o f indoor facilities (fitness centre, showers, restaurant) V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all i . Appea l o f outdoor facilities (outdoor eating, sports facilities) V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all j. Adaptability o f indoor space V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all k. Natural landscaping V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all 1. Plans for future expansion V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all m. P roximi ty to one or more urban centres (circle: Vic tor ia , Vancouver , Seattle) V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all n. P rox imi ty to institutions (circle: Universities, College, Industry) V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all o. P rox imi ty to other high-tech companies at the V I T P V e r y important 1 2 3 4 5 N o t important at all Last, please provide some general and background information about yourself and your company in the following questions. -These will serve only to help categorize and analyze the responses to the survey. 16. Does your company have a green corporate policy, or a demonstrated commitment to green principles (i.e., purchase recycled products)? O Yes O N o O D o n ' t know 17. T o what extent do environmental labels in general (e.g., Recycl ing "three chasing arrows", E c o - L o g o , Ene rGu ide , Blue A n g e l , etc.) influence your personal purchasing choices, and get you to buy environmentally-friendly products? 93 Greatly influence 1 2 3 4 5 N o influence at all 18. I consciously buy and use as many environmentally-friendly products and services as I can. Strongly agree 1 2 3 4 5 Strongly disagree 19. I buy and use the cheapest products I can find; some o f these might be environmentally-friendly. Strongly agree 1 2 3 4 5 Strongly disagree 20. I consciously try to buy and use less i n general, including environmentally-friendly products and services. Strongly agree 1 2 3 4 5 Strongly disagree 21. Please rank the following, from 1 — 4, i n terms o f wh ich group you think can make the most difference to the environment (1 for the most, 4 for the least): Government (institutions, agencies, etc) Companies Communit ies (municipalities, regions) Individuals 22. H o w long have you been wi th the company? year(s) 23. Is your desk: O In an office? O In an open space wi th others? 24. Please rate your satisfaction with where you are physically situated i n your company's space: V e r y satisfied 1 2 3 4 5 V e r y dissatisfied 25. Age range: O 1 8 - 2 5 O 2 6 - 3 5 O 3 6 - 4 5 O 4 6 - 5 5 O 56+ 26. Gender: O Male O Female 94 27. E d u c a t i o n : O H i g h School O College diploma O Undergraduate degree O Postgraduate degree I f you have any c o m m e n t s about the V I T P , about this survey, or a d d i t i o n a l ques t ions that you think needed to be asked, please write them here: This concludes the survey. THANK YOU for your time!! 95 A p p e n d i c e s Appendix II: Case Study Management Sect ion and C o m m e n t s Management : sample of two • Two people responded to this section, having had a role i n the decision to lease at the V I T P • T h e fol lowing factors were rated "very important" in the decision to lease: • Performance and productivity • H i r i n g and Retention o f Employees • Ant ic ipa t ion o f lower future operating costs (other manager com-pletely disagreed) • Employee health and satisfaction [same] • V I T P ' s positive ability to enhance corporate image [same] • Appeal o f indoor as well as outdoor facilities [same] • Environmental Responsibility • Indoor facilities • Ou tdoor facilities • T h e L E E D label itself was not thought to have influenced client's percep-t ion o f the business; it was not much o f a factor in the decision to lease at the V I T P , and this d id not matter to the individual (@4/5). • T h e V I T P was thought to have a "very positive effect" o n both employee performance and productivity, as well as on employee h i r ing and reten-t ion • T h e L E E D label itself was not thought to have influenced client's percep-t ion o f the business; it was not much o f a factor i n the decision to lease at the V I T P , and this d id not matter to the individual (@4/5). C o m m e n t s about V ITP • 8 2 % of respondents said that they had received positive comments about the V I T P bui ld ing and grounds, along the lines of: • "Quiet , neatly kept, N O T D O W N T O W N ! ! ! " • "Open green space; "cool" design, interior furnishings" 96 • "Bu i ld ing blends well w i t h surrounding" • "Beautiful surroundings = nice place to work" • "N ice environment to work in" • " G o o d mix o f tenants" • 7 6 % o f respondents said that they had received positive comments about the V I T P bui ld ing and grounds, along the lines of: • "Positive comments on location. M o s t l y positive: "Surrounds, decor o f bu i ld ing/ office" • M o s t l y positive: "General appearance and location o f the facility" • " M y family says it's a very calming area when they meet me for lunch and that it's a good place to be able to concentrate and feel relaxed at the same time" • "They really like the front desk counter material, the light setup, and the underfloor wi r ing . " • "Positive comment on car parking: contaminant regeneration" • "(1) C o l d water only i n washroom — Brrr, especially i n winter; (2) A i r drying only - combined wi th cold water not very pleasant on a daily basis. Suggest: l inen rol l or recycled paper towel. O r : warm water — air dry. O r : co ld water - paper towel. P S . Please don't suggest the 'no-wash' gel." • Parking: there was some worry about the implementation o f pay parking, particularly since public transport to and from the V I T P was not yet fully operational when the survey was done. However, the transport problem has since been rectified and bus schedules posted in the bui ld ing. Making A w a r e n e s s A l l responses to ways o f making "the general publ ic more aware o f green buildings" referred to making people aware through providing more informa-t ion, advertising and signage: A w a r e n e s s : • " M a k e all the employees/tenants aware - then they can promote" 97 • " M o r e information on how green buildings can have a direct positive effect on an individual's lifestyle" • "General publ ici ty about what "green" is - time" • " M a k e more o f them; showcase them i n the news/newspapers" • " M o r e advertising, I have barely heard anything about it. Other than a few comments by V I T P Staff" • " O p e n house!" • "Have a green day and open it to the publ ic" • "Provide details on how m u c h we are saving (energy, water, etc.). Post them in visible locations" • "Educat ion" • " M o r e open houses to the publ ic (schools especially)" • "Further media coverage, education (both to publ ic and corporate per-sons), and more leaders taking initiative to make their buildings green." • "Website" • " N o idea" Signage: • " M o r e prominent signage?" • "Signage such as that describing the parking lot facilities" [parking lots have large info signs describing the workings and benefits o f grass and gravel pave] • "Signs at the road entrance" • "Ads on buses" • " M o r e signs, more notes i n elevator and stairs" • " A n information sign / plaque such as the ones used at museums" • ' " H o t air balloon a la 'Remax'" Incent ives: • "Incentives for companies to relocate to them" • "Studies proving higher worker satisfaction and productivity" 9 8 • " B u i l d more o f them" • "Change tax structures to provide economic incentive - a lot more atten-t ion w o u l d be paid" Other Genera l C o m m e n t s Qual i ty o f Facilities, bu i ld ing environment: • "I knew the bu i ld ing was "green" by word o f mouth , [but] I had never heard o f L E E D . " • "Several friends want to move [their organisation] to location after visiting" • "Very few garbage cans outside + need recycle bins i n key locations; D u a l flush toilets are unmarked, so we don't k n o w how to use them" • "I am very proud, personally, to be work ing i n this environment. I admire the initiative in this venture." • "Overal l , the facility is m u c h better than most in terms o f environmen-tal concerns. However many o f the small details could have been better thought out or executed." C o m m e n t s about the Survey • "This survey seems more useful to V I T P than someone's research paper. You should generalize the questions better" [the V I T P was a specific case study, and questions about specific bu i ld ing features were necessary.] • " A n online version o f the survey w o u l d have been more environmentally friendly" [Onl ine implementat ion o f the survey was investigated but proved too complicated. T h e first run o f the survey required the partici-pant/ company to print the survey out themselves, w h i c h tended to be on single-sided paper. T h e second run o f the survey, conducted in person by the author, used double-sided recycled paper. Th is was about as environ-mentally-friendly as the circumstances allowed.] 99 Appendices Appendix III The fol lowing is a sample L E E D 2 . 0 checklist for the Vancouver Island Technology Park: PT1 P o i n t s A c h i e v e d KvJ Sustainable Sites Vancouver Island Technology Park LEED Project #0113 LEED Version 2.0 Certification Level: GOLD February 3,2002 32 points Silver 33 to 38 points Gold 39 to 51 points Platinum 52 or more points Possible Points: 14 H i Materials & Resources Possible Points: 69 Possible Points: 13 y Y Prereq 1 Erosion & Sedimentation Control Y Y Pre re g 1 Storage & Collection of Recyclables 1 Site Selection 1 1 C w J i l 1. Building Reuse, Maintain 75% of Existing Shell Urban Redevelopment 1 Cred.l 1. Building Reuse, Maintain 100% of Existing Shell Credi l 3 Brownfield Redevelopment 1 Building Reuse, Maintain 100% Shell & 50% Non-Shell 1 Credi l 4.1 Alternative Transportation, Public Transportation Access 1 1 Construction Waste Management, Divert 50% 1 Credi l i.l Alternative Transportation, Bicycle Storage & Changing Rooms 1 1 Credit 1. Construction Waste Management, Divert 75% Cretin 4.3 Alternative Transportation, Alternative Fuel Refueling Stations 1 1 Credit 1 Resource Reuse, Specify 5% 1 Alternative Transportation, Parking Capacity 1 Credit 1. Resource Reuse, Specify 10% 1 Reduced Site Disturbance Protect or Restore Oper Space 1 1 Credit 1. Recycled Content, Specify 25% 1 Credi l 52 Reduced Site Disturbance Development Footprint 1 Credit 1. Recycled Content, Specify 50% 1 Credil o.l Stormwater Management, Rate and Quantity 1 1 Credit 1. Local/Regional Materials, 20% Manufactured Locally 1 Credit 6.2 Stormwater Management, Treatment 1 1 Credit t. ' Local/Regional Materials, of 20% Above, 50% Harvested Locally 1 Credi l 7.1 Landscape & Exterior Design to Reduce Heat Islands, Nor 1 Credit 1. Rapidly Renewable Materials Credit 7.2 Landscape & Exterior Design to Reduce Heat islands, Roc 1 Credit 1. Certified Wood Credit 3 Light Pollution Reduction 1 | Water Efficiency Possible Points: 5 | Indoor Environmental Quality Possible Points: 15 Water Efficient Landscaping, Reduce by 50% Water Efficient Landscaping, No Potable Use or No Irrigation Innovative Wastewater Technologies Water Use Reduction. 20% Reduction Water Use Reduction, 30% Reduction I Energy & Atmosphere Possible Points: 17 Fundamental Building Systems Commissioning Minimum Energy Performance CFC Reduction in HVAC&R Equipment Optimize Energy Performance, 20% New /10% Existing Optimize Energy Performance, 30% New 120% Existing Optimize Energy Performance, 40% New /30% Existing Optimize Energy Performance, 50% New /40% Existing Optimize Energy Performance, 60% New / 50% Existing Renewable Energy 5% Renewable Energy. 10% Renewable Energy. 20% Additional Commissioning Ozone Depletion Measurement & Verification Green Power Prereq 1 Minimum IAQ Performance Y P'ereu 2 Environmental Tobacco Smoke (ETS) Control 1 Credit 1 Carbon Dioxide (CO2) Monitoring 1 Credit I Increase Ventilation Effectiveness Construction IAQ Management Plan , During Construction Construction IAQ Management Plan , Before Occupancy T * Credit 4 1 Low-Emitting Materials, Adhesives& Sealants i Credtl 4 > Low-Emitting Materials, Paints 1 Credi l 4 . J Low-Emitting Materials, Carpet 1 1 Credi l 4.4 Low-Emitting Materials, Composite Wood Indoor Chemical & Pollutant Source Control Controllability of Systems. Perimeter Controllability of Systems, Non-Perimeter j T Thermal Comfort, Comply with ASHRAE 55-1992 Thermal Comfort, Permanent Monitoring System Daylight & Views, Daylight75%of Spaces ~T~ Daylight & Views Views for 90% of Spaces (Innovation & Design Process Possible Points: 5 Innovation in Design: Construction Waste Management 90% 1 Innovation in Design: Recycled Content 100% 1 Innovation in Design: Reuse Historic Building 1 Innovation in Design: Green Building Demonstration Project 1 LEED™ Accredited Professional 1 100 Work Cited or Consul ted A b e l , Chr i s . 2000. Architecture and identity : Responses to cultural and techno-logical change. Oxford ; Boston: Architectural Press. A l l i s o n , L i n c o l n . 1991. Ecology and utility: The philosophical dilemmas of planetary management. 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