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The interplay between pubertal timing, parental control and adolescent problem behaviors Arim, Rubab G. 2003

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THE I N T E R P L A Y B E T W E E N P U B E R T A L TIMING. P A R E N T A L CONTROL, A N D A D O L E S C E N T P R O B L E M BEHAVIORS by R U B A B G. A R I M B.A. Bogazici University, 2001  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL F U L F I L L M E N T OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE D E G R E E OF M A S T E R OF ARTS in THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (Department of Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education; Human Learning, Development, and Instruction) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A December 2003 © Rubab G. Arim, 2003  Library Authorization  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  RubabG. Arim  17/12/2003  Name of Author (please print)  Date (dd/mm/yyyy)  Title of Thesis:  Degree:  The interplay between pubertal timing, parental control, and adolescent problem behaviors  Master of Arts  Department of  Year:  2003  Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education  The University of British Columbia Vancouver, BC Canada  Abstract This study was undertaken to investigate the interplay between pubertal timing, parental control, and problem behaviors. More specifically, this study examined the relationships between (a) pubertal timing and problem behaviors; and (b) parental control and problem behaviors. The link between pubertal timing and parental control was also explored to determine whether this relationship itself influences behavioral outcomes. A total of 267 (93 male, 167 female) students, whose ages ranged from 9 to 16 years participated in the study. Regarding pubertal timing, the findings indicated that pubertal timing was associated with externalizing problem behaviors; however, there was no significant relationship between pubertal timing and internalizing problem behaviors. This suggests that pubertal timing may not be a critical a variable in understanding individual differences in all kinds of problem behavior. Regarding parental control, it was found that both maternal and paternal psychological control predicted adolescent internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors, even after controlling for the effects of behavioral control. The results suggested that the use of behavioral control is differentially related to developmental outcomes, depending on the domain in which it is utilized. Furthermore, the findings highlighted the value of fathers in fostering optimal adolescent development. Finally, the combined influence of pubertal timing and parental control on adolescent problem behaviors was not found to be significant. Several directions for future research are discussed in light of these findings.  n  Table of Contents Abstract  ii  Table of Contents  iii  List of Tables  vi  List of Figures  viii  List of Appendices  ix  Acknowledgements  x  Introduction  1  Literature Review  6  PUBERTY  6  .'.  Pubertal status and pubertal timing  7  PARENTAL CONTROL  11  Psychological control  14  Behavioral control  18  SUMMARY  22  Pubertal timing and problem behaviors  22  Parental control and problem behaviors  23  Pubertal timing and parental control  24  Influence of pubertal timing and parental control  25.  Method  27  PARTICIPANTS  27  PROCEDURE  27  MEASURES  28  iii  Table of Contents (cont'd) Pubertal Development Scale  28  Psychological Control Scale-Youth Self-Report  30  Domain-Specific Parental Behavioral Control  31  Internalizing and Externalizing problem behaviors  33  Results  35  PRELIMINARY A N A L Y S E S  35  PUBERTAL TIMING AND PROBLEM BEHAVIORS  37  PARENTAL CONTROL A N D PROBLEM BEHAVIORS  38  Maternal and paternal comparisons  38  Psychological / behavioral control and problem behaviors  38  Domain-specific behavioral control and problem behaviors  40  Psychological / domain-specific behavioral control and problem behaviors  41 42  PUBERTAL TIMING, PARENTAL CONTROL A N D PROBLEM BEHAVIORS  Discussion  45  PUBERTAL TIMING A N D PROBLEM BEHAVIORS  45  PARENTAL CONTROL AND PROBLEM BEHAVIORS  49  Psychological control and problem behaviors  :  49  Behavioral control and problem behaviors  50  Domain-specific behavioral control and problem behaviors  51  Psychological / domain-specific behavioral control and problem behaviors  53  PUBERTAL TIMING, PARENTAL CONTROL, A N D PROBLEM BEHAVIORS  54  STRENGTHS, LIMITATIONS, A N D F U T U R E DIRECTIONS  54  IV  Table of Contents (cont'd) References  59  Tables  80  Figures  92  Appendices  95  List of Tables Page Table 1:  Numbers of Male and Female Participants by Pubertal Timing  Table 2:  Means and Standard Deviations of all Parental Control and Problem Behavior Variables by Gender  Table 3:  81  Mean Levels Internalizing and Externalizing Problem Behaviors for Different Sub-Groups of Participants  Table 4:  82  Paired-Samples T-Test for the Means of Maternal and Paternal Control Scores  Table 5:  80  83  Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Psychological and Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Internalizing Problem Behaviors  Table 6:  84  Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Psychological and Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Externalizing Problem Behaviors  Table 7:  85  Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Maternal and Paternal Domain-Specific Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Internalizing Problem Behaviors  Table 8:  86  Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Maternal and Paternal Domain-Specific Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Externalizing Problem Behaviors  87  vi  List of Tables (cont'd) Page Table 9:  Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Psychological and Domain-Specific Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Internalizing Problem Behaviors  Table 10:  88  Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Psychological and Domain-Specific Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Externalizing Problem Behaviors  Table 11:  89  Summary of Hierarchical Regression Examining the Moderating Influence of Parental Control on Pubertal Timing and Internalizing Problem Behaviors  Table 12:  90  Summary of Hierarchical Regression Examining the Moderating Influence of Parental Control on Pubertal Timing and Externalizing Problem Behaviors  91  vn  List of Figures Page Figure 1:  Estimated Mean Differences between Males and Females on Internalizing Problem Behaviors  Figure 2:  Estimated Mean Differences between Early, On-time, Late Maturing Adolescents on Externalizing Problem Behaviors  Figure 3:  92  93  Estimated Mean Differences between Early, On-time, and Late Maturing Adolescents on Paternal Psychological Control  Vlll  94  List of Appendices Page Appendix A:  Information Letter and Consent Forms  Appendix B:  The Questionnaire  Appendix C:  Intercorrelations among all Parental Control Variables Controlled  95 100  for Age  122  ix  Acknowledgements This research has been proved to be a very fruitful endeavor for me. I feel very fortunate to have had the opportunity to complete my graduate studies with such great support horn my professors as well as my friends. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my research supervisor Dr. Jennifer Shapka for the valuable instruction, guidance, and encouragement which she has provided throughout my research. I am indebted to Dr. Sheila Marshall for her assistance and motivation in developing an intriguing framework for this study and significantly enriching its content. I wish to note my appreciation of Dr. Kimberly Schonert-Reichl whose outstanding advice has made such an important contribution to my graduate experience. Special thanks are due to Dr. Laurie Ford for her sincere support during the course of my research and for her enthusiastic comments on this work. It is a pleasure to thank the many friends who helped me get through the difficult times. Jose Domene deserves a special mention. Without his help and support in many different ways, this thesis could never have been written. A big thanks to Kaan for always being there to spend his time just listening and for creating a motivating environment in which to learn and have a break. Thanks especially to Verda who has spent many hours helping me in entering data. Thank you to Aliye, Danielle, and Gorkem for being my "thesis support group" and making the writing process a joy. Finally, I would like to thank Emre for being such an exceptional friend in my life and helping me to achieve my goal. Above all, I would like to dedicate this work to my beloved aunt, Nilgiin, who made it possible for me to be here in the first place and my mom, who is my all. and who has supremely shaped my life.  x  1 Introduction It has been well established that early childhood experiences are critical for longterm developmental wellbeing. However, another influential life phase in human development has been identified as adolescence, a period of developmental transition in which a great deal of biological, cognitive, social, and emotional changes occur within the individual (Brooks-Gunn, 1987a). Between the ages of 11-18, adolescents go through puberty, become able to engage in abstract thinking, experience a marked increase in their sense of autonomy, and become more responsible for the decisions made in their life. As well, the role friends and family in their lives change, and they tend to experience their first romantic relationships (Santrock, 1998). For some adolescents, this time of transition is associated with increased risk for internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors, such as depression, delinquency, and substance abuse. As an example, according to the Adolescent Health Survey (AHS; 2000), an extensive study of the physical and emotional health of British Columbian youth, 42% of males and 47% of females (Grades 7-12) experience emotional problems such as feeling depressed or irritated more than once a week. Moreover, this study also found that illegal activities have increased. For example, the study found that drug use among adolescents has increased; the percentage of youth who have used marijuana at least once at age 13 or 14 was 47%. These findings clearly highlight the need to maintain and support efforts to improve the physical and the emotional health of adolescents. Numerous studies have investigated the potential causes of adolescent problem behaviors. Several factors have been identified, including cognitive influences (e.g., ruminative thought processes), social influences (e.g., peer relationships, family  2 interaction), and biological influences (e.g., pubertal changes). More importantly, it is becoming clear that cognitive, social, and biological factors are mutually interactive, and often act together to influence adolescent wellbeing (Feldman & Elliott, 1990). Thus, it becomes important to elucidate the interplay between factors and their unique and combined influence on adolescent development. The current study investigated the relationship between family influences and pubertal development on adolescent wellbeing. More specifically, this study examined pubertal timing, which indicates the relative occurrence of pubertal changes (i.e., on-time vs. early or late), and parental control (an important dimension of parenting), as they relate to various aspects of adolescent developmental wellbeing and adolescent problem behaviors. There is consensus that pubertal timing has an impact on adolescent developmental outcomes, and that this impact can be different for girls and boys (Petersen & Crockett, 1985). Indeed, Brooks-Gunn (1987b) suggested that early maturation appears to have positive effects on boys, but negative effects on girls. Her research with Warren (1985) indicated that early maturing girls had lower body image, and higher psychopathology scores than on-time maturing girls. No such effects were found for boys. These studies indicate that early pubertal development has mostly negative consequences for girls, which has meant that much of the research examining the relationship between puberty and developmental wellbeing has been conducted with girls. This has lead to a distinct lack of empirical research focusing on the impact of puberty for boys (Alsaker, 1992; Ge, Conger, & Elder, 2001). In fact, conclusions from the major reviews on the impact of puberty (Brooks-Gunn & Reiter, 1990; Connolly,  3 Paikoff, & Buchanan, 1996; Graber, Petersen, & Brooks-Gunn, 1996) indicate that the literature on the effects of pubertal timing on adolescent psychological functioning would benefit from further empirical examination for both genders. The present study, which incorporated both adolescent boys and girls, not only begins to rectify the imbalance in research on the impact of puberty on boys, but expands the current understanding of the relationship between pubertal timing and adolescent psychosocial wellbeing in general. Regarding parental control, it has been shown that parental behaviors influence all facets of adolescent development, from cognitive, to behavioral, to social and emotional development (Barber, 2002a). Recent research has identified two distinct types of parental control that are highly salient during the adolescent transition period: behavioral control (control over an adolescent's behaviors and activities) and psychological control (control over an adolescent's feelings and thoughts, Nelson & Crick, 2002). Researchers have argued that it is important to differentiate between these two kinds of control, as they focus on different aspects of adolescent development and have different consequences for adolescent wellbeing (e.g., Barber, 1996). Researchers have concluded that there is a need for further investigation of the theoretical links between parental control and developmental issues in adolescence (Barber & Harmon, 2002). In this respect, the present study adds to the body of evidence confirming that behavioral and psychological control are, in fact, unique constructs, thus, reducing the confusion between them and further illuminating their associations with adolescent psychosocial wellbeing. There is clear evidence that both pubertal timing and parental control are associated with adolescent problem behaviors. However, there is also some evidence to  4  suggest that these constructs influence each other in their impact on adolescent development. For example, Steinberg (1987) found that early pubertal timing was significantly associated with parental conflict for boys, which lead to increased emotional distance between these youngsters and their parents. Although Steinberg (1987) did not find the same pattern for girls, Hill and Holmbeck (1987) have found that, following menarche, early adolescent girls perceived their parents to be less accepting and more controlling, and that this control was associated with decreased levels of intrinsic motivation. To date, no research has specifically investigated how pubertal timing and parental control interact to influence adolescent problem behavior. Important questions that remain to be answered are (a) what is the relationship between pubertal timing and parental psychological and behavioral control, for example, is early maturation associated with higher levels of parental control? (b) does the type of control differ according to gender? (perhaps girls are more exposed to psychological control and boys are more exposed to behavioral control), and (c) how does this relationship affect adolescent psychosocial wellbeing (for example, if an early maturing adolescent girl is exposed to high levels of parental psychological control, is she more likely to have emotional problems such as depression or if an early maturing boy is exposed to high levels of behavioral control is he more likely to be involved in delinquent and/or aggressive behaviors)? This study addresses these questions by exploring the interplay of the two kinds of parental control (i.e., psychological and behavioral) on adolescent wellbeing and the role that pubertal timing plays in this connection. It also provides information on how  5  pubertal timing and parental control interact to influence adolescent problem behaviors, thus filling a number of gaps in the existing literature.  6 Literature Review Puberty Adolescence represents the psychological, social, and biological transitional period between childhood and adulthood. Puberty is a universal part of adolescent development and is a particular biological process concerning the physiological changes involved in the sexual maturation of the individual (Sommer, 1978). Puberty consists of a number of interrelated biological processes, ranging from the purely internal physiological (e.g., hormonal changes) to the physical (e.g., height, weight) and social (e.g., changes that are visible to others such as breast development). Furthermore, puberty virtually affects all areas of individual functioning, including cognitive, behavioral, social, and emotional areas (Sommer, 1978). The sequence of pubertal development is predictable within each sex across different cultures (Brooks-Gunn & Reiter, 1990). In addition, there is a consensus that females and males vary considerably with respect to when they enter puberty; females enter puberty approximately two years ahead of males (Tanner, 1962). Regarding the age of onset, several recent studies have found that the age at onset of puberty has decreased over the years (Coleman & Coleman, 2002; Tanner, 1991). On average, in Western, white cultures (e.g., the U K and the USA), the growth spurt begins at about age 10 for girls, whereas for boys, it usually starts at about age 12 (Berryman, Smythe, Taylor, Lamont, & Joiner, 2002; Gallahue & Ozmun, 1995). This does appear to differ for certain minority groups, for example, African-American girls tend to experience the onset of puberty much earlier (Herman-Giddens et al., 1997).  7 Pubertal status and pubertal timing. Research investigating the impact of pubertal development on adolescent psychological functioning has mainly focused on two aspects of the process: pubertal status and pubertal timing (Petersen, 1988). Although pubertal status and pubertal timing are closely related, it is critical to distinguish between these two concepts. Pubertal status refers to "the level of development on a set of indicators at a single point in time" whereas pubertal timing refers to "whether an individual's overall pubertal development occurs earlier, later, or at about the same time (on-time) as most adolescents" (Graber et al., 1996, p. 27). It has been found that there are large variations in the timing of the onset of puberty within each gender (Roberts, Sarigiani, Petersen, & Newman, 1990). That is, some adolescents might be early or late in their pubertal development relative to their peers. Several physical influences, such as weight, nutrition, and exercise (BrooksGunn, 1988), as well as psychosocial influences, such as family environment, stressful life events, and behavioral problems in childhood (Belsky, Steinberg, & Draper, 1991) have been found to have an impact on when the onset of puberty occurs for each individual. Originally, research on puberty focused primarily on the effects of pubertal status. Crockett and Petersen (1987) have suggested that pubertal status was related to positive body image and moods for boys, but negative feelings of attractiveness for girls. However, other research findings have found that for females, pubertal status had no consistent effect on the levels of depression, happiness, global self-esteem, and selfimage (Simmons, Blyth, & McKinney, 1983). This inconsistency is clearly problematic.  8 Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, (1987a), a pioneer in the study of puberty, has suggested that puberty is a multifaceted process, and thus, is a special challenge in research because of the necessity to consider the interaction between physical and psychosocial factors. She argues that by focusing on pubertal timing (as opposed to pubertal status) this problem is alleviated, because it incorporates both the physical and psychosocial aspects that are associated with puberty. In fact, her work has shown that it is pubertal timing (whether one is on-time versus early or late in pubertal maturation) that has an impact on psychosocial wellbeing, not necessarily the experience of pubertal maturation itself. In addition, Alsaker (1996) has stated that pubertal timing is a superior measure of pubertal development because it allows us to compare an individual's physical development not only with maturation norms at a given age, but also within some reference group. Another consideration for studying pubertal timing is methodological: once pubertal development is completed status differences disappear, whereas pubertal timing differences always remain (Graber et al., 1996).- Thus, most current research in this area has utilized pubertal timing as an index of pubertal development in order to better understand potential interactions between pubertal processes and optimal adolescent development. For the proposed study, pubertal timing is used as the main indicator of biologically associated changes. The relationship between pubertal timing and adolescent problem behavior has been explored extensively. Existing findings suggest that puberty is a critical time for the development of certain adolescent problem behaviors, such as depression, eating disorders, and delinquency (Alsaker, 1995). There is a general consensus that pubertal timing has an impact on adolescent psychological adjustment (Petersen & Crockett,  9 1985), and that this impact may differ by gender. For example, it has been found that early maturing girls have more internalizing problems such as depressive feelings (Alsaker, 1992), eating disorders (Stattin & Magnusson, 1990), and lower self- and bodyimage (Ge, Conger, & Elder, 1996) than early maturing boys. These boys tend to be more satisfied with their physical appearance (Simmons & Blyth, 1987; Tobin-Richards, Boxer, & Petersen, 1983), but have higher rates of externalizing problems, such as expressing hostile feelings (Ge et al., 2001), smoking, drinking and getting into trouble with the law (Duncan, Ritter, Dornbusch, Gross, & Carlsmith, 1985; Susman et al., 1985). These findings suggest that early maturing girls are more likely to have internalizing problems, whereas early maturing boys tend to have externalizing problems. In contradiction to these findings, a recent study showed that, like early maturing boys, early maturing girls were also more likely to be involved in delinquent activities, such as use of drugs and alcohol, school problems and early sexual intercourse (Flannery, Rowe, & Gulley, 1993). As well, like early maturing girls, early maturing boys tend to have more internalized distress (Ge et al., 2001). These findings suggest that early maturation in both girls and boys represents a significant risk factor for psychological maladjustment. Clearly, further empirical evidence is needed to elucidate these gendered patterns of risk, and to identify whether other factors play a role. With respect to late maturation, existing research, although ambiguous, indicates that late maturing boys are at risk for internalizing problems (e.g., negative self-evaluations) and externalizing problems (e.g., drinking behavior, Alsaker, 1996). In contrast, late maturing girls are less likely to engage in delinquent behaviors such as drinking and smoking (Magnusson,  10 Stattin, & Allen, 1985), and have more positive feelings about themselves, such as body satisfaction (Cok, 1990). One hypothesis for the negative impact of early maturation is that change itself is usually perceived as stressful. From this perspective, psychological maladjustment should naturally begin sooner for early developing adolescents than for later developing adolescents (Simmons & Blyth, 1987). In addition, being unprepared for physical and psychological changes (e.g., being unacquainted with pubertal processes) might stimulate the risk of engaging in problem behaviors. However, further empirical evidence is required in this field of research in order to fully support these ideas (Connolly et al., 1996). Several researchers have also explored the influence of pubertal timing in different adolescent contexts such as peer groups, at school, and within the family (Brooks-Gunn & Reiter, 1990; Connolly et al., 1996). For example, Simmons et al. (1983) found that early maturing girls exhibited more behavior problems at school and were less successful academically. These girls, who were more physically developed than their peers, may have been distracted from schoolwork because they were stressed by their pubertal changes. This may also be reflected in their peer and family relationships. Moreover, Livson and Peskin (1980) found that pubertal timing had an impact on adolescents' peer relations. The differences between early- and late-maturing peer groups were salient such that early maturing girls were rated as less popular by their same age peers. Furthermore, Boxer and Petersen (1986) have suggested that pubertal changes have an impact on family interaction; parents desire to exert greater control while adolescents seek more autonomy after the onset of puberty. Interestingly, Hill and  11 Lynch (1983) stated that parents may become more protective of their pubertal daughters than their sons. These results offer evidence that the effects of pubertal status and pubertal timing could be either direct, or mediated by the individual's psychological and others' social responses (Petersen, 1988; Petersen & Taylor, 1980). In summary, pubertal timing has both negative and positive effects on adolescent development, depending on whether the individual is on-timed or early or late. However, contradictory findings regarding early versus late maturation continue to exist in the literature. Moreover, current findings with respect to gender differences require clarification. Furthermore, although the impact of pubertal timing has been shown to alter parental control in general, there remains a lack of knowledge about the specific relationship between pubertal timing and parental control (both psychological and behavioral control), and in particular, how this relationship affects adolescent problem behaviors. Parental Control As adolescents become more autonomous and begin to establish a firm identity (Olsen et al., 2002), the parent-adolescent relationship transforms. That is, parental control becomes a more salient issue, as parents try to maintain a connection to their child while still controlling their activities and behaviors (Pettit, Bates, Dodge, & Meece, 1999). Several researchers have suggested that, as adolescents develop, parents should exert less control over them so that they can grow to be independent individuals (Amato, 1989; Baumrind, 1966; Seibel & Johnson, 2001). In fact, research has shown that parental control tends to gradually decrease from childhood to adolescence (Paulson & Sputa, 1996), and that overcontrolling parenting can be detrimental to an adolescent's  12 wellbeing (Soucy & Larose, 2000). More specifically, research findings have provided evidence that high levels of parental control are associated with higher incidences of adolescent risk-taking behavior (Aquilino & Supple, 2001), increased incidences of behavioral disorders (Rollins & Thomas, 1979), lower levels of social competence (Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991), and lower self-esteem (Amoroso & Ware,T986). Researchers have also found, however, that a lack of parental control is associated with higher levels of delinquency (Loeber & Dishion, 1983; Smith & Krohn, 1995), and overall, that some level of parental control has a positive influence on adolescent adjustment (Baumrind, 1971; Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Steinberg, 1990). There are currently two main approaches for studying the impact of parental control on adolescent psychosocial wellbeing, the typological approach and the dimensional approach (Steinberg & Silk, 2002). The typology framework focuses on overall parental behaviors, including several dimensions such as control and warmth. More specifically, this approach is based on the work of Baumrind (1971, 1991a) and Maccoby and Martin (1983), and frames parenting as occurring in three.(authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive) or four (authoritative, authoritarian, neglectful, and indulgent) distinct styles. By the mid 1980s, this typology of parenting styles was the fundamental method used for studying parents' influence on their children's development (Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987; Grolnick & Ryan, 1989; Lamborn et a l , 1991; Steinberg, Elmen, & Mounts, 1989; Steinberg, Mounts, Lamborn, & Dornbusch, 1991). These classifications have been used extensively to examine the links between parenting and adolescent adjustment (Steinberg & Silk, 2002).  13 However, parenting styles are multifaceted, in that each style incorporates different parenting practices, values, and beliefs (Baumrind, 1991b; Darling & Steinberg, 1993), with some practices common across different styles. For example, both authoritative and authoritarian parents use equally high levels of behavioral control (Darling, 1999). Given this overlap in content among the styles, two major difficulties arise: (a) It is difficult to determine whether all or only certain features of a particular parenting style are associated with specific adolescent outcomes (Steinberg et al., 1989); and, more importantly, (b) it is difficult to identify which component of a particular parenting style predicts a particular adolescent outcome (Nelson & Crick, 2002). As a result, the effects of parental behaviors on adolescent development become impossible to delineate, because the typology approach does not allow the constituents parts of a particular parenting style to be separated out (Barber, Bean, & Erickson, 2002). Researchers have, therefore, started to use a dimensional approach, which focuses on discrete dimensions of parenting. Recently, several researchers have attempted to clarify the dimensions of parenting that have both positive and negative influences on adolescent development (Barber, 1997; Conger, Conger, & Scramella, 1997; Eccles, Early, Frasier, Belansky, & McCarthy, 1997). Parental support and parental control have been suggested as the central dimensions of parenting (Barber, 1997). Parental control, which is the dimension of interest for this study, has been defined in several different ways in the literature. For example, Schaefer (1965) identified three different kinds of control, psychological, firm, and lax control, whereas Rollins and Thomas (1979) differentiated between coercive, inductive, and undifferentiated control, and Baumrind (1991a) suggested three different types of  14 parental control, namely, rational, assertive, and restrictive control. In fact, in a review of the parental control literature, Maccoby (1980) identified five different conceptualizations of parental control, including: "(1) restrictiveness -setting rather narrow limits on the child's range of activities, (2) demandingness -expecting a high level of responsibility for the child's age, (3) strictness -enforcing rules and not yielding to the child's attempts at coercion, (4) intrusiveness -interfering in the child's plans and relationships, and (5) arbitrary exercise of power" (p. 381). This variation in definitions and specific aspects of parental control has resulted in confusion in understanding parental control, and has lead to an inconsistency in the empirical literature, as each definition is associated with unique outcomes. This is clearly problematic because in order to identify consistent patterns in research there needs to be a common definition of parental control to enable valid and reliable research to be conducted (i.e., to elucidate the specific relationship between parental control and adolescent wellbeing, as well as identification of the factors that influence this relationship). However, some consistency does seem to be emerging. Researchers now tend to conceptualize parental control as being comprised of two types of control: psychological and behavioral, with each having an impact on unique aspects of adolescent wellbeing (Barber, 1996; Steinberg, 1990). Psychological control. The distinction between different forms of parental control was first proposed by Earl Schaefer (1965), who defined psychological control as a form of control that "would not permit the child to develop as an individual apart from the parent," and firm control (behavioral control) as "the degree to which the parent makes rules and regulations, sets  15 limits to the child's activities and enforces these rules and limits" (p. 555). He operationalized psychological control as the degree of intrusiveness, parental direction, and control through guilt. At the same time, Baumrind (1966), although she did not specifically examine this construct, warned against the harmful effects of psychological control through guilt-inducing techniques (e.g., love withdrawal) and suggested that further empirical research was required to test the idea that "firm control" and "restriction of child's autonomy" are different dimensions of parental control. A decade later, Stierlin (1974), in his clinical work with disturbed families, observed that parents interfere with their children's autonomy through constraining interactions such as judging, withholding, and devaluing (Hauser et al., 1984). Despite this initial recognition of the distinct role that psychological control can have on children's development, the concept was virtually ignored in the parental control literature during the subsequent decades (Baumrind, 1978; Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Rollins & Thomas, 1979). The concept of psychological control as a distinct entity was revived by Steinberg (1990), who reiterated the need to distinguish between psychological and behavioral control by suggesting that psychological control is centered on the control of the child's psychological world and is different from control which is aimed at the regulation of the child's overt behavior (i.e., behavioral control). He also proposed that excessive psychological control may promote dependency and retard the development of competence and self-direction. Subsequently, Barber (1992) defined psychological overcontrol as an "environment that intrudes on the psychological and emotional development of a child" (p. 72). Barber (1996) has since expanded this definition to include both verbal and non-verbal behaviors in the characteristics of psychological control, such as  constraining verbal expressions, invalidation of feelings, and control or manipulation of thoughts and feelings by invoking guilt, shame and anxiety, restrictive communication, love withdrawal, and excessive criticism. In summary, psychological control is parental behavior that is "intrusive and manipulative of children's thoughts, feelings, and attachment to parents" (Barber & Harmon, 2002, p. 15), and seeks to control the child's psychological self. The degree to which a parent engages in psychological control has been found to vary as a function of the child's gender, the parents' gender, socioeconomic status, and ethnicity (see Barber et al., 2002). Regarding gender, of the fourteen studies that were examined in a review by Barber et al. (2002), eight found that male children perceived their parents to be more psychological controlling, whereas only two found that the female children (especially those from Latin cultures) experienced greater levels of psychological control, and four failed to find any gender differences. Regarding the parent's gender, it has been found that mothers reporte higher levels of psychological control than fathers (as cited in Barber et al., 2002). However, this relationship may be culturally determined, because two studies conducted outside of North America (in China and Russia) had contradicting results and found that fathers used higher levels of psychological control than mothers. Finally, some research has indicated that the use of psychological control may be higher in families of low socioeconomic status (as cited in Barber et a l , 2002). One aspect of psychological control that is becoming increasingly evident is the relationship between psychological control and adolescent behavior problems, (particularly internalizing behavior problems, see Barber, 1996; Barber, Olsen, & Shagle,  17 1994; Fauber, Forehand, Thomas, & Wierson, 1990; Gray & Steinberg, 1999; Steinberg et al., 1989). It has been found that psychological control is correlated with higher rates of suicidal ideation (Comstock, 1994); eating disorders (Jensen, 1997); low psychosocial maturity (Linver & Silverberg, 1995; Steinberg et al., 1989); low self-esteem (Garber, Robinson, & Valentiner, 1997; Litovsky & Dusek, 1985); low self-confidence (Conger et al., 1997); low achievement (Knowlton, 1998; Soucy & Larose, 2000); and depression (Barber, 1996; Garber et al., 1997). Furthermore, research has consistently found that mothers' use of psychological control is associated with depression (Barber et al., 1994; Baron & MacGillivray, 1989; Fauber et al., 1990; Garber et al., 1997). Research on the effect of paternal psychological control on adolescent behavior problems is more equivocal. Some studies have concluded that there is no significant relationship between fathers' use of psychological control and internalizing problems (Baron & MacGillivray, 1989; Forehand & Nousiainen, 1993), while other research has shown that paternal psychological control is significant, especially for daughters (Barber, 1996; Conger et al., 1997). Research on the relationship between psychological control and externalizing behavior problems is less consistent (Conger et a l , 1997) although it has been shown to be correlated with aggression, antisocial behavior, and delinquency (Barber, 1996; Comstock, 1994). The current study will attempt not only to confirm the existent research findings suggesting that psychological control is associated with internalizing behaviors, but also will ascertain whether psychological control is correlated with externalizing problems, by separately assessing each parent's use of psychological control from the adolescent's perspective.  •  18 Behavioral control. Much of the research on parental control has focused on parental behavioral control, which refers to parents' regulation and supervision of children's activities (Baumrind, 1978; Schaefer, 1965; Smetana & Daddis, 2002). These studies have consistently indicated that inadequate parental behavioral control is associated with externalizing problems (Barber, 1996; Barber et al., 1994; Eccles et al., 1997; Herman, Dornbusch, Herron, & Herring, 1997; Smetana, Crean, & Daddis, 2002). For example, research findings have indicated that lower levels of disciplining practices and poorer monitoring were predictive of aggression and delinquent behaviors (Loeber & Dishion, 1984; Patterson & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1984; Pettit, Laird, Dodge, Bates, & Criss, 2001; Weiss, Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1992). In addition, harsh discipline and low supervision increase the likelihood of delinquent behaviors (Sampson & Laub, 1994). Furthermore, lower parental monitoring and poor discipline were associated with antisocial behaviors, drug use, and drinking problems (Barnes & Farrell, 1992; Brown, Mounts, Lamborn, & Steinberg, 1993; Dishion & Loeber, 1985; Synder, Dishion, & Patterson, 1986). Most of these findings have been replicated cross-culturally as well (e.g., Africa, Asia, Europe, North and South America; see Barber, 2002a). Research has also indicated, however, that the presence of parental behavioral control has a positive impact on adolescent achievement. For example, sufficient amounts of parental behavioral control has been found to foster autonomy (Hill, 1995), academic motivation (Hein & Lewko, 1994), and academic success (Brown et al., 1993; M e l b y & Conger, 1996).  19 It appears that parental behavioral control is clearly an important factor in adolescent adjustment (Jacobson & Crockett, 2000); however, definitions of parental behavioral control have varied greatly in the literature. Different scholars have conceptualized it as supervision, limit-setting, discipline, rule-setting, firm control, and/or monitoring (Barber et al., 1994; Garber et al., 1997; Loeber & Dishion, 1984; Patterson, Reid, & Dishion, 1992; Pettit et al., 2001; Weiss et al., 1992). The definition that appears to be most frequently used in empirical research is "parental monitoring." This is defined as parents' awareness of their children's whereabouts, activities, and friendships (Brown et al., 1993; Jacobson & Crockett, 2000). Despite its popularity, parental monitoring has its limitations as a definition of parental behavioral control; it fails to capture aspects of behavioral control such as rule-setting, regulation, and supervision. Although current definitions of monitoring include parents' "effort" to adapt children's behavior through guidance and supervision (Pettit & Laird, 2002), a recent study by Stattin and Kerr (2000) has shown that parental monitoring actually measures parental "knowledge" of adolescent activities, not parental regulation of behavior. A more complete conceptualization of parental behavioral control has recently been proposed by Barber (2002b), who defines it as "regulating behaviors or conditions in/of the social context (e.g., family, peer, community etc.) that set a structure (e.g., expectations, rules, regulation, supervision, monitoring, etc.) for/around youth behaviors that communicate to the youth that they are expected to behave in ways that are consonant with the expectations/requirements of the relevant social systems they are in (e.g., family, cultural, political, legal etc.)" (p. 1). The primary advantage of this definition is that it incorporates the different components of behavioral control (e.g.,  20 monitoring and rule-setting). Moreover, this definition differentiates parental behavioral control, as a distinct construct, from other types of parental control (e.g., psychological control). Implicit within this definition is the notion that parental control has an important function in socialization, by providing adolescents with necessary guidance and supervision (Pettit et al., 2001). Barber (2002b) claims that this multifaceted definition of behavioral control includes the idea that parental behavioral control plays a role in all adolescent contexts; including family, peer groups, religion, and school. This view emphasizes the notion that while adolescents engage in various social interactions in different contexts; parents want to continue to exert control on their adolescents' socialization process (Smetana, 1997). This usually results in conflict between adolescents (who want to have more autonomy) and parents (who want to retain their authority). Although adolescents seek greater autonomy during adolescence, research has shown that parents' control over their children's behavior is highest during adolescence (Hunter & Youniss, 1982). During this period of time, adolescents appear to accept continued parental control for some domains of functioning, but expect to be able to take charge of other areas of their lives for themselves. For example, they have been shown to become less accepting of their parents' control over styles of dress, choice of friends, and attendance at social events (Youniss & Smollar, 1985). Also, a number of researchers have reported that there are increases in parent-child conflict during adolescence due to adolescents' desire to retain greater autonomy over decision-making than their parents are willing to allow (Hill & Holmbeck, 1987; Montemayor, 1983; Steinberg & Hill, 1978). Thus, it becomes crucial to identify the specific domains where parent-child  21 conflict exists, that is, in what areas do adolescents want to take more control from their parents? The existing literature has identified four domains of control that exist within the family: moral issues, social-conventional issues, prudential issues, and personal issues (Nucci, 1981; Nucci & Lee, 1993; Smetana, 1985; Turiel, 1983). Moral issues have been defined as "acts that are prescriptively wrong because they have consequences for the rights or welfare of others" (Smetana & Daddis, 2002, p. 564). In contrast, social conventions are "behavioral norms that structure social interactions in different social settings" (Turiel, 1983, 1998, as cited in Smetana & Daddis, 2002, p. 564). In addition, personal issues have been defined as "acts that have consequences only to the actor" (Smetana, 1988, p. 300), and finally, prudential issues have been defined as "pertaining to safety, harm to the self, comfort and health" (Nucci & Lee, 1993, as cited in Smetana, 1988, p. 300). Smetana (1988, 1995) found that both adolescents and their parents agreed that parents should maintain authority over moral, conventional, and prudential issues. Interestingly, it is primarily in the domain of personal issues that adolescents challenge the legitimacy of their parents' control (Youniss & Smollar, 1985). More specifically, adolescents view personal issues as being under their own control, whereas parents are more likely to categorize them as falling under parental authority (Smetana, 1995). Given the current evidence that moral, conventional, prudential and personal issues are distinct, it appears worthwhile for any future research on this topic to measure level of behavioral control separately for each of these four domains of family life. The current study will attempt to realize this aim by adapting Barber's (2002b) definition of  22 regulation into domain-specific events. This will provide valuable insight into the relationship between behavioral control and different domains, as well improve the robustness of findings related to the impact of behavioral control on adolescent psychosocial wellbeing.  Summary Adolescence is a period when important biological, cognitive, and social changes occur (Feldman & Elliott, 1990). Although most adolescents successfully adjust to these changes, for some adolescents, this period is challenging (Lerner, Villarruel, & Castellino, 1999). These individuals are at risk for developing problem behaviors such as depression, delinquency, and substance abuse (Berryman et al., 2002). Among many other factors, family influences and pubertal changes have been found to be correlates of adolescent problem behaviors. More specifically, from the review of literature thus far, it is clear that both parental control and pubertal timing have an impact on adolescent problem behaviors. However, little is known about how these two factors interact to influence adolescent wellbeing. Thus, there are three main questions addressed by this study: (a) what is the relationship between pubertal timing and problem behaviors? (b) what is the relationship between parental control (psychological and behavioral control) and adolescent problem behaviors (both internalizing and externalizing)? (c) how does pubertal timing interact with or moderate the relationship between parental control and problem behaviors?  Pubertal timing and problem behaviors. As mentioned in the review, early maturing girls and boys tend to have more internalizing and externalizing problems than their on-time peers. In contrast, late  23 maturing girls show more internalizing and less externalizing problems compared to their peers, and late maturing boys develop greater levels of internalizing and externalizing problems. The current study will improve the robustness of this pattern of findings, by confirming that it holds true for the current sample. Specifically, it is hypothesized that early and late maturing adolescents (both girls and boys) will report more problem behaviors than their on-time peers. In addition, it is anticipated that early maturing girls and boys will report higher levels of internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors. Similarly, late maturing boys in particular will score higher on internalizing as well as externalizing problem behaviors. Finally, it is also expected that late maturing girls will have the lowest scores on problem behaviors compared to their early maturing peers. Parental control and problem behaviors. Recent research findings have suggested that parental psychological control predicts both internalizing and externalizing problems, whereas parental behavioral control is associated with externalizing problems. Despite the growing body of work on this topic, existing findings have been inconsistent with respect to gender differences. That is, little is known about discrepancies between mothers' and fathers' separate use of psychological and behavioral control over male and female adolescents. This information is crucial for the development of interventions targeted at improving parentadolescent relationships, as well as for the identification of the antecedents of girls' and boys' problem behaviors. The current study will begin to shed light on this issue. In addition, exploring the presence of behavioral control across different domains will allow a better understanding of the impact of parental behavioral control on adolescent psychosocial wellbeing. Specifically, this study will explore whether parental behavioral  24 control is equally effective across all domains at preventing the development of externalizing problems in adolescence. For example, it is possible that the presence of parental behavioral control in personal domains might increase adolescent problem behaviors, whereas a lack of parental control in moral, conventional, and prudential domains may be associated with adolescent externalizing problem behaviors. Pubertal timing and parental control. Although researchers have long been interested in the impact of pubertal maturation on parent-adolescent interactions (see Clausen, 1975; Livson & Peskin, 1980; Paikoff & Brooks-Gunn, 1991), currently, there is no empirical research testing specifically the relationship between pubertal timing and parental control. Steinberg (1981), in his previous research including adolescent boys, indicated that during puberty, as adolescents boys matured, parental interruptions tended to increase. In addition, using the typological approach (i.e., parenting styles), Steinberg (1987) investigated the impact of pubertal timing on family relations and found that both late maturing girls and boys perceived their parents as permissive. No significant relationships were found among early maturing girls and boys. These results suggested that late maturing adolescents were more likely to have increased autonomy at puberty. More interestingly, Steinberg (1988) argued that mother-daughter distance may accelerate pubertal maturation in girls. No such effect was found for boys. Furthermore, no significant associations were found between the adolescents and their fathers. It is clear that these findings need to be refined in future research. Parental control can be sensitive to pubertal timing (or vice versa). This study will reveal whether the type and the level of parental control differ according to the adolescents' pubertal timing and how these associations affect the occurrence of  25 adolescent problem behaviors. In addition, it will clarify whether mothers and fathers do differ in their use of parental control (both psychological and behavioral control) with respect to the gender of their child. Influence of pubertal timing and parental control. Despite a lack of empirical examination of the impact of pubertal timing and parental control upon adolescent behavior, a number of models have been suggested to understand potential associations between them. For example, Paikoff and Brooks-Gunn (1990) explained the "mediated pubertal and social effects model which suggests that the pubertal and social changes of adolescence may act in concert such that if a social change occurs at a certain point during puberty, it may have a stronger effect on the adolescent that it would either before pubertal changes began or after they are complete" (p. 74). Thus, if earlier maturation is accompanied by parental control, adolescents may find themselves without a social support to assist them with the change, and problem behaviors may result. Paikoff and Brooks-Gunn (1990) concluded that this model conceptualizes the most complicated relationships between pubertal changes and adolescent behaviors, therefore, needs further empirical investigation. This study is unique in the sense that it will be the first to examine the interaction effects between parental control (both psychological and behavioral control) and pubertal timing (early, on-time, late) on adolescent problem behaviors. These findings will allow for the development of an empirically derived model of the role that parental control plays in influencing the relationship between pubertal timing and adolescent problem behavior, and how this relationship may differ for boys and girls. For example, it might be the case that early maturing girls are more likely to perceive their parents using more  26 parental psychological and behavioral control, whereas early and late maturing boys might report that their parents use more psychological but less behavioral control. Whether these potentially heightened perceptions of parental control increase the likelihood of internalizing and externalizing problem is the main focus of this research.  27 Method  Participants Due to the variability in age of puberty onset (Tonkin, 2001), participants for this study were recruited from grade 5 to grade 10 classes in a city in British Columbia, Canada. Students were predominately Caucasian, and from middle or upper middle class families based on the percentage of the income identified by the Statistics Canada (2001). There were a total of 267 (89 elementary, 178 secondary) participants, whose ages ranged from 9 to 16 years, with a mean age of 13 and standard deviation of 1.6. The majority of the participants fell in the targeted 10-15 age range (only 4 of the participants were 9 years old and 2 of them were 16 years).  Procedure After obtaining permission from the school district, principals from one elementary and one secondary school were contacted to gain permission to recruit participants from their schools. In the elementary school, presentations were made to each class, informing them about the purposes of the study, and information letters and consent forms were sent home to parents (see Appendix A). In the secondary school, the introduction to the study was made to all students from each grade at one time, and information letters and consent forms were sent home to parents. Parents and students were both informed that participation in the study was voluntary. Written parental and student consent was obtained prior to administration of questionnaires. In order to increase the response rates, students who returned a parental consent form had their name entered in a draw to win one of six prizes. The response rates were 64% and 73% in the  28 elementary school and in the secondary school, respectively. The student consent forms were entered into a draw to win one of six prizes. The questionnaire package was group-administered during a 50-minutes class period. In the elementary school, test administration occurred in the classroom, and was monitored by a research assistant who was responsible for answering any specific questions the students had. Students who did not participate in the study were asked to engage in self-directed study during this time. In the secondary school, participants were excused from their classes for the duration of the test administration, and went to the cafeteria to fill out the questionnaire during the time allotted for participants from their particular grade. Research assistants were present in the cafeteria during test administration, to answer any questions the students had. Measures The questionnaire consisted of five separate measures and a set of questions to ascertain the demographic characteristics of each participant (i.e., age, gender, grade, cultural background, native language, family structure). See Appendix B for a copy of the questionnaire. Pubertal Development Scale. The Pubertal Development Scale (PDS; Petersen, Crockett, Richards, & Boxer, 1988) was used to define adolescents' pubertal timing as either early, on-time, or late maturing. This self-report scale consists of five indices for each sex: for males, growth spurt in height, pubic hair, skin change, facial hair growth, and voice change; for females, growth spurt in height, pubic hair, skin change, breast development, and menarche. Each index consists of four alternatives, rated on a fourlevel ordinal response scale ranging from 1 (no development) to 4 (development is  29 complete). Three indices for each sex were used to classify each participant into one of the five pubertal status categories: prepubertal, beginning pubertal, midpubertal, advanced pubertal, or postpubertal. The procedure for classifying participants as on- or off-time was a two step process. First, participants were classified according to their current pubertal status. Males were classified prepubertal if they indicated a combined score of 3 on their development of pubic hair, voice change and facial hair; beginning pubertal if they indicated a combined score of 4 or 5; midpubertal if they indicated a combined score of 6, 7, or 8; advanced pubertal if they indicated a combined score of 9, 10, or 11; and postpubertal if they indicated a combined score of 12 on the three indices. Females were considered prepubertal if they designated no development on their pubic hair growth, breast development, and menarche (i.e., a combined score of 3); beginning pubertal if they designated no menarche and a combined score of 3 on the other two indices (i.e., pubic hair growth and'breast development); midpubertal if they designated no menarche with a combined score of 4 or more on the other two indices; advanced pubertal if they designated menarche with a combined score of 7 or less on the other two indices; and postpubertal if they designated menarche with a combined score of 8 on the other two indices. In previous studies, these indices were found to be the most reliable indicators of pubertal development (Crockett, 1988). To construct an indicator of pubertal timing, pubertal status scores were standardized within each age category and sex (Ge, Brody, Conger, Simons, & Murry, 2002; Ge et al., 2001). This procedure generated a "pubertal timing" variable, with a mean of 0 and a standard deviation of 1. On the basis of the statistical distribution of the  30 pubertal timing, three groups (early, on-time, and late) were created. That is, participants whose pubertal status (adjusted for age and sex) was one standard deviation above or below the sample mean were classified as early or late maturing adolescents, respectively. They were classified on-time if their pubertal timing score fell within one standard deviation of the mean (see Ge et al., 2002; Ge et al., 2001). Gender splits for each pubertal timing group are presented in Table 1. According to Petersen et al. (1988), the alpha coefficients for each item range from .68 to .83, with a median score of .77. The validity of the PDS has been assessed in a variety of ways. First, high correlations (r = .72 to .80) were found between the PDS and the Sexual Maturation Scale (SMS) developed by Tanner (1962). Second, agreement between interviewers' ratings of pubertal status and adolescents' self-reports of their physical maturation was also acceptable in most cases (r = .41 to .79). Finally, there was a strong negative relationship between self-reported pubertal status and age at most rapid growth. The correlations ranged from -.40 to -.66 for boys and from -.46 to -.65 for girls (see Petersen et al., 1988). In the current study, Cronbach's alpha coefficients were .62 for the girls' scale and .73 for the boys' scale. Psychological Control Scale-Youth Self-Report. The 8-item Psychological Control Scale-Youth Self-Report (PCS-YSR; Barber, 1996) was used to assess adolescents' perceptions of their mothers' and fathers' psychological control. The scale includes three specific aspects of psychological control: Invalidating Feelings (e.g., brings up past mistakes when he criticizes me), Constraining Verbal Expression (e.g., often interrupts me), and Love Withdrawal (e.g., will avoid looking at me when I have disappointed him/her, see Barber, 1996). Although the original scale utilized a 3-point  31  Likert scale, in order to increase response variability in the present sample, students were asked to respond using a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (This is not like him/her) to 5 (This is a lot like him/her). To obtain a total psychological control scale score, the mean of the item scores was taken. A higher score indicates greater perceived psychological control. Reliability for the 3-point version of this instrument has been demonstrated to be acceptable (Cronbach's alphas ranging from .72 to .86, Barber, 1996). The 5-point scale yielded comparable reliability, with coefficients of .84 for the maternal scale and .87 for the paternal scale in this study. Domain-Specific Parental Behavioral Control. There is no existing measure to assess adolescents' perceptions of parental behavioral control separately for each major domain of life functioning (i.e., moral, conventional, personal, multifaceted, prudential, and friendships). As a result, domain-specific parental behavioral control was assessed in two ways in the present study: (a) the Parental Regulation Scale-Youth Self-Report (PRSY S R ; Barber, 2002b), and (b) a new measure which created by combining the general statements of the PRS-YSR with domain-specific items utilized in previous longitudinal research that has investigated adolescent and parental conceptions of parental authority across life domains (e.g., Smetana, 2000). The PRS-YSR (Barber, 2002b) measures adolescents' perceptions of their parents' regulation. The scale is comprised of three 10-item sub-scales, which include parental expectations (e.g., requires that I behave in certain ways), parental monitoring (e.g., reminds me of the rules s/he has set for me), and parental enforcement (e.g., restricts my privileges when I don't follow the rules). Fourteen items from the PRS-YSR were used in this study: 5 pertaining to parental expectations for behavior, 5 pertaining to  32 parental monitoring of behavior, and 4 pertaining to parental enforcement of expectations. In the present study the items were modified from 3-point Likert scale responses to 5-point Likert scale responses, ranging from 1 (not like him/her) to 5 (a lot like him/her), but the original wording of the questions was retained. To obtain a total behavioral control scale score, the mean of the item scores was taken. A higher score indicated greater perceived behavioral control. In this study, the Cronbach's alpha coefficients were .69 and .80 for the maternal behavioral control scale and paternal behavioral control scale, respectively. As noted above, in addition to the PRS-YSR, a new measure of behavioral control was created by combining the action statements of the PRS-YSR with Smetana's (2000) domain specific hypothetical events. This new measure will be called the DomainSpecific Behavioral Control Scale (DSBCS). In the DSBCS, each of the hypothetical events from Smetana's research (see Smetana, 1988, 1995, 2000) is presented in a question format, using the stem and the response options of the PRS-YSR. These events are grouped into moral (e.g., taking money from parents without permission), conventional (e.g., talking back to parents), personal (e.g., choosing own clothes), multifaceted (e.g., not cleaning bedroom), prudential (e.g., smoking cigarettes), and friendship (e.g., staying over at a friend's house) domains, with four items per domain, for a total of 24 items. Domain-specific levels of parental control were calculated by averaging participants' responses to each set of four items, resulting in separate scores for each of the six domains. Furthermore, the multifaceted domain was combined with the personal domain, because all of the multifaceted items are perceived by adolescents as falling within the personal domain (Smetana, 2000). Higher scores on the DSBCS  33 indicated greater perceived parental behavioral control in the specific domain. Initial information on the reliability of the scale indicates that it has good internal consistency, with a Cronbach's alpha coefficient reported of .82 for the maternal scale and .86 for the paternal scale. Internalizing and Externalizing problem behaviors. The Achenbach System of Empirically Based Assessment (ASEBA) for ages 11-18 was used as an index of problem behavior (Achenbach & Rescorla, 2001). This instrument is commonly used to assess adolescent problem behaviors in research and clinical practice, and can be completed by youths who have 5th grade reading skills. The measure, consisting of 105 problem items and 14 socially desirable items, represents 8 syndromes: Anxious/Depressed, Withdrawn/Depressed, Somatic Complaints, Social Problems, Thought Problems, Attention Problems, Rule-Breaking Behavior, and Aggressive Behavior. In addition to the syndrome scales, the measure can be scored in terms of two higher order syndromes: Internalizing and Externalizing problems. The Internalizing scale consists of Anxious/Depressed (16 items, e.g., I cry a lot), Withdrawn/Depressed (8 items, e.g., I am too shy or timid), and Somatic Complaints (9 items, e.g., I feel overtired without good reason), whereas the Externalizing scale consists of the Rule-Breaking Behavior (12 items, e.g., I lie or cheat) and Aggressive Behavior (20 items, e.g., I argue a lot) syndromes. Respondents indicated how much each item was true for them during the past six months, using a 3-point scale from 0 (not true) to 2 (very true or often true). Participants' scores for each of the five syndromes were obtained by taking the means of their responses to the relevant items. Then, an overall level of Internalizing and Externalizing problems was obtained by averaging the  34 means to the relevant syndromes. Higher scores indicated greater problem behaviors. Established reliabilities for the Internalizing and Externalizing problem scales are adequate, with Cronbach's alphas ranging from .71 to .86 (see Achenbach & Rescorla, 2001). In the current study, the alpha coefficients were .88 for the internalizing problem behaviors items, and .87 for the externalizing problem behaviors items.  35 Results The results are presented in four sections. First, the preliminary analyses are described. The second section addresses the question of how pubertal timing influences the problem behavior levels of girls and boys. Then, the effects of different types of parental control on problem behaviors are investigated. The final section is an examination of the relationship between pubertal timing and parental control. In addition, the extent to which parental control moderates the relationship between pubertal timing and problem behaviors is explored.  Preliminary Analyses The means and standard deviations of all parental control and problem behavior variables, for each gender, are presented in Table 2. These data were screened for violations of assumptions using the procedures suggested by Tabachnick and Fidell (2001). Initially, the data set was checked for errors and missing values. In developing the various scales, participants were included if they had answered at least 80% of the items for each scale. The percent of excluded cases for each scale was less than 1%. Then, relevant descriptive statistics were calculated and examined (i.e., minimum and maximum values for categorical variables; mean, standard deviation, minimum, maximum, skewness, and kurtosis for continuous variables). In addition, for each continuous variable, the shape of the distribution of scores was inspected by using Q-Q plots. These histograms showed a reasonably straight line for each measured variable, suggesting a normal distribution. This, combined with Tabachnick and Fidell's (2001) claim that the impact of skewness and kurtosis diminish for larger samples (200+), led to the conclusion that the data set could be used without transforming the scores to obtain  36 more normal distributions. Data were also examined for the influence of univariate outliers. Potential outliers were identified and inspected for the possibility of data entry error. The original mean and the 5% trimmed mean of each variable were compared, and only small differences were found (ranging from 0 to .10.). Given this minimal difference, based on recommendations made by Pallant (2001), all cases were retained in the analyses. Next, the cultural homogeneity of the participants in the sample was examined. Out of 261 respondents, 91% indicated that they were born in Canada and only 4% spoke a language other than English at home, while a majority 92% spoke only English at home. A n independent samples t-test was conducted to compare the scores on internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors for participants from Caucasian versus other cultural backgrounds. No significant difference was found for internalizing problem, t (264) = -.85,/? > .05. Similarly, there was no significant difference in externalizing problem behaviors for participants from Caucasian versus other cultural backgrounds, t (264) = -.1.09,/? > .05. A similar process was utilized to examine the influence of differing family structures on the dependent variables (see Table 3 for sub-group means). Participants living in intact (e.g., married/common law) and in non-intact (e.g., separated, divorced) families did not differ on levels of internalizing problems, / (264) = -.1 \,p > .05 or externalizing problems, t (264) = 1.13,/? > .05. On the basis of these results, and the desire to preserve the power of the subsequent analysis, it was concluded that incorporation of culture and family status variables in the analysis of results was unnecessary. However, the presence of a  37 significant association between age and externalizing problems (r = .23, n = 265,p < .01) warranted the inclusion of age as a control variable in all subsequent analytical procedures, even though the relationship between age and internalizing problems was not significant (r = .03, n = 265, p > .05). Pubertal Timing and Problem Behaviors The effect of pubertal timing on the level of problem behaviors was explored using two 3 by 2 between-groups analyses of covariance (ANCOVA). The independent variables were pubertal timing and gender. The dependent variables were scores on internalizing problem behaviors and externalizing problem behaviors (one A N C O V A for each type of problem behavior). After adjusting for age differences, there was a significant main effect of gender F(\, 252) = 3.99, p< .05, partial eta squared = .016. Examination of estimated marginal means suggested that females (M= .50, SE = .03) reported more internalizing problems than males (M= .40, SE = .04) (see Figure 1). The main effect of pubertal timing was not significant, F(2, 252) = 1.2$, p > .05, partial eta squared = .011 and the interaction effect was also not significant F(2, 252) = .63,p > .05, partial eta squared = .005. For externalizing problem behaviors, however, there was a main effect of pubertal timing F(2, 252) = 7.13,/? < .01, partial eta squared = .054. As can be seen in Figure 2, early maturing adolescents reported significantly higher externalizing problem behaviors than their late maturing peers (contrast difference = .18, p < .01). In addition, when late maturing and on-time maturing were contrasted, the results showed that late maturing adolescents reported significantly lower externalizing problem behaviors than their on-time peers (contrast difference = .16, p < .001). Neither the interaction, nor the main effect of gender were found to be significant F(2, 252) = .76,  38  p > .05, partial eta squared = .006; F ( l , 252) = 1.04,p > .05, partial eta squared = .004, respectively. In summary, girls were more likely to have internalizing problem behaviors than boys, and there was a significant difference on externalizing problem behaviors between early and late maturing adolescents, with early maturers having more problems, and between late and on-time maturing adolescents, with late maturers having fewer problems.  Parental Control and Problem Behaviors Maternal and paternal comparisons. To identify differences between parents regarding use of different types of control, a series of paired-samples t-test was conducted to compare maternal and paternal scores. Mothers were perceived as using more behavioral control in general (within all the domains except the friendship domain). There was no significant difference between maternal and paternal scores on the psychological control variable. Details of these analyses are in Table 4. In addition, a table for intercorrelations among all parental control variables can be seen in Appendix C.  Psychological / behavioral control and problem behaviors. To determine the unique effects of the two different types of control (psychological and behavioral) on problem behaviors (internalizing and externalizing), after controlling the effects for age and gender, a series of hierarchical regressions were run with psychological and behavioral control entered in reverse order. For example, for internalizing problem behaviors, age and gender were controlled for in the first block. Next, maternal and paternal behavioral control were entered as independent variables. In the next step, maternal and paternal psychological control variables were entered to  39  determine the extent to which parents' psychological control explained unique variance in levels of internalizing problem behavior over and above the effects of behavioral control. The procedure was then reversed. That is, psychological control variables were entered after the control variables with the behavioral control variables entered in the last block to examine its unique contribution to internalizing problem behaviors. Psychological control was found to be the strongest predictor of internalizing problem behaviors. Behavioral control was not associated with internalizing problem behaviors. The raw and standardized betas, standard errors, R , and change in R for all the 2  2  regressions are presented in Table 5. This procedure was then repeated, with externalizing problem behaviors as the dependent variable. In the first run, the control variables and behavioral control variables were added to the independent list, then psychological control. In the second run, behavioral control was entered in the final step. The results indicated that psychological control was a significant unique predictor of externalizing problem behaviors regardless of parental gender. Again, however, the behavioral control model was not significant in predicting externalizing problem behaviors for either mothers or fathers. See Table 6 for details. It should be noted that both two way (e.g., maternal and paternal psychological control) and three way interactions (e.g., maternal and paternal psychological control, and gender) were also incorporated into the model to estimate the cumulative effects of control, and determine whether these effects differed as a function of gender. Inclusion of the interaction terms failed to improve the explanatory power of the model. Overall, this pattern of results indicates that maternal and paternal psychological control are both  40 uniquely predictive of each form of problem behavior, and appear to do so independently of the adolescent's gender. Domain-specific behavioral control and problem behaviors. The absence of a relationship between general behavioral control and externalizing problem behaviors raises the possibility that the effects of behavioral control on adolescent behavior may vary according to the specific domain of functioning. To examine this possibility, two initial hierarchical multiple regression were conducted, separately for maternal and paternal domain-specific behavioral control. The dependent variables were internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors. This was done to identify which domains of behavioral control influenced problem behaviors. In the first step of each regression, the control variables (i.e., gender and age) were entered. In the second step, each of the domain specific maternal / paternal behavioral control variables (i.e., moral, conventional, prudential, personal, and friendship domains) was entered. The results of the first set of regressions, with internalizing problem behaviors as the dependent variable, suggested that high maternal and paternal behavioral control in the friendship domain, and low paternal control in the conventional domain, were predictors of internalizing problem behaviors. The findings from the regressions with externalizing behaviors as the dependent variable showed that externalizing problem behaviors were predicted by high levels of maternal and paternal behavioral control in the friendship domain, and low levels of control in the prudential domain. The raw and standardized betas, standard errors, R , 2  and change in R for the regressions are presented in Table 7 and 8. These results 2  revealed the necessity to examine the effects of behavioral control separately for each  41 different domain. The next set of analysis, therefore, repeated the hierarchical regressions examining the unique influence of behavioral and psychological control on problem behaviors using the domain-specific measures of behavioral control. Psychological / domain-specific behavioral control and problem Behaviors. To test whether general psychological control or the domain-specific behavioral controls explained more unique variance in internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors, a set of hierarchical multiple regression analyses was run. For internalizing problem behaviors, after entering the control variables in the first block, maternal behavioral control in the friendship domain and paternal control in the conventional and friendship domain were added in the independent variables list. Then, maternal and paternal psychological control variables were entered into the model. This procedure was subsequently repeated, but with maternal and paternal psychological control in the second block. The results indicated that, in fact, the domain-specific measures of behavioral control did uniquely predict internalizing problem behaviors. The psychological control variables were a consistent positive predictor, and paternal behavioral control in the conventional domain was a negative predictor of internalizing problem behaviors. A similar procedure was used to examine the effects of the various forms of parental control on externalizing problem behaviors, but with maternal and paternal behavioral control in the prudential and friendship domain used as the domain-specific behavioral control. The analyses showed that only psychological control had a unique effect on externalizing problem behaviors. See Table 9 and 10 for the raw and standardized betas, standard errors, R , and change in R of this set of regressions. This 2  2  set of findings suggests that psychological control is significantly associated with both  42 types of problem behaviors and inadequate paternal behavioral control in the conventional domain is predictive of internalizing problem behaviors. Pubertal Timing, Parental Control and Problem Behaviors The last set of analyses examined the relationship between pubertal timing, parental control, and problem behaviors. The first set of analysis examined the relationship between pubertal timing and parental control. This was done with two A N C O V A s (one for maternal psychological control and one for paternal psychological control) and two multivariate analysis of covariance ( M A N C O V A ) (one each for the maternal and paternal domains of behavioral control). Each of these analyses examined the effects of pubertal timing and gender on the effects of parental control, while controlling for age. Regarding the effect of pubertal timing and gender on mothers' use of psychological control (after controlling for age), neither the main effects of gender or pubertal timing nor their interactions were significant F(\, 252) = .57, p > .05, partial eta squared = .002; F(2, 252) = 1.86,p > .05, partial eta squared = .015; F(2, 252) = .42,/? > .05, partial eta squared = .003, respectively. That is, maternal psychological control did not vary systematically according to adolescents' pubertal timing or gender. In the second A N C O V A , the dependent variable was paternal psychological control. After controlling for age differences, there was a significant effect of pubertal timing F(2, 242) = 3.35, p < .05, partial eta squared = .027. As can be seen in Figure 3, late maturing adolescents experienced less paternal psychological control than their early and on-time maturing peers (contrast difference = .45,p < .05; contrast difference = .40, jo < .05, respectively). Neither the interaction nor the main effect of gender was found to be  43 significant F(2, 242) = .\7,p> .05, partial eta squared = .001; F(\, 242) = .0002,/? > .05, partial eta squared = .0001, respectively. In summary, the findings from the A N C O V A analyses suggested that the effect of pubertal timing was only significant in paternal psychological control. For domain-specific behavioral control, in the first M A N C O V A , the dependent variables were maternal control variables (i.e., moral, conventional, prudential, personal, and friendship domain). Neither the main effects of gender and pubertal timing nor the interactions were significant F(5, 245) = .70,/? > .05; Pillai's Trace = .01, partial eta squared = .014; F(10, 492) = 1.34,/? > .05; Pillai's Trace = .05, partial eta squared = .026; F(10, 492) = .42,/? > .05; Pillai's Trace = .02, partial eta squared = .009, respectively. In the second M A N C O V A , the dependent variables were paternal domain-specific behavioral control variables. Again, no significant gender or pubertal timing effects nor significant interaction effects were found F(5, 236) = .41,/? > .05; Pillai's Trace = .01, partial eta squared = .009; F(10, 474) = 1.14,/? > .05; Pillai's Trace = .05, partial eta squared = .024; F(10, 474) = .63,/? > .05; Pillai's Trace = .03, partial eta squared = .013, respectively. In summary, the findings from M A N C O V A analyses suggested that sufficient evidence was not available to support a direct relationship between pubertal timing and domain-specific parental behavioral control. To explore whether parental control moderated the relationship between pubertal timing and problem behaviors, two hierarchical multiple regression analyses were conducted using Baron and Kenny's (1986) proposed method for testing moderation. As in previous analyses, gender and age were controlled for in the first block of each regression. In the second block, the main effects for puberty (two dummy variables  44 representing on-time and late maturation), maternal and paternal psychological control, and paternal behavioral control in the conventional domain were entered. Finally, in the third block, all the interaction terms were entered (e.g., on-time x maternal psychological control) to predict internalizing problem behaviors. As can be seen in Table 11 and 12, for both internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors, the interaction terms failed to improve the explanatory power of the model. Overall, this pattern of results suggests that parental control was not moderating the association between pubertal timing and problem behaviors.  45 Discussion In the developmental psychology literature, there is an emphasis on elucidating the unique and combined influences of physical, cognitive, and social factors on adolescent development. This study was undertaken to investigate the interplay between pubertal timing, parental control, and problem behaviors, in particular, to shed light on the combined influence of the first two phenomena on the latter. More specifically, this study examined the relationships between (a) pubertal timing and problem behaviors; and (b) parental control and problem behaviors. The link between pubertal timing and parental control was also explored to determine whether this relationship itself influences behavioral outcomes. Overall, the findings supported the existence of an association between pubertal timing and problem behaviors; and parental control and problem behaviors, thus, highlighting the unique influences of physical and social factors on adolescent development. However, the combined influence of pubertal timing and parental control on adolescent problem behaviors was not found to be significant. Each of these three separate sets of findings will now be discussed in some detail. Pubertal Timing and Problem Behaviors Consistent with existing literature (e.g., Caspi, Lynam, Moffitt, &Silva, 1993; Caspi & Moffitt, 1991; Flannery et al., 1993; Ge et al., 2001; Stattin & Magnusson, 1990), early maturing boys and girls reported higher levels of externalizing problem behaviors than their peers. In contrast, late maturers reported the lowest levels of externalizing problem behaviors. It appears that early maturation in particular, rather than off-time maturation per se, is the critical component for increasing risk, at least for externalizing problem behaviors.  Interestingly, a completely unexpected pattern of results was found for internalizing problem behaviors: neither early nor late maturers reported higher levels of problem behaviors than their on-time peers. These findings raise an intriguing possibility, namely, that physical development has differing effects on different kinds of problem behaviors. Specifically, while early physical development may place adolescents at greater risk for externalizing problem behaviors, pubertal timing may not have an equivalent effect on the probability that a person will develop anxiety problems, depression, or other internalizing kinds of problems. A couple of recent studies support this possibility, for example, Dorn, Susman and Ponirakis (2003) reported that pubertal timing was not associated with mood disorders in their study of pubertal timing and adolescent adjustment with a sample of female and male adolescents between ages 9 and 15. As well, Angold, Costello, and Worthman (1998) showed that pubertal timing was not related to the development of depression. Although the predominant belief in the literature is that pubertal timing has an impact on adolescent psychosocial wellbeing (Andersson & Magnusson, 1990; BrooksGunn, Petersen, & Eichorn, 1985; Graber, Lewinsohn, Selley, & Brooks-Gunn, 1997; Silbereisen & Kracke, 1993), findings with respect to on-/off- time maturation have been somewhat inconsistent. Petersen and Taylor (1980) have identified two major perspectives on the influence of pubertal timing: (a) the deviance hypothesis, and (b) the stage termination hypothesis. The deviance hypothesis states that both early and late maturing adolescents tend to develop more problem behaviors than their peers because they are representing a deviant group within their peer environment (Neugarten, 1979).  Thus, any form of off-time maturation is a risk factor for maladjustment, because adolescents who belong to these groups are "deviant". In contrast, Simmons and Blyth (1987) claim that early maturing adolescents are particularly at risk, because the changes associated with puberty are perceived to be more stressful when they occur early, with these stresses resulting in an increased risk for the development of problem behaviors. According to this stage termination perspective, "differences between early and late maturers may be a function of the amount of time available for continued psychosocial development prior to onset of puberty" (Petersen & Crockett, 1985, p. 192). That is, because early maturation interrupts the development of adaptive skills in the middle childhood, early maturing adolescents (may of whom tend to be female) have not yet completed the tasks of the previous stage of development and are less prepared to deal with societal expectations that are associated with mature physical development. This places them at greater risk of developing problem behaviors (Peskin, 1973). The results from this study with respect to externalizing problem behaviors seem to support Simon's and Blyth's stage termination perspectives, rather than the deviance hypothesis. Differentiating the relative value of the two early maturation-focused theories is beyond the scope of this study. However, now that it has been confirmed that early maturation is the critical issue in placing adolescents at risk for developing externalizing problems, future research can address the question of why early maturation poses such a risk. The lack of a significant effect of pubertal timing on the development of internalizing problems means that the hypothesized relationships between gender, early  48 maturation, and the development of internalizing problems were not supported; early maturing boys did not report having more internalizing problems. In fact, girls at all levels of pubertal timing were found to have higher levels of internalizing problems than boys. This finding leads to the speculation that, for internalizing problem behaviors at least, perhaps pubertal timing is less important to the development of problems than the occurrence of pubertal changes. That is, girls may be more likely to report internalizing problem behaviors than boys because the physiological effects of puberty in girls may be perceived as being more negative than in boys. As Silbereisen and Kracke (1993) have suggested, for females, puberty means an increase in fatness, whereas for males, it means an increase in muscularity. Perceiving the physiological changes of puberty as meaning that one is becoming fatter may lead to increased levels of anxiety, depressive mood, or other internalizing problems. Alternatively, the gender difference in reported levels of internalizing problems may have nothing at all to do with puberty, but instead simply be reflective of the fact that stressors that create externalizing behaviors in boys tend to result in internalizing problems in girls (Liu et al., 2001). In summary, regarding the relationship between pubertal timing and problem behaviors, it appears that the relationship is complex and that pubertal timing may not be as critical a variable in understanding individual differences in all forms of problem behavior. This suggests several directions for future research, which include, gaining a better understanding of why early maturation increases the risk that adolescents will develop externalizing problem behaviors, and discovering what contextual factors (e.g., peer effects, lack of social support) and aspects of the puberty experience (e.g., physical changes, social meaning of puberty) need to accounted for to understand the influence of  49 off-time physiological development on internalizing problem behaviors. Finally, the present study underlines the importance of examining some potential mediators and/or moderators between pubertal timing and problem behaviors. Parental Control and Problem Behaviors This study was also designed to confirm existing research that parents' use of behavioral and psychological control has differential outcomes for adolescent development (e.g., Barber, 1992, 1996; Barber & Harmon, 2002; Baron & MacGillivray, 1989; Conger et al., 1997, Garber et al., 1997; Steinberg et al., 1989), as well as to extend the existing state of knowledge in this area of research by examining the effects of behavioral control separately for each domain of functioning, to determine whether the relationship between parental control and adolescent outcomes differs according to the specific area of the adolescent's life that the parent exerts control over. Psychological control and problem behaviors. No significant difference was found between mothers' and fathers' levels of psychological control, as perceived by the participants. Although this result was unexpected, it may be due to the fact that, at this period of life, participants are so focused on differentiating themselves from their parents, that any fine-grain distinctions between mothers' and fathers' parenting were simply not salient to them (Rogers, Buchanan, & Winchell, 2003). It was found that both maternal and paternal psychological control predicted adolescent internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors, even after controlling for the effects of behavioral control. This indicated that the use of psychological control by either parent may be detrimental to the healthy development of adolescents, and supports  50 existing research showing that psychological control inhibits the development of autonomy (Hauser, 1991), reduces adolescents' sense of self-efficacy (Seligman & Peterson, 1986), and suppresses the development of a stable identity (Marcia, 1980). In the context of previous research, the present findings highlight the fact that parental use of psychological control violates adolescents' healthy psychosocial development. The implication of this research for the design and implementation of parenting interventions is that programs need to inform parents about the negative effects of psychological control and provide alternative parenting practices (e.g., use of behavioral control strategies). Doing so will create a positive family environment that will better preserve adolescents' sense of psychological autonomy, which has been consistently found to have a positive impact on adolescent development (Silk, Morris, Kanaya, & Steinberg, 2003). Behavioral control and problem behaviors. Contrary to established findings in the literature that behavioral control is inversely related to the development of problem behaviors (Barber, 1996; Pettit et al., 2001; Weiss et al., 1992), no significant correlation between behavioral control and either type of problem behavior was found in this study. While this discrepancy initially appeared to be counterintuitive, it raised the possibility that the connections between parental behavioral control and levels of adolescent problem behavior are multifaceted to the degree that collapsing behavioral control in the various areas of an adolescent's life into a single, "overall" rating obscures the true relationships that exist. To examine this possibility, this study measured levels of behavioral control utilized by parents separately for each major domain of adolescent functioning.  51 Domain-specific behavioral control and problem behaviors. The present study investigated whether the impact of behavioral control differs across the five domains of functioning (moral, conventional, prudential, personal, and friendship) identified by Smetana (e.g., 1988, 1995, 2000). The results showed that mothers were perceived as using more behavioral control than fathers, in all domains except the friendship domain (where no parental gender difference was found). This is understandable when it is considered that mothers spend more time with their adolescents (Larson & Richards, 1994) and are more involved with the day to day parenting of their adolescent children (Wierson, Armistead, Forehand, Thomas, & Fauber, 1990). Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that mothers are perceived to be more persistent and constant than fathers in reminding and enforcing rules and regulations in the home. In the friendship domain, this maternal "advantage" may be off-set by two possible suppositions, either, because choice of friend is not something that happens in the home, the mother may not have the opportunity to be any more persistent than the father for this domain, or, because fathers might be perceived as having higher authority when it comes to approving friendships. Concerning the relationship between domain-specific parental behavioral control and problem behaviors, high maternal and paternal use in the friendship domain and low paternal use in the conventional domain were found to predict internalizing problem behaviors. Additionally, high level of maternal and paternal behavioral control in the friendship domain and a low level of maternal and paternal control in the prudential domain were predictive, of externalizing problem behaviors. Some illumination of the surprising relationship between parental control in the friendship domain and problem behaviors (i.e., that they were positively correlated) is  52 provided by Mounts (2000, 2001). He indicated that parents' peer management behaviors (e.g., communicating disapproval, information seeking) might be interpreted as an intrusion, and, thus, lead to adverse reactions on the part of the adolescent. Alternatively, increased behavioral control in the friendship domain may be a consequence of parents realizing that their children are having problems. For example, one recent study found that when adolescents show problem behaviors or affiliate with deviant peers, parents become more involved in managing their adolescents' friendships (Tilton-Weaver & Galambos, 2003). It is possible to imagine that parents are likely to blame an adolescent's peer group for any internalizing problems that they observe. Longitudinal research designs are required to tease out the chain of causality linking behavioral control in the friendship domain and problem behaviors, and it is only once such studies are conducted that the reasons why behavioral control for this particular domain are associated with problem behaviors will be understood. Another important implication of the current results is that a lack of control in the conventional domain predicts internalizing problem behaviors. That is, adolescents are more likely to develop internalizing problem behaviors unless their fathers exert control over their social manners. Although a precise explanation for this outcome is beyond the scope of this study, it is possible to speculate that parental control in the conventional domain is akin to showing "parental care" which is an important dimension of parenting (Mallinckrodt, 1992). It is possible that because adolescents agree that their parents should retain control over the conventional domain, a lack of control in this domain might create an opposition to what adolescents expect from their parents. This might lead to feelings of being neglected or a sense that "my parents do not care about me", or  53 that "I am not important to my parents" This, in turn, might lead to the development of internalizing problem behaviors. Regarding the prudential domain, the findings indicate that it is important to retain control over safety issues (e.g., smoking cigarettes). It is possible that a lack of behavioral control in the prudential domain might increase the likelihood of associating with deviant peers or engaging in delinquent activities due to a lack of parental supervision. It appears crucial that parents check their adolescents' behaviors in order to ensure that adolescents live in a secure and healthy environment. In addition, these findings highlight the value of fathers in fostering optimal adolescent development by showing that paternal control (both psychological and domain-specific) is an important contributor to healthy adolescent development, and that paternal psychological control differs among on-/off- time maturing adolescents. In doing so, this study adds to the existing body of research claiming that it is important to include the unique contribution of fathers in studying parenting (e.g., Baron & MacGillivray, 1989; Forehand & Nouisianen, 1993; Lamb, 1997; Phares & Compas, 1992). Psychological / domain-specific behavioral control and problem behaviors. When psychological control and domain-specific behavioral control were considered simultaneously in terms of their impact on problem behaviors, the model which explained the greatest proportion of variance suggested that a unique association between maternal and paternal psychological control and externalizing problem behaviors existed. That is, psychological control was a stronger predictor of externalizing problem behaviors than domain-specific behavioral control. With respect  54  to internalizing problem behaviors, the predicted model suggested that, in addition to both maternal and paternal psychological control, paternal control in the conventional domain predicted internalizing problem behaviors. These results coincide with existing findings related to the negative impact of psychological control (e.g., Barber & Harmon, 2002). They also reinforce the need to examine the impact of behavioral control separately across different domains; because the findings here indicate that behavioral control has differential effects depending upon the domain in which it is exerted. Pubertal Timing, Parental Control, and Problem Behaviors Another purpose for this study was to examine whether parental control moderated the relationship between pubertal timing and problem behaviors. In contrast to the majority of research on this topic (e.g., Swarr & Richards, 1996), the present results failed to provide evidence for this interaction effect. Given the moderate sample size of this study and the number of parameters involved in conducting these final, complex set of analyses, the absence of significant results may be more reflective of issues with statistical power than any true relationships that exist between pubertal timing, maternal and paternal psychological and behavioral control, and internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors. This possibility will be discussed in greater detail in the limitations section. Strengths, Limitations, and Future Directions A strength of this study is that it was able to examine both the unique and combined influence of physiological and relational variables on adolescent problem behaviors. Although few combined influences were found, the fact that pubertal timing and parenting practices were examined together in relation to adolescent developmental  55 outcomes is an advancement for the field. It is important to note that this study is one of the few Canadian studies which examined the impact of pubertal timing on adolescent problem behaviors. Another way that this study has advanced our understanding of parent-adolescent relationships is that it is the first to empirically define behavioral control as being domain-specific rather than unitary, and shows that the use of behavioral control is differentially related to developmental outcomes, depending on the domain in which it is utilized. These results can serve as a guide to future research by showing that it is essential to examine parental behavioral control in different domains in order to fully understand its positive and negative effects on adolescent developmental wellbeing. Several limitations of the present study are important to note. First, although the overall sample size was large enough (N = 267), participants were not evenly distributed across genders and levels of pubertal timing (i.e., early, on-time, and late). The fact that some cells held relatively few cases probably weakened the power of some of the analytical procedures to detect significant differences. Second, it is important to mention that adolescents in the present study reported very low levels of problem behaviors, in comparison to a clinical sample of adolescents. This limits the ability to generalize the findings beyond high-functioning populations of adolescents. Third, this study was cross-sectional in nature, which limits our ability to make causal statements. For example, the models suggested in this study imply a direction of influence from parental control to problem behaviors, however, it is possible that adolescents' level of engagement in problem behaviors, is what led to parents exercising control in the ways that they did. A fourth limitation of this study is that it utilized only adolescent selfreports for data collection, which raises the possibility of representing only adolescents'  56 subjective experience. For example, self-assessed pubertal timing reflects not only actual physical development, but also self-perceptions, social comparisons, and personal aspirations and attributes (Silbereisen & Kracke, 1993). Therefore, subjective experiences in reporting needs to be taken into account to properly interpret the results of this study. In addition, although it is accepted within the literature that adolescents' selfreports are one of the most valid ways to assess the impact of parental control on adolescent outcomes (e.g., Barber, 1996), it must be recognized that no confirmation from other information resources (e.g., parents) was sought. Finally, a note regarding the use of PDS must be made. In a recent review of the measurement of puberty, Coleman and Coleman (2002) argued that there is an inverse relationship between feasibility and validity among the various methods of assessing pubertal timing, ranging from self-report to doctor-administered physical examinations. They conclude that although the PDS is the most viable method (because of parents and school officials' reluctance to allow other measures), more valid results would be obtained by health professionals using the pictures of Tanner stages of physical maturity (Coleman & Coleman, 2002). Several important recommendations for future research can be derived from the strengths and limitations of the current study. First, further examination of the relationships between pubertal timing and different types of problem behaviors is required in order to understand the reasons why early maturing adolescents are at greater risk for problem behaviors than on-time and late maturers. In addition, this study highlights the need to shift away from the "mother blaming" view of adolescent development towards the realization that both parents make important contributions to the development of their adolescent children (Swarr & Richards, 1996). This means that  57 future research needs to separately examine fathers' parenting and mothers' parenting while investigating the impact of parenting on developmental outcomes. With respect to methodology, replication of this study, using longitudinal methods will greatly enhance the inference of causality within the significant relationships found in this study. In addition, a multi-informant design will improve the robustness of the findings. Furthermore, collecting qualitative data regarding the reasons why adolescents expect parental control in some domains and not others and why parents vary in their use of behavioral control across domains will be useful for both validating the results regarding domain-specific behavioral control, and greatly enhance knowledge of the associations between behavioral control and problem behaviors. Specifically, an openended interview procedure would allow for a deeper understanding of why low or high behavioral control in certain domains would predict problem behaviors. A n improved understanding of this will improve the implementation of intervention programs in parent-adolescent relationships. Another direction for future research arises from the possibility that there might be significant cultural differences about which domains are the ones where parental control and adolescent outcomes are most closely linked. For example, in this sample, the findings show that the prudential, friendship and conventional domains are the crucial ones in affecting adolescent problem behaviors. It is possible that in other cultures the moral or personal domain might be more valued. Thus, an intriguing research study would be to elucidate the possible impacts of domain-specific parental behavioral control across different cultures.  58 In conclusion, this study investigated the interplay between pubertal timing, parental control, and adolescent problem behaviors. It was found that pubertal timing may not be a critical variable in understanding individual differences in all forms of problem behavior and the use of behavioral control is differentially related to developmental outcomes, depending on the domain in which it is utilized. 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Chicago: University of Chicago Press.  Table 1 Numbers of Male and Female Participants by Pubertal Timing n of participants Pubertal Timing  Male  Female  Early  13  24  On-time  66  118  Late  14  25  Total Sample  93  167  Table 2 Means and Standard Deviations of all Parental Control and Problem Behavior Variables by Gender Gender Male Variables  M  Female SD  M  SD  Psychological control Maternal Paternal  96 93  1.73 1.68  .73 .88  169 162  1.71 1.68  .84 .85  Behavioral control Maternal Paternal  97 93  3.30 3.16  .58 .72  169 161  3.36 3.20  .55 .68  Domain-specific behavioral control Moral domain Maternal 96 4.15 Paternal 92 4.03  74 1.04  169 161  4.35 4.07  .67 .99  Conventional domain Maternal Paternal  96 92  4.00 3.67  .82 1.11  169 160  4.08 3.60  .85 1.07  Prudential domain Maternal Paternal  96 92  3.79 3.55  .89 1.05  169 161  3.63 3.41  .94 1.07  Personal domain Maternal Paternal  95 92  2.02 1.86  .67 .86  169 160  1.99 1.86  .78 .72  Friendship domain Maternal Paternal  94 92  1.98 1.87  .79 .91  168 161  2.00 2.02  .83 .89  Problem Behaviors Internalizing Externalizing  97 97  .44 .51  .27 .26  169 169  .50 .48  .30 .26  82  Table 3 Mean Levels Internalizing and Externalizing Problem Behaviors for Different Sub-Groups of Participants  Internalizing Problems Group  n  M  SD  Caucasian  152  Al  Other culture  114  Intact family Non-intact family  Externalizing Problems '  n  M  SD  .28  152  Al  .23  .5 •'  .31  114  .51  .29  169  .48  .31  169  .48  .27  97  .48  .26  97  .51  .25  Table 4 Paired-Samples T-Test for the Means of Maternal and Paternal Control Scores Paired Differences M  SD  t  df  Pair 1  Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control  .03  .89  .52  252  Pair 2  Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control  .16  .60  4.25"  252  Pair 3  Moral domain Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control  .24  .89  4.34  251  .43  1.09  6.34  250  .24  .97  3.96**  .15  .77  3.07  250  .02  .85  .43  249  Pair 4  Pair 5  Pair 6  Pair 7  Conventional domain Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control  Prudential domain Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control  Personal domain Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control  Friendship domain Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control  Note. * p < . 0 1 . **p < .001.  -251  84  Table 5 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Psychological and Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Internalizing Problem Behaviors (n = 260) Variable Psychological control Step 1 Gender Age Step 2 Gender Age Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control Step 3 Gender Age Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control Behavioral control Step 1 Gender Age Step 2 Gender Age Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control Step 3 Gender Age Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control  B  SE  P  .06 -  .04 .01  .10 .01  .06 .04 -  .04 .01 .04 .03  .10 .01 .08 -  .07 -.01 .03 .01 .09 .06  .04 .01 .04 .03 .03 .02  .11 -.04 .05 .02 .24" .16*  .06 -  .04 .01  .10 .01  .07 -.01 .09 .06  .04 .01 .02 .02  .12 -.04 .24 .16  .07 -.01 .09 .06 .03 .01  .04 .01 .03 .02 .04 .03  r  R  2  AR  2  .01  .01  .02  .01  .13  .11  .01  .01  .13  .12  .13  .01  .10* .03 .08 .04 *  .31 * .26  .11 -.04 .24" .16* .05 .02  Note. A l l nonsignificant two-way and three-way interactions were omitted. Dashes indicate the number was not estimated. *p < .05. **p < .001.  85  Table 6 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Psychological and Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Externalizing Problem Behaviors (n = 260) Variable Psychological control Step 1 Gender Age Step 2 Gender Age Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control Step 3 Gender Age Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control Behavioral control Step 1 Gender Age Step 2 Gender Age Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control Step 3 Gender Age Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control Maternal behavioral control Paternal behavioral control  B  SE  P  -.07 .04  .03 .01  -.12  -.07 .04 .03 -.02  .03 .01 .03 .03  -.12 .26" .07 -.06  -.06 .03 .01 -.01 .13 .05  .03 .01 .03 .03 .02 .02  .26  r  **  .20 .03 -.02 .39" .17*  -.07 .04  .03 .01  -.12  -.06 .03 .13 .05  .03 .01 .02 .02  -.10 .20** .39" .16*  -.06 .03 .13 .05 .01 -.01  .03 .01 .02 .02 .03 .03  .07  .07**  .07  .01  .30  .23**  .07  .07**  .30  .23"  .30  .01  2  -.07 .23 .03 -.02 .48** .36**  **  -.10 .20** .39" .17* .03 -.02  Note. A l l nonsignificant two-way and three-way interactions were omitted. *p < .01. **p < .001.  AR  2  **  -.10  .26  R  86  Table 7 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Maternal and Paternal Domain-Specific Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Internalizing Problem Behaviors Variable  B  SEB  P  Maternal domain-specific behavioral control (n = 265) Step 1 Gender .04 .06 .10 Age .01 .01 Step 2 Gender .06 .04 .10 Age .01 .01 .03 Moral domain -.01 .03 -.01 Conventional domain -.04 .03 -.12 Prudential domain -.01 .02 -.04 Personal domain .03 .03 .09 Friendship domain .07 .03 .18" Paternal domain-specific behavioral control (n = 258) Step 1 Gender .06 .04 .10 Age .01 .01 Step 2 Gender .04 .05 .08 Age .01 Moral domain .02 .02 .07 Conventional domain -.07 .02 -.26"* .02 Prudential domain .01 .02 .04 Personal domain .03 Friendship domain .05 .02 .15* Note. Dashes indicate the number was not estimated. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.  r  R  AR  .01  .01  .06  .05  .01  .01  .07  .06  2  2  -.03 -.06 -.03 .10 .18"  -.04 -.17" -.06 .04 .15*  87  Table 8 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Maternal and Paternal Domain-Specific Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Externalizing Problem Behaviors Variable  B  SEB  P  Maternal domain-specific behavioral control (n = 265) Step 1 Gender -.07 .03 -.12 ** * Age .04 .01 .26 Step 2 Gender -.07 .03 -.12* Age .04 .01 .22 Moral domain -.02 .03 -.05 Conventional domain .02 -.01 -.02 Prudential domain -.04 .02 -.13* Personal domain -.04 .03 -.11 Friendship domain .11 .02 .33 • Paternal domain-specific behavioral control (n = 258) Step 1 Gender -.07 -.12 .03 Age .04 .01 .26*** Step 2 Gender -.08 .03 -.14* Age .03 .01 .19* Moral domain .02 .01 Conventional domain -.02 .02 -.10 Prudential domain -.04 .02 -.18* Personal domain -.03 .03 -.08 Friendship domain .08 .02 .27*** Note. Dashes indicate the number was not estimated. *p < .05. **p< .01. ***p < .001.  r  R  AR  .07  .07***  .17  .10***  .07  .07***  .16  .9***  2  2  -.07 -.07 -.17** -.08 .22  -.10 -.17" -.22*** -.08 .17**  Table 9 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Psychological and Domain-Specific Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Internalizing Problem Behaviors (n = 261) Variable Psychological control Step 1 Gender Age Step 2 Gender Age Maternal B C in friendship domain Paternal B C in conventional domain Paternal B C in friendship domain Step 3 Gender Age Maternal B C in friendship domain Paternal B C in conventional domain Paternal B C in friendship domain Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control  B  SEB  .06  -  .04 .01  .10 .01  .05 .05 -.05 .03  .04 .01 .03 .02 .02  .09 .01 .14 -.19" .11  .06 -.01 .03 -.04 .02 .07 .05  .04 .01 .03 .02 .02 .03 .02  .10 -.04 .09 -.14* .06 .18* • 16*  P  2  .01  .08  .16  Domain-specific behavioral control Step 1 Gender •'.06 Age Step 2 Gender .07 Age -.01 Maternal psychological control .09 Paternal psychological control .06 Step 3 Gender .06 Age -.01 Maternal psychological control .07 Paternal psychological control .05 Maternal B C in friendship domain .03 Paternal B C in conventional domain -.04 Paternal B C in friendship domain .02  .01 .04 .01  .10 .01 .13  .04 .01 .02 .02  .12 -.04 .24*** .16* .16  .04 .01 .03 .02 .03 .02 .02  .10 -.04 .18* .16* .09 -.14* .06  Note. Dashes indicate the number was not estimated. B C = behavioral control *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.  R  Table 10 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analyses for Psychological and Domain-Specific Behavioral Control Variables Predicting Externalizing Problem Behaviors (n = 261) Variable Psychological control Step 1 Gender Age Step 2 Gender Age Maternal B C in prudential domain Maternal B C in friendship domain Paternal B C in prudential domain Paternal B C in friendship domain Step 3 Gender Age Maternal B C in prudential domain Maternal B C in friendship domain Paternal B C in prudential domain Paternal B C in friendship domain Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control Domain-specific behavioral control Step 1 Gender Age Step 2 Gender Age Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control Step 3 Gender Age Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control Maternal B C in prudential domain Maternal B C in friendship domain Paternal B C in prudential domain Paternal B C in friendship domain  B  SEB  P  -.07 .04  .03 .01  -.12 .26*"  -.08 .03 -.02 .07 -.05 .03  .03 .01 .02 .02 .02 .02  -.14* .21** -.08 .21** -.19** .12  -.06 .03 .03 -.03 .02 .11 .04  .03 .01 .02 .02 .02 .02 .02 .02  -.12* .19** .02 .09 -.13 .08 .34*** . .14*  -.07 .04  .03 .01  -.12  -  .26  AR  .07  .07***  .18  .11***  .32  .14***  .07  .07***  2  .03 .01 .02 .02  -.10 .20 .39*** .16**  -.06 .03 .11 .04  .03 .01 .02 .02 .02 .02 .02 .02  -.12* .19** .34*** .14* .02 .09 -.13 .08  .30  .32  -  .03 -.03 .02  2  * **  -.06 .03 .13 .05  Note. Dashes indicate the number was not estimated. BC = behavioral control *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.  R  _ _ ***  .23  .02  90  Table 11 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Examining the Moderating Influence of Parental Control on Pubertal Timing and Internalizing Problem Beha viors (n = 259) Variable Internalizing Problem Behaviors Step 1 Gender Age Step 2 Gender Age On-time Late Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control Paternal B C in conventional domain Step 3 Gender Age On-time Late Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control Paternal B C in conventional domain On-time x maternal psychological control On-time x paternal psychological control On-time x paternal B C in conventional Late x maternal psychological control Late x paternal psychological control Late x paternal B C in conventional  B  SEB  .06 -  .04 .01  .10 .01  .07 -.01 .01 -.05 .08 .06 -.03  .04 .01 .05 .07 .03 .02 .02  .11 -.05 .01 -.06 .21" .16* -.12*  .07 -.01 -.01 -.04 .02 -.02 -.02 .04 .08 -.02 -.05 .10 .02  .04 .01 .05 .09 .07 .05 .04 .06 .05 .05 .11 .17 .07  .12 -.06 -.01 -.05 .07 -.06 -.09 .12 .25 -.06 .05 .07 .02  Note. Dashes indicate the number was not estimated. B C = behavioral control *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.  P  r  .07 -.11*  .30*** .28*** -.17** .12* .13* -.01  R  AR  .01  .01  .14  .13***  •17  .03  2  3  91  Table 12 Summary of Hierarchical Regression Examining the Moderating Influence of Parental Control on Pubertal Timing and Externalizing Problem Behaviors (n = 260) Variable Externalizing Problem Behaviors Step 1 Gender Age ep 2 Gender Age On-time Late Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control ep 3 Gender Age On-time Late Maternal psychological control Paternal psychological control On-time x maternal psychological control On-time x paternal psychological control Late x maternal psychological control Late x paternal psychological control Note. Dashes indicate the number was not estimated. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.  B  SEB  -.07 .04  .03 .01  -.05 .03 -.02 -.12 .12 .04  .03 .01 .04 .05 .02 .02  P  r  R  AR  .07  .07  .32  .25  2  -.12 .26 -.10 .18" -.03 -.16* .38*" .14* .33  ;  -.05 .03 -.02 -.14 -.17  .03 •01 .04 .07 .05 .04 -.04 .04 .05- - .04 -.14 .08 .13 .09  2  -.10 .19" -.04 -.19* .53" -.01 -.14 •17 -.15 .08  *  .15 * -.25 .42* .34* .14* .22  Figure 1. Estimated mean differences between males and females on internalizing problem behaviors.  Pubertal Timing  Figure 2. Estimated mean differences between early, on-time, late maturing adolescents externalizing problem behaviors.  male  female Early Maturing  On-time Maturing  Pubertal Timing  Late Maturing  94  Figure 3. Estimated mean differences between early, on-time, and late maturing adolescents on paternal psychological control.  male  female Early Maturing  On-time Maturing  Pubertal Timing  Late Maturing  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF BRITISH  95  COLUMBIA  Department of Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education Faculty of Education : 2125 Main Mall Vancouver, B.C. Canada V6T 1Z4  Appendix A Main Office Tel: (604) 822-8229 Fax: (604) 822-3302  Program Areas Special Education  School Psychology  Measurement, Evaluation & Research Methodology  Human Learning, Development, & Instruction  Counselling Psychology Tel: (604) 822-5259 Fax: (604) 822-2328  Dear Participant and Parent(s): We are from the University of British Columbia in the Department of Educational and Counselling Psychology. We are conducting a research project about the relationships between youth's perceptions of parental control, and various aspects of youth development. This study is being conducted as part of Rubab Arim's Master's thesis research under the direction of Dr. Jennifer Shapka. The results will help us to understand the relationship between teenagers' opinions of their parents' control and physical, social and emotional aspects of youth development. The study will involve students spending about 45-50 minutes filling out a questionnaire. A l l information collected will be private and confidential. No names will be attached to the questionnaires. Participants may ask questions of the researchers at any time, and are free to omit specific questions or to stop completing the questionnaires, if they feel uncomfortable with continuing. To show our appreciation for the time and effort it takes to be involved in this research, everyone who participates will be entered into a draw to win one of five prizes, consisting of your choice of a gift certificate to A & B Sound or the movies, both worth approximately $20. Please refer to the attached consent forms for further information and telephone contact numbers. Feel free to call us if you have any questions or concerns. Please remember that participation (and to be entered into the draw) will only be possible if the signed consent forms from student and the parent are returned to the researchers on the day of the study.  Thank-you for taking the time to read these forms and think about becoming involved with my research. Sincerely,  Dr. Jennifer Shapka and Rubab Arim The University of British Columbia  Version: April 11, 2003  Page 1 of 1  96  Appendix A (cont'd) Informed Consent F o r m  Informed Consent Signature Section Relationships between P a r e n t a l C o n t r o l a n d Aspects of Y o u t h Development  I have read the information about this study and have been provided with telephone contact numbers to contact the researchers with questions about my participation in this study. • YES, I would like to be in this study. • NO, I do not want to participate in this study.  (Please print) Your Name  Your signature  Date  Thank you!  Version: April 11, 2003  Page l o f 1  98  Appendix A (cont'd) As a participant, your child can refuse to answer any question, and may withdraw him or herself from the study at any time. To maintain privacy, your child's name will not be recorded at any time. ) A l l information collected for this research will be completely anonymous and will be kept in a locked filing cabinet. A l l students who return a consent form (regardless of whether or not they participate) will have their names placed in a draw for a prize consisting of a gift certificate or 2 movie passes. If you have any questions concerning the study or require further information, please contact Rubab Arim or Dr. Jennifer Shapka, as listed above. If you have concerns about your child's rights or treatment as a research participant, please contact Director of the U B C Office of Research Services and Administration, at (604) 822-8598. We would be extremely pleased if you decide you are willing to give your son or daughter permission to participate and if he or she decides to do so. Thank you kindly for your time and consideration of this-request. Please sign the consent form on the following page and return with your son or daughter to school.  Version: 11 April, 2003 Page 2 of 3  99 Appendix A (cont'd) Informed Consent Form  Informed Consent Signature Section Relationships between Parental Control and Aspects of Youth Development  I have read the above information and have been provided with telephone contact numbers to contact the researchers with questions about my child's participation in this study. • YES, I give consent for my child's participation in this study. • N O , I am not willing to let my child participate in this study.  (Please print) Son or Daughter's Name  (Please print) Parent's Name  Parent's signature  Date  Please return this form to your child's teacher in the enclosed envelope. Thank you  Version: 11 April, 2003  Page 3 of 3  100  Appendix B  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF BRITISH  COLUMBIA  Thank you for agreeing to participate in this UBC  research  project!  T h i s p a c k a g e c o n t a i n s 2 5 pages in t o t a l . T h i s is n o t a t e s t : T h e r e a r e no " r i g h t " o r " w r o n g "  All your  answers.  will r e m a i n C O N F I D E N T I A L ( p r i v a t e ) . S o b e as  answers  h o n e s t a n d as accurate  as  you can in a n s w e r i n g e a c h  question. Thank you for your help! Have a great day!  Dr. J e n n i f e r  Rubab  Shapka  Co-investigator  Principal Investigator The University of British Department  Arim  Columbia  of Educational and  The University of B r i t i s h Department  Columbia  of Educational and  Counselling Psychology, and S p e c i a l  Counselling Psychology, and S p e c i a l  Education  Education  101 A p p e n d i x B (cont'd) Demographic Background  TELL US ABOUT YOURSELF We are i n t e r e s t e d in learning about your background. Please follow the directions carefully, and answer ALL of the questions. R E M E M B E R , YOUR A N S W E R S W I L L R E M A I N P R I V A T E A N D W I L L BE S E E N ONLY BY T H E R E S E A R C H E R S . 1. What is your birth date? / MONTH  DAY  / YEAR  2. What is your cultural background (check all that apply): •  F i r s t Nations / Native  •  Caucasian I European  •  Latino / Hispanic  •  African  •  South Asian (e.g. India, Pakistan, S r i Lanka)  •  East Asian (e.g. China, Japan, Korea)  •  South East Asian (e.g. Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand)  3. Were you born in Canada? Yes  •  No  •  I f "No", what year did you move to Canada?  4. What Language do you normally speak at home? English  Other  if you speak a language other  than English at home, what is it?  102 A p p e n d i x B (cont'd) Demographic Background 5. L i v i n g s i t u a t i o n o f t h e p e o p l e y o u t h i n k o f as y o u r • M a r r i e d / c o m m o n law ( l i v i n g t o g e t h e r  parents.  in t h e s a m e  household). • S e p a r a t e d / d i v o r c e d , and I l i v e m o s t l y w i t h my  father.  • S e p a r a t e d / d i v o r c e d , a n d I l i v e m o s t l y w i t h my  mother.  • S e p a r a t e d / d i v o r c e d , and I s p e n d a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e with each parent. • S i n g l e parenting s i t u a t i o n (e.g., never m a r r i e d , If  widowed).  t h e y a r e s e p a r a t e d , d i v o r c e d ; or a single p a r e n t , what  y e a r d i d t h a t h a p p e n in? (If  it has b e e n f o r y o u r w h o l e l i f e , j u s t w r i t e "my w h o l e  l i f e " i n s t e a d of t h e y e a r ) I  don't  l i v e w i t h my p a r e n t s  (Please s p e c i f y  with:  live )  6. Do y o u h a v e any b r o t h e r s and s i s t e r s ? I have  who you  _  b r o t h e r s . I have  sisters.  103  Appendix B (cont'd) Psychological Control Scale MY Using the  My  question stem, please complete each sentence  Mother  is a  person  who... 1.  MOTHER  ... is a l w a y s t r y i n g t o c h a n g e  Not  Somewhat  like  like  her  her  1  below.  llltllffifj  A  lot,  like her  2  3  4  5  2  3  4  5  2  3  4  5  4  5  how I f e e l o r t h i n k a b o u t things. 2.  changes the  subject  whenever I have s o m e t h i n g to s a y .  -y  • '  , -•  3. ... o f t e n i n t e r r u p t s 4  b l a m e s mc f o r  -> 1  me.  2  other  family members' problems. 5. ... b r i n g s up p a s t m i s t a k e s  2  3  4  5  2  3  4  5  1  2  3  4  5  llllill  2  3  4  5  1.  w h e n s h e c r i t i c i z e s me. 6. .. is l e s s f r i e n d l y w i t h me i f  B M P  I do n o t s e c t h i n s h e r w a \ 7. ... w i l l a v o i d l o o k i n g a t me when I have d i s a p p o i n t e d her. 8. ... i f I h a v e h u r t h e r feelings, stops talking  to  me u n t i l I p l e a s e h e r a g a i n .  104 Appendix B (cont'd) Psychological Control Scale MY  FATHER  Using the question s t e m , please complete each sentence My  Father  is a p e r s o n who...  below.  Not  Somewhat  A lot  like  like him  like  him 1.  ... is a l w a y s t r y i n g t o c h a n g e  him  1  2  3  4  5  1  2  3  4  5  3. ... o f t e n i n t e r r u p t s m e .  1  2  3  4  5  4 . ... b l a m e s me f o r o t h e r  1  2  3  4  5  1  2  3  4  5  1  2  3 •  4  5  how I f e e l o r t h i n k a b o u t things. 2  changes the subject 1  whenever I have something  family members' problems 5. ... b r i n g s up p a s t m i s t a k e s when he c r i t i c i z e s me. 6. ... is l e s s f r i e n d l y w i t h me i f  ;  ||j|lg  I do n o t s e e t h i n g s h i s way 7. ... w i l l a v o i d l o o k i n g a t me  '  iliisMi  1  2  3  4  5  1  2  3  4  5  when I have d i s a p p o i n t e d him. 8  if I have h u r t his  iliilillifiassisita  f e e l i n g s , stops talking to me u n t i l I p l e a s e h i s a g a i n .  105  Appendix B (cont'd) Behavioral Control Scale  MY MOTHER Using the question stem, please complete each sentence below. Not like her  My Mother is a person  1.  ... h a s c l e a r e x p e c t a t i o n s  for  Somewhat like her  1  2  A lot  like her  3  4  5  3  4  5  4  5  how I s h o u l d b e h a v e in a n d o u t s i d e the home. 2. .. r e q u i r e s t h a t I b e h a v e in  1  c e r t a i n ways. 3. ... b e l i e v e s t h a t  parents  1  2  3  WHS  c  BP1MI  i  2  3  have t h e r i g h t to s e t rules and r e g u l a t i o n s f o r  how  children should behave.  4 . ... is f a i r in t h e  requirements  5  s h e h a s o f me.  5. ... is v e r y u n c l e a r as t o  what  4  5  ,4  5  she e x p e c t s of me*.  6. "•'  w a t c h e s to make s u r e  I  i  , .  2..  .  3  behave appropria'fely.'''  Note.  T h i s item was reverse coded before the mean v a r i a b l e was created.  ,  106 B e h a v i o r a l C o n t r o l Scale (cont'd) Not  Somewhat  A lot  who...  like  like her  like  7. ...talks to neighbors, parents  1  M y M o t h e r is a  person  her  her  2  4  3  5  o f my f r i e n d s , or my t e a c h e r s about my behavior.  Bill  8. .. makes e f f o r t s to know who my f r i e n d s a r e , where  HSR IMHpi  SPH  I  spend my time, etc 9. ...checks on me in reasonable  i  2  3  4  5  4  5  ways to see if I am behaving like she wants me to. 10....applies consequences to me :  if I don't behave according  HHl  BSIB illliiS  to her e x p e c t a t i o n s . 11.... r e s t r i c t s my privileges  llllllllllilffltl  i  2  3  4  5  i  2  3  '4  5  i  2  3  4  5  when I don't follow the rules. 12.... doesn't e n f o r c e the rules she s e t s . 13.... is f a i r in punishing me or r e s t r i c t i n g my privileges. ><  14.... ignores my misbehavior*.  i  Plljl jlllllli^pll;  Note.  T h i s item was reverse coded before the mean v a r i a b l e was created.  107 Appendix B (cont'd) Behavioral Control Scale  MY FATHER  Using the question stem, please complete each sentence below. , Not like him  . My Father is a person who... 1.  ... h a s c l e a r e x p e c t a t i o n s  for  Somewhat like him  1  2  A lot  like him  3  4  5  how I s h o u l d b e h a v e in a n d o u t s i d e t h e home. 2.  r e q u i r e s t h a t I b e h a v e in  Iliilf  5  c e r t a i n ways. 3. ... b e l i e v e s t h a t p a r e n t s h a v e  i  2  3  i  2  -; 3  i  2  3  4  5  t h e r i g h t to s e t r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s f o r how c h i l d r e n should behave.  4.  is f a i r in t h e  requirements  -  v  •  4  -  5 .  he h a s o f me.  5. ... is v e r y u n c l e a r a s t o  what  4  5  4  5  he e x p e c t s o f m e * .  6. . w a t c h e s t o m a k e s u r e behave Note.  appropriately.  I  : -3-  i >'  1  " '  T h i s item was reverse coded before the mean v a r i a b l e was created.  108 Behavioral Control Scale (cont'd) Not  Somewhat  A lot  who...  like  like him  like  7. ... t a l k s to n e i g h b o r s , p a r e n t s  1  My  F a t h e r is a p e r s o n  him  him  2  3  4  5  of my f r i e n d s , or my t e a c h e r s about my behavior. 8. ... makes e f f o r t s to know who  SllfS  5  mv f r i e n d s a r c where I spend my t i m e , e t c . 9. ... c h e c k s on me in reasonable  1  2  ^§  2  1  2  4  3  5  ways to see i f I am behaving like he wants me t o . 10.... applies consequences to me if I don't behave a c c o r d i n g  SIS  5  to his e x p e c t a t i o n s . 11. ... r e s t r i c t s my p r i v i l e g e s  3  4  5  4  5  4  5  4  5  when I don't f o l l o w t h e r u l e s . 12  doesn't e n f o r c e t h e rules  1  he s e t s . 13.... is f a i r in punishing me or  1  2  1  •BP  3  r e s t r i c t i n g my p r i v i l e g e s . 14.... ignores my misbehavior*. Note.  T h i s item was reverse coded before the mean v a r i a b l e was created.  109 A p p e n d i x B (cont'd) D o m a i n - S p e c i f i c B e h a v i o r a l C o n t r o l Scale  MY  Using the question stem,  please  complete each sentence  Not  My M o t h e r is a person <•  MOTHER  Somewhat like her  like  who...  below. A lot like  her 1  1  t e l l s me t h a t I h a v e t o  her 2  3  4  5  4  ... 5  ask p e r m i s s i o n to take money f r o m h e r . 2. . r e q u i r e s me t o b e h o n e s t with her all t h e time. 3. ... i n s i s t s t h a t I k e e p t h e  2  3  4  5  l'  2  3  4  5  1  2  3  4  5  4  5  p r o m i s e s t h a t I have made. \A'. ... a s k s me t o s h a r e s t u f f ' t h a t belongs to all of us.* 5 , ... r e m i n d s me t o do my  1  c h o r e s ( e . g . p u t t i n g away my c l o t h e s , d o i n g my homework). 6. .  warns me a g a i n s t  back to h e r .  talking 1  IBWSIilllil 2  110  D o m a i n - S p e c i f i c B e h a v i o r a l C o n t r o l Scale (cont'd)  My M o t h e r is a person  Not  Somewhat  like  like her  A lot r  her 7. ... r e q u i r e s me t o h a v e g o o d  like her  1  2  1  2  3  4  5  4  5  manners. 8.  w a r n s me i f I s w e a r .  tf|:|:%v '' •••Nil  1  2  3  4  5  lililli  2  lliiiiisiii^piii  4  5  11. ... r e s t r i c t s my c h o i c e o f m u s i c .  1  2  3  4  5  12.... d o e s n o t l e t me t o s l e e p l a t e  siissiiiiliil  2  iiiiiiiBii  4  1  2  3  4  5  4  5  4  5  4  5  9  c h o o s e s my c l o t h e s f o r m e .  10.... c h e c k s up on h o w I s p e n d my money.  oh w e e k e n d s .  13.... p u n i s h e s me i f I do n o t c l e a n  MPS  my r o o m . 14.... r e s t r i c t s my t i m e t o w a t c h *7fm™.;-y.  ..  LlsS§Y  •:.;:w1P'.:':'-. :  r :  •  2' "  "'\ • ''^ ff^i^ M^^^^^9'^^^^• i  :  :  :  15.... d o e s n o t a l l o w me t o s t a y o u t  i  2  3  late. 16.... d o e s n o t - a l l o w me t o qo o u t  IMS  2  v  if I wear, heavy make-up . Note.  In the q u e s t i o n n a i r e for boys, item #16 was r e p l a c e d by "does not a l l o w me to  go out i f I wear an e a r r i n g " .  111  Domain-Specific  Behavioral Control Scale (cont'd)  who...  Not like her  17.... reminds me to put on my  1  My Mother  is a p e r s o n  Somewhat like h e r 2  A lot like her  3  4  3  4  5  3  4  5  3  4  5  3  4  5  ^^^||  4  5  3  4  5  4  5  .  ;  5 .  bike helmet. 18.... makes sure I am wearing  1  a s e a t - b e l t in t h e c a r . 19.... d i s c o u r a g e s me f r o m  1  2  smoking c i g a r e t t e s or drinking alcohol. 20.... c h e c k s up on me to see  1  if I am using drugs. 21.... t r i e s to stop me f r o m  •r.=  2  seeing f r i e n d s whom she doesn't l i k e . 22.... does not give me p e r m i s s i o n to s t a y over at a f r i e n d ' s house. 23  punishes me if I see  i  2  • f r i e n d s i n s t e a d of going out w i t h f a m i l y . 24  has c l e a r rules about what age I can s t a r t dating.  HSU  112 Appendix B (cont'd) D o m a i n - S p e c i f i c B e h a v i o r a l C o n t r o l Scale MY  FATHER  Using the question stem, please complete each sentence  AAy F a t h e r  is a p e r s o n  who 1. ;  ! Not l i k e  below.  Somewhat  • A. lor  like him  like him  ... t e l l s me t h a t I h a v e t o  1  2  SSiwi ii  2  i  2  3  4  5  ask permission to take money f r o m h i m . 2. . . . r e q u i r e s me t o b e h o n e s t  5  with him all t h e time. ' 3 . ... i n s i s t s t h a t I k e e p t h e  3  4  5  3  4 "  5  p r o m i s e s t h a t I have made.  4  a s k s me t o s h a r e s t u f f t h a t b e l o n g s t o a l l o f us  <v *> " "*  5. ... r e m i n d s me t o d o my  •• i -  ™  '  2  3  4  5  2  3  4  5  c h o r e s (e.g. p u t t i n g away my c l o t h e s , d o i n g my homework).  6. ... w a r n s me a g a i n s t back to him.  talking  113 D o m a i n - S p e c i f i c B e h a v i o r a l C o n t r o l Scale (cont'd)  My Father is a person .who...  Not like him 1  7. ... r e q u i r e s me t o h a v e g o o d  Somewhat like him 2  3  A lot like him 4  5  manners.  lISI^Bll  8.  ... w a r n s me i f I s w e a r .  9.  . . . c h o o s e s my c l o t h e s f o r m e .  10.... c h e c k s up on h o w I s p e n d  i  5  2  3  4  5  139181  2  3 .  4  5  i  2  3  4  5  Silli  5  my m o n e y . 11. ... r e s t r i c t s my c h o i c e o f music. 12.... d o e s n o t l e t me t o s l e e p  "i  l a t e on w e e k e n d s .  13  p u n i s h e s me i f I do n o t  l  2  3  4  5  i  2  3  4  5  i  2  3  4  5  i  2  3  4  5"  c l e a n my r o o m . 14.... r e s t r i c t s my t i m e t o  *  w a t c h TV., ;  15.... d o e s n o t a l l o w me t o s t a y out  late.  16. ...does n o t a l l o w me t o go o u t if I wear heavy make-up . Note.  In the questionnaire for boys, item #16 was replaced by "does not allow me to  go out i f I wear an earring".  114  D o m a i n - S p e c i f i c B e h a v i o r a l C o n t r o l Scale (cont'd) My F a t h e r  Ipli^  is a p e r s o n  Not  A lot  like him  like him  lIlB^  17.... r e m i n d s me t o p u t on my  Somewhat  2  1  3  4 ,  5  4  5  4  5  4  5  4  5  4 =•  5  bike helmet. 18.... m a k e s s u r e I am w e a r i n g a  .2  s e a t - b e l t in t h e c a r 19.... d i s c o u r a g e s me f r o m  WSSIKIIIIII  2  i  3  smoking c i g a r e t t e s or drinking alcohol. 20.  2  c h e c k s up on me t o s e e i f I am using d r u g s .  21.... t r i e s t o s t o p me f r o m  2  i  3  s e e i n g f r i e n d s whom h e doesn't like.  22.  Milii  d o e s n o t g i v e me  :  ' 3  permission to stay over at a friend's house.  23.... p u n i s h e s me i f I s e e  ^^^^^^^^^^^^^  1  MiV-V:-^.l& V : :i  2  4  3  5  f r i e n d s i n s t e a d of going out with family. 24. . has clear rules about what age I c a n , s t a r t dating.  IV  4  2  \ ^  3  . '  5  115 Appendix B (cont'd) Pubertal Development Scale / G i r l s Today's Date: Month Sex:  Male  Grade:  Female  Day  Year  ( C i r c l e one)  A g e : I am  y e a r s and  months old.  A l l g i r l s c h a n g e and d e v e l o p p h y s i c a l l y , m e n t a l l y , and e m o t i o n a l l y in t h e p r o c e s s o f " g r o w i n g up." D u r i n g t h e t e e n a g e y e a r s , t h e g r o w t h and d e v e l o p m e n t o f y o u r b o d y is an e s p e c i a l l y i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f t h i s p r o c e s s o f b e c o m i n g a g r o w n up. S i n c e it is n o r m a l f o r d i f f e r e n t changes at d i f f e r e n t  g i r l s t o go t h r o u g h t h e s e p h y s i c a l  t i m e s , we a r e i n t e r e s t e d in l e a r n i n g a b o u t  w h a t c h a n g e s a r e u s u a l l y h a p p e n i n g in g i r l s w h e n t h e y a r e y o u r a g e . W e w o u l d l i k e t o a s k y o u t o h e l p us g e t t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n by a n s w e r i n g s o m e q u e s t i o n s a b o u t how you a r e c u r r e n t l y  growing  and d e v e l o p i n g . W h e n you a r e a n s w e r i n g t h e s e q u e s t i o n s , it is i m p o r t a n t  to  r e m e m b e r t h a t n e i t h e r your c l a s s m a t e s , t e a c h e r s , nor anyone e l s e w i l l know w h a t you a n s w e r e d . T h e r e f o r e , p l e a s e b e as h o n e s t as p o s s i b l e s i n c e y o u r h o n e s t a n s w e r s w i l l h e l p us l e a r n a b o u t girls your age. Please r e m e m b e r also to r e a d t h e d i r e c t i o n s and e a c h q u e s t i o n c a r e f u l l y . I f you h a v e any q u e s t i o n s , p l e a s e r a i s e y o u r h a n d s a n d we w i l l c o m e t o y o u r s e a t t o h e l p y o u . R E M E M B E R A L L A N S W E R S Y O U G I V E W I L L BE KEPT P R I V A T E  116 Pubertal Development Scale / G i r l s (cont'd)  H O W T O A N S W E R T H E QUESTIONS Section I:  To answer each question, please circle the  number  in front of the answer that best describes what is happening to you. Please choose only one answer for each question.  1. W o u l d y o u s a y t h a t y o u r g r o w t h in h e i g h t : 1. h a s n o t y e t b e g u n t o s p u r t ( " s p u r t " means m o r e  growth  than usual) 2. h a s b a r e l y 3. is d e f i n i t e l y  started underway  4. seems c o m p l e t e d  2. A n d how a b o u t t h e g r o w t h o f b o d y h a i r ( " b o d y h a i r " means underarm and pubic hair)? Would you say t h a t your body hair has: 1. n o t y e t s t a r t e d  growing  2. h a s b a r e l y s t a r t e d 3. is d e f i n i t e l y  growing  underway  4. seems c o m p l e t e d  3. H a v e y o u n o t i c e d any s k i n c h a n g e s , e s p e c i a l l y p i m p l e s ? 1. n o t y e t s t a r t e d s h o w i n g c h a n g e s 2. h a v e b a r e l y s t a r t e d s h o w i n g c h a n g e s 3. s k i n c h a n g e s a r e d e f i n i t e l y  underway  4. s k i n changes seem c o m p l e t e d  117 Pubertal Development Scale / G i r l s (cont'd)  4 . Have your breasts begun to grow? 1. Not yet s t a r t e d growing 2.  Have barely s t a r t e d changing  3. Breast growth is definitely  underway  4 . Breast growth seems completed 5. Do you think your development is an earlier or later than most other girls your age? 1. much earlier 2. somewhat earlier 3. about the same 4 . somewhat later 5. much later  Section II:  To answer each question, fill in the blanks with  the best answer you can give.  6. Have you begun to menstruate? (Have you had your period?)  1. No  2. Yes  If you answered "yes," how old were you when you f i r s t menstruated? Age: I was  years and  months old when I  began to menstruate. 7. How tall are you?  Height: I am  8. How much do you weigh?  f e e t and  Weight: I weigh  inches tall. pounds.  118  Appendix B (cont'd) Pubertal Development Scale / Boys Today's Date: Month Sex:  Male  Grade:  Female  Day  Year  ( C i r c l e one)  A g e : I am  y e a r s and  months old.  A l l boys change and develop p h y s i c a l l y , m e n t a l l y , and e m o t i o n a l l y in t h e p r o c e s s o f " g r o w i n g up." D u r i n g t h e t e e n a g e y e a r s , t h e g r o w t h and d e v e l o p m e n t o f y o u r b o d y is an e s p e c i a l l y i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f t h i s p r o c e s s o f b e c o m i n g a g r o w n up. S i n c e it is n o r m a l f o r d i f f e r e n t changes at d i f f e r e n t  b o y s t o go t h r o u g h t h e s e p h y s i c a l  t i m e s , we a r e i n t e r e s t e d in l e a r n i n g a b o u t  w h a t c h a n g e s a r e u s u a l l y h a p p e n i n g in b o y s w h e n t h e y a r e y o u r a g e . W e w o u l d l i k e t o a s k you t o h e l p us g e t t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n by a n s w e r i n g s o m e q u e s t i o n s a b o u t how you a r e c u r r e n t l y  growing  and d e v e l o p i n g . W h e n y o u a r e a n s w e r i n g t h e s e q u e s t i o n s , it is i m p o r t a n t  to  r e m e m b e r t h a t n e i t h e r y o u r c l a s s m a t e s , t e a c h e r s , nor a n y o n e e l s e w i l l know w h a t you a n s w e r e d . T h e r e f o r e , p l e a s e be as h o n e s t as p o s s i b l e s i n c e y o u r h o n e s t a n s w e r s will h e l p us l e a r n a b o u t boys your age. P l e a s e r e m e m b e r a l s o t o r e a d t h e d i r e c t i o n s and e a c h q u e s t i o n c a r e f u l l y . I f you h a v e any q u e s t i o n s , p l e a s e r a i s e y o u r h a n d s a n d we w i l l c o m e t o y o u r s e a t t o h e l p y o u . R E M E M B E R A L L A N S W E R S Y O U G I V E W I L L BE K E P T P R I V A T E  119  Pubertal Development Scale / Boys (cont'd) HOW T O ANSWER T H E Q U E S T I O N S Section I:  To answer each question, please circle the  number  in front of the answer that best describes what is happening to you. Please choose only one answer for each question.  1. W o u l d y o u s a y t h a t y o u r g r o w t h in h e i g h t : 1. h a s n o t y e t b e g u n t o s p u r t ( " s p u r t " means m o r e g r o w t h  than  usual) 2. h a s b a r e l y s t a r t e d 3. is d e f i n i t e l y  underway  4. s e e m s c o m p l e t e d 2. A n d how a b o u t t h e g r o w t h o f b o d y h a i r ( " b o d y h a i r " m e a n s u n d e r a r m and pubic hair)? W o u l d you say t h a t your body hair has: 1. n o t y e t s t a r t e d  growing  2. h a s b a r e l y s t a r t e d g r o w i n g 3. is d e f i n i t e l y  underway  4. s e e m s c o m p l e t e d 3. H a v e y o u n o t i c e d any s k i n c h a n g e s , e s p e c i a l l y p i m p l e s ? 1. n o t y e t s t a r t e d s h o w i n g c h a n g e s 2. h a v e b a r e l y s t a r t e d s h o w i n g c h a n g e s 3. s k i n c h a n g e s a r e d e f i n i t e l y  underway  4. s k i n c h a n g e s s e e m c o m p l e t e d  120  Pubertal Development Scale / Boys (cont'd)  4. Have you n o t i c e d a deepening of your v o i c e ? 1.  not y e t s t a r t e d  changing  2. h a v e b a r e l y s t a r t e d  changing  3. v o i c e c h a n g e is d e f i n i t e l y  underway  4. voice change seem completed 5. H a v e y o u b e g u n t o g r o w h a i r on y o u r f a c e 1.  not y e t s t a r t e d g r o w i n g h a i r  2. has b a r e l y s t a r t e d g r o w i n g h a i r 3. f a c i a l h a i r g r o w t h is d e f i n i t e l y  underway  4. f a c i a l hair g r o w t h seems completed 6 . Do you t h i n k y o u r d e v e l o p m e n t is an e a r l i e r o r l a t e r t h a n m o s t o t h e r boys your age? 1.  much e a r l i e r  2. s o m e w h a t e a r l i e r 3. a b o u t t h e s a m e 4. s o m e w h a t  later  5. m u c h l a t e r  Section II:  To answer each question, fill in the blanks with  the best answer you can give. 7. H o w t a l l a r e y o u ? H e i g h t : I am 8. H o w m u c h do y o u w e i g h ? pounds.  f e e t and  W e i g h t : I weigh  inches tall.  121 Appendix B (cont'd) * * * T H I S PAGE I S O P T I O N A L * * * T H I S M E A N S T H A T YOU ONLY NEED TO FILL I T OUT I F YOU  WANT T O I f y o u t e l l us t h a t y o u w o u l d l i k e t o s e e y o u r s c h o o l c o u n s e l o r a n d y o u w r i t e y o u n a m e b e l o w , t h e n we w i l l p a s s y o u r name a n d r e q u e s t f o r h e l p on t o y o u r s c h o o l c o u n s e l o r .  ***If you do not want to, then do N O T fill out this page***  • Y E S , I w o u l d l i k e t o s e e my s c h o o l c o u n s e l o r . Name: (PLEASE P R I N T ) Grade: Counsellor's Name: W e w i l l r i p t h i s page o f f a n d g i v e y o u r c o u n s e l o r y o u r n a m e . A f t e r t h a t , t h i s page w i l l b e d e s t r o y e d , b u t we w i l l k e e p t h e r e s t o f t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e ( w i t h o u t y o u r name a t t a c h e d ) .  Note.  T h e researcher c o n s i d e r e d it important to p r o v i d e youth with help i f they are  a s k i n g for it. T h i s request for help form was separated f o l l o w i n g data c o l l e c t i o n and returned to the p r i n c i p a l s for them to pass on to the school c o u n s e l o r s . S c h o o l c o u n s e l o r s , in turn, contacted the youth listed.  Appendix C Inter correlations among all Parental Control Variables Controlled for Age (n = 259) 9  10  11  12  13  14  -.03  .28**  .12  .28**  .11  .23"  .44**  .22**  .31"  .22**  .42**  .19*  .41"  .15  .25**  .43**  .26**  .21*  .12  .18*  .62**  .25**  .51"  .11  .22**  .10  .39"  .38  .18  .43**  .07  .26**  -  .32  .59"  .14  .36**  .05  .19*  -  .50"  .29  .22*  .21*  .09  -  .08  .32"  .07  .25**  -  .45**  .47**  .23"  -  .26**  .51"  -  .51"  1  2  3  4  5  l.MPC  -  .43"  .04  -.08  -.12  2. PPC  .01  .07  .02  3.MBC  -  .55"  .38"  .24"  .39"  .31"  .37**  .22**  .31"  .45"  .21*  .59**  .33"  -  .50"  .58"  .33"  -  .28"  -  4. P B C 5. MBC-moral 6. PBC-moral 7. MBC-conventional 8. PBC-conventional 9. MBC-prudential 10. PBC-prudential 11. MBC-personal  6  7  8  Variable  -  -.10  -19*  -.27**  -.20*  .06  -.06  -.09  -.03  -.03  -.15  -.01  12. PBC-Personal 13. MBC-Friendship  -.01 .19* -.09  14. P B C - Friendship Note. Dashes indicate the partial correlation was not estimated. M P C = maternal psychological control; PPC = paternal psychological control; M B C = maternal behavioral control; PBC = paternal behavioral control. *p < .01. "p < .001.  1  

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