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Epistemic communities and grassroots movements : the case of the Meinung Dam Beaubien, Courtney 2003

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EPISTEMIC COMMUNITIES AND GRASSROOTS MOVEMENTS: THE CASE OF THE MEINUNG DAM by Courtney Beaubien B.A. (Honours), Carleton University, 2000 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S I N P L A N N I N G in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S ( S C H O O L O F C O M M U N I T Y A N D R E G I O N A L P L A N N I N G ) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A January 2004 ©Courtney Beaubien, 2004 Library Authorization In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis: ; A ; r C ' L • . D e 9 r e e : Year: Department of i ^ a r Q u C k ^ ^ The University of British C o l u m b i a ^ " *-Vancouver, BC Canada 11 Abstract This study's objective is to assess the influence of epistemic communities on grassroots movements. The case study uses the Meinung anti-dam movement in Taiwan as an example of a grassroots movement and a network of sustainable water resource experts as an example of an epistemic community. A mixed-method qualitative approach consisting of interviews, literature reviews and content analyses determines that members of the epistemic community changed the anti-dam movement's platform and activities. The study concludes that in addition to their established role as networks that shape and coordinate the policy preferences of decision-makers, epistemic communities play a broader role in policy processes by strengthening locally-based movements. Key W o r d s : dams; epistemic communities; grassroots movements; Taiwan Table of Contents Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Tables vi List of Figures vii Acknowledgements viii Chapter 1: Introduction 1 1.1 D E F I N I N G T H E R E S E A R C H Focus 1 1.2 F R A M I N G T H E I S S U E S 4 1.3 M E T H O D O L O G Y 6 1.3.1 Phase 1: Collecting Background Information 7 1.3.2 Phase 2: Defining the Epistemic Community 8 1.3.3 Phase 3: Analysing Epistemic Community Involvement in the Movement 11 1.3.4 Limitations of the Research 11 1.4 O U T L I N E 13 1.5 C H A P T E R S U M M A R Y 14 Chapter 2: Theoretical Context 15 2.1 O V E R V I E W O F T H E E P I S T E M I C C O M M U N I T Y A P P R O A C H 15 2.1.1 Epistemic Communities and Policy-Making 17 2.1.2 Ecological Epistemic Communities 21 '( 2.2 E P I S T E M I C C O M M U N I T I E S A N D C O N C E P T U A L I S A T I O N S O F P U B L I C P O L I C Y 2 9 2.3 E P I S T E M I C C O M M U N I T I E S A N D S T U D I E S O F I N T E R N A T I O N A L A D V O C A C Y 3 2 2.3.1 Transnational Network Types 33 2.3.2 Clarifying the Relationship between Epistemic Communities and NGOs 34 2 .4 C H A P T E R S U M M A R Y 3 5 Chapter 3: Epistemic Communities and Dams 36 3.1 O V E R V I E W O F D A M B U I L D I N G : 3 6 3 .2 D E F I N I N G A N E P I S T E M I C C O M M U N I T Y O F S U S T A I N A B L E W A T E R R E S O U R C E E X P E R T S 3 8 3.2.1 Criterion 1: Shared Set of Normative and Principled Beliefs 38 3.2.2 Criterion 2: Shared Causal Beliefs 40 3.2.3 Criterion 3: Shared Notions of Validity 41 3.2.4 Criterion 4: Common Policy Enterprise 43 3.3 I D E N T I F Y I N G M E M B E R S O F T H E E P I S T E M I C C O M M U N I T Y 4 4 3.3.1 Linking Members of the Epistemic Community 46 3.4 A S S E S S I N G T H E E P I S T E M I C C O M M U N I T Y ' S I N F L U E N C E O N P O L I C Y 4 7 3.5 C H A P T E R S U M M A R Y 4 9 Chapter 4: Contextual Information on Taiwan 51 4.1 T H E R I S E O F T A I W A N E S E C I V I L S O C I E T Y 51 4.1.1 1947-1962: Political Forces in Absolute Command. 51 4.1.2. 1963-1978: Economic Forces in Relative Command 53 IV 4.1.3 1979-Present: Social Forces in Mobilisation 54 4.2 T H E TAIWANESE ENVIRONMENTAL M O V E M E N T 55 4.2.1 Overview of the Taiwanese Environmental Movement 56 4.2.2 Taiwanese Environmentalism and Recent Political Developments 57 4.3 EXPERTS IN T H E TAIWANESE ENVIRONMENTAL M O V E M E N T 59 4.3.1 Taiwanese Experts 60 4.3.2 Foreign Experts 62 4.4 TAIWAN'S GRASSROOTS ENVIRONMENTAL M O V E M E N T S 63 4.5 C H A P T E R S U M M A R Y . . . . • 64 Chapter 5: The Meinung Anti-Dam Movement 65 5.1 PROFILE OF M E I N U N G 65 5.1.1 The People '. 65 5.1.2 The Economy : 66 5.2 T H E PROPOSED D A M 68 5.2.1 Industrial Water Demands 68 5.3 T H E GRASSROOTS A N T I - D A M M O V E M E N T 71 5.3.1 The Meinung People's Association 72 5.3.2 The Labor Exchange Band 73 5.4 T H E C U R R E N T SITUATION 73 5.5 C H A P T E R S U M M A R Y 75 Chapter 6: The Epistemic Community in Meinung 76 6.1 CONNECTING EXPERTS TO T H E EPISTEMIC COMMUNITY 76 6.1.1 Philip Williams • 76 6.1.2 G. Mathias Kondolf 84 6.1.3 Linking Members of the Epistemic Community 90 6.2 EPISTEMIC COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT IN T H E A N T I - D A M M O V E M E N T 91 6.2.1 Phase 1: Establishing Ties to the Movement 91 6.2.2 Phase 2: Involving other Actors 94 6.2.3 Phase 3: Changes to the Movement's Platform 96 6.2.4 Phase 4: Changes to the Movement's Activities 102 6.3 CHAPTER S U M M A R Y 106 Chapter 7: Conclusions and Recommendations 108 7.1 I DENTIFYING T H E OUTCOMES 108 7.2 INTERPRETING T H E RESULTS 109 7.2.1 Relevance to Planning 109 7.3 RECOMMENDATIONS TO GENERALISE T H E RESULTS 111 7.4 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR RESEARCH ON EPISTEMIC COMMUNITIES 112 7.5 C H A P T E R S U M M A R Y • 113 Bibliography 114 Appendix A: Interview Questions 137 Appendix B: Approaches to the Study of Policy Change 139 Appendix C: The World Commission on Dams: A Brief Chronology of Events 140 Appendix D: Profile of WCD Commissioners 142 Appendix E: Profiles of the Epistemic Community Members : 143 V Appendix F: Letter from Patrick McCully to Somphone Phanousith 163 Appendix G: Letter from Thayer Scudder to Abdelfattah Amor 165 Appendix H: Letter from Patrick McCully to David McDowell 168 Appendix I: Some Official Reactions to the WCD Report 170 Appendix J: Five Initial Reasons against the Dam Project 172 Appendix K: Example of the Labor Exchange Band's Songs 173 Appendix L: Profiles of Kondolf and Williams.. 174 Appendix M: Letter of Opposition to the Meinung Dam 185 Appendix N: Profile of Jeffrey Hou 189 Appendix O: Eleven Major Concerns on the Meinung Dam 195 vi List of Tables Table 2.1: Case Studies of Epistemic Communities and Policy Coordination 22 Table 2.2: Previous Uses of Haas' Framework for Epistemic Communities 24 Table 3.1: Comparing the Larger Dam Industry and the Epistemic Community 44 Table 3.2: Categorising the WCD Commissioners : 45 Table 5.1: Features of the Proposed Meinung Dam 68 vii List of Figures Figure 3.1: Construction of Dams by Decade (1900-2000) 37 Figure 3.2: Links among Members of the Epistemic Community 47 Figure 5.1: Location of Meinung 65 Figure 5.2: Map of the Meinung Dam 69 Figure 6.1: Links among Williams, Kondolf and Other Members 90 V l l l Acknowledgements This study was written under the guidance of Paul Evans of the Institute of Asian Research and Tony Dorcey of the School of Community and Regional Planning. I wish to thank them for their time, patience and mentorship over the years. The ideas expressed in this study are undoubtedly stronger because of their helpful advice. I also express my thanks to Nora Angeles, Tom Hutton and Tim McDaniels. Through course work, they have influenced several sections of this study. I wish to extend special thanks to Tim McDaniels for his role as a member of my thesis committee. I also express my sincerest thanks to the people of Meinung for their hospitality and willingness to share their story. Finally, I wish to thank my family and friends. I would especially like to thank Sarah Farina for her encouragement and willingness to read several drafts. I also acknowledge Erin Embley, Sean LeRoy and Karen Miner for their contributions as fellow members of my thesis advising group. 1 Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Defining the Research Focus Ideas have long been seen to influence policy. Leslie Pal explains, "It is clear that ideas are the instruments or weapons of policy debate, setting out positions, rationales, and strategies.'" However, the influence of ideas on policy has only recently re-emerged as a central theme in studies of the policy process. Richard Higgott states, "While a concern with the role of ideas in policy formulation, implementation and coordination is not new, the explanatory importance of ideas has gained currency with the passing of the Cold War and the loosening of the ideological straightjacket that structured much post-war foreign policymaking."2 John Kurt Jacobsen elaborates, "After a long period of indifference, and even hostility towards ideational explanations, the time for 'ideas' has come around once again in political science and especially in the field of international relations."3 Within the field of international relations, the epistemic community approach offers one perspective on the role of ideas in policy-making. In particular, the approach examines the influence of expert ideas on policy formulation and international policy coordination. It argues that networks of experts, conceived of as epistemic communities, shape policy choices and policy coordination by influencing the policy preferences of decision-makers. Ernst Haas explains, "Epistemic communities are associations of professional experts in a particular field who, because of the knowledge they have, have an unusual influence on politicians and bureaucrats, and are, therefore, able to penetrate government departments and make their ideas part of policy."4 Peter Haas, Ernst Haas' son and a recognised authority on epistemic communities, adds that "epistemic 1 Leslie A. Pal, Public Policy Analysis: An Introduction. 2nd ed. (Scarborough, ON: Nelson, 1992) 200. 2 Richard Higgott, "Ideas, Identity and Policy Co-ordination in the Asia-Pacific," The Pacific Review 7 (1994): 369. 3 John Kurt Jacobsen, Dead Reckonings: Ideas. Interests, and Politics in the "Information Age" (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities P, 1997) 25. 4 Harry Kreisler, interview with Ernst Haas, Science and Progress in International Relations. Conversations with History: Institute of International Studies. UC Berkeley, 30 Oct. 2000, 6 Jan. 2003 <http:// globetrotter.berkeley.edu/people/Haas/haas-conO.html>. 2 communities are channels through which new ideas' circulate from societies to governments as well as from country to country."5 Peter Haas developed the most recognised framework of epistemic communities. He defines an epistemic community as "a network of professionals with recognized expertise and competence in a particular domain and an authoritative claim to policy-relevant knowledge within that domain or issue-area."6 He also explains that epistemic communities meet the following criteria: (1) a shared set of normative and principled beliefs, which provide a value-based rationale for the social action of community members; (2) shared causal beliefs, which are derived from their analysis of practices leading or contributing to a central set of problems in their domain and which then serve as a basis for elucidating the multiple linkages between possible policy actions and desired outcomes; (3) shared notions of validity - that is, intersubjective, internally defined criteria for weighing and validating knowledge in the domain of their expertise; and (4) a common policy enterprise - that is, a set of common practices associated with a set of problems to which their professional competence is directed, presumably out of the conviction that human welfare will be enhanced as a consequence.7 Haas originally used the epistemic community approach to contribute to the literature on regime theory.8 Since then, efforts to expand the literature on epistemic communities have focused on expanding the policy issues influenced by epistemic communities. There is evidence of authors trying to develop the analytical potential of the epistemic community approach beyond demonstrating the role of epistemic communities in different issues. Most notably, James Tiessen uses the approach to study innovation in multinational corporations.9 Nonetheless, the large proportion of the 5 Peter M . Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination," International Organization 46 (1992): 27. Hereinafter, references to Haas will refer to Peter M . Haas, unless otherwise indicated. 6 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 3. 7 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 3. 8 The purpose of one of his early works was to expand the role of regimes. Specifically, Haas wanted to show that "Regimes are not simply static summaries of rules and norms; they may also serve as important vehicles for international learning that produce convergent state policies" (376). In this work, he used the Mediterranean Action Plan (Med Plan), a regime charged with pollution control in the Mediterranean Sea, as a case study. Haas concluded that the Med Plan provided a forum, or vehicle, through which an epistemic community adhering to ecological principles influenced polices of Mediterranean governments, thereby leading to a regional agreement on pollution control in the Mediterranean Sea. Source: Peter M . Haas, "Do Regimes Matter? Epistemic Communities and Mediterranean Pollution Control," International Organization 43 (1989): 377-403. 9 See: James H. Tiessen, "Developing Intellectual Capital Globally: An Epistemic Community Perspective," International Journal of Technology Management 18 (1999): 720-730. 3 literature has not advanced much beyond showing the prescribed roles of epistemic communities in specific issue areas. This study argues that as a result of the narrowly focused literature on epistemic communities, research has not completely examined the influences of the ideas of epistemic communities. Particularly, by focusing on the influence of epistemic communities on decision-makers, studies have not considered the impact of epistemic communities on other actors in the policy process. This, is a major weakness of the epistemic community approach because the policy process has seen dramatic increases in the number and influence of non-state actors. Ramesh Thakur explains: The business of the world has changed almost beyond recognition over the course of the last one 100 years. There are many more actors today, and their patterns of interaction are far more complex. The locus of power and influence is shifting. The international policy making stage is increasingly congested as private and public nonstate actors jostle alongside national governments in setting and implementing the agenda of the new century (sic).10 The purpose of this study is to propose a new role for epistemic communities that recognises their influence on non-state actors. The study acknowledges the established roles of epistemic communities as actors that influence the policy preferences of decision-makers and contribute to international policy coordination. However, it argues that epistemic communities play a broader role in influencing policy by providing resources to locally-based actors, particularly grassroots social and environmental movements. More precisely, my argument is that epistemic communities enhance grassroots movements by providing local actors with knowledge that strengthens their role in the policy process. My primary research question is: "What are the influences of epistemic communities on grassroots movements?" There are two dimensions to case study presented in this research. First, the Meinung anti-dam movement in Taiwan is used as an example of a grassroots movement. Second, an epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts involved in influencing policies towards large dams" is used as an 1 0 Ramesh Thakur, "Overseas Indians: Use Them or Lose Them," The Japan Times 15 Jan. 2001, 6 Jan. 2003 < http://www.unu.edu/hq/girifo/media/Thakur35.html>. ' ' Studies distinguish between large and small dams. Most interest in dams focuses on large dams. The International Commission on Large Dams (ICOLD) provides the accepted criteria for large dams. According to ICOLD, these are dams that, measuring from their foundation, have a height of 15 metres or more. Dams between 5-15 metres, but which have a reservoir volume of more than 3 million cubic metres, 4 example of an epistemic community. The study's objective is to assess the influences of epistemic communities on grassroots movements by examining the role of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts in the Meinung movement. 1.2 Framing the Issues Studies show that external influences enhance the effectiveness of grassroots movements. For example, Jessica Vivian argues, "The impact of such movements - and, indeed, the possibility of collective action being undertaken at all - depends to a large extent on the social, economic and political structures which influence community dynamics from the local, national and international levels."12 Among the diverse actors involved, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been seen as playing the most significant role in empowering grassroots movements. Explaining this trend, John Clark states that NGOs "have greater diversity, credibility and creativity than ever before [...and i]n developing countries [...] they have often managed to engage with local populations and to command their trust in ways which governments find impossible."13 NGOs often strengthen grassroots movements by providing a channel through which they can petition national governments and international organisations. Lisa Jordan and Peter van Tuijl explain, "NGOs have come to mobilize, articulate and represent people's interests or concerns at different levels of decision-making: locally, nationally and internationally."14 NGOs have played this role in anti-dam movements. For example, in protests against India's Narmada dams, a coalition of international NGOs provided a channel through which grassroots movements petitioned the Indian government and the World Bank. William Fisher explains that as "local people had no voice in the policymaking process [...] they [had to make] their voices heard [...] through are also large dams. Source: World Commission on Dams, Dams and Development: A New Framework for Decision-Making (London, UK: Earthscan, 2000) 11. 1 2 Jessica M . Vivian, Greening at the Grassroots: People's Participation in Sustainable Development. United Nations Research Institute for Social Development Discussion Papers, 22, Apr. 1991, 6 Jan. 2003 <http:// www. rroj asdatabank.org/dp22-09.htm#TopOfPage>. 1 3 John Clark, Democratizing Development: The Role of Voluntary Organizations (London, UK: Earthscan, 1991)3. Lisa Jordan, and Peter van Tuijl, "Political Responsibility in NGO Advocacy: Exploring Emerging Shapes of Global Democracy," Europe's Forum on International Cooperation Home Page Apr. 1998, 6 Jan. 2003 <http://www.globalpolicy.Org/ngos/role/globdem/credib/2000/l 117.htm>. 5 transnational alliances that include grassroots groups, nongovernmental advocacy groups, support organisations and international non-governmental organisations."15 There is some discussion of epistemic communities sharing their ideas with actors other than decision-makers. Most notably, in his analysis of Haas' study of epistemic community involvement in the Med Plan, Rajiv Kaul argues that one function of the epistemic community was to improve the knowledge of scientists from the region's poorer countries to better enable them to inform decision-makers within their countries. He argues, "Epistemic communities provide the means to empower domestic scientists with shared knowledge and enter the process of policy-making at the national level."16 There is limited discussion of the relationship between epistemic communities and grassroots actors. Contrary to the argument of this study, existing works depict epistemic communities as being isolated from locally-based actors. For example, in his analysis of epistemic communities and climate change, Simon Shackley argues that "the natural-science framing positions the epistemic community far from the lived social realities, concerns, preoccupations and everyday practices of most citizens."17 Interpreting Shackley's argument, Paul Edwards adds, "the 'natural-science framing' of the issue tends to obscure its practical significance for ordinary people."18 This study argues that epistemic communities become involved in a grassroots movement because one or more of its members have ties to the movement. Then, recognising that epistemic communities consist of individuals who have affiliations with NGOs and other groups, the study argues that these members leverage their relationships with these organisations to involve other actors, including other members of the epistemic community, in the grassroots movement. The role of epistemic communities in grassroots movements is similar to their role with decision-makers - they shape grassroots movements by influencing the viewpoints 1 5 William F. Fisher, "Development and Resistance in the Narmada Valley," Toward Sustainable Development: Struggling Over India's Narmada River, ed. William F. Fisher (New York: Sharpe, 1995) 26. 1 6 Rajiv Kaul, "Power in Numbers: Scientific Communities Push Agendas," Harvard International Review 16.1 (1993): 42. 1 7 Simon Shackley, "Comments on R.D. Brunner (Climatic Change 32, 121-147) and P.N. Edwards (Climatic Change 32, 149-161)," Correspondence, Climatic Change 34 (1996): 548. 1 8 Paul N . Edwards, "Reply to S. Shackley and R.D. Brunner," Correspondence, Climatic Change 34 (1996): 555. 6 of local actors under conditions of uncertainty. This research proposes that the influence of an epistemic community has two main effects on a grassroots movement: 1) the movement's platform is reformed to reflect the epistemic community's shared set of normative and principled beliefs, causal beliefs, notions of validity and common policy enterprise; and 2) grassroots actors redesign the movement's activities to articulate their revised positions to decision-makers. 1.3 Methodology This study was developed from a general interest in the role of epistemic communities in Taiwanese environmentalism. During the early stages of defining a research topic, the grassroots Meinung anti-dam movement was identified as a potential case study. After gathering preliminary information on this case, it became apparent that there is strong involvement of an epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts in the Meinung movement. This observation led to the study's research question: "What are the influences of epistemic communities on grassroots movements?" Limited methodological guidance within existing epistemic community literature challenged the development of a research program to examine this question. Researchers have not included overviews of their methods of data collection and analysis in previous case studies. Moreover, a literature review yields only two underdeveloped discussions on establishing a methodology to study epistemic communities.19 There are also limits to the scope of this advice because Haas authored one of these discussions, while the other was co-authored by Haas and Adler. The first step taken in developing a methodology was determining the type of data needed to inform the research question. Four broad categories were identified as a starting point. First, it was necessary to determine the ideas, members and policy influence of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. Second, it was important to gather information on the Meinung movement in the period before epistemic community involvement. Third, methods would have to be developed to collect information on epistemic community involvement in the Meinung movement, 7 with a particular focus on understanding how epistemic community members shared ideas with Meinung activists. Finally, information would have to be collected on the grassroots movement in the post-epistemic community period. The next step was to decide whether a qualitative or quantitative approach, or a combination of both, would yield the most insight into the relationship between the epistemic community and Meinung activists. A qualitative approach was selected for three main reasons.20 First, it supports the collection of nonnumeric data. This suited the study as data would largely consist of ideas expressed in words. Second, a qualitative approach encourages analyses based on the researcher's interpretations rather than the quantification of data. This suited the study's goal of capturing the researcher's impressions of the processes associated with the sharing and application of ideas. Third, it supports data collection and analysis methods that are flexible and nonlinear. This proved useful as the research needed to be refocused at several stages due to the absence of strong methodological guidance. A three phase research program that used a variety of qualitative methods was then developed to examine the epistemic community's influence on the grassroots movement. Phase 1 involved collecting background information on the Meinung case and a variety of issues related to the research topic. The focus of Phase 2 was to identify the ideas, members and policy influence of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. Phase 3 analysed epistemic community involvement in Meinung. The following subsections identify the specific methods, as well as any strategies of triangulation, used in each phase. 1.3.1 Phase 1: Collecting Background Information Two methods were used to collect base information. First, a literature review was conducted to gather information on a number of aspects of the research. In particular, information was collected to inform the theoretical context, provide contextual 1 9 See: Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 34-35; Emanuel Adler, and Peter M . Haas, "Conclusion: Epistemic Communities, World Order, and the Creation of a Reflective Research Program," International Organization 46 (1992): 387-388. 2 0 This step was informed by: William L. Neuman, Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches (Boston: Allyn, 2000). 8 information on Taiwan and detail the case of the Meinung anti-dam movement. The information was gathered from secondary sources, including the Internet. Second, during September and October 2001,1 conducted interviews in Meinung, Kaohsiung and Taipei with members of Meinung organisations and Taiwanese academics. An initial list of participants was identified from Internet information on the Meinung movement. Initial interviewees then suggested other participants. A general list of questions was followed during the interviews (see Appendix A). However, as interviewees presented their own issues, the prepared questions served only as a starting point for discussions. Language barriers were not a problem during the interviews, although a Meinung resident did act as a translator for parts of some interviews. The interviews were designed to acquire contextual information on the Meinung movement and identify recent developments not addressed by literature. There were three significant outcomes of the interviews. First, they yielded a list of the experts involved in the Meinung movement. Second, they were useful for understanding the grassroots activists' process of soliciting international support and the role of foreign experts in the movement. Third, interviews served as a strategy of triangulation because they confirmed data that had been previously obtained from secondary sources. 1.3.2 Phase 2: Defining the Epistemic Community Although the epistemic community approach has been used to explain the role of experts in a diversity of issues, there has not been significant examination of epistemic communities interested in dams. This gap was addressed in this phase. Specifically, this phase's purpose was to use Haas' framework to identify an epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts involved in influencing policies towards large dams.21 Haas' advice for studying epistemic communities served as a starting point. Although his advice contained little guidance in terms of identifying specific methods or 2 1 A survey of the case studies on epistemic communities reveals a key point about studying epistemic communities - a study of an epistemic community begins with the assumption that there is an epistemic community influencing the formulation and coordination of policy on a particular policy issue. This has not been noted in existing literature. Exploring implications of this observation, including impacts for the analytical strength of the epistemic community approach, is beyond the scope of the thesis. However, the thesis does recognise that this phase of the research began with the assumption that there is an epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts influencing policies towards large dams. 9 potential sources of information, it was useful for outlining key steps in studying an epistemic community. The following passage shows this strength: The research techniques for demonstrating the impact of epistemic communities on the policymaking process are straightforward but painstaking. With respect to a specific community, they involve identifying community membership, determining the community members' principled and causal beliefs, tracing their activities and demonstrating their influence on decision makers at various points in time, identifying alternative credible outcomes that were foreclosed as a result of their influence, and exploring alternative explanations for the actions of decision makers.22 Heeding this advice, the first task undertaken was to identify members of the epistemic community. Identifying members is one area where Haas recommends sources of information: "Individuals in the community may be found among the respected experts whose names recur on delegation lists to intergovernmental meetings or among those responsible for drafting background reports or briefing diplomats."23 Following his suggestion, members were assessed among individuals serving on the advisory boards, expert panels and steering committees of various bodies concerned with water resource use issues in general, and dams in particular. These bodies included the United Nations Environment Programme's (UNEP's) Dams and Development Project, the International Panel for the Aral Sea, and most significantly, the World Commission on Dams (WCD). After embarking on this first step, it became apparent that although Haas provides a step-by-step guide, it is difficult to use a linear approach to study epistemic communities. Specifically, it proved difficult to evaluate whether particular individuals could be included within the epistemic community without knowing the ideas expressed by the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. As such, a less structured approach was adopted whereby mixed-methods were used to simultaneously develop a list of members as well as establish the epistemic community's ideas. A literature review established the epistemic community's ideas. Information was collected on sustainable approaches to water resource management and dam building from various secondary sources, including the Internet. Sources included academic and technical literature as well as letters and conference information. The information was organised according to Haas' four criteria of an epistemic community. Responding to Haas' advice that counterfactuals are useful in studying epistemic communities, Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 34. 10 information was also gathered on the larger dam building industry. This material was used to compare and contrast the perspectives of the epistemic community with the perspectives of other actors involved in dam building. After establishing the epistemic community's ideas, members were again assessed among individuals serving on advisory panels concerned with dams and other water resource use issues. For each body, the biographical information of panel members (which was often listed on the body's website) was used to identify potential members of the epistemic community among the panellists. A sample of each potential member's written output was then identified by searching academic databases and the Internet. A content analysis of these writings compared each individual's work to the ideas established for the epistemic community. An individual was considered a member of the epistemic community if his/her writings reflected the epistemic community's ideas. To triangulate an individual's inclusion, information on his/her role in advising decision-makers on dam-related topics in other capacities was collected from Internet sources. It was also useful to assess members of the epistemic community among the key authors writing on sustainable approaches to water resource use and dam building. Internet searches yielded information on the professional activities of the authors included in the literature review. Authors were added to the epistemic community if their biographical information showed that they served on expert panels concerned with dams or if they advised decision-makers on dam-related topics in other capacities. Once a membership list of the epistemic community was compiled, the next task undertaken was to establish links between members. Internet searches established if members served on the same boards, attended the same conferences, belonged to the same professional and non-governmental organisations, and/or worked together to influence policies on various dam projects. Connections were also assessed by examining publications to determine if the members cite each other. The final step in this phase evaluated the epistemic community's influence on policies towards large dams. Three approaches yielded insights. First, accounts of the members' professional contributions were assessed for references to their roles in shaping policies towards dams. Second, as the WCD provided a key forum for the epistemic Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 35. 11 community and as the WCD's recommendations largely reflect the epistemic community's ideas, reactions to the WCD's recommendations were assessed among various state actors. Third, as there are links between policies towards dams and dam construction, a content analysis of technical materials published at various points in time was conducted to examine changes in dam building practices; the specific purpose of this analysis was to determine if newer publications reflect the epistemic community's ideas. 1.3.3 Phase 3: Analysing Epistemic Community Involvement in the Movement There were two steps in this phase. The first step determined if the experts involved in the movement are also members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. This step used the methodology established in Phase 2: a sample of each expert's written output was identified; a content analysis of these writings compared each expert's work to the epistemic community's ideas; the expert was considered a member of the epistemic community if his perspectives reflected the epistemic community's ideas. To triangulate an expert's inclusion in the epistemic community, Internet searches were again conducted to collect information on each expert's role in advising decision-makers on dam-related topics. After establishing the experts as members of the epistemic community, the second step assessed how the involvement of these experts in Meinung relates to the influence of the epistemic community on the movement. Specifically, this step used information obtained from interviews and secondary sources to evaluate how changes to the movement's platform reflect the epistemic community's shared set of normative and principled beliefs, causal beliefs, notions of validity and common policy enterprise. It then assessed how changes to the platform altered the movement's activities, strategies and goals. Finally, conclusions were drawn as to how these changes improved the activists' capacity to articulate their positions to decision-makers. 1.3.4 Limitations of the Research There are four main limitations of this study. One is rooted in the absence of criteria for determining when all members have been identified for a particular epistemic community. Due to this lack of methodological guidance, it was impossible to determine 12 whether Phase 2 yielded a complete list of the members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. The identified members are not assumed to be a complete list and as a result, it is also appropriate to characterise the content analysis of the writings and other contributions of the members as incomplete. This limitation exposes the study to criticisms that the research did not accurately identify the epistemic community's ideas. By extension, the research can be criticised for not accurately portraying the influences of the epistemic community's ideas on the Meinung movement. Three limitations are related to data sources. First, the analysis is limited by the shortage of materials depicting the pre-epistemic community movement. This limitation is compounded by the fact that a high proportion of discussions of the pre-epistemic community movement have been written in the post-epistemic community period. As such, many materials depicting the early movement have been written by Meinung activists with a post-epistemic community perspective. Interview questions designed to gather information on the pre-epistemic community movement were also answered by activists with a post-epistemic community perspective. Second, the analysis is limited by the unequal availability of data on each member of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. The members' biographical information was primarily collected from Internet sources. Although this provided insight into their careers, using the Internet as the primary source was problematic because there were differences in the members' Internet presence. As a result, analysis identified stronger links between some members than others. This exposes the research to criticisms that the epistemic community is not a coherent network of the identified members. The research can also be criticised because this problem could have been remedied by using other methods, such as interviews or surveys, to expand as well as triangulate connections between members. Third, there is a limitation related to collecting background information. The weakness of this phase is that the literature review only surveyed English sources of information. Although there are substantial English articles on the Meinung anti-dam movement and the aspects of Taiwan addressed by this study, this is a potential limitation as the literature review excluded Chinese sources. 13 1.4 Outline Six chapters follow this introduction. Chapter 2 establishes the theoretical context of the study. It reviews the foundations of the epistemic community approach and discusses the influences of epistemic communities on policy formulation and international policy coordination. It then examines case studies of ecological epistemic communities to demonstrate applications of Haas' framework as well as expose some weaknesses of the epistemic community approach. The chapter concludes by examining conceptualisations of the actors within domestic policy processes and international advocacy to situate epistemic communities within the larger policy-making environment. Chapter 3 defines the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts involved in influencing policies towards large dams. To establish the broader context within which the epistemic community operates, the chapter begins by discussing the larger dam industry. Haas' framework is then used to determine the ideas of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. Next, it identifies some members of the epistemic community. The chapter concludes by assessing the epistemic community's impact on policies towards large dams. Chapter 4 provides contextual information on Taiwan to establish the broader context within which members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts operate in the case of the Meinung anti-dam movement. The chapter begins with a general discussion of the rise of Taiwanese civil society. The scope of the discussion is then narrowed to provide an overview of the Taiwanese environmental movement in terms of the actors, issues and processes that have typified the movement at various periods. Finally, the chapter examines the evolution of grassroots environmental movements in Taiwan, highlighting the juxtaposition of mainstream and grassroots movements in the case of the Meinung anti-dam movement. Chapter 5 examines the Meinung anti-dam movement. It begins with an overview of Meinung Township, focusing on the town's history, location, economy and demographics. It then provides information on the proposed dam in terms of its situation, size and anticipated costs and benefits. Next, the chapter examines the anti-dam movement's origins and the main locally-based anti-dam actors. It concludes by discussing the current state of the plans for the Meinung Dam. 14 Chapter 6 analyses the influence of the members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts on the Meinung anti-dam movement. It begins by presenting the results of the content analysis that establishes the experts involved in the movement as members of the epistemic community. It then identifies how these members became tied to the movement and involved other actors. Finally, the chapter analyses changes to the movement's anti-dam platform and activities. Chapter 7 provides conclusions and recommendations. It begins by interpreting the study's results. It then provides suggestions for future research. These recommendations focus on identifying the types of studies needed to triangulate and generalise the results and expand understanding of epistemic communities. 1.5 Chapter Summary Chapter 1 provides an introduction to the study. It identifies the research focus, methodology, limitations and outline. Key elements of the study established in this chapter are: • The epistemic community approach offers one perspective on the role of ideas in policy-making. It argues that networks of experts, conceived of as epistemic communities, shape policy choices and policy coordination by influencing the policy preferences of decision-makers. • Peter Haas developed the most recognised framework of epistemic communities. He argues that epistemic communities are defined by four criteria: (1) a shared set of normative and principled beliefs; (2) shared causal beliefs; (3) shared notions of validity; and (4) a common policy enterprise. • This study proposes that epistemic communities also influence non-state actors and poses the question, "What are the influences on epistemic communities on grassroots movements?" • To explore this question, the research employed a qualitative approach using mixed-methods to assess the influence of an epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts on the Meinung anti-dam movement. • Limitations of the research are rooted in the lack of methodological guidance on epistemic communities as well as weaknesses of the data sources. 15 Chapter 2: Theoretical Context 2.1 Overview of the Epistemic Community Approach The origins of the epistemic community approach are commonly traced to the field of the sociology of knowledge. Burkhart Holzner, an American sociologist, is credited with introducing the concept of epistemic communities in 1968.24 Holzner and his colleague John Marx then developed the concept into an analytical approach for examining the role of expert knowledge in society. Their. 1979 book Knowledge Application is often cited as the first use of an epistemic community approach.25 The professionalisation of western societies in the post-WWII period provided the impetus for Holzner and Marx's pioneering work. Often described as the knowledge explosion, this professionalisation is associated with the decline of the agricultural and manufacturing sectors and the expansion of the service sector and knowledge-based professions in Western economies. It is also linked to unprecedented increases in funding for research and development. Holzner and Marx depict these trends in the United States: Between 1940 and 1970, the population of 132 million people increased to 205 million. While the rural population declined slightly from 57 million to 54 million, the urban population of 74 million in 1940 nearly doubled to reach a total of almost 150 million by 1970 [...] In 1940, there were 3,879,000 professional and technical workers in the country; in 1970, this category had grown to 11,561,000 [...] The amount of all funds spent for research and development and basic research in 1953 was $5.2 billion; it climbed steadily until by 1970 it reached $26.5 billion. 2 6 The goal of Holzner and Marx's work was to explain the use of expert knowledge in this post-war context. They state their "concern lies with the manner in which the production, organization, distribution, application, and utilization of specialized, technical knowledge has transformed social life by creating a post-modern, knowledge-based society."27 Their work was shaped by a long history of studies on the philosophy of David Stupple and William McNeece credit Burkart Holzner with introducing the term epistemic community in his work Reality Construction in Society (Cambridge, M A : Schenkman, 1968). Source: David Stupple, and William McNeece, Contactees. Cults, and Culture. 14 Feb. 2003 <http://www. michiganufos.com/mcneece.html>. 2 5 Burkart Holzner, and John H. Marx, Knowledge Application: The Knowledge System in Society (Boston: Allyn, 1979). 2 6 Holzner and Marx 3-4. 2 7 Holzner and Marx xvii. 16 knowledge, particularly those works relating knowledge to power and politics, science, and society.28 However, Holzner and Marx mainly developed the epistemic community approach in response to studies of the knowledge explosion. Among these studies, Daniel Bell's work had the most significant impact on Holzner and Marx. Bell interprets the changes in post-war Western economies as a shift from industrial to post-industrial society. He contributed to Holzner and Marx's development of the epistemic community approach as he established two key observations about knowledge in post-industrial society. First, Bell identified theoretical knowledge as a central feature of post-industrial society. He explains, "What has now become decisive for society is the new centrality of theoretical knowledge, the primacy of theory over empiricism, and the codification of knowledge into abstract systems of symbols that can be translated into many different and varied circumstances."29 Second, Bell identified individuals possessing theoretical knowledge as principal actors in post-industrial society. According to Bell, "If the dominant figures of the past hundred years have been the entrepreneur, the businessman, and the industrial executive, the 'new men' are the scientists, the mathematicians, the economists, and the engineers of the new intellectual technology."30 2 8 An overview of this literature would involve examining the contributions of historically important scholars, including Marx, Weber, Popper, Kuhn and Hegel. Such a review is beyond the scope of the thesis. For an overview of the literature on power and politics see: Michele Barrett, The Politics of Truth: From Marx to Foucault (Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1991). For more recent works see: Todd May, Between Genealogy and Epistemology: Psychology, Politics, and Knowledge in the Thought of Michel Foucault (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State UP, 1993); Volker Meja, and Nico Stehr, eds., Knowledge and Politics: The Sociology of Knowledge Dispute (London, UK: Routledge, 1990); Laura Nader, ed., Naked Science: Anthropological Inquiry into Boundaries, Power, and Knowledge (New York: Routledge, 1996). Thomas Kuhn authored an important work on scientific knowledge: Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1970). Also relevant for the historical context of epistemic communities: Ludwik Fleck, Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1979). For more recent studies on science and knowledge see: Stephan Fuchs, The Professional Quest for Truth: A Social Theory of Science and Knowledge (Albany, NY: State U of New York P, 1992); Raphael Sassower, Knowledge Without Expertise: On the Status of Scientists (Albany, NY: State U of New York P, 1993); Vladimir Aleksandrovich Zviglyanich, Scientific Knowledge as a Cultural and Historical Process: The Cultural Prospects of Science, trans, of Nauchnoe Poznanie Kak Kul'turno Istoricheskii Protsess (Lewiston: Mellen, 1993). For a sample of studies on knowledge and society see: Nico Stehr, Knowledge Societies (London, UK: Sage, 1994); Nico Stehr, and Richard V. Ericson, eds., The Culture and Power of Knowledge: Inquiries into Contemporary Societies (Berlin: Gruyter, 1992). 2 9 Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting (New York: Basic, 1973) 343-344. Italics included in the original text. 3 0 Bell 344. 17 Using the frameworks of Bell and other scholars as a theoretical foundation, Holzner and Marx developed the epistemic community approach to clarify the position of specialised knowledge in society. In particular, they developed the approach as they felt existing conceptualisations of post-industrial society "[did] not explain how systematic and organized knowledge (bodies of knowledge) are anchored in social frameworks."31 Although their work was ground-breaking in a number of ways, Holzner and Marx imparted two key contributions to the study of epistemic communities. First, they provided one of the earliest definitions of epistemic communities: "The term epistemic communities thus designates those knowledge-orientated work communities in which cultural standards and social arrangements interpenetrate around a primary commitment to epistemic criteria in knowledge production and application."32 Second, they showed the applicability of the epistemic community approach by providing some of the first case studies of epistemic communities. Their case studies focused on the position of various medical professions in the American social structure. Since Holzner and Marx's early study, the epistemic community approach has been used to explain trends addressed by the sociology of knowledge and other fields. Its use in the study of international relations is the focus of this research. Specifically, the use of the epistemic community approach for explaining the influence of experts and expert knowledge on policy development and coordination provides the groundwork for this study. To provide additional context, the following section elaborates the role of epistemic communities in policy-making. A subsequent section examines the application of the epistemic community approach to environmental issues. 2.1.1 Epistemic Communities and Policy-Making Epistemic communities help shape state interests by influencing the policy preferences of decision-makers. In particular, existing literature stresses that decision-makers depend on the expertise of epistemic communities to minimise uncertainty in the policy process. Haas states, "Decision makers are most likely to turn to epistemic 3 1 Holzner and Marx 123. 3 2 Holzner and Marx 108. Italics in the original text. 18 communities under conditions of uncertainty."33 Similarly, Helen Milner explains, "In environments of high uncertainty policy makers are likely to rely on such communities for their advice."34 Rajiv Kaul further clarifies this role of epistemic communities by asserting, "They reveal alternatives and linkages that political decision makers are not equipped to identify alone."35 Uncertainty in the policy process is attributed to a variety of pressures that hinder decision-makers from making informed policy choices. One significant pressure is time-constraints. Evert Lindquist explains that "senior officials have less time to master the technical and political intricacies of sectors."36 Another pressure is increases in the number of issues requiring the attention of decision-makers. Haas explains, "Forced to deal with a broader range of issues than they were traditionally accustomed to, decision makers have turned to specialists to ameliorate the uncertainties and help them understand the current issues and anticipate future trends."37 Finally, decision-makers are pressured by increases in the number and advocacy capabilities of actors in the policy process. Lindquist argues that, "officials have had to contend with, or rely on, more outside expertise when developing and implementing policy, partially due to the proliferation and increased sophistication of outside groups."38 Although decision-makers rely on the advice of epistemic communities, epistemic communities are not seen as creating truth within their areas of expertise. Haas argues, "While epistemic communities provide consensual knowledge, they do not necessarily generate truth."39 Hugh Miller and Charles Fox support this argument by explaining, "An epistemic community produces small-t local troth and not big-T universal Truth" (sic).40 As such, the epistemic community approach is concerned with an epistemic community's influence on policy, rather than the validity of its knowledge. Haas confirms, "Its 3 3 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 21. 3 4 Helen V. Milner, Interests. Institutions, and Information: Domestic Politics and International Relations (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1997) 26. 3 5 Rajiv Kaul 40. 3 6 Evert A. Lindquist, "Public Managers and Policy Communities: Learning to Meet New Challenges," Canadian Public Administration 35 (1992): 128. 3 7 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 12-13. 3 8 Lindquist 128. 3 9 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 23. 4 0 Hugh T. Miller, and Charles J. Fox, "The Epistemic Community," Administration & Society 32 (2001): 668. 19 primary concern is the political influence that an epistemic community can have on collective policymaking, rather the correctness of the advice given."41 There are different interpretations of how epistemic communities act as advisors to decision-makers. Haas provides the most widely quoted analysis. He states, "Members of transnational epistemic communities can influence state interests either by directly identifying them for decision makers or by illuminating the salient dimensions of an issue from which the decision makers may then deduce their interests."42 Tiessen provides an alternative characterisation: ECs act in two ways: responsively and actively. The former occurs when decision-makers seek EC advice on complex matters, especially after a sudden crisis or shock. International policy responses to a currency crisis or a chemical spill, for example will often be informed by expert analysis. Alternatively, an EC may raise concern about an issue they care about by presenting supporting ideas and empirical evidence to the leaders of their own nations. The international greenhouse gas (C0 2) control accord is a representative case. The controls adopted were largely due to the efforts of scientists around the world who identified, described and assessed the nature of global warming.43 In addition to helping shape state interests, epistemic communities contribute to international policy coordination. Ernst Haas, Pat Williams and Don Babai provided one of the earliest discussions of epistemic communities in the international system. They examined how an international community of scientists acts as an epistemic community to influence policies nationally and internationally.44 Since this and other early studies, there has been increasing interest in the role of experts in the international system. Charles Kegley and Eugene Wittkopf s statement that "technical experts, rather than professional diplomats, are the best agents for building collaborative links across national borders"45 is one example of how the role of experts is perceived in recent studies. Higgott's argument that "[i]deas need articulate intellectual-cum-policy elites to carry them forward onto the policy agenda"46 is also representative of the functions ascribed to experts in current discussions of policy coordination. 4 1 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 23. 4 2 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 4. 4 3 Tiessen 721-722. Although Tiessen uses EC to abbreviate the term epistemic community, this abbreviation is not represented elsewhere in the literature. 4 4 Ernst B. Haas, Mary Pat Williams, and Don Babai, Scientists and World Order: The Uses of Technical Knowledge in International Organizations (Berkeley: U of California P, 1977). 45Charles W. Kegley, and Eugene R. Wittkopf, World Politics: Trend and Transformation. 7th ed. (New York: St. Martin's, 1999) 535. 4 6 Higgott 370. 20 A number of approaches study policy change in the international system (see Appendix B). However, Haas argues that the analytical capacities of these frameworks are limited as they do not adequately address the role of knowledge-based experts in international policy coordination. He states that "many authors ignore the possibility that actors can learn new patterns of reasoning and [...] few investigate the conditions that foster a change in state interests and the mechanisms through which the new interests can be realized."47 In order to address these weaknesses, Haas adapted the epistemic community approach. He explains his use of the approach: Recognizing that human agency lies at the interstices between systematic conditions, knowledge, and national actions, we offer an approach that examines the role that networks of knowledge-based experts - epistemic communities - play in articulating the cause-and-effect relationships of complex problems, helping states identify their interests, framing the issues for collective debate, proposing specific policies, and identifying salient points for negotiation. We argue that control over knowledge and information is an important dimension of power and that the diffusion of new ideas and information can lead to new patterns of behaviour and prove to be an important determinant of international policy coordination.48 There are different interpretations of how the influence of epistemic communities on the policy preferences of decision-makers supports international policy coordination. In Haas' interpretation, decision-makers disseminate epistemic community knowledge across nations. He explains, "A transnational community's ideas may take root in an international organization or in various state bodies, after which they are diffused to other states via the decision makers who have been influenced by the ideas."49 In Tiessen's interpretation, the international character of epistemic communities is linked to the presence of epistemic community knowledge across nations. He argues: Epistemic communities transmit their ideas internationally to colleagues in scientific or professional organizations through publications, conferences and informal communication. The spread of ideas throughout an EC is efficient because its members share the same expert language. This diffusion process contributes to international policy convergence because decision-makers, who seek specialist advice from the ECs in their respective nations, favour policies based on similar perceptions of the situation at hand.50 A number of case studies confirm the contributions of epistemic communities to international, or sometimes regional, policy coordination. Most of these studies are found Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 2. Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 2-3. Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 17. Tiessen 723. 21 in Issue 46 of International Organization. This concentration raises questions about the scope of the literature on epistemic communities and policy coordination. Specifically, as the studies were edited and shaped by Haas, there are concerns about the strength of their analysis.51 Nonetheless, important contributions have stemmed from the issue. For example, Higgott states that "it offers us a range of questions or signposts that helps identify that group of significant actors in a given country or trans-regional community that are engaged in the formulation and implementation of a given policy."52 Table 2.1 summarises five case studies. From International Organization, Issue 46, these include: Emanuel Adler's study of epistemic community influence on nuclear arms control; William Drake and Kalypso Nicolaidis' study of epistemic communities and the institutionalisation of trade in services;53, and Raymond Hopkins' investigation of epistemic community involvement in international food aid and security. From other sources, the table includes: Mark Beeson's analysis of the role of an epistemic community of economists in shaping Australia's promotion of neo-liberal policies within APEC; and Tiessen's application of the epistemic community approach to the study of innovation in multinational enterprises (MNEs). 2.1.2 Ecological Epistemic Communities Studies show epistemic communities influencing policies towards a diversity of issues. Clarifying the types of issues addressed by epistemic communities, Igne Kaul argues that epistemic communities focus on promoting global public goods, especially in the areas of universal human rights, environmental sustainability, and peace and security.54 The role of epistemic communities in issues of environmental sustainability is especially relevant for the focus of this research on an epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. 5 1 Haas' involvement in these studies is clear as the authors thank Haas for his theoretical guidance. 5 2 Higgott 373. 5 3 Drake and Nicolaidis argue that the epistemic community involved in promoting the institutionalisation of trade in services is divided into two tiers. This idea is not presented elsewhere in the literature. 5 4 Igne Kaul, "Global Public Goods: What Role for Civil Society?" NonProfit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 30 (2001): 588-602. 22 Table 2.1: Case Studies of Epistemic Communities and Policy Coordination .Members ul l.( large! of EC Influence Impact of EC Influence "The Emergence of Cooperation: National Lpistemic Coiiiiiuinities and the 1 international revolution of the Idea of Nuclear Arms Control" 1 irunucl \dlcr • American strategists and scientists (101) • first, national decision-makers of the United States (102) • second, the Soviet Union (102) • "played a key role in creating the international shared understanding and practice of nuclear arms control, which gave meaning to and helped coordinate expectations of superpower cooperation during the Cold War" (101) Ideas, Interests, and Institutionalization: "Trade in Services" and the I'ruguaj Round William J Duke. Kalvpsi) Nicolaidi> • two tiers (39) - first tier: personnel from governments, international agencies and private firms; have interest in alternative policy solutions (39) - second tier: academics lawyers industry specialists, journalists; have intellectual and personal interests (39) • policy-makers of various countries involved in the institutionalisation of trade in services (40) • generated support for negotiations by presenting studies that "began to demonstrate clearly the potential for mutual gains from liberalization" (98) • influenced "the procedural and organizational dimensions of institutionalization" (99) • shaped GATS text and its amendments (99) "Reform in the International rood Aid Regime: Hie Role of Consensual Knowledge" Raymond F. Hopkins ,. • economic development specialists, agricultural economists and administrators of food aid (225 ) • International bodies: United Nations; World Bank; World Food Programme (262) • national governments, especially those of donor governments (262) • international relief and financial organisations (262) •"extensive analysis of the effects of food aid recipient countries, bridged divisions among and within states over priorities and criteria for providing food aid, and promoted their goal of development-orientated uses of food aid" (226) " A P E C : Nice 1 heor\. Shame About the Practice" Mark Beeson • academic economists based in Canberra (38) • Australian policy makers (39) • important regional institutions (39) • Australian policy-makers support APEC free trade regime (46) "Developing Intellectual Capital Globally An Epistemic Community Perspeclhc" James 11. Tiessen • employees: mainly those working in planning, information systems, human resources, management, accounting, finance, R&D and procurement (725) • subsidiary bosses (726) • senior management (727) • innovation in MNE: transform information into products that can be used throughout global operations (725) 23 Haas coined the term ecological epistemic communities to label the transnational networks of experts addressing environmental issues. General discussions of ecological epistemic communities indicate that their chief role in advancing global environmentalism is to clarify issues for decision-makers. Haas explains: [...] in the case of international environmental issues, decision makers are seldom certain of the complex interplay of components of the ecosystem and are therefore unable to anticipate the long-term consequences of measures designed to address one of the many environmental issues under current consideration. Without the help of experts, they risk making choices that not only ignore the interlinkages with other issues but also highly discount the uncertain future, with the result that a policy choice made now might jeopardize future choices and threaten future generations.55 There are few case studies on ecological epistemic communities and even fewer authors writing on the topic. Despite these limitations, the case studies inform the theoretical context in three main ways. First, they illustrate how Haas' criteria have been used to identify the ideas of ecological epistemic communities in specific contexts. This section examines three cases: Haas' study of an epistemic community of atmospheric scientists involved in efforts to ban chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs); Haas' investigation of epistemic community involvement in pollution control in the Mediterranean Sea; and Peterson's examination of the role of. an epistemic community of cetologists in the international management of whaling. The application of Haas' criteria in these studies is summarised in Table 2.2. Second, the case studies highlight the relationship between ecological epistemic communities and international organisations (IOs). Discussions of transboundary environmental issues stress that IOs are vital in global environmentalism. For example, Marc Levy argues, "Policymakers need effective institutions to facilitate cooperation across borders and to organize political energies for environmental policy change."56 Discussions also indicate that epistemic communities play an important role in these IOs. Joshua Goldstein explains, "Increasingly these IOs overlap with broader communities of experts from various states who structure the way states manage environmental issues."57 5 5 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 13. 5 6 Marc A. Levy, Foreword, Institutions for the Earth: Sources of Effective International Environmental Protection, eds. Peter M . Haas, Robert O. Keohane, and Marc A. Levy (Cambridge, M A : MIT P, 1993) viiii. 5 7 Joshua S. Goldstein, International Relations. 2nd ed. (New York: Harper, 1996) 426. 24 Table 2.2: Previous Uses of Haas' Framework for Epistemic Communities Haas" Criteria of Epistemic Communities Shared set of v normative and Shared causal Shared notions Common policy principled beliefs beliefs of validity •\[ enterprise. "Banning '••<' . • preserving the • rooted in 1974 • shared common • consisted of Chlorofluorocarbohs: quality of the Rowland-Martin validity tests preserving the Epistemic environment hypothesis that based on the ozone layer Community (189) chlorine in CFC scientific method (189) Efforts to Protect , emissions upsets (189) Stratospheric Ozone" ' the natural ozone • rigorous balance by evaluation IVk-i M Haas reacting with, • full and breaking documentation down ozone molecules and hence depleting the thin layer of stratospheric ozone(189) "Do Regimes Matter?; • preserving the • ecological • based on the • universal Epistemic s- quality of the principles (385) scientific method adoption of more Communities and - r - environment • stresses • use of comprehensive, Mediterranean importance of sophisticated rational forms of Pollution Control" holistic monitoring economic viewpoint (385) equipment (386) planning to I'elei M Haas • open internalise publication (386) environmental considerations into virtually all forms of policymaking (385) "Whalers, • conservationist • stems from • changed over • imposing Cctologisls. approach to biological studies time - working greater Environmentalists, whale taking (154) with one restrictions on and the International (154) • changed over admittedly all types of Management of time - working imperfect model whaling \\ haling" with one after another whenever stocks admittedly (154) required M 1 P L ' I C I M H I imperfect model protection (154) after another (154) The case studies support Goldstein's analysis. In Haas' analysis of efforts to ban CFCs, he indicates that in addition to domestic outlets, the epistemic community of atmospheric scientists principally influenced decision-making through UNEP. In Haas' study of pollution control in the Mediterranean Sea, the epistemic community was linked 25 to UNEP, particularly the organisation's Regional Seas Programme. Finally, in Peterson's study of the international management of whaling, the epistemic community of cetologists acted through the International Whaling Commission (IWC), an organisation established by the International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling (ICRW). Case study examples of the relationship between epistemic communities and IOs help to clarify the connection between the WCD and the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. The WCD was created after a World Bank/ International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) workshop identified the need for an in-depth study of the impacts of large dams (see Appendix C for a chronology of the WCD). Specifically, the WCD "was charged with reviewing the development effectiveness of large dams and assessing alternatives for water and energy resources management."58 The WCD is not a permanent body like IOs in the other cases. Nonetheless, similar to the other IOs, it is important for the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts because it provided a forum to influence policy. Third, the case studies are useful for examining the common criticism that there are inconsistencies in the operationalisation of the epistemic community concept. Jacobsen expresses this criticism by stating, "The definition of a community is disturbingly elastic."59 This weakness may be largely attributed to the lack of methodological guidance for studying epistemic communities, as outlined in Chapter 1. The following discussion assesses other causes of the criticism. Weakness of the Epistemic Community Approach Haas' definition and criteria of epistemic communities do not appear to be the source of criticisms. There have been criticisms of other aspects of his work. For example, Kiernan argues, "Haas is right to emphasize the significance of knowledge-based power, but attributes too much importance to the possession of knowledge, as opposed to the use of knowledge."60 However, a literature review does not yield criticism of Haas' definition or his four criteria of an epistemic community. This, as well as the WCD, Dams and Development: A New Framework for Decision-Making 35. Jacobsen 37. 26 absence of alternative frameworks for defining epistemic communities, endorses Haas' framework. Rather than criticise Haas' definition and criteria as "dangerously elastic," it is more appropriate to criticise case studies for taking lenient approaches to the application of his framework. A commonality of the case studies is that they emphasise demonstrating the impact of the ecological epistemic community in question over defining the epistemic community. In particular, the authors state that their studies are based on Haas' criteria, but then devote little more than a paragraph to identifying the ideas of the epistemic community at issue. As a result, the epistemic community in each case was portrayed in vague, undefined terms. Haas' own case studies have been criticised for not rigorously defining the epistemic community at issue. Steven Bernstein is especially critical of Haas' study of epistemic community involvement in pollution control in the Mediterranean Sea.61 He criticises Haas' application of the criteria of shared normative and principled beliefs by arguing, "Haas' sweeping definition of ecology posits a consensus on an ideal-type set of ecological values that groups facts and values from different branches of ecology, other disciplines and the environmental movement."62 Bernstein also argues that Haas does not adequately demonstrate that the epistemic community adheres to shared notions of validity. He states, "I find little evidence that a coherent epistemic community formed around 'scientific ecology' or that scientists agreed on the 'social laws' derived from that research program."63 Peterson's sketch of cetologists is also illustrative of the problems associated with operationalising Haas' framework. When describing the community's common policy enterprise, Peterson observes, "They had a shared policy preference of imposing greater restrictions on all types of whaling whenever stocks required protection."64 This 6 0 Kiernan 390. 6 1 Steven Bernstein, "Ideas, Social Structure and the Compromise of Liberal Environmentalism," European Journal of International Relations 6 (2000): 464-512. Although Haas' study of epistemic community involvement in the Med Plan appeared before he published his framework of an epistemic community, he uses similar language to define the epistemic community involved in pollution control in the Mediterranean Sea. Therefore, it is suitable to analyse Haas' study of the Med Plan in the context of his framework. 6 2 Bernstein 486. 6 3 Bernstein 486. 6 4 M.J. Peterson 153. 27 statement is ambiguous as it neither defines the criteria for depleted whale stocks nor identifies specific restrictions. Continuing the description, he explains that members have "a shared set of principles reflecting a conservationist approach to whale taking, a shared set of causal beliefs stemming from their biological studies, and shared canons of validity."65 This statement provides no insight into the content of the principles and beliefs. Furthermore, although he adds that "[fjhe exact content of the causal beliefs and the canons of validity changed over time as research and theoretical argument proceeded"66, this information provides no insight into the information contained within each criterion. The case studies included in Table 2.2 are either authored by Haas, or appeared in International Organization, Issue 46, edited by Haas. Studies in other sources show additional causes of the inconsistent operationalisation of the epistemic community concept. Specifically, they reveal that inconsistencies are likely linked to confusion caused by authors not heeding the theoretical parameters established by Haas and other authorities on epistemic communities. Confusion has been caused by authors making statements which conflict with Haas' criteria. For example, whereas Haas identifies a common policy enterprise as a defining criterion for epistemic communities, Clair Gough and Shackley state, "Epistemic communities do not require agreement on the details of what should be done in response to the consensually defined problem."67 It is valid to develop alternative frameworks of epistemic communities. However, this and other unsubstantiated comments frustrate the development of research projects using an epistemic community approach as well as strengthen the argument that there is inconsistent literature on epistemic communities. Criticisms may be attributed to the ill-defined relationship between epistemic communities and other actors. One main problem is the tendency of authors to define epistemic communities as communities of scientists or communities of experts that have scientific knowledge. For example, Rajiv Kaul states that ecological epistemic communities "consist of diverse groups of international scientists who share an 6 5 M.J. Peterson 153. 6 6 M.J. Peterson 153. 6 7 Clair Gough, and Simon Shackley, "The Respectable Politics of Climate Change: The Epistemic Communities and NGOs," International Affairs 77 (2001): 334. Italics in the original text. 28 ecologically sensitive perspective and whose goal is the diffusion of scientific understanding across nations."68 The epistemic community concept is not intended to be restricted to scientific disciplines. By illustration, in their pioneering study on epistemic communities, Holzner and Marx note: [...] science is not the only epistemic communityf...] In fact, certain esoteric knowledge traditions associated with various groups of serious astrologers must be considered epistemic communities, just as much as the officially recognized and discipline-based modern professions.69 Haas supports this conceptualisation in his more recent study: Epistemic communities need not be made up of natural scientists; they can consist of social scientists or individuals from any discipline or profession who have a sufficiently strong claim to a body of knowledge that is valued by society. Nor need an epistemic community's causal beliefs and notions of validity be based on methodology employed in the natural sciences; they can originate from shared knowledge about the nature of social or other processes, based on analytic methods or techniques deemed appropriate to the discipline or profession they pursue.70 Another main problem associated with the relationship between epistemic communities and other actors is that authors confuse whether epistemic communities are networks of individuals or organisations, or a combination of the two. For example, Sheila Jasanoff asserts, "It has been widely assumed that ecological epistemic communities will include both national bureaucracies entrusted with environmental responsibilities and NGOs subscribing to a shared set of values and problem definitions."71 Although members of an epistemic community may be involved in national bureaucracies or NGOs, an argument addressed in a subsequent section, Jasonoff s view conflicts with the accepted conceptualisation of epistemic communities as networks of individuals. Adler and Haas express the standard view: [...] an epistemic community does not have to be large to have an impact on international policy coordination. While the membership of the communities varied greatly in the cases presented here, it was typically under thirty-five people and could even be much less. What matters is that the members are respected within their own disciplines and have the ability to influence those within their immediate disciplines and extend their 6 8 Rajiv Kaul 40. 6 9 Holzner and Marx 109. 7 0 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 16. 7 1 Sheila Jasonoff, "NGOs and the Environment: From Knowledge to Action," Third World Quarterly 18 (1997): 587. 29 direct and indirect influence in an ever-widening pattern, eventually reaching major actors in the policy coordination process.72 2.2 Epistemic Communities and Conceptualisations of Public Policy The study of public policy provides relevant analyses of decision-making processes.73 The purpose of this section is not to review all the ways that this literature contributes to a study of epistemic communities. Rather, it will focus on models of policy communities and policy networks. These models inform the theoretical context as they provide conceptualisations of how actors are organised and interact in domestic policy-making environments. The terms policy communities and policy networks have not been consistently defined in policy process studies. In his assessment of the literature, Higgott argues that "much of it exhibits a good deal of semantic and methodological confusion."74 To add clarity, Lindquist divides the literature into British and North American/continental European approaches. He explains how the terms have been used in each sub-set: In some quarters, policy community is reserved to describe a tight cluster of actors sharing a similar world view, and network is then used to refer to the larger constellation of actors. This springs out of studies of British administrative culture. The Canadian and continental European literature sees policy communities as actors who have common interests but not common values, and who develop considerable familiarity with each other as they repeatedly square off on issue after issue in the larger policy domain.75 Numerous models of policy communities and networks have emerged in each branch of the literature. The position of epistemic communities in the policy process is most discernible in models developed in North American/continental European Adler and Haas 380. They refer to the cases in International Organization, Issue 46. 7 3 There are diverse interpretations of the focus of the study of public policy. The thesis will use Thomas Birkland's observation: "The study of public policy is the examination of the creation, by the government, of the rules, laws, goals, and standards that determine what government does or does not do to create resources, benefits, costs, and burdens" (5). A variety of disciplines contribute to the study of public policy. Pal observes that these disciplines include economics, political science, public administration, history, and sociology, and in some contexts, archaeology, anthropology and linguistics (26). The frameworks most useful for further establishing the theoretical context of this study are found within policy process studies, a subfield of political science. Birkland explains that these studies "view rational, scientific, and often quantitative policy analysis as evidence for various participants in policy making to use to advocate for their preferred policies" (17); italics included in the original text. Source: Thomas A. Birkland, An Introduction to the Policy Process: Theories. Concepts, and Models of Public Policy Making (Armonk, NY: Sharpe, 2001). 7 4 Higgott 372. 7 5 Lindquist 134. This passage appears as a footnote in the original text. 30 approaches. Within this set, Paul Pross' model of the policy community and Paul Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) provide the most useful conceptualisations for the purposes of this study. Specifically, the Pross model is important because it identifies the position of actors in the policy process, whereas Sabatier's ACF identifies the structure of relationships between actors. 2.2.1 The Pross Model Pross views policy communities as large assemblies of actors which contain one or more policy networks. He explains: Policy communities and networks are closely related but significantly different aspects of the policy process. A policy field draws together a community; policies and policy issues activate networks [...] The chief distinction between a network and a policy community lies in the fact that the community exists because a policy field exists, whereas a network exists because those in it share an approach to policy. 7 6 Pross identifies two parts of a policy community: the sub-government and the attentive public. He offers the following definitions of each: In effect, the sub-government is the policy-making body of each community. It processes most routine policy issues and is seldom successfully challenged by dissident members of the policy community. It consists primarily of the government agencies and institutionalized interest groups.77 The attentive public, by contrast, is neither tightly knit nor clearly defined. It includes any government agencies, private institutions, pressure groups, specific interests, and individuals - including academics, consultants and journalists - who are affected by, or interested in, the policies of specific agencies and who follow, and attempt to influence, those policies, but do not participate in policy-making on a regular basis.78 Epistemic communities are not explicitly identified in Pross' model. However, Haas provides evidence which positions epistemic communities in both the sub-government and the attentive public: "Key locations from which members of epistemic communities could gain significant leverage over policy choices include think tanks, regulatory agencies, and the type of governmental policy research bodies that are more common outside the United States."79 Therefore, members of epistemic communities can Paul A. Pross, Group Politics and Public Policy. 2nd ed. (Toronto: Oxford UP, 1992) 119. Pross 120-121. Pross 121 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 31. 31 be found in think tanks in the attentive public and within the government agencies and institutionalised interest groups identified in Pross' description of the sub-government. Pross' analysis also provides insights into the relationship between epistemic communities and decision-makers. In particular, his description of the function of government agencies and institutionalised groups helps to clarify the day-to-day interaction between epistemic communities and decision-makers. According to Pross, they would have "automatic group inclusion on advisory committees and panels of experts; invitations to comment on draft policy; participation on committees or commissions charged with long-range policy review; and continual formal and informal access to agency officials."80 2.2.2 Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework Similar to Pross, Sabatier views policy communities as large assemblies of actors which contain one or more policy networks. However, he identifies these policy networks as advocacy coalitions. Lindquist explains: According to Sabatier, within any policy community there will be several advocacy coalitions 'composed of people from various organizations who share a set of normative and causal beliefs and who often act in concert' and that will include 'actors at various levels of government active in policy formulation and implementation, as well as journalists, researchers and policy analysts who play important roles in the generation, dissemination, and evaluation of policy ideas.'"81 The ACF identifies three key features of the coalitions in a policy community. First, there will be more than one coalition in a given policy community. Birkland explains, "In the ACF, two to four advocacy coalitions typically form in a particular policy domain when groups coalesce around a shared set of core values and beliefs."82 Second, these coalitions are in competition. Sabatier and his co-author Hank Jenkins-Smith argue that, "policy change is best understood as the product of competition between several 'advocacy coalitions', each composed of individuals from various 8 0 Pross 121. 8 1 Lindquist 146. Lindquist cites: Paul A . Sabatier, "Knowledge, Policy-Orientated Learning, and Policy Change: An Advocacy Coalition Framework," Knowledge 8 (1987): 649-692; Paul A. Sabatier, and Hank Jenkins-Smith, Symposium Editors' Introduction, Policy Change and Policy-Orientated Learning: Exploring the Advocacy Coalition Framework, spec, issue of Policy Sciences 21.2-3 (1988); Hank Jenkins-Smith, Democratic Politics and Policy Analysis (Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks, 1990). 8 2 Birkland 224. 32 institutional settings who share a set of basic values and perceptions about factors affecting the policy topic, e.g. air pollution."83 Third, power to influence the policy process is unevenly distributed among the coalitions. Lindquist represents the power differences among coalitions in a policy community by identifying dominant, contending and emerging coalitions. Employing the ACF, the study argues that the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts forms a coalition with the grassroots organisations of the Meinung anti-dam movement. This coalition can conceivably exist within a number of policy communities in the larger Taiwanese policy-making environment - for example, the policy communities concerned with water resource planning, rural development, industrialisation and the rights of ethnic minorities. Identifying the coalition's other actors and determining its position as a dominant, contending or emerging coalition are beyond the scope of the study. The ACF also provides insight into the argument that epistemic communities enhance grassroots movements by providing local actors with knowledge that strengthens their role in the policy process. In his overview of the ACF, Lindquist explains, "In other words, coalitions span the sub-government and the attentive public within a policy community, their members trading ideas and information and working in concert in policy debates."84 Applying this analysis, the study argues the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts trades its ideas with the grassroots organisation to improve the capacity of the locally-based actors in the policy debate surrounding the Meinung dam. 2.3 Epistemic Communities and Studies of International Advocacy Whereas models in the previous section examine how actors are organised in the domestic policy environment, other studies examine the organisation and influence of transnational actors involved in policy-making. The work of Margaret Keck and Kathyrn Sikkink offers one analysis of transnational actors.85 Their work establishes two elements 8 3 Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, Symposium Editors' Introduction, 124. 8 4 Lindquist 147. 8 5 Margaret E. Keck, and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1998). 33 of the theoretical context. First, it shows how the roles of epistemic communities differ from those of other key networks in the international system, particularly transnational advocacy networks. Second, it clarifies the relationship between epistemic communities and NGOs. 2.3.1 Transnational Network Types Similar to conceptualisations of actors in the domestic policy environment, Keck and Sikkink argue that actors in the international system are organised in networks. They identify three main transnational network types: Some involve economic actors and firms. Some are networks of scientists and experts whose professional ties and shared causal ideas underpin their efforts to influence policy. Others are networks of activists, distinguishable largely by the centrality of the principled ideas or values in motivating their formation. We will call these transnational advocacy networks?6 The second and third network types identified in this excerpt are most relevant to this study. In a footnote, Keck and Sikkink identify the network of scientists and experts as epistemic communities. Transnational advocacy networks are relevant as NGOs are central elements of these networks; as established in Chapter 1, NGOs have been seen as playing the most significant role in empowering grassroots movements. Elaborating the advocacy role of transnational advocacy networks in general, and NGOs in particular, Keck and Sikkink argue, "By building new links among actors in civil societies, states, and international organizations, they multiply the channels of access to the international system."87 Like epistemic communities, transnational advocacy networks endeavour to influence the policy preferences of decision-makers, especially on topics such as human rights and the environment. The main difference between these networks types is their relationship vis-a-vis decision-makers. In particular, whereas decision-makers seek out the advice of epistemic communities, transnational advocacy networks have a peripheral relationship with decision-makers. By illustration, while Haas states, "Decision makers Keck and Sikkink 1. Keck and Sikkink 1. 34 [...] turn to epistemic communities"88 Keck and Sikkink argue explain, "The bulk of what networks do might be termed persuasion or socialization."89 2.3.2 Clarifying the Relationship between Epistemic Communities and NGOs Although conceptually discrete, epistemic communities and transnational advocacy networks overlap in real world situations. In particular, epistemic communities overlap with NGOs, a central actor in most transnational advocacy networks. Epistemic communities may be associated with other elements of transnational advocacy networks, such as the media, churches, and trade unions. However, the literature provides no indication of other relationships. It is also not clear whether epistemic communities overlap with NGOs in all policy issues, or just in environmental issues. A literature review indicates two ways that authors conceptualise the relationship between epistemic communities and NGOs. First, authors argue that epistemic communities are networks that include NGOs. The previously used quotation by Jasanoff demonstrates this conceptualisation: "It has been widely assumed that ecological epistemic communities will include both national bureaucracies entrusted with environmental responsibilities and NGOs subscribing to a shared set of values and problem definitions."90 Clair Gbugh and Simon Shackley support Jasonoff s perspective, arguing that epistemic communities and NGOs form an epistemic coalition in climate change issues. They state: Some NGO representatives have also become highly expert in issues of climate change policy and science, and as such they have contributed their expert judgement, somewhat separately from their political judgement as an NGO. Such partnership has enabled NGOs to belong to the epistemic community that has built up around a consensus that anthropogenic climate change is a significant risk that has to be managed.91 Alternatively, authors argue that NGOs are not included in an epistemic community, but members of epistemic communities may be members of NGOs. This conceptualisation is supported by Keck and Sikkink. They identify epistemic communities and the transnational advocacy networks which include NGOs as discrete networks, but argue that members of an epistemic community can impact polices by 8 8 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 21. 8 9 Keck and Sikkink 16. 9 0 Jasonoff 587. 35 operating through NGOs. For example, in their discussion of an epistemic community working on tropical rainforest issues, they state, "Either by becoming part of the policy process or by working through NGOs or international organizations, its members hoped to persuade people of goodwill to adopt rational guidelines for tropical forest use."92 Keck and Sikkink's analysis of epistemic communities and NGOs is more consistent with the literature on epistemic communities. In particular, it supports Haas' and other authors' definitions of epistemic communities as networks of individuals, rather than organisations. Therefore, this study will use the analysis supported by Keck and Sikkink that NGOs are not part of an epistemic community, but members of epistemic communities can be members of NGOs. By extension, members of epistemic communities can be part of a transnational advocacy network. 2.4 Chapter Summary Chapter 2 establishes the theoretical context of the study. It reviews the foundations of the epistemic community approach, discusses the influences of epistemic communities on policy formulation and international policy coordination, examines case studies and relates the study to conceptualisations of domestic policy and international advocacy. Key elements of the study established in this chapter are: • Whereas the origins of the epistemic community approach are rooted in the field of the sociology of knowledge, it has been used to explain trends within several disciplines. This research focuses on its use in the study of international relations. • Case studies confirm the role of epistemic community's in shaping and coordinating diverse policies, including those related to environment issues. • Case studies identify inconsistencies in the operationalisation of Haas' framework. • Epistemic community members can be found in government agencies, think tanks and other institutionalised interest groups. • Epistemic communities can form advocacy coalitions with other actors. • NGOs may not be considered a part of an epistemic community. However, members of epistemic communities can be members of NGOs. 9 1 Gough and Shackley 331. Italics in the original text. 9 2 Keck and Sikkink 134. 36 Chapter 3: Epistemic Communities and Dams 3.1 Overview of Dam Building Dams have been integral to the development of human settlements. The World Conservation Union (IUCN) and World Bank report on large dams states, "Dams have played a key role in development since at least the third millennium B.C., when the first great civilizations evolved on major rivers."93 In time, the growth of settlements and the expansion of industrialisation increased demands for reliable water provision as well as water related services, especially hydroelectricity. Dams continue to be seen as a way to satisfy these demands and have increased in both size and geographical distribution. A large industry focused on dam construction emerged to meet demands for water and water-related services. Estimating the global scale of this industry, the WCD notes that throughout the 1990s the annual expenditure on large dams was between 32 and 46 billion USD. 9 4 This industry is comprised of .dam-building companies, export credit agencies, private investors, river basin development agencies, international aid agencies and professionals from a variety of disciplines including engineers, hydrologists and planners. This group will be referred to as the larger dam industry. The larger dam industry conveys the techno-economic perspective on dams. The IUCN-World Bank report summarises this mainstream view: "The planning procedure was to develop alternative technical solutions, to select the least-cost option, and to mitigate the environmental and social impact of the plan or scenario to a minimum."95 Patrick McCully provides an alternative description of this perspective: [...] big dams have been potent symbols of both patriotic pride and the conquest of nature by human ingenuity. Providers of electric power, water and food; tamers of floods; greeners of the desert; guarantors of national independence - for most of our century, dams, the largest single structures built by humanity, have symbolized progress, whether that amorphous concept be the creation of capitalist wealth, the spreading of the fruits of socialism, or the great march of communism.96 9 3Tony Dorcey, ed., et al. Large Dams: Learning from the Past. Looking at the Future, Proc. of Workshop, 11-12 Apr. 1997, Gland, Switz. (Gland: IUCN; Washington, DC: World Bank, 1997) 4. 9 4 Patrick McCully, Introduction, Silenced Rivers: The Ecology and Politics of Large Dams, Rev. ed. (London, UK: Zed, 2001) xxvii. 9 5 Dorcey, ed., etal. 19. 9 6 McCully, Silenced Rivers: The Ecology and Politics of Large Dams 1. 37 Figure 3.1 shows the global rate of large dam construction. Although it indicates a decrease in dam construction in the past two decades, this should not be interpreted as a change in the mainstream perspective on dams. First, the chart is deceptive as it excludes data on dam construction in China. Analyses that include records of Chinese dam building indicate that global rates of dam construction have continued to increase in the post-1970 period.97 Second, although data excluding Chinese dam building does indicate a decline in global dam construction, this data reflects the exhausting of suitable dam sites within developed countries, rather than a change in perceptions on dams. The WCD notes, "The decline in the pace of dam building over the past two decades has been equally dramatic, especially in North America and Europe where most technically attractive sites are already developed."98 Consequently, the techno-economic view remains pervasive in the larger dam industry and dams continue to be integral to socio-economic development in many nations. Opposition to the mainstream perspective has emerged among advocates of sustainable water resource management. Elmer Peterson's 1954 book is one of the earliest criticisms of large dams.99 He criticises the Army Corps of Engineers' monopoly of flood control in the United States as highly undemocratic and responsible for exacerbating flooding throughout the prairie states. Since this time, particularly since the 1987 publication of the Brundtland Commission report, the sustainability perspective has McCully, Silenced Rivers: The Ecology and Politics of Large Dams. 9 8 WCD, Dams and Development: A New Framework for Decision-Making 9. 9 9 Elmer T. Peterson, Big Dam Foolishness: The Problem of Modern Flood Control and Water Storage (New York: Devin, 1954). Figure 3.1: Construction of Dams by Decade (1900-2000) 6 000 5 000 g 4 000 o 3 000 | 2 000 1 000 0 $P <& <£> A<3'> ,c£> ^  ^ „c£> ,dp ^ ^ Source: World Commission on Dams, Dams and Development: A New Framework for Decision-Making (London, UK: Earthscan, 2000) 9. 38 gained popularity and provoked challenges of the social and environmental consequences of many practices, including large dam building. The IUCN and World Bank report observes, "As development priorities changed and experience accumulated with the construction and operation of large dams around the world, various groups argued that expected economic benefits were not being produced and that major environmental, economic and social costs were not being taken into account."100 This study argues that an epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts is among these groups. 3.2 Defining an Epistemic Community of Sustainable Water Resource Experts A literature review indicates that studies have considered linkages between epistemic communities and dams and more generally, between epistemic communities and water resource management. These works typically discuss the potential of epistemic communities acting within water regimes and IOs to mitigate transboundary water resource issues.101 However, previous studies have not used Haas' framework to identify an epistemic community influencing policies on dams or the broader field of water resource management. To address this gap, the subsequent sections employ Haas' criteria to identify an epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts involved in shaping policies towards large dams. 3.2.1 Criterion 1: Shared Set of Normative and Principled Beliefs The normative and principled beliefs shared by the members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts reflect a commitment to sustainable development. The WCD states how these beliefs relate to large dam projects: 1 0 0 Dorcey, ed., et al. 4. 1 0 1 For a discussion on water regimes see: Anders Jagerskog, The Jordan River Basin: Explaining Interstate Water Co-Operation Through Regime Theory. Water Issues Study Group, Occassional Paper 31 (U of London: School of Oriental and African Studies, June 2001), 19 June 2002 <http://www2.soas.ac.uk/ Geography/WaterIssues/OccasionalPapers/AcrobatFiles/OCC31.pdf>. For a discussion on the role of epistemic communities in IOs mitigating transboundary water resources issues see: Eyal Benvenisti, "The Legal Framework of Joint Management Institutions for Transboundary Water Resources," Management of Shared Groundwater Resources: The Israeli-Palestinian Case with an International Perspective, ed. E. Feitelson, and M . Haddad - (Boston: Kluwer, 2001) 407-428, 7 June 2002 <http:// web.msec.huji.ac.il/law/segelbenbenisti/eran.html>; Helga Haftendorn, "Water and International Conflict," 39 ...the end of any dam project must be the sustainable improvement of human welfare. This means a significant advance of human development on a basis that is economically viable, socially equitable and environmentally sustainable.'02 Two beliefs embedded in the sustainability perspective distinguish the epistemic community from the larger dam industry. First, as reflected in the WCD statement, members of this epistemic community share the principled belief that economic, environmental and social objectives ought to be central to water resource management. Specifically, they ought to be complementary rather than competing objectives. Other discussions support the equal prioritisation of these objectives. For example, Nicky Chambers et al. argue, "There is clearly a balance to be struck between the three elements.'"03 Second, members believe that water resource use in general and dam building in particular, should enhance human welfare for both current and future generations. Originally expressed in the 1987 Brundtland Commission report as "meet[ing] the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs"104, this popularised phrase has been adapted for water resource management. James Winpenny argues, "The neatest definition of [sustainable development] in the water sector is 'the use of water resources which imposes no cost on future generations, such as might arise through depletion of the resource or through a reduction in its quality.'"105 Their commitment to future generations contrasts the short-ranged plans conventionally promoted by the mainstream perspective. By illustration, in his discussion of water resource planning, Alfred Golze states, "In the absence of possessing the ultimate wisdom concerning the future, the project planner will stay on firmest ground by planning for existing conditions, modified by estimated growth or changes forecast for some limited period of time."106 Columbia International Affairs Online Mar. 1999, Proc. of Intl. Studies Assn. 40th Annual Convention, 16-20 Feb. 1999, Washington, DC, 19 June 2002 <http://www.ciaonet.org/isa/hah01/>. 1 0 2 WCD, Dams and Development: A New Framework for Decision-Making 2. 1 0 3 Nicky Chambers, Craig Simmons, and Mathis Wackernagel, Sharing Nature's Interest: Ecological Footprints as an Indicator of Sustainability (London, UK: Earthscan, 2000) 5. 1 0 4 Gro Harlem Brundtland, chair, and World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future: World Commission on Environment and Development (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1987) 43. 1 0 5 James T. Winpenny, "Sustainable Management of Water Resources: An Economic View," Approaches to Sustainable Development, ed. Richard M . Auty, and Katrina Brown (London, UK: Pinter, 1997) 31-32. Winpenny cites Dubourg, 1994. "Sustainable development" replaces SD in the original text. 1 0 6 Alfred R. Golze, ed.. Handbook of Dam Engineering (New York: Van Nostrand, 1977) 3. 40 3.2.2 Criterion 2: Shared Causal Beliefs The larger dam industry views dams as structures that improve human settlements. Golze's remark captures this view: "Dams are one of the group of important civil engineering works constructed by man for his physical, economic, and environmental betterment."107 The mainstream view of dams reflects the broader causal belief that large-scale infrastructure developments lead to socio-economic development. Capturing this outlook in his discussion of the modernisation paradigm of development, Ted Lewellen states, "Without good roads, railroads, ports, hydroelectric dams, and so forth, many countries are unable to develop their potentials."108 The epistemic community rejects this mainstream view. Its main causal belief is that large dam projects lead to the degradation of human and natural environments. William Jobin explains, "Persistent faults in some of the big dams have included the brutal displacement of rural, indigenous peoples for the benefit of urban populations and industrial interests, and the destruction of ancient and complex hydrologic and ecologic systems."109 Supporting this argument, McCully observes that "dams have had massive negative impacts on nature and society, and that their benefits have been exaggerated and could often have been produced by other less destructive and more equitable means."110 Differences in the perceptions of the consequences of dams between the larger dam industry and the epistemic community reflect a fundamental distinction in the shared causal beliefs of the two groups. In particular, the larger dam industry's view that dams lead directly to enhanced socio-economic conditions shows how linear cause-and-effect relations characterise its members' causal beliefs. In contrast, the way the epistemic community observes the impacts of dams as multi-dimensional, interrelated factors indicates its members perceive causal relations in holistic terms. Explaining the holistic perspective, William Baarchers notes these people are critics of reductionism, espousing the "idea that the 'indivisible whole' or the 'unifiedness' are representations of genuine 1 0 8 Ted C. Lewellen, Dependency and Development: An Introduction to the Third World (Westport, CT: Bergen, 1995) 54. 1 0 9 William R. Jobin, Sustainable Management for Dams and Waters (Boca Raton, FL: Lewis, 1998) 20. 1 1 0 McCully, Silenced Rivers: The Ecology and Politics of Large Dams xv. 41 knowledge.""1 Furthermore, George Myerson and Yvonne Rydin observe that these individuals have "an affinity [for] synthesis, bringing together, bridging [and] harmonising."112 3.2.3 Criterion 3: Shared Notions of Validity The epistemic community's shared notions of validity reflect many of the traits of other ecological epistemic communities. First, in comparison to the cetologists and atmospheric scientists, members of this epistemic community share validity tests based on the scientific method. Statistical modelling is especially important for validating knowledge among members. In their overview of measuring sustainability, the focus of Daniel Loucks and John Gladwell's discussion on weighted statistical indices shows the importance of quantitative methodologies in evaluating dam performance.113 Second, in comparison with other ecological epistemic communities, open publication and conferences are important for maintaining shared notions of validity among members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. A number of peer reviewed academic journals including Natural Resources Forum, International Journal of Water Resources Development, and Water International provide a medium for evaluating emerging analyses of large dams and other water resource issues. In terms of international conferences, events hosted by resource institutes114, academic institutions, professional organisations and IOs such as the UN and World Bank provide forums to maintain shared notions of validity as well as evaluate current research.115 1 1 1 William H. Baarschers, Eco-facts & Eco-fiction: Understanding the Environmental Debate (London, UK: Routledge, 1996)31. 1 1 2 George Myerson, and Yvonne Rydin, The Language of Environment: A New Rhetoric (London, UK: U C L P , 1996)200. 1 1 3 Daniel P. Loucks, chair, and John S. Gladwell, ed., Sustainability Criteria for Water Resource Systems (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1999). 1 1 4 The National Institutes for Water Resources webpage lists the American research institutes devoted to water resource issues. See: National Institutes for Water Resources, "Water Resources Research Institutes," National Institutes for Water Resources Home Page 7 Jan. 2002, 22 Aug. 2002 <http://wrri.nmsu.edu/niwr/wrri.html>. 1 1 5 A number of the international conferences on water issues hosted since 1972 are listed at: International Conference on Freshwater, "Past and Future Conferences," International Conference on Freshwater Home Page. 19 June 2002 <http://www.water-2001.de/conferences/default.asp?find=old>. 42 Third, the epistemic community's shared notions of validity reflect Peterson's discussion of the evolution of notions of validity among the cetologists. Peterson argues, "The community members' orientation toward theory conformed to Imre Lakatos' concept of scientific progress...[in that fjhey worked with one admittedly imperfect model after another, shifting when a better one explaining a wider set of observational findings was developed.""6 The shared notions of validity of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts also change as current studies build on past research. For instance, the WCD states, "We are fully aware that this body of data cannot and should not be seen as the 'final verdict' on the large dams story.""7 Peterson's observation also informs this study because the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts work with one admittedly imperfect model after another of sustainable development. This is evidenced by the debates over the definition and operationalisation of sustainability. Desmond McNeill explains, "Since the publication of the Brundtland Report there have been innumerable debates as to what is meant by sustainable development.""8 Central to this debate is the focus of sustainability. Gregory Kersten et al. explain, "Some people put a high value on a healthy environment, while others prefer high living standards.""9 Although the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts share traits with other epistemic communities, there are unique qualities to its shared notions of validity. Principally, its notions of validity are distinct from other epistemic communities as well as the larger dam industry because its members ascribe a high degree of validity to knowledge derived from participatory and transparent methods. The WCD's rationale for using case studies shows the types of interests identified in participatory approaches: "The case studies offer the first integrated look at dams from the perspective of all interest groups and in terms of their foreseen and unforeseen impacts, be it from the point of view of government agencies, local economists, the riparian habitat, or impacts on the 1 1 6 M.J. Peterson 153. 1 1 7 WCD, Dams and Development: A New Framework for Decision-Making ix. 1 1 8 Desmond McNeill, "The Concept of Sustainable Development," Global Sustainable Development in the Twenty-First Century, ed. Keekok Lee, Alan Holland, and Desmond McNeill (Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2000) 11. 1 1 9 Gregory (Grzegorz) E. Kersten, Zbigniew Mikolajuk, and Anthony Gar-On Yeh, eds., Decision Support Systems for Sustainable Development: A Resource Book of Methods and Applications (Boston: Kluwer, 2000) 16. 43 diets of indigenous peoples.'"20 Shoshi Yokotsuka and Tomoo Ihoue express the importance of transparency: "decision-making processes of a dam project should be followed with transparency and flexibility through mutual communication between project promoters, stake holders and administrators."121 The holistic nature of the epistemic community's methodologies also distinguishes its shared notions of validity from those of the larger dam industry. Members stress that methods incorporating environmental and social considerations into measurements of dam performance are more valid than those which only address technical and economic issues. Loucks and Gladwell explain the impetus for adopting holistic models: There now exists a well-stocked bag of tools available for studying and analyzing problems of supply and demand and for planning, designing and operating facilities that meet the demands for water of sufficient quantity and quality at reasonable costs. Research and the collective experience of generations of water engineers have provided professionals with many of the requisite methods. However, over time, conditions and objectives change. Well-established design conditions and objectives change. Well-established design concepts must be reviewed, revised and adapted to meet current and expected future conditions. New methods must also be developed and tested to meet new objectives and new demands of society.122 3.2.4 Criterion 4: Common Policy Enterprise Although constantly adapting improved conceptualisations of sustainable development and better methodologies, members of this epistemic community remain committed to the common policy enterprise of advocating water resource use that promotes the sustainable improvement of human welfare. The WCD's Seven Strategic Priorities for dam building best reflects the policy priorities endorsed by the epistemic communities: gaining public acceptance; comprehensive options assessment; addressing existing dams; sustaining rivers and livelihoods; recognising entitlements and sharing benefits; ensuring compliance; and sharing rivers for peace, development, and security.123 Table 3.1 summarises the perspectives of the larger dam industry and the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. Although the larger dam 1 2 0 WCD, "Focal Dams/River Basin Case Studies," WCD Home Page 1998, 3 May 2003 <http://www. dams.org/commission/commissioners.htm>. 1 2 1 Shoshi Yokotsuka, and Tomoo Inoue, Role of Dams in the Development of River Basins in Japan. 3 May 2003 <http:// www.icold-cigb.org/Role%20of%20Dams%20in%20Japan.htm>. 1 2 2 Loucks and Gladwell 7. 1 2 3 WCD. Dams and Development: A New Framework for Decision-Making 214. 44 industry is not presented in this study as an epistemic community, Haas' criteria are used to compare the groups. Table 3.1: Comparing the Larger Dam Industry and Epistemic Community Shared set of normuthc and principled beliefs Shared causal beliefs Shared notions of \alidit\ Common policy U'i prise Larger Dam Industry • dams improve human settlements • benefits of dam to nation outweigh costs to dam-affected people • linear cause-and-effect relations • properly designed dams will create minimal damages • scientific method • quantitative methodologies • focus on technical and economic issues • evolution of models •environmental and social impacts assessed by cost-benefit analyses • "to develop alternative technical solutions, to select the least-cost option, and to mitigate the environmental and social impact of the plan or scenario to a minimum"1 2 4 • Epistemic Community • commitment to sustainable development - centrality of economic, environmental and social objectives in dam projects - enhance human welfare for both current and future generations • holism • large dam projects lead to the degradation of human and natural environments • scientific method • quantitative methodologies • open publication; conferences • evolution of models • participatory and transparent methodologies • environmental and social impacts not just measured by economic analysis • gaining public acceptance •comprehensive options assessment • addressing existing dams • sustaining rivers and livelihoods • recognising entitlements and sharing benefits • ensuring compliance • sharing rivers for peace, security and development 3.3 Identifying Members of the Epistemic Community As indicated in Chapter 1, there is limited methodological guidance for identifying members of an epistemic community. There is also limited precedent for naming members of epistemic communities. For instance, in the literature reviewed, Haas' analysis of the epistemic community of atmospheric scientists is the only case study that identifies members by name. Nonetheless, to strengthen the argument that there is an Dorcey, ed., et al. 19. 45 epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts influencing policies towards large dams as well as grassroots movements, this section highlights some of its members. The study argues that the WCD provided a forum for the epistemic community as well as other stakeholders that influence policies towards large dams. As such, members of the epistemic community can be identified within the WCD. In particular, they can be found among the twelve WCD Commissioners. The WCD's description of the commissioners supports this interpretation: "The Commission includes business leaders and noted environmentalists and social activists as well as internationally renowned experts in water and energy resources development."125 Furthermore, the WCD's description of the commissioners as "eminent persons with appropriate expertise and experience"126 supports the presence of members of epistemic communities. To identify members of the epistemic community, a table profiling the commissioners was created from the biographies provided by the WCD as well as Internet sources of information (see Appendix D). The commissioners were then divided according to the WCD delineation of commissioners as business leaders, environmentalists, social activists and experts in water and energy resources development. Table 3.2 shows the results of this analysis.127 Table 3.2: Categorising the WCD Commissioners Business Leaders Environmentalists Social Activists Experts Goran Lindahl Judy Henderson Joji Carino Donald J. Blackmore Jan Veltrop Actum Steiner Medha Patkar Jose Goldemberg Deborah Moore Thayer Scudder 1 2 5 WCD, "World Commission on Dams Established: Body Seeks to Establish Standards for Large Dams and Assess Alternatives," WCD Press Releases & Announcements, WCD Home Page 16 Feb. 1998, 25 Aug. 2002 <http://www.dams.org/news_events/press.php?article=284>. 1 2 6 WCD, "Outline of the WCD: The WCD Commissioners." WCD Home Page 1998, 3 May 2003 <http:// www.dams.org/commission/commissioners.htm>. 1 2 7 Kader Amal (WCD chair) and Lakshmi Chand Jain (WCD co-chair) are excluded from this table because they do not fit within the categories. In particular, they are experts but their areas of expertise are not within water and energy resources development. 46 Members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts can be identified among the commissioners listed as "experts." Dr. Goldemberg can be eliminated as he is the only expert whose educational, professional and publication profile focuses on energy rather than water issues. As such, Donald J. Blackmore, Deborah Moore and Thayer Scudder will be considered members. Members can also be found among individuals who write on sustainable water resource use as well as serve on the advisory boards, expert panels and steering committees of various bodies concerned with dams. An analysis of these sources identifies William Fisher, Daniel Loucks, William Jobin, Patrick McCully, Lee Talbot and Gilbert White as members of the epistemic community. The written output of these individuals reflects the epistemic community's ideas and their involvement on panels shows their role in shaping policies on dams. See Appendix E for their profiles. In addition to their involvement in various bodies concerned with dams, written communications show how these members influence the policy preferences of decision-makers. For example, a letter from McCully to an official of the Lao Government depicts McCully's role in shaping policies towards the Nam Theun 2 dam project (see Appendix F). A letter from Scudder to Abdelfattah Amor of the United Nations shows Scudder's advisory relation to officials in IOs (see Appendix G). Although this letter does not pertain to a dam-related issue, it is representative of the types of letters Scudder and/or other members of the epistemic community may write to influence the policy positions of decision-makers. 3.3.1 Linking Members of the Epistemic Community The profiles generated in Appendix E indicate links among the members. In particular, the profiles show that members serve on the same panels, attend the same conferences and workshops and belong to the same associations, organisations, etc. A study of their written output indicates that they co-author publications and frequently cite each other. Letters posted on the Internet also indicate that they keep each other informed of their efforts to influence policy. For example, a letter from McCully urging David McDowell of the IUCN to reconsider his position on Nam Theun 2 dam is carbon copied to Scudder (see Appendix H). Figure 3.2 summaries these links. 47 Figure 3.2: Links among Members of the Epistemic Community 3.4 Assessing the Epistemic Community's Influence on Policy Three approaches assessed the epistemic coinmunity's influence on policies towards large dams. First, accounts of the professional contributions of members were assessed for references to their roles in shaping policies towards dams. Second, as the WCD provided a key forum for the epistemic community and as the WCD's recommendations reflect the epistemic community's ideas, reactions to the WCD's recommendations were assessed among various state actors. Third, as there are links between policies towards dams and dam construction, a content analysis of technical materials published at various points in time was conducted to assess changes in dam building practices. These approaches yielded mixed results concerning the epistemic community's influence. Accounts of the professional contributions of particular members show that the epistemic community has a strong influence on policies towards large dams (see Appendix E for more examples). For example, Blackmore's WCD biography states, "He has brought principles of environmentally sustainable water management to a river basin initially focused on hydroelectric power generation."128 Moore's WCD biography WCD, "Outline of the WCD: The WCD Commissioners." 48 highlights her role in policy formulation and coordination: "She has worked to reform water and economic policies in the United States and internationally."129 Another source comments that she "[translates complex scientific issues into an understandable format to influence decision makers so they can find solutions to water scarcity and pollution worldwide."130 Scudder was awarded for his contributions to policy: In his academic and practical work, Dr. Scudder has illustrated the consequences of the resettlement of people in dam construction. And more importantly he has influenced national governments in making positive changes in policy for impacted people around the world.131 The epistemic community's involvement in the WCD can be interpreted as having mixed impacts on the policy preferences of decision-makers. An IRN survey shows that the WCD recommendations received mixed reactions from various national governments (see Appendix F). However, it also shows support from other stakeholders, principally NGOs and IOs. This latter set of reactions suggests a strong potential for the epistemic community to indirectly influence policies by shaping the stance of other actors in the policy process. In particular, as the World Bank is among the world's largest financiers of large dam projects, its support indicates potential for far-reaching policy changes. The World Bank's official response notes: The World Bank believes that the WCD Report has contributed greatly in framing many of the major issues in this complex debate. It fully shares the Commission's goals of equity, efficiency, sustainability, participation, and acountability and is working together with its partners to implement the Report's recommendations (sic).132 The content analysis of technical materials published at various times shows that the epistemic community has not had a strong influence on policies towards large dams. A survey of recent literature on dam planning and construction indicates that dam building remains a techno-economic endeavour, largely neglectful of the environmental and social objectives expressed by the epistemic community. For example, a number of recent books on monitoring dam performance do not discuss evaluating environmental or 1 2 9 WCD, "Outline of the WCD: The WCD Commissioners." 1 3 0 American Institute of Physics, "Deborah Moore," Careers Using Physics 2002, 25 Aug. 2002 <http:// spsnational.org/cup/moore.html>. 1 3 1 Society for Applied Anthropology (SFAA), "1999 Bronislaw Malinowski Award Recipient Thayer Scudder," SFAA Home Page. 25 Aug. 2002 <http://www.sfaa.net/malinowski/scudder.html>. 1 3 2 World Bank Group, "The World Bank and the World Commission on Dams," World Bank Group Home Page 2001, 19 June 2002 <http://lnwebl8.worldbank.org/essd/essdext.nsf/18DocByUnid/472F65DEB612 182285256BB20051 5C01?Opendocument>. 49 social impacts.133 Furthermore, comparing a sample of materials published during the 1970s and 1980s to a sample published post-1990 indicates no significant transitions in the scope of dam building topics. Both sets of materials focus on design and construction topics - including dam types, materials, equipment costs, monitoring dam performance and cost-benefit aspects of consulting, such as estimating for foreign dam construction, joint venturing and bid preparation - but present negligible discussion on social and environmental considerations. If the sustainability perspective advocated by the epistemic community had a pervasive effect on policies, it could be expected that newer publications would be more inclusive of social and environmental issues within conventional topics of dam building. 3.5 Chapter Summary Chapter 3 identifies the members, ideas and policy influence of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. Key elements of the study established in this chapter are: • Dams have been seen as a way to satisfy demands for water and water related services, like hydroelectricity. This view is termed the mainstream/techno-economic perspective on dams. • Many actors protest the mainstream perspective on dams. An epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts is among these actors. • The ideas of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts can be organised according to Haas' framework. • Members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts serve on the same panels, attend the same conferences and workshops and belong to the same 1 3 3 For a sample of recent books see: American Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE), Task Committee on Instrumentation and Monitoring Dam Performance, Guidelines for Instrumentation and Measurements for Monitoring Dam Performance (Reston, V A : ASCE, 2000); India, Central Board of Irrigation and Power (CBIP), Innovative Construction of Water Resources Projects in Asian Region. India, CBIP, 228 (New Delhi: CBIP, 1992); Kenneth D. Hansen, and William G. Reinhardt, Roller-Compacted Concrete Dams (New York: McGraw, 1991). For a sample of older books see: ASCE, ed., Foundations for Dams: An Engineering Foundation Conference, Asilomar Conference Grounds, Pacific Grove. California. March 17-21. 1974 (New York: ASCE, 1974); Alfred R. Golze, ed., Handbook of Dam Engineering (New York: Van Nostrand, 1977); Albert D. Parker, Planning and Estimating Dam Construction (New York: McGraw, 1971). associations, organisations, etc. A study of their written output indicates that they author publications and frequently cite each other. Analysis yields mixed results concerning the epistemic community's influence on policies towards large dams. 51 Chapter 4: Contextual Information on Taiwan 4.1 The Rise of Taiwanese Civil Society Throughout the later half of the twentieth century, Taiwan underwent a series of economic and political changes. Wei-chin Lee explains, "During these past fifty, years, Taiwan has witnessed a whirlwind of turbulent events, including several military crises, periods of internal political strife and oppression, and loss of diplomatic recognition, as well as jubilant moments of economic revival, the achievement of political stability and democratisation, and the improvement of its international image."134 The rise of civil society is a significant trend within this context. Parris Chang explains that the Taiwanese case is noteworthy because "Unlike most [newly industrialised] countries, where the state totally controls or dominates the society, in Taiwan, the 'civil society' is growing stronger with the passage of time and presents formidable countervailing pressure against the state."135 Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao provides the most recognised analysis of the rise of Taiwanese civil society.136 He identifies three periods in this process: political forces in absolute command, economic forces in relative command and social forces in mobilisation. Hsiao's analysis will be used to frame this overview.. 4.1.1 1947-1962: Political Forces in Absolute Command In 1945, the Japanese transferred control of Taiwan to China's Kuomintang (KMT) regime. KMT rule was further entrenched in December 1949 when, upon being defeated by the Chinese Communists, the regime retreated to Taiwan. Political forces were in absolute command during this period because the KMT established authoritarian rule over Taiwan. Hsiao depicts the post-war political climate: 1 3 4 Wei-chin Lee, Introduction, Taiwan in Perspective, ed. Wei-chin Lee (Boston: B r i l l , 2000) 1. 1 3 5 Parris H . Chang, "The Changing Nature of Taiwan's Politics," Taiwan: Beyond the Economic Miracle. ed. Denis Fred Simon, and Michael Y . M . Kau (Armonk, N Y : Sharpe, 1992) 39. Chang uses "Third World" rather than "newly industrialised." This change was made to reflect most categorisations of Taiwan. 1 3 6 See: Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao, "The Rise of Social Movements and C i v i l Protests," Political Change in Taiwan, ed. Tun-jen Cheng, and Stephen Haggard (Boulder, C O : Lynne, 1992): 57-72. 1947 wi l l serve 52 Al l aspects of public life were placed completely under the control of the party-military state. Political considerations overruled all economic and social factors, and economic rehabilitation and stability were given high priority not for any developmental reason but simply for the political survival of the regime.137 The suppression of civil society is among the impacts of the KMT's political agenda. Hsiao describes how political forces affected civil society in this period: No recognition was granted to any indigenous social forces. Taiwanese civil society fell under the complete control of the mainlander-dominated central state, apparatus. Suppression and coercion were immediately applied to any autonomous demands from society that might threaten the power of the party-state.138 The suppression of civil society is linked to three features of the KMT's authoritarian rule. First, it is linked to the regime's enforcement of one-party rule. Chang observes that "the government banned the formation of new political parties to forestall any coalition of opposition forces that could challenge the KMT rule."139 In addition to preventing formal political opposition, one-party rule suppressed civil society by forbidding criticism of the KMT. Jaushieh Joseph Wu explains: [...] a network of secret service agents kept a lookout for signs of dissent. There were spies in high schools and colleges, and military officers were permanently stationed in schools to oversee and discipline the students. There were also personnel in charge of security in every government office, school, and large factory to ensure the loyalty of civil servants, teachers, and factory workers.140 Second, the suppression of civil society is linked to the KMT's standpoint as the sole legal government of China. This stance impeded the rise of civil society because it provided the impetus for the KMT's agenda to transform the culture that existed in Taiwan prior to 1945. Chyuan-jeng Shiau explains, "In order to rid itself of Japanese colonial influence and to cultivate a new political culture, the KMT government cut off cultural contacts with Japan after 1945 and promoted Chinese culture and nationalism through mass media and the formal education systems."141 These policies undermined as the starting point for this overview. The nature of Taiwanese civil society prior to this period is beyond the scope of the thesis. 1 3 7 Hsiao, "The Rise of Social Movements and Civil Protests" 57-58. 1 3 8 Hsiao, "The Rise of Social Movements and Civil Protests" 58. 1 3 9 Parris Chang 26. 1 4 0 Jaushieh Joseph Wu, Taiwan's Democratization: Forces Behind the New Momentum (Hong Kong: Oxford UP, 1995) 25. 1 4 1 Chyuan-jeng Shiau, "Civil Society and Democratization," Democratization in Taiwan: Implications for China, ed. Steve Tsang, and Hung-mao Tien (Houndmills, UK: Macmillan; New York: St. Martin's; Hong Kong: Hong Kong UP, 1999) 106. 53 civil society by eroding existing Taiwanese culture and creating profound differences between pre- and post-war generations. Shiau highlights the policies' effects on social cohesion: With the assistance of the censorship program, mass media, and government control of education, social culture was reshaped to the extent that many native children could speak Mandarin, but not their mother tongue. The postwar generations usually know the history of China, but not of Taiwan."142 Third, civil society was suppressed by the KMT's imposition of martial law in Taiwan.143 Martial law provisions had two main impacts. First, they suppressed civil society by restricting civil liberties. Chang observes, "Under the martial law provisions, the authorities could and did open the mail, censor and control the mass media, and severely restrict freedoms of press, speech, assembly, and other political rights."144 Second, they prohibited elections beyond the local level, thereby containing civil society by localising dissent.145 Wu argues that "the [local] elections probably diverted people's attention away from national affairs to issues that would not immediately challenge or jeopardize the legitimacy of the government."146 4.1.2. 1963-1978: Economic Forces in Relative Command Civil society remained completely suppressed by the authoritarian KMT regime until the upsurge of the Taiwanese economy in the 1960s. Shiau summarises the linkages between economic expansion and the emergence of civil society: Civil society was too weak to resist pressure from the authoritarian state at first. The situation improved after the early 1960s when Taiwan's economy started to take off. Export-oriented industrialization promoted urbanization, rapid migration and the growth of small and medium-sized enterprises. The market mechanism, through the international division of labour, supported civil society.147 Despite the significant rise in civil society, Hsiao argues that it was confined to specific segments of the Taiwanese population, namely the educated elite. He explains: 1 4 2 Shiau 106. 1 4 3 On 20 May 1949, the K M T imposed martial law on the grounds of an emergency situation in Taiwan due to the KMT's war with the Chinese Communists. 1 4 4 Parris Chang 27. 1 4 5 Shiau notes elections were restricted to the local level until 1969. 1 4 6 Wu28. 1 4 7 Shiau 106. 54 [...] these social and cultural efforts to redefine the nature of Taiwan's social reality were confined to the intellectuals and not evident among other social groups and economic classes. Civil society had not yet been mobilized to challenge the power of the authoritarian state directly, although the political opposition had already gained wider support from the populace.148 While the strength of civil society in this period was primarily affected by economic forces, political reforms also played a role. Bruce Jacobs identifies two important developments. First, reforms changed the composition of the central government. He explains, "Many more young, well-educated people obtained high-level political positions as did substantially increased numbers of Taiwanese natives."149 Having lived under the KMT's authoritarian rule, these people typically did not support the government's tight social controls. This internal opposition weakened the KMT's ability to maintain control over the Taiwanese, thereby improving conditions for the rise of civil society. Second, reforms allowed some criticism of the government. Jacobs observes, "The government allowed journals of opinion to publish 'constructive' criticism and the parameters of political debate broadened considerably."150 Although freedom of speech was still restricted, these reforms supported civil society by allowing unprecedented discussion of conditions in Taiwan. 4.1.3 1979-Present: Social Forces in Mobilisation Throughout the. early 1980s, economic forces continued to weaken the authoritarian KMT regime.151 Financial and political scandals also undermined the KMT, increasing popular dissent.152 Furthermore, after years of domestic and international pressures on the regime's political and economic policies, martial law ended in 1987. 1 4 8 Hsiao 58. 1 4 9 Bruce J. Jacobs, "Democratisation in Taiwan," Asian Studies Review 17 (1993): 116-126, Occasional Papers on East Asia, 1 (Clayton, V i c : Monash Asia Institute, 1998): 3. 1 5 0 Jacobs 3. 1 5 1 Most significant were protectionist responses of Western countries to Taiwan's economic growth. Shiau argues, "[Taiwan] was forced to remove many of its tariff and non-tariff barriers and to revalue the New Taiwan Dollar upward by about 50 per cent between late 1986 and 1989. Monetary revaluation caused an immediate and serious deterioration in Taiwan's international competitiveness " (107). 1 5 2 The murder of Henry Lui, a writer whose biography of President Chiang Ching-kuo was banned in Taiwan, was one such scandal. Wu explains, "The subsequent murder investigation implicated some of Taiwan's top military intelligence officers, a powerful organized crime ring, the Bamboo Union, and possibly Chiang's second son, Hsiao-Wu (39)." Wu cites: AWSJ, 27 March, 1985: 10. A loan scandal also undermined the KMT. Wu explains, "Early in 1985, Taiwan's financial markets were rocked by 55 Civil society flourished in this environment. Hsiao indicates that social movements and the number of Taiwanese engaged in social movements have increased since the end of martial law."3 These movements have strengthened the role of society in Taiwanese policy processes. Wu explains, "This development is a very important indicator of the pluralization of Taiwan society, in other words, the creation of a society that would not be so easily controlled and penetrated by the KMT." 1 5 4 These movements include Taiwan's environmental movement, discussed in the following section. 4.2 The Taiwanese Environmental Movement Taiwan's industrialisation and role in the international economic system increased in 1970. One journalist explains, "Taiwan started to play the role of a production base for the world market, providing cheap textiles, petrochemicals, consumer electronics, and now high-tech equipment to buyers the world over."155 Economic growth had remarkable impacts on the island. Robert Marsh argues it changed Taiwan from an "unquestionably agricultural" to a "successfully industrialising" state.156 Among the impacts, Taiwan's development caused severe environmental degradation. Gloria Kuang-jung Hsu explains, "Decades of economic-only development policy has left Taiwan severely damaged in almost all environmental issues, such as air, water pollution, waste dumping, soil contamination, deforestation, destruction of wetland, excessive use of chemical fertilizer, pesticides, and antibiotics, contamination of nuclear waste, just to name a few."157 Jack Williams provides an alternative list of Taiwan's main environmental problems: improper treatment of biologically active wastes; improper disposal of inert and semi-inert substances; improper disposal of hazardous wastes; revelations of a loan scandal involving the Tenth Credit Cooperative, owned and operated by Tsai Chen-chou, a K M T legislator and a boss of the prominent Cathay Group" (40). 1 5 3 Hsiao, "The Rise of Social Movements and Civil Protests." 1 5 4 Wu65. 1 5 5 "Preparations for Meinung Dam Continue," Taiwan Headlines 28 Nov. 2000, 18 Feb. 2002 <http:// www.taiwanheadlines.gov.tw/20001128/20001128p4.html>. 1 5 6 Robert Marsh, The Great Transformation: Social Change in Taipei. Taiwan Since the 1960s (Armonk, NY: Sharp, 1996). 1 5 7 Gloria Kuang-jung Hsu, Time of Hope - A Right Policy Change from New Government? 18 Feb., 2002 <http://www.ne.jp/asahi/spena/energy-net/news/hope.html>. 56 atmospheric pollution; noise pollution; reduction of agricultural land; impending shortage of freshwater; and wildlife destruction.158 4.2.1 O v e r v i e w of the T a i w a n e s e E n v i r o n m e n t a l M o v e m e n t Taiwan's economic activities have caused environmental problems since the 1950s. However, there was not a simultaneous emergence of environmental movements. Williams explains: Through the 1950s and 1960s, there was no environmental consciousness, let alone a movement, by either the public or the government. Both parties were too concerned with economic growth, and whatever environmental problems did begin to appear were shrugged off as unfortunate but necessary costs of the overriding need to build up the island's economy and standard of living."159 Environmentalism emerged in Taiwan in the late 1970s. However, similar to other issues in the emerging civil society, environmental consciousness was confined to specific segments of the Taiwanese population, namely the educated elite. By illustration, Williams cautions that "one should not exaggerate the strength of the environmental consciousness in the late 1970s, because Taiwan was experiencing such rapid economic growth that only a handful of people, mostly academics, were beginning to express reservations about the course that Taiwan was on."1 6 0 Environmental consciousness became more widespread in the 1980s. Its expansion is linked to the increasing visibility of the ecological consequences of development. Williams explains that by the 1980s, "the level of environmental degradation was escalating at an increasing rate each year [...that i]t became impossible to dismiss or ignore these problems."161 The environmental movements of the mid-1980s primarily consisted of local protests against polluting factories, waste dumps and development projects.162 Overall, these movements did not influence policy. Jeffrey Hou 1 5 8 Jack F. Williams, "Paying the Price of Economic Development in Taiwan: Environmental Degradation," Taiwan: Economy. Society and History, ed. Edward K.Y. Chen, Jack F. Williams, and Joseph Wong (Hong Kong: U of Hong Kong, 1991) 125-128 1 5 9 Jack F. Williams, "Environmentalism in Taiwan," Taiwan: Beyond the Economic Miracle, ed. Denis Fred Simon, and Michael Y. M. Kau (Armonk, NY: Sharpe, 1992) 197. 1 6 0 Williams, "Environmentalism in Taiwan," 197. 1 6 1 Williams, "Environmentalism in Taiwan," 197. 1 6 2 Jeffrey Hou, Cultural Production of Environmental Activism: Two Cases in Southern Taiwan, paper submitted for 5th Annual Conf. on the History and Culture of Taiwan, 12-15 Oct. 2000, UC Los Angeles, 21 Apr. 2001 <http://www.international.ucla.edu/cira/paper/TW_Jeff_Hou.pdf>. 57 explains they were "sporadic and lacking clear ideology and long-lasting effect on local environmental improvement."163 Environmentalism flourished after the cessation of martial law. Shui-Yan Tang and Ching-Ping Tang explain, "According to one estimate, between 1980 and 1987 there were an average of 13.75 environmental conflicts per year; the average increased to 31.33 protests per year between 1988 and 1990 and to 258 in 1991 alone."164 In addition to the new political context, the world-wide increase in the number and influence of non-state actors and improved communication between these actors enhanced Taiwanese environmentalism. Hou argues, "In 1990's, infusion of new actors, knowledge and ideologies as well as new socio-political context has contributed to a new face of environmental activism in Taiwan."165 4.2.2 Taiwanese Environmentalism and Recent Political Developments On 18 March 2000, Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was elected president of Taiwan. This was an important event because it marked the first time in approximately fifty years that the KMT would not hold the Office of the President. The change in government was anticipated to have considerable impacts on national polices. Gloria Hsu explains: March 18, 2000, a long-waited dream has come true. Majority in Taiwan are fed up with corruption, distortion, social injustice, broken environment,....brought by half century's dominance of the [KMT]. Eager for change to a clean, fair system and environment, people let their desire known by casting their ballots. The new president will be from the main opposition party, Democratic Progress Party (DPP), whose policies push for equity and justice to all (sic).1 6 6 As highlighted by Hsu, improved environmental polices were anticipated benefits of a change in government. These expectations were strong in the pre-election period. For instance, Shelly Rigger's study of voter perceptions indicates that in comparison with the KMT, the DPP was considered the party best able to address environmental issues 1 6 3 Hou, Cultural Production of Environmental Activism: Two Cases in Southern Taiwan. 1 6 4 Shui-Yan Tang, and Ching-Ping Tang, "Democratization and Environmental Politics in Taiwan," Asian Survey 37 (1997): 284-285. 1 6 5 Jeffrey Hou, Abstract, Cultural Production of Environmental Activism: Two Cases in Southern Taiwan, Paper submitted for 5th Annual Conf. on the History and Culture of Taiwan, 12-15 Oct. 2000, UC Los Angeles 21 Apr. 2001 <http://members.tripod.com/rgthc/abstl7.htm>. 1 6 6 Gloria Kuang-jung Hsu. 58 and other emerging social concerns.167 Post-election analyses also projected the change in government would improve Taiwan's environmental record. Hou states, "With the victory of the opposition [DPP] in the March presidential election, there is new hope that Taiwan may see a reversal of the previous [KMT] government's support for environmentally destructive projects."168 Power Struggle The transfer of the Office of the President between the KMT and the DPP is used to confirm the democratisation of Taiwan. For instance, the government's account of the presidential inauguration notes that "the peaceful transfer of presidential power to another political party is a constant reminder that the democratic process is rapidly maturing in Taiwan and is an outstanding example for developing democracies around the world."169 Despite such depictions, the central government has been troubled by power struggles between the KMT and DPP since the election. Rigger explains the election left an "unsettled balance of power between the DPP-led executive branch and the KMT-dominated legislature."170 Internal struggles have impeded President Chen's policy reforms. Rigger observes, "From the moment Mr. Chen was inaugurated, KMT legislators made it clear that the new president should not expect their cooperation."171 Internal struggles have been especially detrimental to Chen's environmental policies. Rigger explains: The immediate cause of the conflict is a policy dispute. [On 5 November 2002] Premier Chang Chun-hsiung announced the cabinet's decision to cancel Taiwan's partially built fourth nuclear power plant. Representatives from the KMT and People First Party, who helped to pass legislation appropriating funds for the plant, were furious, accusing President Chen of using his cabinet to illegally override their decision.172 1 6 7 Shelly Rigger, From Opposition to Power: Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party (Boulder, CO: Lynne, 2001) 163. 1 6 8 Jeffrey Hou, "Will Taiwan Turn Green?" Earth Island Journal 15.3 (2000), 18 Feb. 2002 <http://www. earthisland.org/eijournal/fall2000/eia_fall2000save.html>. 1 6 9 Taiwan, ROC, Office of the President of the Republic of China, "Chen Shui-bian, Tenth-term President of the Republic of China," Office of the President of the Republic of China Home Page 2001, 17 Apr. 2002 <http://www.president.gov.tw/l_president/index_e.html>. 1 7 0 Shelley Rigger, "Brinksmanship, Taiwan-style," Asian Wall Street Journal 6 Nov. 2000, 18 Feb. 2002 <http://www.taiwandc.org/wsj-2000-15.htm>. 1 7 1 Rigger, "Brinksmanship, Taiwan-style." 1 7 2 Rigger, "Brinksmanship, Taiwan-style." 59 Despite tensions, the recent election of the legislature bodes well for the national government's environmental record. On 1 December 2001 the DPP achieved a 19-seat margin. This will likely resolve power imbalances between the executive and legislative branches, thereby increasing support for Chen's reforms. The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO) argues, "No doubt, the outcome of the December 1, 2001 elections will be crucial in finding a solution to the current deadlock situation in Taiwan's Legislative Yuan, seriously obstructing the passing of crucial legislation, as well as the effective functioning of the President and the Executive Yuan.173 4.3 Experts in the Taiwanese Environmental Movement Taiwanese values towards education are rooted in Confucian philosophy. One source explains, "Among those ideals that have influenced the ROC's educational development, the Confucian tradition has consistently played a central role."174 Confucian values towards education have influenced many aspects of Taiwanese society. Most significantly for the context of this study, the Confucian tradition identifies leaders among the educated elite. One source explains: In the Confucian value system, nobility is found in learning, with all else considered secondary in importance. Scholarly attainment brought reputation to oneself and honor to one's parents. Those who labor with their minds were seen as the rulers, and those who perform manual labor were the ruled.175 The educated elite have always played leadership roles in Taiwan's development. One historical overview notes, "Taiwan's intelligentsia gradually began to participate in community affairs in the first quarter of the 18th century [...] and by the beginning of the next century, this class was playing leading and extensive roles in local affairs."176 More recently, scientists constitute the educated elite and have led Taiwan's socio-economic modernisation. Edward Teller explains: 1 7 3 Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO), "Support to Taiwan: UNPO Expressing its Support to Taiwan on the Forthcoming December 1, 2001 Legislative and Magistrate Elections," Press Release, UNPO Home Page 29 Nov. 2001, 26 Apr. 2003 <http://www.unpo.org/press/011130taiwan.htm>. 1 7 4 Taiwan, ROC, Government Information Office, "Taiwan's Educational Development and Current Situation," The Story of Taiwan. 26 Apr. 2003 <http://www.gio.gov.tw/info/taiwan-story/education/ edown/3-l.htm>. 1 7 5 Taiwan, ROC, Government Information Office, "Taiwan's Educational Development and Current Situation." 60 Today, scientists are actually in control of one nation. In Taiwan, approximately one-half of the highest government offices are held by experts in the natural sciences. Most of them are American-educated chemists, mathematicians, engineers, or physicists. They have helped to improve the living standard on a small, resource-poor island.1 7 7 As in other areas of Taiwan's development, intellectuals play significant leadership roles in social movements in general and Taiwanese environmentalism in particular. The following section examines the role of Taiwanese experts in Taiwan's environmental movement. A subsequent section examines the role of foreign experts. 4.3.1 Taiwanese Experts As indicated in the overview of the Taiwanese environmental movement, environmental consciousness first emerged among Taiwanese academics. Since then, the leadership and membership of Taiwanese environmentalism have been dominated by intellectuals. Weller and Hsiao explain: Academics have dominated the island-wide leadership of environmentalism in Taiwan. Both New Environment and Taiwan Greenpeace, for example, have developed into organizations run by and for small groups of perhaps a hundred academics. Neither organization has a significant grassroots membership, and both primarily sponsor academic lectures and similar events. When they join protest movements, it is mainly to lend their academic weight and public influence (which is sometimes considerable) to the most significant issues, like opposition to nuclear power.178 Foreign Education and Western Environmental Values Foreign education is a cornerstone of Taiwan's modernisation. Erwin Epstein and Wei-fan Kuo indicate that in the three decades prior to 1987, the Taiwanese have been the world's largest group of overseas students.179 The United States was the destination of most students. Epstein and Kuo specify that 90% of the Taiwanese who have studied abroad were enrolled in American universities.180 1 7 6 Taiwan, ROC, Government Information Office, "Taiwan Culture and Its Social Environment," The Story of Taiwan. 26 Apr. 2003 <http://www.gio.gov.tw/info/taiwan-story/culture/edown/3-l.htm>. 1 7 7 Edward Teller, 1987. This quote appears in: Erwin H. Epstein, and Wei-fan Kuo, "Higher Education," The Confucian Continuum: Educational Modernization in Taiwan, ed. Douglas C. Smith (New York: Praeger, 1991): 175. 1 7 8 Robert P. Weller, and Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao, "Culture, Gender and Community in Taiwan's Environmental Movement," Environmental Movements in Asia, ed. Ame Kalland, and Gerard Persoon (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 1998): 88-89. 1 7 9 Epstein and Kuo 208. 1 8 0 Epstein and Kuo 208. 61 The number of students returning to Taiwan upon graduation is low in proportion to the number of students studying abroad. However, returning students make important contributions to Taiwan. Epstein and Kuo credit their contributions to two main trends. First, many of the students were enrolled in post-graduate and technical fields.181 The skills acquired by these students are vital to Taiwan's modernisation. Second, the students typically hold influential positions upon their return. Their status also advances Taiwan's modernisation. Epstein and Kuo explain: "the largest proportion (almost 30 percent in 1986) enter teaching in colleges and universities where they can pass on their knowledge and skills, and almost the same proportion are employed in industry and commerce where they directly affect the country's development."182 The expansion of Taiwan's environmental movement is also largely attributed to the return of foreign educated Taiwanese. Williams explains that "many of these students were returning to Taiwan with not only an enhanced understanding of the links between development and environment but also a much reduced willingness to remain passive in the face of environmental abuses being inflicted on the island."183 Weller and Hsiao endorse the position of foreign educated Taiwanese in the nation's environmental organisations. They note, "College degrees typify the leaders of all these groups, and American post-graduate degrees are common."184 The foreign education received by many of the leaders has influenced the ideas expressed within Taiwanese environmentalism. Specifically, as most leaders attended American universities, Taiwanese environmentalism reflects western environmental discourse. Weller and Hsiao explain, "The academics in particular have drawn directly on Western thinking which values ecology over economy, nature over culture, and equilibrium over transformation."185 Their analysis of Liu Zhicheng's values, a key leader in the movement, also supports the centrality of western discourse: 1 8 1 Epstein and Kuo. The authors indicate that among the Taiwanese studying abroad, 78% have been enrolled in graduate programs, with almost 30% of all graduate students enrolled in engineering. Although these statistics are dated, they are relevant as they intersect with the expansion of the Taiwanese environmental movement. 1 8 2 Epstein and Kuo 209. The authors cite the following as the source of the statistics: Republic of China, Taiwan Statistical Data Book (Taipei: Council for Economic Planning and Development, 1987). 1 8 3 Williams, "Environmentalism in Taiwan," 197-198. 1 8 4 Weller and Hsiao 91. 1 8 5 Weller and Hsiao 91. 62 [...] his attitudes clearly resonate with Western environmentalism. He sees a conflict between economic growth and environmental protection, and feels that the economy should be secondary. He argues that new economic growth should be halted at least temporarily while the damage is repaired, and allowed to resume only if this can be achieved with no adverse environmental repercussions. His priorities thus lie in a kind of equilibrated nature, seen in opposition to human expansion. This is quite different from pro-growth views that Taiwanese often express in opinion polls. 1 8 6 4.3.2 Foreign Experts Foreign experts from a variety of nations and disciplines have contributed to the Taiwanese environmental movement. Although they also provide support to Taiwanese organisations, their main role is advising Taiwanese decision-makers on environmental issues. In particular, the role of foreign experts reflects Haas' description of the role of epistemic communities: they "influence state interests either by directly identifying them for decision makers or by illuminating the salient dimensions of an issue from which the decision makers may then deduce their interests."187 One example of foreign experts influencing the environmental policy preferences of Taiwanese decision-makers occurred in March 1998 when an international delegation of seven scientists and environmental planners visited Taiwan. The delegation included two Berkeley professors, namely Randy Hester, a professor of landscape architecture, and Mathias Kondolf, an associate professor of landscape architecture and environmental planning. It also included Jeffrey Hou, a native of Taiwan who at the time was an environmental planning doctoral candidate at Berkeley.188 The delegation's goal was to influence policies towards the Bin-nan Industrial Complex. In particular, Cathy Cockwell observes that "the group presented compelling new research findings [...] on the dangers of a proposed industrial complex planned for Taiwan's west coast [...] to legislators and a number of other government and citizens' groups."189 Cockrell identifies the following decision-makers in attendance: Hsung Hsiung Tsai, director of the Environmental Protection Administration; County Magistrate Mark Chen; the leadership of all major political parties; and the Agriculture Council. 1 8 6 Weller and Hsiao 90. 1 8 7 Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination" 4. 1 8 8 Cathy Cockrell, "Hope for an Endangered Bird: Environmental Design's Spoonbill Advocates Gain Ground in Taiwan," Berkelevan 15 Apr. 1998, 24 Apr. 2001 <http://www.berkeley.edu/news/berkeleyan/ 1998/0415/spoonbill.html>. 1 8 9 Cockrell. 63 The delegation succeeded in influencing the policy preferences of many decision-makers towards the Bin-nan Industrial Complex. For instance, following their visit, Tsai predicted that "approval of the Bin-nan project in its current form is unlikely [.. .as it] will either be denied outright, reduced in size or moved to an alternative site."190 The director also noted that, "Chen, initially a strong supporter of the industrial complex, said that he would now support an alternative plan."191 Furthermore, Hester stated, "By any measure, this was the most successful of the trips we've made."192 4.4 Taiwan's Grassroots Environmental Movements Taiwanese environmentalism also includes grassroots movements. The chief distinction of these movements is their incorporation of traditional Taiwanese culture. In particular, they employ religious beliefs and kinship networks to mobilise people. In terms of religion, Weller and Hsiao observe that deities are used as symbols to unite people in grassroots movements. They explain, "As protectors of community welfare, and often as symbols of community opposed to national or other interests, deities provide easy cultural opportunities for these movements."193 The use of the Confucian value of fdial piety demonstrates the role of kinship networks in grassroots movements. Weller and Hsiao explain this value mobilises people because it stresses that "the responsibility for the continuation of the [family] line means not just having a son, but providing as much of an estate as possible for him and his descendants."194 There is limited interaction between Taiwan's mainstream and grassroots movements. Weller and Hsiao attribute this to the attitudes of the leaders of mainstream environmentalism. They explain that these urbanised and academically inclined leaders isolate themselves from grassroots contexts: "Thoroughly modem, these environmental leaders have felt no need to look for indigenous answers to their problems."195 In contrast to the conventional relationship between the two types of environmentalism in Taiwan, the Meinung anti-dam movement shows a juxtaposition of 1 9 0 Cockrell. 1 9 1 Cockrell. 1 9 2 Cockrell. 1 9 3 Weller and Hsiao 97. 1 9 4 Weller and Hsiao 99. 1 9 5 Weller and Hsiao 93. 64 mainstream and grassroots movements. The presence of grassroots environmentalism is identified by the locally-based organisations' incorporation traditional music, festivals and religious icons in anti-dam activities. The involvement of foreign environmentalists and the centrality of western environmental discourse in the anti-dam movement represent the presence of mainstream environmentalism. The blending of the two approaches is elaborated in Chapter 6. 4 . 5 Chapter Summary Chapter 4 provides contextual information on Taiwan. It assesses the rise of civil society and the environmental movement in Taiwan. Key elements of the study established in this chapter are: • Social movements, including the Taiwanese environmental movement, have gained popular support since the end of martial law. • Experts, both Taiwanese and foreign, have always played important roles in Taiwanese environmentalism. • Western environmental discourse is entrenched in mainstream Taiwanese environmentalism. • Taiwanese environmentalism also includes grassroots movements that incorporate aspects of traditional Taiwanese culture, such as religious beliefs and kinship networks. • The Meinung anti-dam movement shows a juxtaposition of mainstream and grassroots environmentalism. 65 Chapter 5: The Meinung Anti-Dam Movement 5.1 Prof i le of Me inung Meinung Township is located in southern Taiwan's Kaohsiung County. The town is situated about sixty kilometres northeast of Kaohsiung, Taiwan's second largest city and a major industrial zone. It is positioned on the wedge-like Meinung plain, which is bordered to the south by the 3.2 kilometre wide Kaoping River and to the northeast by two mountain ranges. Meinung lies on the banks of the Laonung River, one of the Kaoping River's three larger tributaries. It is often described as a peaceful mountain town. 5.1.1 The People Meinung has a population of about 50,000 people. It is a traditional Hakka town, with 95% of residents linking their heritage to this ethnic group. To escape socioeconomic and political pressures, The Hakka began to migrate from China's Guangdong province to Meinung in 1736. Hakka resettlement in Meinung was initially troubled by conflict because migrants displaced aboriginal inhabitants into the nearby mountains.196 Once peaceful 1 9 6 Unless otherwise quoted, information on Hakka culture is taken from: Teresa Hsu, "The Hakka - Find a Home in Taiwan," Travel in Taiwan 1995, 19 Feb. 2002 <http:// www.sinica.edu.tw/tit/culture/1096_ Hakka.html>. Unless otherwise quoted, information on Meinung is taken from: MPA, MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2002 <http://mpa.ngo.org.tw/english/meimap.html>. The word Hakka means "Guest People." Figure 5.1: Location of Meinung % Chi-lung •A. Taipei Tai-chung Ma-hung Tat-nan Meinung Tal-tu N Kao-hslung •turn/ .•> Source: Meinung People's Association (MPA), "The Map of Meinung in Taiwan," MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2002 <http://mpa.ngo.org.tw/english/ meimap.html>. 66 coexistence was established among the area's ethnic groups, Hakka culture thrived in Meinung. The success of Hakka culture is attributed to Meinung's geography. The Meinung People's Association (MPA) notes, "The river and the mountains have allowed the distinct Hakka culture to flourish within a naturally divided ecosystem."197 Many cultural traditions and physical structures of Hakka culture are well maintained in Meinung, identifying the town an as important site of Hakka heritage in Taiwan. Two structures of interest to researchers and tourists are Fofong (clan) houses and pavilions in which paper containing writing is burned to show respect for language and culture. There is a high level of education among Meinung people. This may be rooted in traditional Hakka values as demonstrated by the Hakka saying "Knowledge is better than money."198 Education has always been a priority in Meinung. Teresa Hsu notes, "Even in the old days, women often learned to read and basic literacy was high among farmers."199 Current accounts indicate that over 100 doctorate degrees and thousands of Masters and Bachelor degrees have been earned by people from Meinung.200 The Meinung Hakka view education as an investment for the town for two main reasons. First, education provides financial security at the household level. Describing Meinung trends, the MPA explains, "the money sent back by the well-educated younger generations holding nice jobs in urban cities help[s] maintain local living standards."201 Second, education is seen as a tool to protect the community. The MPA notes, "when the security of Meinung [is] threatened by state policies, the student's intellectual feedback [...] prove[s] to be crucial for the protection of Hakka homeland."202 5.1.2 The Economy Historically, tobacco cultivation has been Meinung's chief economic activity. The area's fertile soils, rivers and protective mountains provide ideal conditions for growing tobacco, thereby allowing Meinung to develop into the Taiwanese tobacco industry's main plantation. The MPA explains that after tobacco cultivation was 1 9 7 MPA, "Making of the Meinung Hakka," MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2001 <http://mpa.ngo. org.tw/english/making.html>. 1 9 8 Teresa Hsu. 1 9 9 Teresa Hsu. 2 0 0 MPA, "Making of the Meinung Hakka." 2 0 1 MPA, "Making of the Meinung Hakka." 67 introduced to the area during the final stages of Japan's occupation of Taiwan, Meinung "soon became the most important tobacco plantation in Taiwan, in terms of cultivation areas, production amount, and tobacco farming households."203 More recently, tobacco cultivation has decreased in Meinung. The decline is attributed to specific incidents as well as broader socio-economic trends characteristic of rural Taiwan. In terms of specific incidents, the decline of tobacco cultivation is linked to two events. First, in 1966, the creation of the Kaohsiung Export Processing Zone weakened the tobacco industry by severely depleting Meinung's surplus agricultural labour force. Specifically, it led to 11,156 young workers, primarily non-tobacco planting family members or surplus tobacco-planting labourers, securing employment outside the town.204 Second, in January 1987, the national government's decision to open the domestic cigarette market to American corporations weakened the industry. This decision so significantly decreased guaranteed prices for Meinung tobacco that villagers knew that tobacco cultivation could no longer sustain the town's economy. By illustration, a 1991 survey revealed "an omnipresent recognition among tobacco farmers that they would be, and have chosen to be the last agricultural generation at least in the history of their own families."205 In terms of broader socio-economic trends, the decline of the Meinung tobacco industry is linked to demographic changes associated with Taiwan's industrialisation and urbanisation. The MPA explains: "better economic opportunities in urban cities and declining agricultural opportunities combine to draw a huge portion of the younger generation out of Meinung."206 This migration has depleted the town's labour force. A related problem is that it has led to a significant aging of the town in general and the agricultural labour force in particular. One account of an anti-dam protest in Taipei illustrates the consequences of this trend: "If you picked three people from the group that went to Taipei, odds are their total age would exceed 200 years.207 2 0 2 MPA, "Making of the Meinung Hakka." 2 0 3 MPA, "Social Transformation and Crises in Meinung," MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2001 <http://mpa.ngo.org.tw/english/socialtrans.html>. 2 0 4 MPA, "Social Transformation and Crises in Meinung." The website cites the source of this statistic as Chung, 1995. 2 0 5 MPA, "Social Transformation and Crises in Meinung." 2 0 6 MPA, "Social Transformation and Crises in Meinung." 2 0 7 MPA, "Social Transformation and Crises in Meinung." 68 5.2 The Proposed Dam Dam construction in the Meinung area has been considered since the period of Japanese occupation. Planning for the currently proposed Meinung Dam began in 1980. The KMT government proposed the dam as a solution to residential and industrial water shortages in southern Taiwan. Currently, the Ministry of Economic Affairs (MoEA) anticipates that southern Taiwan will experience a shortfall of 530,000 tonnes of water in 2011, rising to 990,000 tonnes in 2016.208 The KMT government proposed to construct the Meinung Water Reservoir by blocking the upper reaches of the Meinung River at the mouth of the Yellow Butterfly Valley.209 Plans also involve excavating a water tunnel from Luiguei to Chiuchuang to channel water from the Laonung River Table 5.1 Features of the Proposed Meinung Dam into the Yellow Butterfly Valley. As the Dam Site Meinung River's riverbed is insufficient Location Shuanchi Valley Distance to Nearest Village 1.5 km to drain overflow discharge, a flood Distance to Downtown 4 km channel connects the dam to the Laonung Type Earth Gravity Dam River. Figure 5.2 illustrates the design of Measurements Height 147m proposed dam. Width Length 220 m 800 m Storage Capacity 32.6 million m 3 Daily water provision' 1.2 million m 3 5.2.1 Industrial Water Demands Power Station 75 MW The KMT government proposed Cost i billion USD the Meinung Dam to meet southern Estimated Operating Life 30-50 years Taiwan's residential and industrial water demands. However, critics argue it was mainly designed to satisfy industrial water demands in Kaohsiung city and its surrounding area. Kaohsiung is the world's third largest commercial harbour in terms of cargo volume. It is also the island's centre of heavy and petrochemical industries. 2 0 8 Chiu Yu-tzu, "Water Issues in South Discussed," Taipei Times Online 9 Aug. 2000, 18 Feb. 2002 <http://coolloud.org/News%20Archive/August/August%209/news_20000809tt.htm>. 2 0 9 The description of the proposed dam is taken from: MPA, "Save Yellow Butterfly Valley for Man and Wildlife," MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2001 <http://mpa.ngo.org.tw/english/NodamYBV. html>. 69 Figure 5.2: Map of the Meinung Dam To L A O N U N G Source: MPA, "Map of Meinung Dam," MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2001 <http://mpa.ngo. org. tw/english/meinungmap. html.2002>. Government decisions have created the need for water in southern Taiwan. Historically, national decisions increased the need for water by encouraging 70 industrialisation around Kaohsiung city.210 More recently, Jennifer Huang explains that water demands increased in 1995 because of a resolution passed by the Executive Yuan "to even out development between the northern half of Taiwan [...] and the southern half of the island."2" Among southern Taiwan's industrial parks, the Tainan Science-Based Industrial Park, Luchu Science-Based Industrial Park and Kangshen Industrial Complex would benefit from the Meinung Dam. However, investigations by environmentalists suggest the dam is primarily needed to provide water to the proposed Bin-nan Industrial Complex. Bin-nan Industrial Complex Reports from environmentalists indicate that the Meinung Dam is designed to supply 1.11 million tonnes of water daily to the Bin-nan Industrial Complex.212 First proposed in 1990, the Complex is Taiwan's largest planned industrial development. Supported by the Tuntex and Yieh-Loong Groups, two of Taiwan's most powerful corporate conglomerates, the project's development plan involves reclaiming the Chiku Lagoon to build a 2,000-hectare site with a petrochemical plant, oil refinery, naphtha cracker facility and steel mill.2 1 3 The Complex is advocated as a way to expand Taiwan's industrialisation. In particular, Jeffrey Hou notes that it is viewed by "[djevelopers and government agencies [...] as an important step in keeping Taiwan's industries ashore."214 Environmental and social activists oppose the Bin-nan Industrial Complex. Situated on the Taiwan's south-western coast, the Complex threatens the region's human and natural environments. Specifically, activists argue it endangers local industries, threatens Taiwan's fragile coastal ecology, worsens the region's water crisis and produces substantial CO2 emissions.215 Representing the opinion of environmentalists, John Bryne claims that although "the proposed complex [...] would add $10.5 billion 2 1 0 One example of such a decision occurred in 1966 when the national government created the Kaohsiung Export Processing Zone. Another example is the elevation of Kaohsiung city as a Special Municipality on 1 July 1979. 2 1 1 Jennifer Huang, "Science Park Construction to Go Ahead," Taipei Times Online 9 Apr. 2000, 13 Apr. 2002 <http://www.taipeitimes.com/news/2000/04/09/story/0000031584>. 2 1 2 Chiu , "Water Issues in South Discussed." 2 1 3 Jeff Hou, "The Plight of the Spoonbill: When Industry and Ecology Collide," New Views of Southern Taiwan 8 (2001), 21 Apr. 2001 <http://newviews.freehosting.net/spoonbills.html>. 2 1 4 Hou, "The Plight of the Spoonbill: When Industry and Ecology Collide." 2 1 5 Hou, "Will Taiwan Turn Green?" 71 [NT] a year to the local economy [...] it is the wrong technology, in the wrong place, at the wrong time."216 Despite strong opposition, the Bin-nan Industrial Complex was granted conditional approval on 17 December 1999. 5.3 The Grassroots Anti-Dam Movement Government planning for the Meinung Dam was not a transparent process. When planning began in 1980, the national government did not inform Meinung residents of the proposed dam. Although residents suspected the government's intentions during the initial planning stages, their suspicions were not confirmed until October 1992 when local farmers spotted a surveying team assessing the area's geology.217 There were varied responses among Meinung residents to the confirmation of the government's plans to construct a dam. The MPA highlights the views initially expressed in the community: The hometown youths that were unemployed or not fully employed welcomed the project out of the expectation that it might bring huge job opportunities. Many representatives of the Township Council felt humiliated because of the lack of democratic procedures; they as representatives of the Meinung people, were not informed or invited to participate in the decision-making. Elder gentry who lived through the Japanese occupation were worried about the safety of the dam.2 1 8 Despite the diversity of concerns, most residents agreed that it was imperative the community articulate local interests to the national government. Specifically, the MPA states that residents felt the need to act because "from their knowledge of [the] KMT regime they could hardly imagine that it would take local welfare into account."219 The recognition that local interests would not be considered unless the community petitioned decision-makers led to the development of the anti-dam movement. The launch of the movement is traced to a meeting of Meinung scholars in October 1992. Overall, the scholars were concerned that the dam would not benefit Meinung. The MPA explains they agreed "that the benefits of the dam would be to 2 1 6 "Endangered Spoonbill Threatened," Environmental News Network 18 June 1998, 21 Apr. 2001 <http://www.enn.com/yoto/dailynews/1998/06/061898/spoon.asp>. 2 1 7 MPA, "Chapter 3 The Meinung Anti-dam Movement," MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2001 <http://mpa.ngo.org.tw/english/Chapter3.html>. 2 1 8 MPA, "Chapter 3 The Meinung Anti-dam Movement." 2 1 9 MPA, "Chapter 3 The Meinung Anti-dam Movement." 72 industry and not to the residents who would have to live in its shadow."220 The scholars developed five reasons for opposing the dam: 1) it would be a psychological burden and pose safety threats; 2) it was not economical; 3) it would threaten ecological and cultural resources, especially the area's experimental tropical forest; 4) the government had used poor decision-making processes; and 5) it was not a reliable way to provide sustainable water.221 These reasons are elaborated in Appendix J. After discussing these issues among themselves, the local intellectuals decided to hold a public meeting. Although martial law was ceded in 1988, planning in Taiwan remained dominated by state control. As such, the local scholars required permission to host a public hearing to discuss the dam. The MPA explains, "These intellectuals managed to persuade [the] Township Mayor, who then informed the central bureaucrats of the necessity of holding a local public hearing for the dam project."222 The first meeting occurred on 10 December 1992 in the auditorium of a local elementary school. It focused on the dam's impacts on the local environment, culture and safety. The grassroots movement quickly gained support after the first public meeting. The MPA explains it "paved the way for successive organization and mobilization."223 The following sections examine the MPA and the Labor Exchange-Band as important grassroots actors in the movement. 5.3.1 The Meinung People's Association The MPA was established after the initial town meeting.224 While the core of this grassroots organisation is comprised of young, educated residents of Meinung, its membership of over 300 people includes farmers, teachers, politicians, housewives, students and professors. The MPA plays a pivotal role in educating and mobilising residents as well as documenting the origins, issues and events of the anti-dam movement. It also establishes and maintains domestic and international networks with various individuals and organisations. MPA, "Chapter 3 The Meinung Anti-dam Movement." 2 2 1 MPA, "Chapter 3 The Meinung Anti-dam Movement." 2 2 2 MPA, "Chapter 3 The Meinung Anti-dam Movement." 2 2 3 MPA, "Chapter 3 The Meinung Anti-dam Movement." 2 2 4 Unless otherwise quoted, the information on the MPA is taken from: MPA, MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2002 <http://mpa.ngo.org.tw/english/e-index.html>. 73 More recently, the advocacy role of the MPA has expanded beyond anti-dam issues. The MPA is committed to mobilising and empowering local citizens, preserving Hakka culture and challenging the tradition of development in Taiwan, which promotes industrialisation and urbanisation at the expense of rural areas. Currently, the MPA is helping to establish a community college. As a result of their education and chief role in the anti-dam movement, members of the MPA are proficient at communicating the interests of Meinung to other organisations, decision-makers and the public. The MPA is viewed as one of the most successful Taiwanese grassroots organisations. 5.3.2 The Labor Exchange Band The Labor Exchange Band is a group of Meinung musicians. In addition to writing and performing Hakka folk music, called Hakka Mountain Songs, they work with other organisations to protest the dam. The band contributes to the anti-dam movement in two main ways. First, its songs document many events of the anti-dam movement (see Appendix K for an example). Elaborating this role, they explain that the goal of their album Let Us Sing Mountain Songs is "to present its listeners with a sense of the thoughts, feelings, and actions of the people of Meinung in their movement."225 Second, through music, the band endeavours to attract opposition to the proposed dam and thus, expand Meinung's ties to domestic and international networks. They explain, "[we hope] that our cultural movement will help to create more 'links' and alliances in the future."226 5.4 The Current Situation The Meinung Dam was an important issue in the 2000 presidential election. Honouring his campaign promises, on 5 August 2000, President Chen Shui-bian suspended plans to construct the dam. The MPA notes that he "declared that no dam will be built in Meinung during his presidency, and has promised that the government will spend NT$ 15 billion on alternative measures designed to tackle Kaohsiung County's water-supply problems."227 Labor Exchange Band and MPA. Labor Exchange Band and MPA. "Yellow Butterfly Festival held in Meinung." 74 There have been conflicting responses to Chen's promises among the various levels of government. At the local level, governments have complied with Chen's decision to suspend the dam. By illustration, Kaohsiung County Commissioner Yu Cheng-hsien said, "The local government would do its best to cooperate with the central government to promote alternatives to the Meinung Dam project."228 However, departments within the national government continue to make plans to build the dam. Government opposition to Chen's promises is most significant in the MoEA. Spokeswoman Chung Chin stated that "making a decision now on the project was unnecessary as the Ministry of Economic Affairs has sufficient power to address the issue of the construction of the dam in the future."229 Furthermore, Huang Chin-shan, head of the MoEA's Water Resources Agency (WRA), stated that "because the Legislative Yuan appropriated NT$240 million in 1999 for phase one of the plan, the project is still being implemented according to schedule."230 By the end of 2001, the WRA planned to complete all assessments and geological surveys and submit a report to a dam safety assessment committee.231 If this report is approved, the MoEA will encourage construction of the dam. Huang confirms, "If the committee determines that the dam does not pose any danger [...] the ministry will do everything it can to ease the concerns of local residents, and will advise the Cabinet to proceed with construction."232 Grassroots actors remain committed to the anti-dam movement. They recognise that many government and industry stakeholders continue to view the Meinung Dam as a desirable solution to southern Taiwan's water scarcity issues. The protesters' efforts will have to be continued for several more years; the MoEA advises that "a final decision on whether to build the Meinung Dam would not be made until 2009."233 2 2 8 Chiu, "Water Issues in South Discussed." 2 2 9 Cheryl Lai, "President Chen Shelves Meinung Dam Project," Taipei Times Online 6 Aug. 2000, 18 Feb. 2002 <http://www.taipeitimes.com/news/2000/08/06/story/0000046635>. 2 3 0 "Preparations for Meinung Dam Continue." 2 3 1 "Preparations for Meinung Dam Continue." 2 3 2 "Preparations for Meinung Dam Continue." 2 3 3 Chiu, "Water Issues in South Discussed." 75 5.5 Chapter Summary Chapter 5 examines the Meinung anti-dam movement. It provides information on Meinung Township, the proposed Meinung Dam and the anti-dam movement. Key elements of the study established in this chapter are: • Meinung is a Hakka community that was traditionally reliant on tobacco cultivation. • The Meinung Dam was proposed by the former KMT government as a solution to residential and industrial water shortages in southern Taiwan. • The dam threatens the ecology and culture of the Meinung area. • The launch of the anti-movement is traced to a meeting of Meinung scholars in October 1992. The scholars established five reasons against the dam. • The Meinung People's Association (MPA) and the Labor Exchange Band are the main grassroots actors opposing the dam. • On 5 August 2000, President Chen Shui-bian suspended plans to build the Meinung Dam. Many stakeholders are confident that the political climate will change and the dam will again be pursued as a solution to water scarcity. 76 Chapter 6: The Epistemic Community in Meinung 6.1 Connecting Experts to the Epistemic Community Many experts have shown interest in the proposed Meinung Dam and the anti-dam movement. The experts fall into two main categories. The first consists of educated Meinung people who have left Meinung, but remain committed to protecting their home town's interests. These experts helped shape the town's anti-dam position. Chang Kao-Chieh explains, "Intellectuals from Meinung have been instrumental in putting forth a counter-discourse against the government's policy in favor of the dam."234 These experts work in various disciplines and while some live in Taiwan, many reside abroad. The second category consists of Taiwanese and foreign experts. These experts also work in various disciplines and are mainly Americans, Australians and Taiwanese living in Taiwan or overseas. They show interest in diverse issues surrounding the dam, including its geological suitability and implications for regional development. These experts typically conduct research in Meinung and provide support to grassroots actors. Specifically, they aid activists by assessing the dam's design, providing general information on dams and grassroots organisation and by advancing the movement abroad. Two members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts are among the foreign experts supporting the Meinung movement: Philip Williams and G. Mathias Kondolf. The following sections highlight Williams and Kondolf s expression of the epistemic community's ideas and their roles as advisors to decision-makers and NGOs. A subsequent section links Williams and Kondolf to other epistemic community members. Appendix L profiles Williams and Kondolf s education, professional activities, dam-related activities and publications. 6.1.1 Philip Williams Williams is a water resources engineer who specialises in both hydrologies and engineering hydraulics. He is President of Philip Williams & Associates, Ltd. (PWA), a Chang Kao-Chieh, "Meinung's Scholars a Rich Resource," Editorial, Taipei Times Online 12 Apr. 2000, 20 May 2003 <http://taipeitimes.com/chnews/2000/04/12/story/0000031985>. 77 consulting engineering firm that assesses environmental effects of hydrologic change in projects throughout the world. The PWA website summarises Williams' career: The majority of Dr. Williams' work has been assessment of the environmental effects of hydrologic change, often in working with professionals of other disciplines to prepare feasibility studies, management plans, and environmental impact studies. He has directed more than 250 such studies, including projects on flood control, wetland restoration, river management, national park plans, water resources development, and estuarine management plans.235 Williams is also a founder and former president of International Rivers Network (IRN).236 IRN is an NGO founded in 1985 and headquartered in Berkeley, California. It promotes sustainable water resource management and supports locally-based movements fighting dams and other major hydro projects. The IRN explains: IRN's mission is to halt and reverse the degradation of river systems; to support local communities in protecting and restoring the well-being of the people, cultures and ecosystems that depend on rivers; to promote sustainable, environmentally sound alternatives to damming and channeling rivers; to foster greater understanding, awareness and respect for rivers; to support the worldwide struggle for environmental integrity, social justice and human rights; and to ensure that our work is exemplary of responsible and effective global action on environmental issues.237 Williams and the Epistemic Community's Criteria Like other epistemic community members, Williams' normative/principled beliefs reflect a commitment to sustainable development. He advances the sustainability perspective in many sources. For instance, Williams states, "Instead of accepting the inevitability of large dams or the permanence of their destruction, it is possible to start planning now for more sophisticated long-term and sustainable river management."238 Williams also expresses the two elements of sustainability identified as the epistemic community's normative/principled beliefs. First, he communicates that economic, environmental and social objectives ought to be central, complementary aspects of water resource management: "The starting point of such planning would be to fairly and fully compare the economic, social and ecologic costs and benefits of 2 3 5 Philip Williams and Associates, Ltd. (PWA), "Staff Qualifications," PWA Home Page 31 Jan. 2003, 20 May 2003 <http://www.pwa-ltd.com/>. 2 3 6 Williams recently resigned because he disagreed with the IRN's support of the WCD process. 2 3 7 International Rivers Network (IRN), "About International Rivers Network," IRN Home Page 2003, 20 May 2003 <http://www.irn.org/index.asp?id=/basics/about.html>. 2 3 8 Philip Williams, "Deconstructing Dams," World Rivers Review 12.4 (1997), 20 May 2003 <http://www. im.org/pubs/wir/9708/comment.html>. 78 managing a river."239 Second, he promotes management that enhances the welfare of both current and future generations. The PWA's mission statement expresses this belief: "We accomplish [our work] by advancing the application and understanding of sustainable and equitable management for present and future generations of all species."240 The epistemic community's main causal belief is that large dam projects degrade human and natural environments. Williams expresses this view in several sources. Describing impacts on human settlements, he states, "Cities, river valleys and whole countries are now economically linked, held hostage for their water supply and flood protection to the operation of big dams upstream, dams that are silting up, ageing and growing more dangerous every year."241 Explaining impacts on natural environments, he argues, "Except for global warming, there is no more drastic human alteration of the physical and ecological landscape in the last 40 years than the damming, regulation and diversion of the world's rivers."242 Williams also offers the following assessment: When you build a big dam in a river system, you fundamentally transform the hydrology and the ecology of a river from all the way from the watershed to the river valley, to the estuary, to the coastal seas. And now, scientific evidence is mounting that these impacts are devastating, that they're cumulative and devastating and a major factor in loss of global biodiversity, a major factor in decline of important food sources like fisheries [...] What will happen to global biodiversity and the environmental resources on which humanity depends? 2 4 3 Other sources highlight Williams' opposition to the larger dam industry's belief that dams are engineering achievements that benefit society. Criticising the idea of dams as monuments, he argues, "There is this grandiosity that appeals to a megalomaniac instinct that overrides not only economic considerations but sometimes even sound political judgment."244 His analysis of the WCD also conveys his opposition to the mainstream view of dams: Williams, "Deconstructing Dams." 2 4 0 PWA, "PWA's Mission Statement," PWA Home Page 31 Jan. 2003, 20 May 2003 <http://www.pwa-ltd. com/>. The website is describing how PWA will "achieve the protection, enhancement, and restoration of water-dependent ecosystems." 2 4 1 Philip Williams, and Patrick McCully, "Lies, Dam Lies," The Guardian 22 Nov. 2000, 3 May 2003 <http://website.lineone.net/~jon.simmons/roy/lie0011 .htm>. 2 4 2 Williams and McCully. 2 4 3 Stephanie Welch, interview with Philip Williams, Making Contact: #08-01 Rethinking Large Dams, Natl. Public Radio, 21 Feb. 2001, 30 May 2003 <http://www.radioproject.org/transcripts/0801.html>. 2 4 4 "Great Wall across the Yangtze" PBS Home Page, 20 May 2003 <http://www.pbs.org/itvs/greatwall/ controversy4.html>. 79 Dam promoters, guilty of 40 years of ecological and social destruction, were to be held accountable. Reparations for the millions of dispossessed people and restoration of river ecosystems were to be advocated. Most importantly, the report must not become yet another endorsement of the "benefits" of dams, leaving unchallenged the keystone of the dam builders' ideology - that dams are needed for "economic development" that benefits the poor.245 Like other members, Williams perceives causal relations in holistic terms. He particularly emphasises the interconnectivity of natural systems. He explains, "When you build a big dam in a river system, you fundamentally transform the hydrology and the ecology of the river, from all the way from the watershed to the river valley, to the estuary, to the coastal seas."246 Williams also highlights interdependence between human and natural systems: "People's livelihoods and culture depend, in much of the world, on maintaining a healthy river ecosystem as a common resource."247 Williams communicates three central traits of the epistemic community's shared notions of validity. First, he promotes scientific and systematic methods. Williams states, "We need to articulate a clear, comprehensive and scientifically defensible vision for river management."248 His position is also conveyed by his criticism of studies lacking rigorous analysis. Criticising a feasibility study of China's Three Gorges Dam, Williams argues, "Tragically, the Canadian engineering consultants did not address the safety issue either systematically or coherently."249 Second, Williams' membership is supported by his preference for methods that recognise the holism of water systems. Like other members, he believes that methods incorporating environmental and social considerations are more valid than those which only address technical and economic issues. Williams' overview of his education conveys his position: My training in river engineering was soulless. [...] The straight flumes of the hydraulics labs we trained in are a metaphor for the simplest mindset: straighten the river, build a dam, exploit the resources. Today, the danger is in thinking the computer model is the river. It's not. How can you work with your five senses from just the neck up? 2 4 5 Williams and McCully. 2 4 6 Welch. 2 4 7 Philip Williams, "Dammed to Destruction," Our Planet 8.3 (1996), 20 May 2003 <http://www.ourplanet. com/imgversn/83/williams.html>. 2 4 8 Bella Jaisinghani, "Bringing Water Back to Life," Indian Express Newspapers 19 June 2000, 3 May 2003 <http://www.financialexpress.com/fe/daily/20000619/flel8029.html>. 2 4 9 "China Approves World's Largest Dam," Green Left Weekly Home Page. 20 May 2003 <http://www. greenleft.org.au/back/199 l/09/09p 19c.htm>. 80 Engineering school gives you craft, yes. But a river is an intricate, delicate, living system.250 Third, Williams ascribes a high degree of validity to knowledge derived from participatory and transparent methods. Like other members, he considers mainstream dam building practices neither transparent nor participatory. He argues, "Admittedly, both advocates and critics of large dams are hampered in assessing the performance of large dams by policies of secrecy, lack of independent audits and most significantly the failure of dam sponsors to establish clear criteria for the success or failure of their projects."251 To remedy these problems, Williams promotes increased transparency and participation in all aspects of water resource management. He explains, "Ending secrecy, providing honest analysis of all future impacts, insisting on open scientific review and making sure that affected communities have a voice in decisions, are the keys to establishing sound decision-making that protects river ecosystems."252 Williams is committed to the seven elements of the epistemic community's common policy enterprise. First, he prioritises public acceptance. For instance, he lists public education among important elements of water resource management: "Land use controls, flood insurance, building codes, relocation, flood proofing, emergency preparedness, and public education are also important and effective tools."253 Williams' criticism of the non-consultative nature of mainstream approaches also conveys his position: "large dams are key instruments of a development ideology that relies on a political approach now discredited in both the U.S. and the Soviet Union - top-down, centralized economic planning" (sic).254 Second, Williams prioritises comprehensive options assessments. His work chiefly stresses two reasons why developing nations should conduct reviews. First, Williams argues that assessments identify best available technologies. He identifies a current problem: "Beguiled by a false association between big water projects and 2 5 0 Candice Stover, "The Poetry of Science: Children around the World Use Art, Writing and a 'River of Words' to Discover their Connection to Place," Hope (1998), 20 May 2003 <http://www.riverofwords.org/ hope_98.html>. 2 5 1 Philip Williams, "The Debate over Large Dams: The Case Against," Civil Engineering 61.8 (1991): 44. 2 5 2 Williams, "Dammed to Destruction." 2 5 3 Philip Williams, " A Golden Opportunity," World Rivers Review 12.1 (1997), 3 May 2003 <http://www. irn.org/pubs/wrr/970 l/commentary.html>. 2 5 4 Williams, "The Debate over Large Dams: The Case Against," 45. 81 economic development, many developing countries continue to import obsolete river engineering technology."255 Second, he argues that reviews can prevent the repetition of mistakes. Williams' analysis of Chinese practices conveys his position: China is building gigantic projects such as the Three Gorges and Xiaolangdi dams while neglecting their existing flood management system. The US is just starting to realize that its own 50-year dam building binge failed to control floods and that more sophisticated flood management techniques are needed. China could be learning and profiting from the mistakes of the US. Instead, our mistakes are being repeated.256 Third, Williams encourages governments to address existing dams. For instance, he argues that "if governments really want to restore damaged rivers, they have to acknowledge the central role of dams in perpetuating and accelerating environmental degradation."257 Capturing his specific advice, Bella Jaisinghani also shows Williams' support of this policy preference: Williams says that one way to begin to bring rivers back to life would be to conduct a periodic audit of existing dams, to re-evaluate the rationale for their continued operation. This audit would include an environmental and social assessment of projected future operations and determine whether the dam will meet contemporary societal goals. Then decisions can be made to continue a dam in operation, modify its working or decommission it. 2 5 8 Fourth, Williams prioritises sustaining rivers and livelihoods. He considers these complementary priorities. Williams explains, "People's livelihoods and culture depend, in much of the world, on maintaining a healthy river ecosystem as a common resource."259 He elaborates his perception of the connections between river health and society's vitality: "the declining health of almost all the world's major river ecosystems is a key factor in many of the most important symptoms of the global environmental crisis, from the collapse of coastal fisheries to the spread of waterborne diseases; from steadily worsening flood disasters to the deterioration in drinking water supply."260 Promoting protection from natural and man-made disasters is another element of Williams' commitment to sustaining river and livelihoods. He opposes dams and other embankments that create conditions for disasters. For instance, describing the flaws of Williams, "Dammed to Destruction." 2 5 6 Doris Shen, "Three Gorges Dam Not the Answer to China's Floods," Press Release, IRN Home Page 5 Aug. 1998, 20 May 2003 <http://www.im.org/programs/threeg/pr980805.html>. 2 5 7 Jaisinghani. 2 5 8 Jaisinghani. 2 5 9 Williams, "Dammed to Destruction." 82 the Three Gorges Dam, Williams argues, "The consequences of failure at the dam would rank as one of the world's worst man-made disasters."261 His proposal for Californian water management conveys his vision for protecting rivers and people from disasters: California's recent floods wreaked havoc in many communities, but they also opened a unique opportunity to propose a new flood management solution - one that would provide greater hazard reduction, greater reliability and at lower cost than the flawed flood control system the state currently relies on. This solution, which fully integrates flood management with river and watershed management, would also enable the large scale restoration of habitat for wetlands, waterfowl and fish that have been largely destroyed by the construction of this same flood control system.262 Fifth, Williams stresses recognising entitlements and sharing benefits. His argument that "it may be far more important and cost-effective to protect a watershed against erosion by providing secure land ownership to peasant farmers"263 shows his support for this policy priority. Also, Williams' evaluation of several American projects imparts his criticism of ventures that do not fairly distribute benefits and burdens: "Their economic benefits were realized only by a few at the expense of the nation as a whole."264 Sixth, Williams advocates compliance. His work chiefly stresses improved compliance with pre-construction requirements, like environmental impact assessments (EIAs). For example, Williams criticises the World Bank's inadequate compliance with this standard, arguing that a World Bank EIA is often "limited in scope, carried out in secrecy and occurs too late to affect decisions."265 He also prioritises improved compliance with maintenance guidelines. Williams attributes many dam failures to neglect: "In a disturbing number of incidents, spillways have been found to be unusable when needed at the peak of the flood, typically because of debris jams, mechanical failure, cavitation damage, downstream scour or an inability to access controls."266 Seventh, Williams promotes sharing rivers for peace, security and development. This policy priority stresses cooperation among nations managing transboundary waters. Williams, "Dammed to Destruction." 2 6 1 Cheshire Innovation, "Potential Civil Engineering Applications for SALi: The Three Gorges Dam," Cheshire Innovation Home Page 2002, 20 May 2003 <http://www.cheshire-innovation.com/sali/Three%20 Gorges%20Dam.htm>. 2 6 2 Williams, " A Golden Opportunity." 2 6 3 Williams, "The Debate over Large Dams: The Case Against," 46. 2 6 4 Williams, "Dammed to Destruction." 2 6 5 Williams, "The Debate over Large Dams: The Case Against," 46. 2 6 6 Williams, "Inviting Trouble Downstream" 53. 83 As such, Williams' rejection of Turkey's proposed Ilisu Dam because "trans-border impacts were ignored"267 highlights his support for this priority. Williams as an Advisor Three aspects of Williams' career support his membership in the epistemic community. First, he has extensive experience advising decision-makers. As PWA's president, Williams has advised many federal, state, regional and local agencies.268 Second, he has claim to policy-relevant knowledge. The PWA states, "During the past two decades, he has developed considerable expertise in a wide range of technical issues and water-related policy issues both in the U.S. and abroad."269 Third, Williams provides policy-relevant knowledge to decision-makers under conditions of uncertainty. For example, as a member of the San Francisco Airport Advisory Panel, he clarified potential impacts of expanding the city's airport for the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission and various regulatory agencies. The Panel's report explains: For the regulatory agencies, the proposed expansions raise complex scientific questions about the potential effects on the Bay and its living resources, both during and after construction, as well as significant policy questions about how best to balance the need for infrastructure to support the Bay-area economy and to protect and restore the Bay's natural resources. Furthermore, projects like the proposed runway expansion at the airports often engender disputes between project advocates and detractors over whether the required environmental reviews address the appropriate scientific questions.270 Williams' experience advising environmental groups supports the argument that epistemic communities also influence non-state actors. As IRN president, Williams has advised non-governmental actors in many anti-dam movements. One account explains: As IRN president, Williams has been prominent in many international campaigns against large scale water projects. Over the last 20 years, he has served as the technical advisor to environmental groups in the United States working on critical water management Kurdish Human Rights Project, et al., Draft Report. 26 May 2003 <http://www.khrp.org/environment/ Iraq%20Syria%20Report%20FINAL%20-%20BODY.doc>. 2 6 8 PWA lists the following federal agencies as clients: US Fish & Wildlife Service, US Army Corps of Engineers, US Department of Justice, US Federal Emergency Management Agency, US Environmental Protection Agency, and US Department of the Navy. PWA lists the following state agencies as clients: California State Coastal Conservancy, California Department of Fish and Game, California Department of Transportation, California Attorney General's Office, and Oregon Department of Environmental Quality. PWA lists the following regional and local agencies as clients: San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC), Alameda County Flood Control District, City of Portland BES, City of Pasadena, Yurok Tribal Council, East Bay Regional Park District, and Port of San Francisco. 2 6 9 PWA, "Staff Qualifications." 2 7 0 J. R. Schubel (chair), et al., Report of the San Francisco Airport Science Panel: October 19-20. 1999 1, 3 May 2003 <http://www.bcdc.ca.gov/airports/NOAAPANEL/panelrpt.pdf>. 84 issues such as the New Melones Dam, the campaign to protect Mono Lake, the Auburn Dam, and the remediation of diverse environmental effects of water development in California.271 6.1.2 G. Mathias Kondolf Kondolf is an associate professor of Environmental Planning and Geography at Berkeley. He is also chair of the university's Portuguese Studies Program. He is a fluvial geomorphologist with training in geology, earth sciences, geography and environmental engineering. Kondolf summarises his research interests: My current research interests include (1) analysis of changes in land use, sediment delivery, and channel form since the 19th C in southeastern France, the Sacramento-San Joaquin River basin in California, and other Mediterranean-climate regions, (2) effects of dams on physical and ecological processes in rivers, and strategies for process-based ecosystem restoration, (3) effects of gravel mining in rivers and strategies for managing its impacts, (4) sediment management in aging reservoirs, and (5) geomorphic post-project assessment of river restoration projects.272 Kondolf and the Epistemic Community's Criteria Like other members, Kondolf s normative/principled beliefs reflect a commitment to sustainable development. He promotes sustainability in several sources. For example, he endorses a letter opposing the Meinung Dam that states, "Taiwan with its economic resources and technical capacity can do better to promote a more sustainable way of water resource management and economic development."273 An overview of his research also highlights his commitment to sustainability; it explains Kondolf and his colleagues "are exploring strategies for sustainable management of gravel in regulated rivers such as sediment pass-through dams and gravel extraction from reservoir deltas."274 Kondolf articulates the two elements of sustainability identified as the epistemic community's normative/principled beliefs. First, he communicates that economic, environmental and social objectives ought to be central, complementary goals in water 2 7 1 Stanford Humanities Center, "Ethics & Aesthetics at the Turn of the Fiftieth Milennium: Gary Snyder's Mountains and Rivers without End, Mountains & Rivers Symposium," Stanford Humanities Center Home Page 1998, 3 May 2003 <http://shc.stanford.edu/shc/1997-1998/9798workshops/Gary.Snyder.M&Rconf. html>. 2 7 2 Geography at Berkeley, University of California, "Geography Faculty 2003-2004: G. Mathias Kondolf," Geography at Berkeley. University of California Home Page. 28 May 2003 <http://geography.berkeley. edu/PeopleHistory/faculty/M_Kondolf.html>. 2 7 3 Barbara Butler, et al., "Opposition to Meinung Dam from Overseas," Petition, MPA Home Page 16 Apr. 1999, 22 Apr. 2000 <http://mpa.ngo.org.tw/english/opposition.htm>. 2 7 4 Geography at Berkeley. 85 resource management. Advising Taiwanese governments, Kondolf et al. state, "Besides economic interests, the local governments should consider the needs of local residents and environmental conservation in pursuing economic development."275 Second, he shows concern for future generations. In the context of managing sediment in dams, Kondolf et al. argue, "In the interests of minimizing the problem faced by future generations in decommissioning multiple dams filled with sediment, it makes sense to explore more sustainable approaches to reservoir sediment management."276 Kondolf communicates the epistemic community's causal belief that large dams degrade human and natural environments. His endorsement of the letter opposing the Meinung Dam conveys his belief that dams can violate environmental justice and threaten human safety, cultural heritage and local water supplies.277 Kondolf articulates the epistemic community's perception of causal relations in holistic terms. For instance, holism is reflected in his analysis of the cumulative watershed effects of land management: "These effects may be synergistic, interacting in complex ways so that the total impact exceeds the sum of individual impacts."278 Kondolf exhibits three traits of the epistemic community's shared notions of validity. First, he promotes scientific methods. Kondolf states, "In my work, I emphasize [...] the need for scientific rigor."279 His advice to decision-makers to adopt scientific approaches also reflects the centrality of science in his notions of validity. Advising the Mendocino County Board of Supervisors, he states, "I wish you well in your efforts to move towards a scientifically-based management approach for the gravel resources, channel form, and biota of the Garcia River."280 Second, Kondolf s membership is supported by his preference for methodologies that promote a holistic approach to water resource management. By illustration, in his 2 7 5 G. Mathias Kondolf, Jeffrey Hou, and Wenling Tu, Water Resources Planning in Taiwan and California: Implications for Reservoir Management and for Economic Development in Southern Taiwan (UC Berkeley: Center for Environmental Design Research, 2001) 3.65. 2 7 6 Kondolf, Hou, and Tu 1.3. 2 7 7 Butler, et al. 2 7 8 G. Mathias Kondolf, Cumulative Watershed Effects in the Sequoia National Forest. Summary of Oral Testimony before the House Committee on Natural Resources, 9 Mar. 1994, 20 May 2003 <http://www. sequoiaforestkeeper.org/pdf/010826-2_EXL-INE-Hume-Lives.pdf>. 2 7 9 Geography at Berkeley. 2 8 0 G. Mathias Kondolf, Letter to Mendocino County Board of Supervisors, 22 Sept. 1996, 20 May 2003 <http://www.frog.org/kondolfl.html>. 86 comparison of water resource management in California and Taiwan, Kondolf used "Scenario Analysis" because he believes that "[fjhe approach provides a useful tool in encompassing the highly complex political and social variables in a holistic way."281 Third, Kondolf values participatory and transparent methods. His advice to local Taiwanese governments conveys his support for participatory methods. He states, "More participation of local residents is needed in local constructions and developments, in order to discover opportunities of economic development with local characteristics."282 He also offers advice to improve transparency. With co-authors John Bryne and Randolf Hester, Kondolf states, "Any democratic review process requires three things: one, the process must follow the stated rules; two, it must be open to the public; and three, serious study must be given to viable alternatives."283 •Kondolf expresses the seven elements of the epistemic community's common policy enterprise. First, he prioritises public acceptance. Kondolf s praise for river restoration projects in the Netherlands shows his position: "The Dutch restorations were impressive not only for their ecological success, but for the broader public acceptance and support for environmental stewardship they imply."284 His criticism of projects that lack public acceptance also shows his support for this policy priority. For instance, Kondolf endorsed a petition opposing the Meinung Dam on grounds that Taiwan's national government had not secured local and regional acceptance for the dam. This petition, titled "Opposition to Meinung Dam from Overseas," is reprinted in Appendix M. Second, Kondolf prioritises comprehensive options assessments. In particular, he argues that professionals must evaluate the requirements of each project rather than reuse prototypical designs. One source captures Kondolf s criticism of current practices: "Discussing a failed channel reconstruction project, G. Mathias Kondolf, Matthew W. Smeltzer and Steven F. Railsback warn of the dangers of using a prescriptive or 2 8 1 Kondolf, Hou, and Tu 3.3. 2 8 2 Kondolf, Hou, and Tu 3.65. 2 8 3 John Byrne, Randolph Hester, and G. Matthias Kondolf, "An Open Letter on the Pinnan Issue," Editorial, Taipei Times Online 25 Apr. 2000, 20 May, 2003 <http://taipeitimes.com/chnews/2000/04/25/ print/0000033602>. 2 8 4 Matt Kondolf, "Conference Impressions from across the Pond," Newsletter - ECRR. European Centre for River Restoration 4.1 (2000): 5, 31 May 2003 <http://www.minvenw.nl/rws/riza/home/ecrr/pdfer/news 4.pdf>. 8 7 cookbook approach to stream restoration."285 He also argues that all alternatives must be assessed before dams can be adopted as best options. For example, Kondolf et al. advised Taiwan's national government to evaluate alternatives to the Meinung Dam: The alternatives currently proposed by the local governments in southern Taiwan, including groundwater recharge, water conservation measures and installation of sewage treatment plants, are viable alternatives to the costly construction of the dam to improve quantity and quality of water supply. We urge you to consider these alternatives. Taiwan with its economic resources and technical capacity can do better to promote a more sustainable way of water resource management and economic development.286 Third, Kondolf encourages governments to address existing dams. His work specifically stresses the need to address the impacts of dams on river sediment supplies. Kondolf argues that dams alter river sediment flows: "Dams disrupt the longitudinal continuity of the river system and interrupt the action of the conveyor belt of sediment transport."287 These changes harm aquatic species, the integrity of a river's physical traits as well as the longevity of a dam's reservoir. He offers advice to address these problems: "A more sustainable approach to river restoration would involve preservation or restoration of physical processes of flooding and channel dynamics, which in turn would lead to development of channel forms appropriate to the flow and sediment regime."288 Fourth, Kondolf prioritises sustaining rivers and livelihoods. For instance, he supports a petition encouraging Taiwan's national government to "[a]How the fishermen, farmers, and aboriginal people of southern Taiwan to pursue their livelihoods and traditional ways of life."289 Like other members, he also views sustaining rivers and livelihoods complementary objectives. Kondolf et al. explain: The flows of water through the landscape are essential for the maintenance of ecosystems and economy. Supplies of clean water limit human health, ecological functions, and economic development worldwide.290 2 8 5 How Soils Are Used in Stream Restoration. 31 May 2003 <http://soilslab.cfr.washington.edu/ESC311-507/finalprojects/ElizabethDolan/>. 2 8 6 Butler, et al. 2 8 7 G. Mathias Kondolf, "Hungry Water: Effects of Dams and Gravel Mining on River Channels," Environmental Management 21 (1997): 535. 2 8 8 G. Mathias Kondolf, Abstract, River Restoration in California: Observations on Project Performance. Environmental Engineering Spring Seminar Ser., Inst, of Environmental Science and Engineering, UC Berkeley, 7 Mar. 2003, 20 May 2003 <http://env.berkeley.edu/Spring03Seminars/Matt-Kondolf-Abstract-3 -7-031.pdf>. 2 8 9 Spoonbill Action Voluntary Echo (SAVE), INFOTERRA: SAVE: Endorsement Request 6 Feb. 1998, 20 May 2003 <http://www.ee/lists/infoterra/1998/02/0004.html>. 2 9 0 Kondolf, Hou, and Tu ii . 88 Fifth, Kondolf supports water resource management that recognises entitlements and shares benefits. He shows his commitment to this policy priority by providing expert testimony to hearings on water rights. He also contributes to reports on Califomian water rights.291 As an independent expert, Kondolf has influenced water rights for several areas including California's mid-coastal watersheds, Russian River and Mono Lake tributaries. Sixth, Kondolf advocates compliance. Like Williams, he promotes improved compliance with pre-construction requirements. For example, Kondolf urges Taiwan's national government to conduct an EIA of the Bin-nan Industrial Complex that complies with accepted standards. Marcia McNally captures his concerns: Dr. Kondolf says that the EIA for the project "contains no assessment of the potential effects of such a massive [interbasin water] transfer." He further notes that although Taiwan has one of the highest erosion rates in the world, the project EIA does not address sediment issues, which has been a problem for many reservoirs in Taiwan.2 9 2 Seventh, Kondolf promotes sharing rivers for peace, security and development. Although he does not address transboundary issues, Kondolf stresses the importance of considering both upstream and downstream impacts of projects which alter river characteristics. For example, his discussion of river gravel mining expresses his concern for residents located both upstream and downstream from operations: "To mine gravel derived from bank erosion is robbing Peter to pay Paul, unless the landowners along the river are compensated for what appears to be accelerated bank erosion."293 Kondolf as an Advisor Kondolf s experience advising decision-makers supports his membership in the epistemic community. For over twenty years, he has advised federal, state, regional and local agencies on many water resource issues. Regarding dams, he has provided advice 2 9 1 Among others, Kondolf provided expert testimony at the following hearing: Public Hearing, State Water Resources Control Board, Division of Water Rights, State of California, Sacramento, 7 Dec. 1993. Subject: Amendment of City of Los Angeles' Water Right Licenses for Diversion of Water from Streams that are Tributary to Mono Lake. For an example of a publication see: G.M. Kondolf, J.L. Parrish, and J.G. Williams, Initial Assessment of Water Rights for Diversions from Jamison Creek, Plumas-Eureka State Park, California, CEDR-94-04 (University of California Center for Environmental Design Research, 1994). 2 9 2 Marcia McNally, "Rare Birds Threatened by Petrochemical Project," World Rivers Review 13.1 (1998), 28 May 2003 <http://www.im.org/pubs/wrr/9802/spoonbills.html>. 2 9 3 Kondolf, Letter to Mendocino County Board of Supervisors. 89 on projects such as California's Matilija and Searsville dams, Taiwan's Machia and Meinung dams and dams on Spain's Ebro River. Kondolf summarises his experiences: My research concerns environmental river management, especially the effects of dams and gravel mining in rivers. Since 1980, I have served as consultant on these issues to clients including the Federal Republic of Germany, the California Attorney General, the California Department of Fish and Game and Department of Water Resources, various water districts and utilities, aggregate producers, and environmental organizations. I have provided expert testimony to committees of the US Congress, the California State Mater Resources Control Board, and to other official bodies and legal proceedings.294 Kondolf has advised Taiwanese decision-makers on several occasions. As noted in Chapter 4, he was among an international panel of experts that travelled to Taiwan in March 1998 to inform policies towards the Bin-nan Industrial Complex. On 25 April 2000, in a letter to a Taiwanese newspaper, Kondolf and his colleagues again tried to shape policies towards the Complex by advising decision-makers and government scientists to conduct a more scientifically rigorous project EIA. 2 9 5 In January 2000, Kondolf and his Berkeley research team also imparted information to Taiwanese decision-makers. Kondolf et al. explain: During the trip, the team presented its preliminary findings of water resource planning in California in discussions with officials and consultants of the government's Water Resources Bureau. In addition to the Water Resources Bureau, the team also met with the director and staff of the government's Environmental Protection Administration to discuss impact of major industrial developments on water resource in the region. [...] In Southern Taiwan, the team met with the Mayor of Kaohsiung, officials of Pingtung and Kaohsiung counties [...].296 Kondolf s experience as an advisor to environmental groups supports the argument that epistemic communities also advise non-state actors. As previously indicated, Kondolf stated that he has served as a consultant to environmental organisations since 1980.297 Other sources document his role as an advisor to Taiwanese NGOs. One account explains, "Since 1995, Prof Kondolf has been involved as an advisor to environmental NGOs in Taiwan, addressing issues such as effects of gravel mining in rivers and water supply planning in South Taiwan."298 2 9 4 Kondolf, Letter to Mendocino County Board of Supervisors. 2 9 5 Byrne, Hester, and Kondolf. 2 9 6 Kondolf, Hou, and Tu 1.5-1.6. 2 9 7 Kondolf, Letter to Mendocino County Board of Supervisors. See footnote 297. 2 9 8 G. Mathias Kondolf, "Current Research Interests" G. Mathias Kondolf Home Page 2002, 20 May 2003 <http://www-laep.ced.berkeley.edu/people/kondolf/research/current%20research.htm>. 90 6.1.3 Linking Members of the Epistemic Community Williams and Kondolf are linked to members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts identified in Chapter 3. Specifically, they serve on the same panels, attend the same conferences and workshops and belong to the same associations, organisations, etc. as other members. Likewise, a study of their written output indicates that they co-author publications with other members and use members' publications as references. Figure 6.1 summarises the connections among Williams, Kondolf and the other members. The addition of Williams and Kondolf yields further insight into the epistemic community's operation. In particular, a letter from Kondolf to the Mendocino County Board of Supervisors indicates that members promote each other's expertise to decision-makers. Kondolf states, "Overall, the Garcia River Gravel Management Plan prepared by Philip Williams and Associates is an excellent, scientifically sound document that cogently summarizes relevant scientific evidence and also reviews the economics of the industry, and very importantly, describes alternate sources of aggregate in the region."299 Kondolf, Letter to Mendocino County Board of Supervisors. 91 6.2 Epistemic Community Involvement in the Anti-Dam Movement The study identifies four main phases of an epistemic community's involvement in a grassroots movement. First, an epistemic community becomes involved in a grassroots movement because one or more of its members have strong ties to the movement. Second, these members leverage their relationships with organisations to involve other actors, including other epistemic community members. Third, the movement's platform is reformed to reflect the epistemic community's shared set of normative and principled beliefs, causal beliefs, notions of validity and common policy enterprise. Fourth, grassroots actors redesign the movement's activities to articulate their revised positions to decision-makers. The following sections identify how these phases relate to the epistemic community's involvement in the Meinung anti-dam movement. 6.2.1 Phase 1: Establishing Ties to the Movement Williams and Kondolf were the epistemic community members initially connected to the Meinung movement. They established ties with Meinung activists in different ways. However, in both cases, the grassroots actors fostered relationships with the members because they respected their expertise on dams and other water resource issues. Adapting Haas' explanation of an epistemic community's legitimacy, the activists respected Williams and Kondolf s "professional training, prestige, and reputation for expertise in an area highly valued by society or elite decision makers."300 Philip Williams in Meinung Williams was the first member to establish ties to the movement. He became involved when he was contacted by Sung Yen-tung, a Meinung resident studying in California. Sung and other Meinung activists knew of Williams from an article he published opposing large dams. When Sung travelled to California, he contacted Williams to solicit advice for fighting the Meinung Dam. Chen recounts the story: Meinung residents despaired when they received so much pressure from society. In the end, they had to solicit help from abroad. At that time, an article, "The Debate over Large Dams," published in the journal of the American Society of Civil Engineers, gave them great hope. 92 The article mentioned that a dam blocks the flow of water and sediment in the upstream section, thus completely changing the ecosystem of the river itself. With less water flowing, there are fewer fish and increased pollution. There is also less sand and soil at the mouth of the river, which leads to shoreline erosion. Because of these serious consequences, dam building has become somewhat unstylish. These facts made the people of Meinung understand better the dynamics of a dam and the responsibilities they were shouldering. In July 1993, Sung Yen-tung went to study in the United States, and he also went to find the author of that article. He only knew the person's name and that he lived in San Francisco, so it was like finding a needle in a haystack. With the help of directory assistance, he got a list of all the people with that name and phoned each one of them. Finally, he found the author.301 Williams' involvement supports the argument that epistemic communities shape grassroots movements by influencing the viewpoints of local actors under conditions of uncertainty. Specifically, overviews of the activists' decision to seek Williams' advice emphasise the uncertainty among Meinung people during the movement's early stages. For example, Chang states, "In the initial stage of opposition to the dam, residents were mainly concerned about the direct threat the dam would pose to their families, and were uncertain if they could stop such a large project with state backing."302 Williams visited Meinung in October 1993 to hold a public lecture on sustainable options for water resource management. His presentation had two main impacts on the Meinung movement. First, it provided activists with information on dams and anti-dam movements. The Labor-Exchange Band and the MPA note, "He talked about the international anti-dam movement, and [the people] learnt that large dams have become a serious danger to politically weak peoples living in mountainous areas, communities along riverbanks, and also to the ecology of rivers."303 Furthermore, Chang observes, "Williams' visit impressed residents with the global scope of opposition to dams, the push for river conservation, and the demand for the rational use of water resources."304 Second, it empowered Meinung activists. Chang states, "After hearing examples from around the world, residents began to feel that they were part of a common struggle, 3 0 1 Chen Shu-hua, "Dealing with Bad Water," trans. Lin Sen-shou, Tzu Chi Quarterly 9.2 (2002), 20 May 2003 <http://taipei.tzuchi.org.tw/tzquart/2002su/qs2.htm>. 3 0 2 Chang Kao-Chieh. 3 0 3 Labor Exchange Band and MPA. 3 0 4 Chang Kao-Chieh. 93 deepening the legitimacy of their own cause, and boosting their confidence."305 Chang also links Williams' lecture to the organisation of grassroots opposition. He explains, "Six months later, a community group based in Meinung was established, officially kicking off what has turned into a long-term fight against the dam's construction."306 G. Mathias Kondolf in Meinung Kondolf s involvement in the Meinung movement centres around a comparative study he directed on water resource management practices in California and Taiwan. He travelled to Meinung twice - in January 2000 to conduct field research and in February 2001 during a visit to southern Taiwan to disseminate the study's preliminary results. Kondolf met key members of the grassroots movement on both occasions. The study's objective is to share information on sustainable water resource use. Kondolf et al. explain, "The project has attempted to facilitate exchange of experience and knowledge between Taiwan and California on the specific problem of water resources planning and regional economic development."307 Although the study was not conducted for the exclusive benefit of Meinung activists, NGOs like the MPA were among its target audience. Kondolf et al. indicate that the report's findings were shared with Taiwanese NGOs: "In January 2001, the study's preliminary findings were presented at a press conference in Kaohsiung, attended by representatives of the local governments and NGO's." 3 0 8 Interviews also confirm that the report was distributed to Meinung activists. Similar to Williams' lecture, Kondolf s study imparted information on sustainable water resource use to Meinung residents. His report was particularly beneficial because it outlined alternatives to adopting the Meinung Dam as a solution to southern Taiwan's water scarcity crisis. Kondolf et al. explain, "Based on review of new water resources planning initiatives in California (including demand-side management), examples of past innovative water planning in California, and considering conditions and constraints in Chang Kao-Chieh. Chang Kao-Chieh. Kondolf, Hou, and Tu 1.4. Kondolf, Hou, and Tu 1.6. 94 southern Taiwan, [the report] further evaluates the potential applicability of the recent Californian approaches to southern Taiwan."309 Kondolf s information empowered the movement in two related ways. First, knowledge of dam alternatives enhanced the activists' ability to communicate their anti-dam position to decision-makers. Concurrently, the movement's platform became stronger and decision-makers were forced to recognise Meinung people as legitimate and important stakeholders in southern Taiwan's water resource planning issues. 6.2.2 Phase 2: Involving other Actors Williams' ties to the IRN increased support for the Meinung movement in two ways. First, it connected activists to another epistemic community member with IRN affiliations - Partick McCully, an IRN campaigns director. McCully's endorsement of the "Opposition to Meinung Dam from Overseas" petition shows his support for the movement. Second, it connected Meinung residents to other anti-dam activists. Chang observes the significance of these links: Connections to the international anti-dam movement have been crucial to the development of Meinung's local movement."310 Kondolf s ties to Berkeley increased support for the movement. He connected Meinung activists to Berkeley academics, namely Randolph Hester, a professor at the Department of Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning, and Marcia McNally, a fellow at the same department. Hester and McNally demonstrated their support by endorsing the petition "Opposition to Meinung Dam from Overseas." Kondolf s Berkeley affiliation and his focus on the Meinung Dam also positioned him to advise an emerging epistemic community member - Jeffrey Hou. G. Mathias Kondolf and Jeffrey Hou Hou was a Berkeley Ph.D. candidate at the time Kondolf studied Californian and Taiwanese water resource management practices. Hou graduated in 2001 and is currently an associate professor at the University of Washington's Department of Landscape Architecture. He has training in architecture, landscape architecture and environmental Kondolf, Hou, and Tu 1.6. Chang Kao-Chieh. 95 planning. Hou is Taiwanese and shows both a professional and personal commitment to Taiwan's social and environmental issues. Appendix N profiles Hou's education, professional activities, dam-related activities and publications. Hou supports Meinung activists. Like other experts, he signed the petition "Opposition to Meinung Dam from Overseas." Hou provided greater support as a campaign coordinator for Taiwan Environmental Action Network (TEAN). Through this NGO, he helped restructure the MPA's anti-dam platform (see Appendix O). He also promoted the movement abroad, fulfilling TEAN's mission: "Through international collaboration on environmental issues, we wish to cultivate friendship and wisdom and, together with worldwide environmentalists, create a just, peaceful and sustainable world."3" Hou exhibits several traits of the epistemic community members. Specifically, he expresses many of the epistemic community's beliefs, shows interest in dams, exhibits emerging expertise in water resource planning, has links to other members and advises NGOs. However, Hou is an emerging member because he has limited experience advising decision-makers. He has also not published extensively on water resource issues, making it difficult to compare his work to the epistemic community's ideas. Kondolf and Hou's mutual interest in the Meinung Dam and other Taiwanese projects enabled Kondolf to help Hou expand his experience advising decision-makers. As a research assistant for Kondolf s comparative study, Hou accompanied Kondolf to Taiwan in January 2000 and February 2001. As previously indicated, elements of these trips involved imparting information to decision-makers on water resource issues. In addition, Hou accompanied Kondolf and other established experts to Taiwan in March 1998 to inform policies towards the Bin-nan Industrial Complex. Kondolf and Hou's mutual interests also expanded Hou's academic contributions to water resource planning. Their research yielded several independent and co-authored articles, reports, conference presentations and open editorials.312 These works expanded 3 1 1 Taiwan Environmental Action Network (TEAN), TEAN Home Page. 14 Apr. 2002 <http://tean.formosa. org/>. 3 1 2 Co-authored publications include: "Dispelling the Myth of Dam: Toward Sustainable Management of Water Resources," Editorial, China Times 20 Apr. 1998 (in Chinese); "Meinung Dam: A Sad Song for Sustainable Regional Development in Taiwan," Embracing Land. Rivers and Life: An Anthology of Meinung Anti-Dam Literature, ed. MPA, Aug. 2000, 73-75 (in Chinese); Review of the Environmental 96 Hou's visibility as a water resource expert. Furthermore, co-authorships likely created a mentor-student relationship between Kondolf and Hou, enabling Kondolf to develop Hou's expression of the epistemic community's ideas. 6.2.3 Phase 3: Changes to the Movement's Platform Epistemic community involvement enhanced the grassroots movement's anti-dam platform. There are three indications of epistemic community influence. First, statements attributing the movement's development to particular epistemic community members link the platform's expansion to epistemic community involvement. Chen's overview of Williams' Meinung visit is an example of these accounts. Chen explains, "His visit gave great support to the people of Meinung and expanded their vision."313 Second, the increase of the MPA's reasons against the dam in the post-epistemic community period links the platform's expansion to epistemic community influence. Activists initially articulated five reasons against the dam: 1) it would be a psychological burden and pose safety threats; 2) it was not economical; 3) it would threaten ecological and cultural resources, especially the area's experimental tropical forest; 4) the government had used poor decision-making processes; and 5) it was not a reliable way to provide sustainable water.314 After epistemic community involvement, the platform increased to eleven concerns: 1) geological unsuitability; 2) safety threats to nearby residents; 3) violation of environmental justice and threat to cultural heritage; 4) species extinction and biodiversity loss; 5) threats to regional water quality and groundwater recharge; 6) short life span of dam and disproportional cost; 7) over-estimate of water demand; 8) lack of assessment for alternatives to dam; 9) increased heavy industrial development and C 0 2 emission; 10) inadequate environmental impact assessment; and 11) local and regional opposition.315 Third, the likeness of the enhanced platform to the epistemic community's ideas links the platform's expansion to epistemic community influence. Grassroots actors Impact Assessment for the Binnan Industrial Complex. Tsengwen Coastal Plain. Taiwan. Report CEDR-98-001 (UC Berkeley: Center for Environmental Design Research, 1998). 3 1 3 Chen Shu-hua. 3 1 4 List derived from: MPA, "Chapter 3 The Meinung Anti-dam Movement." 3 1 5 List derived from: TEAN, "Eleven Major Concerns on the Meinung Dam," MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2002 <http://mpa.ngo.org.tw/english/elevenmajor.htm>. 97 conveyed elements of the epistemic community's ideas prior to epistemic community involvement. However, as the following section elaborates, since epistemic community influence their anti-dam stance more closely reflects the members' normative/principled beliefs, causal beliefs, notions of validity and policy enterprise. The Grassroots Movement and the Epistemic Community's Criteria Both before and after epistemic community involvement, Meinung activists have expressed the members' normative/principled belief that water resource use ought to be sustainable. For instance, prior to Williams' visit, Meinung intellectuals argued that "instead of building short-lived dams, the most reliable way to provide sustainable water is through environmental repair."316 More recently, MPA leader Ting-Dong Soong stated, "We have to put our concerns into the WSSD process to fight for the globalization of sustainable development."317 Although the platform has always incorporated the idea of sustainability, activists did not initially express the members' normative/principled belief that economic, environmental and social objectives ought to be central, complementary goals in water resource management. However, since epistemic community involvement, this belief has been a key grassroots' position. The MPA's criticism of the KMT exemplifies the activists' expression of the epistemic community's standpoint: Over the long term the K M T government of Taiwan has only emphasized the foreign exchange brought in by logging trees and has ignored the preservation of water and soil and the decay of the self-regulating mechanism of the water resource; it has only been concerned about the rise and fall of the economic development indicators and has neglected industrial consumption of limited resources and the ensuing pollution that has lowered the quality of the living environment of the people. The government's administrative shortsightedness has brought about an ungoverned state of environmental exploitation causing Taiwan's ecology to fall into an irreversible circumstance.318 Since epistemic community involvement, the members' normative/principled belief that water resource management ought to benefit both present and future generations has also become a prominent platform element. In particular, after Williams' 3 1 6 MPA, "Chapter 3 The Meinung Anti-dam Movement." 3 1 7 Earth Island Institute, "Are Governments Really Creating a Sustainable and Socially Just World? Summary of Findings: Day of Day of Hunger, Agriculture, Water, and Food Security," World Sustainability Hearing Homepage, 14 Aug. 2003 <http://www.earthisland.org/wosh/Day5_Findings.html>. WSSD refers to the World Summit on Sustainable Development. 3 1 8 MPA, "Save Yellow Butterfly Valley for Man and Wildlife." 98 visit, the MPA adopted the motto "Good mountains and good waters left for children, good men and good women fighting against dams."319 Sources also indicate that Williams' visit convinced activists that they would best be able to ensure the welfare of future generations by petitioning decision-makers to implement sustainable water resource management practices. Chen explains, "They now knew they were trying to find a better road for their future generations."320 Epistemic community involvement enhanced the activists' understanding of the members' causal belief that large dam projects degrade human and natural environments. Activists have always expressed elements of this belief. For instance, they initially criticised the dam because it would be a psychological burden, pose safety threats and endanger ecological and cultural resources. However, epistemic community involvement significantly expanded their awareness of dam related degradation. Describing the benefits of Williams' presentation, the Labor Exchange Band and MPA explain, "we learnt that large dams have become a serious danger to politically weak peoples living in mountainous areas, communities along riverbanks, and also to the ecology of rivers."321 The grassroots actors' improved understanding of the degradation of dams enabled them to communicate a more defined platform to interested parties, including decision-makers. By illustration, whereas the original platform opposed the dam because it would threaten ecological and cultural resources, the revised platform identifies more precise ways that the Meinung Dam would degrade human and natural environments - it will violate environmental justice and threaten cultural heritage, cause species extinction and biodiversity loss, and threaten regional water quality and groundwater recharge. Since epistemic community involvement, grassroots actors have expressed causal relations in holistic terms. Specifically, accounts show that like epistemic community members, activists emphasise interdependence between human and natural systems. The MPA's overview of one Yellow Butterfly Festival captures the activists' revised stance: 3 1 9 I S E E President, International Society for Environmental Ethics Newsletter 11.3 (2000), 15 Aug. 2003 <http://www.phil.unt.edu/ISEE/nll-3-00.htm>. 3 2 0 Chen Shu-hua. 3 2 1 Labor Exchange Band and MPA. 99 "They announce the cessation of human destruction of the environment and hope from this to rebuild a new equitable relation between humans and the environment."322 Three features of the epistemic community's notions of validity have become central aspects of the grassroots' platform. First, scientifically-derived information became a fundamental element. Unlike the early stance, the post-epistemic community platform is founded on scientific studies, including independent environmental impact assessments, geotechnical evaluations and reviews of the project's proclaimed cost-benefit ratios. As a result, the revised platform incorporates more scientific facts and terminology. An excerpt of the MPA's amended platform shows the activists' use of scientifically-derived knowledge to convey the dam's environmental degradation: The proposed dam will flood 6.4 square kilometers of extensive forest area that provide diverse terrestrial ecosystem for plants, insects, birds and mammal. Studies have identified 85 families, 253 species of plants, 110 species of butterflies, 6 species of amphibians, 11 species of reptiles, 7 species of mammals and more than 80 species of . birds in the valley. The site provides a unique habitat for Yellow butterfly. The dam will destroy habitats for 27 listed rare wildlife species and 3 listed endangered species including Maroon Oriole (Oriolus traillii), Hawk Eagle (Spiaetus nipalensis) and India Pitta (Pitta brachyura).323 Second, the epistemic community's notion that valid methods are transparent became a cornerstone of the platform. In the post-epistemic community period, the activists' position is largely founded on the premise that the government's plans are illegitimate because they are based on deceptive methods. As a result, the revised platform features accounts of the government's misrepresentation of information. The MPA's criticism of the government's depiction of the dam's benefits is one example: On the other hand, the government is misleading the residents of the metropolitan areas down river. They lead them to believe that the lack of water during times of water shortage is because the Meinung Water Reservoir has not yet been constructed, and that it is not related to the fact that the Kaoping River is polluted.324 Third, the epistemic community's notion that valid measurements of dam performance incorporate social and environmental considerations in addition to economic and technical issues became a central platform feature. Since epistemic community involvement, the activists' have opposed the dam on grounds that studies conducted by MPA, "Save Yellow Butterfly Valley for Man and Wildlife." TEAN, "Eleven Major Concerns on the Meinung Dam." MPA, "Save Yellow Butterfly Valley for Man and Wildlife." 100 Taiwan's national government only address the project's economic benefits. Their criticism of the government's failure to adequately assess socioeconomic and environmental trends when projecting water demands exemplifies the use of this notion in the revised platform: "A recent independent study points out that the National Government's estimate of water demand is based on outdated population projections and does not take into account the current transformation in industrial and agricultural sectors and possible water conservation measures."325 Since epistemic community involvement, the platform more closely reflects the epistemic community's common policy enterprise. First, gaining public acceptance emerged as a key platform element. Meinung activists began to oppose the dam on grounds that public support had not been secured for the project and subsequently added "Local and Regional Opposition" to their reasons against the dam. The revised platform supports their stance with the following data: According to a recent door-to-door survey, 34,338 (over 72%) of local residents indicated strong opposition to the proposed dam. In another survey in Kaoshiung City, 60% of respondents indicated that dam is not the only option to resolve water shortage problem.326 Second, like the epistemic community, the activists' prioritised comprehensive options assessments. Grassroots actors began to oppose the dam because the government had not evaluated alternatives to the project and accordingly added "Lacks of Assessment for Alternatives to Dam" to the platform. The revised platform elaborates: Possible alternatives to the proposed dam have not been sufficiently considered by the national authority. In contrast, the local governments have proposed alternative ways to improve quantity and quality of regional water supply, including groundwater recharge, conservation measure and installation of sewage treatment plants and elimination of major heavy industrial development in the region.327 Third, the revised platform more closely reflects the epistemic community's commitment to sustaining rivers and livelihoods. Activists have always opposed the dam because it will threaten the sustainability of Meinung's culture, economy and ecology. However, it was not until epistemic community involvement that the platform incorporated terms used among planning experts to communicate the activists' position. TEAN, "Eleven Major Concerns on the Meinung Dam." TEAN, "Eleven Major Concerns on the Meinung Dam." TEAN, "Eleven Major Concerns on the Meinung Dam." 101 Most notably, after epistemic community involvement the platform used the terms environmental justice and social fairness. An account indicates that activists also adopted Williams' perspective of sustaining rivers and livelihoods as their ideal conception of water resource management practices: Protecting the water is a very tiresome job, but those who are doing it are still looking forward to what Williams wrote at the end of his article: "In the future, engineers may be very proud of themselves for managing rivers in ways that don't affect the flow of the rivers and that bring health and prosperity to the communities that depend on the rivers."328 Fourth, recognising entitlements and sharing benefits emerged as a key platform element. Grassroots actors always realised that the dam would not benefit Meinung people. For instance, the MPA explains that at an early anti-dam meeting local intellectuals agreed "that the benefits of the dam would be to industry and not to the residents who would have to live in its shadow."329 However, it was not until the post-epistemic community period that activists challenged the legitimacy of the dam on grounds that it violated the rights of Meinung people. The MPA explains its role in promoting this policy priority as a key grassroots position: "In addition to environmental issues, MPA has made great efforts in mobilizing the rural people to demand their rights and welfare that have been neglected by the central government."330 Fifth, compliance became a cornerstone of the platform. Activists began to echo Williams and Kondolfs stance that projects must comply with pre-construction requirements. The addition of "Inadequate Environmental Impact Assessment" to the revised platform is a manifestation of epistemic community influence. Activists also began to criticise the government's non-compliance with planning standards. Chiu Yu-Tzu captures MPA leader Chang Cheng-yang's position: "Chang argued that the WRA had never learned up-to-date theories on water resource management, such as concepts pertaining to capacity building."331 3 2 8 Chen Shu-hua. 3 2 9 MPA, "Chapter 3 The Meinung Anti-dam Movement." 3 3 0 MPA, "Chapter 4 Community Movements and Empowerment," MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2001 <http://mpa.ngo.org.tw/english/Chapter4.html>. 3 3 1 Chiu Yu-tzu, "Water Meet Highlights Isolation," Planet's Voice 25 Mar. 2003, 15 Aug. 2003 <http:// www.planets-voice.org/_interface/news.shtml?x=811>. 102 6.2.4 Phase 4: Changes to the Movement's Activities Prior to epistemic community influence, there were few anti-dam activities organised at the grassroots level. Specifically, activities were limited to discussions among Meinung intellectuals, one public meeting and two protests. These activities were essential for developing the movement's anti-dam stance, expanding activism among Meinung people and stalling the government's dam construction plans. However, they had unfocused goals and did not compel decision-makers to abandon plans for the Meinung Dam. Moreover, they lacked strategies for expanding and maintaining interest in the movement within and beyond the Meinung community. Since epistemic community involvement, the movement's activities have increased in number, diversity and effectiveness. The following sections examine protests and the annual Yellow Butterfly Festival as key activities. These activities were selected for several reasons. First, they show the effectiveness of post-epistemic community activities at changing the attitudes of decision-makers. Second, they demonstrate how elements of the epistemic community's ideas were expressed in the movement's activities. Third, they highlight the movement's use of grassroots environmentalism (as discussed in Chapter 4) to mobilise Meinung residents. Protests Decision-makers from various levels of government would not discuss the dam with Meinung residents. Protests consequently became a way for Meinung people to communicate their anti-dam stance to decision-makers. Activists organised three main protests - one directed at the Kaohsiung county magistrate in March 1993 and two directed at the Legislative Yuan in Taipei in April 1993 and May 1994. Changes in the protests' objectives show that grassroots actors redesigned activities in the post-epistemic community period to articulate their enhanced position to decision-makers. The objectives of the pre-epistemic community March 1993 and April 1993 protests expressed an anti-dam stance, but did not establish goals that would lead to long-term policy changes. Specifically, the goal of the March 1993 protest was to compel the Kaohsiung county magistrate to sign a statement opposing the dam, while the objective of the April 1993 protest was to voice the dam's impact on Meinung's culture, 103 economy and ecology. In contrast, the 1994 protest, occurring after Williams' October 1993 visit, identified precise demands to facilitate improved water resource management. The Labor Exchange Band and the MPA state, "Our objective was to get the government to clean up the polluted Kaoping River, restore the forests, reduce high water-use industries, and give up their backward plans to build dams.332 Protests also show the increased effectiveness of post-epistemic community activities at changing the attitudes of decision-makers. Protests occurring before Williams' involvement were historically important for both the movement and Taiwanese environmentalism. For instance, the March 1993 protest was the first time decision-makers conceded to the activists' demands; the Kaohsiung county magistrate signed the protesters' statement. The Labor Exchange Band and MPA note that this protest was also significant to Taiwanese environmentalism because it "marked the first time in Taiwan's history that anti-dam protesters appeared in front of the county government of Kaohsiung."333 However, these protests did not lead to long-term changes in policies towards the dam. By illustration, although the April 1993 protest achieved the first suspension of the dam's budget, the dam was included in the national government's 1994 budget. The 1994 protest led to more significant policy changes. Like the April 1993 protest, the 1994 demonstrations resulted in the dam's removal from the government's budget. Chen explains, "In May 1994, the Legislative Branch of the central government slashed the budget for a dam in Meinung after strong protests from local residents."334 However, the 1994 protest also compelled decision-makers to consider alternative, long-term solutions to southern Taiwan's water shortage. Specifically, the government supported the activists' demands to improve southern Taiwan's water quality by cleaning the Kaoping River. Chen explains: In July 1994, after repeated calls from the public, the provincial government organized a team to help clean up the Kaoping River and budgeted NTS50 billion [US$1.4 billion] and eight years for the work. The next year, the budget was increased to NT$80 billion and the deadline was set back to 2021,33 Labor Exchange Band and MPA. Labor Exchange Band and MPA. Chen Shu-hua. Chen Shu-hua. 104 The 1994 protest's objectives express elements of the epistemic community's ideas, indicating that the movement's activities were redesigned to reflect the epistemic community's beliefs. For example, the protest's objective to persuade the government to clean the Kaoping River, restore forests and reduce high water-use industries reflects the epistemic community's support for comprehensive options assessments. Also, the protest's objective to convince the government to "give up their backward plans to build dams" reflects the epistemic community's opposition to the larger dam industry's belief that dams are engineering achievements that benefit society. Hakka Mountain Songs were a central feature of protests, highlighting the movement's use of grassroots environmentalism to mobilise Meinung residents. Describing the traditional importance of the songs, the Labor Exchange Band explains that as people "were working in the wilds, fields, gardens, and plantations, they would spontaneously start to sing, sometimes in male-female antiphonal singing, composing words based on what they saw, heard or felt."336 These songs were important vehicles of inspiration during protests. An account of a Taipei protest illustrates the use of music: Over the megaphone, [the organiser] said, "I know that you're not used to this type of city, because here you can't see the Meinung Mountains, nor the green fields. But if we don't have the spirit to go to the Legislative Yuan, then people will look down on us, and our anti-dam campaign will fail. So, let's sing a Mountain Song, okay?!" The megaphone was passed from one person to the next; mountain songs were sung one after another. A l l of a sudden, the alienating buildings and traffic became mountains and flowing rivers.337 Yellow Butterfly Festival The MPA has hosted the Yellow Butterfly Festival since 1995. The purpose of this annual event is to promote awareness of the ecological value of the Yellow Butterfly Valley. The proposed Meinung Dam will flood the valley. This is an environmental concern because the area has one of the world's highest densities of the yellow butterfly species. The Twin Creek Tropical Plant Nursery, an experimental plantation created in 1935 by the occupying Japanese administration, is also located in the valley. This nursery is unique, containing rare plants from the world's tropical regions. 3 3 6 Labor Exchange Band, "About Hakka Mountain Songs in Meinung," Labor Exchange Band Home Page 20 Mar. 1999, 12 Apr. 2002 <http://www.leband.net/english/mms.htm>. 3 3 7 Labor Exchange Band and MPA. 105 The festival's use of Hakka culture to attract participants and visitors highlights the movement's use of grassroots environmentalism. The event is organised as a traditional Hakka festival and incorporates music, local deities and other aspects of Hakka culture. The MPA explains, "Via folk song concerts, people theater performance [...] the local people as well as the visitors from other areas have experienced the wonder of peaceful interaction between human beings and the nature."338 The sixth annual Yellow Butterfly Festival, held on 13 August 2000, was a particularly successful anti-dam event. The festival's main activity was a ceremony in which participants wore traditional Hakka clothing and worshiped the local mountain and yellow butterfly gods. After the ceremony, MPA leaders voiced their commitment to protecting the Valley. A journalist explains that "leading participants announced the boundaries of the area that they propose should be incorporated into the 'Yellow Butterfly Valley Nature Preserve. "' 3 3 9 The sixth annual festival highlights two points about the grassroots movement's increased effectiveness in the post-epistemic community period. First, the presence of government officials340 at the festival confirms the activists achieved recognition as important stakeholders in southern Taiwan's water resource planning issues. Prior to epistemic community involvement, decision-makers displayed little interest in meeting with Meinung leaders or understanding grassroots concerns. The officials' willingness to travel to Meinung to enhance their understanding of local perspectives thus denotes the activists' greater inclusion in policy processes in the post-epistemic community period. Second, it highlights the capacity of Meinung activists to influence the opinions of decision-makers in the post-epistemic community period. As indicated in the section on protests, pre-epistemic community activities did not compel decision-makers to reconsider their long-term views of the dam. The festival, in contrast, changed the attitudes of several decision-makers. For instance, a report notes Tchen stated that "the festival was very moving, for she had not previously understood just how much the 3 3 8 MPA, "Chapter 4 Community Movements and Empowerment." 3 3 9 "Yellow Butterfly Festival Held in Meinung," Taiwan Headlines 14 Aug. 2000, 18 Feb. 2002 <http:// www.taiwanheadlines.gov.tw/20000814/20000814sl .htm>. 3 4 0 Noteworthy attendees included TchenYu-chiou (Chairwoman of the Council for Cultural Affairs), Luo Wen-chia (Vice Chairman of the Council for Cultural Affairs), Yu Cheng-hsien (Kaohsiung County Chief Magistrate) and the vice magistrate of Kaohsiung County. 106 people of southern Taiwan care about environmental issues."341 In addition, Yu said, "Building a dam would be a blow to the area's culture and environment, but the efforts of the Meinung People's Association to oppose the plan, including the Yellow Butterfly Festival, have brought success."342 The festival's activities promote several elements of the epistemic community's ideas. Most notably, they integrate the epistemic community's value for participatory approaches. The MPA's overview of the events its leaders organised for the 1995 festival highlights the use of participation: "They also launched participatory activities for people to restore the forest lands that have been damaged by going together to plant Indian chestnut tree seedlings and by participating in other recovery work for the Yellow Butterfly Valley."343 Activities also promote the epistemic community's belief that humans should establish interdependent rather than exploitative relationships with nature. This idea is reflected in an account of a festival ceremony: "They set up a ceremonial table in the riverbed of Twin Creek, and officiate wearing traditional Hakka vestments, express the most sincere regrets to the yellow butterfly and the other animals which reside in the valley and suffer from human activity."344 6.3 Chapter Summary Chapter 6 provides the analysis of this study. It establishes the experts involved in the movement as members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. It then assesses the influence of the members on the grassroots Meinung anti-dam movement. Key elements of the study established in this chapter are: • Two members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts are among the foreign experts supporting the Meinung movement: Philip Williams and G. Mathias Kondolf. • Williams became involved in the movement because he was approached by Meinung activists. Kondolf became involved as part of a Berkeley study on water resource management in Taiwan. 3 4 1 "Yellow Butterfly Festival Held in Meinung." 3 4 2 "Yellow Butterfly Festival Held in Meinung." 3 4 3 MPA, "Save Yellow Butterfly Valley for Man and Wildlife." 3 4 4 MPA, "Save Yellow Butterfly Valley for Man and Wildlife." 107 Williams and Kondolf leveraged their relationships with organisations to involve other actors, including other epistemic community members, in the movement. The movement's platform was reformed to reflect the epistemic community's shared set of normative and principled beliefs, causal beliefs, notions of validity and common policy enterprise. In addition to the epistemic community's ideas, the movement incorporated elements of traditional Meinung culture. These elements were useful in mobilising Meinung residents. 108 Chapter 7: Conclusions and Recommendations 7.1 Identifying the Outcomes This study provides evidence that strongly links the empowerment of the Meinung anti-dam movement to the involvement of members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. In particular, analysis shows that the grassroots actors' increased effectiveness at changing the attitudes of decision-makers and subsequently achieving policy changes towards the dam is closely tied to the influence of the epistemic community's ideas on the movement's platform and activities. This is a significant outcome because it demonstrates that epistemic communities can influence non-state actors in addition to their established role as networks that shape and coordinate the policy preferences of decision-makers. There are two other key outcomes of this study. First, it provides a framework to examine the process of epistemic community involvement in grassroots movements. This framework consists of four main phases. First, an epistemic community becomes involved in a grassroots movement because one or more of its members have strong ties to the movement. Second, these members leverage their relationships with organisations to involve other actors, including other epistemic community members. Third, the movement's platform is reformed to reflect the epistemic community's shared set of normative and principled beliefs, causal beliefs, notions of validity and common policy enterprise. Fourth, grassroots actors redesign the movement's activities to articulate their revised positions to decision-makers. Second, it establishes a methodology that can be used to identify the ideas, members and links between members of an epistemic community. There are limitations to the methods used in this study. However, it is a significant development because it is one of the few methodologies outlined in the study of epistemic communities. It also appears to be the first methodology to discuss the use of Internet sources in studying epistemic communities. Furthermore, the methodology is significant because it identified the ideas, members and links between members of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts with detail seldom seen in existing case studies. 109 7.2 Interpreting the Results Although the study achieved its objective of identifying a broader role for epistemic communities in the policy process, it does not determine if the results can be generalised beyond the case of the Meinung Dam. The Meinung movement may be unique for two main reasons. First, the results may be atypical because of the nature of the Meinung activists. Meinung activists have English skills, higher education, access to information technologies as well as financial resources to travel internationally. These traits are uncharacteristic of anti-dam activists" in most contexts. As such, the role of the epistemic community in the Meinung movement may be a consequence of the character and Hakka heritage of Meinung activists rather than a universal role of epistemic communities. Second, the results may be atypical because of the context of Taiwan. As established in Chapter 4, expert knowledge, especially western environmental discourse, has always been a central feature of Taiwanese environmental and social movements. In addition, both Taiwanese and foreign experts have a long history of involvement in Taiwanese environmentalism. The centrality of experts and expert ideas is uncharacteristic of movements in most contexts. As such, the role of the epistemic community in the Meinung movement may be a consequence of the nature of Taiwanese activism rather than a universal role of epistemic communities. 7.2;1 Relevance to Planning This research is relevant to planning because the empowerment of locally-based actors in decision-making is an important planning principle. For example, Nick Wates, et al. stress that it is important to "[fjnvolve local people in surveying their own situation, running their own programmes and managing local assets."345 Moreover, the focus of the study on an anti-dam movement is relevant because the inclusion of locally-based actors in planning processes is particularly important in water resource management. By illustration, Nancy Johnson et al. argue, "Many watershed development projects around 3 4 5 Nick Wates, site ed., The Community Development Website Aug. 2002, 5 Apr. 2003. <http://www. communityplanning.net/principles.htm>. The website notes that the website content is largely taken from: Nick Wates, ed., The Community Planning Handbook: How People Can Shape Their Cities. Towns and Villages in any Part of the World (London, UK: Earthscan, 1990). 110 the world have performed poorly because they failed to take into account the needs, constraints, and practices of local people."346 The research is also relevant because it contributes to conceptualisations of the role of experts in planning. It particularly relates to two topics. First, the research challenges the expert-client divide portrayed in much of planning literature. This perspective depicts the relationship between planning professionals and locally-based actors as detached and sometimes hostile. Summarising John Friedmann's work, Leoni Sandercock provides an overview of this perspective: [...] he talked of the growing polarity between experts and actors (or planners and people), with experts confident in their science-based professional knowledge. Actors, on the other hand, possess a great deal of experiential knowledge which, however, is not acknowledged as having any validity in the planning process. Further, experts tend to formulate problems in a language that actors often don't understand, thereby widening the gap-347 This study offers the opposite perspective on the relationship between planning professionals and locally-based actors. In this case, the members of the epistemic community were able to relate expert ideas in a language that could be understood and applied by the Meinung activists. The case study also establishes that professional and experiential knowledge can coexist to the benefit of grassroots actors. Specifically, in this case the combination of the epistemic community's ideas and traditional Meinung culture enhanced the capacity of grassroots actors in policy processes. Second, the research supports conceptualisations of the external change agent approach within planning literature. This approach argues that outside actors, like NGOs and businesses, are often needed to initiate action at the local level. Friedmann explains, "External agents are needed as catalysts for change to channel ideas and resources to the community and to serve as intermediaries to the outside world."348 Although an anti-dam movement existed before Williams and Kondolf s involvement, the infusion of the epistemic community's ideas significantly redirected the movement. As such, this study demonstrates that epistemic communities can also act as external change agents. 3 4 6 Nancy Johnson, Helle Munk Ravnborg, Olaf Westermann, and Kirsten Probst, "User Participation in Watershed Management and Research," Water Policy 3 (2001): 507. 3 4 7 Leonie Sandercock, Towards Cosmopolis: Planning for Multicultural Cities (Chichester, England; New York: John Wiley, 1998) 63. 3 4 8 John Friedmann, Empowerment: The Politics of Alternative Development (Cambridge, M A : Blackwell, 1992) 158. I l l 7.3 Recommendations to Generalise the Results Further research is needed to generalise this study's conceptualisation of the roles and processes of epistemic community involvement in grassroots movements. Future research needs to address three issues in particular. First, studies must be developed to determine the extent to which the results are rooted in the cultural, socioeconomic and political context of the Meinung movement. As previously noted, the results may be a consequence of the activists' Hakka heritage and the nature of Taiwanese environmentalism rather than a generalisable relationship between epistemic communities and grassroots movements. To test the relevance of cultural, socioeconomic and political variables, future case studies must examine the influence of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts on grassroots anti-dam movements in a diversity of settings. Second, future research must determine the extent to which the size of the anti-dam movement influences the relationship between the epistemic community and the grassroots actors. The Meinung movement is small compared to protests against larger projects such as the Narmada and Three Gorges dams. As a result, it has not attracted the same magnitude of attention from transnational advocacy networks as larger movements. Future studies must determine whether the roles and influences of epistemic communities change in contexts with more external agents contributing to the grassroots movement. Third, future research must assess whether the roles and processes established in this study are unique to the relationship between grassroots anti-dam movements and the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts. To determine if the results can be .generalised, it is necessary to develop studies that examine the influences of other types of epistemic communities on various grassroots movements. It may also be valuable to develop studies to assess the influence of other epistemic communities on anti-dam movements as well as the influences of the epistemic community of sustainable water resources experts on movements not related to dams. 112 7.4 Recommendations for Research on Epistemic Communities Future research is needed to resolve several issues in the study of epistemic communities. This study identifies four potential topics. First, it is imperative that researchers update the methodologies used to study epistemic communities. This includes redesigning methodologies to reflect advances in Internet technology. Second, future research must reconcile contradictions in the epistemic community literature. In particular, a priority should be to remedy contradictions concerning the types of individuals that may be included within an epistemic community. For example, while Haas and Adler argue that epistemic communities consist of a small number of respected experts in a specific discipline, Drake and Nicolaidis argue that epistemic communities encompass a large number of actors including experts, lawyers, industry specialists and journalists. Third, the study's identification of Hou as an emerging member of the epistemic community of sustainable water resource experts suggests that research should evaluate issues associated with the consistency of an epistemic community's membership. It would be beneficial to evaluate how membership changes impact an epistemic community's ideas. Existing research recognises that a community's values and methodologies evolve over time. However, these studies have not evaluated links between changes to an epistemic community's ideas and the addition of new members/retirement of established experts. Related to the study's topic, it would also be valuable to evaluate whether the types of actors influenced by an epistemic community change as a result of transformations in the epistemic community's membership. Fourth, future research could evaluate whether epistemic communities should pursue interaction with grassroots actors as an alterative way to ensure their ideas are represented in policy. Existing studies indicate that decision-makers do not always heed the expert advice of epistemic communities. For example, Kiernan observes, "Policy-making is a political process which does not necessarily synthesize the best advice into a legislative solution [...] the ear of the policy maker can suffer from selective deafness, depending on the expert it is listening to."349 By simultaneously exerting bottom-up and Kiernan 386. 113 top-down influences on the policy process, epistemic communities should significantly increase their capacity to influence policy-making. 7.5 Chapter Summary Chapter 7 provides conclusions and recommendations. It identifies and interprets the study's main results and provides suggestions for future research. 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Personal Information • What is your academic background? • How did you get involved in environmental issues? • Are you involved in other social or environmental movements? • How did you learn about the Meinung anti-dam movement? • How did you become involved in the Meinung anti-dam movement? • What was your role in the anti-dam movement? • What is your continued role in the movement now that the dam project has been suspended? • What was your contact with academics, both foreign and domestic? Information on the Meinung anti-dam Movement • How did the Meinung anti-dam movement begin? • What were the principal anti-dam activities? • Now that the proposed dam has been suspended, what has happened to the anti-dam movement? Role of Academics in the Movement • Among the academics listed on the MPA's website, which individuals contributed the most to the movement? • With which other foreign individuals and organisations do you communicate? • How was the interest of academics, both Taiwanese and international, attracted? • How was the Meinung anti-dam movement promoted abroad? • How was the support of academics solicited? • How did you/your organisation decide with which individuals/organisations to work? • What did the academics contribute to the movement? • What is you/your organisation's primary means of communication with these foreign individuals? • What was the role of local academics in your organisation? • What was the role of the academics in influencing the government's decision to suspend the project? Would the project have been suspended without their involvement? • What are the long-term implications of the relationships with foreign individuals/ organisations established to protest the Meinung Dam? • Are there any criticisms of the involvement of foreign academics? 138 Grassroots versus Mainstream Environmental Thinking • Are there environrnental values unique to the region? • Is Hakka culture associated with any particular environmental values? • What was the influence of the ideas of foreign academics on the locally based anti-dam movement? • Is there a conflict between local values and those promoted by foreign academics? • People explain that Philip Williams brought knowledge of correct theories/policies of water resource management. What does that mean? 139 Appendix B Approaches to the Study of Policy Change \pproach Le\ el of analysis and area of study Factors that influence policy change Mechanisms and effects of change Primary actors Epistemic Transnational; Knowledge; causal Diffusion of Epistemic communities state administrators and principled information and communities; approach and international beliefs. learning; shifts in individual states. institutions. the patterns of decision making. Neorealist International; Distribution of Technological States. approaches states in political. capabilities: change and war; and economic distribution of shifts in the systems. costs and benefits available power from actions. resources of states and in the nature of the game. Dependency International; Comparative Changes in States in the core, theory-based global system. advantage of states production, shifts periphery, and approaches in the global ' in the location of semi-periphery; division of labor; states in the global multinational control over division of labor. corporations. economic resources. Poststructuralist International; Usage and Discourse; the Unclear. approaches discourse and meanings of opening of new language. words. political spaces and opportunities. Source: Peter M. Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination," International Organization 46 (1992): 6. 140 Appendix C The World Commission on Dams: A Brief Chronology of Events June 1994 September 1996 March 1997 April 1997 April 1997 August 1997 September 1997 November 1997 January 1998 April 1998 May 1998 May 1998 September 1998 September 1998 March 1999 April 2000 November 2000 Anti-dam organisations sign the Manibeli Declaration, calling for a moratorium on World Bank funding of large dams World Bank's Operations Evaluation Department (OED) Phase I review, The WorldBank's Experience With Large Dams: A Preliminary Review of Impacts, released First International Meeting of People Affected by Dams, Curitiba Declaration signed International Rivers Network press release critiquing the OED review Gland, Switzerland meeting of World Bank, IUCN, and dam-related stakeholders Interim Working Group (IWG) meeting, Stockholm, Sweden Professor Kader Asmal chosen as WCD Chairperson WCD launch delayed "Expanded IWG" meeting in Cape Town, South Africa Achim Steiner chosen as WCD Secretary-General WCD established First meeting of the WCD in Washington, D.C. Jan Veltrop replaces Wolfgang Pircher as Commission's ICOLD representative India consultation cancelled First Forum meeting in Prague, Czech Republic Second Forum meeting in Cape Town, South Africa Release of Dams and Development: A New Framework for Decision-Making 141 February 2001 Third Forum meeting in Cape Town, South Africa July 2001 WCD Secretariat officially closed, Dams and Development Unit established Source: Navroz K. Dubash, et al., A Watershed Analysis in Global Governance? An Independent Assessment of the World Commission on Dams (USA: World Resources Institute, Lokayan, and Lawyers' Environmental Action Team, 2001) 129, 19 June 2002 <http://pdf.wri.org/wcd_full.pdf>. 142 Appendix D Profile of WCD Commissioners Name ,.' Area of Education Career Highlights -Main Publication Topics Kader Asmal Law • Minister of Education, South Africa • former Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry, South Africa • legal and political aspects of apartheid • labour law • decolonisation Lakshmi Chand Jain History and Philosophy • Industrial Development Services, India; served on the Central Planning Commission and Planning Boards of several Indian states • Indian grassroots culture Donald. J. Blackmore Civil Engineering • Chief Executive, Murray-Darling Basin Commission (Australia) • river basin development Joji Carino • activist, Tebtebba Foundation (Philippines/UK) • Executive Secretary, International Alliance of Indigenous-Tribal Peoples of the Tropical Forest • indigenous peoples' rights Jose Goldemberg Physical Sciences • Professor, University of Sao Paulo • former Secretary of Science and Technology, Brazil • nuclear physics • environment and energy Judy Henderson Paediatrics • former chair, Oxfam International (Australia) • sustainable business Goran Lindahl Electrical Engineering • former President and CEO, ABB Ltd. (Switzerland) • member, Advisory Board for the Alliance for Global Sustainability • new roles for global business Deborah Moore Energy and Resources • former senior scientist, US Environmental Defense Fund • environmental issues Medha Patkar Social Work • founder, Narmada Bachao Andolan (Struggle to Save the Narmada River), India Thayer Scudder Anthropology • Professor (Anthropology), California Institute of Technology • river basin development • forced relocation • refugee reintegration Jan Veltrop Civil Engineering . Past President, ICOLD • engineer (retired), Harza Engineering Company (USA) • civil engineering Achim Steiner Economics and Regional Planning • advisor (rural development, economic planning and environmental policy issues) to governments and NGOs in India, Pakistan, Germany, Zimbabwe/ Southern Africa, USA, and Vietnam • Senior Policy Advisor, IUCN • Chief Technical Advisor, Mekong River Commission/GTZ 143 Appendix E Profiles of the Epistemic Community Members This appendix summarises each member's biographical information. The information is organised according to the following headings: education, current activities, professional experiences, presentations, dam-related experiences, honours, remarks and selected publications. Information for each heading is not identified for all members. Note on Headings: Each member's professional experiences are divided into general experiences and dam-related experiences. Many activities listed under "Professional Experiences" pertain to water resource issues. Although undeterminable from available information, some of these experiences may relate to dams. Items listed under "Presentations" include the member's conference presentations, lectures, radio appearances, etc. that focus on sustainable approaches to water resource use and/or dams. Similarly, works listed under "Selected Publications" focus on sustainable approaches to water resource use and/or dams and embody the epistemic community's ideas identified in Chapter 3. Items under "Remarks" are comments from secondary sources that portray the member's status as an expert and/or show his/her influence on policy and/or decision-makers. Donald J. Blackmore Education: • ScD (Civil Engineering), La Trobe University, 2000 Current Activities: • Chief Executive, Murray-Darling Basin Commission, Australia Professional Experiences: • Former Deputy Chief Executive, Murray-Darling Basin Commission, Australia • Former civil engineer, Rural Water Commission, Victoria, Australia • Former Deputy Chair, Land and Water Resources Research and Development Corporation, 1990-1999 • Fellow, Institute of Engineers Australia, 1995 • Fellow, Academy of Engineering and Technological Sciences, November 1998 • Deputy Chair and Chairman of Research Committee, CRC for Plant Based Solutions to Dryland Salinity • Member, International Advisory Panel for the Aral Sea 144 Presentations: • Keynote Address, Annual Conference, Water Industry Operators Association (WIOA), Wodonga, Australia, 8 September 1999 • Lecture, "Managing for Sustainability: Water and the Murray-Darling Basin," Sustainable Practice, Sustainable Future Water: The Ultimate Resource, Seminar of the Earthwatch Institute in Australia, Cape Schanck, Australia., 30 June 2000 • Address, 47th Annual Australian National Committee on Irrigation and Drainage (ANCID), Toowoomba, Australia, 10-13 September 2000 • Lecture, Water, Salinity and the Politics of Mutual Obligation, Alfred Deakin Lectures, Melbourne, Australia, 19 May 2001 • Keynote Speaker, "Hydrologic Connectivity," Third Australian Annual Stream Management Conference, Brisbane, Australia, 27-29 August 2001 • Keynote Speaker, 2nd International Symposium on Landscape Futures, University of New England, Armidale, Australia, 4-6 December 2001 • Case study presenter, Allocating and Managing Water for a Sustainable Future: Lessons from Around the World, Natural Resources Law Centre 23rd Summer Conference, Boulder, CO, 11-14 June 2002 • Keynote Speaker, Annual Conference, Irrigation 2003, Irrigation Association of Australia, Dubbo, Australia, 7-8 May 2003 Dam-related Experiences: • WCD Commissioner • Workshop Leader, Asian Development Bank Workshop: Dams and Development, Manila, Philippines, 19-20 February 2001 Remarks: • State of Victoria, Irrigation Farm Dams, 3 May 2003 <http://www.nre.vic.gov.au/ 4A25676D0024CB20/BCView/F3E141B20B9A9773CA256BB20013A69D?Opendo cument>. The changes to the Water Act followed a review undertaken by the Victorian Farm Dams (Irrigation) Review Committee chaired by Mr Don Blackmore, chief executive of the Murray Darling Basin Commission. • Murray-Darling Basin Commission, "Conflict Over Water Promotes Cooperation," Murray- Darling Basin Commission Home Page, 3 May 2003 <http://mdbc.rucc.net. au/mdbc/news_roonVcurrentissues/item_view.cfm?ItemNo=6>. The idea that conflict over water promotes cooperation not war is a central them of a seminar 'Dams: the Dilemma' by Mr Don Blackmore, Chief Executive Murray-Darling Basin Commission, to an audience at Parliament House on Tuesday August 15. Selected Publications: Blackmore, D.J. "Murray-Darling Basin Commission: A Case Study in Integrated Catchment Management." Water Science and Technology 32.5-6 (1995): 15-25. 145 W i l l i a m Fisher Education: • BA (Philosophy and History), Bucknell University, 1973 • M A (Economic and Political Development), Columbia University, 1979 • M A (Anthropology), Columbia University, 1982 • PhD (Anthropology), Columbia University, 1987 Current Activities: • Director and Associate Professor, Department of International Development, Community Planning, and Environment (IDCE), Clark University, M A • Research interests: social and environmental impact of large dams; forced displacement; transnational advocacy; competition over natural resources; non-governmental organisations; and sustainable development and social justice • Collaborative research with graduate students Ryan Russell and Lisa Meierotto on the Talo Dam Project proposed for the Bani River, Mali Professional Experiences: • Former Assistant Director, Southern Asian Institute, Columbia University • Former Director, Economic and Political Development Program, School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University • Former Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, 1992-2000 • Former Director, Graduate Studies in Anthropology, Harvard University • Former Professor, Princeton University • Dillon Fellow, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs • Consultant to CARE, USAID, UNDP and the American Foundation for AIDS Research Presentations: • Moderated and introduced case study on India's Narmada Dam, CSWR Culminating Conference, Religion, Ethics, and the Environment: An Interdisciplinary Dialogue, Harvard University Center for the Study of World Religions, Boston, MA, 17-20 September 1998 • Lecture, "Leading Horses to Water: New Paradigms for Decision Making and Multistakeholder Negotiations," Annual Meeting, Geological Studies Association, Boston, MA, 5-8 November 2001 Dam-related Experiences: • Attendee, Stakeholder Meeting, USA Case Study: Grand Coulee Dam & Columbia River Basin, WCD, Spokane, WA, 20 May 1999 • Participant, Final WCD Forum: Report, Responses, Discussions and Outcomes, Third WCD Forum Meeting: The Spier Village, Cape Town, South Africa, 25-27 February 2001 • Participant, UNEP DDP Third World Water Forum, Kyoto, Japan, 20 March 2003 • Advisor to the Government of Mali on the Talo Dam Project River 146 Selected Publications: Fisher, William F. "Development and Resistance in the Narmada Valley." Ed. William F. Fisher. Toward Sustainable Development: Struggling Over India's Narmada River. New York: Sharpe, 1995. 3-46. . "Diverting Water: Revisiting the Sardar Sarovar Project." International Journal of Water Resources Development 17 (2001): 303-314. . "Going Under: Indigenous Peoples and the Struggle against Large Dams." Cultural Survival Quarterly 23 (1999): 29-32. . "Sacred Rivers, Sacred Dams: Visions of Social Justice and Sustainable Development along the Narmada." Hinduism and Ecology: The Intersection of Earth, Sky, and Water. Ed. Chrisopher Chappie, and Arvind Sharma. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2000. 401-421. William Jobin Education: • SM, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1959 • ScD, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1961 Current Activities: • Director, Blue Nile Associates Dam-related Experiences: • Co-chair, Organising Committee, Workshop on Scientific Data for Decision-making toward Sustainable Development: Senegal River Basin Case Study, Dakar, Senegal, 11-15 March 2002 • Expert, World Bank International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts for the Bujagali Hydro Project • Working paper author, WCD Selected Publications: Jobin, William R. Dams and Disease: Ecological Design and Health Impacts of Large Dams, Canals, and Irrigation Systems. London, UK: Spon; New York: Routledge, 1999. . Sustainable Management for Dams and Waters. Boca Raton, FL: Lewis, 1998. Talbot, Lee M., Jason Clay, and William Jobin. Uganda Nile Independent Power Project: First Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Richmond, UK: AES Electric Ltd.; Kampala, Uganda: Nile Independent Power Ltd., 25 Feb. 1999. 25 June 2003 <http://www.bujagali.com/docs/pdt7poel.pdf>. 147 , and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Second Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Arlington, VA: AES Corp.; Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 22 Aug. 1998. 25 June 2003 <http://www.bujagali.com/docs/pdf/ poe2.pdf>. , and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Third Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Arlington, VA: AES Corp.; Richmond, UK: AES Electricity Ltd; Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 21 Dec. 1998. 25 June 2003 <http:// www.bujagali.com/docs/pdf/poe3.pdf>. , and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Fourth Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Arlington, VA: AES Corp.; Richmond,. UK: AES Electric Ltd; Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 26 Feb. 1999. 25 June 2003 <http:// www.bujagali.com/docs/pdf/poe4.pdf>. , and -—•—. Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Fifth Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Arlington, VA: AES Corp.; Richmond, UK: AES Electric Ltd; Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 26 Feb. 1999. 25 June 2003 <http:// www .buj agali. com/docs/pdf/poe4 .pdf>. , and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Sixth Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Arlington, VA: AES Corp.; Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 9 Feb. 2000. 25 June 2003 <http://www.bujagali.com/docs/pdf/poe6.pdf>. , and ——. Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Seventh Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 28 Mar. 2001. 25 June 2003 <http://www.bujagali.com/technical_resources/panel_of_experts/poe7. pdf>. —, and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Eighth Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 5 June 2001. 25 June 2003 <ht^://www.bujagali.com/technical_resources/panel_of_experts/poe8.pdf>. 148 Daniel P. Loucks E d u c a t i o n : • BS, Pennsylvania State University, 1954 • MF, Yale University, 1955 • PhD, Cornell University, 1965 C u r r e n t A c t i v i t i e s : • Professor, School of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Cornell University • Research interests: > "application of systems analysis, economic theory, ecology and environmental engineering to problems in regional development and environmental quality management including air, land, and water resource ' systems"350 > "focuses on the development and application of various interactive optimization and simulation models and decision support systems that can integrate geomorphic, hydrologic, ecologic, economic and social processes taking place in river basins or regions."351 P r o f e s s i o n a l E x p e r i e n c e s : • Commissioned in the US Navy, 1955; retired as Captain in the Naval Reserve, 1992 • Research Fellow, Harvard University, 1968 • Consultant, private and government agencies and various organisations of the UN, World Bank and NATO addressing regional water resources development planning in Asia, Australia, Eastern and Western Europe, the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America, since 1969 • Economist, Development Research Center, World Bank, 1972-1973 • Chair, School of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Cornell University, 1974-1980 • Consultant, US Environmental Protection Agency, participating in the US-USSR exchange program on environmental protection, 1975-1978 • Visiting Professor, water resources-environmental systems engineering, International Institute for Hydraulic and Environmental Engineering, Delft, The Netherlands, since 1976 • Visiting Professor: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1977-1978; University of Colorado, Boulder, 1992; University of Adelaide, South Australia, 1992; Aachen University of Technology, Germany, 1993 and 1995; Technical University of Delft, The Netherlands, 1995; and University of Texas, Austin, 2000 3 5 0 School of Civil and Environmental Engineering (CEE), Cornell University, "Faculty: Daniel P. Loucks, NAE: Biography," CEE, Cornell University Home Page, 25 June 2003 <http://www.cee.cornell.edu/ faculty/info.cfm?abbrev=faculty&shorttitle=bio&netid=DPL3>. 3 5 1 CEE, Cornell University, "Faculty: Daniel P. Loucks, NAE: Selected Research," CEE. Cornell University Home Page. 25 June 2003 <http://www.cee.cornell.edu/faculty/info.cfm?abbrev=faculty& shorttitle=research&netid=DPL3>. 149 • Member, International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) liaison committee of the National Academy of Sciences and of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1977-1990 • Member, advisory committee, IIASA, Laxenburg, Austria • Associate Dean, Research and Graduate Studies, College of Engineering, Cornell University, 1980-1981 . Research Scholar, IIASA, 1981-1982 • Elected to the National Academy of Engineering, 1989 • Appointed by the Secretary of the Army to US Army Corps of Engineers Environmental Advisory Board, 1994 > Vice Chair and Chair, 1995 to 1998 > Commander's Award for Public Service, 1998 • Associate Editor and member of editorial boards, various US and European professional journals • Chair, various committees in professional societies in civil engineering, geophysical science and operations research • Member, five honourary societies, including Sigma X i and Phi Kappa Phi • Member, International Joint Commission Study Board pertaining to the Great Lakes • Member, International Water Resources Association • Member, NRC committee on the Restoration of the Greater Everglades Ecosystem • Member, various committees, National Research Council of the National Academy of Sciences Dam-related Experiences: • Moderated Discussion Panellist, "Economics of Large Scale Water Projects," NATO Advanced Research Workshop: New Paradigms in River and Estuarine Management, ID, 4-6 April 2001 Honours: • Huber Research Prize, 1970 • Fulbright-Hayes Fellowship to lecture in Yugoslavia, 1975 • Navy's Commendation Medal, 1981 • American Society of Civil Engineers > elected to Fellow in the Society, 1983 > Julian Hinds Award, 1986 > elected honourary member, 1998 • EDUCOM Award for software development, 1991 • Distinguished Lecture Awards, National Research Council of Taiwan, 1990 and 1999 • Senior US Scientist Research Award, German Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, 1992 • Warren A. Hall Medal, Universities Council on Water Resources, 2000 Selected Publications: Loucks, Daniel P. "Quantifying Trends in System Sustainability." Hydrological Sciences Journal 42 (1997): 513-530. 150 . "Sustainability Implications for Water-Resources Planning and Management." Natural Resources Forum 18 (1994): 263-274. . "Sustainable Water Resources Management." Water International 25 (2000): 3-10. . "Water Resource Systems Modelling: Its Role in Planning." Our Fragile World: Challenges and Opportunities for Sustainable Development, Encyclopaedia of Life Support Systems. Eolss, 2001. 1349-1360. , chair, and John S. Gladwell, ed. Sustainability Criteria for Water Resource Systems. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1999. Patrick McCully Education: • BA (Archaeology and Anthropology), University of Nottingham Current Activities: • Campaigns Director, International Rivers Network (IRN) Professional Experiences: • Assistant Editor and Co-editor, The Ecologist, 1989-1992 • Editorial Advisor, International Journal on Water • Board Member, EcoEquity • Contributing writer, Multinational Monitor • Associate, International Forum on Globalization • Contributor/commentator/interviewee, UNED Stakeholder Forum for Our Common Future Dam-related Experiences: • Invited participant, IUCN/World Bank Workshop on Large Dams, Gland, Switzerland, 11-12 April 1997 • Signatory, Declaration in Support of the Struggle for the Promised Suspension of Construction on the Maheshwar Dam, Madhya Pradesh, India, 11 May 1998 • Signatory, Opposition to Meinung Dam from Overseas, 16 April 1999 • Participant and respondent to the final report, Final WCD Forum: Report, Responses, Discussions and Outcomes, Third WCD Forum Meeting: The Spier Village, Cape Town, South Africa, 25-27 February 2001 • Contributor, WCD • Member, Steering Committee, UNEP DDP Selected Publications: Goldsmith, Edward, Nicholas Hildyard, Patrick McCully, and Peter Bunyard. Imperiled Planet: Restoring Our Endangered Ecosystems. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 1990. 151 McCully, Patrick. Silenced Rivers: The Ecology and Politics of Large Dams. Rev. ed. London, UK: Zed, 2001. — — . "Rotten Dams." Letter. New Scientist 166 (2000): 53. Rosenberg, D.M., P. McCully, and C M . Pringle. "Global-scale Environmental Effects of Hydrological Alterations: Introduction." Editorial. Bioscience 50 (2000): 746-751. Deborah Moore Education: • BA (Physics), Reed College • MS (Energy and Resources), UC Berkeley Current Activities: • Independent consultant, Public Interest Consulting Services • Interests: human rights and the environment Professional Experiences: • Former senior scientist, Environmental Defense > Co-Director, International Program • Participant, Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, San Jose, Costa Rica, 10-18 May 1999 • Board of Directors, Conservation Strategy Fund Presentations: • Luncheon Address, "Water Wars or a Water Peace: Creating our Future Reflections on Integrating Sustainability and Equity from My Journeys Along Rivers and Across Four Continents," Allocating and Managing Water for a Sustainable Future: Lessons from Around the World, Natural Resources Law Centre 23rd Summer Conference, Boulder, CO, 11-14 June 2002 Dam-related Experiences: • WCD Commissioner • Featured Guest, National Radio Project #08-01: Rethinking Large Dams, 21 February 2001 Remarks: . WCD, "Outline of the WCD: The WCD Commissioners," WCD Home Page 1998, 3 May 2003 <http://www.dams.org/coirnriissiori/commissioners.htm>. She has worked to reform water and economic policies in the United States and internationally. In the western U.S., Moore has worked with Native American communities and the U.S. Congress to design and promote innovative water rights and river restoration arrangements. Internationally, she has provided substantive analysis on 152 the economic, environmental, and social aspects of several large-scale river development projects in Asia and Latin America. • Conservation Strategy Fund, "Board of Directors," Conservation Strategy Fund Home Page 2002, 3 May 2003 <http://www.conservation-strategy.org/AboutCSF/about_ board.htm>. As Co-Director of Environmental Defense's International Program, she worked to safeguard the world's unique ecological treasures - and the rights and cultural diversity of communities that depend on these resources - through re-directing investments towards sustainability and reforming institutions like the World Bank. Deborah has helped to win protection for the Pantanal wetlands in South America, to defeat plans for misguided water development projects in South Asia, and to promote investments in sustainable, community-based water programs globally. In the western U.S., she worked with Native American communities to win Congressional approval for three separate Indian water rights settlements that set important precedents for river protection and recognition of Indian rights. Thayer Scudder Education: • AB (General Studies: Anthropology and Biology), Harvard College, 1952 • Student, African Studies and Comparative Religion, Yale University, 1953-1954 • PhD (Anthropology), Harvard University, 1960 Current Activities: • Professor Emeritus of Anthropology, Division of the Humanities and Social Sciences, California Institute of Technology • Research interests: anthropology; human ecology; regional planning; dislocated peoples; and protecting local populations against development abuses Professional Experiences: • Postdoctorate (African Studies, Anthropology and Ecology), London School of Economics • Rhodes-Livingston Institute for Social Research in Northern Rhodesia, 1956-1957 and 1962-1963 • American University in Cairo, 1961-1962 • Member, Committee to Assess the US Army Corps of Engineers' Methods of Analysis and Peer Review for Water Resources Project Planning: Adaptive Management for Resources Stewardship • IUCN Montreal Workshop, "Water and Population Dynamics: Local Approaches to a Global Challenge," 18-19 October 1996 > Panel Member, Water and Population: What are the Connections? > Discussant, International River Basins: Balancing Rising Demand and Finite Supply • Co-author, The IUCN Review of the Southern Okavango Integrated Water Development 153 • Member, Hidrovia Paraguay-Parana Navigation Project Panel of Experts Dam-related Experiences: • Invited participant, IUCN/World Bank Workshop on Large Dams, Gland, Switzerland, 11-12 April 1997 • WCD Commissioner • Moderated Discussion Panellist, "Social Issues from the Perspective of the World Commission on Dams," NATO Advanced Research Workshop: New Paradigms in River and Estuarine Management, ID, 4-6 April 2001 • Expert, World Bank panel of experts for the Nam Theun 2 Hydropower Project in Laos Honours: • Solon T. Kimball Award for Public and Applied Anthropology, 1984 • Edward J. Lehman Award, 1991 > for "forwarding the interests of anthropology by demonstrating the discipline's relevance for government, business and industry"352 • Lucy Mair Medal for Applied Anthropology, 1998 > "in recognition of his application of anthropology to problems of sustainable economic development, especially those of resettlement after the construction of dams"353 • Bronislaw Malinowski Award, 1999 Remarks: • Society for Applied Anthropology (SFAA), "1999 Bronislaw Malinowski Award Recipient Thayer Scudder," SFAA Home Page, 25 Aug. 2002 <http://www.sfaa.net/ malinowski/scudder .html>. Dr. Thayer Scudder's career stands as an example of how both theory and practice in anthropology is productive. In his academic and practical work, Dr. Scudder has illustrated the consequences of the resettlement of people in dam construction. And more importantly he has influenced national governments in making positive changes in policy for impacted people around the world. . Selected Publications: Lerer, L.B., and T. Scudder. "Health Impacts of Large Dams." Environmental Impact Assessment Review 19 (1999): 113-123. Scudder, Thayer. "The World Commission on Dams and the Need for a New Development Paradigm." International Journal of Water Resources Development 17(2001): 329-341. 3 5 2 Society for Applied Anthropology (SFAA), "1999 Bronislaw Malinowski Award Recipient Thayer Scudder," SFAA Home Page. 25 Aug. 2002 <http://www.sfaa.net/malinowski/scudder.html>. 3 5 3 Royal Anthropological Institute (RAI), "Honours," RAI Home Page. 25 June 2003 <http://www. therai.org.uk/honours/honours.html>. 154 •, Delia E. McMillan, and Thomas Painter. Settlement and Development in the River Blindness Control Zone. Washington, DC: World Bank, 1992. , Lee M. Talbot, and T.C. Whitmore. Environmental and Social Issues, Nam Theun 2 Hydro Project: Third Report. Vientiane, Laos: Govt, of the Lao Peoples Democratic Republic, 1998. Lee Talbot Education: • Deep Springs College, CA, 1948-1949 • AA, Honours (Liberal Arts), UC Berkeley, 1951 • AB (Zoology: Wildlife Conservation), UC Berkeley, 1953 • MA (Zoology: Vertebrate Ecology), UC Berkeley, 1963 • PhD (Interdisciplinary in Geography and Ecology), UC Berkeley, 1963 Current Activities: • President, Lee Talbot Associates International, 1983-present • Visiting Professor of Environmental Science, International Affairs and Public Policy, Department of Environmental Science and Policy, George Mason University, VA, 1994-present • Senior Environmental Advisor and Consultant, to the World Bank, UN Agencies and Governments Professional Experiences: • Biologist, Arctic Research Laboratory, Point Barrow, AK, 1951 • US Marine Corps, 1953-1954 • Staff Ecologist, IUCN, Brussels, Belgium, 1954-1956 • Director and Principal Research Officer, East African Ecological Research Project, US National Academy of Sciences, Governments of Kenya and Tanganyika, 1959-1963 •• Advisor on Wildlife and Ecology, UN Special Fund, Africa, 1963-1964 • Director, IUCN South East Asia Project, 1964-1965 • Associate in Ecology, US National Zoological Gardens, 1966-1970 • Resident Ecologist, Director of Office of Environmental Sciences and Smithsonian Field Representative for International Affairs in Ecology and Conservation, Smithsonian Institution, 1966-1970 • Assistant to the Chairman, Senior Scientist and Director of International Affairs, President's Council on Environmental Quality, Executive Office of the President, Washington, DC, 1970-1978 (for three US presidents) • Conservation Director and Special Scientific Advisor, World Wildlife Fund International, Switzerland, 1978-1980 • Senior Scientific Advisor on Conservation and Natural Resources, International Council of Scientific Unions, Paris, France, 1978-1983 • Director-General, IUCN, Switzerland, 1980-1983 155 • Fellow, Environment and Policy Institute, East-West Center, HI, 1983-1989 • Visiting Fellow, World Resources Institute, Washington, DC, 1984-1989 • Adjunct Professor, Union for Experimenting Colleges and Universities, 1985-1988 • Regent's Lecturer, Biology and Environmental Science, UC Santa Barbara, 1986 • Adjunct Professor of Biology, George Mason University, 1988-1990 • Affiliate Professor of Biology, George Mason University, 1993-1994 • Special Member of the Graduate Faculty, University of Maryland, 1999-2000 • Assembly Member, The Institute of Ecology • Consulting Editor, Environmental Awareness and various publishers including National Geographic Books and Time-Life Books • Fellow, American Association for Advancement of Science • Fellow, Royal Geographical Society • Fellow, Royal Society of Arts • Field Coordinator, Terrestrial Conservation Section, International Biological Programme • Life Member, American Society of Mammalogists • Life Member, The Wildlife Society • Member, Academy of Medicine of Washington, DC • Member, Advisory Board, US Senate-House Committee on the Environment • Member, American Institute of Biological Sciences • Member, approximately 20 Committees and Panels, US National Academy of Sciences - National Research Council • Member, Association of American Geographers • Member, Association for Tropical Biology • Member, Chairman or Coordinator of Committees, Programs and Groups, International Council of Scientific Unions • Member, Club of Rome - US • Member, Ecological Society of America • Member, editorial boards of journals including AgroEcosystems, Biological Conservation, Environmental Conservation and The Environmentalist • Member, International Association for Ecology • Member, International Society for Ecological Economics • Member, IUCN Commissions on Ecology, Education, National Parks and Species Survival • Member, Pacific Science Association • Member, Scientific Advisory Committee, International Whaling Commission • Member, Sigma X i , Scientific Honor Society • Member, Society for Biological Conservation • Member, Society for Range Management • Member, Task Force on Environmental Assistance to Developing Countries, Environment and Energy Study Institute (established by the US Congress) • Member, various Panels, Task Forces and Advisory Groups to the Director, US National Park Service • Member and Project Director, South East Asia Development Advisory Group, USAID • Member or Advisor, many non-governmental environmental organisations 156 • Organiser, international scientific and technical conferences on conservation and natural resources in Africa, America, Europe and Asia, on behalf of governments and organisations including World Bank, FAO, IBP, IUCN, UNDP and UNESCO • Organiser and/or Chairman, US government inter-agency task forces and committees on aspects of scientific research, scientific data and monitoring, environmental issues, conservation and natural resources • Science Advisory Council, State of the Parks Program, National Parks Conservation Association and National Trust for Historic Preservation • State Department Conference on Africa in the Year 2000 • White House Conference on Africa Presentations: • Lecture, "Overview of Social and Environmental Impacts," Symposium, Development and Safeguard Policies, Nam Theun 2 - Window to the Future, Laos, 3 July 2002 Dam-related Experiences: • Expert, World Bank International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts for the Bujagali Hydro Project • Expert, World Bank panel of experts for the Nam Theun 2 Hydropower Project in Laos Honours: • Taussig Fellowship in Geography, University of California, 1958 • National Academy of Sciences Foreign Field Research Program Award, 1959 • Union Wildlife Foundation Award, University of California, 1962 • Outstanding Publication Award (with Mrs. Talbot), The Wildlife Society, 1963 • Honorary Member, Zoological Society of Korea, 1966 • Fellow, New York Zoological Society, 1967 • Fellow, American Association for Advancement of Science, 1968 • CINE Golden Eagle Award (with NBC) for documentary film on East African Wildlife Conservation and Research, 1969 • Honorary Consultant, World Wildlife Fund International, 1973 • Albert Schweitzer Medal, 1975 • Honorary Fellow, Population Reference Bureau, 1975 • Distinguished Service Award, American Institute of Biological Sciences, 1979 • Officer, Order of the Lion, Republic of Senegal, 1981 • Research Fellowship, Environment and Policy Institute, East-West Center, 1983 • Regent's Lectureship Award, UC Santa Barbara, .1985 and 1986 • Member of the Corporation, New York Botanical Gardens, 1988 • Member of Honour, IUCN, 1988 • Prix Pierre Chauleur, French Academie des Sciences d'Otre-Mer, 1993 • University-Wide Teaching Excellence Award, Finalist, George Mason University, 1997 • Biographical Listings > American Men and Women of Science 157 • Physical and Biological Series Volume • Agricultural, Animal and Veterinary Services Volume > Marquis Who's Who Volumes: • Who's Who in America (since 1982) • Who's Who in Government (1st - 3rd Editions) • Who's Who in Science and Engineering (since 1992) • Who' s Who in the South and South-west (12th-16th Editions) • Who's Who in the World (since 1982) > Community Leaders of the World > Dictionary of International Biography > Leaders in American Science > National Leaders of American Conservation > Two Thousand Men of Achievement > Who's Who in Ecology > Who's Who in Technology Today > Who's Who in the United States > Who's Who in Western Europe Selected Publications: Dixon, John A., Lee M. Talbot, Guy J.-M. Le Moigne, and World Bank Agriculture and Rural Development Dept. Dams and the Environment: Considerations in World Bank Projects. Washington, DC: World Bank, 1989. Talbot, Lee M., Jason Clay, and William Jobin. Uganda Nile Independent Power Project: First Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Richmond, UK: AES Electric Ltd.; Kampala, Uganda: Nile Independent Power Ltd., 25 Feb. 1999. 25 June 2003 <http://www.bujagali.com/docs/pdf/ poel.pdf>. , , and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Second Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Arlington, VA: AES Corp.; Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd.; 22 Aug. 1998. 25 June 2003 <http://www.bujagali.com/docs/pdf/ poe2.pdf>. , , and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Third Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Arlington, VA: AES Corp.; Richmond, UK: AES Electricity Ltd; Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 21 Dec. 1998. 25 June 2003 <http:// www.buja£ali.com/docs/pdf/poe3.pdf>. , , and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Fourth Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Arlington, VA: AES Corp.; Richmond, UK: AES Electric Ltd; Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 26 Feb. 1999. 25 June 2003 <http.7/ www. buj agali. com/docs/pdf/poe4.pdf>. 158 , , and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Fifth Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Arlington, VA: AES Corp.; Richmond, UK: AES Electric Ltd; Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 26 Feb. 1999. 25 June 2003 <http:// www.bujagali.com/docs/pdf/poe4.pdf>. , , and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Sixth Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Arlington, VA: AES Corp.; Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 9 Feb. 2000. 25 June 2003 <http://www.bujagali.com/docs/pdf/poe6.pdf>. , , and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Seventh Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 28 Mar. 2001. 25 June 2003 <http://www.bujagali.com/technical_resources/panel_of_experts/poe7. pdf>. , , and . Uganda AES/Nile Power Limited Bujagali Hydro Electric Power Project: Eighth Report of the International Environmental and Social Panel of Experts. Kampala, Uganda: AES/Nile Power Ltd., 5 June 2001. 25 June 2003 <ht1p://www.bujagali.com/technical_resources/panel_of_experts/poe8.pdf>. Scudder, T., Lee M. Talbot, and T.C. Whitmore. Environmental and Social Issues, Nam Theun 2 Hydro Project: Third Report. Vientiane, Laos: Government of the Lao Peoples Democratic Republic, 1998. Remarks: • Emily Yaghmour, "Professor Spends Summer as Environmental Adviser in Asia," The Mason Gazette Sept. 1997, 3 May 2003 <http://www.gmu.edu/news/gazette/ 9709/asia summer.html>. Talbot has also been advising the Laotian government on the environmental effects of a proposed dam on the Nam Theun River. • Dept. of Environmental Science and Policy, George Mason Univ., "About Dr. Lee Talbot," Dept. of Environmental Science and Policy, George Mason Univ. Home Page, 3 May 2003 <http://mason.gmu.edu/~ltalbot/abouttalbot.html#top>. When not at G M U he is president of Lee Talbot Associates International, advisors on environment and development; and a Senior Environmental Consultant or Advisor to the World Bank, the Asian and Inter-American Development Banks, U.N. bodies, governments and universities. Formerly Director-General of the World Conservation Union (IUCN), he also held the position of environmental advisor to three U.S. Presidents, and was head of environmental sciences at the Smithsonian Institution [...]. He was cited as "an acknowledged leader in the shaping of national and international environmental policies and principles" when receiving the Distinguished Service Award of the American Institute of Biological Sciences. 159 Gilber t Whi te Education: • SB, University of Chicago • SM, University of Chicago • PhD, University of Chicago Current Activities: • Professor Emeritus, Department of Geography and the Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado • Research interests: water use and management; water development and environmental policy; and emerging global environmental problems • Current project: USNRC/Israel/Jordan/Palestine Committee on Sustainable Water Supplies for the Middle East Professional Experiences: • Geographer, Mississippi Valley Committee, National Resources Committee, and National Resources Planning Board, 1934-1940 • Bureau of the Budget, Executive Office of the President, 1940-1942 • President, Haverford College, 1946-1955 • Vice Chair, President's Water Resources Policy Commission, 1950 • Member, UNESCO Advisory Committee on Arid Zone Research, 1953-1956 • Professor of Geography, University of Chicago, 1956-1969 • Chair, UN Panel on Integrated River Development, 1957-1958 • President, Association of American Geographers, 1961-1962 • Consultant, Lower Mekong Coordinating Committee, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand and Vietnam, 1961 -1962 and 1970 • Visiting Professor, University of Oxford, 1962-1963 • Chair, American Friends Service Committee, 1963-1969 • Member, Special NSF Commission on Weather Modification, 1964-1965 • Chair, Bureau of Budget Task Force on Federal Flood Policy, 1965-1966 • Chair, Committee on Water, National Research Council, 1964-1968 • Chair, Steering Committee for High School Geography Project, 1964-1970 • Member, UNESCO Advisory Committee on Natural Resource Research, 1967-1971 • Member, Advisory Committee on Environmental Science, NSF, 1968-1971 • Scientific Advisor on Man-made Lakes to Administrator of UNDP, 1966-1971 • Chair, Commission on Man and Environment, International Geographical Union, 1969-1976 • Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment, International Council of Scientific Unions > Member since 1970 > President, 1976-1982 • Professor of Geography and Director, Institute of Behavioral Science, University of Colorado, 1970-1978 • Consultant, National Water Commission, 1971-1973 • Chair, Advisory Board, Ford Energy Policy Project, 1972-1974 160 • Chair, International Environmental Programs Committee, National Research Council, 1972-1976 • Chair, Environmental Studies Board, National Research Council, 1975-1977 • Chair, Commission on Natural Resources, National Research Council, 1977-1980 • Member, Technology Assessment Advisory Council, US Congress, 1973-1975 • Member, Earthquake Studies Advisory Panel, US Department of the Interior, 1973-1976 • Trustee, Resources for the Future, 1967-79 > Chair, 1974-1979 • Consultant, Water Quality Studies on Nile-Lake Nasser, 1975-1979 • Member, Joint Consultative Committee, Egyptian Academy of Scientific Research and Technology-US National Academy of Sciences, 1978-1986 • Member, Steering Committee on Environmental Consequences of Nuclear War, SCOPE, 1983-1988 • Executive Editor, Environment, 1983-1992 • Member, Advisory Group on Greenhouse Gases-WMO, UNEP and ICSU, 1986-1990 • Chair, State of Nevada Technical Review Committee on Socio-Economic Effects of Nuclear Waste Disposal, 1986-1993 • Member, Advisory Group on Water, UNEP, 1987-1993 > Chair, Aral Sea Basin, Diagnostic Panel, 1990-1993 • Member, Advisory Committee on Environment, International Council of Scientific Unions, 1989-1996 • Director, Natural Hazards Research Applications and Information Center, 1976-1984, 1992-1994 • Member, Committee on Technical Bases for Yucca Mountain Standards, National Research Council, 1993-1995 • Member, US National Committee for Man and Biosphere (MAB), 1989-1992; Ad hoc special commission on US MAB, 1994-1995 • Member, National Forum on Nonpoint Source Pollution, National Geographic Society and Conservation Fund, 1993-1995 • Member, Board on Natural Disasters, National Research Council, 1994-1997 • Chair, Advisory Panel on Reducing Earthquake Losses, Office of Technology Assessment, 1994 • Vice-Chair, Steering Committee, Human Dimensions Program, International Social Sciences Council, 1994-1995 • Chair, Committee on Sustainable Water Supplies for the Middle East, National Research Council, 1996-present • Member, Cornmittee on Flood Loss Data, Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA)/National Institute on Building Science, 1997-present • Member, Steering Committee for Heinz Center on Coastal Erosion, 1997-present • Gustavson Distinguished Professor Emeritus of Geography, 1980- present • Co-author, The IUCN Review of the Southern Okavango Integrated Water Development • Member, International Water Resources Association 161 Dam-related Experiences: • Member, Hoover Commission Task Force on Natural Resources, 1948 Honours: • Quantrell Award for Excellence in Undergraduate Teaching, University of Chicago, 1967 • Daly Medal, American Geographical Society, 1971 • American Water Resources Association > Eben Award, 1972 > Caulfield Award, 1989 • Thomas Jefferson Award, University of Colorado, 1973 • Distinguished Service Award, Association of American Geographers, 1974 and 1995 > Anderson Medal for Applied Geography, 1986 • Environmental Award, National Academy of Sciences, 1980 • Master Teacher Award, National Council for Geographic Education, 1985 • UN Sasakawa International Environment Prize, 1985 • National Wildlife Federation Conservation Award, 1986 • Tyler Prize for Environmental Achievement, 1987 • Distinguished Contribution Award, Society of Risk Analysis, 1987 • Laureat d'Honneur, International Geographical Union, 1988 • Outstanding Public Service Award, FEMA, 1994 • Hubbard Medal, National Geographic Society, 1994 • Volvo Environment Prize, 1995 • Hall Medal, Universities Council on Water Resources, 1995 • American Academy of Arts and Sciences • American Philosophical Society • Foreign Member, Soviet Academy of Sciences (replaced by Russian Academy of Sciences) • Honorary Corresponding Member, Royal Geographical Society of London • Honorary Member, Russian Geographical Society • National Academy of Sciences • University of Colorado Medal • University of Chicago Alumni Medal Remarks: • Jo Ann Howard, Flood Forum, The Madison Hotel, Washington, DC, 8 June 2000, 3 . May 2003 <http://www.fema.gov/nfip/jahsp8.htm>. It is my particular honor to recognize the presence at this conference of Dr. Gilbert White. He is one of the select few figures of the 20th Century whose careers will be understood by historians to have fundamentally reshaped - and renewed - life in the United States. If flood policy at the dawn of the last century was one of terrible choices, our approach at the dawn of this new millennium can be one of terrific choices. In his lecture last year, Gilbert White - who more than anyone else has lived the last century of water policy -called for moving our focus from loss prevention to the beneficial uses of the flood plain. By taking a holistic view of flood plain management - focusing not just on the reduction 162 of loss, but the renewal of land and the stewardship of resources - we can craft a policy whose payoffs are protection and possibilities alike. • "CU-Boulder Professor Gilbert White Wins National Medal of Science," News University of Colorado at Boulder 13 Nov. 2000, 3 May 2003 <http://www.colorado. edu/NewsServices/NewsReleases/2000/937.html>. As a graduate student in the late 1930s, White studied the Mississippi River Basin for the federal government and proposed what was then considered a radical idea. At the time, "People were very attracted by the notion that man could control nature to best serve his needs," he said. While other planners followed a flood-control policy based on the construction of dams, White questioned the impact of such projects and suggested alternatives. His doctoral dissertation has since been called the most influential ever written by an American geographer. "Floods are 'acts of God,' but flood losses are largely acts of man," he wrote in 1942. Today planners tend to look at the landscape the way White does, considering a broad range of alternatives to cope with floods including land-use planning, upstream watershed treatment, flood-proofing buildings, insurance, emergency evacuation, and dams and other structures. Selected Publications: White, Gilbert F. "Emerging Issues in Global Environmental Policy." Ambio 25 (1996): 58-60. . "Proposed World Water Council." Editorial. Environmental Conservation 22 (1995): 176. . Strategies of American Water Management. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1969. : . "The Environmental Effects of the High Dam at Aswan." Environment 30.7 (1988): 4-11; 34-39. . "The River as a System: A Geographer's View of Promising Approaches." Water International 22 (1997): 79-81. "Water Science and Technology - Some Lessons from the 20th Century." Environment 42 (2000): 30-38. 164 • does not adequately account for possible power generation reduction due to droughts; • uses an artificially high tariff for Nam Theun 2 power; • gives insufficient credence to continued downward pressure on electricity prices in Thailand; and • fails to consider the risk of reservoir sedimentation. Please note that this review reflects the opinions of Dr. White and not of International Rivers Network. We have commissioned this report and are forwarding this to you as part of our effort to improve the quality of information available to decision-makers on major river infrastructure projects around the world. I hope that you find this review useful. Please contact me if you have any queries on Dr. White's or IRN's work. Yours Sincerely Patrick McCully Campaigns Director cc James D. Wolfensohn, President, World Bank Jannik Lindbaek, Executive Vice President, IFC David McDowell, Director General, IUCN World Bank Executive Directors Scott Thomas, LBI, Inc. Source: Patrick McCully, Letter to Somphone Phanousith, 6 Aug. 1997, 25 Aug. 2002 <http://www.irn.org/programs/mekong/letternt970806.html>. 165 Appendix G Letter from Thayer Scudder to Abdelfattah Amor To: Abdelfattah Amor Special Rapporteur of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights From: Thayer Scudder Professor of Anthropology California Institute of Technology Date: January 31, 1998 I had hoped to be able to present this testimony to you in person, but in route back from Hong Kong last week, I caught the flu which has kept me from traveling to Black Mesa this weekend. I deeply regret that because I believe that the forced relocation of Navajo and Hopi people that followed from the passage in 1974 of Public Law 93-531 is a major violation of the people's human rights, including more specifically a violation of their religious rights. Indeed, this forced relocation of over 12,000 Native Americans is one of the worst cases of involuntary community resettlement that I have studied throughout the world over the past 40 years. While you are at Black Mesa you will be given up-to-date information on the current situation. My testimony is intended to provide background that I hope you will find useful. Mr. Amor, please excuse me for describing my background in the paragraphs that follow. They are intended to inform you that my conclusion about the serious human and religious rights violations in the Navajo-Hopi case is based on a unique world-wide familiarity with involuntary community resettlement. As a social scientist, my research specialty since 1956 has been involuntary community relocation, with special emphasis on resettlement in connection with large-scale dam construction. As a result of that research, I have frequently worked as a resettlement consultant in Africa, Asia and the Middle East for a number of UN agencies including UNDP, FAO, and WHO as well as for the World Bank family. Currently I am a World Bank Consultant for one of the first Bank projects to attempt the rehabilitation of communities previously relocated in connection with the dam construction (in this case Zambia), as well as a member of the Panel of International Environment and Resettlement Experts on World Bank-financed projects in China, Lao Peoples' Democratic Republic and Lesotho. Acknowledged as the Dean of community resettlement studies, over the years I have developed a theory on how a majority of rural people with strong ties to the land can be expected to respond to forced relocation. The research on which that theory is based led to World Bank's original 1980 Operational Manual Statement 2.33 on "Social Issues Associated with Involuntary Resettlement in Bank-Financed Projects." Briefly the theory 166 explains why such resettlement, for a majority of those involved, can be expected initially to lead to higher mortality and morbidity rates and psychological stress among individuals as well as to cultural disorganization. In 1974 I was asked by the Navajo Nation to inform the United States Congress through testimony before the Senate Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs of my opinion that the still-to-be-passed Public Law 93-531 could be expected to have equally serious impacts on a majority of those involved. Toward the end of my 1974 testimony I noted "that the compulsory relocation of entire communities is an incredibly complex process which no governments have handled satisfactory and that such governments tend to underestimate not just the complexities involved but also the number of people involved, and the capital costs by a factor of two or three...When we take into consideration the extreme human costs involved, it is clear why forced relocation should be required by informed policy makers only as a last resort. In the Navajo case, it is not too late to pursue a more humane alternative." I quote from the 1974 testimony in some detail to show that prior to passage of Public Law 93-531 the US Congress choose to ignore warnings from such informed scientists as myself. Actually even I underestimated the serious impacts that subsequent resettlement would have. Not only have the number of people removed increased from an original estimate of under 4,000 to over 12,000 with the financial cost estimates rising from approximately $50 million to well over $300 million, but the psychological stress has been unbearable for countless people (especially women). In addition the predictable resettler-host population tensions have adversely affected Navajo-Navajo, Navajo-Hopi, and Navajo-State of Arizona and State of New Mexico relationships. This tragedy arises through a history of errors compounded by the insensitivity of the United States Judicial System and the United States Congress to the issues involved. Since you will be familiarized with them, let me highlight just a few. Two are the 1962 and 1966 court decisions to freeze all development in the Joint Use Area and the Bennett Freeze Area, respectively, until the land dispute between the Hopi and Navajo was solved. Those were incredibly insensitive decisions which not only stopped provision of basic social services, but also construction of new housing and expansion and improvement of old housing in areas that are among the most poverty stricken not just in the United States but within the Navajo Reservation itself. So, for example, as children married they were forced to move out of those areas or move into already overcrowded housing. Another aspect of this tragedy was the extent to which outsiders made the land dispute into a strictly Navajo-Hopi dispute when it's origin was due far more to confused Federal Government involvement over an extended time period. The situation was made worse by the senior Democrat in the area (Udall) and Republican (Goldwater) advocating the Hopi Tribal Government position for personal reasons that had very little to do with the basic issues involved. But because of their similar views, the U.S. Congress gave those issues far less attention than they deserved. 167 Mr. Amor, please bear in mind that this forced relocation of over 12,000 people whose ties to their customary use areas (that is, their land) have very strong religious, political, economic and psychological ties may well be the largest forced removal of rural Americans since that of Japanese Americans during the Second World War. Not only has it adversely affected the human rights and living standards of the majority of people involved, but it has been largely implemented in a fashion that does not even meet the minimum guidelines that the World Bank and the OECD countries require for projects that they assist in other countries! First, World Bank and OECD Guidelines require that compulsory resettlement be minimized to the extent possible. Second, those guidelines require that resettlement projects must be development projects. Yet aside from the minority of Navajo resettlers moved to the New Lands over $300 million has been spent to date to make a majority of Navajo resettlers worse off along with an unknown number of Navajo hosts who must now share a smaller land base with a larger population. Mr. Amor, such a situation would never have arisen in the United States if the people involved had been Anglo-Americans. That alone, illustrates the extent to which the human rights of one of the poorest minority groups in the United States have been violated. Frankly, the situation as it has developed over the years appalls me for it is one of the worse resettlement efforts that I have observed during a research career of over 40 years. Certainly no further forced removal should be required which I sincerely hope will be the position that results from your investigation. Yours sincerely, Thayer Scudder Professor of Anthropology Source: Thayer Scudder, Letter to Abdelfattah Amor, 31 Jan. 1998, 25 Aug. 2002 <http://www.aics.org/BM/scudder.html>. 169 raise financing (Bakun), and one is at a very preliminary stage of financial planning with little chance of raising private money in the foreseeable future (the 400 MW Maheshwar Dam on the Narmada in India). Private financing has been arranged for one of the projects (Luzon Dam in the Philippines), but this is a medium-sized 70 MW run-of-river dam with a cost of around $144m. The only other project is Houay Ho in Laos, which is being built at a cost of $23 0m with balance-sheet financing from Daewoo - which has not. yet attracted investors in the project. There is thus not a single dam of anywhere near the size and cost of Nam Theun 2 being built in Asia with mainly private financing. You mention the World Bank's "sorry past record, its failures, and its manipulation of people and procedures." This is quite an accurate description of our experience of the Bank's involvement in large-dam building, and unfortunately despite a lot of rhetoric to the contrary we see little sign that things will be substantially different with Nam Theun 2. Independent reviews we have commissioned of the economic and environmental impact studies for Nam Theun 2 indicate that the same bad old project justification process is at work, whereby possible negative impacts of projects are downplayed and potential benefits exaggerated. One of the tragedies of Nam Theun 2 is that local people, and the Lao government and nation as a whole, have been made so many promises by outside project proponents, including international NGOs. We believe that whether the dam is built or not, these promises will be proved false and the Lao will have been badly let down. Lastly, I am very concerned that IUCN's partly-informed advocacy for Nam Theun 2 will have negative ramifications on the process of establishing the Dam Review Cornmission. Many of our NGO and academic colleagues are justifiably suspicious of this Commission given their history of dealing with World Bank "manipulation of people and procedures". I have attempted to allay these fears by pointing to IUCN's key role in the process as an "honest broker". I am concerned that by becoming project advocates - and advocates with a perceived vested interest through your role as consultants on the project - that many of our colleagues will no longer be able to trust IUCN's independence and good judgement. I urge you to reconsider your position on Nam Theun 2 within the wider political, economic, financial and technical context. Best wishes Patrick McCully cc James D Wolfensohn J. Shivakumar Somphone Phanousith Thayer Scudder Source: Patrick McCully, Letter to David McDowell, 11 Sept. 1997, 25 Aug. 2002 <http://www.irn.org/programs/mekong/mcdowell.html>. 170 Appendix I Some Official Reactions to the WCD Report INSTITUTION POSITION COMMENTS China Germany India Norway South Africa Sweden Turkey United Kingdom Rejects China initially supported the wCD but later refused permission for Ihe WCD to study any of-its-dams. A senior official from China's Ministry of Water Resources was;.selected as.a Commission member but withdrew... supposedly for healthrreasons. She was not replacedby the Chinese government. . - ' Supports Has committed to promotmg>dialogues between government agencies. NGOs and the private:sectorBn.how:best to respond to the report. Will promote the implementation;of.wuD:recommendations by German aid , agencies and at the Woild Bank Mixed The Federal government denied the WCD permission to choose an Indian dam.as one.oj itscasestudiesarid refused toallow. the.WCD to hold its-- ' • • ' • South Asia consultation in India. The Federal Ministry of 'water Resources ' . has rejected the report, although It is a member of the WCD Forum Other central government bodies and individuals have shown more openness to thewCDi- A;senes ofnegional multi-stakeholder workshops has shown .that there issome support amongistategovernment officials. Mixed The Ministry of Foreign Affairs coordinated'a review of.the WCD report among various government agencies;.The review said the report was "extremely interesting and'useful'' but made no commitments to change government policies The section ondevelopment cooperation states . that Norway;agrees with "the mam principles set-out m the Commission's report on public participation in and transparency relat-ing to. plartningiprocesses::" However, it criticises thewCDfor proposing-to weaken the rights of national governments to take decisions on nat-ural resources, -J . • . Supports A joint symposiurri.was-hosted by the South African government, indus-try and NGOs m July 2001 where there was overall support for the WCD. An ongoing multi-stakeholder process was launched to investigate how the WCD findings can be contextuahsed in South Africa. Supports. The Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA) has promised to support Southern governments' efforts to implement the WCD's findings, and to help disseminate the report. SIDA has stated it will use the report in future decision-making around dam projects. However, it says it will not make policy, changes, as it believes its current policies are close to , those recommended bythe W€D, - ' . • The Turkish General Directorate.af State Hydraulic Works alleges that«the -WCD was a conspiracy by thenuclear and4hermal power industries. • Turkey refused to;allow'the;W,CD:tostudythe-.hugeAtaturk Dam in * / . southeastern Anatolia, Supports Established a uo's-depirtmentil group to review thr> WCD report and • assess itsiimplications for UK support of dams overseas. The Department • •* - for- International Development (DFID) has offered support.to developing -.• Tountneswanting to implement the Commission's report.,DFID is sup-porting a dialogue on the report involving UK government agencies., NGOs, unions and companies. • Rejects 171 INSTITUTION United Stales POSITION Mixed-COMMENTS The federal agencies that have built most of the big-dams m the Us r-r>. have not officially responded to the wcD. The US.export credit agencies. Ex-lm and OPIC. have:we.lcomed the report and committed to incoipo- , rating parts of the,WCD.'s recommendations into-theirspohcies International Commission on. Large Dams (IGOLD) International Commission on Irrigation and. Drainage'ClClD) . International Hydropo-.-.-er Association (IHA) Hydro Equipment Association (HEA) Rejects Rejects Critical of report Uncertain' ICOLD, ICID and IHA have all been,lobbying governments, the world Bank and others to tei«ct the WCD's. report But ther" ar? vigorous dis-agreements v.ithm each of these organisations and there arc chapters and individuals within them that support the WCD report See above. , . •. ... v - . .:,> •, • See above. At time of writing had not-yet decidedwhether to remain v engaged with WCD follow-up processes, ... Established in 2001 by Alstom Power, voith Siemens and «'A Te^h «ith goal of representing hydropower interests,in poM-AfD processes African Development Bank .Asian ^Development Bank World Bank Export Credit Agencies Supports Supports Mixed Mixed Welcomed the report a r a major milestcne in the> assessment of datge dams.'. Th»Bank sa.s it plans 'to nKoipoiate the cntena and guidelines dunng the iKe lopmtn t 0) Bank's technic -tl guidelines to support our recently-completed policy-011 Integrated water Resources'-Management." " ' ' In a. draft response issued in Augustaooi, the AD8 says that, it • •"supportS/th'e Commission's guidelines and intends to tonnder them in ali-future :projects.-' However, it a l r o <tites that kc, WCD recommenda-tions such as those requiring negotiated agreements with affected peo-ple are the responsibility of governments and that therADBwill not v adopt them. The ADB hosted a multi-stakeholder meeting on the wCDm the Philippines in May 2001 and has said it will facilitate, other national:- > workshops on th* *vf D in :oc<: in Vietnam. India. Bhutan and Nepal Sec Section ?..i • , >• 08 environment ministers in March 2001 called, for export credit agencies to "adopt common mta'ures to increase the transparency 0} their deci-sion-making process includmcr consideration of relevant elements of •the recommenddtiuiis uf the V,oild Commission on Danr " But overall progress among theECAs m adopting common standards has b>>en extremely slow. Source: Aviva Imhof, Susanne Wong, and Peter Bosshard, Citizens' Guide to the World Commission on Dams (Berkeley, CA: IRN, 2002) 14-15, 25 Aug. 2002 <http://www.irn. org/wcd/wcdguide>. 172 Appendix J Five Initial Reasons against the Dam Project General Concerns Specific Concerns 1. Psychological burden; safety threat • dam 1900 metres from the nearest village • dam 4000 metres to downtown • Japanese engineers found serious faults in area 2. Not economical • soft shale and sandstone of area detrimental to the dam's life span • of all the water to be provided by the dam, 80% is for steel and petrochemical plants, while 20% for urban civilian uses 3. Threat to ecological and cultural resources • threat to Yellow butterfly • threat to educational, recreational, and artistic opportunities of the area • threat to experimental tropical forest • threat to homeland of Li-Ho Chung, one of the greatest Taiwanese writers of the first half of Twentieth Century, and his masterpieces that are kept in Meinung 4. Poor decision-making processes • anti-democratic • no effort to invite broader participation of local people and the local government 5. Unsustainable • more reliable way to provide sustainable water through environmental repair • better to depollute the Kaoping River • better to reforest upstream mountains Source: Information taken from: MPA, "Chapter 3 The Meinung Anti-dam Movement," MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2002 <http://mpa.ngo.org.tw/english/Chapter3. html>. 173 Appendix K Example of the Labor Exchange Band's Songs The Night Buses (Records the mood of an old farmer) All through the night the buses hurried traveling ever northward. With a frazzled head and wide-open eyes, I viewed the night scene: Black clouds hid the moon again and again Making me think of memories long ago. (repeat), Bitter hard I worked the fields to make them produce more and more. No matter what, year after year,, the more I planted the more my misery. Sons many, land scarce: brothers were forced to go elsewhere. I remained alone at home caring for mom and dad. When pained to the bone, exhausted and weak, Remembering a lot about new things makes them old. My brothers who work in the city tell me, "Building a dam in Meinung will make it into a gold mine." "Oh goodness!" I say young men, "Are you so stupid as to try to do the damn impossible?" If this government were really useful, Then farmers would long ago have made it. They wouldn't have to wait like me until sixty to make it. Too old to change my career job, too young to die. Too old to change my career, too young to die. As the east turns white with the sun, a myriad of lashes appears; Taipei's tall buildings extending straight prop up the sky. I think my generation will quickly have no say. But this time I will not hide my head in a bag again. Today I will go and tell them; Today I will certainly go and tell them. Today I will certainly go And tell that damn government, "If the dam can be built, then shit can be eaten." Source: Labor Exchange Band, "Album: Let Us Sing Mountain Songs," Labor Exchange Band Home Page, 14 Apr. 2002 <http://www.leband.net/english/letussin. htm>. 174 Appendix L Profiles of Kondolf and Williams This appendix summarises Kondolf and Williams' biographical information. The information is organised according to the following headings: education, current activities, professional experiences, presentations, dam-related experiences, honours, remarks and selected publications. Information for all headings could not be identified for both Kondolf and Williams. Note on Headings: Each member's professional experiences are divided into general experiences and dam-related experiences. Many activities listed under "Professional Experiences" pertain to water resource issues. Although undeterminable from available information, some of these experiences may relate to dams. Items listed under "Presentations" include the member's conference presentations, lectures, radio appearances, etc. that focus on sustainable approaches to water resource use and/or dams. Similarly, works listed under "Selected Publications" focus on sustainable approaches to water resource use and/or dams as well as embody the epistemic community's ideas identfied in Chapter 3. Items under "Remarks" are comments from secondary sources that portray the member's status as an expert and/or show his influence on decision-makers, policy and/or NGOs. G. Mathias Kondolf Education: • AB (Geology), Princeton University, 1978 > Bachelor's thesis: Genesis and Development of Sandy Hook • MS (Earth Sciences), UC Santa Cruz, 1982 > MS thesis: Recent Channel Instability and Historic Channel Changes of the Carmel River, Monterey County, California • PhD (Geography and Environmental Engineering), Johns Hopkins University, 1988 > PhD dissertation: Salmonid Spawning Gravels: A Geomorphic Perspective on their Distribution, Size Modification by Spawning Fish, and Application of Criteria for Gravel Quality Current Activities: • Associate Professor, Department of Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning, UC Berkeley • Faculty Affiliate, Department of Geography, UC Berkeley • Chair, Portuguese Studies Program, UC Berkeley • Research interests: environmental river management; land-use impacts on rivers (particularly mining and dams); riparian vegetation and channel form; geomorphic 175 influences on salmon and trout habitat; alternative flood management strategies; and ecological restoration (emphasis on Mediterranean-climate river systems) Professional Experiences: • Research Scientist, White Mountain Research Station, 1989-1993 • Assistant Professor of Environmental Planning, Departments of Environmental Planning and Geography, UC Berkeley, 1988-1994 • Affiliated faculty, Energy and Resources Group, UC Berkeley, 1994-present • Member, Advisory Board to the Water Resource Center Archives, UC Berkeley, 2002-2005 • Consultant, US Fish & Wildlife Service, US Army Corps of Engineers, US Bureau of Land Management, California Attorney General, California Department of Fish & Game and Department of Water Resources, aggregate producers and environmental organisations • Expert witness: provides expert testimony to various official bodies, legal proceedings and committees including US Congress, California State Senate and California State Water Resources Control Board • Member, Interim Science Board, Strategic Plan for the Calfed Ecosystem Restoration Program Presentations: • Contributed, "Effect of Vegetation on Channel Stability, Carmel River, California," California Riparian Systems Conference, Davis, CA, UC Extension, September 1981 • Convener, "Historical Channel Changes, Carmel River, Monterey County, California," Symposium on Channel Stability and Fish Habitat, Monterey, CA, May 1983 • Contributed, "Soil Piping and Gully Erosion, Coastal San Mateo County, California," American Geomorphological Field Group Meeting, Albuquerque, N M , October 1984 • Contributed, "Historical Channel Stability Analysis in Instream Flow Studies," Symposium on Small Hydroelectric Development and Fisheries, American Fisheries Society, Denver, CO, May 1985 • Contributed, with W.V.G Matthews, "Changes in Sediment Storage over Time on a Coastal California River," Meeting, International Association for Scientific Hydrology, Corvallis, OR, July 1987 • Contributed, "Stream-groundwater Interactions in the Eastern Sierra Nevada," Fall Meeting, American Geophysical Union, San Francisco, CA, December 1987 • Contributed, "Geomorphic and Hydrologic Consideration in Stream Restoration," Restoring the Earth Conference, Berkeley, CA, January 1988 • Invited presenter, "Interactions between Channel Geomorphology and Riparian Vegetation: Selected Observations," Second California Riparian Systems Conference, Davis, CA, UC Extension, September 1988 • Contributed, "Stream-groundwater Interactions along Streams of the Eastern Sierra Nevada, California: Implications for Assessing Potential Impacts of Flow Diversions," Second California Riparian Systems Conference, Davis, CA, UC Extension, September 1988 176 • Contributed, "Restoring the Carmel River," California Creeks Conference, Berkeley, CA, May 1989 • Contributed, "Flow Losses Measured along Rush Creek, Mono County," Annual Meeting, Southern California Academy of Sciences, Thousand Oaks, CA, May 1989 • Invited presenter, "Geomorphic and Hydrologic Studies for the Rush Creek Instream Flow Study," Western Division Meeting, American Fisheries Society, Seattle, WA, July 1989 • Invited presenter, "Bank Erosion and Channel Morphology," Annual Meeting, Watershed Management Council, Monterey, CA, October 1989 • Invited presenter, "Historical Channel Stability Analysis in Watershed Restoration," Eighth Annual Salmon, Steelhead, and Trout Restoration Federation Conference, Eureka, CA, February 1990 • Invited presenter, "Management of Urbanizing Watersheds," Third Biennial Watershed Conference, UC Water Resources Center, Ontario, October 1990 • Presenter, "Overview of Urban Rivers and the Public Trust," Symposium on Rivers in the City: Design and Management in the Age of the Public Trust, Berkeley, CA, November 1990. • Invited presenter, "Geomorphic and Hydrologic Considerations in Stream Rehabilitation," Parklands Institute Lecture Series, California Department of Parks and Recreation, Sacramento, CA, February 1991 • Contributed, "Management Implications of Stream-groundwater Interactions in the Eastern Sierra Nevada, California," Symposium on History of Water: Owens Valley and White-Inyo Range, White Mountain Research Station, Bishop, CA, September 1991 • Invited presenter, "Gravel Mining in the Riparian Zone," Third California Riparian Systems Conference, Sacramento, CA, November 1991 • Invited presenter, "Impacts and Regulation of Instream Gravel Extraction in California, USA," River Management Workshop, Rosenheim, Bavaria, April 1992 • Invited presenter, "An Overview of Effects of Hydroelectric Development," Sierra Now Conference, Sacramento, CA, August 1992 • Contributed, "A Cross Section of Stream Channel Restoration," Annual Meeting, Council of Educators in Landscape Architecture, Charlottesville, VA, October 1992 • Invited presenter, "Determination of Flushing Flow Requirements in the Trinity River below Lewiston Dam: A Progress Report," Conference on Decomposed Granitic Soils, Redding, CA, October 1992 • Invited presenter, "Instream Gravel Mining in California," Department of Geography and Environmental Engineering Colloquium, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD, November 1992 • Contributed, "The Flushing Flow Problem," Fall Meeting, American Geophysical Union, San Francisco, CA, December 1992 • Invited presenter, "Watershed Change and Channel Response: Some Perspectives for Planning," Resource Conservation District Workshop on Watershed Management, Napa, CA, February 1993 • Invited presenter, "Geomorphic Linkages in Biodiversity Planning," Annual Meeting, California Chapter of the Association of Environmental Professionals, Yosemite, CA, March 1993 177 • Invited presenter, "Needed: Evaluation of Stream Channel Restoration," Annual Meeting, California Chapter, Association of Environmental Professionals, Yosemite, CA, March 1993 • Invited presenter, "Reclamation and Gravel Mining in California," Meeting, Western Division Society of Wetlands Scientists, Davis, CA, March 1993 • Invited presenter, "An Overview of Gravel Issues in Rivers of the West-slope Sierra Nevada, California," Environmental Science Division, Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Oak Ridge, TN, April 1993 • Invited presenter, "The Flushing Flow Problem," Environment, Health & Safety Seminar Series, Pacific Gas & Electric Company, San Ramon, CA, May 1993 • Contributed, "The Flushing Flow Problem on the Trinity River," National Hydraulics Conference, American Society of Civil Engineers, San Francisco, CA, July 1993 • Invited presenter, "Environmental Effects and Regulation of Gravel Mining in California Rivers," Energy and Resources Group Colloquium, UC Berkeley, CA, September 1993 • Invited presenter, "Surface-groundwater Interactions: Implications of Land Use Trends for Groundwater Quality, and Effects of Groundwater Withdrawal on Aquatic and Riparian Ecosystems," Biennial Groundwater Conference, Water Resources Center, Sacramento, CA, September 1993 • Contributed, "Environmental Planning in Management of Alluvial Sand and Gravel Mining in California," Annual Meeting, Council of Educators in Landscape Architecture, University of Oregon, Eugene, OR, October 1993 • Contributed, "Management of Coarse Sediment in Regulated Rivers of California," Fall Meeting, American Geophysical Union, San Francisco, CA, December 1993 • Invited presenter, "Impacts of Instream Mining and Development of Alternative Sources," Annual Meeting, Northern California Aggregate Producers Association and the Central Valley Rock, Sand, and Gravel Association, Sacramento, CA, January 1994 • Invited presenter, "Hungry Water: Physical Processes and Human Impacts," The Russian River in Peril, Healdsburg, CA, March 1994 • Invited presenter, "Bedload Sediments in California Rivers: Effects of Dams and Instream Mining on Fish and Bridges," Annual Meeting, Geological Society of America, Rocky Mountain Section, Durango, CO, May 1994 • Invited presenter, "Stream Restoration," American Society of Landscape Architects Annual Meeting, San Antonio, TX, October 1994 • Invited presenter, "Learning from Stream Restoration Projects," Watershed Management Council Symposium, Ashland, OR, November 1994 • Invited presenter, "Geomorphic Analysis, Peer Review, and Post-project Evaluation in Stream Restoration Projects," Annual Meeting, Salmonid Restoration Federation, Santa Rosa, CA, February 1995 • Invited presenter, "Hungry Water: River Processes and Human Impacts," American Fisheries Society Russian River Symposium, Napa, CA, February 1995 • Invited presenter, "Hungry Water: Effects of Dams and Gravel Mining on Channel Form and Salmonid Spawning Gravels," Lecture Series, Physical Processes in Forest Science: Emerging Issues at the Interface of Hydrology, Geomorphology, and Ecology, Oregon State University, Corvallis, OR, February 1995 178 • Invited presenter, "Stream Restoration: Strawberry Greek and Beyond," Environmental Spirit Conference, UC Berkeley, CA, April 1995 • Invited presenter, "River Flow and River Form: The Physical Framework for the Ecosystem," Annual Meeting, Association of North Bay Scientists, College of Marin, Kentfield, CA, May 1995 • Invited presenter, "Land-inland Water Ecotones as Elements of Environmental Planning," UNESCO/ MAB Conference, Fish and Land/Inland Water Ecotones, Zakopane, Poland, May 1995 • Contributed, "Aggregate Mining in Alluvial Deposits in California: A Large-scale Geomorphic Experiment," Spring Meeting, American Geophysical Union, Baltimore, MD, June 1995 • Invited presenter, "The Physical/hydrological Setting for the Bay and Estuary and its Implications for Management," Conference, Comparative Estuary Management: Tejo and San Francisco Bays, Fundacao Luso Americana, Lisbon, Portugal, June 1995 • Invited presenter, "Post-project Evaluation of Stream Restoration Projects," Conference on UK Floodplains, Linnean Society of London, London, UK, October 1995 • Invited presenter, "Hungry Water: Effects of Dams and Gravel Mining on Rivers," Conference on Management of the Kaoping River, Kaohsiung, Taiwan, October 1995 • Invited presenter, overview presentation and chair for session, "Does Reclamation Work?" California River and Riparian Systems Conference, Sacramento, CA, November 1995 • Invited presenter, "Large-scale Gravel Extraction from Rivers in California," Geography Department Colloquium, University of Jerusalem, Israel, March 1996 • Contributed, "Lessons Learned from Restoration Projects in California," River Restoration '96, Silkeborg, Denmark, September 1996 • Invited presenter, "Planning for Gravel Mining in California Streambeds," Fall Seminar Series, Arizona State University Water Environment in Arid Lands Multidisciplinary Initiative, Tempe, AZ, September 1996 • Invited presenter, "A Watershed Framework for Assessing Restoration Priorities in the San Francisco Bay/Delta River System," San Francisco Estuary Conference, San Francisco, CA, October 1996 • Invited presenter, "Appropriate Applications of Fluvial Geomorphology in Ecosystem Recovery Efforts," Annual Meeting, Watershed Management Council, Lake Tahoe, NV, October 1996 • Contributed, "Geomorphic Analysis, Peer Review, and Post-project Evaluation in Stream Restoration Projects," Annual Meeting, California Chapter of the Society for Ecological Restoration, Yosemite, CA, November 1996 • Invited presenter, "Watersheds, Wetlands, and Water Quality," February Management Meeting, City of San Jose, CA, February 1997 • Invited presenter, "Water Resources and Sustainable Development: Some Considerations Relevant to the Chi-Gu Coastal Area, Taiwan," Conference on Sustainable Economy, Sustainable Ecology, Sustainable City, Sustainable Lifestyle, Taipei and Tainan, Taiwan, May 1997 • Invited presenter, "Geomorphology in Ecological Restoration of Rivers and Streams," International Symposium on River Restoration, 5th Urban/Environmental Policy 179 Seminar, Graduate School of Environmental Studies, Seoul National University, Seoul, South Korea, June 1997 • Invited presenter, with E.W. Larson, and J.G. Williams, "Modeling and Measuring the Hydraulic Environment for Determining Instream Flows," Annual Meeting, American Fisheries Society, Monterey, CA, August 1997 • Contributed, "Geomorphic Effects of Gravel Mining on Cache Creek, California, USA," International Geomorphology Conference, Bologna, Italy, August 1997 • Contributed, "Effect of Human-induced Changes in Bedload Supply on Alluvial River Channels," Man and River Systems, Ecole des Ponts et Chaussees, Paris, France, March 1998 • Contributed, "Changing Sediment Budgets in Mediterranean-climate Rivers of California, USA," European Geophysical Society XXIII General Assembly, Nice, France, April 1998 • Contributed, "Comprehensive Management of Sand and Gravel in Regulated Rivers of California," Western Pacific Meeting, American Geophysical Union, Taipei, Taiwan, July 1998 • Invited presenter, "Extraction of Sand and Gravel from Pacific Coast Rivers: Extent, Effects, and Regulation," Annual Meeting, American Fisheries Society, Hartford, CT, August 1998 • Invited presenter, "Fluvial Geomorphology: Channel Process, Form, and Habitat," Annual Meeting, Society of Wetland Scientists, Western Division, Reno, NV, October 1998 • Invited presenter, "Instream Flows," Environmental Law Institute, Yosemite, CA, October 1998 • Invited presenter, "Cyclic Changes in Channel Width on the Carmel River: Implications for Channel Stability and Fish Habitat," 17th Annual Salmonid Restoration Conference, Brookdale, CA, 19 February 1999 • Invited presenter, "Historical Changes to the San Francisco Bay-Delta Watershed: Implications for Restoration Priorities," 4th Biennial State of the Estuary Conference, San Francisco, CA, 17 March 1999 • Contributed, "Channel Response to Increased and Decreased Bedload Supply from Land-use Change since 1900: Contrasts between Catchments in the Rocky Mountains of Idaho and the Pre-Alps of France," International Conference on Drainage Basin Dynamics and Morphology, Jerusalem, Israel, May 1999 • Invited presenter, "Geomorphic Analysis and Post-project Evaluation in Stream Restoration: Making the Most of our Projects," Seventh National Nonpoint Source Monitoring Workshop, Mono Bay, CA, September 1999 • Contributed, "Restoring Aquatic Habitat in Deer Creek, A Process-Based Strategy Through Restoring Floodplain Function," 11th Annual Conference, Society for Ecological Restoration, San Francisco, CA, September 1999 • Contributed, "Design and Performance of a Channel Reconstruction Project in a Coastal California Gravel-bed Stream," 11th Annual Conference, Society for Ecological Restoration, San Francisco, CA, September 1999 • Invited presenter, "Process vs. Form in River Restoration: Lessons Learned from Restoration Efforts in California," Humboldt State University, CA, November 1999 180 • Invited presenter, "Lessons Learned from River Restoration Projects in California," Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Stanford University, CA, 15 November 1999 • Invited presenter, "Historical Changes to SF Bay-Delta System: Opportunities for Restoration," Environmental Forum of Marin, CA, 16 November 1999 • Invited presenter, "Sediment Budget Changes of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River System since 1850: Implications for Restoration Planning," Western Regional Colloquium, US Geological Survey, Menlo Park, CA, September 2000 • Contributed, "Changes in Flow Regime and Sediment Budget in the Sacramento-San Joaquin River System since 1850: Implications for Restoration Planning," Calfed Science Conference, Sacramento, CA, October 2000 • Invited presenter, "Dams, Channel Processes, and the Prospects for Restoration: The Trinity River Experience," Annual Meeting, Association of Engineering Geologists, San Jose, CA, September 2000 • Contributed, "Process vs. Form in Restoration of Rivers and Streams," Annual Meeting, American Society of Landscape Architects, St. Louis, MO, October 2000 • Invited presenter, "Calfed: What is Feasible in Terms of 'Real' Restoration?" Berkeley Water Working Group, UC Berkeley, CA, December 2000 • Invited presenter, "The History and Future of the San Francisco Bay-Delta Watershed," Natural Resource and Environmental Policy Program and Watershed Unit, Utah State University, Logan, UT, February 2001 • Contributed, "Dams, Sediment Starvation, and Salmon Habitat Restoration in the Sacramento-San Joaquin River System, California USA," Annual Meeting, European Geophysical Society, Nice, France, March 2001 • Invited presenter, "Restoration Prospects for the San Francisco Estuary Ecosystem," College-wide lecture, Instituto Superior da Agronomia, University of Lisbon, Lisbon, Portugal, May 2001 • Invited presenter, "Sediment Management in Mediterranean Catchments: Effects of Dams and Downstream Gravel Mining," Hydrology section, Forestry and Technology Center of Catalonia, University of Lleida, Catalonia, November 2001 Dam-related Experiences: • Advisor to decision-makers: projects such as California's Matilija and Searsville dams, Taiwan's Machia and Meinung dams and dams on Spain's Ebro River • Advisor, various environmental NGOs • Signatory, Opposition to Meinung Dam from Overseas, 16 April 1999 Honours: • Fulbright Fellowship to Lyon, France for research on Mediterranean climate rivers, 1997-1998 • Fulbright Fellowship to Lisbon, Portugal, teaching and research, Spring 2001 Remarks: . G. Mathias Kondolf, G. Mathias Kondolf PhD Home Page 2002, 3 May 2003 <http://www-laep.ced. berkeley.edu/people/kondolf/>. 181 Dr. Kondolf is a fluvial geomorphologist specializing in applications of geomorphology and hydrology to environmental river management, with emphasis on management of sediment, channel form, and aquatic and riparian habitat. He is the author of over one hundred papers and reports on these topics, and he has provided expert testimony on these topics to committees of the US Congress, the California State Senate, regulatory boards of the State of California, local government agencies, and courts. Selected P u b l i c a t i o n s : Byrne, John, Randolph Hester, and G. Matthias Kondolf. "An Open Letter on the Pinnan Issue." Editorial. Taipei Times Online 25 Apr. 2000. 20 May 2003 <http:// taipeitimes.com/chnews/2000/04/25/print/0000033602>. Kondolf, G. Mathias. "5 Elements for Effective Evaluation of Stream Restoration." Restoration Ecology 3 (1995): 133-136. . Abstract. River Restoration in California: Observations on Project Performance. Environmental Engineering Spring Seminar Ser. Inst, of Environmental Science and Engineering. UC Berkeley. 7 Mar. 2003. 20 May 2003 <http://env. berkeley.edu/Spring03Seminars/Matt-Kondolf-Abstract-3-7-03 l.pdf>. . "Conference Impressions from across the Pond." Newsletter - ECRR, European Centre for River Restoration 4.1 (2000): 5. 31 May 2003 <http://www.minvenw. nl/rws/riza/home/ecrr/pdfer/news4.pdf>. . Cumulative Watershed Effects in the Sequoia National Forest. Summary of Oral Testimony before the House Committee on Natural Resources, 9 Mar. 1994. 20 May 2003 <http://www.sequoiaforestkeeper.org/pdf/010826-2_EXL-iNE-Hume-Lives.pdf>. —. "Current Research Interests." G. Mathias Kondolf Home Page 2002. 20 May 2003 <http://www-laep.ced.berkeley.edu/people/kondolf/research/current%20 research.htm>. . "Hungry Water: Effects of Dams and Gravel Mining on River Channels." Environmental Management 21(1997): 533-551. . "Lessons Learned from River Restoration Projects in California." Aquatic Conservation - Marine and Freshwater Ecosystems 8 (1998): 39-52. . Letter to Mendocino County Board of Supervisors. 22 Sept. 1996. 20 May 2003 <http://www.frog.org/kondolfl.html>. . "Planning Approaches to Mitigating Adverse Human Impacts on Land-inland-water Ecotones." Ecohydrology and Hydrobiology 1 (2001): 111-116. —, "The Reclamation Concept in Regulation of Gravel Mining in California." Journal of Environmental Planning and Management 36 (1993): 397-409. 182 , and E.M. Micheli. "Evaluating Stream Restoration Projects." Environmental Management 19 (1995):1-15. , and Jeffrey Hou. "Dispelling the Myth of Dam: Toward Sustainable Management of Water Resources." Editorial. China Times 20 Apr. 1998. (In Chinese) -, and . "Meinung Dam: A Sad Song for Sustainable Regional Development in Taiwan." Embracing Land, Rivers and Life: An Anthology of Meinung Anti-Dam Literature. Ed. MPA. Aug. 2000. 73-75. (In Chinese) -, and . Review of the Environmental Impact Assessment for the Binnan Industrial Complex, Tsengwen Coastal Plain, Taiwan. Report CEDR-98-001. UC Berkeley: Center for Environmental Design Research, 1998. 3 May 2003 <http.V/www4.ced.berkeley.edu:8004/student_org/save>. -, and P. Downs. "Catchment Approach to Channel Restoration." River Channel Restoration. Ed. A. Brookes, and D. Shields. Wiley: Chichester, 1996. 129-148. -, and P. Vorster. "Changing Water Balance Over Time in Rush Creek, Eastern California, 1860-1992." Water Resources Bulletin 29 (1993): 823-832. -, J.L. Parrish, and J.G. Williams. Initial Assessment of Water Rights for Diversions from Jamison Creek, Plumas-Eureka State Park. California. CEDR-94-04. U of California Center for Environmental Design Research, 1994. -, Jeffrey Hou, and Wenling Tu. Water Resources Planning in Taiwan and California: Implications for Reservoir Management and for Economic Development in Southern Taiwan. UC Berkeley: Center for Environmental Design Research, 2001. -, R. Kattelmann, M. Embury, and D C Erman. "Chapter 36: Status of Riparian Habitat." Sierra Nevada Ecosystem Project: Final Report to Congress, Vol. II, Assessments and Scientific Basis for Management Options. Report No. 88. UC Davis: Centers for Water and Wildland Resources, 1996. 36.1-36.22. Phillip Williams Education: • PhD (Hydrailics), University of London, 1970 Current Activities: • Honourary President, International Rivers Network (IRN) • President, Philip Williams & Associates, Ltd. (PWA) 183 > Engineering consultant > company specialising in the environmental effects of hydrologic change • Areas of expertise: flood management; salt marsh restoration; reservoir operation; harbour maintenance dredging; riparian management; watershed sediment yield; groundwater management; and coastal lagoon restoration Professional Experiences: • Advisory Board, River of Words (ROW) Presentations: • Presentation, Ethics & Aesthetics at the Turn of the Fiftieth Milennium: Gary Snyder's Mountains and Rivers Without End Mountains & Rivers Symposium, Stanford Humanities Center, 16 May 1998 • Lecture, "Dams and Diversions," 4th Biennial State of the Estuary Conference, San Francisco, CA, 17 March 1999 • Featured Guest, National Radio Project #08-01 Rethinking Large Dams, 21 February 2001 Dam-related Activities: • Founder and past-president, IRN • Critic of WCD • Reviewed hydrologic and geomorphic impacts of the proposed Ilisu Dam • Signatory, Opposition to Meinung Dam from Overseas, 16 April 1999 Remarks: • Stanford Humanities Center, "Ethics & Aesthetics at the Turn of the Fiftieth Milennium: Gary Snyder's Mountains and Rivers without End, Mountains & Rivers Symposium," Stanford Humanities Center Home Page 1998, 3 May 2003 <http:// shc.stanford.edu/shc/1997-1998/9798workshops/Gary.Snyder.M&Rconf.html> As IRN president, Williams has been prominent in many international campaigns against large scale water projects. Over the last 20 years, he has served as the technical advisor to environmental groups in the United States working on critical water management issues such as the New Melones Dam, the campaign to protect Mono Lake, the Auburn Dam, and the remediation of diverse environmental effects of water development in California. Selected Publications: Charbonneau, R., and G.M. Kondolf. "Land-Use Change in California, USA: Nonpoint-Source Water-Quality Impacts." Environmental Management 17 (1993):453-460. Goodwin P., and P.B. Williams. "Restoring Coastal Wetlands - The Californian Experience." Journal of the Institution of Water and Environmental Management 6 (1992): 709-719. Williams, Philip. "A Golden Opportunity." World Rivers Review 12.1 (1997). 3 May 2003 <http://www.im.org/pubs/wrr/9701/cornmentary.html>. 184 . "Dammed to Destruction." Our Planet 8.3 (1996). 20 May 2003 <http://www. ourplanet.corn/imgversri/83/williams.html>. . "Deconstructing Dams." World Rivers Review 12.4 (1997). 20 May 2003 <http://www.im.org/pubs/wrr/9708/comment.html>. . "Flood Control vs Flood Management." Civil Engineering 64.5 (1994): 51-54. . "Inviting Trouble Downstream." Civil Engineering 68.2 (1998): 50-53. . "Rethinking Flood-Control Channel Design." Civil Engineering 60.1 (1990): 57-59. . "The Debate over Large Dams: The Case Against." Civil Engineering 61.8 (1991): 42-46. , and Patrick McCully. "Lies, Dam Lies." The Guardian 22 Nov. 2000. 3 May 2003 <http://website.lineone.net/~jon.simmons/roy/lie001 l.htm>. Qing, Dai. The River Dragon Has Come!: The Three Gorges Dam and the Fate of China's Yangtze River and Its People. Armonk, NY: Sharpe, 1998. 185 Appendix M Letter of Opposition to the Meinung Dam Opposition to Meinung Dam from Overseas April 16, 1999 As experts and scholars of water resource and environmental science and planning, we are writing to express our deep concern about the proposed Meinung Dam. Large-scale dam projects are now recognized widely as an environmentally and economically costly way of water resource management, flood control and power generation. Beyond the immediate ecological impacts, large dams often raise questions of economic rationality, technical design and development policy. We have learned from the existing research that the proposed Meinung Dam contains numerous flaws in terms of technical design, projection of economic benefit, planning process, and concerns for sustainability and environmental justice. The main concerns include (1) geological unsuitability, (2) safety threats to nearby residents, (3) violation of environmental justice and threat to cultural heritage, (4) species extinction and biodiversity loss, (5) threats to regional water quality and groundwater recharge, (6) short life span of dam and disproportional cost, (7) over-estimate of water demand, (8) lack of assessment for alternatives to dam, (9) increased heavy industrial development and C02 emission, (10) inadequate environmental impact assessment, and (11) local and regional opposition. There are alternatives to the construction of dam in addressing the problems of water demand and water resource management. The alternatives currently proposed by the local governments in southern Taiwan, including groundwater recharge, water conservation measures and installation of sewage treatment plants, are viable alternatives to the costly construction of the dam to improve quantity and quality of water supply. We urge you to consider these alternatives. Taiwan with its economic resources and technical capacity can do better to promote a more sustainable way of water resource management and economic development. The long-term environmental, social and economic cost of Meinung Dam outweighs its short-term economic benefit. The building of Meinung Dam is a wrong direction for Taiwan. As the decision for the construction of the dam approaches, we strongly urge you to re-evaluate the widely publicized problems associated with the Meinung Dam and seriously consider its alternatives. Signed, 186 Barbara Butler Project Director SAVE International (A Project of Earth Island Institute) Jen-Yin Chu, MD, PhD Professor of Pediatrics St. Louis University, St. Louis, MO 63104 Thomas D. Dahmer Wildlife Biologist Ecosystems Ltd. Dr. Peter Downs Professor School of Geography University of Nottingham Mary Felley Senior Consultant Ecosystems Ltd., Hong Kong Randolph T. Hester Professor and former Chair Department of Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning, University of California at Berkeley Jeff Hou Research Coordinator Taiwan Environmental Action Network Frank S.T. Hsiao Professor of Economics Department of Economics University of Colorado Catherine Huang Senior Engineer Hoshin Engineering Consultants Corp. Li-Yang Chang, PhD, REA Chemical/Environmental Engineer Environmental Management Program Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory Gershon Cohen Project Director Campaign to Safeguard America's Waters Janice A. Dean The Brower Fund Earth Island Institute Jan Eiesland Executive Committee SAVE International (A Project of Earth Island Institute) . Peter Fugazzotto Associate Director Sea Turtle Restoration Project Felix T. Hong, MD, PhD Professor of Physiology Wayne State University School of Medicine Keelung Hong Senior Researcher California Pacific Medical Center Research Institute Chung-Yee Hsu Professor, Department of Neurology School of Medicine, Washington University Sunkwei Huang Associate Professor Baylor College of Medicine 187 Eli llano Executive Committee SAVE International (Project of Earth Island Institute) John A. Knox Executive Director Earth Island Institute Ashish Kothari Founder-member Kalpavriksh Environmental Action Group Hanbin Liang, PhD, PE President Wreco Engineering Associates Hwan C. Lin, PhD Associate Professor of Economics Economics Department, Belk College of Business Administration University of North Carolina at Charlotte Wunan Lin, PhD Technical Area Leader Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory Marcia J. McNally Partner, Community Development by Design; Farrand Fellow of Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning University of California Berkeley Doris Shen China Program International Rivers Network Jake H. Tung Senior Civil (Water Resources) Engineer U.S. Department of Energy Yi-liang Kao Landscape architect Orsee Design Associates G. Mathias Kondolf, PhD Associate Professor in Environmental Planning and Geography University of California at Berkeley Tun-Hou Lee Professor of Virology Harvard University Echo J. H. Lin Director Formosan Association for Public Affairs Tze-Luen Lin Research Associate Center for Energy and Environmental Policy Patrick McCully Executive Director International Rivers Network Eva Owens Marine Biologist Wenling Tu Secretary General Taiwan Environmental Action Network B-Chen Wen Professor University of Iowa 188 Dr. Philip Williams , President International Rivers Network Chih-Ping Yeh. Associate Professor College of Engineering, Wayne State University Tsai-Feng Wu, PhD Clinical Scientist Kaiser Permanente Medical Center, Santa Clara Shi-Kuei Wu Professor of Natural History University of Colorado at Boulder Campus Box 315, Boulder, CO 90309 Kao-San Yeh Associate Research Scientist Environment Canada Source: Barbara Butler, et al., "Opposition to Meinung Dam from Overseas," Petition, MPA Home Page 16 Apr. 1999, 22 Apr. 2000 <http://mpa.ngo.org.tw/english/opposition. htm>. 189 Appendix N Profile of Jeffrey Hou This appendix summarises Hou's biographical information. The information is organised according to the following headings: education, current activities, professional experiences, conference submissions and presentations, dam-related experiences, honours, remarks and selected publications. Note on Headings: Items listed under "Conference Submissions and Presentations" focus on sustainable approaches to water resource use and/or dams. Similarly, works listed under "Selected Publications" focus on sustainable approaches to water resource use and/or dams as well as embody the epistemic community's ideas identified in Chapter 3. The item under "Remarks" conveys Hou's role as an advisor to NGOs. Education: • B Arch, Cooper Union for the Advancement of Science and Art Architecture, 1990 • M L Arch (Landscape Architecture), University of Pennsylvania, 1993 • M Arch (Architecture), UC Berkeley, 1994 > Thesis title: Construct of Environmental and Social Change on Pongso-No-Tawo • PhD (Environmental Planning), UC Berkeley, 2001 > Thesis title: Grassroots Practice of Environmental Planning: Enabling Community Actions Toward Local Environmental Sustainability in Taiwan Current Activities: • Assistant Professor, Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Washington • Research interests: community design; urban ecological design; cultural landscape; environmental planning; indigenous culture and environment; and citizen participation in the Pacific Rim Professional Experiences: • Project Designer, I-Lan County Performing Art Center, Taiwan, 1990-1997 • Project Planner, Community Improvement Plan for Iraralai Village, Pongso-No-Tawo, 1994-1995 • Project Manager, National Center for Traditional Arts - Detailed Plan, I-Lan County, Taiwan, 1994-1996 • Project Manager, I-Lan County Historic Space Conservation Plan - Phase Two, Taiwan, 1995-1996 • Project Planner, Chu-Lin Area Urban Redevelopment Plan, I-Lan County, Taiwan, 1995-1996 190 • Project Director, Lihtegan Comprehensive Community Building Project, I-Lan County, Taiwan, 1996 • Building and Planning Research Foundation, National Taiwan University > Project Manager and Planner, 1994-1996 > Project Designer, 1995-1996 > Project Director, 1996 • Research Assistant, Department of Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning, UC Berkeley, 1998 • Project Consultant, Union Point Park Master Plan, Oakland, CA, 1998-1999 • Project Consultant, Institute of Urban and Regional Development, UC Berkeley, 1998-1999 • Signatory, Urgent Sign-On Letter to Stop the Environmental and Human Rights Abuses in the Niger Delta, 4 January 1999 • Participant, "People and Wetlands: The Vital Link," 7th Meeting of the Conference of the Contracting Parties to the Convention on Wetlands (Ramsar, Iran, 1971), San Jose, Costa Rica, 10-18 May 1999 • Research Associate, Center for Environmental Design Research, UC Berkeley, 1999-2001 • Faculty Affiliate, Center for Environment, Education and Design Studies, University of Washington, 2001-present • Principal investigator, collaborative research seminar, Public Spaces and the Public Sphere: Multidisciplinary Inquiries into Urban Change in the Pacific Rim, Institute of Transnational Studies, University of Washington, 2002 • Founder, Pacific Rim Human Exchange for Local Planning (HELP) > helped organise the First Conference of Democratic Design in the Pacific Rim, Berkeley, 1998 • Founder, Research Coordinator and Campaign Coordinator, Taiwan Environmental Action Network (TEAN) • Founder, SAVE Conference Submissions and Presentations: • Abstract, "Plan for a Sustainable Tainan: Ecological Alternative vs. Industrial Development," Proceedings, Annual Conference, Environmental Design Research Association, EDRA 29, St. Louis, MO, 4-8 March 1999 • Presentation, "Non-government Sector Involvement in the Conservation and Ecotourism Development of Chiku Wetlands," 13th Global Biodiversity Forum, San Jose, Costa Rica, 7-9 May 1999 • "Non-governmental Sector Involvement in the Conservation and Ecotourism Development of Chiku Wetlands, Taiwan," International Symposium of Tidal Flat: The Future Vision of Sanbanze, Chiba University, Japan, 27 June 1999 • "Social, Intellectual, and Political Actions in Environmental Planning and Design: The Case of Anti-Binnan Movement in Chiku, Taiwan," 31st Annual Conference, Environmental Design Research Association, San Francisco, CA, 10-14 May 2000 • "Agency of Change: Community Organizations and Environmental Change in Meinung, Taiwan," 33nd Annual Conference, Environmental Design Research Association, Philadelphia, PA, 22-26 May 2002 191 Dam-related Experiences: • Signatory, Opposition to Meinung Dam from Overseas. 16 April 1999 • Signatory, Letter from Aviva Imhof to the The Honorable Mr. Chuan Leekpai Prime Minister of Thailand, Drop Charges for Arrested Protesters - Stop Violent Police Actions - Open the Pak Mun Gates. 24 July 2000 • Panellist, Day of Oceans, Lakes, Waterways, and Fisher People: Freshwater Ecology, Dams, and Related Issues, World Sustainability Hearing: Listening to the Needs of the Earth and Its People: Are Governments Really Creating a Sustainable and Socially Just World?, Johannesburg, South Africa, 28 August 2002 • Helped to gather international support for the Meinung Anti-dam Movement > Wrote numerous articles on the Meinung Dam and anti-dam movement > Through TEAN, reframed platform of anti-dam movement Honours: • New York Society of Architects, Annual Fred L. Liebman Student Book Award, 1986 • 1989-1990 Base Grant, Eleanor Allwork Scholarship Program, NYC Chapter/ American Institute of Architects, 1989 • New York Society of Architects, Matthew W. Del Gaudio Award for Excellence in Total Design, 1990 • Abraham E. Kazan Fund Prize for Urban Design Studies, 1990 • Prize for Project Acquired, International Architects' Competition, Construction and Design Concepts for Expo 1995 in Vienna and Post-Expo Use, 1991 (Collaboration with Hans Peter Petri & Yu-Hang Kong) • Departmental Scholarship > Department of Landscape Architecture & Regional Planning, University of Pennsylvania, 1992-1993. > Department of Architecture, UC Berkeley, 1994 • University Fellowship, UC Berkeley, 1997 and 1999 • Best Public Architecture, Taiwan Architect Magazine, 1998 > for I-Lan County Performing Art Center • Beatrix Farrand Graduate Scholarship, Department of Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning, UC Berkeley, 1998 and 1999 • Ho Ta-Fu Memorial Scholarships Award, Ho Ta-Fu Memorial Foundation, 1999 • 228 Memorial Scholarship, 228 Memorial Foundation, 1999 • Pacific Rim Research Grant, Pacific Rim Research Program, University of California, 1999-2000 • Beatrix Farrand Dissertation Research Fund, Department of Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning, UC Berkeley, 2000 • University-Community Partnership Recognition, UC Berkeley, 2000 > "In recognition of the contribution made to the environmental welfare of our global community by SAVE International, Dept. of Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning"354 3 5 4 Dept. of Landscape Architecture, Univ. of WA, "Jeff Hou: Awards," Dept. of Landscape Architecture, Univ. of WA Home Page, 30 May 2003 <http://www.caup.washington.edu/larch/people/faculty/jeff/ awards.php>. 192 • Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Research Scholarship, 2001 (declined) • Royalty Research Fund, 2002-2003 • Global Classrooms Project Remarks: • Dept. of Landscape Architecture, Univ. of WA, "Faculty: Jeff Hou," Dept. of Landscape Architecture, Univ. of WA Home Page, 3 May 2003 <http://www.caup. washington.edu/html/larch/people/faculty/jeff/jeff.php>. As a founder and campaign coordinator for Taiwan Environmental Action Network ( T E A N ) , he assisted the local activists in a movement against a proposed dam in Meinung, Taiwan. Selected Publications: Hester, Randolph T., et al. Action Plan for Development and Conservation of Tainan Coastal Area. UC Berkeley: Dept. of Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning, 1998. . Sustainable Economic Development Plan for the Tainan County Coastal Area. UC Berkeley: Dept. of Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning, 1997. . The Future of Coastal Tainan. UC Berkeley: Dept. of Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning, 1999. Hou, Jeffrey. Abstract. Cultural Production of Environmental Activism: Two Cases in Southern Taiwan. Paper submitted for The Fifth Annual Conf. on the History and Culture of Taiwan, 12-15 Oct. 2000, UC Los Angeles 21 Apr. 2001 <http:// members.tripod.com/rgthc/abstl7.htm>. . Cultural Production of Environmental Activism: Two Cases in Southern Taiwan. Paper submitted for The Fifth Annual Conf. on the History and Culture of Taiwan, 12-15 Oct. 2000, UC Los Angeles. 21 Apr. 2001 <http://www. intemational.ucla.edu/cira/paper/TW_Jeff_Hou.pdf>. . "Dispelling the Myth of Dam: Sustainable Management of Water Resource." Embracing Land, Rivers and Life: An Anthology of Meinung Anti-Dam Literature. Ed. MPA. Aug. 2000. 78-79. (In Chinese) . "Does Southern Taiwan Actually Need the Meinung Dam?" Editorial. Taiwan Daily 13 Dec. 2000. (In Chinese) . "From Activism to Sustainable Development: The Case of Chigu and the Anti-Binnan Movement." Democratic Design in the Pacific Rim - Japan, Taiwan and the United States. Ed. Randolph T. Hester, and Corrina Kweskin. Mendocino, CA: Ridge, 1999. 124-133. 193 . "From Dual Disparities to Dual Squeeze: The Emerging Patterns of Regional Development in Taiwan." Berkeley Planning Journal 14 (2000): 4-22. . "Life after Binnan: Global Environmental Affairs and Taiwan's Environmental Agenda." Taiwanese Voices 3 (1998). 3 May 2003 <http://tc.formosa.org/ publications/tw_voices01_2.pdf>. . "Meinung Dam: For the Greater Kaohsiung or the Binnan Industrial Complex?" Editorial. United Daily 30 Nov. 2000. (In Chinese) . "Taiwan's Anti-Nuke Miracle Facing Recall." Earth Island Journal 15.4 (2000). . "Taiwan's Endangered Birds Also Under Threats from 'One-China' Policy." Editorial. Taipei Times 26 Aug. 1999: 9. . "The Plight of the Spoonbill: When Industry and Ecology Collide." New Views of Southern Taiwan 8 (2001). 21 Apr. 2001<http://newviews.freehosting.net/ spoonbills.html>. . "The Unbearable Lightness of the 7th Naphtha Cracker Complex: Economic Justice and the Binnan Industrial Complex." Tainan Environment Bi-monthly Aug. 2000. (In Chinese) . "Will Taiwan Turn Green?" Earth Island Journal 15.3 (2000). 18 Feb. 2002 <http://www.earthisland.org/eijoumal/fall2000/eia_fall2000save.html>. . "Without Soils, Where Can We Find Roots in Taiwan? Binnan Industrial Complex, Meinung Dam and Taiwan's Regional Development." Taiwan Collegian Magazine 23 (2001). (In Chinese) , and Tze-Luen Lin. "Against Binnan: Give Taiwan a Chance for Sustainable Development." Editorial. Independent Morning Post 25 Apr. 1998. (In Chinese) Kondolf, G. Mathias. "and Jeffrey Hou. "Dispelling the Myth of Dam: Toward Sustainable Management of Water Resources." Editorial. China Times 20 Apr. 1998. (In Chinese) , and . "Meinung Dam: A Sad Song for Sustainable Regional Development in Taiwan." Embracing Land, Rivers and Life: An Anthology of Meinung Anti-Dam Literature. Ed. MPA. Aug. 2000. 73-75. (In Chinese) , and . Review of the Environmental Impact Assessment for the Binnan Industrial Complex, Tsengwen Coastal Plain, Taiwan. Report CEDR-98-001. UC Berkeley: Center for Environmental Design Research, 1998. 3 May 2003 <http://www4.ced.berkeley.edu:8004/student_org/save>. 194 , Jeffrey Hou, and Wenling Tu. Water Resources Planning in Taiwan and California: Implications for Reservoir Management and for Economic Development in Southern Taiwan. UC Berkeley: Center for Environmental Design Research, 2001. Lin, Tze-Luen, and Jeffrey Hou. "Assessing Taiwan's Environmental Impact Assessment System under Binnan." Editorial. United Daily Jan. 2000. (In Chinese) 195 Appendix O Eleven Major Concerns on the Meinung Dam General Concerns SpecifiCjCpncerns 1. Geological unsuitability The proposed dam site is known to be geologically unsuitable as a dam site. The geology of the area consists of soft shale and sandstone and is prone to earthquakes. The unstable formation will result in vulnerability of the dam to earthquakes as well as rapid siltation. The large body of water is also likely to induce earthquakes in the region. 2. Safety threats to nearby residents The proposed dam only 1.5 km upstream from the nearest village and 4 km away from the center of a township with a population of 55,000 poses a serious threat to the safety of the region and its residents. The existing channel and flood plain are not enough to convey the floodwater if the dam fails. 3. Violation of environmental justice and threat to cultural heritage The proposed dam is to be built in an area where 95% of the residents are of the Hakka minority. The proposed dam violates the principle of environmental justice and poses a threat to the preservation of Hakka culture and community. 4. Species extinction and biodiversity loss The proposed dam will flood 6.4 square kilometers of extensive forest area that provide diverse terrestrial ecosystem for plants, insects, birds and mammal. Studies have identified 85 families, 253 species of plants, 110 species of butterflies, 6 species of amphibians, 11 species of reptiles, 7 species of mammals and more than 80 species of birds in the valley. The site provides a unique habitat for Yellow butterfly. The dam will destroy habitats for 27 listed rare wildlife species and 3 listed endangered species including Maroon Oriole (Oriolus traillii), Hawk Eagle (Spiaetus nipalensis) and India Pitta (Pitta brachyura). 5. Threats to regional water quality and groundwater recharge Diversion and decrease in surface flow and groundwater recharge as result of the Meinung Dam will exacerbate the current water quality problem in streams and groundwater in the region. 6. Short life span of dam and disproportional cost The high erosion rate of mountain range in Taiwan results in rapid siltation and short life span of its reservoirs. Studies have estimated the life-span of Meinung to be between 20 -50 years. The high cost to construct the dam is unjustified given its short life-span. 196 7. Over-estimate of water demand A recent independent study points out that the National Government's estimate of water demand is based on outdated population projections and does not take into account the current transformation in industrial and agricultural sectors and possible water conservation measures. 8. Lacks of assessment for alternatives to dam Possible alternatives to the proposed dam have not been sufficiently considered by the national authority. In contrast, the local governments have proposed alternative ways to improve quantity and quality of regional water supply, including groundwater recharge, conservation measure and installation of sewage treatment plants and elimination of major heavy industrial development in the region. 9. Increased heavy industrial development and C02 emission According to government document, the Meinung Dam will supply water to the proposed Binnan Industrial Complex. The additional water supply from the dam will also encourage development of heavy industry in the region. The estimated C02 emission from Binnan Industrial Complex alone is equivalent to 31% of Taiwan's total C02 emissions in 1990. The cost for reducing C02 emission to comply with international standard will far exceed the economic benefit of the dam. 10. Inadequate environmental impact assessment The environmental impact assessment of Meinung Dam was done more than 10 years ago prior to the formal establishment of the Environmental Impact Assessment Law in Taiwan. The document failed to assess the above mentioned problems and contained data that are outdated. 11. Local and regional opposition The proposed dam is faced with enormous local and regional opposition. According to a recent door-to-door survey, 34,338 (over 72%) of local residents indicated strong opposition to the proposed dam. In another survey in Kaoshiung City, 60% of respondents indicated that dam is not the only option to resolve water shortage problem. Recently, the 3 highest elected officials in the region including Mayor of Kaoshiung City and Magistrates of Kaoshiung and Pingtung counties have jointly declared their opposition to the dam. Source: Taiwan Environmental Action Network (TEAN), "Eleven Major Concerns on the Meinung Dam," MPA Home Page 22 Apr. 2000, 16 Oct. 2002 <http://mpa.ngo.org. tw/english/elevenmajor.htm>. 

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