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Treating consumption : strategies for promoting a sustainable lifestyle Folz, Harmony Meleta Johanna 2004

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TREATING CONSUMPTION: STRATEGIES FOR PROMOTING A SUSTAINABLE LIFESTYLE by HARMONY MELETA JOHANNA FOLZ B.A., Yale University, 1992  A THESIS S U B M I T T E D IN PARTIAL F U L F I L L M E N T O F THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE D E G R E E OF M A S T E R O F A R T S (PLANNING) in THE FACULTY OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning  W e accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  T H E UNIVERSITY O F BRITISH C O L U M B I A May 2004  © Harmony Meleta Johanna Folz, 2004  Library Authorization  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  H  Date (dd/mm/yyyy)  Name of Authfc or (please print)  Title of Thesis:  " p a i - l f ^ G o r y g u m pt^'CM I  S ^ f ^ ' l f y  Year: Department of d o ^ ^ U , The University of British Columbia Vancouver, BC Canada  Q^vd  ROQ\&<*L$L  ^Q0<4 rVic _3  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  ABSTRACT  Human behaviour, particularly the over-consumption of resources, is highly implicated in the environmental and social ills that face our planet. Therefore, i f sustainability is to be achieved, many changes are needed in the way we live our lives. These changes cannot be achieved without significant behaviour change on our part; new technologies, environmental education, and structural changes all w i l l be ineffective unless there is behaviour change. Behaviour change can be incremental and self-reinforcing, so the important thing is not what behaviours need to change, but that some sustainability behaviours are adopted. This thesis examines how these sustainability behaviours could be encouraged. It examines literature on psychological factors influencing behaviour and on behaviour change strategies, using the Precede/Proceed M o d e l as an organizing rubric. From the literature, several conclusions are drawn. First, the goal should be to produce some change, not any specific change. Second, strategies should be comprehensive, and address predisposing, reinforcing, and enabling factors, as well as including provision for evaluation and refinement. This means that information strategies should be used only to give understanding and motivation as part of a comprehensive strategy, that removing barriers and increasing availability/accessibility is necessary, and that skills and feelings of competence and self-efficacy should be developed. Third, change should be voluntary, and chosen by the individual, preferably as part of a participatory problem solving exercise. Fourth, social pressures, roles and commitment should be utilized by program planners, especially through the use of groups; also, people should be told that they are a certain way in order to shift their personal norms, self-concept and social identity towards being someone who acts sustainably. Finally, change should be framed as an improvement to one's lifestyle and people should be made to feel that they can make a difference, and once behaviour has changed, that they are making a difference. Based on these findings, a comprehensive group behaviour change strategy is proposed and outlined.  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S n  ABSTRACT T A B L E OF CONTENTS  ni  LIST OF FIGURES  vi  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  VII  E X E C U T I V E SUMMARY  VIII  1  DYING OF CONSUMPTION  1  1.1  T H E S Y M P T O M S ( L E C T U R E G I V E N ON F R I D A Y , A P R I L 1,2050)  1.2  DIAGNOSIS ( L E C T U R E G I V E N ON FRIDAY, APRIL 8,2050)  23  1.3  H E A L T H ( L E C T U R E G I V E N ON FRIDAY, APRIL 15,2050)  44  1.4  T R E A T M E N T ( L E C T U R E G I V E N ON FRIDAY, APRIL 22,2050, E A R T H D A Y )  59  3  2  RATIONALE AND M E T H O D S  77  3  T H E PRECEDE/PROCEED M O D E L  82  4  FACTORS IN BEHAVIOUR C H A N G E  89  4.1  PREDISPOSING FACTORS  91  4.1.1  Biology and Culture  91  4.1.2  Demographics  93  4.1.3  Personal Factors  95  Values  95  Political Ideology  97  Religion  Personality Emotions  ;  98 :  99  Self-determination  100  What is " k n o w n "  4.1.4  97  101  Knowledge  101  Beliefs  102  4.1.5  Attitudes  103  4.1.6  Self Image  106  Self-concept  106  Personal Norm  107  Self efficacy  Locus of Control  4.2  ENABLING FACTORS  '.  108 110 110  4.2.1  Skills  110  4.2.2  Resources, Availability and Accessibility  111  in  HARMONY FOLZ  L i f e So Far  112  Habits  112  Experience  4.2.3  :  113  4.2.4  Situation-Specific Evaluations  114  4.2.5  Time and Space  114  REINFORCING F A C T O R S  4.3  Reactions  4.3.1  115  115  Reactance  115  Cognitive Dissonance  116  Intrinsic Satisfaction  117  4.3.2  Tangible Considerations  117  4.3.3  Social Pressures  118  Social Milieu  118  Social Norms  118  Social Diffusion  122  Social Commitment  124  Social Capital  124  Social Identity  125  B E H A V I N G SUSTAINABLY  126  4.4.1  The Action Process  127  4.4.2  Effects o f Actions  128  4.4  5  TREATING CONSUMPTION  EXISTING BEHAVIOUR C H A N G E STRATEGIES 5.1  PREDISPOSING STRATEGIES  130 134  5.1.1  Education  134  5.1.2  Information  137  5.1.3  Persuasion  140  5.1.4  Simulations  141  5.1.5  Modelling  142  5.2  E N A B L I N G STRATEGIES  143  5.2.1  Skills Training  143  5.2.2  Availability and Accessibility  144  5.2.3  Structural Changes  145  5.2.4  Technology  148  5.2.5  Urban Planning  149  REINFORCING STRATEGIES  151  5.3  5.3.1  Feedback  152  5.3.2  Tangible Incentives and Disincentives  153  5.3.3  Social Incentives and Disincentives  155  IV  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  5.4  C O M B I N E D STRATEGIES  5.4.1  Social Marketing  156  5.4.2  Community Based Social Marketing  157  5.4.3  Global Action Plan  158  5.5  6  156  ADDITION A L ISSUES A N D CONSIDERATIONS  ;  '.  160  5.5.1  Reciprocity  5.5.2  Commitment  161  5.5.3  Scarcity  162  5.5.4  Altercasting  162  5.5.5  Community Participation  163  5.5.6  Use of Groups  165  5.5.7  Participatory Problem Solving  167  5.5.8  Consensus conferences  168  5.5.9  Framing of Proenvironmental Behaviour  169  CONCLUSIONS AND A N E W S T R A T E G Y 6.1  SUSTAINABILITY S E L F - H E L P GROUPS  160  171 174  6.1.1  Individual Sustainability Self-Help Groups  177  6.1.2  Workplace Sustainability Self-Help Groups  177  6.1.3  School Sustainability Self-Help Groups  178  6.1.4  Community Sustainability Self-Help Groups  178  6.2  SUSTAINABILITY S E L F - H E L P GROUPS A N D T H E O R Y  179  6.3  CONCLUSION  181  FINAL THOUGHTS  183  REFERENCES  184  HARMONY FOLZ  L I S T O F  TREATING CONSUMPTION  F I G U R E S  Figure 1: Choices, choices  1  Figure 2: The Ford Excursion  14  Figure 3: Overshoot  17  Figure 4: Typical American family and their belongings  18  Figure 5: Typical Albanian family and their belongings  19  Figure 6: Neo-liberal economists' worldview  31  Figure 7: Ecological economists' worldview  32  Figure 8: The weight of now and future lifestyles  44  Figure 9: Dominant Social Paradigm vs. Alternate Environmental Paradigm  58  Figure 10: The Fateful Hot D o g Toaster  60  Figure 11: Go for the Source!  68  Figure 12: Diffusion of Innovation Curve  69  Figure 13: Transition to Sustainability  76  Figure 14: Precede/Proceed M o d e l  83  Figure 15: Precede/Proceed M o d e l adapted for Sustainability  84  Figure 16: Personal Influences on Behaviour  89  Figure 17: The Diffusion of Innovation Curve  123  Figure 18: Influences on Behaviour  126  Figure 19: The Behaviour Process  127  Figure 20: Effects o f Behaviour  128  Figure 21: Effects of Change Strategies  130  Figure 22: Change Strategies Logic M o d e l  131  VI  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T  Grateful acknowledgment is made for the valuable suggestions and help given by my advisors, Dr. W i l l i a m Rees at the School of Community and Regional Planning and Drs. C . James Frankish and Robert Vanwynsburghe at the Institute for Health Promotion Research. M y thesis work has been supported in part by the Sustainable Development Research Institute's Georgia Basin Futures Project, and influenced by work done for that project with Drs. Frankish and Vanwynsburghe and A v i v a Savelson, a Masters student at the Institute of Resources, Environment and Sustainability.  Vll  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  EXECUTIVE  S U M M A R Y  The first chapter examines the over-consumption o f developed countries as a root cause of the environmental ills and gross social inequity facing the planet and the faulty myth of scientific materialism as a driver of that over-consumption. It discusses the need for a new sustainability paradigm and what it might look like, pointing out that there is no "sustainability checklist" of " g o o d " and " b a d " behaviours. It then looks at why technological, structural, political change w i l l likely not happen without behaviour change, and why behaviour change is a better fulcrum than any o f the previous methods for changing society: because changing some behaviours should lead to the change of more, and eventually to a new myth. It addresses why planners are an appropriate choice for implementers of behaviour change strategies. It concludes that changing any specific behaviour is the best way to achieve change and that "the goal should be to produce some relevant behaviour change and to stimulate activity around serious environmental problems in general" (Th0gersen, 1999, p. 55). The second chapter looks at methodology and methods. It discusses why this research is a valuable contribution to planning. It includes inclusion/exclusion criteria and how subsequent chapters were researched and written. The third chapter looks at the Precede/Proceed M o d e l as an underlying heuristic device for looking at behaviour change and provides an explanation of the model. The Precede/Proceed M o d e l is an effective framework for changing behaviour. According to the model, behaviour change programs should encourage voluntary change, empower individuals with understanding, motivation and skills, consider both internal and external factors on behaviour and address them both, make use of predisposing, reinforcing and enabling strategies in a comprehensive strategy, be iterative and include provision for evaluation. The fourth chapter provides a look at the various factors which influence behaviour. Relevant psychological research is examined to see how it can best be applied to changing behaviour. The research shows that pro environmental knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and values are important, but only as predisposing factors since by themselves they do not lead to behaviour change. Further, people choose how they act and react and are motivated by satisfaction, which can be provided by feeling competent and frugal. They prefer to act in accordance with their self-concept and personal norm. People with high values of self-efficacy, internal loci of control and relevant Vlll  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  skills are more likely to engage in proenvironmental behaviours. Other findings are that habits and experience are strong factors against changing behaviour, but once behaviour is changed can be strong factors in continuing with the behaviour; mandating behaviours can lead to reactance, which makes people less likely to perform those behaviours; cognitive dissonance means that i f behaviour change can be induced, attitude change w i l l likely follow; building social capital can promote proenvironmental behaviour; and social identity, social milieu and social norms can all have a strong effect on behaviour, leading to a person behaving in a way that they may not necessarily believe in, but what they think others want or expect them to do. The fifth chapter proposes a change strategies logic model, which highlights that a combination of strategies or a combination strategy is most effective. It then looks at a variety of existing strategies and examines the research around their effectiveness in bringing about behaviour change. According to the research, predisposing strategies (education, information, persuasion, simulations) are necessary but not sufficient to bring about behaviour change, although prompting can help cement new behaviours and modelling behaviours can be effective. Enabling strategies could be very influential, but they are the least often used and would require the most societal change in order to be used. Reinforcing strategies have mixed results. Feedback and tangible reinforcements work, but only last as long as they are provided. Social reinforcement is a powerful factor in behaviour change. Social marketing, community based social marketing and the Global A c t i o n Plan are strong strategies but have limitations. Other relevant findings are that reciprocity works, even to the point of unequal exchange; asking for and getting commitment is a strong predictor o f the success of a behaviour change strategy; perceived scarcity increases demand for something; participation is an important part of lasting behaviour change; and groups are effective in bringing about change, and in building social norms. Finally, doom and gloom messages and asking people to sacrifice do not really encourage behaviour change - framing sustainability as an improvement in our lives is a better strategy The final chapter contains a summary of the previous chapters. It also outlines another strategy that makes use o f the findings above. This strategy uses small groups of voluntary participants, "Sustainability Self-Help Groups", who meet for a period of time and make a commitment to change their own behaviour within that time. These groups could be formed at several levels: individuals, workplace, schools and communities. The groups have the potential to lead to lasting and incremental behaviour change.  IX  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  Imagine a future of relentless storms and floods,, islands and heavily inhabited coastal regions inundated by rising sea levels; fertile soils , rendered barren by drought and the desert's advance; mass migrations of environmental refugees; and armed conflicts over water and other precious natural resources.  Then think again - for one might just as easily conjure a more hopeful picture; of green , technologies; livable cities; '} .ersergy efficient homes, transport "" and indudry; and rising standards of living for all the world's people, not just a fortunate minority.  The choice bet w e n these competing visions is ours to make.  Figure 1: Choices, choices 1  D Y I N G O F  C O N S U M P T I O N  1  [We are playing Russian Roulette with our future] with the only uncertain element being how long present trends may proceed before they produce mass death. The loaded chambers might be labeled: ozone depletion leading to skin cancer; deforestation and desertification leading to starvation; chemical pollution of air, water and food leading to suppressed immune surveillance and subsequent cancers; global overpopulation producing famine and war, and many other lethal possibilities. Must we continue to march like lemmings toward approaching ecological catastrophes? Or do we human beings have some degree o f control over the future of our species? (Howard, 1997, p. 11) I believe that we do have control, i f we choose to use it, and we can avert these ecological disasters i f we take action, starting now. The purpose of this thesis is to look at actions which could most effectively exert that change. Chapter 1 of this thesis provides the rationale for why behaviour change is both necessary and the preferred strategy for effecting that change. This chapter has four parts. In the first I look at  'This title was  taken from a work in progress of my father, John Michael Folz 1  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  the environmental problems that we are facing and argue that they are the result o f overconsumption of resources by those of us in the First World. I describe that over-consumption, and discuss the unequal consumption patterns of wealthy and impoverished countries. In the second part I argue that our current scientific materialist paradigm is the cause of that overconsumption, especially economic expansionism (neoliberal economics) and scientific reductionism. I then trace the history o f the paradigm back through history. I also look briefly at the roots of the environmental movement as a consistent counterpoint to scientific materialism. In the third part I map out what a future sustainable society might look like, in the best o f all possible worlds. I include this part to show what a revised paradigm might look like. I also argue that while we can have sustainability as a goal, and have a good idea of what we mean by it, there is no precise roadmap either of what sustainability means or how we can achieve it. Finally, in the fourth section I argue that working to change the behaviour o f individuals is the most effective way to bring about a shift in paradigms, and thus a shift towards sustainability. In this chapter I take a bit o f a departure from standard academic prose. It's written as a series o f four lectures that I purport to give in A p r i l 2050 in honour of the 8 0 anniversary of Earth Day. I th  was inspired to use this form for the introductory chapter of my thesis by George Howard's book Human Nature: An Owner's Manual (1996). Professor Howard, who teaches psychology at Notre Dame and who often writes about psychology and sustainability, uses stories in that book to convey argument, pointing out that innovative writing styles are easier to read than standard academic prose and better able to hold the attention of the reader (assuming they are wellexecuted). H e also says they contribute to his thinking more daring and provocative thoughts. Two forms he recommends are the autobiography (which I use in part o f section 1.4), and the teleography, "an imaginative technique wherein possibly true stories about one's future are constructed in the hope that the future that actually occurs might come to resemble these hopedfor stories" (Howard, 1996, p. 133). I found this latter form especially useful because it allowed me both to tell a story and to talk about our present reality as i f I were explaining it to outsiders. It also allowed me to convey a message of hope to temper the depressing nature o f our current ecological crisis since in my story I assume that we w i l l learn to live sustainably within the next 46 years. So now, take yourself ahead to 2050, to a future where our children and their children live in sustainable communities, and cannot even imagine any other way o f life.  2  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  1.1  T H E S Y M P T O M S (LECTURE G I V E N O NF R I D A Y , A P R I L  1,2050)  Welcome to the 80 Earth Day lecture series. This year we have chosen Harmony Folz as our th  speaker. Ms. Folz has spent most of her life working on changing the world and she has been very successful in doing so. She is acknowledged as one of those who worked behind the scenes to shift our way of living from destructive to sustainable. She is a graduate of this institution's School of Community and Regional Planning and a Yale graduate. After she finished at UBC she spent many years working as a planner and a policy analyst and designer, working both in Canada and in several international contexts. In all of her work, her goal has remained clearthe betterment of our world and our society, and she continues to work towards that goal to this very day. In this first lecture, Ms. Folz reminds us of "the bad old days. " She describes in painful detail the over-consumption of resources prevalent in her youth and how it led to serious environmental problems. She also discusses how it was the over-consumption of the wealthy countries that caused problems, rather than the over-population of the poorer countries, as well as how inequitable the levels of consumption were between the rich and poor parts of the world. I am greatly honoured to have the opportunity to give this series of lectures in honour of the 80  th  annual Earth Day. Quite frankly, I'm also relieved, because for much of my life I doubted whether I or any other human would make it this far. Given that I am just fifteen weeks younger than Earth Day itself, it is perhaps not surprising that I didn't know whether I'd make it to 2050, but that the survival of the rest of our species was in doubt is likely harder for most of you young folks to truly understand. It's my job to help you to understand why our future was in doubt and how we turned ourselves around. These regular reminders are essential if we are to maintain the progress we've made.  i To give you a flavour of the danger we were in, let me take you back to the year 2000.1 chose that year because it has a special place in my consciousness. Throughout most of my young life it was viewed as the far future; it was the year we wrote about when tasked to envision the future. We imagined that by then our society would have reached a technological Utopia, with flying cars and settlements on the Moon. Of course, when 2000 actually arrived we were about as far from a Utopian state as we could be. Things were looking bleak, at least to anyone who was  3  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  looking. The changes being wrought on the planet were becoming harder to ignore, which doesn't mean a lot of people weren't trying to ignore them. Some of the problems we faced were: climate change threatened crops, bred disease, and led to sea level rise and had impacts on both marine and terrestrial ecosystems (Moore, 1 9 9 4 ) , not to mention human society  > the ozone layer was being lost and huge holes were forming in it (Potter and Dwyer, 1 9 9 5 ; Wackernagel and Rees, 1 9 9 6 )  we continued to burn fossil fuels, which contributed to climate change and pollution (Bradford and Dorfman, 2002); fossil fuels provided 8 5 % of the world's commercial energy and 80% of its residential energy (Summerall et al., 2002);  > our emissions and wastes polluted the air and water especially in the megacities of the developing world; sulfur dioxide, nitrogen dioxide, particulates, ozone and other chemicals killed an estimated three million people a year and children were often hardest hit (Summerall et al., 2002); > pollution also affected water supplies and led to acid rain (Oskamp, 2000b);  2  3  4  3  6 12.htm 4  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  we made 1000 new chemical compounds each year (Capra, 1982) - in all we had made and used about 70,000 new chemical compounds, most of which had not been tested for human toxicity (Beatley and Manning, 1997), let alone effects on ecosystems;  > 440 commercial nuclear reactors produced more than 11,000 tons of spent fuel which could have leaked or been a terrorist target - either of which would have caused huge and irreparable damage (Klesius, 2002);  > we destroyed forests at the rate of 36 million acres annually (Kluger and Dorfrnan, 2002); this contributed to climate change because forests capture carbon dioxide and release oxygen and cutting them releases carbon dioxide (Summerall et al., 2002); since forests contain up to 90 percent of all terrestrial species and protect soil and fresh water destroying them had a wide range of negative effects (Summerall et al., 2002); > we erected megadams, which had huge negative effects on local and not-so-local ecosystems and species (Klesius, 2002);  > the United States had filled more than half of the wetlands that existed in pre-Columbian times and was continuing to destroy and degrade them (Beatley and Manning, 1997);  Z  *JLm- ' •'• 11  > hardy aggressive species were invading local ecosystems; these invaders were spread either knowingly (usually in an attempt to control some aspect of the ecosystem or through practices such as fish farming) or accidentally (as a result of foreign trade) by humans (Summerall et al., 2002); "  8  9  10  5  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  > we were in the midst of the "worst spasm of extinctions since the dinosaurs were wiped out 65 million years ago" (Bradford and Dorfman, 2002, p. A 1 6 ) ; over the past halfbillion years the planet had lost about one species per million per year, but in 2000 the rate was 1000-10,000 times faster (Wilson, 2002); 11,000 species were known to be threatened with extinction (Kluger and Dorfman, 2002) and i f we had done nothing one fifth of all plant and animal species could have been gone or almost gone by 2030 (Wilson, 2002); this would have had important implications for both the ecosystems they inhabit and humans, who use them for food and medicine (Kluger and Dorfman, 2002); > we increasingly used fresh water from non-renewing sources such as ground water (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996), which led to shortages and could have led to conflicts (Bradford and Dorfman, 2002); ground water was also subject to pollution (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996) and salinization which further reduced its usability; >  in 2000, 1.1 billion people did not have access to clean drinking water and more than 2.4 billion did not have adequate sanitation; i f we had not taken action, by 2025 two-thirds of us could have lived in countries with serious water shortages (Kluger and Dorfman, 2002);  > two billion people did not have reliable access to safe nutritious food and 800 million (300 million of whom were children) were chronically malnourished (Kluger and Dorfman, 2002);  16  12  13 14  15 16  Harper's Magazine, October 1998, cover http://www.cadizinc.eom/c/cl.html  6  HARMONY FOLZ  > erosion and salinization made soil degradation common in rest of the world; in places like Africa badly managed agriculture and years of drought exacerbated the problem (Bradford and Dorfman, 2002); soil oxidation and erosion were ahead of soil formation by 26 billion hectares per year (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996); global yields had declined 13 percent since World War II (Summerall et al., 2002) and deserts were encroaching on productive land at a rate of 6 million hectares per year (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996); this was not only a problem of developing countries: the United States lost 3 billion tons of topsoil yearly (Beatley and Manning, 1997); in addition, farmland was being lost to towns and cities (Howard, 1997); perhaps not surprisingly, per capita grain production was decreasing (Howard, 1997); > ice caps and glaciers were melting as a result of global warming; this led to rising sea levels, drowning of low lying settlements and more severe weather (Bradford and Dorfman, 2002);  > reefs and marine ecologies were being destroyed through overfishing, pollution and sedimentation (Bradford and Dorfman, 2002); 60% of the world's reefs were threatened with about a third expected to vanish before 2030 (Kluger and Dorfman, 2002), 70% of major commercial fish stocks were depleted, overfished, or exploited beyond maximum sustainable yield, pollution from industrial wastes, pesticides and sewage was rising and eroded soil and fertilizers had created 50 known "dead zones" (Summerall et al., 2002);  18  19  20  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  > the planet was overpopulated (Erlich and Erlich, 1970), and although population growth was slowing because fertility rates were declining, large increases in countries were expected in countries such as India, which was expected to reach 1.5 billion (Bradford and Dorfrnan, 2002), and other developing countries: the population o f the 48 poorest countries was expected to triple in the next 50 years (Summerall et al., 2002); population growth exacerbated food shortages and ecosystem damage, as well as increasing the possibility of plague and/or war (Erlich and Erlich, 1970); > infectious diseases such as respiratory infections, H I V / A I D S , diarrheal diseases, tuberculosis, malaria, cholera and tuberculosis (Bradford and Dorfrnan, 2002; Kluger and Dorfrnan, 2002) were rampant.  In short, we were in serious danger of running into the upper limits o f available energy, resources or food; according to Justus von Liebeg's law of the minimum, the size o f a population or the life of an individual is governed by whatever requisite of life is in the shortest supply (Erlich and Erlich, 1970). It seemed certain that one of them would soon fail us, but nobody knew which. A n d this was trouble we had brought upon ourselves, since all of these problems had roots in either our use o f natural resources (which caused the physical degradation o f the landscape, land subsidence, flooding, soil deterioration, among other things) or our generation o f wastes (which caused water, land, air pollution, enhanced greenhouse effect, acid deposition, ozone depletion, radioactivity, among other things) or both together (such as habitat disruption and the loss of biodiversity) (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996; Huby, 1998). The reason we were in so much trouble was not because we were using resources or emitting wastes, but because of how we  Dismal Theorem: If only ultimate check on growth is ecological misery, then the human economy will grow until the situation is sufficiently miserable that it cannot expand any more. (Boulding, 1971, in Wackernagel, 2000, p. 108)  were doing so. Indeed, in order to live we humans need to change our environment accordingly, waste and pollution have been with us for centuries (Konvitz, 1996). The problem we were facing was the scope of the effects we had on our environment. During the twentieth century our impacts became ecological rather than environmental; by that I mean that they http://www.cnn.coin/US/9910/13/population.youth. surge/,6143,192726,00.html 8  HARMONY FOLZ  started to affect the regulatory actions of the atmosphere, oceans and land, sometimes irreversibly (Holling, 1986). Previously, environmental problems had been localized and the effects o f our actions were directly observable through the accumulation of pollutants, waste or the loss of aesthetic values (Dunlap et al., 2000). Then, the solutions were similarly obvious. But by the year 2000, we were driving "global change by altering the flows  TREATING CONSUMPTION  On Mother Nature: The lady is our mother all right, and a mighty dispensationalforce as well. After evolving on her own for more than three billion years, she gave birth to us a mere million years ago, the blink of an eye in evolutionary time. Ancient and vulnerable, she will not tolerate the undisciplined appetite of her gargantuan infant much longer. (Wilson, 2002, p. 23)  of energy and materials among components of the geosphere-biosphere system" (Clark, 1989, p. 317) and although the evidence of our use was everywhere - in the land use patterns that were visible from space, in the concentration of carbon dioxide, methane, nitrous oxide and other gasses in our atmosphere and in our mineral use (Vitousek et al., 1986) - many of the effects of our actions were globalized and less directly observable than they were in previous times (Dunlap et al., 2000). Phenomena such as the greenhouse effect or the decreasing ozone layer were complex and synergistic, had ambiguous origins and were difficult to directly observe (Elander et al., 1995; Dunlap et al., 2000). In other words, many things were going wrong and we were less than certain exactly why or how or how to fix it. W h y were we doing so much damage even though there were fewer people then than now? Because the amount of impact a population has on the planet comes from the multiplication of the number of people by the amount of resources that each person uses and by the environmental pollution and degradation caused by that use (Corson, 1994; van den Bergh and Ferrer-iCarbonell, 2000). Since we were using and polluting more per capita then, our impact was much greater than it is now. A measure of the size of this impact is given by the ecological footprint concept (Rees, 1992, 2000), which shows "how much biologically productive space is necessary for a given population to produce the resources it consumes and to absorb the corresponding waste that it generates, with the use of prevailing technology" (Wackernagel, 2000, p. 104). In 1995 the average Canadian footprint was 8.8 ha. Yes, more than seven times our current average of 1.2 ha per person (Wackernagel, 2000; L o h , 2002). This high level of consumption was reached fairly rapidly during the latter part of the twentieth century. Between 1950 and 1990, the world population more than doubled. A t the same  // is increasingly apparent that a continuation of the present levels of resource use and waste generation is likely to lead to environmental deterioration on a growing scale and, since human beings are so critically dependent on the natural environment for meeting their most basic needs, this will inevitably lead to social crises and even societal breakdown. (Huby, 1998, p. 1-2) 9  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  time the number of livestock went up by a factor of 1.8, grain consumption increased 2.6-fold, water use nearly tripled, fish consumption went up by 4.4 times, energy use quintupled, consumption o f wood and copper doubled, steel production quadrupled, economic output nearly quintupled, industrial  Material consumption is linked to almost every other aspect of our lives, for example: consumption patterns are related to economic development, technological change, institutions, landscapes, demographic distributions, education systems, communication systems, and cultures. (Michaelis, 2000, p. 75)  production septupled, aluminum output and use of chemical fertilizers increased by a factor of 10, organic chemicals by a factor of 20 and air travel by a factor of nearly 70. In short, the average resource use per person nearly tripled, which means that in 1990 we were using six times as many resources as in 1950 (Corson, 1994). A t the same time, the Gross W o r l d Product was growing at 4 % a year, which gave it a doubling time o f 18 years (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). " A n irresistible economy [seemed] to be on a collision course with an immovable ecosphere" (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996, p. 1). H o w were we possibly consuming that much? Part of the answer is in the form our cities had evolved into in the same period. A t the turn of the century, American (and Canadian) cities lacked any sense of limit or constraint (Beatley, 2000). Urban agglomerations spread as far across the landscape as possible, usually limited only by natural barriers. The normal form of these agglomerations was a central downtown with high rises surrounded by seas of suburbs filled with strip malls and housing subdivisions that oozed out across the landscape. In 1960 we had been evenly divided between the city, the suburbs and rural areas but by 1990 over half of us in North America lived in suburbs (Register, 2001) which spread faster than our population was growing (Beatley and Manning, 1997) and became further and further away from urban centres. This suburban lifestyle was not a completely natural development, but was actively brought about by a conspiracy between car, bus, truck, gas and tire companies, who bought up transit systems in many cities, only to destroy them to encourage demand for their products (Register, 2001). Our cities had high carbon dioxide emissions, produced a lot of waste and drew in large amounts of energy and resources  California businesses cannot compete globally when they are burdened with the costs of sprawl. An attractive business climate cannot be maintained if the quality of life continues to decline and the cost offinancingreal estate development escalates. People in central cities and older suburbs cannot become part of the broader economy if sprawl continues to encourage disinvestment, and the state can neither afford to ignore nor fully subsidize these neglected areas. California must find a new development model. We must create more compact and efficient development patterns that accommodate growth, yet help maintain California's environmental balance and its economic competitiveness. And we must encourage everyone in California to propose and create solutions to sprawl. (Bank of America 1995, p. 8, in Beatley and Manning, 1997, p. 11-12) 10  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  (Beatley, 2000). This was partly due to how we transported ourselves. In most cities (Vancouver was a partial exception), massive freeways sped people in and out o f the city for work and many people spent more than four hours in their cars every day, going to their jobs downtown or, increasingly, in other suburbs (Register, 2001). Perhaps sped is the wrong word - as it  Individualistic civilization in the United States was launched upon perhaps its last great binge at the end of World War II, when people felt they had a right to a separate house - usually rather nondescript, even humble, with a moat ofgrass and picket-fence battlements - and a car to get to where everything else in life happened. (Register, 2001, p. 106)  turned out, increased sprawl led to more traffic congestion, increased commuting time (Beatley and Manning, 1997), more accidents and air pollution (Konvitz, 1996), each of which killed 20 million of us in the 2 0 century (Register, 2001). th  Sprawl also led to noise pollution (Konvitz, 1996), low use of alternative transport options (Beatley, 2000) and a lack of opportunity for anyone who could not drive (Beatley and Manning. 1997). The suburbs contributed to costly public infrastructure and high energy use and the size and scatteredness of the houses meant it took more energy to do the heating and cooling, and a lot of heat was wasted on heating up the outdoors (Beatley and Manning, 1997; Register, 2001). Building the suburbs was resource intensive (Beatley and Manning, 1997) and took up land that was often sensitive habitat, productive farmland or forest (Beatley, 2000) or precious landscapes (those that give us wonder and peace and help us connect to the other) (Beatley and Manning, 1997). Ironically, sprawl came from the best of impulses - people wanted to live in 'garden cities' surrounded by nature (Register, 2001). When World War II ended and 10.5 million soldiers in the United States needed work and housing it seemed the perfect time to build the garden city dream (Register, 2001). The U S already had 5 0 % o f the world's cars at that point, so transportation wasn't an issue, especially since some of the former soldiers got to work building more. Unfortunately, what was built was uninformed by ecological principles and so ultimately led to the sprawl, slums and ecological chaos we lived in at the beginning o f this century. But the building and car industries became huge parts of our economy, each employing a sixth of us, and so it became necessary to keep them growing  Our land use patterns are the physical foundation of our society and, like our society, they are becoming more and more fractured. They increasingly isolate people and activities in an inefficient network of congestion and pollution rather than joining them in diverse and human-scaled communities. Our faith in government and the sense of common purpose essential to any vital democracy are eroding in suburbs designed more for cars than people, more for market segments than communities. Local zoning laws and development patterns designed to separate and segregate us make it difficult for Americans to work together on the social issues facing the country. (Calthorpe and Richmond, 1993, p. 700, in Beatley, 2000, p. 14) 11  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  since such a large part of our collective livelihood came from building more sprawl (Register, 2001). A t the same time, it became cheaper to move out to the periphery than invest in the centre as long as greenfield sites were available (Konvitz, 1996). The spread of suburbs had an effect on our society, especially in the U S , but even here in Canada. The move out there left behind the poor - 4 2 % of the poor continued to live in cities even as close to 6 0 % o f us lived in the suburbs (Beatley and Manning, 1997). W i t h revenue from property taxes declining, so did the cities. M a n y cities (though not Vancouver) became economically dysfunctional and crime in them rose. This fueled more flight, which heightened the dysfunction, and so on (Beatley and Manning, 1997). Out in the suburbs, a family's house became its castle, to be defended against all comers. Some people became so scared o f the perceived crime in regular suburbs that they moved to gated communities where they believed they could shut everyone out except for 'their k i n d ' (Beatley and M a n n i n g , 1997). Ironically, this fed their fear o f the outside while giving them no more protection from crime than they would have had otherwise. Most suburbians lived in bland boxes surrounded by other bland boxes in a neighbourhood that lacked character and a sense of place (Beatley and M a n n i n g , 1997) and didn't know their neighbours because their houses were too far apart to lead even to a simple " h i . " The neighbourhood became a collection of individuals rather than a neighbourhood, which made these individuals retreat further into their house-cocoons. The social ties that gave individuals pleasure and invigorated community life were undermined by this disconnection or fragmentation (Beatley and Manning, 1997). Lack of knowledge of the neighbours encouraged a lack of consideration; also, since most neighbourhoods were fairly homogenous (Beatley and Manning, 1997) it became easier to distrust those who are not like the group and to come to lack sympathy or empathy for their problems (Beatley and Manning, 1997). The long commutes also meant that people had diminished time, opportunity and energy for face-to-face social interaction anyway (Beatley and Manning, 1997). In short, "our singular quest to develop [had] come at the expense of the creation of enjoyable, livable, quality communities" (Beatley and Manning, 1997, p. 9). Another part o f the answer to how we consumed so much lies in how we lived in our urban agglomerations. Most people lived in, or at least aspired to, a separate dwelling of at least 2000 square feet (186 square meters) with as much space around it as  In many respects, consumption will probably prove to be the least tractable of the three interlinked problems [of consumption, environment and population], in that consumption patterns and expectations are deeply entrenched in most societies and cultures. (Myers, 2000, p. 5)  12  HARMONY FOLZ  possible, usually green lawn which was rarely used but nonetheless carefully tended with massive amounts of water, chemical pesticides and fertilizer, all to keep up appearances for the strangerly neighbours. These houses were usually in subdivisions, and the zoning bylaws, erected to keep noxious uses away from dwellings, forbade any mixed use, even a convenience store. This meant that suburb-dwellers had no services within walking distance. And since the lots were as big as they could be and houses were so spread out, public transit was usually infeasible. For suburb dwellers cars were a necessity and each person old enough to drive needed one for him or herself. We knew that cars used fossil fuels and caused air pollution but we had no choice if we were to get to our jobs or schools. At the time households spent one quarter of their after-tax income on their cars (Beatley and Manning, 1997). Pity the poor folks who were too young, too old, too poor or too disabled to drive: they had to rely on a transit system with few buses that rarely came. In North America in the 1990s only 5% of the population used transit - before the car boom in the  TREATING CONSUMPTION  On walking in Baltimore: Massive monuments to the rich tower oppressively around me. An elaborate state-subsidized welfare system supports hotels, corporations, upscale condominiums, football and baseball stadiums, convention centers, elite medical institutions, and the like. The affluent build a system of private schools, universities and medical establishments that are the best in the nation while the mass of the excluded population drown in a miasma of a public sector that is so busy subsidizing the rich that it cannot achieve even elementary standards ofperformance for the mass of the population. The suburbs boom with unecological sprawl while forty thousand vacant houses in the city disintegrate and decay. A filthy ozone cloud hovers over the city on warm summer days. Forty thousand IV drug users roam the streets; the soup kitchens are pressed to full capacity (as are the jails); the food banks for the poor have run out; and the Malthusian specters of death, famine, disease, and 'the war of all against all' hang like a pall over the streets of the city. (Harvey, 2000, p. 280-1)  1950s, 35% had (Beatley and Manning, 1997). It was an immense positive feedback loop - cars were necessary to get around so most people had one. Therefore few people took transit, which understandably meant that transit did provide poor service except in crowded city areas. Since transit was poor, no one wanted to give up his or her car. And so on. Cars were much more than a way to get around. They were a symbol of freedom - teenagers waited eagerly until they were old enough to drive so that they could at last escape the confines of their houses and neighbourhoods full of nothing but huge identical houses. Cars were also a reflection of status and personality - to drive a cheap or small car made others question your worth. Everyone was expected to drive the best car he or she could afford. A l l of this may explain why despite the rising price of gas, people were moving towards less efficient cars in the decades spanning the year 2000 (Beatley and Manning, 1997). The Sport Utility Vehicle, or SUV, was the pinnacle of this trend. This was a large pickup truck-like vehicle with an enclosed 13  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  rear which could seat up to eight people and which was usually quite luxurious inside. They were monsters some, like the 2003 Ford Excursion, even reached as much as 3.5 tonnes  - and had huge engines that used  an obscene amount of gas and spat out pollutants. Most of the people who drove them had absolutely no need for them because they rarely left the cozy confines of their  Figure 2: The Ford Excursion  urban area. And in the urban areas they exacerbated traffic jams - besides the effect of their size, other drivers rightly gave them extra space. However, despite all this, they were the most popular kind of car in North America in the early years of this century. They say Nero fiddled while Rome burned - we drove SUVs while the world fell apart. But the S U V was only one of the more visible markers of our consumption. The others, equally wasteful, were harder for us to see clearly because they were such a part of the way we lived. Besides the infrastructure needs, water was needed to feed the lawn, the toilet, the shower, the dishwasher and the washing machine - this led to groundwater pollution and the depletion of freshwater reservoirs. Besides the chemicals I mentioned earlier, lawns also  Consumption might not produce happiness, but it does produce the drive for self-expression in a society in which 'lifestyle' and 'image' are promoted by the media and by socially transmitted signals of approval and disapproval. (Jordan and O 'Riordan, 2000, p. 93)  needed to be maintained - this required machinery such as riding lawnmowers and gas-powered leaf blowers - almost every household had at least a gaspowered or electric lawnmower. Inside, having a large house meant having to fill it with more stuff - at the very least each room needed to be furnished. Since most people lived far away from any sources of entertainment, family houses became the premier entertainment centres and hence needed a barbecue, a huge entertainment centre with a large television, stereo and gaming equipment. As income increased families added personal hot tubs, pools and even tennis courts. We also really liked to buy things; consumption was deeply entrenched and very sexy (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996; Naess,  Number and picture from  Madison Avenue's advertisement propaganda, urging people to adopt wasteful, consumptionoriented lifestyles, represents an important ecologically destructive force against which children and adults need to be inoculated. Contrary to the consumerist vision of life, wasteful overconsumption, unbridled greed and short-term myopia should be understood as destructive vices. (Howard, 2000, p. 512) 14  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  1997). M y first husband's grandmother was the epitome of the super consumer. She went shopping almost every day of her life once her husband retired, not really because she needed anything, but because she enjoyed it and had little else to do. Because she was a sweet lady she liked to buy her children and grandchildren lots o f gifts, and on Christmas and birthdays we would get a package containing gadgets and knick knacks ranging from very useful to entirely useless. T o give you an idea, at some point she'd gotten the idea that my first husband liked frogs so he received frog dish towels, frog ornaments, a frog foot wiper for the back door, frog candle holders, frog pictures, a frog hand-soap pump, frog T-shirts and a mechanized frog band that moved to the beat of ambient music, among other frog related items. A l l of these were massproduced in factories and were highly consumptive of resources. Though m y ex-grandmother-in-law did buy more than average, she was definitely part of the norm. Shopping and acquiring items was supposed to make us happy while it kept an economy built on the production of gadgets propped up. This meant that we usually had too much stuff, even for our huge houses. A n d of course, it was our lifestyles, "complete with automated gadgets that do everything from washing dishes to brushing teeth, [that were] diminishing our supplies of natural  Too Much Stuff I've got a big house, big car, back seat, full bar House boat won't float, bank won't take the note Too much stuff oh just too much stuff It'll hang you up dealing with too much stuff Hanging out on the couch, putting on the pounds Better walk, run, jump, swim, try to keep it down Eatin' too much stuff, too much stuff It'll wear you down, carrying around too much stuff Hundred dollar cab ride, fogged in, can'tfly Greyhound, Amtrak, oughta bought a Cadillac Too much stuff, ooh, too much stuff It'll slow you down dealing with too much stuff It's way too much, you 're never gonna get enough You can pile it high, but you '11 never be satisfied Rent-a-tux, shiny shoes, back stage, big schmooze Vocal group, can't sing, won awards for everything Too much stuff, ah, too much stuff They just keep on going, rolling in all that stuff Got hurt, can't work, got a lot of bills But the policy don't pay unless I get killed Too much stuff, too much stuff Just my luck, counting on too much stuff It's way too much, you 're never gonna get enough You can pile it high, but you '11 never be satisfied Running back can't score 'til he gets a million more . Quarterback can't pass, only wants his money back Too much stuff, too much stuff You know you can't get a grip when you 're slipping in all that stuff Women have a witchy way, messing with my mind You know Ifall in love every day three or four times Too much stuff, oh too much stuff It'll mess you up fooling with too much stuff Yeah, too much stuff (too much stuff), too much stuff (too much stuff) You never get enough, 'cause there's just too much stuff You know you can hurt yourselffooling with too much stuff Yeah, it '11 tie you down, fooling with all that stuff (that's a lot of stuff) (that's a whole lot of stuff) There's just too much of it, man (yeah I know, there's more stuff) Is that your stuff? (man, you know it) That's a lot of stuff (I have hurt myself) Might be too much (I'm serious, I've hurt myself) Delbert McClinton, with John Prine and Lyle Lovett From the 1997 album One of the Fortunate Few  resources" (Huby, 1998, p. 73).  15  HARMONY FOLZ  Not surprisingly, we threw out a lot of stuff as well, filling up landfill after landfill with the detritus from all of these things: the packaging they came in, the bags they came home from the store in and in the end the item itself. V e r y few things were repairable or reusable. In the 1990s we started recycling en masse, but though this helped, it wasn't enough, especially when people thought it was O K to buy more as long as they recycled the packaging. What we ate also contributed to the problem because o f the amount of resources it took to produce it. W e ate "instant" foods, which usually came wrapped in several layers of  TREATING CONSUMPTION  We will be sorely tempted to lash out at the blindness and selfishness of those "others " who inflict scars upon our planet. But in their own inner realities, such people aren't trying to be destructive. They are just building a business, trying to have a little fun, providing a better life for their children, simply doing exactly what their parents did. We should all try to practice the charity suggested by James and attempt to be less blind to what these destroyers of the earth are trying to accomplish. I know of no one who would purposely set out to destroy the earth. However, all of us tax the earth's ecosystems (to a greater or lesser degree) as we undertake our daily tasks. (Howard, 1997, p. 7)  disposable packaging and were heavily processed in energy and resource intensive factories. This " f o o d " was full of chemicals and other bad stuff, even "edible oil products." Additionally, many people ate meat at least once a day, meat that was usually heavily laden with chemicals and hormones as a result of the cramped quarters and inhuman treatment deemed necessary by the industrial agriculturalists. This livestock ate about half o f the grain that was produced (Myers, 2000) and contributed to ground water pollution, water shortages and land degradation. W e also had over-fished most of the food fish stocks and were bringing in stocks from other areas to farm. This was more wasteful o f resources than catching fish in the w i l d because the fish were usually fed manufactured pellets made from w i l d fish. It also contributed to the downfall of native species because the farmed species often had diseases or escaped and drove the natives out of their niches. Nearly all food was transported for long distances, even across oceans, which used up more fuel and other resources. O n top o f all this, we tended to buy and serve too much food, which led to us throwing out a large proportion of it due to spoilage or overpreparation. Perhaps not surprisingly, given the unhealthiness of our food and our tendency to overeat, a sizable proportion of the US and Canadian populations was obese. In North America all of this was viewed as normal and even desirable. A n d in a world of unlimited resources and/or very few people, it might have worked. However, by consuming at this  Viewed from a larger perspective, it is not only pollution that is making modern society unsustainable; it is the totality of our highly consumptive lifestyles and our swiftly growing society that cannot be sustained. Even though some people will recognize that society in general must scale back, those who feel unjustly victimized are unlikely to join the effort. (Milbrath, 1995, p. 117)  16  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  Ecological resilience and social well-being are more likely to be assured if the total human load remains substantially below Earth's carrying capacity. Living at the ecological edge compromises ecosystems' adaptability, robustness, and regenerative capacity, thereby threatening other species, whole ecosystems, and ultimately humanity itself. (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996, p. 57)  rate we were controlling a disproportionate amount of the resources of the Earth. Including direct use, all the land that we were using and rendering unsuitable for other use, we were using about 40% of terrestrial net primary production, which is the total food resource of the Earth, and affecting much of the other 60% (Vitousek et al., 1986). This figure doesn't include land uses such as forestry. At this level of consumption we were using more natural capital  than could be regenerated and were therefore actually reducing the biocapacity of the system. In other words, we had overshot our carrying capacity (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996; Wackernagel, 2000; Rees, 2002a). Carrying capacity is the population of a species that can be sustained by a given habitat without degrading its integrity and productivity (Wackernagel, 2000). Most species cannot overshoot their carrying capacities, but humans can, if only temporarily (Wackernagel, 2000). Overshoot is possible for us because we can systematically change both ecosystems and their productivity and because many systems do not provide immediate feedback  C O V E R S  w a r )  (Wackernagel, 2000). Unlike other flora and fauna we were able to acquire things from distant places and expand beyond our local and global biocapacities (Wackernagel, 2000). We used "[bjetter financing schemes, HO  more cheaply  ' " E H G A  V, W v l ^ j  }  convertible currencies, Figure 3: Overshoot 17  faster money transfers, fewer trade taxes, more reliable international legal frameworks, better communication networks, more potent transport capacity, and more efficient resource  With these short-term strategies, humanity is only buying time, but unfortunately wasting it by entrenching the conventional selfdestructive path. (Wackernagel, 2000, p. 107)  extraction [to] help to access the remaining resources at a faster rate with less human effort" (Wackernagel, 2000, p. 107). At the same time, the market became insensitive to resource scarcity because access to resources got easier faster than demand for them grew and prices actually went down (Wackernagel, 2000). By the end of the twentieth century we were using 130% of our available resources (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). Biologically, we were behaving like an invader species, entering  As global trade unlinks market scarcity from ecological scarcity, the healthy and necessary feedback loop between ecological capacities and human consumption is broken, allowing modern society to lead the dangerous life of an ecological invader. (Wackernagel, 2000, p. 107)  niches and consuming everything we could. With most species this leads to a loss of capacity and a population collapse in the invading species. Luckily humans have the capacity to see what is coming, even if we don't always use it (Wackernagel, 2000). U p until now I've used the word we rather loosely and you may have thought that all six billion of us shared roughly equal blame for the state of the world. Nothing could be further from the truth. The we who were at fault were the we in the developed countries of Figure 4: Typical American family and their belongings (Menzel, 1994) Footprint 9.7 ha/person (Loh, 2002)  18  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  Europe, A s i a and the " N e w W o r l d , " about 20% of the world's population. Alone we were using 80% o f the resources, or about 104% of the world's carrying capacity (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). In the rich countries, we were consuming resources 10-20  Figure 5: Typical Albanian family and their belongings (Menzel, 1994) Footprint: 0.96 ha/person (Loh, 2002)  times as fast as those i n poorer countries (Huby, 1998). A t the same time that we rich folk tried desperately to become less obese, much o f the world's population was unable to meet basic requirements (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). Not only were we in the developed world consuming way more than our share, but we were also providing 75% o f the pollution, as well as toxic chemicals and hazardous wastes (Myers, 2000). In 1995 the 730 million people in Europe emitted 26% o f the world's pollution, double that produced b y the 1.2 billion people i n China (Myers, 2000). They weren't even the worst offenders - that title fell to the U S which emitted 20.5 tonnes o f carbon dioxide per capita, compared to Europe's 8.5 tonnes (Myers, 2000). Compare this to the world average o f 3.9 tonnes per person and you can see just how unequal things were (Myers, 2000). The kicker was that we were already polluting too much to allow anyone else to j o i n us - i f the growing demand o f the developing countries had been met by fossil fuels our total emissions would have gone up by 70% (Myers, 2000).  19  HARMONY FOLZ  The ecological footprint brings home the disparity between the amount consumed by those o f us in rich countries and the rest o f the world. A s stated before, i n 1999, the average Canadian used 8.8 hectares of land in maintaining his or her lifestyle. A t the same time the average person from Mozambique used 0.47 hectares (Loh, 2002). That was almost 19 Mozambiquians living on the amount of resources that I used up; or put another way, me having a 'reasonable' two children was equivalent i n resource use to a couple from Mozambique having 37 children that all lived to adulthood. G i v e n these statistics it's easy to see that the real problem children of the world were ours (Schumacher, 1973). The population growth of poor countries, while a problem in its own right, was not the growth problem that was going to do us in.  TREATING CONSUMPTION  10 Biggest Footprints (in hectares per capita):  The United Arab Emirates: 10.13 The United States: 9.7 Canada: 8.84 New Zealand: 8.68 Finland: 8:42 Norway: 7.92 Kuwait: 7.75 Australia: 7.58 Sweden: 6:73 Belgium/Luxembourg: 6:72 10 Smallest Footprints (in hectares per capita):  Mozambique: 0.47 Burundi: 0.48 Bangladesh: 0.53 Sierra Leone: 0.54 Pakistan: 0.64 Tajikistan: 0.66 Guinea-Bissau: 0.70 Myanmar: 0.70 Yemen: 0.71 Viet Nam: 0.76 (Loh, 2002)  Many densely populated rich countries were using more land than they had, which meant that they had to exploit other countries to maintain their standard o f living (Rees, 2002a). Obviously all countries couldn't do that (Rees, 2002a). A t the time the footprint of a "fair Earth share," leaving aside 12% of the world for other species, was 1.8 ha per person (Wackernagel, 2000). This meant that because we used almost five times our earth share, we needed close to four other people to each use a quarter o f our share (Wackernagel and Rees, 1 9 9 6 ) .  A n d indeed, at the turn of the century, 7 0 % of the world's population had a smaller  footprint than their capacity - as a whole they only occupied 2 5 % o f the total footprint, or 1/3 o f our carrying capacity. This was the same capacity used by the 4 % o f the population with footprints larger than 10 hectares, i.e., 9% of the United K i n g d o m , 3 7 % o f the United States, 5% of Italy, 5% of M e x i c o , 6% of Chile, 3 2 % of Australia, etc. (Wackernagel, 2000). A n d income disparities were increasing - between the 1960s and the 1990s the share of global income going to the richest 2 0 % of the world's population rose from 70 to 85%, while the share going to the poorest 2 0 % fell from 2.3% to 1.4%. The gap between the industrialized and the developed world almost tripled (Huby, 1998). In 1970 the rich were 30 times as rich as the poor - by 2000 the ratio was between 60 and 74 to 1 (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996; Myers, 2000). In 1997, 25 million rich Americans had the same income as the poorest two b i l l i o n people in the 20  HARMONY FOLZ  world (Rees, 2002a). The disparities were accentuated by gender and ethnicity differences (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996; Huby, 1998). Even within industrialized countries there were increasing inequalities - in the last days of the twentieth century, the poorest 4 0 % households in these countries received only 18% of the national income (Huby, 1998). M a n y of these inequalities were structural, resulting from the organization o f  TREATING CONSUMPTION  European, Australian, American and Japanese majorities are not likely to support such a programme [of decreasing their relative wealth] while their own societies grow increasingly unequal and the numbers of their own poor increase. We must, therefore, accelerate the degradation of the environment to make the world safe for inequality. (Young, 1990, p. 20)  society and social relations (Huby, 1998). Besides not getting any of the good stuff, the poor got most o f the bad stuff. The negative effects of the consumption on the part of the rich countries was mostly felt by the poor countries because we took resources and disposed of wastes on a global market (Beatley and Manning, 1997). But even within individual societies the burden of the pollution and other environmental degradation usually did not fall on the rich who were complicit in creating it (Huby, 1998). R i c h people tended to be better educated and could use the bureaucracy to complain about current problems or militate against future ones. They were also able to avoid the problems by choosing where to live or by ameliorating the effects. The poor bore more most of the social costs of environmental damage, including risks to health, decline of human and natural resource productivity, and loss of amenity and quality of life (Huby, 1998). Because they had to worry about day-to-day survival, they didn't have the time, energy or know-how to deal with these additional problems (Huby, 1998). At the same time, trying to fix the problems often made things worse for the poor (O'Riordan, 1995) - for example, the poor suffered most from air pollution, but i f gas prices went up, their transport options became more severely limited than those o f the rich, who could afford the rate hike (Huby, 1998). A l s o , i f land was put aside for parks or reserves all benefited, but it was often the poor people who lived in remote areas that bore the costs (Huby, 1998). In other words, "Poorer people not only [suffered] the worst effects o f environmental damage, but all too often they [paid] a disproportionate price for environmental protection. The associated costs, whether tangible or intangible, [were] rarely equally distributed." (Huby, 1998, p. 7). Basically, society was in the grips of two positive feedback loops that were careening madly away from each other: the rich were getting richer, the poor poorer, and the gap between them was becoming a chasm.  21  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  I've laid out quite a depressing picture: environmental damage, over-consumption, and rising inequity, and you're probably wondering how people could let this happen. It's important to realize that all o f this was happening through no conscious action on the part o f the vast majority o f people, who were just trying to attain happiness for themselves and their families. W h y this natural human impulse brought about the outcomes I've just discussed w i l l be the topic o f next weeks lecture. Good night.  22  HARMONY FOLZ  1.2  DIAGNOSIS (LECTURE GIVEN O N FRIDAY,APRIL  TREATING CONSUMPTION  8,2050)  Last week Ms. Folz described the how the over-consumption of resources in rich countries led to the environmental problems that wreaked such havoc on our planet in recent history. This week she delves into the ultimate cause of that over-consumption, and how it was in fact an integral part of the worldview of most of our grandparents. This belief system was known as scientific materialism. Ms. Folz looks at how economic expansionism, the neoliberal economic system and scientific reductionism and how these systems were inherently flawed, before tracing these beliefs back through history. She ends with a brief look at the some of the roots of ecological thought which formed a counterpoint to scientific materialism throughout its history. After last week's lecture I imagine a great number of you went home feeling very superior. Y o u likely felt much smarter than those poor hapless folk who came before you. It's so easy to look back and think that the people who lived before us were stupider than we are, that they must have been in order to  Every culture has its myths and these shared stories serve as "comprehensive visions that give shape and direction to life. " Defined in this way, myths "move from being dispensable misunderstanding to essential categories that we all take for granted. " (quote from Grant, 1998, in Rees, 2002a, p. 16)  behave the way they did. But that has never been the case what changes is not our level of intelligence but the paradigm under which we live - the vision that gives our life meaning. Paradigms, or myths, are usually based on a series of assumptions and are internally consistent - i f you accept the assumptions, the rest follows logically. W e make myths in order to "confer intelligibility on events, to provide cultural reference points and social cohesion, and to instill individuals with a sense of personal security" (Rees, 2002a, p. 42). N o paradigm can accurately describe reality as a whole, though each is good in a limited sense. The whole can only be intuitively grasped in our consciousness (Jones, 1987a). Perceptions w i l l always differ from reality, but proximity to events and bias (hearing what we want to hear) w i l l further distort how close they can come (Clark, 1989). "The reality that we see and understand in the world around us in energized by the assumptions and perspectives, the values and biases, the twists and turns of our  Most of our modern assumptions are so deeply rooted that either we count them as "just natural" or we have no recognition as to what they really are. A major part of that consciousness comes from being raised in a society dominated by science and its technological arrangements, most of which would not be here without the high energy that comes from fossil fuel and nuclear power ... Even when we try to think about other possibilities, other worldviews, the powerful assumptions stirring within us reassert themselves in unexpected and often undetected ways. So our modern thinking is itself resistant to critique and change, even as the end of the fossil fuel epoch comes in sight. (Jackson, 1996, p. 104) 23  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  own inner w o r l d " (Howard, 1997, p. 6). Our current paradigm, while enabling us to live more sustainably than the previous one, is no exception to that rule. The paradigm that was dominant in the early years of this century, the one that caused the problems and behaviours I talked about last week, was scientific materialism, a postEnlightenment philosophy that gave birth to the industrial  The culture of industrial society is the most unbalanced example of the rule of materialism and 'rationalism' in the history of man. (Waller, 1980, p. 224)  revolution and the consumerist society that I talked about last week. L i k e most paradigms, scientific materialism was so deeply embedded in our psyches that it coloured everything else that we did. A n d because human beings are social creatures, our paradigms influenced others through the approval or approbation that we showed towards others. Few people questioned the system or saw others doing so, so it was widely assumed that everyone held the same paradigm (Milbrath, 1995). Further, we held ourselves to be post-myth since we thought we had finally reached the truth and were unable to see that our beliefs were as much myth as anything that had gone before. This may have been an artifact of our beliefs (Howard, 1996) or it might be part of human nature - it's much easier to call the beliefs of our ancestors' myths than it is to see that our beliefs are also simply myths. The paradigm was so powerfully in place that even those of us who saw the flaws with it and would have preferred to live differently found ourselves unable to make real changes in our lives. We were caught in a bind between what seemed necessary and philosophy and too often necessity won out. " O u r daily behaviour [was] accompanied by beliefs and attitudes that [made] business as usual seem sensible, even though we [knew] that business as usual [was] jeopardizing the future survival of humankind" (Winter, 2000, p. 516). Those of us who both saw the flaws and were not overcome by feelings of hopelessness tried to do as much as we could within the system by our choices of what to drive, where to live and what to buy, but large scale change was out of range for the majority of us. A s it turned out, small-scale change was a viable option, but w e ' l l get to that in the final lecture. Back to scientific materialism. One of its components that became especially dominant in the twentieth century was economic expansionism, a belief "grounded in the concept of  All subjects, no matter how specialized, are connected with a centre; they are like rays emanating from a sun. The centre is constituted by our most basic convictions, by those ideas which really have the power to move us. In other words, the centre consists of metaphysics and ethics, of ideas that - whether we like it or not transcend the world offacts. (Schumacher, 1973, p. 94) 24  HARMONY FOLZ  continuous growth which [was] extrapolated optimistically into a seemingly boundless future" (Taylor, 1992, p. 26). Economic expansionists assumed that the "earth's life systems are resilient to human perturbations and we [were] not risking their good functioning; monoculture agricultural works fine and can feed increasing numbers o f indefinitely; there are no limits to growth in economic activity and human population; competition in the free market is the key to excellence, wealth, and survival" (Milbrath, 1995, p. 107). Nature was thought to be a storehouse of resources and human ingenuity and technology would continue to solve all problems brought on by human 'progress,' harness new sources o f energy and increase global standards of living (Taylor, 1992; M o o r e , 1994; Wackernagel, 2000). Material growth was held to be equal to development and a prerequisite for human happiness and prosperity and world  TREATING CONSUMPTION  We know the benefits of the worldview we are "in " now. We no longer identify ourselves primarily as tribal members alive in nature in a spiritual cosmos. We have instead a great sense of selfhood, with which have come clear-thinking technical consciousness and control, leading to capacities for autonomous action. In other words, much of what we call human freedom is a product of our sense of selfhood and our clear-thinking consciousness. But what about the costs? If this is the only path to all knowledge, it is a path posted with one-way signs directing us toward separation, alienation, abstraction, things quantitative, and all of it at last sense-bound. All of the important qualities we call human meaning, value, life, consciousness, soul, self, spirit are off that path of knowing. (Jackson, 1996, p. 39)  peace (Schumacher, 1973; Taylor, 1992). Universal prosperity was possible, and since humans were inherently good, increasing wealth and distributing it fairly would create a prosperous and happy society (Schumacher, 1973; Waller, 1980). Conservation of natural resources, i f held to be necessary at all, was based on the idea o f sustainable exploitation using scientific management procedures to harvest renewable crops; that is, "conservation should work against the wastefulness and environmentally disruptive excesses o f a developing society, but not against development per se" (Taylor, 1992, p. 26). Economic expansionists "highly [valued] economic wealth, power, and control of their environment (including other people); [and] would expand throughput o f all materials and would willingly risk ecosystem degradation and disruption of global biogeochemical systems to maximize those values" (Milbrath, 1995, p. 106). Despite the inequities of the system and "notwithstanding the effects of political and financial interests and their power to perpetuate this cultural construction for their benefit, ... it also [represented] the way i n w h i c h the majority [hoped] to find fulfillment. It [was] an expression of prevailing human values, priorities and w i l l " (Maiteny, 2000, p. 341). Most continued to believe in the system because they believed that increased consumption would make them happier, and that with hard work and smarts they could make enough money to consume more and perhaps even j o i n the rich and powerful. 25  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Economic expansionism was based on a theory of economics known as neoclassical or neoliberal economics (Moore, 1994). 24  Adherents of the system held it to be a force that existed outside of their own conception and seemed unable to see that it had no more or less basis in reality than any other myth. A n d , like most people who see things in either-or terms, they tended to ignore or minimize the problems of their own system. Besides the difficulty of seeing one's own myth, there was " a peculiar characteristic of neoliberal economics. Most disciplines test their models against the real world and then adapt the models  In reality, there are no exclusively "economic " problems; there are simply problems, so that distinctions between "economic " and "non-economic "factors are, at best, artificial. The very act of clarifying what we should mean by "economic"problems or "economic "factors implies an analysis that includes all the "noneconomic " determinants as well. The only worthwhile demarcation and the only one that is fully tenable logically - is between relevant and less relevant factors, and that line of demarcation will vary with the characteristics of the environment under study. (Myrdal, 1968, p. 14)  the better to reflect reality. B y contrast, the economists' myth [was] so entrenched that its devotees [presumed] to force reality to conform to their models" (Rees, 2002a, p. 20). Neoliberal economists were fervent capitalists and believed strongly i n a market economy. In their view an ideal market would see to the equitable distribution o f goods, social welfare and environmental goodness. Goods would flow freely across borders in a manner that maximized each country or region's comparative advantages in producing the goods. The world's separate markets would integrate into a global unrestricted economy (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). The 'invisible hand' of the market place would ensure that prices were set fairly and that no one would be exploited. Wages would be set by a meeting of the needs of employers and employees and, while there would be differences in income based on success, no one would be poor. To this end, the free market folk were in favour of opening up borders for the movement of goods and capital, getting rid of tariffs, subsidies and taxes and minimizing government and regulations. A n d because they had great influence in the most  The most striking thing about modern industry is that it requires so much and accomplishes so little. Modern industry seems to be inefficient to a degree that surpasses one's ordinary powers of imagination. Its inefficiency therefore remains unnoticed. (Schumacher, 1973, p. 118)  powerful nations, they were well underway in achieving many o f these aims. Unfortunately, as it turned out, the market economy didn't work. That isn't to say that communism was the answer either - both systems held at their core the same assumption: that economic growth and material goods provided the path to happiness. They just differed on how  Choosing which term to use seems to depend mostly on one's political stance. 26  HARMONY FOLZ  to get there (Waller, 1980; Bookchin, 1989; Taylor, 1992). However, after the 1991 collapse of the communist U n i o n o f Soviet Socialist Republics into Russia and the other surrounding nations, the communism myth didn't hold much power. Therefore, I'll concentrate on the problems of neoliberal economics. A n d the problems with the neoliberal economic system were legion. It suffered from "being ahistorical, amaterial, and apsychological. Economics, that is, largely [ignored] history, the material laws of nature, and the study of the nature of m a n " (Common, 1995, p. 5). It "[eschewed] moral and ethical considerations; [ignored] distributive equity; [abolished] 'the common good'; and [undermined] intangible values such as loyalty to person and place, community, self-reliance, and local cultural mores" (Rees, 2002a, p. 24-5).  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Human actions are not solely motivated by economic interests. The concept itself, though popular among economists, presents on closer inspection, certain difficulties. Presumably 'economic interest' means the desire for higher incomes and lower prices and, in addition, perhaps stability of earnings and employment, reasonable time for leisure and environment conducive to its satisfactory use, good working conditions, etc. But even with all these qualifications, political aspirations cannot be identified with those interests. People are also interested in social objectives. They believe in ideals to which they want their society to conform. Citizens do notfightwars merely to protect their economic interests, however much they may overrate their importance. Or again, it would be a mistake to think that the struggle for higher wages or even for security and other material advantages is the driving force of the working-class movement. (Myrdal, 1954, p. 199)  Psychologically, economics transformed "decent well-rounded citizens into gluttonous single-minded consuming machines" (Rees, 2002a, p. 18). The individual was an insatiable self-interested utility maximizer with unchangeable preferences whose only goal was to participate in the market (Rees, 2002a). A l l choices were based on monetary considerations, and people always tried to maximize or optimize their profits (Howard, 1997). He or she was assumed to be "unaffected by other people's sufferings or satisfactions, ... unevious of others' victories and unpained by defeat, and ... indifferent to his/her relative position in society" (Daly, 1994, in Rees, 2002a, p. 18). F a m i l y and responsibility to the rest of society were not important, nor was love or loyalty (Schumacher, 1973; Waller, 1980; Rees, 2002a). Since these expectations formed the basis of our system, it is perhaps not surprising that we tried to live up to them. The market model was based on the assumption that there was perfect competition between an infinite number of buyers and sellers, none of whom could influence price, but all of whom had perfect knowledge of present and (infinite) future markets  If earlier societies tried to foster a belief in the virtues of cooperation and care, thereby giving an ethical meaning to social life, modern society fosters a belief in the virtues of competition and egotism, thereby divesting human association of all meaning except, perhaps, as an instrument for gain and mindless consumption. (Bookchin, 1989, p.  19) 27  HARMONY FOLZ  (Rees, 2002a). Besides the impossibility of infinite anything, a quick glance around could have told them that none of their assumptions were true. As it turned out, a small number of global organizations labelled trans-national corporations controlled the production and distribution of almost all products and services, and they were the ones in the best position to take advantage of the opened trade borders. "Furthermore, as Myers and Kent (1998)... detailed, most goods and services [were] subsidized to varying degrees. There [was] no 'market' as such,  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Economic progress, [Keynes] counselled, is obtainable only if we employ those powerful human drives of selfishness, which religion and traditional wisdom universally call upon us to resist. The modern economy is propelled by a frenzy of greed and indulges in an orgy of envy, and these are not accidental features but the very causes of its expansionist success. The question is whether such causes can be effective for long or whether they carry within themselves the seeds of destruction. (Schumacher, 1973, p. 31)  and much consumption [was] fuelled by prices that [distorted] their true social and environmental cost" (Jordan and O'Riordan, 2000, p. 98). One of the cherished assumptions of the market system was that "a rising tide floats all boats," which meant that growth would make everyone wealthy - this meant that the rich could keep consuming since their consumption would actually help the poor (Rees, 2002a). This was believed in spite of rising intra-national inequality, ironically most concentrated in countries that had followed the market ideal most closely (Harvey, 2000). It was also believed in spite of the demonstrable resource limits and the "wide agreement that the Earth's ecosystems [could not] sustain current levels of economic activity and material consumption, let alone increased levels" (Wilson, 2002, p. 1). Underlying this belief was the assumption that growth in itself was good, "despite the evidence that it has become more an act of aggression against other people and species than a means of improving lives" (Wackernagel, 2000, P- 107). Growth was measured in terms of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), a measurement of all economic activity in a country. GDP also affected the credit rating of countries, which meant that countries tried to maximize the measure. However, critics of GDP pointed out that the measure included societal ills like funerals, medical expenses, and reforestation, which were counted positively towards the total, but left out societal ills like environmental degradation and loss of amenity, which would have counted negatively, meaning that the measure was severely  [It is] fruitful to distinguish institutions such as norms, conventions or rules in use from the organizational shells in which they might be embedded. ...In particular, it is important for us to separate the organizational reality from the romantic conceptions. Government agencies are not "democracy"; transnational corporations are not Smithian economic agents and the integrated global economy does not constitute a Smithian "market" with any optimality properties of the original Lifeworld counterparts. (Dobell, 2001, p. 360) 28  HARMONY FOLZ  flawed (Myrdal, 1973; Naess, 1997). G D P was also "criticized for assuming implicitly that basic human conditions, such as space, direct access to resources (for example Nature or fresh water) and serenity, [could] be replaced by economic goods such as large apartments, fast cars and expensive holidays. Using the G D P as the single progress indicator [implied] that the replacement of 'nature' by 'economy' is taken for granted and evaluated as 'progress'" (van den Bergh and Ferrer-i-Carbonell, 2000, p. 117).  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Economic growth, which viewed from the point of view of economics, physics, chemistry and technology, has no discernible limit, must necessarily run into decisive bottlenecks when viewed from the point of view of the environmental sciences. An attitude to life which seeks fulfillment in the single-minded pursuit of wealth - in short, materialism - does not fit into this world, because it contains within itself no limiting principle, while the environment in which it is placed is strictly limited. (Schumacher, 1973, p. 29-30)  The market system also assumed that poverty, not wealth, created environmental degradation and thus everyone should become wealthy (Rees, 2002a). This was untrue for two reasons First, contrary to the common belief at the time, it was found that the citizens of poor countries were actually more environmentally concerned than those in wealthy nations, likely because they often depended on their immediate environment for sustenance (Dunlap and Mertig, 1995). Second, as it turned out, high levels o f wealth worked against the environment because people didn't seem to come with an off-switch - they just kept on upping their consumption while they exported the  All income elements to be included in the GNP are dependent for their definition on institutional arrangements, which are constantly changing and regularly show differences for different countries. This must make comparisons, in time and still more between countries, hazardous. Added to this is the fact that income elements, which are included, are often defined in an arbitrary way. Still more arbitrary is the inclusion or non-inclusion of income elements. (Myrdal, 1973, p. 184)  effects to the poor by over-exploiting the resources of developing countries and creating the problems I talked about last week (Schumacher, 1973; C o m m o n , 1995; Huby, 1998; van den Bergh and Ferrer-i-Carbonell, 2000; Rees, 2002a). The idea that wealth would save the environment also ignored the problem that "most of the prevailing technology and the expanded trade regimes [made] it possible for societies to increase their ecological throughput... [and that] many technological advances [had] locked industrial society into resource-intensive infrastructure traps such as car-dependent city designs, making it harder for people to choose less resource-intensive lifestyles" (Wackernagel, 2000, p. 107). In other words, the consumption of the rich was unsustainable (van den Bergh and Ferrer-i-  But even if development were not a problem in terms of our relationship with the planet, even if it did not deplete the mines and the wellheads or poison the earth and deplete its atmosphere, even if there were an infinite supply of resources or infinite substitutability, development has been destructive of our relationships with people and with place. (Jackson, 1996, p. 105) 29  HARMONY FOLZ  Carbonell, 2000). In fact, "routine acts of non-essential consumption ultimately [translated] into acts of violent harm against the poor and racial minorities" (Rees and Westra, 2003, p. 116). Global markets posed a problem for sustainable practices in natural resource industries since, in order to sell to the world, standardization and high-input production methods were needed (Rees, 2002a). Besides the environmental degradation this caused, the technology costs meant that poor countries couldn't do it on their own. The resulting dependence that many countries had on trans-national corporations threatened their  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Whatever has turned human beings into 'aliens' in nature are social changes that have made many human beings 'aliens' in their own social world: the domination of the young by the old, of women by men, and of men by men. Today, as for many centuries in the past, there are still oppressive human beings who literally own society and others who are owned by it. Until society can be reclaimed by an undivided humanity that will use its collective wisdom, cultural achievements, technological innovations, scientific knowledge, and innate creativity for its own benefit and for that of the natural world, all ecological problems will have their roots in social problems. (Bookchin, 1989 p. 39)  national sovereignty, democracy and economic stability and undermined their options for true community economic development (Rees, 2002a). In addition, it caused people to lose connections with the resources that sustained them and their own local resources and destroyed their culture (Jackson, 1996; Wackernagel and Rees, 1996; Harvey, 2000). Market forces also created regional inequalities - a tendency that grew more dominant in poorer countries (Myrdal, 1957). A l s o , since all nations, rich and poor, were in debt, all nations were jockeying for favourable trade imbalances - this meant that some countries had to lose out (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996; Rees, 2002a). But the game wasn't fair because the rules were created by organizations set up by developed countries - the W o r l d Bank and the International Monetary Fund. B y forcing countries to remove restrictions and subsidies and gut social welfare programs in order to qualify for development loans, these organizations removed the very conditions that enabled the developed countries to get that way (Rees, 2002a). A n d because of the lower value of their currencies and their low wages, the poor countries were at a serious disadvantage when it came to paying back loans and paying for the imported manufactured products that they found impossible to make. They were thus forced to sell off their natural resources at bargain prices (Rees, 2002a). Further, the free movement o f capital without a corresponding free movement of people meant that workers in poor countries had to accept lower wages. In short, there was a "net flow o f wealth from South (less developed) to North (more developed) nations [which] exacerbated a spiral of increased poverty and environmental  30  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  degradation in the former" (Barkham, 1995, p. 857). This flow further enriched a powerful minority, mostly already wealthy, giving them a cogent incentive to maintain the status quo (Rees and Westra, 2003). The problem that loomed largest for the environment was the market economic model's near exclusion of nature and its forces. The model ignored its position within the natural environment and dealt with it only as a source of resources and a  The economists have come along and taught us to believe that checks on self-interest are not only unnecessary but harmful. In their minds, self-interest behavior is rational behavior. Now that this ethos has become the dominant force at work in the market, wittingly or not, given the technological array that has popped up, the earth, including countless life forms, has become a mine and an overflowing sink for our wastes. (Jackson, 1996, p. 856)  source for waste sinks and lacked any representation of material flows, energy sources, physical structures or time-dependent processes (Moore, 1994; Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). "The implied simple, reversible, mechanistic behavior of the economy [was] inconsistent with the connectivity, irreversibility, and positive feedback dynamics o f complex energy, information, and ecosystems, the systems with which the economy interacts in the real w o r l d " (Rees, 2002a, p. 21). This inconsistency could be seen in the assumptions that complete substitutability o f human-made and natural capital was possible, any effects on the environment were completely reversible, carrying capacity was infinitely expandable, trade could overcome resource limits and an increase in intensity would always equal an increase in output (Moore, 1994; Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). These assumptions were flawed because the monetary analysis used could mask declining physical stocks and was biased against the future because of discounting. It was not realized that while market fluctuations affected prices, they did not effect the ecological value or integrity of natural capital, or that while the potential for monetary  Figure 6: Neo-liberal economists' worldview  31  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  growth was virtually  u  Scot  unlimited, there were definite biophysical limits (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). It also ignored the fact that once natural capital became over-exploited, manufactured goods would not be able to compensate for it usually natural capital  Figure 7: Ecological economists' worldview  was a prerequisite for human-made goods whereas human-made goods were entirely unnecessary for natural capital to regenerate (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). The only way for the market system to include natural amenities was to give them a price, but most natural life support systems and products weren't on the market (Moore, 1994; Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). If they had managed to be properly priced, their value would have been too immense for anyone to pay for and it was entirely possible that something important could have been missed (Moore, 1994; Wackernagel and Rees, 1996; O ' R i o r d a n and Voisey, 1998). Natural resources which were on the market had prices determined by the resource's current availability rather than its importance to life so false pricing signals were given - platinum was infinitely more valuable in money terms than water (Moore, 1994; Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). In short, the dominant economic paradigm was not compatible with biophysical reality (Moore, 1994) and it created conditions that favoured ecological unsustainability  Putting a cash value on phenomena that are part of the essence of earthly vitality is not only faintly ludicrous, it is also dangerously arrogant; how can one assume that dollars call the shots? (O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998 p. 14-5)  (Naess, 1997). Despite all of these problems, there might have been some value to the system had it worked on a fundamental level, doing what it was supposed to be doing: increasing our happiness and wellbeing and making our lives better (Huby, 1998). But "increasing economic production [had] 32  HARMONY FOLZ  neither levelled income differences, made the haves noticeably happier, nor satisfied the basic needs of the world's poorest one billion people" (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996, p. 1). A l l of our comfort, security and affluence didn't solve our social and economic problems - at the turn of the century our societies were rife with inequality, crime, drug addiction, vandalism and mental and emotional problems (Schumacher, 1973; Jackson, 1996). The market system "produced substantial wealth and empowerment for the few and disillusionment, repression, misery, and degradation for the rest" (Harvey, 2000, p. 193).  TREATING CONSUMPTION  An industrial system which uses forty per cent of the world's primary resources to supply less than six per cent of the world's population could be called efficient only if it obtained strikingly successful results in terms of human happiness, well-being, culture, peace, and harmony. I do not need to dwell on the fact that the American system fails to do this, or that there are not the slightest prospects that it could do so if only // achieved a higher rate of growth ofproduction, associated, as it must be, with an ever-greater call upon the world's finite resources. (Schumacher, 1973, p. 119)  The year 2000 found the inhabitants of the western world more unhappy than w e ' d been 50 years previously, when we had had less (Huby, 1998; Jordan and O'Riordan, 2000; Rees, 2002a). It was found "that above a certain threshold improvements in standard of living, accompanied by increased negative environmental effects o f consumption and the generation of wastes and pollution, can actually contribute to a fall in the quality of life. Surveys in O E C D countries [showed] that growing feelings o f insecurity and dissatisfaction [were] accompanying increasing per capita incomes" (Huby, 1998, p. 155).  Clearly, the neo-liberal economics that gave rise to the free market ideal was losing any touch with reality it might have once had. In an attempt to avoid these messy and intractable real world problems, it increasingly valued neat and tidy theories and prescriptions that had less and less to do with the real world and more and more to do with making economics a "scientific" discipline (Rees, 2002a). Economics, in fact, acted "as a most effective barrier against the understanding of these problems [of adverse effects on the environment and the quality of life of industrialism, population growth and urbanism], owing to its addiction to purely quantitative analysis and its timorous refusal to look into the real nature of things" (Schumacher, 1973 , p. 47). It avoided theoretical discussions which might have pointed  There is an obvious lack of agreement between the principles of research in economics and its practice. On the one hand, it is emphasized that economic science only observes social life and analyses what can be expected to happen in different circumstances, and that it never pretends to infer what the facts ought to be. On the other hand, practically every economist draws such inferences. And the various specific economic theories are most of the time arranged for the very purpose of drawing them. The result is political precepts of a supposedly scientific and objective nature. It would seem as if the terms 'observations' and facts' do not mean the same things in economics as they do elsewhere in scientific terminology. Economists appear to  have access to a sphere of values  which are both objective and observable. (Myrdal, 1954, p. 5)  33  HARMONY FOLZ  out that free market thinking wasn't really sound economic theory, which would have had "us maximize welfare, but [recognized] that income/consumption is only one factor in the equation. A healthy environment, natural beauty, stable communities, safe neighbourhoods, economic security, social justice, a sense of belonging, and countless other life-qualities contribute to human well-being" (Rees, 2002a, p. 21). However obvious this might seem, it didn't fit with the science that economics was trying to be, a science had fragmented itself to the point where it no longer had much to do with the holistic nature of reality. Economics was trying to become a science because science was held by many to be the only form of valid knowledge and the ideal to which all other disciplines aspired (Jones, 1987a; K a y  TREATING CONSUMPTION  The free-market juggernaut, with its mantras of private and personal responsibility and initiative, deregulation, privatization, liberalization of markets, free trade, downsizing ofgovernment, draconian cut-hacks in the welfare state and its protections, has rolled on and on. For more than twenty years now we have been battered and cajoled at almost every turn into accepting the utopianism of process of which Smith dreamed as the solution to all our ills. We have also witnessed an all-out assault on those institutions - trade unions in particular — that might stand in the way of such a project. Margaret Thatcher proclaimed that there is no such thing as society, only individuals and their families, and set about dismantling all those institutions - from trade unions to local governments — that might stand in the way of her Utopian vision. (Harvey, 2000, p. 176)  and Schneider, 1994). A l l of the social sciences tried their hardest to be viewed as rational and scientific and discarded other ways o f knowing (Howard, 1996). Science was attractive because it seemed to provide certainty and rationality as well as "the power to analyze, to discover and to manipulate the quantitative and mechanistic dimensions of our w o r l d " (Jackson, 1996. p. 38). Scientific knowledge was an instrument of power and control, and industrial growth and expansion depended on scientific advances (Jones, 1987a; Jackson, 1996). For these reasons, science became synonymous w i t h state and society, meaning that any attack on science called into question our society itself (Jones, 1987a). Until the turn of the century it was rarely questioned. Twentieth century science was based on scientific reductionism, another component of our scientific materialist paradigm (Moore, 1994). Scientific reductionism meant that scientists were studying tiny pieces of reality in as much isolation as possible (Jones, 1987a). According to the 'scientific method,' the scientist was an observer whose thinking self should not enter the objective world he or she was studying using only his  Science is much closer to myth than a scientific philosophy is prepared to admit. It is one of the many forms of thought that have been developed by man and not necessarily the best the accepting and rejecting of ideologies should be left to the individual it follows that the separation of state and church must be complemented by the separation of state and science ... such a separation may be our only chance to achieve a humanity we are capable of, but have never fully realised. (Feyerabend, in Jones, 1987a, p. 237) 34  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  or her five senses (Jones, 1987a; Jackson, 1996). Morality, values or any questioning of the ends was not tolerated (Jones, 1987a). Scientists observed parts of reality, looked for causes for its behaviour and sought to place the causes and effects in a quantitative framework that was inanimate and without consciousness (Jones, 1987a; Jackson, 1996). Causes were further explored using controlled experiments that could be replicated. In these, the scientist held all but one variable constant while exploring the behaviour o f the other variable. It was understood that the understanding of the whole could be built up from understanding the parts, as i f the universe was a giant machine and the laws of nature were universal (Jones, 1987a; Jackson, 1996). Humans were "the subject and the only real repository of mind and consciousness. A l l else [was] mere object, and mindless" (Jackson, 1996, p. 37). For a long time this approach to science was successful, since it was well suited to gaining mastery over the material world (Waller, 1980; Jones, 1987a). However, by the turn of the century there was an increase in iatrogenic illnesses and technological disasters (Jones, 1987a) as well as all of the other problems I talked about last week. These came about because each scientist only worked with a small part of reality so his or her explanations of the whole were coloured by his or her discipline and lacked an understanding of the implications o f the  Although it sporadically fosters grandiose feelings ofpower and godlike mastery over nature, science as mechanism is inherently unstable, since it is founded upon denial of the very conditions that make science possible at all, that is, perception. Such a science cannot last - it must either obliterate the world in a final apotheosis of denial, or else give way to another mode of science; one that can affirm, rather than deny, our living bond with the world that surrounds us. (Sattaur, 1987 p. 18)  work of other disciplines (Jones, 1987a) and because we were "estranged from reality and inclined to treat as valueless everything that we [had] not made ourselves" (Schumacher, 1973, p. 15). Science also provided the basis for 'managing the environment.' It was thought that we had sufficient knowledge to determine the maximum of any resource we could take without damaging. Quite often, relationships within and between ecosystems were not seen or ignored. In some cases there were deliberate attempts to 'simplify' ecosystems such as forests so as to make their management easier. This led to systems that were "more fragile and more dependent on vigilance and error-free management at a time when greater dependencies had developed in the socioeconomic and institutional environment. The ecosystems simplified into less resilient ones as a consequence of man's success in reducing variability" (Holling, 1986, p. 312).  35  HARMONY FOLZ  Scientific reductionism thus led to " a tendency to perceive reality as though it is fragmented, with interactions between the parts operating mechanistically, rather than being dynamically integrated in an infinite web o f interconnectedness without beginning and without end" (Jones, 1987a, p. 237). A t the same time, scientists were pressured to find new facts and so delved deeper and deeper into minutia and lost sight of the larger picture. A l s o , since science was supposed to be value free, scientists were under no obligation to consider the uses of their  TREATING CONSUMPTION  As the transfer of power to our species proceeds, our responsibility for maintaining planetary homeostasis grows with it, whether we are conscious of the fact or not. Each time we significantly alter part of some natural process of regulation or introduce some new source of energy or information, we are increasing the probability that one of these changes will weaken the stability of the entire system, by cutting down the variety of response. (Lovelock, 1979, in Jones, 1987b, p. 34)  discoveries. It did not occur to them that science, "applied to a society through technology, could reach a stage at which it no longer improved human life, but threatened to undermine its existence by gutting the planet for the sake of realising its ideals of prosperity and equality. It was n o t . . . realised that industrialism was overriding the teleological processes of nature, including human nature" (Waller, 1980 p. 226). W e were unable to "recognize that the modern industrial system, with all its intellectual sophistication, [consumed] the very basis on which it [had] been erected" (Schumacher, 1973 p. 20).  Science has become the only acceptable form of knowledge in modern industrial society. But its reductionist approach has led to a fragmented view of the world, with an understanding ofparticular aspects of reality being gained at the expense of the whole. Such a fragmented worldview lies at the heart of the ecological crisis confronting us today. (Jones, 1987a)  So, I've shown how we were held in the sway of scientific materialism, a paradigm that was based on neoliberal economics and scientific reductionism. The more curious among you are probably wondering how these theories came into such prominence. For that w e ' l l have to reach even deeper into our history. For both scientific reductionism and neoliberal economics had roots that reached back at least to the ancient Greeks, the first scientists in our western tradition. Although the ancient Greeks were much more interested in contemplating reality than trying to change it (Jones, 1987a), the ideas of Aristotle in particular were very influential in developing Western science and philosophy (VanDeVeer and Pierce, 1994). Aristotle (387-322 B C E ) viewed nature as a hierarchy with plants on the bottom and humans on top. Each level's purpose was to serve the one above (VanDeVeer and Pierce, 1994). Aristotle's teacher was Plato (427-347 B C E ) , who held the unchangeable non-material world to be perfect rather than the messier world o f the biosphere  36  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  (VanDeVeer and Pierce, 1994). Aristotle's writings were rediscovered by the Western Europeans in the 12 century and became the basis of their science. th  Prior to and after that the Church was the fundamental influence on the thinking of Western Europe. A n d , according to L y n n White, Latin Christianity was essentially anthropomorphic from the beginning - " B y destroying pagan animism, Christianity [had] made it possible to exploit nature in a mood of indifference to the feelings of natural objects" (White, 1994, p.  Christ himself shows that to refrain from the killing of animals and the destroying of plants is the height of superstition for, judging that there are no common rights between us and the beasts and trees, he sent the devils into a herd of swine and with a curse withered the tree on which he found no fruit. (SaintAugustine, in VanDeVeer and Pierce, 1994, p. 40)  49). Two of the most influential thinkers in the development o f Latin Christianity, Augustine (354-430) and Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274), believed that M a n was set above all other things and that other beings had no moral standing (VanDeVeer and Pierce, 1994). Further, according to Father Thomas Berry, there was a change in consciousness that took place in Europe after the Plague in the 14 century, when people came to believe that th  life in this world was not important and started to have a deep rage against the human condition (Cayley, 1990). Nature was dangerous and needed to be controlled (Jones, 1987a; Register, 2001). "Christianity provided the ideological, the educational and the administrative basis for a society ... organized for  Our daily habits of action ... are dominated by an implicit faith in perpetual progress which was unknown either to Greco-Roman antiquity or to the Orient. It is rooted in, and is indefensible apart from, Judeo-Christian teleology. (White, 1994, p. 49)  economic growth" (Young, 1990, p. 58). Despite this, the dominant world view before the 1 3 century was organic, living and spiritual th  and scientists spent their time seeking the meaning and significance of beings and events rather than trying to predict and control them (Waller, 1980; Capra, 1982; White, 1994). However, in the 16 and 17 centuries, this idea was replaced with the idea that the universe was a machine. th  th  "Natural theology ... was ceasing to be the decoding of the physical symbols of G o d ' s communication with man and was becoming the effort to understand G o d ' s mind by discovering how his creation operates" (White, 1994, p. 50). A t the same time, the idea o f stewardship, or taking care o f the world, was being replaced - "it was a short step from the emphasis on the permission of G o d to utilise the environment to human purposes to the belief that technological advancement and success in moulding the environment to human purposes was the reward of Protestant virtue or evidence of G o d ' s approval" (Young, 1990, p. 62).  37  HARMONY FOLZ  This change was due in great part to the views of Renaissance thinkers like Nicolaus Copernicus (1473-1543), Johannes Kepler (1571-1630) and Galileo Gallilei (1564-1642) who held that scientists should "restrict themselves to studying the essential properties o f material bodies - shapes, numbers, and movement - which could be measured and quantified [since] other properties, like color, sound, taste, or smell, were merely subjective mental projections and should be excluded from the domain of science" (Capra, 1982, p. 55).  TREATING CONSUMPTION  This separation from the natural world, this estrangement from the realm of the wild, I think, exists in no other complex culture on earth. In its attitude to the wilderness, a heightening of its deep-seated antipathy to nature in general, European culture created a frightening distance between the human and the natural. ... To have regarded the world as sacred, as do many other cultures around the world, would have been almost inconceivable in medieval Europe - and if conceived ... punishable by the Inquisition. (Sale, in Register, 2001, p. 64)  Other scientists took the idea of the world as a machine and ran with it, improving it and shaping the scientific method which controlled our inquiries until very recently. The inductive method , which is the basis of 'rational' science, was pioneered by Sir Francis Bacon (1561-1626), a contemporary of Galileo. Rene Descartes (1596-1650) added the separation of mind and matter; he was a radical doubter, questioning everything until he reached something he couldn't doubt - his own thinking; hence his famous "I think, therefore I a m " (Capra, 1982). However, despite his doubtful nature, he was convinced o f the certainty of scientific knowledge which came from a new science of nature based on 'evident first principles' (Capra, 1982); accordingly "we inherited and developed a knowledge-based world view founded on the assumption that we can accumulate enough knowledge to bend nature pliantly and to run the w o r l d " (Jackson, 1996, p. 23). Sir Isaac Newton (1643-1727) realized Descartes' dream of a new science when he took the empirical, inductive method of B a c o n and the rational, deductive method of Descartes and combined them to describe the world as a perfect working machine (Capra, 1982; Jones, 1987a). These scientific principles applied to humans as well as nature. John L o c k e (1632-1704) postulated that we come into this world as tabula rasa, or blank slates. In this idea, our minds are blank at birth and everything that makes us who we are comes from the environment (Capra,  " Inductive reasoning makes inferences from seeing patterns in one's observations, leading to a theory. In a deductive argument, if the premises are true, it is unlikely that the conclusion is false, but it is possible. It is also possible to make a true conclusion from faulty reasoning. Deductive reasoning, on the other hand, starts with a theory and proceeds to test it. It is based on the idea that if the premises of an argument are true, a logical conclusion is self-evidently true. Science uses the inductive method form hypotheses, but deductive reasoning to prove them. Before the 16 century, only the deductive method was formally used. th  38  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  1982). A l o n g with D a v i d Hume (1711-1776) and George Berkeley (1685-1753), Locke also believed that the data from our senses was the only reality (Glicken and Fairbrother, 1998). The rise of science during the Renaissance and thereafter was aided and enabled by new technologies such as the pendulum clock, which introduced artificially powered machinery to aid accurate measurement (Young, 1990) and "separated scientific and supposedly factual senses of time and space from the more fluid conceptions that might arise experientially" (Harvey, 1990, p. 244). It was also helped along by the voyages o f discovery, and the maps w h i c h resulted from it, which by representing the world in a practical, objective and functional space made the world seem conquerable, containable and explicable (Harvey, 1990). The voyages also exposed the aristocracy to imported luxuries, for which they developed a taste (Michaelis, 2000). Changes in agricultural methods, banking and government and the move to greater equality also had wide ranging effects on consumption and the development of the scientific materialist paradigm (Michaelis, 2000). Newtonian thinkers viewed science as a way to master the natural world through the use of technology (Jones, 1987a). Both Bacon and Descartes advocated controlling and enslaving nature and torturing her secrets from her under contrived and artificial experimental conditions (Capra, 1982; Jones, 1987a) and rendering "ourselves the masters and possessors of nature" (Capra, 1982, p. 61). Newtonian science also led to an emphasis on things rather than relationships and a belief that understanding individual things was more important than understanding the whole (Glicken and Fairbrother, 1998). Its methods were reductionism, quantification and the separation of facts and values (Taylor, 1992). B y restricting science to quantifiable measurements and discarding the findings of the senses, "out g o . . . . aesthetics and ethical sensibility, values, quality, form, all feelings, motives, intentions, soul, consciousness, spirit. Experience as such is cast out o f the realm o f scientific discourse" ( R . D . Laing, in Capra, 1982, p. 55). The industrial revolution and the Enlightenment, both of which began in the 18 century, th  elevated and made into doctrine the scientific materialist paradigm (Taylor, 1992; Richardson, 1997). The Enlightenment was a movement by thinkers in many fields to apply the principles o f science and technology to all areas of human experience - they went to extraordinary efforts "to develop objective science, universal morality and law, and autonomous art according to their  39  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  inner logic" (Habermas, 1983, in Harvey, 1990, p. 12). It was thought that this would bring about great advances in human emancipation and the enrichment of daily life (Harvey, 1990). It embraced the idea of progress and sought to break with history and tradition, placing great faith in the ability of human intelligence to find the answers (Harvey, 1990). It sought the greatest happiness for the greatest number, and assumed that material goods created happiness (Waller, 1980). Enlightenment thinkers believed that  The scientific domination of nature promised freedom from scarcity, want, and the arbitrariness of natural calamity. The development of rational forms of social organization and rational modes of thought promised liberation from the irrationalities of myth, religion and superstition, release from the arbitrary use of power as well as from the dark side of our own human natures. Only through such a project could the universal, eternal, and the immutable qualities of all of humanity be revealed. (Harvey, 1990, p. 12)  there was only one possible answer to any question. From this it followed that the world could be controlled and rationally ordered i f we could only picture and represent it rightly. But what this presumed that there existed a single correct mode of representation which, i f we could uncover it (and this was what scientific and mathematical endeavours were all about), would provide the means to Enlightenment ends (Harvey, 1990, p. 27). At the same time that Enlightenment ideals were taking hold, the industrial revolution applied science to the problems o f production. The resulting new methods of production finalized the separation of humans and nature and o f worker from the product of work. The industrial revolution equated growth with progress and encouraged growth in order that its products find buyers. In short, it "helped efforts to equate progress with the satisfaction o f material wants and eventually create a consumer oriented society" (Taylor, 1992, p. 26). B y the Victorian period in the 19 century, the Enlightenment and the industrial revolution were th  in full swing and scientific materialism had become the organizing principle for society. However, although Victorians rejected the idea that laissez faire practices could have immoral consequences, avowed scientific materialists were denounced (Waller, 1980). "It was this tension between the Victorians real motives and their pretended motives that made them such neurotic hypocrites" (Waller, 1980, p. 224). It was also at this time that G o d left the scientific arena. U p to and including Newton, every major scientist was motivated by religion and was able to believe both that the universe was a grand machine and that it came from the Creator (White, 1994). However, in the 19 century, th  Jean-Baptiste Lamarck's (1744-1829) and Charles Darwin's (1809-1882) ideas of evolution removed the Creator from the equation (Capra, 1982). The theory o f evolution replaced the  40  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  power of G o d in making changes with the ideas of survival o f the fittest, competition and natural selection. These ideas also contributed to the formation of the scientific materialist paradigm (Schumacher, 1973; Jones, 1987a). Scientific materialism was finally able to wipe out the mystical level of the human dimension (Waller, 1980). A l l the higher manifestations of human life, such as religion, philosophy, and art were now nothing but "necessary supplements of the material life process, a superstructure erected to disguise and promote economic interests" (Schumacher, 1973, p. 88). It was during the Victorian era that economics began its ascension to the position it holds today. However, back then, even one of its greatest thinkers, John Stuart M i l l (1806-1873), held that it was "not a thing by itself, but ... a fragment of a greater whole; a branch of social philosophy, so interlinked with all the other branches that its conclusions, even in its o w n peculiar province, are true only conditionally, subject to interference and counteraction from causes not directly within its scope" (Schumacher, 1973, p. 41). This view o f interconnectedness was completely lost by the latter part of the 2 0  th  century.  O f course, not everybody embraced scientific materialism wholeheartedly. Throughout its preeminence there was always a group of thinkers who argued for a different way. I'm only going to skim over the history of these counter movements because it is so w e l l taught in schools today, in much the same way that the foregoing history of science was widely taught in m y day. O f course, in my day the history o f science was taught without the mostly negative interpretation that I've given it here. Instead, it was taught as a progression of thought leading ever upwards towards an eventual total understanding of a rational universe. Counter movements tended to be dismissed as the spurious musings of mushy thinkers. I think that now we have done a better job at integrating both steams of thought, but I would still warn against the increasingly apparent tendency to dismiss the rational strain of thought and to glorify and beatify the early romantics and deep ecologists. But just in case any o f you slept through history class, I'll give you a quick look at some of the major precursors of the sustainability movement of this century, going back to the 18 century, th  when the Enlightenment gave rise to the Counter-Enlightenment. Part o f this movement was romanticism, which stressed the importance of the irrational, the emotional and the instinctual and the natural (Taylor, 1992). Romanticists tried to unify the dualisms o f mind and matter,  41  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  knower and known, and G o d and nature and denied the atomistic and reductionist tendencies of Newtonian science and the Enlightenment (Taylor, 1992). In the 19 century, this same general th  theme was followed by American Transcendentalists such as Thoreau and Emerson. They asserted that "individuals have access to universal truths by recourse to the inner light o f intuition and by way of empathetic communion with nature. Moreover, it is the state, with its institutionalized forms of authority, that stands in the way o f these truths" (Taylor, 1992, p. 275). John M u i r (1838-1914), the first great conservationist, was influenced by these writings (Taylor, 1992). H e argued for the creation of a land ethic which would recognize the intrinsic value of all natural objects and living things (Taylor, 1992). In the early part o f the 2 0 century the scientific materialist paradigm was pretty much th  unchallenged. There were always those who did not agree with it, but they didn't have any recognized movements or philosophies during that time. However, there was change happening in science as the Newtonian ideas of science were being replaced by quantum physics. Quantum theory meant that scientists had to reexamine the idea that certainty could be achieved, and called for understanding the whole rather than isolated parts (Jones, 1987b). Though the implications of quantum theory on our theory of reality were not understood at the time, it was eventually to make a huge contribution to our current understanding of science and life. During the 1960s and 70s there was a growth of environmentalism and the rise of something called ecological thought. This view held that the universe was a totality made up of interrelated and interlocking parts; nature was intrinsically valuable and must be protected and human activities must work within the limits of the planet's ecosystems (Taylor, 1992). It drew on concepts from India, China, Native culture, premodern European culture and the traditions of Sufism, Hasidism, as w e l l as romanticism (Taylor, 1992). D u r i n g the 1960s and 70s there were several movements beginning that would eventually contribute to our current paradigm, like deep ecology, ecofeminism and social ecology. Deep ecologists called for self-realization of one's inseparability from the rest of the world and for biocentric equality (Taylor, 1992). Ecofeminists saw the domination o f nature coming from the same source as the domination o f women by men and sought to erase both (Taylor, 1992) Social ecologists argued that at as long as domination existed in any form society was doomed to extinction; they sought an egalitarian, decentralized and communal social order (Taylor, 1992).  42  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  During the 1980s all forms o f environmentalism were dormant, but the movement started to rise again in the 1990s, though it was still a minority view and remained so at the turn o f the century (Taylor, 1992). O f course, as you know very w e l l , our worldview has been rapidly shifting since that time, to a point where i f a 'normal' person from my youth had been brought forward in time, he or she would have found us so foreign as to be nearly alien.  So, do we need new ideas or a new consciousness? Or does it matter which we need? How would we know the difference between a mind generating new ideas and a mind reflecting new consciousness? (Jackson, 1996, p. 40)  N o w , i f that hypothetical time traveller had been an environmentalist, she might have been better able to deal with our present because it might closely resemble her most w i l d l y optimistic projection o f the future. But w e ' l l get into her projections next week. Good night.  43  HARMONY FOLZ  1.3  TREATING CONSUMPTION  H E A L T H (LECTURE GIVEN O N FRIDAY, APRIL  15,2050)  Over the last two weeks, Ms. Folz has looked at some fairly depressing times in our recent history. She detailed the over-consumption of our wealthy grandparents and discussed how that over-consumption was a direct result of the prevalent paradigm of the time, a paradigm known as scientific materialism. This week she will look at a more positive topic - our ecological paradigm, and the sustainable society she has spent so much of her life working towards. By her choice of material she stresses how important having a goal is to success, while pointing out that it is possible for both the path and the destination not to meet preconceptions while at the same time fulfilling the goal in ways inconceivable at the time of goal conception. Over the past two lectures, I've talked about the problems we faced in 2000, the causes o f those problems and how we treated them. Today, instead o f telling you something you already know what our society looks like today - I'd like to read you something that I wrote i n the early part o f this century about what an ideal future would look like. I think it's instructive for you to compare our ideas of what an ideal future would bring to what has actually happened. I think y o u ' l l agree that, for the most part, although the specifics are different, the gist of what I wrote has come to be. Truthfully, I'm not surprised that the specifics are different since it's impossible to know ahead of time whether something w i l l actually work out as you've envisioned. A l l you can do is plan with the general idea of where you'd like to end up i n your mind. A n d what I had in mind was a sustainable community. This is what I wrote, as I pondered what sustainability might look like, way back in  2004:  PM! TtMlsmaittattfrJauiHgrJiu*!fiwx.1996. j>. JOS  Figure 8: The weight of now and future lifestyles 44  HARMONY FOLZ  That we need to learn to live sustainably is no longer in doubt. We must transform or we w i l l die (Milbrath, 1995). It w i l l be a long hard road to travel, but travel it we must, because waiting w i l l only make it harder (Milbrath, 1995). If we're wise, we w i l l start out now and keep going even though the start of the trail will be rough, keeping in mind that the destination we are trying to reach w i l l be much better than our present reality. But what w i l l guide us along the trail? Our directions are simple - we need to recognize that we need to manage human affairs "so as to address the problems of poverty and inequality while also minimising threats to ecological sustainability" (Common, 1995, p. 55). W e need to live within our means, to strive to attain sustainable sufficiency: "satisfying our vital physical and material needs - together with our nonmaterial or spiritual needs - within the ecosystem; putting in as much as we take out" (Richardson, 1997, p. 58). W e need to ensure that future generations can continue to live, and to live well. We need to take our place among the rest of the species on the planet without trying to usurp what they need to live. W e need to aim for voluntary simplicity and emphasize the achievement of sustainable living patterns as a superordinate goal for everyone (Oskamp, 2000b). W e need to recognize that "the cultivation and expansion of needs is the antithesis of wisdom. It is also the antithesis of freedom and peace" and that  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Conclusions o/Beyond the Limits, 1992: 1. Human use of many essential resources and generation of many kinds of pollutants have already surpassed rates that are physically sustainable. Without significant reductions in material and energy glows, there will be in the coming  decades an uncontrolled decline in per capita food output, energy use. and industrial production. 2. The decline is not inevitable. To avoid it two changes are necessary. The first is a comprehensive revision of policies and practices that perpetuate growth in material consumption and in population. The second is a rapid, drastic increase in the efficiency with which materials and energy are used. 3. A sustainable society is still technically and economically possible. It would be much more desirable than a society that tries to solve its problems by constant expansion. The transition to a sustainable society requires a careful balance between long-term and short-term goals and an emphasis on sufficiency, equity and quality of life rather than on quantity of output. It requires more than productivity and more than technology; it also requires maturity, compassion and wisdom (Common, 1995, p. 88-9)  "only by a reduction o f needs can one promote a genuine reduction in those tensions which are the ultimate causes o f strife and w a r " (Schumacher, 1973, p. 33). W e need to realize that "ecological sustainability, along with social justice and economic prosperity, is a necessary condition for the well-being of citizens" (Dobell, 2001, p. 355). W e need to maintain ecosystems' integrity in terms of species composition, biomass and productivity (Moore, 1994). W e need to create a new future, one that learns from the past, but does not try to recreate it, since we can't simply recreate our past simple life (Young, 1990; Jackson, 1996).  45  HARMONY FOLZ  In short, w e ' l l need to embrace what is now called 'strong' sustainability, 'deep' ecology, or 'dark' green thought, as opposed to their opposites. This approach realizes that sustainability cannot be achieved by tinkering with the current system, but only by striving for a whole new one (Jones, 1987b; Taylor, 1992; Elander et al., 1995; Wackernagel and Rees, 1996; Azzone et al., 1997; Naess, 1997; Richardson, 1997; Schnaiberg, 1997; Huby, 1998; Rees, 2002a). W e w i l l recognize that we need to remake our current society (Bookchin, 1989) and adopt a new paradigm, and that a sustainable future w i l l require shifts in personal "values, beliefs, attitudes and goals, and substantial alterations of economic, social and political processes" (Corson, 1994, p. 207). This new paradigm informs our economics, our health and our communities (Jackson, 1996) and in the end w e ' l l likely find that "it is as much a personal exploration as it is a societal quest" (O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998, p. 4). It w i l l be our guide and our mantra and w i l l come to inhabit us as deeply as scientific materialism does now.  A s for how w e ' l l know when we get to sustainability? W e l l , w e ' l l know when we can look at those statements above and think to ourselves that we're doing all of them, and doing them well. A t the same time, w e ' l l realize that solutions can never be permanent because there are always new problems that come from solving the first set (Konvitz, 1996). A n d what w i l l it look like? W e l l , as with any journey to a neverseen but oft imagined place, we can only know the broad outlines o f what it might look like. W e ' l l have to fill in the  TREATING CONSUMPTION  One path continues the status quo by simply projecting our current patterns of development into the future. This scenario is one of continuing to accommodate the march of low-density, autodependent, sprawling growth; facilitating the loss of natural landscapes that sustain us and other life on the planet; perpetuating our irresponsible patterns of waste and consumption; and witnessing the continuing decline in the bonds of community and quality of our living conditions. But there is an alternative vision, one that imagines a different future. This future is one in which land is consumed sparingly, landscapes are cherished, and cities and towns are compact and vibrant and green. These are places that have much to offer in the way of social, cultural, and recreational activity, where the young and the old are not marginalized, and where there is a feeling of community, an active civic life, and a concern for social justice. In these communities, the automobile has been tamed, many transportation options exist (including public transit and walking), and fundamental human mobility and freedom are enhanced. These are communities in which the economic base is viable as well as environmentally and socially restorative. This vision of place emphasizes both the ecological and the social, where quantity of consumption is replaced with quality of relationships. In short, the vision is about creating places that citizens can be proud of - places of enduring value that people are not ashamed to leave to their descendants. (Beatley and Manning, 1997, p. 1-2)  details when we get there. But I can tell you about the world that I imagine when I think about our journey's end.  46  HARMONY FOLZ  Thoughts and Behaviours W e would change our current worldview and adopt ethics which "reject the dominant, growth-oriented social paradigm; that recognize the need for more equity between wealthy and poor, and between present and future generations; that value natural resources and respect all forms of life; that see the Earth as a living, interdependent system in which people depend on a finite biophysical environment that imposes biological and physical restraints on human activities; and that recognize the need for stewardship of the Earth to ensure human survival" (Corson, 1994, p. 208).  TREATING CONSUMPTION  There is no blueprint for a sustainable society waiting to be discovered. The problem itself changes over time as the result of economy-environment linkages, and their repercussions in human societies. In so far as there is any solution to the sustainability problem, it is successful adaptation to changing circumstances. The notion of success in this regard, is, itself, somewhat ambiguous. In terms of policy relevant analysis, it is a matter of addressing current and prospective threats to sustainability, rather than preparing and implementing the blueprint for a sustainable system. (Common, 1995, p. 6)  We would reopen our minds to the ecological unconscious and awaken our inherent sense of environmental reciprocity (Reser, 1995). This ecological ego would feel ethical responsibility for the planet and would seek "to weave that responsibility into the fabric o f social relations and political decisions" (Reser, 1995, p. 236). Our ecological sense of self would be expansive and include all life forms, ecosystems and the Earth itself (Bragg, 1996). W e would see everything as connected (Milbrath, 1995). We would have emotional resonance with other life forms and would see ourselves as similar to them, and would behave towards them as we would towards ourselves (Bragg, 1996). W e would recognize that we were part of nature and that abusing nature meant abusing ourselves (Jones, 1987a). We would recombine rational knowledge with the "intuition for the nonlinear nature of our environment" (Capra, 1982, p. 41). This holistic epistemology would postulate "the oneness of all reality with a total embeddedness o f all the parts of the whole" (Jones, 1987a, p. 239). W e would embrace Commoner's laws of ecological thought: everything is connected to everything else, everything must go someplace, nature knows best and there is no such thing  New Paradigm: • Love nature for its own sake. • Love, feel compassion for, and nurture other creatures (humans too). • Have tolerance, patience, and mutual respect. • Reject violence. • Reject domination and patriarchy in personal behaviour. • Co-operate more than compete. • Fulfill responsibilities. • Think systematically and integratively. • Emphasize continual learning and development. • Live simply but richly. • Live a healthy lifestyle. • Have few children and nurture their development. • Reduce waste and carefully dispose of it. • Minimize risk to ecosystem, society and self. (Milbrath, 1995, p. 427)  47  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  as a free lunch (Jones, 1987b). We would "acknowledge and raise to consciousness both the distal (biological) and proximal (socio-cultural) roots o f our dysfunctional behaviour, [realizing that] only then w i l l we be able to assert our independence from both genetic predisposition and our dysfunctional behaviour" (Rees, 2002a p. 43). We would "seek the maximum of well-being with the minimum of consumption" (Schumacher, 1973, p. 57). This would lead to non-violence because we would be less stressed about stuff (Schumacher, 1973). W e would live in material comfort within the means o f nature, realizing that we can decrease the material standard o f living while improving our quality o f life  Advocates of sustainabUity are often popularly perceived asholding in contempt the human quest for the best possible quality of life, but true respect for this most legitimate of human desires dictates that we find ways of pursuing it within the means of Nature. (Wackernagel, 2000, p. 108-9)  (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996; Naess, 1997). " O u r needs [would] diminish and we [would] willingly choose to live simply, so others can simply l i v e " (Strong, 1995, p. 25). W e would seek quality over quantity (Corson, 1994). A s part o f nature, our needs would continue to be important, but we would realize that they can only be met through moderation for all. We would recognize that all beings manage nature so we may as w e l l get good at it (Register, 2001) but we would shift from managing resources to managing ourselves (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). Therefore we would try to work with nature rather than conquer it - we would "favor a highly interactive approach in which ... we neither try to impose our categories nor merely adapt to what i s " (Jackson, 1996, p. 83). W e would see that "ecological sustainability is, then, not a well-defined state to be attained by following some simple rules. W e can say that it is the requirement that the resilience o f the system be maintained through time. There is not a set o f indicators that can be said to demonstrate that resilience is, or is not, being maintained" (Common, 1995, p. 54). We would "live more lightly on the earth, conserve and husband resources, cherish other species and other humans, use regenerative methods to nourish uncultivated systems (e.g.,  The stillness following liberation [from greed and envy] - even if only momentaiy - produces the insights of wisdom which are obtainable in no other way. They enable us to see the hollowness and fundamental unsatisfactoriness of a life devoted primarily to the pursuit of material ends, to the neglect of the spiritual. Such a life necessarily sets man against man and nation against nation, because man's needs are infinite and infinitude can be achieved only in the spiritual realm, never in the material. (Schumacher, 1973, p. 38)  48  HARMONY FOLZ  forests), and restore the productivity o f soils and cultivated systems" (Milbrath, 1995, p. 106-7). W e would move to a greater consumption o f grains, cereals and other plant products (Corson, 1994). W e would recognize that non-human entities have interests in their continued well-being and we would have a reverent and non-violent attitude to all beings (Schumacher, 1973; Jordan and O'Riordan, 1999). W e would shift from degradation to protection and restoration (Corson, 1994). W e would "not only become mindful o f the needs and rights o f other species but [would] come to love and cherish them. W e do not keep about us those things for which we do not care" (Rees, 2002a, p. 44). Philosophy of Science Our science would be based on understanding systemic thinking, the first two laws o f thermodynamics, biodiversity for ecosystem stability, carrying capacity, sources and sinks, doubling times, the tragedy o f the commons, the distinction between growth and development and thinking in a futures mode (Milbrath, 1995). W e would adopt the Gaia hypothesis (see Holling, 1986), which holds "that the non-living and living represent a self-regulating system that keeps itself in a constant state - or at least within a limited range o f conditions" (Kerr, 1988, p. 393). That is, "the physical and chemical condition of the surface o f the Earth, o f the atmosphere and o f oceans has been, and is, actively made fit and comfortable by the presence of life i t s e l f (Sattaur, 1987, p. 16). The idea that all things are connected and self-regulating w i l l guide our science (Holling, 1986; Sattaur, 1987).  TREATING CONSUMPTION  The conscious realisation that we live in an indetermined world, of which we are an integral part, will have profound implications for science and society. It will in particular release those powers of intuition suppressed by the dogmatism of modem science, which assumes its superiority over all other forms of knowledge. Once we become aware that we can never know what will be the overall effect of our actions on the environments, we will appreciate the need to contain them at a scale at which we can retain ultimate control. The lessons of Chernobyl, Bhopal and similar disasters will become writ large in the new consciousness as indications of the counterproductive tendencies of industrial growth and progress. Questions will be raised about the validity of equating the quality of life with ever-rising material standards of living, with the resultant devaluation of the spiritual and moral dimensions of human existence. Finally, and very importantly, greater attention will be given to the problem of what has been referred to as 'diachronic competition', which emphasizes the degree to which the continuity of the industrial system depends on the use of non-renewable resources. As the earth's resources become irreversibly depleted the relative stability of societies today will be gained at the expense of the increasing instability of societies in the future. Whether this crisis will be resolved must ultimately depend not just on the transformation of consciousness, but on the merging of the ftnjany interconnected themes within the Green movement as a whole, so that its position can be established within the framework of a fully coherent and integrated philosophical base. Only in this way can the Green vision of the future move from utopianism to actuality. (Jones, 1987b, p. 34)  We would recognize that living systems are complex, dynamic, and far from equilibrium and that they are self-organizing holarchic open systems (i.e., nested 49  HARMONY FOLZ  hierarchies of linked subsystems) (Taylor, 1992; K a y and Schneider, 1994; Moore, 1994; Rees, 2002a). In other words, we would see " a myriad o f wholes within wholes, all of them interconnected and interacting" (Taylor, 1992, p. 31).We would know that ecosystems are usually in a steady state but can be disturbed and reach bifurcation points, where they move to a new and unpredictable state (Moore, 1994). W e would try not to cause this. However, we would also recognize that ecosystems are in a constant cycle of change (Holling, 1986). W e would hear the rhythms of ecosystems, which "alternate periods of increasing organization and stasis with periods of reorganization and renewal" (Holling, 1986, p. 313). W e would strike a balance between anticipation, monitoring and adaptation and realize that we don't manage ecosystems, we manage our interactions with them (Holling, 1986; K a y and Schneider, 1994).  Precaution We would embrace the Precautionary Principle as our  TREATING CONSUMPTION  What if we had an ecological worldview as our operating paradigm? An ecological worldview is also an evolutionary view. Time-honored arrangements would inform us of what has worked without our running the empirical experiment. Our evolutionaiy/ecological worldview would inform our decisions, inform our do's and don 'ts in scientific investigation. This is another way of saying that we must turn to nature to inform us, to serve as a reference, must turn our thoughts to building a science of ecology that reflects a consultation of nature. Ecology is the most likely discipline to engage in a courtship with agriculture as we anticipate a marriage. (Jackson, 1996, p. 25) We could begin by accepting our profound ignorance - that we will never know more than a small part of what we need to know. Beginning with this veiy different assumption we are forced to remember our past, to hope for second chances, to keep the scale of our projects small, and to be ready to back out when things go sour. (Jackson, 1996, p. 24)  fundamental environmental protection policy (Blowers, 1992; O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998; Jordan and O'Riordan, 1999; Oskamp, 2000b). This Principle states that "where there are threats of serious or irreversible environmental damage, lack of full scientific certainly should not be used as a reason for postponing measures to prevent environmental degradation" (Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, in Fisher, 1999, p. 184). U s i n g the Precautionary Principle would mean avoiding serious or irreversible damage to the environment by using caution whenever outcomes are not certain and when there is any risk of damage (Fisher, 1999; Jordan and O'Riordan, 1999), and "recognizing the benefits of anticipatory action and the costs of irreversibility" (O'Riordan, 1995, p. 234). It would mean shifting the balance of power to those who  Precaution will not explode onto the environmental stage, sweeping away all forms of risk or costbenefit assessment, careful scientific analysis, and existing legal norms relating to the relative power of polluters and victims. Rather it will seep through the pores of decision-making institutions and the political consciousness of humanity by stealth. It will do this, when, and if it has the tide of the times behind it. (Jordan and O'Riordan, 1999, p. 33)  are affected by the action rather than those who benefit from it  50  HARMONY FOLZ  by shifting the onus of proof to those who propose change (O'Riordan, 1995; O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998; Jordan and O'Riordan, 1999). W e would treat new substances as guilty until proven innocent (Jackson, 1996). W e would abandon the idea that we can understand our planet and so should always try to go for the limit, for the maximum sustainable yield (Cayley, 1990; Jordan and O'Riordan, 1999). W e would embrace a measure of ignorance and humility (Jordan and O'Riordan, 1999). W e would recognize that there are unintended consequences o f almost everything we do and we w i l l work to limit those (Cayley, 1990). W e would have a greater concern for our actions' impact on future generations (Jordan and O'Riordan, 1999; Harvey, 2000). W e would use our intuitive knowledge and keep notes o f what works and what doesn't and work with nature instead o f on it (Cayley, 1990). W e would step back from the edge of the abyss, realizing that we can't see it clearly for the fog o f uncertainty.  Governance We would live in decentralized communities, united in free confederations or networks for coordination purposes (Schumacher, 1973; Bookchin, 1989). Municipalities would strive toward local and regional self-sufficiency and would take full advantage o f and nurture local/regional food production, economy, and power production (Beatley, 2000). However, these communities would be aware of both their connections with and their impacts on other cities and communities and on the larger planet (Schumacher, 1973; Beatley, 2000). Smallscale municipalities would foster communal intimacy and would  TREATING CONSUMPTION  The religion of economics promotes an idolatry of rapid change, unaffected by the elementary truism that a change which is not an unquestionable improvement is a doubtful blessing. The burden ofproof is placed on those who take the "ecological viewpoint": unless they can produce evidence of marked injuiy to man, the change will proceed. Common sense, on the contrary, would suggest that the burden ofproofshould lie on the man who wants to introduce a change; he has to demonstrate that there cannot be any damaging consequences. But this would take too much time, and would therefore be uneconomic. Ecology, indeed, ought to be a compulsoiy subject for all economists, whether professionals or laymen, as this might sei~ve to restore at least a modicum of balance. For ecology holds "that an environmental setting developed over millions of years must be considered to have some merit. Anything so complicated as a planet, inhabited by more than a million and a half species of plants and animals, all of them living together in a more or less balanced equilibrium in which they continuously use and re-use the same molecules of the soil and air, cannot be improved by aimless and uninformed tinkering. All changes in a complex mechanism involve some risk and should be undertaken only after careful study of all the facts available. Changes should be made on a small scale first so as to provide a test before they are widely applied. When information is incomplete, changes should slay close to the natural processes which have in their favour the indisputable evidence of having supported life for a very long time. " (Schumacher, 1973, p. 134 (quote in quote from Ralph and Mildred Buschsbaum's 1957 book, Basic Ecology))  be participatory democracies where self-restraint, dignity,  51  HARMONY FOLZ  courtesy and a strong commitment to civic decorum would be the norm (Bookchin, 1989; Reser, 1995). Decision making would be based on deliberation and coordination rather than the "unguided aggregation o f uncoordinated individual decisions or actions" (Dobell, 2001, p. 352). A l l citizens would be involved (Blowers, 1992; Corson, 1994; Oskamp, 1995). Within those limits, individuals would be free to work for change in the society because it would be recognized that there would be constant need for adjustment and change (Konvitz, 1996; Harvey, 2000; Register, 2001). Common property would be held b y the collective, but individuals could own things (Harvey, 2000). Individual household makeup would be left to the individual, but all forms would be welcomed (Bookchin, 1989). Similarly, communities would be under no pressure to be the same but people would be free to move within communities anywhere in the world (Harvey, 2000).  TREATING CONSUMPTION  The Welfare State of tomorrow would then realize a type of society which in many fundamentals would have deeply satisfied John Stuart Mill and all the earlier liberal philosophers more than a hundred years ago, if they had had the power of imagination to envisage the final implications of a development they barely saw the beginnings of. Even that angry old philosopher-historian, Karl Marx, who gave such an uncompromising expression of the old liberal vision, held since John Locke, of a society freed from class monopolies, and who enjoyed such a sadistic dream about the painful way it was determined to be reached by natural development, would find much of his "realm of liberty. " And Thomas Jefferson would most definitely see in the accomplished Welfare State a realization of "grass-roots democracy," though in a very different, much more complication, world than was within his vision. We would finally be reaching a state worthy of  consensus sapientium. (Myrdal, 1960, p. 95-6)  Economics a n d W o r k We would base our economic system on the idea that we are part o f nature and that economic activity takes place in the environment or biosphere, which provides our resource base, waste sink, amenity base and life support system (Common, 1995). Cities would strive to live within their ecological limits and fundamentally reduce their ecological footprints (Beatley, 2000). W e would recognize the difference between growth and development (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). Our economics would be close to what is now known as Buddhist economics, where the function of work is threefold: to allow people to utilize and develop their facilities, to overcome ego-centredness by joining other people in common tasks and to produce goods and services needed (Schumacher, 1973). In this  Everybody would be admitted to what is now the rarest privilege, the opportunity of working usefully, creatively, with his own hands and brains, in his own time, at his own pace - and with excellent tools. Would this mean an enormous extension of working hours? No, people who work in this way do not know the difference between work and leisure. Unless they sleep or eat or occasionally choose to do nothing at all, they are always agreeably, productively engaged. (Schumacher, 1973, p. 152)  52  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  view work and leisure are complementary and work forms our characters; "work, properly conducted in conditions of human dignity and freedom, blesses those who do it and equally their products" (Schumacher, 1973, p. 55). Employment would be seen as more important than production, and everyone would have a job (Schumacher, 1973). W e would not be opposed to wealth or pleasure, just to being attached to and craving them. Our employment would not depend on increasing consumption, using resource or energyintensive industry, or on decreasing the productivity of the eco-system (Common, 1995). W e would implement full cost accounting (Moncrief, 1974; Corson, 1994; Jordan and O'Riordan, 1999). W e would use renewable resources, renewable low-polluting energy sources and efficient, environmentally benign, sustainable methods o f production (Corson, 1994). W e would recognize the need for "cleverer technologies and humbler aspirations" ( M c K i b b e n , i n Beatley, 2000, p. 4). Our 'technometabolism' would "be of a kind and intensity that can be indefinitely tolerated by the biosphere without interfering with its capacity to support humanity" (Common, 1995, p. 111). We would use local production for local needs (Schumacher, 1973). Work would be varied and less intense than it is now, with workers owning the process and product of production (Bookchin, 1989; Harvey, 2000). Only small-scale enterprises would be privately owned - anything larger would be owned by the workers (Schumacher, 1973). People would have much unstructured leisure time and would be encouraged to take up crafts and pursue their strengths, and athleticism would be encouraged (Bookchin, 1989). The form of the city would facilitate and encourage more healthful lifestyles (Beatley, 2000). Each individual would have equal life chances (Harvey, 2000). Production would strive for quality over quantity and homes, furnishings, utensils and clothing would be made to last (Bookchin, 1989). Industrial installations would be small, based on multi-purpose machines and human scaled technologies, using minimal energy and labour saving devices to free workers from needless toil (Bookchin, 1989). They would be placed within regions to serve as many as possible without duplication (Bookchin, 1989). E q u i t y and Social Capital We would become aware o f our strong disposition for interdependence among members of a group. W e would realize that "The overwhelming mass of anthropological evidence suggests that participation, mutual aid, solidarity, and empathy were social virtues early human groups 53  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  emphasized within their communities" (Bookchin, 1989, p. 28). W e would realize that our general human interest "cuts across the particularistic interests o f class, nationality, ethnicity and gender" (Bookchin, 1989, p. 169). Citizens in rich countries would recognize that everyone could not possibly live like them and that ignoring this problem would lead to eco-catastrophe and geopolitical chaos. They would realize that equity was in their own best interests and choose to do the right thing, which would be to reduce our footprint to the point at which it becomes sustainable (Barkham, 1995). A t the same time, they would work with poorer countries so citizens in those countries can gradually raise their standard of living to the same level as theirs (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). Our overall industrial throughput would decrease, but the poor would consume more (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). W e would  Sustainability requires that the human enterprise remain within global carrying capacity. Ifglobal carrying capacity is already overshot, and advanced countries have taken more than their fair share of the Earth's bounty, then these countries must find ways to reduce material consumption while maintaining their livability. Of course, even within rich countries, consumption is inequitably distributed so that even as we strive to reduce aggregate resource use, consideration must be given to improving the lot of those whose basic requirements are not met. (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996, p. 152-3)  recognize that having greater equality among all citizens would remove many sources o f conflict (Blowers, 1992). Each person would have a decent and healthy living environment (Harvey, 2000).  Population growth would come under control as the relative standard o f life equalizes around the globe (Common, 1995). W e would achieve low birth and death rates and stable populations (Corson, 1994). Women would aim to have children later in life, realizing that doing so w i l l contribute less to population growth because of the increased time between generations (Howard, 1997). Women would have full access and participation in all spheres (Corson, 1994) We would strive to create social capital, which "refers to connections among individuals - social networks and the norms o f reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them" (Putnam, 2000, p. 19). We would recognize that a "society characterized by generalized reciprocity is more efficient than a distrustful society" (Putnam, 2000, p. 21). W e would build the dense networks that facilitate reputation-building, which contributes to trustworthiness, and economic efficiency through reduced transaction costs (Putnam, 2000; Dobell, 2001). W e would create both bridging social capital (among groups) and bonding social capital (within groups). W e would recognize that social capital has many benefits: it allows easier resolution o f collective problems, it greases  54  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  the wheels of community advancement, it widens our awareness of our links with others, it facilitates the flow of information, and it helps make us feel better both physically and mentally (Putnam, 2000). W e would realize that "it is the formation of human capacity and cultural understanding, on the one hand, and social capacity to facilitate constructive interactions among individuals and to support continuing deliberation in a democratic and inclusive manner, on the other, that w i l l prove essential to both continuing economic growth and ecological sustainability" (Dobell, 2001, p. 357).  Settlements We would live in harmony with nature, using land ecologically and integrating the natural with the urban (Bookchin, 1989). W e would live in cities that are green and function in ways analogous to nature (Beatley, 2000). Our cities would "strive to achieve a circular rather than a linear metabolism, which nurtures and develops positive symbiotic relationships with and between its hinterland (whether that be regional, national, or international)" (Beatley, 2000, p. 7). In our cities we would have organic gardening, renewable energy, livestock, composting and mixed farming and "indeed, an entire ecological ensemble or  'Natural man ' has never abandoned the heritage of a distinctive humanity, or been loath to place his vital interests ahead of those other species. Nor need we, but because of our disproportionate power, we are victims of a false dichotomy between the welfare ofhumanity and that of other species. Preindustrial society was not able to make this mistake. Without the illusion of omnipotence, the interdependence of species was so obvious as to be enshrined in many forms of religious belief. (Young, 1990, p. 27)  pattern in which one component is used to interact with others to produce a humanly modified ecosystem that meets human needs while enriching the natural ecosystem as a whole" (Bookchin, 1989, p. 193). There would be four kinds of land use. There would be cities, towns and villages where most people would live. There would be land that was primarily for human use, like mining, forestry, agriculture and fishing. There would be land that was almost natural but was inhabited by people who knew it intimately, like the Lapps or the Inuit. A n d there would be land that was  When the traditional agriculture relied exclusively on sun power, the agricultural/cultural activity around and below could best be characterized as a form of intimacy. This activity was at once artistic and cultural. The body and the mind with the eye worked as one. There was no separation. (Jackson, 1996, p. 102)  nature's alone. The last two types of land would make up 7 5 % of the world's surface and productive land would be most of the rest. Our settlements would be small and active (Register, 2001). Municipalities would be within walking distance of each other  55  HARMONY FOLZ  and transport would be arranged around the collective use of vehicles (Bookchin, 1989). Only small meandering country roads would go between settlements - people would travel long distance by rail or air (Register, 2001). Communities would "emphasize a high quality o f life and the creation of highly livable neighborhoods and communities" (Beatley, 2000, p. 8). These communities would be places where people o f all ages and income levels could live together in affordable, attractive houses, townhouses and low-rise  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Even small increases in density can greatly reduce a household's ecological footprint. To achieve these higher densities, it will be necessary to make the associated lifestyle desirable, especially for those households that have choice over dwelling type and location. In this light, it is important to distinguish perceived densities from actual densities. Good design, public open space, and creative landscaping can reduce perceived density. (LyleA. Walker and William E. Rees, in Roseland, 1997, p. 110).  apartment buildings (Roseland, 1992; Register, 2001). It would be a place where shopping and services would be mixed in with housing, perhaps with a central commercial core (Roseland, 1992; Register, 2001). Buildings would be tall and green and creative and there would be water everywhere (Register, 2001). It would be recognized that older areas often have more assets for good growth - such as reasonable density, proximity to shopping, good transport and mixed land use patterns - and these areas would be reclaimed and redeveloped (Konvitz, 1996). Depending on the locale, outer areas would be turned back into farmland or natural areas. Cities would be full o f pedestrian amenities and anything you needed for daily life would be within walking or biking range. There would be frequent and convenient transit that would take you to other parts of the city for work or play, but you wouldn't have to go far for work. There would be community gathering places o f many different kinds - parks, recreation centres, cafes and pubs. Community members would be involved with each other and with the political process, helping to make decisions that affected their lives. In and around the city there would be small farms using low-input, regenerative transitions using organic fertilizers and integrated pest management (Corson, 1994). They would be growing produce for local consumption. People would work to restore the natural environment. Everyone would try to recycle, use innovative and appropriate technology and try to conserve resources through the avoidance of excessive consumption (Roseland, 1992; Register, 2001). Care would also be made to create public spaces that catered for a wide ranging and integrated human activities (Gehl, 1998). These would be places where all kinds o f people could be, and would have many places both to sit and to play (Oldenburg, 1989). Every neighbourhood would  56  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  have 'third places' which could host "the regular, voluntary, informal and happily anticipated gatherings of individuals beyond the realms of home and work" (Oldenburg, 1989 p. 16). It would be recognized that these third places get people in the habit of association, provide controlled fun, are levellers, are accessible and accommodating and allow for the making of friends (Gehl, 1998). They are places that build social capital and create the bond that keep society together (Gehl, 1998).  Destination: Utopia Like many Utopian visions, this one now seems like an impossible dream. But it's not. We could definitely achieve this paradise before 2050 i f the richest 20% of us curtail our consumption by about 10% a year and allow the other 8 0 % o f the world to gradually increase their consumption, keeping in  The sustainability transition, therefore, is the process of coming to terms with sustainability in all its deeply rich ecological, social, ethical and economic dimensions. The transition is as much about new ways of knowing, of being differently human in a threatened but cooperating world, as it about management and innovation of procedures and products. As a species, we have barely began to imagine how to think sustainability, though we suspect much of this will have to do with the adjuncts of justice and democracy. These include loving and caring, listening and sharing, revealing and rewarding, and fully sensing the history and future of the creative evolution that is life on Earth. The transition is, above all, a participatory and spiritual process of welcoming the purpose of human and personal existence on this planet. (O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998, p. 3)  mind our sustainable destination. B y doing this we could eventually balance the biocapacity of the planet and our human need for the best quality of life (Wackernagel, 2000). This vision of sustainability is definitely Utopian, but it is also achievable, if we start to change our behaviour now. When I wrote this, I wasn't much older than you are now and I was facing a future far more uncertain than the one you now face. This vision that I wrote about was but one possible future, and in my mind the others looked dreadfully bleak. I knew that change was needed and I hoped that by sharing my vision with others I could encourage them to work for change as well. M y reason for sharing it with you was more complex. B y doing so I hoped to show you two things: one, that seeing a vision of the future and working towards it can work, and two, that you not having one's plans realized exactly can be better than i f they do. I've certainly seen that, as in my mind this future has turned out even better than the one I had planned. Next week I'll share with you some of the actions and policies that helped us reach this future, as well as the reasons for choosing those strategies. Good night. 57  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  Figure 9: Dominant Social Paradigm vs. Alternate Environmental Paradigm (Taylor, 1992, p. 32)  Dominant Social Paradigm  Alternative Environmental Paradigm Core Values  Material (economic growth)  Non-material (self-actualization)  Natural environment valued as resource  Natural environment intrinsically valued  Domination over nature  Harmony with nature  Economy Market forces  Public interest  Risk and reward  Safety  Differentials  Incomes related to need/egalitarian  Individual self-help  Collective/social provision  Society Centralized  Decentralized  Large-scale  Small-scale  Associational  Communal  Ordered  Flexible  Nature Ample Reserves  Earth's resources limited  Nature hostile/neutral  Nature benign  Environment controllable  Nature delicately balanced  Knowledge Confidence in science and technology  Limits to science  Rationality o f means  Rationality o f ends  Separation o f fact/value  Integration o f fact/value, thought/feeling  58  HARMONY FOLZ  1.4  T R E A T M E N T (LECTURE GIVEN O N FRIDAY, APRIL  TREATING CONSUMPTION  22,2050, E  A R T H  DAY)  Over the past three weeks, Ms. Folz has taken us on a fascinating journey through history and through competing paradigms and the societies they engendered. One thing that is stunningly clear from her descriptions of the actual then and her predicted now is the wide gap between them, a gap that would appear inconceivably difficult to bridge. Yet it was bridged. Tonight Ms. Folz will give us her first-person account of the planning, construction and use of that bridge. She looks at how she came to undertake the work for which she is known, how planning as a profession was able to effect change, and some of the difficulties she and her fellows faced as they worked to bring about that change. So, how did we get from scientific materialism to what we have today? Indulge me as I take you through m y personal journey, a journey that w i l l hopefully shed some light on that very question. B y doing this I i n no way mean to imply that I was single-handedly responsible for the changes which have taken place in our society - rather, it serves as an example o f the personal and professional journeys that many o f us undertook. I hope that b y sharing my microscopic story with you I can shed some light on the macroscopic changes that were taking place. First, I'll take you back all the way to the late 1980s and early 1990s when I was an undergraduate. Back then I had no patience for environmentalists. I really didn't see what the fuss was about - why bother caring about the environment when there were so many people in dire straights? It seemed very spoiled to me. I wanted to help people, not hug trees. I was not alone in these beliefs. Though environmentalism had first gained power in the late 1960s, by the oh-so-consumerist 1980s it had faded to a fringe concern. A n d the issues that environmentalists were concerned about seemed like fringe issues. While I was growing up, the only types o f concerns that gained publicity were campaigns to save a certain species or piece o f land. Though the environmental philosophers and environmentalists had written about the deep roots o f the problem, the general public remained unaware that more was at stake than the saving the whales or the Clayquot valley. A few years after I graduated a confluence o f events helped me to change my views. In the summer o f 1994 my first husband and I planted trees in areas which had been shorn by lumber companies and I realized that we were not recreating magical forests but planting monoculture crops o f trees in straight rows, 'forests' that would be treated like a commercial garden. In the 59  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  evenings in our tent, I read a book that he had been assigned for a class. It was written by Anita Gordon and David Suzuki and was called It's a Matter of Survival (1990). The book detailed the symptoms of the environmental crisis that we were facing and then took on some of the prevailing myths o f the time, myths such as those I detailed two weeks ago. Though I'd grown up in a household where the dominant myths were often questioned, this was the first time that I'd seen the connection between our myths and the environmental problems which were becoming increasingly evident. I started to think that maybe the environmentalists were on to something, though I was not yet ready to commit. Later that year we used the money we earned planting trees to travel for four months in Central America, which was then very poor and 'underdeveloped.' It was my first real taste of the difference between what we had in North America and the conditions o f the rest of the world. A n d although I didn't think that it was right or just that people should be without basic services, it seemed to my young eyes that the inhabitants of these countries were in fact happier than we were up in Canada or the U S . Seeing that people could be happy with so little really brought home to me the unnecessity of so much that we in North America took for granted. This last was hammered home to me on the flight home. On the plane there was a mail-order catalogue designed for the executive traveller. The product that caught my attention was a hot dog toaster - with separate slots for the buns and the dogs.  Pop-Up Hot D o g Cooker. Operating much like a pop-up toaster, this unique kitchen appliance lets you easily prepare two hot dogs (complete with heated buns) in minutes. To use, simply drop two hot dogs in the center basket, and the buns in the two warming chambers on either side. Its 660-watt electronic heating coil has time settings so that you can heat the wieners and both buns to your taste preference. Crumb basket removes for cleaning. Plugs into household outlet. SV" H x 1 0 / " W x S'A" D. (6 lbs.)  50929D  $49.95  This hot dog toaster helped me to realize both how consumerist our society really was and how far our consumerism had descended into the realm of the ridiculous. After that hot dog toaster epiphany I decided that I wanted to work to help the environment. I started to research what organizations I could work for. I quickly found that the majority of the organization: that existed in B C in the mid-1990s were  Figure 10: The Fateful Hot Dog Toaster 60  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  single-issue - that is, they were working either to save a particular valley or river or for or against specific target like recycling or the use of dairy products. To me these seemed worthy, but not for me. I wanted a larger organization with larger goals. There were only a few of these then, and most had very few paid staff members, and at the time I didn't really have any special skills or relevant experience. I also didn't have a really clear idea o f how exactly the environment could best be helped. So, instead of working for an environmental organization I ended up teaching English in Korea. During m y time in Korea I realized that change would have to happen in North America for it to have any meaning for the rest of the world. I could see that the Koreans were looking to us to gauge what level of consumption was appropriate as they  A way must be found to permit these people access to more of the fruits of industrial societies without attempting to industrialize the entire world. At the moment the trinkets of industrial civilization have the strongest appeal to the naive, both within and outside of industrial society. If we continue to train our own people to think of the automobile and color TV as the finest achievements of mankind, it seems unlikely that the "rising expectations" of the UDCs will rise above them either. But if we can learn to recognize and attempt to correct our own gruesome errors, than perhaps the UDCs will see their way clear to establishing new goals: development within resource limitations and with careful attention to the quality of life. (Erlich and Erlich, 1970, p. 303)  increased their standard of living. This wasn't surprising since the North American way of life must have seemed like heaven to a country which had so recently been abjectly poor. However, the resources simply did not exist for all the nations in the world to mimic us, and the poor deservedly rejected the idea that they should consume less that we might continue to consume the lion's share of resources. A t the same time, we could not go into other 'undeveloped' countries and ask them to develop in sustainable ways when we could not, though that didn't stop some development agencies and organizations from trying. Those in 'developing countries' were justified in replying " i f these things are so great, w h y aren't you using them?" It became clear to me that we in North America had to clean our own house first before handing the brooms to others. While I was in Korea I also read more about environmentalism and sustainability and determined that I needed to go back to school and get a further degree in order to achieve anything in the field. But what to go into? After a search of the internet (such as it was back then), I stumbled across the planning program here at U B C . It seemed perfect to me - here was a program that could enable me to actually D O something about bringing about change.  61  HARMONY FOLZ  On my planning school application I wrote that I wanted to "further sustainable living." Over the years I was in school that goal did not change - in fact it's remained my fundamental goal throughout m y life. However, m y idea o f how to do it went through a large shift. When I entered the program in 1999,1 had the "build it and they w i l l come" mentality; I thought that the problem was that we lacked the technology to live sustainably. A t that point, I was a 'techno-optimist' since I thought that technology would be our saviour, one that would save us in spite of ourselves (Moncrief, 1974). I was partly right, since new technology was needed, but this techno-optimism ignored  TREATING CONSUMPTION  It is always easier to think of a better way to produce food or a consumer item than to think how to avoid using that food or that gadget wastefully. We waste, I believe, largely because of our fallen condition. We employ human cleverness to make the earth yield an unbounded technological array, which in turn produces countless more technologies, more things. In agriculture, we hot-wire the landscape, bypassing nature's control devices. We do this in the face of abundant evidence that we are destroying our habitat. (Jackson, 1996, p. 89)  several problems inherent to technology. N e w technology often had unforeseen and unintended negative consequences, and new problems often arose from our successes, not our failures, as technology knew no limits to its growth (Schumacher, 1973). For example, more efficient cars and cheaper fuel had the potential to lead to greater sprawl because people could afford to drive further (Register, 2001). Improved technology without any  Our viability as a species depends upon our future relationship with the natural world. This problem cannot be settled by the invention of new technologies that will supplant natural processes without making society more technocratic, more centralized, and ultimately completely totalitarian. (Bookchin, 1989, p. 171)  societal changes also led to increased consumption as technological improvements reduced the amount o f labour needed while increasing the need for capital and energy (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). Improved efficiency in one area also ignored limits in other areas (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). But the biggest problem with techno-optimism was that no new technology, no matter how "green" could save us " i n spite of  The impact of physical technology on environmental problems always depends on whether and how it is used. Put another way, environmental impact usually depends most directly upon people's behavior and only indirectly on physical technology. (Cone and Hayes, 1980, p. 5)  ourselves" - even at that time there were many technologies available which could have greatly reduced our consumption of energy and/or resources, but they weren't widely known or used (Naess, 1997). Therefore, without behaviour change, we would merely be extending catastrophe's due date, not forestalling it.  Transforming society to a sustainable state ... is not only, noteven mainly, a technological matter. It will require wide and deep social relearning of thinking, value structures, behavior patterns, and institutional arrangements. (Milbrath, 1995, p. 115) 62  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  So, simply improving technology wasn't the answer. The next idea I had was concentrating on education. Perhaps by educating youth in the formal education system we could build a better tomorrow. However, when I asked teachers how the education system worked I found that the education a child received was more dependent on the outlook of his or her classroom teachers  / concluded that [Environmental Education] cannot adequately be implemented until the public, especially parents, demand that it be given priority. In the meantime, we will encounterfrequentpious admonitions to implement EE and little will happen. (Milbrath, 1995, p. 105)  than the goals of school boards or curriculum writers, and since teachers were understandably reluctant to change anything too much without backing from parents, education could not effect societal change alone. So, while holistic changes to the education system were certainly needed, they would not happen without buy-in from both teachers and parents (Milbrath, 1995). I then considered educating adults. There were many groups trying to do this already. They most often provided people with information about our rising environmental ills in the form of pamphlets, books, broadcasts and advertising. The idea underlying these media efforts was usually that i f people only knew what they were doing and had a new way to behave, they would be so horrified that they would change immediately. But I looked at a lot of research that said that all these information campaigns generally achieved was to change attitudes and strengthen attitudes, beliefs and values; they usually did nothing to change behaviour except to add guilt to our pleasures (Hungerford and V o l k , 1 9 9 0 ; Newhouse, 1990; Gudgion and  If [conservation education] is to become a significant force for a sustainable and humane world, it must be woven throughout the entire curriculum and through all the operations of the institution, and not confined to a few scattered courses. This will require a serious effort to rethink the substance and process of education, the purposes and use of research, the definition of knowledge and the relationship of institutions of higher education to human survival. All of which will require courageous and visionary leadership. (Orr, 1992 p. 152) Environmental policy and environmental education must be seen as mutually dependent and supportive. Hence an environmental policy will not work without an informed population, while environmental education will not be effective if it is contradicted in wider society through environmental policy being weak or absent. (UK Council on Environmental Education, in Roseland, 1992)  Thomas, 1991; Corson, 1 9 9 5 ; Tli0gersen, 1999). I then considered structural change, that is, change to our political and economic system. I found that while structural changes were certainly necessary and could have strong influences on behaviour (Olander and Thogersen, 1995; Howard, 2000; Oskamp, 2000b), they were unlikely to come about on their own. Structural elements were very resistant to change.  63  HARMONY FOLZ  Since governments tended to institutionalize the dominant values of the society (Moore, 1994), the values of neoliberal economics and scientific materialism that I outlined two weeks ago were thus fundamental parts of the structure. Politicians who reached the pinnacle of the structure were also unlikely to want to change the machinery that brought them power and prestige. Politicians were also deeply indebted for their positions to their donors, many of whom happened to be large corporations who also benefitted from the status quo (Oskamp, 2000b). Therefore, the politicians didn't want to alienate the corporations by instituting changes in taxation and subsidy system on which their profits depended. M o v i n g to full cost accounting for  TREATING CONSUMPTION  There is clearly no shortage of strategies to increase densities and otherwise reduce our urban ecological footprints. However, sustainability requires more than technical means and political good intentions. Taking sustainability seriously forces a re-examination of deep social values, popular beliefs, and personal behaviours. Thus, if ordinary citizens are to "buy in " to sustainability, they • must be convinced they have more to gain than to lose by doing so. Success will undoubtedly require strong leadership and integrated strategies and plans for future development. Most important, however, will be an informed public supportive of strong polices for change, many of which seem to fly in the face ofpopular perceptions today. (Walker and Rees, in Roseland, 1997, pp. Ill2f  taxation and eliminating subsidies to consumptive industries would have been very effective at bringing about societal change (Corson, 1995; Howard, 2000) but politicians at the time were unlikely to suggest these measures since the corporations were their means of staying in power. Since politicians were highly motivated to stay in power, they were also unlikely to do anything that would go against the views they believed their constituents held. Opinion polls, which measured the attitudes of their constituents, provided justification for many of the actions or inactions (Olander and Thogersen, 1995). A t the turn of the century much of the general population was sympathetic to the general idea of sustainability but few people understood the full implications of making the shift to that state or what the shift would entail for them (Milbrath, 1995; Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). This meant that the public opinion polls so valued by politicians reflected the public's flawed understandings rather than its general values  The search for efficient implementation structures tending towards a sustainable society is connected to the relationship between values and structures. Do we have to restructure society according to the ideas put forth by radical environmentalists to foster new ecocentric values, or does the causal relation work the other way, making it more appropriate to start by changing values? If we have to start with structures, could this restructuring really be achieved without a considerable measure of central (even supranational) control and steering? On the other hand, if a change in values is primary, how could we proceed to change perceptions of our relationship to nature? To what extent would such a change in perception of man's humanecological situation entail a change in behaviour? In other words, could what is perceived also be achieved or attained? (Blander etal, 1995, p. 10_Tf  64  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996). However, even i f politicians had been willing to pass laws without visible public buy-in, those laws wouldn't have been very effective. Most people, now as then, tend to react badly to being made to do something, and to dig in their heels against it, even though they may have been willing before the action was mandated. This results from a psychological process called reactance (Cialdini, 1985; Wiener and Doescher, 1991). Reactance is the reaction we have whenever our free choice is  Sam Bernstein, a San Francisco dealer of Asian art, said he had never driven an SUV before he fell for the Hummer. He drives the Hummer to work and uses it to transport art and sculpture. On the weekends, he and his wife like to go off-road to look at birds. "I'm a Sierra Club member,"said Bernstein, who noted that he  avoids such disposables as paper cups. "You can be environmentally correct and drive a Hummer." (Guthrie, 2002, p. A23)  limited or threatened: we perversely come to desire whatever is being taken away significantly more than we did previously (Brehm and Brehm, 1981; Cialdini, 1985). For example, in Florida in the 1970s, Dade County (Miami) outlawed the possession and use of phosphate detergents. But because the public was not behind the change in laws, they came to believe that phosphate cleaners were better in all ways than non-phosphate cleaners. They turned to smuggling, organizing van caravans to stock up on phosphate detergents in other counties, laying in as much as a 20 year supply (Cialdini, 1985, p. 209). Enforcement in cases like this is very expensive and difficult. Public buy-in for new laws and regulations is therefore necessary. A n d providing tangible reinforcement (incentives and disincentives) for sustainable actions taken by citizens would have resulted in change, but only for as long as it was in effect because change based solely tangible reinforcement generally only lasts as long as the reinforcement does. It can be extended with intermittent reinforcement, but it does eventually die off (Gudgion and Thomas, 1991; De Y o u n g , 1993; Dwyer et al., 1993). Further, using tangible incentives can actually lead to reduced natural interest; for example, if a person is composting and then gets offered money to do it, he or she w i l l come to associate composting with being paid. If funding is then cut, the  Citizens looking to create solutions that support sustainability often find their efforts thwarted by permit restrictions and regulations which force compliance to the status quo - unsustainable building and land use patterns. Examples include low density zoning bylaws which regulate number of units per lot or acre, instead of the amount of square footage of the built area; minimum parking space requirements which often exceed the needs or wants of residents; and mandatory connections to water and sewer which precludes the introduction of alternative technologies such as composting toilets or solar aquatic sewage treatment systems which treat wastes on site. In theory, alternative technologies are permitted if a fail-safe, backup system is in place, e.g. sewer. However, the cost ofproviding both in the same project is prohibitive. Therefore, despite the availability of alternative technologies, their introduction into mainstream use continues to be impeded. (Moore, in Roseland, 1997, pp. 170-1).  65  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  person w i l l most likely stop composting, even though they had done it before they got paid (Werner, 1999). What did that leave? On reflection, the strategies I had considered, technology change, education and structural change, all came down to the choices and behaviours of individuals. I realized that "the health of our planet is inextricably dependent upon human behaviour" (Geller, 1995b, p. 179). Our destructive consumption was clearly a behaviour and clearly needed to be changed (Weyant, 1986; Newhouse, 1990; M c K e n z i e - M o h r et al., 1995; Olander and Thogersen, 1995; Oskamp, 1995; Dwivedi, 1996; Thogersen, 1999; Howard, 2000; Oskamp, 2000a, b; Winter, 2000). I then thought about the level at which behaviour needed to be changed. There were three possibilities: first, the micro level, or individual behaviour; second, the meso level, or collective or group level behaviour; and third, the macro level, or the behaviour of regions, provinces or countries. It seemed to me that the best approach would be to try to change micro level behaviour, while realizing both that this would have effects on the meso and macro levels and that the meso and macro level  [The large system-wide problems that we are facing are] strikingly closely linked to value-systems anchored in people's eveiyday lives (consumption, transportation, etc.) that are thus becoming a main arena for environmental issues. Therefore, with regard to many of tomorrow's environmental questions, both their causes and remedies are deeply rooted in our urban kitchens, refuse rooms and transport systems, for most of us live in towns. (Elander et al, 1995, P- S5) A sustainable future depends on sustainable changes in human behaviour - ie by persons - and that sustainable behaviour change depends, in turn, on meaning and conviction, as much as it depends on structural changes in society. We argue that behaviour that changes solely in response to incentives or regulation is less likely to be long-lasting than that which is experienced as imperative. Facilitating structures are then needed to support individuals in putting their convictions into practice. (Maiteny, 2000, p. 340)  context would also have strong effects on micro level behaviour. It also seemed worthwhile to explore changes at the meso level where these could be effected. But micro level behaviours seemed to be the building blocks for other levels of behaviour in that it is possible to have micro level change without significant changes to the meso and macro levels, but it is impossible to have meso or macro level change without changes to the micro level. Even when meso or macro level change is mandated it is ultimately a choice whether to follow the mandate or not. Further, given that micro level change is in the realm of the individual, it is much more possible to achieve than changes that rely on others.  Human activities exert pressures on the environment, and change its state in terms of its quality and its stocks of natural resources. Society responds to these changes through changes in behaviour, thus affecting the pressures caused by human activities. (Department of the Environment, 1996, in Huby, 1998, p.J) 66  HARMONY FOLZ  A s for the macro level, well, although technological, structural and educational changes were necessary, none of them would be possible without also changing individual behaviour (Cone and Hayes, 1980). Consider technology. In order for a new technology to be used, someone must make a choice to use it; that is, they must change their behaviour. But unless the user is aware that there is a choice and perceives there to be a social,  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Changes in behaviour are more resilient when founded on conviction and meaningful experience than when they are in reaction to incentives or regulation from outside. Real change occurs when a person's 'heart' is in what they are doing. Without this, old habits and aspirations are suppressed and can reemerge later - with all the ecological and social knock-on effects this can entail. (Maiteny, 2000, p. 340)  practical and/or economic advantage of some kind to choosing differently, he or she is unlikely to do so. So, the adoption of a new technology depends on a choice, which is in turn based on two perceptions: the perception of having an advantage and the perception of what an advantage is, perceptions that are strongly influenced by one's paradigm. For example, the S U V s that I mentioned three weeks ago were a new technology that was widely adopted by choice. To their devotees, the machines were sexy and worthy of envy. They were also comfortable, sat many people, had cargo space and provided a good view of the road. That these values existed and were positive was taken as a given whereas the myriad problems I detailed before were discounted as unimportant by those who drove them. However, i f these vehicles were made today, nobody would buy them because the problems now seem to greatly outweigh the benefits because we now make choices about which behaviours to pursue based on our values of sustainability. A s for structural changes and changes to the education system, the only way I could see to achieve these changes was, again, to effect changes in the behaviour and values of the general public. This would send clear signals to politicians that people were serious about sustainability. Changing citizen behaviour would also have the corollary benefit of affecting what the corporations produced, since these organizations were motivated by the need for profit - and changing what was produced would further enhance the shift to sustainability. It would also result in changes to the education system. Having determined that changing the behaviour o f individuals was the most effective way o f 'furthering sustainable l i v i n g ' I  The issue, like all great decisions, is moral. Science and technology are what we can do; morality is what we agree we should or should not do. The ethic from which moral decisions spring is a norm or standard of behavior in support of a value, and value in turn depends on purpose. Purpose, whether personal or global, whether urged by conscience or graven in sacred script, expresses the image we hold of ourselves and our society. A conservation ethic is that which aims to pass on to future generations the best part of the nonhuman world. To know this world is to gain a proprietary attachment to it. To know it well is to love and take responsibility for it. (Wilson, 2002^p. 39)  67  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  had to think about how to do it most effectively. A t the time there were numerous fragmented programs aimed at changing one maladaptive behaviour or another, but this approach seemed timeconsuming and Sisyphean. It made me think of a primitive computer game called Missile Command. In the game, the Earth is under attack from the sky from missiles which, if not stopped immediately, split infinitely, as shown by the left-hand part of the drawing. Each particular missile  needs to be stopped; otherwise it destroys  Figure 11: Go for the Source!  the houses and the defense posts. I thought of the three houses as social, economic and environmental sustainability. O n the left we were using policies aimed at the symptom rather than the source. It seemed certain that eventually we would miss one which would cause irreparable damage to the Earth. However, i f we could stop the laser beam as soon as it appears, as has happened with the right-hand beam, we could stop our maladaptive behaviour at its source. This illustrated to me that although the problem was the behaviour and choices of individuals, the solution would need to have a more general aim. The general aim would have to involve changing our paradigm from the one I outlined last week to a new paradigm that would embrace and encourage true sustainability. A new paradigm would mean wide-reaching change because it would influence many behaviours simultaneously. W e would begin to consider the effects our each behaviour on the global  Unaware of what we have done or its order of magnitude, we seek to remedy the situation by altering our ways of acting on some minor scale, by recycling, by diminishing our use of energy, by limiting our use of automobiles, by fewer development projects. The difficulty is that we do these things, not primarily to cease our plundering of the Earth in its basic resources, but to make possible continuation of our plundering industrial life patterns by mitigating the consequences. We mistake the order of magnitude of what we are dealing with. Our problems are primarily problems of macrophase biology, the integral functioning of the entire complex of biosystems of the planet. (Berry, in Register, 2001, P- 25) 68  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  ecosystem (comprising both 'natural' and human systems). But how to accomplish a paradigm shift? Paradoxically, the answer seemed to lie in changing as many micro-level behaviours as possible to those which were sustainable. There were several reasons for this. The first was cognitive dissonance, which is what happens when we do things that are incompatible with our beliefs and attitudes. Because we like to be consistent, we usually feel bad when we do this. T o minimize this feeling we need to either change the belief/attitude or stop doing the action (Gudgion and Thomas, 1991; Eagly, 1992; Monroe, 1993; Winter, 2000). Thus, by encouraging sustainable actions we found that we could slowly shift belief systems. The second reason was the spillover effect, which happens when taking one action leads us to take another, similar action. It was found that "when people start to act in an environmentally friendly way in one area, this behaviour tends to spill over into other areas" (Th0gersen, 1999, p. 72). The third reason was the effect o f visible behaviours on encouraging others to behave in the same way through the activation o f social norms. Social norms reflect what we think is socially appropriate and lead to behaviours designed to win social approval (Werner and Makela, 1998). They are a strong predictor o f behaviour, outweighing personal attitudes, and they also influence responses to opinion polls (Newhouse, 1990). Social norms that lead to behavioural change become internalized as personal  1W&  norms as the behaviour continues (Olander and Th0gersen, 1995). / f /  The fourth reason was a process known as the diffusion o f innovation.  •50%  /  In this process only a few people usually adopt a new way o f doing  /  things at first. They are called  /  /  Cumulative S-shapcd curve  /  /  \ \  /  /  L^-t-  Heli-siiapeo (ri:^nciicy curve  \  /  innovators and make up only 2.5% o f a given population (Rogers, 1983).  /  S.  V  J_  They are followed in the process by Figure 12: Diffusion of Innovation Curve  69  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  early adopters, who tend to be cosmopolitan opinion leaders, and who make up about 13.5% of the population (Rogers, 1983). A s the next group of individuals, the early majority, starts to adopt the innovation, it "takes off," the time period shown by the shaded area on the diagram. This early majority, making up about 34% of the population, tends to be very deliberate and is willing to follow, but not to lead - their adoption of the innovation signals that it is moving into the mainstream (Rogers, 1983). The next group to adopt is termed the late majority, also about 34% of the population. They are more skeptical and cautious and like to be with the majority of  Consumption is a social act as much as it is an economic one. Consumption bestows identity, self-perspective, status and the admiration of peers. For sustainable consumption to gain hold, sustainability as an ideal will have to be universally valued in society, and in the image of social responsibility. Unless and until consuming sustainably achieves the same moral and social status as consuming unsustainably, any government-led policy to achieve sustainable consumption will be hard pressed to achieve significant results. (Jordan and O 'Riordan, 2000, p. 93)  their peers (Rogers, 1983). The last 16% to adopt are called laggards - they tend to be the most traditional and isolated of anyone, and suspicious of change (Rogers, 1983). The existence of these four psychological effects meant that policy should be focused on activation and behaviour change, but instead o f trying to install a specific and well-defined behaviour - which may produce reactance in some and which others may find is prohibitively inconvenient the goal should be to produce some relevant behaviour change and to stimulate activity around serious environmental problems in general (Th0gersen, 1999, p. 55). Based on all of this, my goal became to work for a paradigm shift through a cohesive program of behaviour change by individuals. There were two major differences in my mind between the behaviour change approach and technological, educational and structural change approaches. First was the placement of responsibility for change - the other approaches (technology, education and structural change) mostly asked for  What one can hope to achieve and certainly has to strive for - is the attainment, in [a] broad strata of the population, of an intrinsic motivation, an environmental ethics [sic] or internalised personal norm which carries over . to a wide variety of behaviours and which produces lifelong behaviours that maintain environmental quality. (Olander and Thogersen, 1995, p. 376)  change in others rather than in the individual. A n d while it's certainly easier to think that others should change than to think that oneself should change, it's easier to change oneself than to change others. The second was that in order for any of the other three approaches to be successful, there would need to be  The real threats to human development arise not from the diminishing physical resources, perse ... but from the 'inner limits' of human beings, our inability or unwillingness to change ourselves, psychologically, culturally and politically. (Maiteny, 2000, p. 341)  70  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  massive and rapid changes to the system, changes that would seem to rely on a deus ex machina - it was said many times that change was needed, but less often how to achieve this change. The behaviour change approach, on the other hand, recognized that change would have to be incremental and include simultaneous shifts in technology, education and the political-economic structure. Determining this meant that I had my goal and needed to implement it. L u c k i l y , I had chosen to work in planning because the city was the cornerstone of our civilization (Register, 2001) and changing its form enabled many other changes (Robinson, 2003). The form of the city affected our individual behaviour in so many ways, from transportation to agriculture, from the use o f energy for heating to the purchase of household goods. Thus, planning was able to locate uses, structure settlements, design the environment and directly influence which forms of transport were used (Marshall, 2000). Most environmental issues, such as pollution, waste management and natural area access were best dealt with locally (Eckerberg, 1995). Not only were the causes of the problems located in the individual or company, but the effects of changes at a local level were more striking. A n d since public buy-in and massive behaviour change was essential to any other change, planners could help encourage this at a local level. They could target individual innovators and bring about gradual behaviour change. Planners could also improve the civicness of a community through supporting community organizations and events (Moore, 1994). These civic connections in turn helped the community through improving the safety and cleanliness of urban areas, as well as the sense of continuity and responsibility that developed (Putnam, 2000). It was also easier to approach people in groups that they were already in, on their home turf (Jones, 1996). Though cities at the turn of the century were wasteful and polluting, planners recognized that this didn't have to be the case. Cities could use new technology and bring about lifestyle changes; they could be restorative and regenerative (Beatley and Manning, 1997; Beatley, 2000; Register, 2001). A n d besides their influence on urban form, planners were increasingly taking responsibility for encouraging other sustainable behaviours. Planning was coming to include energy and procurement policies, pricing of resources and services, economic development strategies, housing programs and community institutions (Beatley and Manning, 1997). However, just as local and regional actions were interconnected with outcomes and conditions at  71  HARMONY FOLZ  a number of geographical levels, so planners increasingly recognized that actions needed to happen at many levels and in many spheres (Beatley and Manning, 1997). They couldn't do it alone, but they were in a great place to start. They were able to efficiently coordinate between and among private developers and other levels of government (Scheele, 1995). The turn of the century was also an excellent time for planners to work for change. Between then and now the population of the planet went from six billion to nine billion, and all of that growth went into cities, whose populations doubled (Robinson, 2003). Even though it was difficult to deal with this growth, it was a time of great opportunity. Because of the growth, local governments were able to gradually change the infrastructure and form of the city to reflect the emerging sustainability ethic (Robinson, 2003). Local governments had a key role in bringing about sustainability (Konvitz, 1996; Beatley, 2000; Robinson, 2003).  TREATING CONSUMPTION  In many respects, the agenda of sustainable places is the next natural progression in the evolution of planning history. In the last several decades the planning field has seen a gradual expansion of the notion of planning, from more narrow considerations of land use and zoning to the broader set of concerns addressed in the emphasis on "growth management" that blossomed in the 1970s. ... The agenda of sustainable places is, necessarily, more ambitious. It represents both an evolution in the spirit ofgrowth management and an expansion of the subjects of concern. It is a change in spirit in the sense that its objectives, while not antidevelopment, question the accommodation of traditional patterns of development and growth. It is an expanded agenda in the sense that it takes a more holistic and comprehensive view of planning and of communities; it is not simply concerned with the way a parcel of land is used, or whether certain infrastructure exists to accommodate growth. (Beatley and Manning, 1997, p. 18-9)  Planners were certainly not the only ones who could have taken action, but they were the ones who did. This was in part because planners were self-selected forward thinkers who tended to be generalists rather than specialists. This gave them a unique perspective on the problems of our unsustainability and fostered within them the desire to effect change. They were also often able to see both the bigger picture of what was wrong with our cities and actions which could be taken. A n d because they did not benefit particularly from the status quo they were more likely to embrace change than politicians and business leaders, who certainly did benefit from keeping things on the same path. Planners were able to work with local policy makers to forge policies to encourage sustainable development. Sustainability thus entered municipal planning and policy little by little and snowballed to critical mass (Elander et al., 1995).  72  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  So, that was what I did. I became a sustainability planner. I worked on ways to change both the urban form and to encourage the formation o f a new sustainability paradigm through effecting behaviour change. Throughout my career, I worked at several different levels of government, influencing and ultimately writing policy. It was rewarding work and I was able to actually help people while we all adjusted to a new way of living. However, it was also often frustrating, especially in the beginning, when it seemed like change would never come. There were so many barriers that we had to overcome as we proceeded along the path to sustainability. There were barriers resident in ourselves, barriers in our institutions and in our political economic system (Moore, 1994). A s individuals we were faced with amazingly complex problems that were connected in ways that we were only beginning to see (Moore, 1994). M a n y of us either did not perceive there to be a problem, or were unsure about what to do with it (Corson, 1994; Moore, 1994; Corson, 1995). Others were in denial, protecting ourselves against the thought of the threat of destruction, by denying that it could exist (Howard, 1997). For some of us the idea of sustainability conflicted so strongly with our world view that we cannot even start to think about it (Corson, 1994, 1995). M a n y of us denied our personal responsibility for the problems we did see (Corson, 1995). W e remained convinced that new technologies would enable us to adapt without fundamental change, which we thought would be too difficult and costly (Schumacher, 1973; Corson, 1994, 1995). A t the same time we were reluctant to adopt new technologies because we thought they we would cost more and cost jobs (Howard, 1997). W e tended to pay more attention to what was 'here and now' than what the future held (Moore, 1994). Those of us who saw the need for change were not united in our conception of what change was needed (Moore, 1994). W e got our information  Between a 'here' that is totally irrational, wasteful, based on giant industrial and urban belts, a highly chemical agribusiness, centralized and bureaucratic power, a staggering armaments economy, massive pollution, and mindless labour on the one hand, and the ecological society I have tried to describe on the other, lies an indefinable zone of highly complex transitions, one that involves the development of a new sensibility as well as new politics. There is now substitute for the role of consciousness and the support of history to mediate this transition.  No deus ex machina can be invoked to make the leap from 'here to there,' nor should we desire one. What people cannot shape for themselves, they will never control. It can be taken away from them as readily as it is bestowed upon them. Ultimately, every revolutionary project rests on the hope that the people will develop a new consciousness if they are exposed to thoughtful ideas that patently meet their needs and if objective reality - be it history, nature, or both - renders them susceptible to the need for basic social change. Without the objective circumstances that favour a new consciousness and the organized means to advance it publicly, there will be no long-range change or even the measured steps needed to achieve it. Every revolutionary project is, above all, an educational one. The rest must come from the real world in which people live and the changes that occur in it. (Bookchin, 1989, p. 196-7)  73  HARMONY FOLZ  from a media fixated on 'breaking stories,' one that for the most part ignored analysis, and that information was often conflicting and leads to uncertainty (Corson, 1994; Moore, 1994). W e got too much information and not enough time to deal with it (Milbrath, 1995). At the same time we were faced with governments that didn't share information among their departments, had weak linkages both to other levels of government and to constituents (Moore, 1 9 9 4 ) .  These governments were fragmented vertically, meaning  they couldn't really deal with interconnected problems, and they  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Societal leaders feel more comfortable when dealing with physical elements that can be readily defined and discussed than they do when dealing with 'in the head' elements like culture, ways of thinking, values, feelings and fears that are difficult to discuss unambiguously. Because physical elements can readily be manipulated by rational thought whereas people resist manipulation, psychologicalcultural barriers impeding transformation to a sustainable society are likely to be more difficult to surmount than physicaltechnological-economic barriers. (Milbrath, 1995, p. 102)  were in power for such short terms that they couldn't get anything accomplished (Moore, 1994). They were also prey to "institutional rigidity, bureaucratic momentum and unwillingness or lack of motivation to change long-standing policies or practices" (Corson, 1994, p. 209). They feared losing power and support (Moore, 1 9 9 4 )  Outside of the governments there were many people and corporations with a vested interest in maintaining things the way they were. Businesses had financial investments in infrastructure and systems o f practice. They were unlikely to desire change and usually worked actively against it. They seemed to have more power than just about anybody, and they wielded it well. But despite all of these barriers those of us working for change persevered, realizing that change would be gradual and the process would last far beyond most o f our lifetimes (Bookchin, 1989). We knew that change would have to be undertaken at first by a small number of vision oriented people (Bookchin, 1989) but that our numbers would eventually grow to the point where we became a majority and then a society. Change, imperceptible at first, did occur. Recognizing this made it possible for us to keep on going despite our apparent lack of success in the beginning. W e knew that we just had to get the snowball going and then it would take on a life of its own. This was fortunate because, when faced with the situation we were in in the early part of this century, the easiest  Agents of planned change must resist in themselves the despair and accept the deepened ethical responsibility both of which are implicit in acknowledgment of the problematic character of human survival today. (Bennis et al, 1976, p. 21-2)  74  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  thing for an individual to do would have been to give up and either live life as "normally" as possible for as long as he or she could or retreat into the wilderness and hope for the best. A n d indeed, I was tempted many times to buy a farm as far away from others as possible. But something kept me and others like me going, despite the Sisyphean nature of the battles we were fighting. That something was in part a missionary zeal - just as  In this sociopolitical atmosphere, the very idea of trying to move a society to a sustainable condition seems like such a huge undertaking that many conclude there is no point in trying. They may refuse to think about it and refuse to listen to people who may offer good ideas. The resulting sense of hopeless malaise turns the belief that society will not change into a self-fulfilling prophecy. (Milbrath, 1995, p. 108)  missionaries seek to convert "pagans" in order to save their souls, we sought to convert "consumers" in order to save the planet. A n d just as missionaries keep their faith in G o d and their belief that their reward would come in the next life, we kept our faith in humanity's ability to reform itself and our belief that the reward for our work would be reaped by the generations to follow us. A n d , in the end, our faith was validated, as a society better than anything most of us had dared to dream of was born and is now growing to maturity. A s for myself, I can go gladly into the gloaming knowing that I was in some small way a part of it and that my life's work has been successful. However, before I go, one caution. It is said that i f we don't learn from history, we're doomed to repeat it. I would hate to see this world return to the consumptive ways of the past. Even though I'd like to still be around to see the 100 Earth Day, that may not happen and I'd like to end my th  life knowing that my great-great children and their descendents w i l l not have to refight my battles. I'd prefer that they, and everyone else on this planet, continued to live in peace and prosperity for the rest of their days. Therefore, I hope you can take something out o f the ramblings that you've listened so politely to over the last four weeks, something that w i l l help you avoid the mistakes of the past and work for the best future you can dream of. M a y you be successful in achieving it. Good night and happy Earth D a y - enjoy the festival!!  75  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  Figure 13: Transition to Sustainability (O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998, p. 16)  Environmental Policy  Economic Policy  Public Awareness  Public Discourse  Stage 1: very weak sustainability  L i p service to policy integration  D i m awareness and little media coverage  Corporatist discussion groups and consultation exercises  Stage 2: weak sustainability  Formal policy integration and specific targets, backed by new institutional structures  M i n o r tinkering with economic instruments on a case-by-case basis; some reinvestment income toward the goal of sustainability Substantial restructuring of economic incentives; large scale reinvestment of income toward the goal of sustainability F u l l valuations of the cost of living, green accounting, and creation of a civic income for social use  Wider public education involving perforated classroom walls  Roundtables, stakeholder group participation and legislative surveillance  Community Curriculum Binding policy involvement, integration with integration and local educational pairing of strong initiatives geared initiatives in the international developed and to community agreements developing growth coupled to worlds performance targets and indicators Community-led Comprehensive Formal shift to Strong Stage 4: initiatives cultural shift sustainability international very strong become the norm coupled with accounting conventions, sustainability technological national duties of locally, innovation and nationally and care, and new community internationally statutory and structures cultural support Note: This figure shows the four stages of sustainability. Each stage is characterised by particular environmental and economic policies, degree of public awareness, and type of public discourse. Generally speaking, moving from one stage to the next involves more serious environmental commitments, closer alignment of economic policy to environmental goals, greater public awareness of environmental problems and possible solutions, more democratic decision-making, and a greater role for local government Stage 3 : strong sustainability  76  HARMONY FOLZ  2  TREATING CONSUMPTION  RATIONALE AND METHODS  The central question of this thesis is how can planners, program planners and policy makers best effect a change in micro and, to a lesser degree, meso level behaviour towards sustainability? This is a topic that has not yet been explored in depth, in part because planners lack readily available information on how to apply relevant findings from psychology to policy and program planning. A s one planning academic wrote: Although some planners are familiar with certain attitude-behaviour psychology research, on the whole this body of work has not crossed over into the planning literature. Cultivating an understanding of what psychologists know about how our emotions, values, beliefs, and behaviours are all tied together may help planners gain insight into the very personal nature of our some of our grand visions for a sustainable future. This insight could make the sustainability discussion more productive and may help us design policy programs that w i l l give people the appropriate motivations for adopting the behavioral changes that w i l l make our visions reality (Jones, 1996, p. 57). Jones' article, which discussed the application of one psychological model to a planning process, was the only one I found in a planning journal explicitly linking attitude-behaviour research and planning. While there may be others, they are certainly scarce, and as far as I could determine there was no comprehensive review of psychological research into behaviour change and how it applies to planning available in the planning literature. This means that planners often do not have a thorough understanding of what works and does not work from a psychological point of view. That is not to say that there is a lack of psychological research into behaviour change in general and behaviour change and sustainability in particular. There is. However, it is usually not accessed by planners and policy makers; D o u g M c K e n z i e - M o h r , a psychologist who researches and writes about behaviour change strategies, especially community based social marketing, starts a recent (2000) paper as follows: I have a simple wish. Each time I journey to the library to review new contributions to the environmental psychology literature, I hope that I w i l l see an individual whom I know, from either a nongovernmental organization, or the Department of the Environment, or the city, who works on environmental programs. M y wish is that I w i l l find this individual reviewing the literature and contemplating how best to apply it to program delivery. I have carried this wish for a decade now and it is yet to be realized. Consequently, I have become increasingly convinced that despite our desire to contribute to the attainment of a sustainable future, our publications contribute far more to career advancement 77  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  than they do to environmental betterment. W e have created a psychological literature that is largely invisible to those who can benefit from it. Lack o f visibility, however, does not equal irrelevance. Accordingly, psychology is o f considerable relevance to the delivery o f effective environmental problems, (p. 543-4) M c K e n z i e - M o h r ' s wish for relevance is unlikely to be granted while the findings o f psychology languish in psychological journals that most planners are not familiar with, and which they are unlikely to wade through in the hopes o f finding a useful nugget. Additionally, most psychological research concentrates on a single problem or aspect o f behaviour. While this is understandable due to the nature o f science, it means that very few individual articles contain enough information to base policies and plans upon - for this, a thorough reading o f the literature is necessary. A n d since planners are by nature generalists, and very busy, they are unlikely to devote the time to doing this. A l s o , as Geller et al (1982) point out: [WJhile many professionals may prefer to conduct laboratory or small-scale field projects and publish results in professional journals, strict adherence to this academic tradition w i l l not assure maximal impact on environment preservation problems. W e have already indicated that the mere publication o f findings i n no way results in the dissemination (adoption) o f the procedures, practices, or products o f a research project (Fairweather et al, 1974). Further, it is quite obvious that in an era o f diminished resources and opportunities, acquiring support and developing collaborative agreements is a highly competitive and political process. If one is not willing to spend time developing relationships with other professionals, becoming part o f a particular environment preservation network, and engaging in other promotional activities, then one's impact on this field w i l l probably be limited, (p. 302) One o f the very few people who has tried to combat this gap between the psychological literature and planning is M c K e n z i e - M o h r himself. H e has co-written two books, Fostering Sustainable Behaviour: An Introduction to Community-Based Social Marketing (1999, with Smith) and Tools of change: Proven methods for promoting environmental citizenship (1998, with Kassirer), on how to apply his findings. These books are valuable contributions, and I have used the information contained within them in Chapters 4 and 5. However, community based social marketing has some limitations as a general solution, as I w i l l discuss i n Chapter 5. Other than M c K e n z i e - M o h r , there have been very few attempts to make the findings o f psychology relevant to behaviour change easily available to practitioners o f other disciplines. Therefore, there is a need to rectify this overall lack o f connection between psychology and planning, and to comb the literature to find what works to effect behaviour change. For this 78  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  reason I chose to do a thesis based on coming to an understanding of the literature, and synthesizing, analyzing and presenting the findings to a planning audience. The scope of this project precluded testing or applying my findings at this time, although I hope to have the chance to do so in the future. In this choice I was heartened by the words of C. Wright M i l l s , as true now as when he wrote them in 1959: In the intellectual condition o f the social sciences today, there is so much to do by way of initial 'structuring' ... that much 'empirical research' is bound to be thin and uninteresting. M u c h of it, in fact, is a formal exercise for beginning students, and sometimes a useful pursuit for those who are not able to handle the more difficult substantive problems of social science. There is no more virtue in empirical inquiry as such than in reading as such. The purpose of empirical inquiry is to settle disagreements and doubts about facts, and thus to make arguments more fruitful by basing all sides more substantively. Facts discipline reason; but reason is the advance guard in any field of learning (p. 205). Thus, this thesis is based on using those findings from existing literature to design possible behaviour change strategies to be undertaken by planners and those working in similar capacities. Mostly psychological research was used, reflecting the fact that psychologists have done the most research in this area. I analyzed the literature as follows. First, I searched online databases, notably the Silver Platter and Web of Science databases, for journal articles and book chapters. I also gathered books through a keyword search o f the U B C library resources. Database searches were carried out between February 2000 and August 2001, with the bulk occurring between M a y and August 2001. Searching was iterative; that is, initial findings influenced subsequent searches, and bibliographies of especially relevant sources were scanned and those articles found. Relevance was determined by how w e l l a source met the objectives below the list. A variety of search terms were entered into these databases in various combinations. These terms and combinations were: >  environmental education + behavior/behaviour  >  environmental education + behavior/behaviour change  >  sustainability/sustainable + behaviour/behavior  >  sustainability/sustainable + behaviour/behavior change  >  sustainability + knowledge/attitudes  >  sustainability + behavior change + knowledge/attitudes/beliefs/values  >  environment/environmental + behaviour/behavior change  >  stewardship + knowledge/attitudes/behavior change/beliefs/values  79  HARMONY FOLZ  >  planning + behavior/behaviour change  >  social change  >  social norms  TREATING CONSUMPTION  From the lists generated, articles and books were selected based on their perceived relevance to the problem of changing behaviour, including understanding how behaviour occurs. For these purposes, the behaviour in question was primarily micro level behaviour. The objective in selecting resources was to select those that would lead to a broad understanding of the factors influencing behaviour and those which described and evaluated various strategies for their efficacy in changing behaviour. I had a strong preference for resources which provided experimental or experiential evidence regarding a factor or strategy's effect on behaviour. During the search I recognized that it would be impossible to exhaustively research any one factor or strategy, given that several have entire sub-fields of psychology related to them. For example, attitude research alone occupies the academic life of several researchers, and the research goes to a depth such that a truly comprehensive look at attitudes would encompass an entire thesis. Instead, enough research was done to reach a state of sufficiency; that is, research was done until no new information was being generated at the level of detail required for this project. I attempted to present a fair picture of the findings regarding the various factors and strategies for a generalist audience. Resources were further limited by language and availability. O n l y resources in English were chosen and resources in the U B C library system or online journals were given priority; however, I did order some whose abstracts seemed especially relevant (according to the above criteria) from Inter-Library Loan. A l s o , the majority df sources are from the 1990s and 2000s; some are from the 1980s and a very few from earlier than that. After selection, resources were skimmed to ascertain whether they did discuss behaviour change strategies and/or the process of behaviour change. I read those that did more closely, and entered notes into an EndNote database, assisted by a fellow student working on the Georgia Basin Futures Project.  2 6  See 80  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  From these sources I generated a list of factors that influence behaviour, a list which is given graphical form in the two diagrams of Chapter 4. The first diagram in that chapter takes terms relating to an interior attribute or process (e.g., attitudes, knowledge, self-efficacy, personal norms) and places them in a graphical grouping based on their relatedness to each other. This diagram provides an organizing heuristic for the related text, which goes into detail about these interior factors. The second diagram is an inclusive integration of several different but related theories of behaviour change. It incorporates the external factors from the list generated from the literature. It also incorporates the idea of predisposing, reinforcing and enabling factors from the Precede-Proceed M o d e l . The Precede-Proceed M o d e l , a model of behaviour change often used in health promotion, provides an organizing heuristic for the rest of the thesis. A rationale for this choice and an explication of the model are found in Chapter 3. The last model in this thesis is the Change Strategies Logic M o d e l in Chapter 5. This model is a close-up of the Proceed section of the Precede-Proceed M o d e l that incorporates the findings from Chapter 4. A s such it provides general guidelines for behaviour change strategies. In that chapter some strategies for bringing about behaviour change from the literature discussed above are discussed. The final chapter summarizes the others and outlines a new strategy based on the findings.  81  HARMONY FOLZ  3  TREATING CONSUMPTION  T H E PRECEDE/PROCEED M O D E L  The Precede/Proceed M o d e l (Green and Kreuter, 1999) is a model from the field of health promotion that can facilitate the systematic planning, implementation and evaluation of potential programs and policies for. changing behaviour. It can be used to look at relations between behavioural, lifestyle and environmental elements and the factors that influence them. It can also be used to explain causal pathways between interventions and outcomes. Since its debut in a simpler form in 1973 (and its naming in 1980), the Precede/Proceed Model has seen over 700 published uses (and an estimated equal number of unpublished uses), from clinical field trials to federal health planning, and in as diverse areas such as A I D S , children's bicycle helmet usage, smoking, cancer, active living, female genital mutilation, asthma, and arthritis.  27  While there is no shortage of planning models in the field of planning, I chose to use the Precede/Proceed M o d e l because it deals directly with behaviour change and can be easily adapted from health promotion to sustainability promotion. Indeed, health promotion is very similar to sustainable behaviour promotion. According to Green and Kreuter, (1999, p. 14), "Health promotion is the combination of educational and environmental supports for actions and conditions o f living conducive to health." Simply replacing the word 'health' with 'sustainability' gives a handy definition of what we can hope to achieve. The name of model comes from a rather complex acronym. P R E C E D E stands for "predisposing, reinforcing, and enabling constructs in educational diagnosis and evaluation." P R O C E D E stands for "policy, regulatory, and organizational constructs in educational/ecological development." The first part stresses that predisposing, reinforcing and enabling factors (defined in Phase 4 below) all influence behaviour. The second part stresses that policy, regulatory and organizational strategies are also an integral part of behaviour change.  For a comprehensive list of uses of the Precede/Proceed model until 1999 see See also Green, L. W. and M. W. Kreuter (1999). Health Promotion Planning: An Educational and Ecological Approach. Mountain View: Mayfield Publishing Company.. 27  82  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  Below is the Precede/Proceed Model as it is used in Health Promotion. T o read it, start on the upper right, with Phase 1 and read right to left along the top. A t Phase 5, move to the bottom left (Phase 6) and read left to right along the bottom.  PRECEDE  PHASE 5 Administrative and policy assessment  HEALTH PROMOTION  Health Education  PHASE 4 Educational and ecological assessment  PHASE 3 Behavioural and environmental assessment  Predisposing factors  t  Behaviour and lifestyle i  Reinforcing factors 1  r  Environment  Policy Regulation Organization  PHASE 6 Implementation  PHASE 1 Social assessment  PHASE 2 Epidemiological assessment  PHASE 7 Process evaluation  PHASE 8 Impact evaluation  PHASE 9 Outcome evaluation  PROCEED  Green & Kreuter 1999  Figure 14: Precede/Proceed Model  83  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Following is the model as I w i l l use it. Some o f the wording has been changed from the original to make the model more applicable to sustainability issues, but there have been no other changes.  PRECEDE PHASE 5 Administrative and policy assessment  SUSTAINABILITY PROMOTION Education Information Training Social Change  Policy Regulation Organization  PHASE 6 Implementation  .  PHASE 4 Educational and ecological assessment  PHASE 3 Behavioural and environmental assessment  PHASE 2 Causal assessment  PHASE 1 Social assessment  Predisposing factors Behaviour and lifestyle Reinforcing factors  Human/ ecosystem health  Environment Enabling factors  PHASE 7 Process evaluation  I  PHASE 8 Impact evaluation  PHASE 9 Outcome evaluation  PROCEED ,  after Green & Kreuter 1999  Figure 15: Precede/Proceed Model adapted for Sustainability  The model is based on the principle that most enduring health behaviour change is voluntary in nature. In order to encourage behaviour change successfully, a systematic planning process is used that seeks to empower individuals with understanding, motivation and skills and active engagement i n community affairs to improve quality o f life. L i k e many planning models, it is an iterative model, although it seems quite linear. The process does not necessarily have to begin at Phase 1 - it can actually be started anywhere.  84  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  There are two stages to the model. The first stage is Precede, w h i c h has five component phases. Phase 1, social assessment, begins with an assessment of quality o f life and some of the hopes and problems of the people concerned. These people look at their current quality of life and the quality of life they would like to attain and describe the fundamental differences between these two states. This phase is "the application, through broad participation, o f multiple sources of information designed to expand the understanding of people regarding their own quality of life and aspirations for the common good" (Green and Kreuter, 1999, p. 50). Multiple sources of information refers to the need to gather indicators and data from several sources; expanded understanding "refers to a heightened awareness of the community's social, economic, cultural, and environmental concerns and goals" (Green and Kreuter, 1991, p. 45). For sustainability promotion this could refer to a heightened awareness of the interconnectedness of environmental problems, social problems and individual behaviours. This stage has three steps: 1. Self-study by the community (with or without technical assistance) of its problems, needs, aspirations, resources or assets 2. Documentation of the presumed causes of the needs, or determinants of the desired goals 3. Decision on the priorities to be assigned among the problems, needs, or goals, based on perceived importance and presumed changeability and formulation of quantified goals and objectives (Green and Kreuter, 1999, pp. 61-2) Community participation, ensuring the active participation of those who w i l l be affected, is the most important part of this step. For planners, this is no surprise, as true community participation has been found to be a major factor in the success of any kind of planning exercise. In Phase 2, causal assessment, the problems in human and ecosystem health that affect the problems in current quality of life (as elucidated in Phase 1) are determined as well as possible. In the original model, the "primary task of this phase is to determine for a given target population which health problems, measured objectively, pose the greatest threat to health and quality of life" (Green and Kreuter, 1999, p. 84). When looking at sustainability behaviour, the focus shifts, but the underlying methodology does not. Therefore, this phase becomes concerned with determining which problems cause the most damage. Priorities should be set based on the problem's impact, susceptibility to intervention, lack of other attention being paid to it, and potential for greatest improvement. After the 85  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  problems have been defined, program objectives should be developed based on finding solutions to those problems. Objectives should answer the questions about desired changes, such as who changes, what changes, how much change, by when/how long w i l l changes occur. Objectives should be set up so progress can be measured, so they are based on relevant, reasonably accurate data, and so they are consistent and coherent. It is also important that all participants understand the problem definition, objectives and sub-objectives (Green and Kreuter, 1999). Phase 3, behavioural and environmental assessment, looks at behaviour and lifestyle and the greater environment (here meaning structural environment as well as the natural environmental) seeking the cause of these problems. The phase "calls for an analysis o f those personal and collective actions most pertinent to controlling the determinants of health or quality-of-life issues selected in the preceding phases" (Green and Kreuter, 1999, p. 112). However, care must be taken to identify and take into consideration factors which are not amenable to behaviour change, while acknowledging that behaviour can influence structural and environmental factors, especially collective action (Green and Kreuter, 1999). In choosing behaviours to change, it should be born in mind that it has been found to be more effective to induce positive change and reinforce it, and that negative reinforcement has been found to be very inefficient. There are several steps in both behavioural and environmental assessments:  Behavioural Assessments  Environmental Assessments  1. Delineating the behavioural and nonbehavioural causes of the problem  1. Identifying which environmental causes of the problem are changeable  2. Developing a classification of behaviours  2. Rating environmental factors on relative importance  3. Rating behaviours in order of importance  3. Rating environmental factors on changeability  4. Rating behaviours' changeability  4. Choosing the environmental targets  5. Choosing behavioural targets  Next, Phase 4, educational and organizational assessment, looks at what factors influence behaviour and the environment. These are divided into three categories, all o f which have been found necessary for a program to effectively change behaviours (Nutbeam and Harris, 1998). The three categories are Predisposing Factors, the antecedents to behaviour (such as knowledge,  86  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  attitudes, beliefs and values) that provide the rationale or motivation for the behaviour; Enabling Factors, which provide the necessary resources (such as skills, availability and accessibility of resources) needed for a motivated behaviour to be realized; and Reinforcing Factors, which provide tangible or social incentives or disincentives for doing or not doing certain things - they provide the necessary social and material support for the persistence or repetition of the behaviour. Single behaviours or actions are rarely caused by only one o f these; rather, the factors act in concert, with each factor potentially affecting the others (Green and Kreuter, 1999). Selecting the predisposing, reinforcing, and enabling factors that, i f modified, w i l l bring about change is the core of this phase. To do this one first identifies and sorts a comprehensive list of causal factors for each behaviour and environmental target. Then, one sets priorities among the categories, deciding which factors should face intervention, and in what order. Finally, one establishes priorities within categories, based on importance (prevalence, immediacy and necessity) and changeability (Green and Kreuter, 1991). The next phase is Phase 5, administrative and policy assessment, where the preceding assessments are converted into interventions, policies, organizational changes and regulations. In this phase, the budgetary and staff resources needed are assessed, as are barriers to be overcome and possible policies to be implemented or changed. Administrative and policy assessments each have several steps. Administrative assessment starts with an assessment of the resources needed, moves to an assessment o f available resources, and finishes with an assessment of barriers to implementation. P o l i c y assessment starts with an assessment of polices, regulations, and organization, and finishes with an assessment of political forces. After these assessments comes the second stage of the model, Proceed. The first phase of this stage, Phase 6, implementation, is the putting into practice the strategies we have devised in Phase 5. "In the final analysis, textbooks can offer little on implementation that w i l l improve on a well-thought-out plan, an adequate budget, solid organizational and policy support, constructive training and supervision of staff, and careful monitoring in the process evaluation stage" (Green and Kreuter, 1999, p. 213). Further, the "key to success in implementation beyond these five ingredients is experience, sensitivity to people's needs, flexibility in the face of changing circumstances, keeping an eye on long-tem goals, and a sense of humor" (Green and Kreuter, 1999, p. 213).  87  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  However, implementation is not the final step, as evaluation is a crucial part o f the model. Evaluation is "the comparison of an object of interest against a standard o f acceptability" (Green and Kreuter, 1999, p. 220). It is necessary to determine i f the programs, strategies and policies of the implementation phase are actually working, and to inform both continued work on the same program and the design and implementation of future programs. It is often the part of plans that is left out or starved o f resources, and it can cause great anxiety to those involved, but it is nonetheless necessary. There are several phases of evaluation in the Precede/Proceed M o d e l . Phase 7, process evaluation, is the first evaluation phase. In this phase, the implementation of the new strategies is assessed and adjusted if necessary, and implementation in general is monitored and any problems with it fixed. In Phase 8, impact evaluation, the effects o f the program on behaviours, on predisposing, enabling and reinforcing factors leading to those behaviours, and on the environment are assessed. Finally, in Phase 9, outcome evaluation, the strategies are assessed as to how they have affected health, ecosystem health and quality o f life. It could take as long as several decades to assess quality of life outcomes fully. From the assessments it is determined how many and what kind of iterations are necessary - i f we find there to be a problem we can go back and adjust either our understanding or our strategies. This model is valuable for designing behaviour change strategies for several reasons. First of all, it points out the need to consider both internal and external factors on behaviour and address them both. Second, it advises a comprehensive strategy that addresses predisposing, enabling and reinforcing factors. Third, it shows that a comprehensive social change strategy should be comprised of diverse tactics, simultaneously applied, to build pressure for change in the desired direction.  HARMONY FOLZ  4  TREATING CONSUMPTION  FACTORS IN BEHAVIOUR CHANGE  Available literature and theory from fields including environmental psychology, social psychology and health promotion each point to a set o f personal factors that are likely to influence (and explain) individual behaviours related to environmental sustainability. These factors vary by field and theoretical outlook, but do overlap. Figure 16 provides a pictorial display o f a categorization o f some of the key factors found in the literature.  Figure 16: Personal Influences on Behaviour  89  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Each of these categories is made up of several individual factors. Most theories and models only concern themselves with a limited number of these factors, and the factors used vary widely. Rather than follow one theory or model I have stripped each of their factors, listed these factors, and researched each one separately for its effect on behaviour change. In doing so, I have tried to bear in mind that Studies that examine only attitudinal factors are likely to find effects only inconsistently, because the effects are contingent on capabilities and context. Similarly, studies that examine only contextual variables, such as material incentives, social norms, or the introduction of new technology, may find effects but fail to reveal their dependence on individuals' attitudes or beliefs (Stern, 2000b, p. 418). Using the framework of the Precede/Proceed Model  I have grouped these factors into those  which are predisposing, those which are enabling and those which are reinforcing, according to their primary function. Factors can sometimes act in multiple ways; for example, skills are primarily en enabling factor, but having a skill can predispose someone to want to use it. Also, the factors are neither independent nor mutually exclusive. Indeed, they overlap and influence each other and the formation of intentions to act. With that in mind, here are the factors: >  >  Predisposing Factors •  Biology  •  Demographics: location, age, gender, race and education  •  Personal Factors: values, political ideology, religion, personality, emotions, and self-determination  •  What's "known": knowledge and beliefs  •  Attitudes: to the behaviour in question and to the bigger picture  •  Self Image: self-concept, personal norms, self-efficacy and locus of control  Enabling Factors •  Skills  •  Resources, Availability and Accessibility  •  Life So Far: habits and experience  •  Evaluations: situation-specific evaluations of the need for the behaviour, its consequences and one's personal responsibility for the behaviour  •  Time and Space: geographic location, surroundings and historical moment  While I have used the Precede/Proceed framework in grouping the factors, not all of them are discussed in the Precede/Proceed literature. 28  90  HARMONY FOLZ  >  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Reinforcing Factors •  Reactions: cognitive dissonance, reactance and satisfaction  •  Tangible Considerations  •  Social Pressures: social milieu, social norms, social diffusion, social commitment, social capital, social identity  The sections that follow briefly examine each of the above factors, their relationships to one another, and their potential effect on behaviour.  4.1  4.1.1  PREDISPOSING FACTORS  Biology and Culture  Biology and culture have an important, if relatively immutable, effect on behaviour. Nevertheless, it is important to be aware of the effect biological and cultural factors have in order to mitigate it. The nature/nurture debate is as old as psychology. There are extremists on both sides, with those who argue that humans are born as blank slates ready to be molded by society facing off against those who argue that biology determines the behaviour of both individuals and societies. However, most have carved out various positions in the middle, admitting that both experience and biology have an effect. For example, IQ has been found to be determined in equal parts by genetics, culture and random factors in a person's life (Cavalli-Sforza, 1993). Values have also been found to be some degree hard-wired, to some degree determined by ecological and institutional factors, and to some degree influenced by the idiosyncrasies o f personal biography (Hechter, 1993). It seems reasonable to assume that most human characteristics can be broken down this way, the exact dimensions of the breakdown depending on the characteristic under question. It has also been argued that humans have " a genetic predisposition for unsustainability ... encoded in certain ... psychological, social and behavioral traits that once conferred survival value but are now maladaptive" (Rees, 2002b, p. 249). This argument looks at history and concludes that "what is perhaps the most intriguing in the evolution o f human societies is the regularity with which the pattern of increasing complexity is interrupted by collapse" (Tainter, 1995, in Rees, 2002b, p. 250). It then looks at biology for an explanation, which is that humans, like other large mammals, are a patch disturbing species, i.e. an organism that "usually by central place foraging, degrades a small "central place" greatly and disturbs a much larger area away 91  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  from the central core to a lesser extent " (Rees, 2002b, p. 261) before moving on. A l s o , like all species, humans have a natural predisposition to expand into all the ecologically productive space available to them. Humans have historically expanded more widely than other mammals because we have omnivorous diets, and i f we cannot consume a food resource we domesticate something that can and than eat that animal. Most importantly, we are creatures of language, culture and cumulative learning and our continuous technical advances have enabled us to increase the intensity o f exploitation (Rees, 2002b). Currently, these biological predispositions are exacerbated by the myth that perpetual growth is possible, as discussed in Chapter 1. Indeed, the making o f myths, which could also be called the telling o f stories or the search for cultural frames o f reference or the creation of paradigms, is itself a fundamental human characteristic (Howard, 1997; Maiteny, 2000; Rees, 2002b). Other fundamental characteristics are both the search to fulfill both biological needs and needs for meaningfulness and fullness (such as affection, understanding, participation, leisure, creation, identity and freedom) (Maiteny, 2000; V l e k , 2000). Trying to fulfill these various needs is the motivation for much of our behaviour (Vlek, 2000). However, the striving to do so is a fundamental part of our current unsustainability because currently the desire for fulfillment is projected to the outside world and takes a tangible form in objects. Unfortunately, satisfaction is forever elusive because once the object is attained it becomes an ordinary thing and loses its appeal and desire shifts to a new object in attempt to find fulfillment (Douglas et al., 1998; Maiteny, 2000). Biology has another influence on culture in that many cultural traits seem to be acquired at a young age. Humans learn through communication but there are sensitive periods for learning certain attitudes or activities, after which point those attitudes or activities become essentially irreversible. These include the incest taboo (there is no sexual attraction to those people who are familiar before puberty), language (almost never perfectly acquired after puberty), preference for a certain type of physical environment (based on early exposure), the imprinting of a nomadic way of life, politics (a person's family type influences preferred type o f government), family and kinship traits and likely many more (Cavalli-Sforza, 1993). Barring radical gene therapy (which is not a desirable or possible option at this time), the only way to counter these biological influences on behaviour is to become aware o f them and do as much as possible to overcome or shape them by maximizing the other forces which act on our  92  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  behaviour (for example, concentrating on the social determinants o f values). W e can also mitigate the effect o f our biology b y changing which biological traits to emphasize. For example, we could shift our myth away from its current emphasis on "darker" human qualities like selfish individualism and competitiveness to an emphasis on our "brighter" generously social and cooperative natures (Rees, 2002b), and realize that fulfillment can better be found through inner psychological, emotional and spiritual development than b y material acquisition (Maiteny, 2000) (see Chapter 1). However, there is at least one biological mechanism that could have an influence on behaviour change, i f it could be used in such a way as not to be morally questionable. This is using the brain's rapid synthesis and turnover o f norepinephrine/noradrenaline i n response to physical stress to produce changes i n the brain. Religious figures, politicians, fundamentalists o f every stripe and armies use this response when they whip people up to a fever-pitch o f anger, fear, excitement and nervous tension and then expose them to new ideas and beliefs. Other groups use various forms o f forced stress or extreme discomfort to do the same thing (Bateson, 2000). However, while the first approach could be used through methods o f building up fear and excitement about environmental issues and then presenting solutions, the dangers o f the first approach are self-evident, and it should be used with extreme caution, i f at all. The second approach obviously has no place i n the quest for sustainability.  4.1.2  Demographics  There is little evidence for any demographic influence on proenvironmental behaviour. Demographic information refers to the external characteristics o f a person, such as age, sex and education level. Demographics are studied because it is assumed that segments o f the population most amenable to change w i l l have similar groupings o f characteristics ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r et al., 1995). Indeed, some research suggests that the ideal proenvironmental target should be a welleducated, religious, young, female, black urban dweller (Van Liere and Dunlop, 1980; Woodrum and Hoban, 1994; Dietz et al., 1998; Fransson and Garling, 1999; Zelezny, 1999). However, the predictive ability o f most o f these factors has been challenged and the findings that have emerged have been complex and difficult to apply. Age is often thought to be a strong predictor o f environmental behaviour. Several researchers have found a strong negative relationship between age and environmental concern; that is, 93  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  younger people tend to be more pro-environment (Van Liere and Dunlop, 1980; Arcury, 1990; Stern, 2000b; Dietz et al., 1998; Fransson and Garling, 1999). However, Dietz et al (1998) also found that the relationship depends on the indicator used to assess environmentalism; with some indicators young people emerged as the least proenvironmental. Additionally, Putnam (2000) found that civic involvement usually blooms in middle age, and civic involvement w i l l be necessary for any comprehensive environmental solution. Level of education has been found to be predictive of willingness to sacrifice, petition signing, environmental group membership and attitude to government spending, but has no significant effect on consumer behaviour (Van Liere and Dunlop, 1980; Schwepker Jr. and Cornwell, 1991; Dietz et al., 1998; Fransson and Garling, 1999). Additionally, Dietz (1998) found that education is negatively related to the environmental belief in the fragility o f nature. However, early adoption of new technologies and ideas is correlated with more education, literacy, higher social status and more upward mobility (Rogers, 1983). There is limited evidence supporting an association between social class and environmental concern (Schwepker Jr. and Cornwell, 1991; Stern, 2000b; Fransson and Garling, 1999). However, it has been found that residents of lowincome urban areas generally have attitudes favourable to the environment, but do not participate in proenvironmental behaviour due to systemic barriers which they are less able to overcome (Margai, 1997). The majority of studies looking at gender and environmentalism in the last decade have found that, compared to men, women report more stewardship behaviour (Ray and Anderson, 2000; Zelezny, 2000). However, reports by both V a n Liere and Dunlap (1980) and Dietz et al (1998) indicate that this association is not straightforward. According to Dietz et al (1998), women have stronger proenvironmental consumer behaviour than men, but they are less willing to make sacrifices to protect the environment. Looking at racial indicators, there are no clear findings. Dietz et al (1998) found that Blacks are more proenvironmental than Whites in behaviour, but only on some indicators including willingness to engage in proenvironmental consumer behaviour and environmental spending (Dietz et al., 1998). However, Schwepker Jr. and Cornwell (1991) found that ecologically concerned consumers are more likely to be white (also Stern, 2000b). A s for environmental beliefs, sometimes Blacks are more proenvironmental and sometimes less (Dietz et al., 1998).  94  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  These findings are based on American studies and it is unclear how applicable they would be to other multi-cultural countries given the unique American experience. Location has been found to be significant: urban dwellers have been found to be more likely to be environmentally concerned than rural residents (Van Liere and Dunlop, 1980; Arcury, 1990; Fransson and Garling, 1999). Closer examination o f these demographic factors suggests that the most successful target for engendering sustainable behaviour is an urban dweller who is somewhat more likely to be young and female. However, relationships between socio-demographic factors and environmental concerns are generally weak (Derksen and Gartrell, 1993; Fransson and Garling, 1999). Perhaps it is not surprising that some researchers have gone so far as to say that demographic variables have almost no predictive power ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r et al., 1995; R a y and Anderson, 2000), or indeed that "the inability o f a wide range o f demographic and psychosocial variables to explain general consumer activity brings into question the legitimacy o f a generalized conservation behavioral construct" (Pickett et al., 1993, p. 240).  4.1.3 Personal Factors There are several personal factors that are thought to have an effect on proenvironmental behaviour. They include values, political ideology, religion, personality, emotions and selfdetermination. Values Values have an influence on behaviour, though they do not determine it. However, they are deeply held and difficult to change. Values explain and justify intention, agency, and actions. A value may be a guide, but a value may follow rather than precede intention or action, and any value may mislead. Values may be for self and/or for others - be those others peers or agents or onlookers. A value can be explicit, say in a parental scolding on honesty, but in the hurried negotiation o f daily living values are implicit, as i n prudence accompanying honesty in delivering action (White, 1993, p. 63). Values are the "cognitive patterns by which individuals orientate themselves i n their environment" (Grunert and Juhl, 1995 p. 39). They represent preferences that can be shared or transmitted within a community (Green and Kreuter, 1999). They can be widely shared, local, or highly contentious (White, 1993). They represent our principles and standards. Values are "(1) 95  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  concepts or beliefs (2) about desirable end states or behaviours (3) that transcend specific situations, (4) guide the selection or evaluation of behaviour and events, and (5) are ordered by relative importance" (Grunert and Juhl, 1995, p. 40). They are important life goals or standards which serve as guiding principles in a person's life (Eagly and Kulesa, 1997; Schultz and Zelezny, 1999). Values are "relatively general and durable internal criteria for evaluation" (Hechter, 1993, p. 3). In their primordial form they are without language (White, 1993). Values are distinct from attitudes and beliefs because they function as an organized system (Schultz and Zelezny, 1999) and because they are durable and general rather than changeable and particular (Dunlap et al., 1983; Hechter, 1993). Values are typically viewed as determinants of attitudes and behaviours (Dunlap et al., 1983; Schultz and Zelezny, 1999) as "once a value is internalized it becomes, consciously or unconsciously, a standard or criterion for guiding action (and) for developing and maintaining attitudes toward relevant objects and situations" (Rokeach, 1968, p. 160, in Dunlap et al., 1983, p. 146). Values can inform several attitudes; someone with anthropocentric values w i l l think differently on many issues than someone with ecocentric values (Werner, 1999). A person "may have thousands of attitudes towards specific objects and situations, but relatively few values" (Ball-Rokeach, 1973 p. 737, in Dunlap et al., 1983). Values are also separate from norms in that values are internal whereas norms are external and require sanctioning (Hechter, 1993). Values are very difficult to measure (Hechter, 1993). However, where values can be measured, environmentalists do differ from others in values (Rankin, 1980). Iwata (1995; 1999; 2001), has found that several values are correlated with environmentally responsible behaviour. These are valuing a voluntary simplicity lifestyle, hedonism, anti-materialism, and a negative attitude towards money. However, the link between values and behaviour is complex - both biocentric and anthropocentric values can affect behaviour in many settings (Dunlap et al., 1983; Clark, 1989; Grunert and Juhl, 1995; Karp, 1996; Thogersen, 1999; Joireman et al., 2001). Values' effect on behaviour can be situational but values can also be a guide for behaviour (Karp, 1996) and those without strong standards or values are more likely to be swayed by circumstances (Bandura, 1986). However, "behaviors that harm the environment do not mainly flow from antienvironmental values and attitudes, and proenvironmental values do not guarantee environmental protection," (Stern, 2000a, p. 525). This complexity is due to the effect of values being mitigated by what people perceive their options for actions to be (Clark, 1989).  96  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Changing values is very difficult because they form one o f the bases o f identity, and may in some cases be hardwired and or arise from ecological and institutional determinants as well as the idiosyncrasies o f life experience, including individual patterns o f group affiliation (Dunlap et al., 1983; Hechter, 1993; White, 1993); thus, "changes in value systems are likely to stem from changes i n socialization experiences and economic conditions, rather than from policies designed to produce such change" (Dunlap et al., 1983, p. 160). Political Ideology A very liberal political ideology is predictive ofproenvironmental behaviour. Political ideology is a particular value set which has been codified b y outside sources and which becomes part o f the social identity o f adherents. It provides an organizing heuristic which guides attitudes, beliefs and values. Once set, it is even harder to change than internally negotiated values. In North America, we generally refer to people as being conservative or liberal. In very broad terms, conservatives are in favour o f neo-liberal economic policies and "traditional" family values where liberals lean more towards socialism and have a live and let live attitude towards family relationships. A liberal political ideology is similar to education in that it has been found to be predictive o f concern about environmental quality, willingness to sacrifice, petition signing, environmental group membership and attitude to government spending, but also has no significant effect on consumer behaviour (Van Liere and Dunlop, 1980; Dietz et al., 1998; Fransson and Garling, 1999). However, much increased political liberalism positively affects all o f the aforementioned behaviours, including consumer behaviour (Dietz et al., 1998). Religion Religion can have an effect on proenvironmental behaviour, chiefly that proenvironmental religious people tend to be non-sectarian, and religion could play a strong role in a new environmental ethic. Evidence is mixed as to whether Christian fundamentalists are antienvironmental or simply apathetic. Religion here refers to being part o f an organized religious group. One's religious affiliation has the same characteristics as one's political ideology. According to Dietz et al (1998) religious affiliation is related to willingness to sacrifice, consumer behaviour and willingness to sign a petition and that fundamentalists are sometimes less proenvironmental than other denominations  97  (also Eckberg and Blocker, 1996). There may also be meaningful links between religion and environmentalist!! that are not tied to denomination or religiosity (Dietz et a l , 1998). Further, religious people who work to protect nature tend to be religiously active and non-sectarian - that is, religious liberals (Eckberg and Blocker, 1996). Only a minority follow Eastern religions or would label themselves as N e w A g e (Ray and Anderson, 2000). In the environmental movement, many follow the L y n n White thesis (1994 (originally published 1967)) that the dominion beliefs of the Judeo-Christian tradition are often seen as a barrier to sustainability. They urge that the stewardship ethic be fostered instead. There has been some research that supports the idea that a literal belief in the Bible is negatively related to environmental concern and positively related to anthropocentric concerns (Schultz, 2000). However, Woodrum and Hoban (1994) refute the idea that dominion beliefs in particular interfere with environmental concern, though such beliefs may be correlated with environmental apathy. They also find many that even conservative churches do not espouse dominion beliefs and that many mainline religious institutions are embracing the stewardship interpretation. They conclude by saying that this last development has positive potential for both the institutions and the environment.  The importance o f religion in general to environmentalism is argued b y D w i v e d i (1996), who says that "any attempt to foster an appropriate relationship with nature ought to include religions and cultural imperatives for environmental protection" (p. 222) because the goal of humanity should be to conserve and protect the environment and religion. H e further argues that any religion can evoke an awareness of our moral responsibilities and change our attitudes and values and so all religions should "be brought together to protect and care for G o d ' s creation" (Dwivedi, 1996, p. 224). Personality There are differences in personality that influence proenvironmental behaviour. Personality has been characterized as "one of the oldest, most familiar, and at the same time most difficult concepts in psychology (Rubenstein, 1975, in Borden, 1985, p. 88). It is so difficult because it lends itself to many interpretations based on the school o f thought o f the interpreter (Borden, 1985). It is also a very broad term. The Encarta W o r l d dictionary, for example, defines personality as "the totality of somebody's attitudes, interests, behavioral patterns, emotional  98  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  responses, social roles, and other individual traits that endure over long periods of time." Nevertheless, Borden and his associates, among others, have looked for correlations between personality and environmentally responsible belief and behaviour. Borden and his associates have found that environmentally concerned people are well-adjusted and/or socially mature, feel more responsible, are less self-involved, and "may be more advanced in moral development, humanistic perspective, social initiative, cooperativeness, and independent thinking" (1985, p. 114) than others. They give more thought to values and are more committed to actions that affirm their values (Borden, 1985). Similarly, early adopters of innovations tend to be more empathetic, less dogmatic, more able to think in the abstract, more rational, more intelligent, more predisposed to change, more able to deal with risk and uncertainty, less fatalistic, more in favour of science and education, and more motivated and driven than those who adopt later (Rogers, 1983). Interestingly, it has also been found that people are more easily influenced when their self-esteem is low (Zimbardo and Ebbesen, 1970). There are also some gender-based personality differences in that "environmentally concerned females tend to be more extroverted than either environmentally indifferent females or environmentally concerned males" (Borden, 1985, p. 114). However, it seems that those who identify least with their sex role are most likely to be environmentally concerned; those of either sex who score highly on a measure of androgyny (combining male and female psychological traits] have more ecological concern, knowledge and commitment than either "traditional" females, who have more concern than males but less knowledge or commitment, or "traditional" males, who have more knowledge than "traditional" females but less concern or commitment (Borden, 1985; Hungerford and V o l k , 1990). Emotions Emotions have an influence on proenvironmental behaviour. Emotions are spontaneously arising mental states often accompanied by physiological changes; for example, joy, sorrow, reverence, hate and love. There are two aspects of emotions that are relevant to proenvironmental behaviour. The first aspect is the type of transient emotions associated with certain behaviours. When a person either acts in accordance with his or her social norms, personal norms, values and/or beliefs or does not do so, powerful emotions arise. If the person does so, he or she experiences pride, self-esteem, arrogance, haughtiness and/or  99  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  disdainfulness and expects others to view him or her with admiration, appreciation, awe and/or esteem. If not, he or she experiences embarrassment, guilt, humiliation, mortification, self-blame, self-condemnation, self-reproach, shame, remorse and expects others to view him or her with dismay, contempt, despising, indignation, reproach and/or resentment (Bagozzi, 1992). Therefore, "[njature-protective behavior, like reduced energy consumption, is not purely based on rational decisions, but is flanked and motivated by emotions such as feelings of self-blame because one has contributed to wasting energy and its detrimental effects" (Kals et al., 1999, p. 179). More permanent emotions, such as love, are also relevant to proenvironmental behaviour. People can develop an "emotional affinity towards nature, which is a concept embracing various inclinations toward nature such as the love of nature. Intuitively, this construct seems to be apt for explaining nature-protective behavior" (Kals et al., 1999, p. 180). Self-determination Self-determination has not been researched extensively, but there have been some findings which point to it having a significant effect on behaviour. Self-determination can also be called agency; it is the idea that humans can choose how they act and react, and do not always do so for reasons that are attributable to other psychological constructs. It also reflects the fact that humans can manipulate the environment to change their own behaviour (for example, choosing to write in a place with few distractions or playing a certain kind of music to either psych oneself up or calm oneself down). A n explicit reference to self-determination is often left out of psychological models, explanations and research because it is a teleological explanation for human behaviour and most psychology has a mechanistic bias (Howard, 1996). However, as Howard (1996) points out, psychological research can at most predict 25-33% o f behavioural variance and "all the existing models of experimentation [are] inadequate to the task o f assessing the portion of variance in human behaviour that could logically be attributed to personal agency" (p. 55). However, there are a few aspects self-determination that have been researched. Desire (or want) is one. It has been found to have an effect on behaviour, at least in the presence of self-efficacy; "the existence o f desire, in the presence of a belief that one can act, is a sufficient motivator to activate an intention" to act (Bagozzi, 1992, p. 184). Desire is different than intention because  ioo  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  having a desire does not mean that there will be action and it is different than attitudes because desire has a motivational piece (Bagozzi, 1992). Desires have been found to predict both intentions and behaviour better than attitudes (Bagozzi, 1992). Another aspect for self-determination is intention. Intentions indicate how hard people are willing to try, how much effort they w i l l exert to do the behaviour (Pieters, 1991). Intentions are also influenced by attitudes and social norms, and the situation (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975), as well as desire and the self-regulation o f emotions and the environment (Bagozzi, 1992). There are three kinds o f intentions: present-oriented (a personal decision to perform an action immediately), future-oriented (an intention to perform an action in the future - it can either be non-contingent (set for a specific time, which could change) or contingent (based on other events)) and goal-directed (based on achieving a certain outcome, rather than performing a certain action) (Bagozzi, 1992).  4.1.4  What is "known" Knowledge Knowledge is a necessary precondition for behaviour change, but is far from sufficient to bring it about. Knowledge concerns one's being acquainted with facts and comes from what we learn explicitly. Knowledge can affect beliefs (De Y o u n g , 1993; Green and Kreuter, 1999), can change attitudes (Arcury, 1990; De Y o u n g , 1993) and is a prerequisite for environmental action (Ungar, 1994; M c K e n z i e - M o h r et al., 1995; Bandura, 2000). It also increases the ability to receive and critically evaluate new information (Eagly and Kulesa, 1997). Knowledge o f environmental actions increases their use (Ramsey, 1993; Gamba and Oskamp, 1994). In general, people have an innate drive to know and to understand what is going on and they hate being confused or disoriented. They also like to learn, discover and explore but prefer acquiring information at their own pace and in answer to their o w n questions (Kaplan, 2000). However, the "central theoretical problem in the field o f purposive communication is explaining the gap between knowledge and behavior" (Hornik, 1989, p. 113). Research has clearly shown that general environmental knowledge by itself w i l l not lead to behaviour change - even i f people know more about the issue they are unlikely to do anything differently without other spurs being applied (Hungerford and V o l k , 1990; Newhouse, 1990; Gudgion and Thomas, 1991;  101  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Dwyer et al., 1993; Thogersen, 1999; M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 2000a, b). In fact, while information can lead to concern about an issue, it can also lead to a greater sense o f helplessness. This can cause people to distance themselves from an issue to avoid pain; indeed, few people "favor sprawl, few prefer polluted air, or unsafe water, or decline in fish stocks, or news of people starving because of population explosion and environmental disaster" (Kaplan, 2000, p. 498), but knowing about these things does not lead to action. Beliefs Beliefs, especially those of a New Environmental Paradigm, have been linked to proenvironmental behaviour. Specific beliefs about behaviours also have an effect. Beliefs are intellectual (cognitive) or emotional (affective) notions held by an individual or group (Green and Kreuter, 1999). They represent what we regard as "true." Beliefs can vary in strength and can be defined as "information that a person has about a person, object or opinion" (Newhouse, 1990, p. 26) (also Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975). Primitive beliefs are those which form the inner core of a person's belief system and represent basic truths about physical reality, social reality and the nature of self (Dunlap et al., 2000). They influence other beliefs and attitudes (Dunlap et al., 2000). In general, beliefs strongly influence attitudes, intentions and behaviours (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975). Beliefs can be formed based on direct observation (descriptive beliefs) or by inference (inferential beliefs). Descriptive beliefs tend to be fairly veridical and independent of other factors whereas inferential beliefs are influenced by both personal factors and probabilistic relations between the beliefs, and their formation involves revision o f a person's subjective probabilities (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975). Links form between separate cognitive beliefs and between separate affective beliefs, but not between cognitive and affective beliefs (Trafimow, 2000). Abelson and Prentice (1989) argue that beliefs are like possessions. Beliefs express a person's identity and are often displayed to sympathetic audiences. They are often inherited or adopted from others and only surrendered under duress. A l s o , like possessions, beliefs can serve both instrumental purposes and symbolic functions. They serve instrumental purposes when they concern consequences o f action, policies or states of affair and symbolic functions when they arc used for social identification and self-expression. They further argue that people adopt new  102  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  beliefs cautiously, and after adoption, are loath to abandon them due to cognitive dissonance and the fear o f appearing foolish. Abandonment is thought to be more aversive than adoption. A l s o , they propose that there are opportunity costs in accepting certain beliefs in that holding one belief precludes holding other, conflicting, beliefs. There may also be costs i n social acceptance for holding beliefs that are deviant, unacceptable, or extreme. Beliefs have been identified as one o f the variables linked to proenvironmental behaviours (Ramsey, 1993). For example, post-materialism, belief in the fragility o f nature, and the importance given to consequences and trade-offs have all been linked to proenvironmental behaviour (Dietz et al., 1998). There is a scale, called the N e w Environmental Paradigm (NEP), which measures certain core beliefs: beliefs in limits to growth, antianthropocentrism, fragility o f nature's balance, rejection o f exemptionalism (humans and their technology are exempt from natural law) and the possibility o f an ecocrisis. The N E P has been found to have predictive validity for proenvironmental behaviour (Dunlap et al., 2000). Pieters et al (1998) explored some beliefs that have interesting implications for environmental behaviour. They found that most people believe themselves to be superior to others in performing proenvironmental behaviours and that they are both more motivated than others and less able to actually do it. People also believe that others' behaviour is more determined by motivation than ability, but that their behaviour is more motivated b y ability than their motivation. In short, they believe that they do not perform environmental behaviours because they are not able whereas others do not perform them because they lack motivation. Beliefs about a specific activity can change as a result o f doing that activity (Olander and Th0gersen, 1995). Specific beliefs influence behaviour because people like to believe they are consistent, even when they are not, so i f it is pointed out that behaviour and beliefs are inconsistent, one o f the two needs to change in order to reduce cognitive dissonance (Winter, 2000). Unfortunately beliefs are often easier to change than behaviours. However, i f a person has committed to a behaviour discrepant with original beliefs, the beliefs w i l l likely change (Zimbardo and Ebbesen, 1970).  4.1.5  Attitudes  Changing general attitudes does not lead to behaviour change, although there is some effect. Attitudes can have an effect on policy. Specific attitudes about behaviours can have an effect. 103  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Attitude refers to a relatively constant feeling, predisposition or set o f beliefs directed toward an object, person or situation (Zimbardo and Ebbesen, 1970; Newhouse, 1990; Green and Kreuter, 1999) or to " a psychological tendency that is expressed by evaluating a particular entity with some degree o f favor or disfavor" (Eagly, 1992, p. 693). Attitudes reflect a person's more general set of beliefs and values but do not exist until the entity in question has been through an evaluative process, which can vary based on the specific situation (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975; Eagly and Kulesa, 1997; Schultz and Zelezny, 1999). They are learned and enduring, but they can change (Zimbardo and Ebbesen, 1970). Attitudes "can be supported by many associations arising from direct and indirect experience ... [and can] be inferentially linked to other attitudes and values" (Eagly and Kulesa, 1997, p. 129) (see also Lavine, 1996). Attitudes exist in an organized knowledge structure (Lavine, 1996). There are two kinds of attitudes: those regarding general factors such as the environment in general, and those regarding specific behaviours that a person could undertake. Historically, many have thought that attitude change is the key to bringing about other change: W i l l i a m James wrote in, 1902 that "the greatest discovery of m y generation is that human beings can change their lives by altering attitudes of m i n d " (Bateson, 2000, p. 88) (see also Erlich and Erlich, 1970; Zimbardo and Ebbesen, 1970). M a n y laypeople still have the assumption that attitudes predict behaviour; however, little correlation has been found between general attitudes and specific environmental behaviours (Cone and Hayes, 1980; C o o k and Barrenberg, 1981, 207; Weyant, 1986; Hungerford and V o l k , 1990, 192; Newhouse, 1990; Gudgion and Thomas, 1991; Ungar, 1994; Olander and Th0gersen, 1995; Jones, 1996, 194; Thogersen, 1999; Falomir et a l , 2000; M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 2000b, a; Winter, 2000). For example, a 1991 p o l l found that 8 7 % of Canadians were concerned about the environment, but only 2 0 % were committed to making lifestyle changes (Ungar, 1994). This may be because " a lack o f awareness about the risks and ramifications of various actions also means that behaviour may not be a good indication of attitudes. M a n y people do not know or think about what their actions imply for resource use or conservation" (Allen, 1980). Despite this, attitudes can be thought of as enabling factors, proxy indicators or predictors for behaviour, mediated by more specific attitudinal, normative and behavioural intention variables (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975; Weigel, 1985; G i l l et a l , 1986; Bandura, 2000). For example, those who watch their own behaviour closely in hopes of always creating a good impression have less  104  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  behaviour-attitude consistency than those who are less self-monitoring; low self-monitoring individuals also accept behaviour discrepancies as reflecting their true attitudes while high selfmonitors are unaffected by discrepancies (Weigel, 1985; Trafimow, 2000). A l s o , opinion leaders are more controlled b y attitudes, while others are more controlled b y norms, and action-oriented people, those who decide what to do and then do it, have higher attitude-intention correspondence than state-oriented people, those who follow along with others (Trafimow, 2000). Attitudes can also have some effect on policy, in that many decision makers rely on opinion polls to govern their policy choices and polls more often reflect attitudes than behaviours, at least when there is not a strong norm about the issue (Arcury, 1990, 200; Newhouse, 1990; Ungar, 1994; Olander and Th0gersen, 1995). Attitudes also have some value for group level (rather than individual level) analysis ( G i l l et al., 1986). However, care must be used because "neutral polling procedures produce such a vague barometer o f public opinion that virtually any group on the 'proenvironmental' side can claim to represent it" (Ungar, 1994, p. 298). A l s o , attitudes and preferences are often constructed during their elicitation (Sparks, 2000) as "members o f the public who are not in a position to take the time to study complex issues and policies so intensely often do not have clearly considered positions on them. Often this does not prevent people from having opinions when asked, but it makes their responses more dependent on the way the issue is explained to them" ( A l l e n , 1980). There is evidence for a stronger correlation between attitudes toward specific behaviours a n d the behaviour itself, that is attitudes predict behaviour when they are measured at the same level of specificity as the behaviour (Weigel, 1985; G i l l et al., 1986; Weyant, 1986; Eagly, 1992; M c K e n z i e - M o h r et al., 1995; Olander and Th0gersen, 1995; Iwata, 2001) and i f there is not a strong norm regarding that behaviour (Newhouse, 1990). So i f a person has a positive attitude towards recycling, he or she is more likely to recycle. However, since studies have looked only for correlation, not causation, it is possible that doing the behaviour creates the attitude, and "even when behaviors lead to attitudes, the resultant attitudes w i l l influence the form and substance o f subsequent behavior" (Weigel, 1985) (see also Weyant, 1986; Ronis et al., 1989). A l s o , strongly held attitudes and those based on direct experience are more predictive than others (Devine and Hirt, 1989; Blake, 1999).  105  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  It has not been demonstrated that changing attitudes leads to behaviour change (Cone and Hayes, 1980) and doing so can be difficult because attitudes are embedded in a knowledge structure the more knowledge a person has around an issue the harder his or her attitudes w i l l be to change (Eagly and Kulesa, 1997). A t the same time, change is possible because the attitudes o f most are not so strongly held as to resist all influence (Eagly and Kulesa, 1997). T o this end, using strong, cogent arguments with a lot o f new information and repeating key points can effect attitude change (Eagly and Kulesa, 1997). Social marketing can also be very effective at changing specific attitudes (Werner, 1999), as can issue specific education. However, care must be taken with attitude change since it can lead to "learners who may act in an environmentally positive manner with relation to one issue [or set o f issues], but who do not have the knowledge, skills, and willingness to assume environmental responsibility in their day-to-day lives" (Hungerford and V o l k , 1990, 192, p. 17).  4.1.6  Self Image  Self image reflects both our concept o f who we are, our self-concept, and what we believe is right or wrong for us to do, our personal norms. It also reflects our feelings o f self-efficacy and our locus o f control. Self-concept Self-concept has a strong influence on behaviour. Self-concept, or self-identity, "refers to the relatively enduring characteristics that people ascribe to themselves which take the form o f (or incorporate) socially given linguistic categorizations" (Sparks, 2000). It is expressed through the idea " I ' m this kind o f person so I do this" (Sparks and Shepherd, 1992). It is a "composite view o f oneself that is formed through direct experience and evaluations adopted from significant others (Bandura, 1986, p. 409). It has effects on cognitions, emotions, motivations and behaviour (Bragg, 1996). W e try to behave and think about ourselves in ways that accent the positive by maintaining consistency between our words and actions and by following through on promises, especially those that result in behaviours that are active, public, effortful and freely chosen (Bator and Cialdini, 2000). Addressing these needs, such as through social marketing, leads to the most sustained individual behaviour changes (Werner, 1999).  106  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Self-identity is a generative force behind behaviour and has a role in determining it independent of attitudes and past behaviour (Sparks and Shepherd, 1992; Bragg, 1996). This may reflect moral concerns or ethical orientation, and it may be that "facets of people's self-identities which evoke some moral imperative or consideration w i l l influence intentions and behaviour independently i f those influences are not revealed in expressed attitudes" (Sparks and Shepherd, 1992, p. 397). When people are committed to a behaviour, they often adopt an identity consistent with that behaviour, which often results in long-lasting attitude and behaviour change (Bator and Cialdini, 2000). A l s o , undertaking repeated behaviours, such as donating blood, influences a person's self-concept (Sparks and Shepherd, 1992). In addition, telling people they are a certain way works better than persuading them to become that way (Weyant, 1986). One specific aspect of self-concept that has a correlation to environmental concern is the degree to which people think they are either independent, interdependent with other people or interdependent with all living things (Schultz, 2000). The latter, " a wide, expansive or field-like sense of self, which ultimately includes all life-forms, ecosystems and the Earth i t s e l f (Bragg, 1996, p. 95) has been called the ecological self. The ecological self involves dissolving boundaries between oneself and other creatures and using empathy to identify with others and see the world through their eyes; it has been found that taking the perspective o f an animal harmed by pollution leads to higher concern than being objective (Schultz, 2000). It is possible to move from a personal (independent) sense of self to an ecological one, and doing so could lead to changes in cognition, emotion and motivation (Bragg, 1996). Personal Norm People are strongly motivated to act in accordance with their personal norms; therefore, a personal norm which favours proenvironmental behaviour will have a significant effect. A personal norm is "the self-expectations for behavior backed by anticipation o f selfenhancement or deprecation. Personal norms are built up from a person's general value system and are experienced as feelings of obligation to act in a particular manner in particular situations" (Schwartz and Fleishman, 1978, p. 307) and "to violate a personal norm engenders guilt, and to uphold a personal norm engenders pride," (Schwartz, 1977, in Werner, 1999, p. 232). Personal norms could be seen as the enforcement arm of values as they are deeply rooted in generalized values (Thagersen, 1999). Though they are based on values, they arise or are learned from social interaction and are modified based on a person's experience (Schwartz, 1977). Personal norms  107  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  are different from social norms in that they refer to internalized self-expectations and the sanctions associated with them are tied to one's self-concept (Schwartz, 1977; Schwartz and Fleishman, 1978). They are different from "general attitudes towards an object in their focus on specific action and on feelings of obligation" (Schwartz and Fleishman, 1978, p. 307). Norms result in feelings of moral obligation rather than intellectual judgments o f right and wrong because they are the result o f ideal patterns being transmitted to us by social interactions with significant and/or powerful others (Schwartz, 1977). Personal norms have a far stronger relationship to self-reported proenvironmental behaviour than awareness o f the consequences of the behaviour (Widegren, 1998) and have been found to be "the best predictor of behaviour among the attitudinal constructs (Tluagersen, 1999). People are strongly motivated to live up to their own self-expectations since doing so leads to pride, enhanced self-esteem, security and other favourable self-evaluations. Violation or anticipation of it results in guilt, self-depreciation, loss of self esteem and other negative self-evaluations (Widegren, 1998). People "have personal standards and regulate their behaviour by their selfsanctions. They do things that give them self-satisfaction and refrain from behaving in ways that breed self-dissatisfaction" (Bandura, 2000, p. 306). Additionally, personal norms can cause a spillover effect between similar behaviours; for example, i f a person recycles, they are more likely to be open to choosing products with little associated waste (Th0gersen, 1999). However, i f a personal norm is too difficult to follow, in a given situation, most people w i l l activate mental defense strategies such as denial in order to feel better about not doing what their personal norm says they ought to do (Olander and Th0gersen, 1995). People are also more likely to follow a norm if they are aware that there are negative consequences for others that they feel responsible for (Weyant, 1986). Self-efficacy Feelings of self-efficacy are important to undertaking new behaviours; therefore, they have strong links to proenvironmental behaviour. People who see themselves as efficacious set themselves challenges that enlist their interest and involvement in activities; they intensify their efforts when their performances fall sort of their goals, make causal ascriptions for failures that support a success orientation, approach potentially threatening tasks nonanxiously, and experience little in the way of stress reaction in taxing situation. Such self-assured endeavor produces accomplishments. In marked contrast, those who regard themselves as inefficacious shy away from difficult 108  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  tasks, slacken their efforts and give up readily in the face o f difficulties, dwell on their personal deficiencies, which detracts attention from task demands, lower their aspirations, and suffer much anxiety and stress. Such self-misgivings undermine performance and generate a good deal of distress (Bandura, 1986, p. 395). Self-efficacy refers to the belief an individual holds regarding his or her capability to perform a specific behaviour. If a person believes that his or her actions w i l l be effective in bringing about a result, they are more likely to act (Geller, 1995b; M c K e n z i e - M o h r et al., 1995; Olander and Thogersen, 1995; Bandura, 2000; Trafimow, 2000). Perceived self-efficacy also affects the adoption of new behaviour, as well as choices of which tasks and situations a person attempts (Bandura, 1986; Gamba and Oskamp, 1994). It also affects how long someone w i l l persist in trying. The best situation is a person whose self-appraisal slightly exceeds what they can do, and whose sense of self-efficacy is strong enough to withstand failure, but seasoned with some uncertainty regarding the challenge o f the task, because this spurs the acquisition o f knowledge and skills (Bandura, 1986). However, not even a strong sense of self-efficacy can overcome disincentives, performance constraints or a lack o f equipment or resources (Bandura, 1986). Efficacy also acts on other determinants of behaviour: it enhances the acquisition of knowledge and skills, regulates motivation through goal-setting and strength o f commitment and the expected outcome, and determines how long one perseveres in the face o f obstacles and failures, one's resilience to adversity, whether thought patterns hinder or aid reaching one's goals and how much stress and depression are experienced in coping with situations (Bandura, 2000). There are four main sources of a sense of personal efficacy (Bandura, 1986, 2000): •  Mastery experiences: success helps develop personal efficacy, and failure undermines it. Experiencing early success helps one to ascribe failure to forces other than selfefficacy such as the situation, not enough effort or poor strategies. However, experiencing only easy success leads people to expect quick results and to be discouraged by failure; a "resilient sense of efficacy requires experience in overcoming obstacles through perseverant effort" (Bandura, 2000, p. 302).  4. Vicarious experiences of social models: this is seeing people similar to oneself (in sex, age, education, socioeconomic level and race) succeeding by sustained effort. It works because, through "their behaviour and expressed ways of thinking, competent models transmit knowledge and teach observers effective skills and strategies for  109  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  managing environmental demands" (Bandura, 2000, p. 302). M o d e l l i n g a behaviour with many types o f people is more effective than using only one. 5. Social persuasion: people verbally persuaded that they are capable of mastering given activities are more effective than those who harbour self-doubt. However, unrealistic expectations can discredit the persuaders and reduce perceived self-efficacy. Situations should be structured such that they bring success rather than too much failure too early. Persuasion should be aimed just above what someone can do in order to inspire effort. 6. Reduced stress reactions, altered negative emotional proclivities and corrected misinformation of physical states: people interpret stress reactions and tension as inefficacy, and fatigue, aches and pain as debility. M o o d also affects one's judgment of efficacy. However, arousal is read differently depending on the sense of selfefficacy; those with high self-efficacy see it as a facilitator and those with low selfefficacy see it as a debilitator. Locus of Control The location of a person's locus of control is an important predictor ofproenvironmental behaviour. Locus of control is related to self-efficacy and refers to an "individual's perception of his or her ability to bring about change through his or her behaviour" (Newhouse, 1990, p. 26) People can believe it to be external, or controlled from the outside (fate or luck), which makes them less likely to make personal changes, or internal, where one's own actions bring about change (Newhouse, 1990; Schwepker Jr. and Cornwell, 1991; Geller, 1995b). Someone with an external locus of control may experience learned helplessness, so may be less likely to see how a proenvironmental behaviour could actually help (Schwepker Jr. and Cornwell, 1991). If someone believes he or she has control over events he or she is more likely to act (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; Hungerford and V o l k , 1990; Schwepker Jr. and Cornwell, 1991; Ramsey, 1993; Geller, 1995b; Smith-Sebasto, 1995; A l l e n , 1999; Iwata, 1996; Fransson and Garling, 1999). However, someone with an external locus of control is only likely to engage in proenvironmental behaviour i f he or she is optimistic about the future (Borden, 1985).  4.2  4.2.1  E N A B L I N G F A C T O R S  Skills  Having skills to do something is one of the most important predictors of doing it. Skills refer to practical abilities that a person has for performing a specific behaviour, such as recycling or composting. In order for action to take place, a person has to know how to do it. 110  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  They also have to know that the possibility for a certain action exists and to have knowledge of strategies that they can undertake. They must also be aware o f available opportunities and resources (Pieters et al., 1998) as well as the constraints they face. Additionally they must believe that the behaviour has tactical efficacy - that is, it w i l l have an effect ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r et al., 1995). Skills also have a social aspect, both in that interpersonal skills are needed to form associations and in that skills and interests often determine social circles (Bandura, 1986). Knowledge guides skill acquisition but once skills are developed they are usually used automatically, without conscious thought (Bandura, 1986). Skills are strong predictors of behaviour (Hungerford and V o l k , 1990; Ramsey, 1993; M c K e n z i e - M o h r et al., 1995), as are most enabling factors. A l s o , as De Y o u n g (1996; 2000) points out, feeling competence is a prime motivator and is selfinitiating and self-rewarding. At the same time: People find unpleasant and thus avoid situations in which they cannot advance or utilize their competence. When people are not sure how to proceed with a new behaviour they are easily overwhelmed. What seems to others a simple action may become for them a major challenge. The issue here goes well beyond a lack of procedural knowledge. It can involve not even knowing what the right questions to ask are (De Y o u n g , 2000, p. 521). B y ignoring this and forgetting their own initial stumbles, program planners can induce feelings of helplessness and create a situation where it is most rational for people to do nothing rather than feel incompetent.  4.2.2  Resources, Availability and Accessibility  All three are necessaryfor behaviour change. Resources refers to having the wherewithal to perform a certain behaviour, including things such as availability o f time, literacy, money, social status and power (Stern, 2000b). Availability is whether the means for the behaviour exists. Accessibility means being able to use available resources. Without these things, the chances of a behaviour taking place diminish (Bandura, 1986; Gudgion and Thomas, 1991; Maibach, 1992; Margai, 1997; Th0gersen, 1999; V l e k , 2000). However, how to use available money and time is a choice (Weyant, 1986). People can also make efforts to change their status as regards these areas. This topic is further discussed in Chapter 5.  ill  HARMONY FOLZ  4.2.3  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Life So Far Habits Habits make existing behaviours hard to change, but if they can be shifted, can make new behaviours just as difficult to shift. A n y sequence of mental action which has been frequently repeated tends to perpetuate itself; so that we find ourselves automatically prompted to think, feel, or do what we have been before accustomed to think, feel, or do, under like circumstances, without any consciously-formed purpose, or anticipation of results.... Habit simplifies the movements required to achieve a given result, makes them more accurate and diminishes fatigue ( W i l l i a m James, 1890, in Ronis et al., 1989, p. 218-9). Habits, the actions that have been done many times and become automatic, influence our daily behaviour to a large degree - where habits are strong the attitude-behaviour link is weak, and where habits are weak, the attitude-behaviour link is strong (Ronis et al., 1989; Olander and Thogersen, 1995). Thus, attitudes can change without a concurrent change in behaviour (Ronis et al., 1989). Having a habit can preclude the formation of intention as "only when people are not in the habit of performing a behavior is there reason to devote cognitive resources to the decision" (Trafimow, 2000, p. 59). Habits are the result of automatic cognitive processes which are unintentional and set in motion by stimulus cues; they can occur at the same time as other cognitive processes. Controlled processes, on the other hand, require conscious effort, are intentional, and cannot overlap one another (Ronis et al., 1989). Evolutionarily, habits arise from the assumption that i f something works a few times it is likely to continue to do so. Therefore, it makes sense to stop using conscious effort where possible. However, this can mean continuing in habits that no longer make sense. M u c h o f our consumption o f resources is habitual - as JeanJacques Rousseau said in 1775, "What was once luxury becomes habit, and then need" (in Michaelis, 2000, p. 80). Habits are usually formed and supported in a social context (Weyant, 1986). Habit formation is the automatization of skills, which happens in three parts: mergerization (combining elements of the task), routinized linkage o f situations and required actions, and a shift in attention from the execution of the task to its results (Bandura, 1986). It "generally requires conscious decisionmaking, guided by attitudes and beliefs. After the decision and action are repeated many times, the action becomes habitual and repeated decision-making becomes unnecessary (Ronis et al., 1989, p. 220). Routinization has costs, especially when habitualizing deficiencies since people 112  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  then rarely pay attention to the informative aspects of the environment which call for discernment in response and "psychosocial functioning can be seriously impaired when stereotyped reaction based on superficial similarities of events replaces thoughtful actions" (Bandura, 1986, p. 461). However, there is also evidence that doing something repeatedly w i l l improve attitudes toward the action even i f the action is not perceived as voluntary, due to the "mere exposure" effect (Ronis et al., 1989). Accordingly, habits are an important barrier to overcome. It is much easier to do what we have always done than it is to do something new that requires thought and learning (Stern, 2000a). "Habit, in the form of standard operating procedure, is also a key factor in environmentally significant organizational behavior" (Stern, 2000b, p.417). In order to change habits, people need to develop self-regulatory skills to influence their own motivation and behaviour. They need to pay attention to their own performance, its conditions and its effects, so they need self-monitoring with fidelity, consistency and temporal proximity. Social comparison and personal standards also play a major role, as does valuing the activity and ascribing success to themselves (Bandura, 2000). Experience Experience, or life history, can have a large positive or negative effect on proenvironmental behaviour. Experience informs most of our patterns of behaviour, as well as informing our attitudes, beliefs, values, skills and a host of other factors (Bandura, 1986; M c K e n z i e - M o h r et al., 1995; Stern et al., 1995). Early experience influences many traits, and then people create and select environments and associates that reinforce them (Bandura, 1986). Experiences with a given behaviour in the past can also influence its performance (De Y o u n g , 2000). M a n y environmental attitudes and values are formed due to life experiences, such as childhood hiking trips or positive experience with animals. Others are formed through the experience of "insights that result in instantaneous and irreversible shifts in values and lifestyle orientations" (Borden, 1985, p. 120). Biological, social, physical and life events can also change the direction of life, depending on the event, when in life it happens, where it happens and the personal characteristics, preconceptions and competing interests of the person it happens to (Bandura, 1986). Experience can also be a  113  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  negative factor in beginning a more sustainable action because quite often it represents a break from what our experience has told us is the "right" way to live. It has been suggested that a major influence for people involved i n conservation movements is the sense o f loss experienced from watching the destruction o f a cherished w i l d land or having been harmed by an environmental problem (Newhouse, 1990; M c K e n z i e - M o h r et al., 1995). It has also been found that experiences with nature lead to both the willingness to act to protect nature and actual behaviours to do so (Kals et al., 1999)  4.2.4  Situation-Specific Evaluations  In situations where people consciously assess the need for a behaviour, factors such as norms may become especially salient. Situation-specific evaluations are those calculations done when a person faces the possibility o f doing something out o f the ordinary, for example engaging in a novel sustainable behaviour. H e or she calculates the need for the behaviour and his or her responsibility for the outcome and its consequences (Schwartz, 1977; Widegren, 1998). He or she also assesses opportunities for action and his or her ability to act (Vlek, 2000). In many cases, only i f the action is seen as justified or i f a personal norm is activated is the motivation to act formed (Blarney, 1998; Widegren, 1998). If there are significant costs to acting a person may attempt to avoid action through a reassessment or redefinition o f the situation by denial o f need, personal responsibility or the applicability o f norms; however, i f a high seriousness o f need is pushed on people already highly aware o f consequences they may feel reactance and not want to act (Schwartz, 1977). Situationspecific evaluations are also influenced by time and space factors and the person's interpretation of them (Stern, 2000b).  4.2.5  Time and Space  Location in time and space is very important. However, people can chose to alter both, as well as their reactions to them. A person's location at a given time and place affects almost everything that he or she does through economic, political, historical, geographical, cultural and ecological influences. These can be factors such as interpersonal influences, community expectations, advertising, government regulations, legal and institutional factors, monetary incentives and costs, physical  114  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  difficulties of specific actions, capabilities and constraints of technology and built environment, and public policies (Stern, 2000b). A l s o , though these things may seem immutable, people "create, alter and destroy environments. The changes they produce in environmental conditions, in turn, affect their behaviour and the nature o f human life" (Bandura, 1986, p. 23). Bandura, (1986) proposes an interactive triangle with behaviour, environmental influences and cognitive and other personal factors at its points, with interactions between all three (not necessarily symmetrical ones). H e also points out that people can affect their environment simply by existing, as others react to them based on their physically apparent attributes. However, a "contextual factor may have different meanings to people with different attitudes or beliefs. For example, the higher price of 'organic' produce may be an economic barrier to purchase for some people, whereas for others it is a marker o f a superior product" (Stern, 2000b, p. 417). The interpretation of the forces themselves can change and exert a different influence upon the person. Thus our interpretation, or story of these influences, can be very important since "our actions are largely constituted by the stories that we tell ourselves about what is real, true, and important in our lives. Each of us literally stakes his or her life on a small set of core stories about what is true and important in life" (Howard, 1997, p. 3).  4.3  4.3.1  REINFORCING FACTORS  Reactions  Reactions to either a person's own actions or those of surrounding people can have at times a reinforcing effect on future actions. Some of these reactions are reactance, cognitive dissonance and satisfaction. Reactance Overcoming or not inducing reactance is an important consideration when designing behaviour change strategies. Reactance is the reaction people have when free choice is limited or threatened; they perversely come to desire whatever is being taken away significantly more than previously or even reverse their opinion (Brehm and Brehm, 1981; Cialdini, 1985; Wiener and Doescher, 1991). It is especially salient with threats and commands rather than pleas and demands and with hard sell 115  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  rather than soft sell tactics (Brehm and Brehm, 1981; Weyant, 1986). Reactance can manifest in obvious ways like the increase in littering in response to demands to stop or in indirect ways such as hiring equal numbers of men and women but giving men more money when faced with a strong fair practices doctrine (Brehm and Brehm, 1981). However, i f no chance for renewed freedom is perceived, then there is no reactance (Brehm and Brehm, 1981). Some strategies to minimize reactance are to ensure buy-in and to use soft-sell strategies (Brehm and Brehm, 1981). In addition, telling people that they are a certain way works better than telling them that they should be that way (Weyant, 1986). Cognitive Dissonance Inducing cognitive dissonance is an effective means of changing either attitudes or behaviours. Cognitive dissonance is what happens when people do things that are incompatible with their beliefs and attitudes or hold cognitions about the environment, other people, or their own attitudes which are inconsistent. However, only i f a person's self-concept is involved or i f he or she feels responsibility is there dissonance; i f he or she was forced to do something or could not know the outcome there is no dissonance (Cooper and Stone, 2000). Because people like to be consistent, they usually feel bad when they do this. To minimize this feeling and restore consistency they need to change the belief/attitude or stop doing the action that causes the dissonance (Gudgion and Thomas, 1991; Eagly, 1992; Monroe, 1993; Cooper and Stone, 2000; Winter, 2000). Usually it is easiest to change the attitude, however, i f the attitude is part of a person's social identity it might be easier to either feel hostility to the outgroup or to repress the feeling (Cooper and Stone, 2000). Cognitive dissonance means that i f behaviour change can be induced, attitude change w i l l likely follow. A l s o , after people make a decision, they are aware that they have made a commitment and are looking for reassurance that they made the right one, so this assurance can be provided (Andreasen, 1995)  116  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION Intrinsic Satisfaction The search for intrinsic satisfaction, especially that derivedfrom competence, frugality and participation, is a large factor in behaviour choice. Emphasizing the satisfaction of proenvironmental behaviour can be effective in driving behaviour change. Intrinsic satisfaction is a form o f self-interest. It happens when people get satisfaction from doing things outside o f themselves. It is not traditional altruism, though altruism could lead to satisfaction as people take pleasure in performing helping behaviour. There are three intrinsic satisfactions relevant to environmental sustainability: "(1) satisfaction derived from striving for behavioral competence, (2) frugal, thoughtful consumption, and (3) participation in maintaining a community" (De Y o u n g , 2000, p. 516). Competence is generally the most highly endorsed o f all the satisfactions and frugality is satisfying i n its own right and was a distinguishing trait of early American society (De Young, 1996). A s for participation, people consistently derive satisfaction from it and value opportunities for taking action that makes a difference. People have a prosocial inclination, which includes caring, but is not altruism; it includes "an eagerness to share news, finding pleasure from working with others toward a common goal, and, given the right conditions, a willingness to expend considerable effort i n developing positive relations with others and i n sharing skills and knowledge. The inclination is as much about interacting with other people as it is about helping them" (De Y o u n g , 2000, p. 520). Recognizing that people derive satisfaction from these types o f activity, proenvironmental behaviour can be framed in such a way to emphasize them, rather than emphasizing that the behaviours might be onerous or difficult. Indeed, behaviours that "focus on being frugal, active, creative and working to maintain social harmony all seem to contain their own reward" (De Young, 1996, p. 399). 4.3.2  Tangible Considerations  Tangible considerations are important, but are far from the only determinant of behaviour. Tangible considerations refers to factors such as prices, taxes, rewards, etc. These considerations are important and do guide behaviour choices, although generally they only have an effect for as long as they are i n place, and can i n some cases lead to decreased natural interest i n a behaviour. See Chapter 5 for a more complete discussion o f these considerations.  117  HARMONY FOLZ  4.3.3  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Social Pressures  Social factors are shown as the sun in Figure 16 because all "individuals are embedded in a social structure that has substantial influence on all psychological variables" (Stern et al., 1995). Further, much environmentally related behaviour takes place in a social context (Hormuth, 1999). Social pressures, including social milieu, social norms, social diffusion, social commitment, social capital and social identity, heavily influence our motivation to act. Social Milieu It is important to assess the social milieu when designing behaviour change strategies. Social milieu refers to general awareness toward a problem or need for collective action and is strongly influenced by historically based differences in values and ways of thinking (Werner, 1999). It comes from cognitive and social processes, which "rather than operating independently, constitute a highly interactive and complex dynamical system out of which public opinion may emerge and become organized" (Lavine, 1996, p. 53). Awareness by itself does not lead to people being persuaded to change, but sets the stage for it. M a k i n g problems visible and convincing seems the best way to make people aware (Werner, 1999). Social Norms Social norms are an extremely powerful force in determining behaviour, especially for new behaviours or situations. Therefore, changing social norms can be very effective. Norms are cultural phenomena that prescribe and proscribe behaviour in specific circumstances. A s such, they have long been considered to be at least partly responsible for regulating social behaviour. Without norms, it is hard to imagine how interaction and exchange between strangers could take place at all (Hechter and Opp, 2001). Social norms affect almost everything. Two telling examples are suicides and murders and food choices. Both suicides and single vehicle accident rates rise after a famous or well-publicized suicide, and deaths with passengers in cars and airplanes increase after a well-publicized murdersuicide. Innovative crimes and acts of violence are also spread by modeling. These effects covary with publicity, the geographic area the event is most publicized in, age similarities and the form of the fatality, and they tend to be seen a few days after the publicity, suggesting people ruminate about it and vary to fit their own circumstances (Bandura, 1986). A s for food, much more is edible than what we eat and edibility "is an objective, consequential reality, but food  118  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  acceptability depends upon the boundaries of the concept of food, based upon a cognitive sociology. Even those aspects o f our existence that we think o f as being most "natural" are, in fact, normative constructions to which we have been socialized" (Fine, 2001, p. 141). Social norms regulate behaviour; they are what people think is socially appropriate and lead to behaviours designed to w i n social approval (Werner, 1999; H o m e , 2001; Opp, 2001). They are spontaneous, unwritten and informally and diffusely enforced, but generally complied with by individuals within a social system (Ullman-Margalit, 1977; Ellickson, 2001; Fine, 2001; Hechter and Opp, 2001). They have a rule-like quality and are tied to values (Fine, 2001). People follow them out of a sense of moral obligation rather than through intellectual judgment and they often feel obligatory (Schwartz, 1977). They reflect beliefs about the doings of others and their likely approval of what is done or not done (Schultz, 1998). They work because people have a desire to be thought of as responsible citizens, to be accepted and respected by others, to conform to group/societal norms and to receive praise from their group or society (Ellickson, 2001). When people follow social norms they receive praise or acceptance, but when they do not they are censured by the group (Zimbardo and Ebbesen, 1970; Jones, 1996; Bandura, 2000; Ellickson, 2001). The same person can at different times follow social norms, enforce them, or act as an audience for the first two roles (Ellickson, 2001). Although social norms can be complied with even i f they are not internalized (Ellickson, 2001), they are often adopted and internalized to create a self-regulatory system that operates through self-sanctions and which "involves integrating them into one's value set as well as learning which decision situations they are relevant for" (Olander and Th0gersen, 1995, p. 353) (also Hoffman, 1977; Schwartz, 1977; Bratt, 1999; Bandura, 2000, p. 306; Home, 2001). Internalization can happen because people think they are always being watched, through the integration of empathy and awareness of others into consciousness and/or through cognitive processing. These processes are not stages, but depend on the person and group, although they can overlap and support each other (Hoffman, 1977). Norms can be rational, arational, irrational or anywhere in between, and it should be noted that rational norms can lead to bad choices and arational norms can lead to good outcomes (Fukuyama, 1999). There are two classes of social norms: descriptive norms "specify what most people do in a particular situation, and they motivate action by informing people of what is generally seen as effective or adaptive behaviour there" and injunctive norms "specify what people approve and disapprove within the culture and motivate people by promising social 119  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  sanctions for normative or counternormative conduct" (Reno et al., 1993, p. 104) (also Schultz, 1998). Injunctive norms have been found to be more powerful in influencing behaviour (Reno et al., 1993; Schultz, 1998). There is disagreement as how norms are generated: whether they are given (top-down) or constructed (bottom up) (Hechter and Opp, 2001), whether they fill roles, evolve, are the result of an invisible hand, or evolve and are then selected (Ullman-Margalit, 1977; Bendor and Swistak, 2001; Home, 2001). It is hard to escape circular argument when trying to determine where they come from; they come from one's culture and surrounding people, yet they also influence that culture and those people (Ullman-Margalit, 1977; Fine, 2001). Indeed, norms "do not as a rule come into existence at a definite point in time, nor are they the result of a manageable number o f identifiable acts. They are, rather, the resultant o f complex patterns of behaviour o f a large number of people over a protracted period of time" (Ullman-Margalit, 1977, p. 8). However, as Fukuyama (1999) points out, the "analysis of where norms come from is colored by the strong ideological preferences people have as to where they ought to come from" (p. 189). In his view, they can be hierarchically generated (based on explicit negotiation and bargaining) or spontaneously generated (emerging from self-organization), or anywhere in between. He describes one situation that illustrates how social norms can emerge. In Washington, D C , the combination of a new H O V 3 lane with the fact that most government employees work in the same area led to a practice called slugging. Riders and drivers started meeting at a certain place to carpool, and, without any formal organization, rules came into being about lining up, number of people in cars, protection of single women, etc. This was not terribly unusual or strange; in fact, once you start looking, it is quite interesting to observe how social norms are spontaneously formed in all sorts of situations, how public behaviour "is part of a delicate negotiation in which participants converge on a joint definition of the situation and their respective roles in it" (Miller et al., 2000, p. 97). Norms need a social network to emerge, and they are affected by culture and history, as well as by different social, economic, demographic and political contexts (Blake, 1999; Hechter and Opp, 2001; Opp, 2001). Norms can emerge spontaneously, through negotiation or by lawmaking by collective actors (Opp, 2001). They can also change based on societal changes, and they vary  120  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  based on the group and its location (Hormuth, 1999). Norms often change in response to an exogenous shock to the group or when membership changes, but changes i n norms are the result of individuals changing and then spreading in the manner of the diffusion o f innovation curve discussed in Chapter 1 (Ellickson, 2001; Home, 2001). Social norms are very powerful. They can be much more effective than financial rewards or regulation (Werner, 1999). The emergence of norms can dampen reactance (Stern and Kirkpatrick, 1977). Social norms are a strong predictor of behaviour (Hormuth, 1999), outweighing personal attitudes; Ajzen and Fishbein (1977, in Newhouse, 1990) found that attitudes only predict behaviour when there are no strong norms about it. Because norms "develop through processes that have only an indirect and partial connection to the characteristics and views of those who are influenced by them" (Miller et al., 2000, p. 97), it is not surprising that they are often counter-attitudinal for some or most of the people who are influenced by them. One interesting finding is that people often act counter-attitudinally based on their idea of what "everyone" believes, based on their observation of the acts of their peers, who are also acting counter-attitudinally. This can lead to a situation where virtually all members o f a group privately reject the group norms but publicly act on them, and express the views they think others hold rather than their own views (Miller et al., 2000). M u c h of our current over-consumption behaviour is based on social norms (Hormuth, 1999; Michaelis, 2000), as "human needs and wants are generated, articulated, and satisfied in an institutionalized feedback system. They do not appear from thin air but are created by the social interactions that comprise the civic community" (Douglas et al., 1998). Therefore, changed norms would have wide-ranging effects. Staats et al (1996, in Bratt, 1999) argue that because expectations regarding the behaviour of others are often self-fulfilling, it would be best to focus on influencing beliefs about what others to, that is, to concentrate on social uncertainty rather than environmental certainty. According to Hormuth (1999, p. 285) "our research has frequently shown that the establishment, communication, and acceptance of social norms within a stable social structure is one o f the main factors in maintaining behavioural changes." A s above, social norms that lead to behavioural change become internalized as personal norms as the behaviour continues.  121  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Social norms are especially important when people try new behaviours since they often feel uncertainty or ambiguity about how and whether to do the behaviour and so compare their performance to others and previous experience (Hormuth, 1999; Fine, 2001). A t the same time their behaviour provides a base of comparison for others. A good example o f how social norms can work is recycling - there are many reasons that recycling has caught on, including technology, policy and the ease with which it can be done - but one major reason people started and continued to do it due to internalized social norms (Derksen and Gartrell, 1993; Bratt, 1999). Polls can also be influenced by perceived norms; respondents often respond how they believe they ought to think, whether or not they do think that way (Weyant, 1986; Newhouse, 1990). Spontaneous norm formation is the least costly and most effective method of changing norms (Opp, 2001), but norms can be influenced by feedback, which gives a person information about aspect(s) o f his or her behaviour (Schultz, 1998). If there is a discrepancy between his or her existing performance on a given task and an abstract standard, the person can either change his or her behaviour to match expectations, abandon or change the standard, or disregard the feedback as spurious (Schultz, 1998). A l s o , norms can be created by making statements as to what should or must be done and rewarding those who reward others and punishing those who do not punish others (Opp, 2001). In addition, repeated interaction and closeness of group members promotes the emergence o f norms (Opp, 2001). Social Diffusion Behaviours diffuse among and between groups. Understanding how they do so is important in designing behaviour change strategies. Social diffusion is the way in which traits such as ideas, values and behaviours are transmitted from one person or group to another. These characteristics can be transmitted between individuals in four ways: parent to child transmission; transmission from the trait-carrier (teacher) to one who does not initially carry the trait; transmission from one trait carrier (teacher, leader) to many individuals; and social group pressure, in which many individuals influence one (and usually each other) (Cavalli-Sforza, 1993). Diffusion tends to happen from the group outwards, or among people in similar structural positions; it increases with physical proximity, has direction and is facilitated by the media (Home, 2001). Transmission is not necessarily unidirectional, and can depend on the ability, persuasion, prestige or authority o f the transmitter as well as the acceptability of the information, teaching or suggestion (Bandura, 1986; Cavalli122  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  Sforza, 1993; Geller et al, 1982). A l s o , while there tends to be more spread of innovation through weak ties, the determination of what gets adopted is usually by close-knit groups (Bandura, 1986). People with more ties contribute more to the diffusion of innovations (Bandura, 1986). There are two components to diffusion: the acquisition of knowledge of the innovation and its adoption; knowing about something is necessary before being able to adopt it (Bandura, 1986). However, people are loath to abandon things that work for new things, as learning new ways requires time and effort and disrupts routines; those of limited means especially cannot afford risk or failure (Bandura, 1986). Increasing complexity of the innovation and the skills required to use it slows the rate of adoption, as does a delay between the behaviour and any benefit (Bandura, 1986). A l s o , environmental and incentive factors influence the adoption of a new idea, as do self-evaluative reactions; "people espouse what they value and regard as praiseworthy, but they resist accepting innovations that violate their social and moral standards or conflict with their firmly held beliefs" or that clash with their self-conceptions (Bandura, 1986, p. 150). Generally, greater compatibility with prevailing social norms and values means greater adoptability (Bandura, 1986). Finally, there are great obstacles to an innovation being adopted when privileged groups benefit from the status quo (Bandura, 1986). Taking a more macro view, although there is no single pattern of social diffusion and  ICD  ;  TO:*  am  different innovations spread  / _  /  /'  S-.vrutp-JCi curve  1  1  /  /  50%  /  to spread in a pattern known as /  the diffusion of innovation (as discussed in Chapter 1). In this  /  /  through different networks (Bandura, 1986), traits do tend  /  /  70%  process only a few people usually adopt a new way of  ^-^r-""\  '|  1  1  1  I  1 J  1  doing things at first. They are called innovators and make up  Figure 17: The Diffusion of Innovation Curve  only 2.5% of a given population (Rogers, 1983). They are followed in the process by early adopters, who tend to be cosmopolitan 123  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  opinion leaders, and who make up about 13.5% o f the population (Rogers, 1983). They also tend to have greater access to media (Bandura, 1986). A s the next group o f individuals, the early majority, starts to adopt the innovation, it "takes off," the time period shown by the shaded area on the diagram. This early majority, making up about 34% o f the population, tends to be very deliberate and is willing to follow, but not to lead - their adoption o f the innovation signals that it is moving into the mainstream (Rogers, 1983). The next group to adopt is termed the late majority, also about 34% o f the population. They are more skeptical and cautious and like to be with the majority o f their peers (Rogers, 1983). The last 16% to adopt are called laggards - they tend to be the most traditional and isolated o f anyone, and suspicious o f change (Rogers, 1983). Social Commitment Making a social commitment to do something is a strong predictor of actually doing it. Social commitment is when a person says to another person that he or she w i l l do something. Pledging to do something creates anticipated consequences and social pressure and failing to meet a commitment can bring penalties, social disapproval and loss o f reputation (Bandura, 1986). Explicit social commitment increases the attitude-behaviour link and has worked in recycling, bus ridership and residential energy conservation (Weyant, 1986; D e L e o n and Fuqua, 1995). Social Capital Building social capital can contribute to encouraging proenvironmental behaviour. Social capital is "not embodied in individuals, but a property o f relationships among individuals, agents or groups - a network property reflecting shared values, a convergence o f beliefs and a degree o f mutual confidence in generalized reciprocity that facilitates collective action" (Dobell, 2001, p. 356). It "refers to connections among individuals - social networks and the norms o f reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them" (Putnam, 2000, p. 19). It is "created all the time by people going about their daily lives. It was created in traditional societies, and it is generated on a daily basis by individuals and organizations in a modern capitalist society" (Fukuyama, 1999, p. 145) and "becomes more rather than less important as the complexity and technological intensity o f an economy increases" (Fukuyama, 1999, p. 145). It can be bonding (within groups - sociological superglue), or bridging (among groups - sociological W D 4 0 ) (Putnam, 2000). 124  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Social capital can aid social diffusion. It also has some other effects on proenvironmental behaviour. Socially responsible consumers are less alienated from their community and more involved in community activities; at the same time, those who are highly involved in community activities are higher in socially responsible, and thus more influenced by accepted social values (Schwepker Jr. and Cornwell, 1991). Social networks such as schools, youth programs, tenants associations, etc. are integral to the success of behaviour change programs (Margai, 1997). Social Identity A person's social identity has strong influences on how they behave and what they believe. People act in accordance with their social identity even when it does not exactly match their beliefs. Social identity can also influence how people respond to persuasion and experiences. Social identity is "an existing group membership that becomes part of the self-concept through categorization of the self as a member of the group" (Fleming and Petty, 2000, p. 172). The group creates its identity through categorization (accentuating differences between ingroup and outgroup members and similarities between group members) and through self-enhancement (favouring ingroup ideas and practices) (Terry et al., 2000). " W h e n social identity is salient, depersonalization occurs such that a person's feelings and actions are guided more by group prototypes and norms than by personal factors" (Terry and Hogg, 1996, in M i l l e r et al., 2000, p. 109). Beliefs which are perceived to be central and agreed upon become a social identity badge (Abelson and Prentice, 1989) and "once individuals become attached to a primary group, they are socialized into its ideology and life style through a vast network of proximal rewards and social sanctions that members provide for each other in their daily transactions" (Bandura, 1986, p. 35). Having a social identity means that people may publicly espouse a radical belief that identifies them as a member of the group, even when their own view is more moderate because they believe that the other members of the group all hold the extreme view, usually the one expressed by a very vocal minority (Abelson and Prentice, 1989; M i l l e r et al., 2000). It also may mean that they w i l l strongly resist changing the belief (or action) on which the social identity is based (Bandura, 1986). For example, smokers may resist changing their behaviour because they have developed a social identity as smokers and have become part of a distinct and persecuted minority (Falomir et al., 2000).  125  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  Having a social identity can affect how people respond to persuasion. In cases where a person is highly motivated and able to think about the information he or she is being provided with, his or her social identity can bias the decision. In cases where a person is not motivated or able to think about the persuasive argument, he or she is likely to use social identity as a behaviour cue, that is, determining his or her response based on the group membership o f the persuader. He or she is also more likely to carefully evaluate messages from ingroup members (Fleming and Petty, 2000; Mackie and Queller, 2000; van Knippenberg, 2000). Identifying with a group can also distort how experience is viewed because people see what they want to see, reinterpret incongruities to their own liking and even rewrite memories; " b y influencing actions anticipatorily, beliefs channel social interactions in ways that create their own self-validating realities" (Bandura, 1986, p. 36).  4.4  BEHAVING  SUSTAINABLY  Many o f the sources that I consulted for the section above included models o f behaviour. Most of these elaborated how the preceding factors o f behaviour interact and how they influence each other. However, there is no real consensus. It is safe to say that many o f the above factors interact and influence each other, but no one or two of them solely determine behaviour. Therefore, I have included all the internal factors in the happy face, and all the social factors in Social Pressures in the diagram below. Social Pressures are situated between the individual and  Surroundings Economic Political Historical Ecological Cultural Geographical  Contains: biology; location, age, gender, race, education, values, political ideology, religion, self-efficacy, locus of control, skills, resources, habits, experience, evaluations, reactions.  Figure 18: Influences on Behaviour  126  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  the surroundings because they are experienced within ourselves but are a reflection of our perception of our surroundings. In the next section I use aspects of a number of the models in the sources as well as the findings above to elaborate on how behaviour actually happens. I also draw from the Precede/Proceed Model in the use of predisposing, enabling and reinforcing factors and strategies. 4.4.1  T h e A c t i o n Process  When faced with the possibility of doing something, a person usually chooses to do nothing or to do what is comfortable and easiest. Doing something new requires first forming the motivation to do it. This in itself does not automatically lead to action because it is easy to go from motivation into denial i f the person decides that it is not his or her responsibility or it's too hard; this can lead back to no action or habitual action. However, denial can also lead back to motivation i f the reasons for denial do not seem strong enough.  Contains: biology, location, age, gender, race education, values, political ideology, religion,  skills, resources, habits, experience, evaluations, reactions.  Figure 19: The Behaviour Process  127  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  From motivation the intention to act can also be formed, which again is not enough to ensure action because it can lead back to denial and either no action or a reformulation of motivation and intention. W e have all had intentions to do things that we have not actually done. Surroundings and social pressures strongly influence this cycle.  4.4.2 Effects of Actions A s Figure 20 depicts, a person's own actions and the actions o f others have a reinforcing effect on him or herself, an effect on the surroundings, and an effect on social norms. Therefore, a proenvironmental behaviour can have many effects simultaneously, and can contribute to more proenvironmental behaviours being performed through the spillover effect, the diffusion of innovation, social norms and cognitive dissonance (as discussed i n Chapter 1).  Contains: biology, location, age, gender, race, education, values, political ideology, religion, personality, emotions, self-determination, knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, self-concept, personal norms, self-efficacy, locus of control, skills, resources, habits, experience, evaluations, reactions. Figure 20: Effects of Behaviour 128  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  With enough stewardship actions we can achieve the goals of increased social capital, a decreased ecological footprint, a green economy and the formation of a stewardship ethic - all of which w i l l help us reach a sustainable society.  129  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  5  EXISTING BEHAVIOUR CHANGE STRATEGIES  Appropriate behaviour change strategies can be designed and implemented to target the factors that form our behaviours (Howard, 2000; M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 2000a; Oskamp, 2000a). The model of behaviour at the end o f the previous chapter points to where these behaviour change strategies might be most fruitfully applied in order to have an effect on behaviour. These insights are made explicit in the final stage o f that model, shown below in Figure 21. The arrows from change strategies show that strategies can be aimed at the individual as well as influencing the action  Contains: biology, location, age, gender, race, education, values, political ideology, religion, personality, emotions, self-determination, knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, self-concept, personal norms, self-efficacy, locus of control, skills, resources, habits, experience, evaluations, reactions.  Figure 21: Effects of Change Strategies  130  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  process itself. It also shows that changes can be made to the surroundings and the social pressures a person faces, and that these factors w i l l then influence the person. This diagram can be restated, with reference to the Precede/Proceed M o d e l , to place the emphasis on the types of change strategy and their effects rather than the actor. This is shown below in Figure 22. The purpose of this model is to provide a framework for looking at behaviour change strategies.  Exposure to Change Strategies  Inputs  Individual* & Collective Factors  Social, Economic & Environmental Context  Predisposing Strategies • School Curricula • Information Strategies • Persuasion • Simulations • Modelling  Intermediate Impact  Effect Context  Long-Term Outcomes  Predisposing Factors  ki  • Knowledge and awareness of possibilities increased • Positive changes in attitudes and values  Enabling Strategies  Enabling Factors  • • • • •  • Skills improve • Increased availability of options • Sense of self-efficacy improves  Skills Training Access Structural Changes Technology Urban Planning  Reinforcing Strategies • Feedback & Indicators • Tangible Incentives & Disincentives • Social Incentives & Disincentives  Positive Changes in Participants' Behaviours  > Enhanced Quality of Life > Decreased Ecological Footprint Positive Changes in Community/ Environment  I Reinforcing Factors • Evaluations re best action change • Social pressures change  I  Process Evaluation  > Improved Community & Ecosystem Health  Impact Evaluation  > Green Economy > Stewardship Ethic  Outcome Evaluation  "Individual Factors Include: biology, location, age, gender, race, education, values, political ideology, religion, personality, emotions, self-determination, knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, self-concept, personal norms, self-efficacy, locus of control, skills, resources, habits, experience, evaluations, reactions.  Figure 22: Change Strategies Logic Model The first stage o f the logic model describes a set o f inputs. These include the individual and collective factors and the broader socio-economic and environmental context that was described in the Chapter 4. Here all the complexity has been reduced to a single bi-directional arrow. The second and third stages are exposure to one or more change strategies and the effect of these change strategies on the individual. Again following the Precede/Proceed M o d e l , I have broken  131  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  these down into predisposing, enabling and reinforcing strategies and effects. Individually, a type of strategy can have an effect on the corresponding factor, but that effect is limited, and, as was shown i n the previous chapter, a change in one kind o f factor alone rarely leads to behaviour change. However, each o f these strategies and factors influence each other - strategies that work in concert with each other achieve a synergy because they activate different things in people, each of which reinforces the others. It is through this synergy that the strategies then influence people through changing the predisposing, enabling and reinforcing factors that they operate under. The U K Council on Environmental Education recognized why behaviour change strategies that use only one approach are often unsuccessful at producing significant positive behaviour effects. They wrote that environmental policy and environmental education must be seen as mutually dependent and supportive. Hence environmental change w i l l not work without an informed population, while environmental education w i l l not be effective i f it is contradicted in wider society through environmental policy being weak or absent (in Roseland, 1992). Dunlop (1992) adds that it would be best to coordinate environmental education i n all levels o f schooling with initiatives involving the community, non-governmental organizations, the media and all levels o f government in order to avoid "awareness frustration," when people want to do something but lack the means. A n extant example of coordination comes from the Netherlands, which has one of the most comprehensive environmental plans o f any nation (Corson, 1995). The comprehensive plan o f that nation includes environmentally quality indicators and explicit targets for reducing solid waste generation and chemical emissions. It has wide public support, and programs have been put into practice for improving the efficiency of resource use and environmentally benign technologies. It works because the public has become predisposed to it, and policies and programs have been put i n place which enable and reinforce it These examples point to what is essential in bringing about behaviour change: comprehensive programs and policies that make use of multiple behaviour change approaches in order to both produce and maintain desired behaviours. These can be made up on a program by program basis from the individual strategies discussed below or taken whole from preexisting combination  132  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  strategies, some of which are also discussed below. In addition, a new combined strategy could be used, such as the one found in the following chapter. Returning to the model, the penultimate stage suggests that the application of these combined strategies w i l l have a short-term impact in terms of changes in behaviour and the physical and socio-cultural environment. The final stage shows how these short-term changes would ideally manifest in more long-term outcomes of improved ecosystem and human health and quality of life. The lower portion of the logic model (process, impact, outcome evaluation) follows the Precede/Proceed M o d e l in pointing out the importance of evaluating the change strategies and their effect on people, as well as the impact of those changes on behaviour and the community and environment and to keep an ongoing evaluation of how close the desired outcomes are. Overall, the logic model establishes broad categories o f strategies that allow program planners to organize potential strategies and provides insight into how the strategies can be integrated and interconnected. There are definite overlapping aspects of the broad categories. For example, some types o f knowledge and skills may serve both predisposing and enabling functions. Similarly, some reinforcing strategies, like social incentives, become predisposing as they act on one's self-concept. However, this only emphasizes how each type o f strategy is neither mutually exclusive nor independent and therefore strengthens the argument that it is necessary to have multiple strategies to successfully encourage behaviour change. The following four sections discuss some commonly used and/or called for behaviour change strategies. They are broken down into predisposing, reinforcing, enabling and combination strategies. The final section examines some other research findings relevant to designing behaviour change strategies. Where possible, discussion is based on experimental or observational findings; however, some areas have not been extensively researched as there has not been enough implementation to evaluate. Therefore, I have included recommendations from the literature as to how strategies could best be implemented. In general, predisposing and reinforcing strategies have been both implemented and evaluated the most.  133  HARMONY FOLZ  5.1  TREATING CONSUMPTION  PREDISPOSING STRATEGIES  Most predisposing strategies focus on being educational and informative, with the idea that people w i l l act once they know something is wrong. The goal of these strategies is to help people understand the nature of the problem and why they should act, the behaviour needed to resolve the problem, and the steps required to carrying out this behaviour (De Y o u n g , 1993; Green and Kreuter, 1999). These strategies are the most commonly used and advocated, and often few attempts are made to move beyond the core assumption that the main barrier between environmental concern and action is lack of appropriate information. However, as already discussed, knowledge about the issue and a positive attitude towards it are necessary but usually far from sufficient factors in changing behaviour. Predisposing strategies alone w i l l accomplish very little, though as Monroe (1993, p. 28) writes, " W e l l designed and informative messages can assist an overall effort by helping people to focus on the issue, reminding them of the problem, and prompting them to make change." 5.1.1  Education  There is an assumption in the environmental education literature that education leads to greater awareness and attitude change, which ultimately improves environmental behaviour (Zelezny, 1999). M a n y advocate teaching sustainability in schools as a primary means of effecting widespread change in society. A n d indeed, according to Zelezny's (1999) meta-analysis of environmental education programs in schools, these programs can be effective in changing proenvironmental behaviour. She conducted a meta-analysis of 18 educational interventions, 9 classroom and 9 "non-traditional", for their effect on proenvironmental behaviour. She found that all o f the classroom studies reported higher levels of proenvironmental behaviour, as did 4 out of 9 of the "non-traditional" studies. She found that interventions that more actively involved the participants, lasted longer and were with younger students had a greater effect. She hypothesized younger participants are (a) more influenced by interventions because they learn new proenvironmental behaviours more easily, (b) more interested in environmental issues and improving the environment, or (c) more eager to present themselves as proenvironmental i f that is interpreted to be more socially desirable (Zelezny, 1999, p. 12). However, the studies varied widely, and all relied on self-reported behaviour change.  134  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  One successful longer lasting, participative strategy is Issue Investigation and Action Training (Hungerford and V o l k , 1990; Ramsey, 1993). This is a school-based strategy in which students first learn to discriminate between events, problems and issues and the impact of beliefs and values and how to do research about them. They then choose an issue and investigate it, preparing a report for the teacher and a presentation for the class. After this they learn about action strategies and make a plan to deal with their issue. Finally, they decide whether to implement their plan (the teacher helps i f they choose to do so). This strategy has been found to foster independent overt environmental behaviour, and compared to controls, " H A T subjects demonstrated (a) significantly greater knowledge about environmental issue resolution (b) significantly stronger beliefs about their control of the outcome of attempted environmental issue resolution, and (c) significantly stronger beliefs about their knowledge o f and skill in using issue resolution strategies" (Ramsey, 1992, p. 35-6). Other studies have been less clear-cut. Legault and Pelletier (2000), for example, studied the impact of the Brundtland Green School Project on Grade 6 students and their parents. In order to be part of this project, schools need to meet three out of the four criteria: "(a) the school's administration must reduce, reuse or recycle rubbish by visible and measurable means; (b) ecological issues are taught in all subjects; (c) the school assumes the costs related to securing ecological services (e. g., battery recycling) or implementing ecological actions (e. g., composting); and (d) implement an ecological club headed by children, the mandate of which is to inform the school population on environmental issues and encourage the use of ecological strategies (e. g . , recycling or composting lunch leftovers)" (Legault and Pelletier, 2000, p. 243). They found that it had a fairly limited impact on both parents and children, changing some attitudes and children's motivation, but not affecting behaviour. A n d in general, environmental education programs have had little effect (Hungerford and V o l k , 1992; Legault and Pelletier, 2000). This may be because educators are focused on the wrong strategies: most provide information, but do not try to develop ownership and empowerment and so do not lead to participation (Hungerford and V o l k , 1992). A l s o , issue-specific education leads to "learners who may act in an environmentally positive manner with relation to one issue (or set of issues), but who do not have the knowledge, skills, and willingness to assume environmental responsibility in their day-to-day lives" (Hungerford and V o l k , 1992 p. 17).  135  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  The studies mentioned above concentrate on small scale additions to the regular curriculum, for good reason, since these are the ones thathave been implemented and so can be evaluated. This may be because "there appear to be few concerned, nationally focused efforts that prepare future citizens to make environmentally sound decisions or to participate responsibly in environmental maintenance and remediation. A s a result, only a fraction of our young learners are being exposed to logically developed, well-articulated E E programs" (Hungerford and V o l k , 1992, p. 16). Unfortunately, there have not yet been any widespread school changes to evaluate, despite many calls for such changes. Orr (1991), for example, calls for education that follows the following principles: 1. A l l education is environmental education. 2. The goal of education is not the mastery of the subject, but the mastery of one person. 3. Knowledge carries with it the responsibility to see that it is well used in the world. 4. We cannot say that we know something until we understand the effects of this knowledge on real people and their communities. 5. Education should recognize the importance of "minute peculiarities" and the power of example over words. 6. The way learning occurs is as important as the content o f a particular course. Gray (1985) adds that environmental education should start with the person and his or her central ties with reality, rather than the science of ecology. Students should be led to examine their erroneous and socially destructive primary beliefs (such as limitless nature) and then look at derived beliefs and technical concepts. Borden (1985) urges that education incorporate deep feelings on life and death, rather than leaving them as abstract concepts. Iwata (1999) calls for the teaching of the value of a voluntarily simple life. Dunlop (1992) also calls for a sincere, unequivocal realignment of educational philosophy and a making of environmental studies into a multidisciplinary field. He also points out that environmental education should be seen as a longterm strategy and its cost-effectiveness measured by that criterion. Corson (1994) also advocates making ecology an integral part o f educational curricula, and advises the use o f role-playing and visioning. Beatley and Manning (1997) call for experiential learning, taking learning outside and learning by doing (as do Legault and Pelletier (2000) and Schultz (2000)). Similarly, Weigel (1985) advises that education should focus on local issues and what the individual and community can do. Beatley and Manning also call for teaching citizenship and social responsibility and using service based learning (as does Putnam (2000)). Smith and Shapson 136  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  (1999) point to substantial changes to teacher education programs as one way these changes might come about, while also acknowledging that without changes in the school structure and culture, new teachers are unlikely to be able to put into practice any truly new way of teaching. These widespread changes would likely be effective i f they ever came to be employed (though, as they have not been, it is impossible to know for sure). However, the reason for their probable effectiveness lies less with new knowledge being promulgated than with the concurrent change in socialization and social norms that these innovations would engender. Schools are much more than places to learn facts; in them we learn what behaviours, thinking patterns and social interactions are acceptable. Therefore a widespread change to the school culture has the potential to do much to bring about a sustainable culture, i f it could ever be implemented. O f course, the problem o f getting these changes implemented remains, which is why education is no panacea. Rea (1995) found that political difficulties within the education system loomed the largest, and advised that educating for sustainability needs to start with those who make decisions. Further, in order for education in schools to be effective, both teachers and parents need to believe in the message being taught. If parents are not in accord with the message, they can undermine what their children are learning, or even fight the schools over the curriculum. A s Milbrath (1995) concluded, environmental education "cannot adequately be implemented until the public, especially parents, demand that it be given priority. In the meantime, we w i l l encounter frequent pious admonitions to implement E E and little w i l l happen" (p. 105).  5.1.2  Information  Examples of informational techniques include knowledge tools such as media campaigns, publications and pamphlets. Because they are relatively easy to use, these kinds of strategies are often the only ones undertaken. They are widely believed to be effective. For example, those behind the U K ' s G o i n g for Green program believed that: A n y behaviour change can best be achieved by offering easily understood information and appropriate support to generate and turn interest into action. Raising awareness of the issues of sustainable development w i l l require a sustained public relations and mass media advertising campaign making use of T V as well as local press and radio (Going for Green, 1998, in Blake, 1999). Blake (1999) termed this belief as the information deficit model of environmental participation. Unfortunately, simply providing information has not been found to lead to behaviour change  137  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; Gray, 1985; Katsev and Johnson, 1987; De Y o u n g , 1993; Ungar, 1994; Corson, 1995; Hodgson and Tight, 1999; Stern, 1999; M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 2000b). One reason for the general supposition that information works may be the third person effect, or the overestimation of the effect of media messages et cetera on the beliefs, attitudes and behaviours of others not like oneself (them) than on those like oneself (you and me). Most people believe that they are uniquely invulnerable to influence (Duck et al., 2000). However, although information by itself effects little change, it is a necessary component of any behaviour change strategy, to motivate people to act and give them reasons to do so (Gray, 1985; Bandura, 1986; Pieters, 1991; Howard, 1997; Stern, 1999). One form of information that has been found to be somewhat effective is the use of prompts, or reminders for people to perform a certain behaviour. Reminders to recycle or turn off computer monitors and lights are examples of commonly used prompts. Prompts have increased the purchase of returnable bottles, discouraged people from walking across lawns, increased the amount of litter and recycling placed in receptacles, reduced littering, increased the recycling of paper and encouraged people to drop and tilt their blinds at night ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). Prompts are most effective when they remind people of new behaviours that they are already predisposed towards (Kassirer and M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 1998). Prompts can also inform or remind people of a social norm, for example the reminder to give up the front seats on the bus to the elderly and disabled. They are effective at the place and time o f behaviour, when they are noticeable and self-explanatory and when they specify who should do what when (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). They work best when it the behaviour is not complicated (DeLeon and Fuqua, 1995) and it is best i f they are not phrased as demands, otherwise reactance results (Geller et al., 1982). It is also better to encourage positive behaviours (McKenzie-Mohr and Smith, 1999). B y themselves prompts do not bring about behaviour change (Katsev and Johnson, 1987). Information can also have an effect through mere exposure, in that repeated exposure to something w i l l lead to liking, no matter what the context is or how it is presented, though the complexity, sequence and timing of the exposure do have an effect (Harrison, 1977). Advertisements thus have an effect through the "frequent repetition of symbols and value statements so they gradually become integral parts of mainstream culture and thought" 138  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  (Michaelis, 2000). Using repetition and a written version can also help people to pay attention (Bator and Cialdini, 2000). The mass media are a primary source o f new information, and people's concerns tend to use and reflect media coverage (Olien et al., 1989; Iorio and Huxman, 1996). However, changes in the media would be difficult to implement because the media have generally been found to support the status quo and powerful organizations (Olien et al., 1989). Though, as M i c h a e l Moore points out in The Corporation, networks w i l l show almost anything i f it is profitable, even i f its message is antithetical to the networks themselves. Therefore, i f a show with a sustainability theme proved profitable, the networks would likely be most willing to show it. The effect o f information can vary depending on how it is processed by the recipient; careful consideration o f the message leads to more attitude change than otherwise. A recipient is more likely to consider the message when he or she is motivated and has time and when the message is considered relevant (Devine and Hirt, 1989; Bator and Cialdini, 2000). Messages from ingroup members, credible sources and familiar sources (especially family members or close friends) are most influential (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; M a c k i e and Queller, 2000; Michaelis, 2000). These information-processing strategies likely help people sort through the glut o f information produced b y our society, a glut which can drown out time for reflection (Milbrath, 1995). Who makes the most effective communicator o f information depends on the information itself. For example, an expert is best when the area is within his or her realm o f expertise, when the audience feels incompetent and lacks confidence, when the expert puts on the trappings o f the role and when he or she develops trust. A n attractive/prestigious person, on the other hand, is best when the opinion is social rather than technical, when the opinion does not violate the expectation o f social confidence, when the audience is not motivated or able to think for themselves and when the person does not betray his or her identity base (Pratkanis, 2000). A t the same time "different people w i l l interpret and respond to the same environmental information i n unpredictable and often highly variable ways, at times producing a quite opposite interpretation to one expected b y those (often in the policy community) who promulgate the information" (Blake, 1999, p. 265).  139  HARMONY FOLZ  5.1.3  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Persuasion  Persuasion is different from information strategies in that information strategies are thought to be bias free, leaving a person to draw his or her own conclusions, though this is often an illusion (Salmon, 1989). Persuasion, on the other hand, is an outright attempt to get people to agree to believe or do something. Persuasion is needed when consent is important (Bandura, 1 9 8 6 ) . It works well when resources are limited and when it is necessary to create needs and motivation or when resistance is anticipated. For it to work w e l l , information structure and delivery are key (Salmon, 1989). L i k e information, persuasion can work by either the peripheral or central processing routes. The peripheral route uses minimum processing and depends more on who is doing the persuasion and what rewards are offered than the content of the message. It works best for messages such as switching brands. Therefore, persuasion can work to change behaviour i f it gets people to try something and they find they like it (Bator and Cialdini, 2000). Central processing takes place when people are motivated and have the time to consider the message. People are more likely to be motivated when they feel the message is relevant to themselves. Since environmental issues are complicated and involve lifestyle changes, it is better to try to get people to use central processing; this is easier said than done (Bator and Cialdini, 2000). But using cogent and well-reasoned argument is helpful, as is repetition (Devine and Hirt, 1989; Eagly and Kulesa, 1997). Social identity can impact which route people use to deal with persuasion: it has been demonstrated experimentally that it acts as a cue in peripheral processing conditions and as a bias in central processing conditions (Fleming and Petty, 2000; M a c k i e and Queller, 2000; van Knippenberg, 2000). People are also more likely to say yes to people they know and like. They tend to like people who are physically attractive, similar to themselves, those who praise them, those who are familiar to them and those associated with positive things or people (the last two also work for objects and are widely used in advertising) (Cialdini, 1985). Persuasion works best in changing behaviour when it is realistic and people are persuaded that they can do it. It is also most effective when it is pitched just above what a person believes they 140  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  can do (Bandura, 1986). People change the most when they are persuaded that they are able to do something (Bandura, 2000). For persuasion to be useful, it should "provide both information about environmental consequences of human behaviour, specific how-to-do-it information, and information showing the positive effects of changing behaviour (e.g., feedback)" (Thizfgersen, 1999, p. 73). However, when persuading someone to do something it is better to emphasize the losses that occur from inaction, rather than the savings of taking action ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). That is it is best to stress the potential losses before the action but provide positive feedback afterwards. It should be borne in mind that the further actions are from current practices the less likely they are to be adopted and that invoking fear only works when people can work to avoid a personallythreatening noxious event (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). Further, a persuasion message should use a highly credible source and rely on a single, wellplaced, very positive message that includes how to do the behaviour and why it w i l l be beneficial. The information also needs to be provided in a way that w i l l be stored, with a retrieval cue in the environment to make it salient. V i v i d and easy to remember messages work best. Further, people should be reminded of social norms surrounding the behaviour and problems with the behaviour or that few people are doing it should not be emphasized. Finally, when people are committed to a behaviour they often adopt an identity consistent with that behaviour, which often results in long-lasting attitude and behaviour change. To encourage this people could be encouraged to ask for a bumper sticker, magnet or something similar to publicly demonstrate their new identity ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999; Bator and Cialdini, 2000).  5.1.4  Simulations  Simulations are generally computer programs that can extrapolate from several sets of trends to analyze what the future might look like given certain choices in the present. One of these is the Georgia Basin Q U E S T program , which is an interactive modelling tool that allows users to 29  create and compare scenarios about the future development of the Georgia Basin. Theoretically, those who go through this simulation w i l l come to realize that the choices they make as to how to live now w i l l affect the sustainability o f this region, which should cause them to become predisposed towards changing the choices they make in day-to-day life.  29  See QUEST stands for Quite Useful Ecosystem Scenario Tool. 141  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Georgia Basin Q U E S T is being used in several community outreach programs, including community case studies, strategy workshops, and cognition impact studies and in school curricula (university and high school). Community case studies involve using Q U E S T in local community settings ranging from communities to a regional government to create a scenario that reflects the values of the participants, and then working through the Precede/Proceed M o d e l to create effective implementation strategies. Strategy workshops are similar, but are meant for community groups, N G O s , business associations and government agencies. They do not use the Precede/Proceed model and the strategies they devise are for research purposes. Cognition impact studies look at the effect of using Q U E S T on players' mental maps of sustainability. Other research around the model is also taking place. F u l l results from the various research projects are not yet available; however, early results indicate that Q U E S T workshops have some effect on participants' attitudes and beliefs. 5.1.5  Modelling  Modelling here refers to circumstances in which people mimic the behaviour of those around them, especially admired or significant others (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; Andreasen, 1995). It is a direct appeal to social norms ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). People likely ape celebrities because o f the implicit promise of their approval whereas opinion leaders create norms that people fall in with (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981). A l s o , people who are uncertain of how to act or who face ambiguous situations often look to other people to decide what to believe or how to act; in this case they usually look at the behaviour of those similar to themselves (Cialdini, 1985). For those reasons, modelling a new behaviour using celebrities, opinion leaders or those similar to the target population can be an effective way to encourage its use (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; Geller et al., 1982; Weyant, 1986; Ungar, 1994; V l e k , 2000). For modelling to be effective, it should be visible ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). Televised modelling also has an effect and shows such as soap operas can be used to model new practices (Bandura, 1986; Dwyer et al., 1993). Television programs could be used for sustainable purposes (Weyant, 1986; Corson, 1994). They have worked to stop reported drug use, increase recycling and for personal health, family planning and literacy campaigns (Corson, 1995). Modelling was used to introduce farming innovations in the Dust B o w l era and was found to be far superior to the provision of information. It has also been used in conjunction with prompts to  142  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  encourage water conservation in showers. A sign with a new shower procedure (turning off the shower while soaping up) was placed in the shower. B y itself, it elicited no behaviour change. However, when an accomplice modelled the technique 4 9 % of others followed suit, even though the accomplice did not look at or talk to them or in any way indicate that he was other than a regular showerer. When two accomplices demonstrated the technique, 6 7 % followed. Modelling is effective even when nobody is around: people make a decision about how to discard o f flyers placed on car windshields based on how many other flyers litter the parking lot ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999).  5.2  ENABLING  STRATEGIES  These strategies facilitate the performance of an action by providing the necessary conditions needed for people to act on their motivations. Enabling strategies are those that focus on availability and accessibility o f resources and new skills necessary to perform sustainability action. A l l enabling strategies have the potential to be very effective i f implemented; however, getting them implemented is the hard part mainly due to lack of political and economic w i l l , as discussed in Chapter 1. Further, strategies need to reflect public interest, otherwise there w i l l be reactance (see Chapter 4) (Cialdini, 1985; Wiener and Doescher, 1991). The other option, enforced change, is difficult to maintain without continued social surveillance and/or draconian enforcement (Bandura, 1986, p. 161). 5.2.1  Skills T r a i n i n g  The effect of skills on behaviour was discussed in Chapter 4. Being able to do something, having competency, is crucial to doing it (Bandura, 1986; Ramsey, 1993; Smith-Sebasto, 1995; D e Y o u n g , 2000). Having a skill leads a person's locus of control to move inwards and his or her sense of self-efficacy to increase (Bandura, 1986; Ramsey, 1993). It is best to use a three-facet approach to teaching skills, using first modelling, then guided enactment and finally self-directed application of skills (Bandura, 1986). Skills training is probably the easiest of the enabling strategies for smaller actors to work on. It can be done on a small scale or individual basis, and is very effective at bringing about behaviour change. However, skills training is relatively useless i f it is not possible for a person to use that skill because of a lack of access to resources or other barriers.  143  HARMONY FOLZ  5.2.2  TREATING CONSUMPTION  A v a i l a b i l i t y and Accessibility  Availability refers to the existence of opportunity for proenvironmental behaviour. Accessibility refers to how easy it is to actually do it. For example, the existence of a recycling depot means that recycling is available. However, i f the depot is located in a difficult to reach location, it may not be accessible. Often, opportunity for sustainability action is limited or access is difficult. A s a personal example, when I bought my condominium, I wanted all renovations to be as "green" as possible, in a conscious effort to "walk my talk." I was even willing to spend somewhat more to go green, even though I had limited funds. The first renovation, painting, proved how difficult this could be. I found that none of the "natural" products I found online were readily available in Vancouver and that trying to determine which of the available products was "greenest" was extremely frustrating. The last straw came when the paint store told me that the "normal" paint was actually less noxious than the "green" variety they sold. I ended up going with the normal paint, despite my strong desire to be "green." This is why it is crucial to increase the availability and accessibility of green products and other environmentally friendly choice options so that those who wish to engage in proenvironmental behaviour may do so (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; Th0gersen, 1999; V l e k , 2000). Increasing access can be extremely effective in changing behaviour, even among those who do not hold proenvironmental attitudes. For example, blue-box recycling programs have been found to be very effective at increasing recycling rates, even among those who show no environmental concern (Derksen and Gartrell, 1993). It is then possible that those people w i l l come to show more concern because they are recycling (Bratt, 1999). In general, increasing the convenience o f proper disposal is a very effective strategy (Gray, 1985). In a pilot study o f community composting, containers and curbside collection were provided. F u l l y 9 9 % of the households participated, and the one which did not wanted to, but had not received a cart ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). O n the consumption side, green products are often more expensive and not as easily available as other products, and "consumers make constrained choices in markets where greater power is exercised by producers and government agencies. Effectively, consumers hold some power to reject proffered goods, but are constrained by past (historical) choices and largely lack the power  144  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  to command new products" (Ungar, 1994, p. 296). However, while people decide what they want in reaction to what is available, new options do come into being based on previously unattainable desires (Clark, 1989). A l s o , buying decisions are often context-dependant, as supermarket operators know very well (Michaelis, 2000). Another consumption access strategy is environmental labelling, which has been found to be effective, and could be used for information relevant to both purchase and disposal (Pieters, 1991). For labelling to be effective, consumers have to be predisposed to buy "green" products and to produce less waste. The media can also be useful in changing access in some circumstances, as those behind boycott campaigns have demonstrated in areas such as making canned tuna "dolphin-safe" and in reducing the use of animal testing. These campaigns are generally media-oriented and success tends to come through attacking the image of the target rather than sales, in response to which firms change their practices, often coopting the message by adopting it as Heinz (tuna) and Benneton (animal testing) both did. They work best when they are cognitively simple and emotionally appealing (Friedman, 1995). 5.2.3  S t r u c t u r a l Changes  It is "clear that to make sustainable development operable w i l l require structural interventions in the economy and the global political system, without which global trends in population and consumption w i l l prove irreversible" (Redclift, 1997, p. 266). Structural changes here refer to changes in policies and institutions at a governmental or institutional level; achieving these is crucial i f sustainability is to be reached (Rayner and Malone, 1998). Institutions embody rules and the values norms and views of the world. They evolve slowly and have an element of permanence, but they are constantly renegotiated (O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998). There have been few major instances o f true structural change; .therefore, the following suggestions are not based on experiential evidence. In designing policies, there are several considerations to keep in mind. Policies should be designed for real world conditions rather than trying to make the world conform to a particular policy model (Rayner and Malone, 1998). Policies should devise ways to meet needs, develop consumption goals and services that are less harmful, reduce wasteful forms of consumption and encourage more selective and discriminatory consumption (Myers, 2000). Institutional 145  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  adaptation must be responsive to visions of ecological protection and fairness, and must be created by negotiated consent, or at least understanding and tolerance; it must be measurable and follow agreed rules and norms (O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998). Policy makers should focus on changing social arrangements and tailoring policy interventions to work in different areas (Shove et al., 1998). Subsidiarity (decisions being made at the lowest possible level) should be implemented where possible (Blowers, 1992). Finally, using the Precautionary Principle (see Section 1.3) as a policy guide would likely be very effective (O'Riordan, 1995, Santillo et al, 1999; Tickner, 1999). Tax reform and new tax policies are critical (Gray, 1985; Corson, 1994). Some suggest the institution of a carbon tax, collected on producers and importers, and varying by fuel (Common, 1995). Others call for full ecological taxation, which would tax the depletion of all natural resources and any usurpation of the global commons. They believe that it would lead to material and energy flows paralleling conventional economic analysis and more emphasis on dematerialization and decarbonation. Taxes would go to the disadvantaged and those who have not used their commons life support reservoirs and to socially sustainable investments such as job creation and directional spending would become more legitimate (O'Riordan, 1995). Other policy reforms that are often called for are: >  policy integration and interdepartmental coordination,  >  full-cost (green) accounting, tax reform,  >  business innovations,  >  new energy policies,  >  lowering or eliminating the debts of less developed countries through strategies such as debt-for nature,  >  using incentives and public-private partnerships for the development of sustainable technology,  >  using government purchases to commercialize new technology,  >  shifting from military expenditures to sustainable enterprise investments,  >  establishing certification standards,  >  promoting environmentally responsible advertising,  >  changing the incentive structure,  >  curtailing federal subsidies,  >  making infrastructure and other investments and doing demonstration projects, 146  HARMONY FOLZ  >  using different indicators to measure progress,  >  placing sustainability conditions on federal funding,  TREATING CONSUMPTION  >  reforming policies,  >  implementing a betterment tax (a tax on the increase in value of land),  >  encouraging car-sharing,  >  bringing in anti-packaging and take-back laws,  >  enabling industrial ecology,  >  mandating organic agriculture and green energy (Blowers, 1992; Corson, 1994, 1995; Beatley and Manning, 1997; O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998; Michaelis, 2000; Myers, 2000).  While structural changes have perhaps the greatest potential to effect widespread change, the major problem is that high level politicians have to make them, based on a social process between policymakers, industries, technologies and consumers (Shove et al., 1998). Unfortunately, the politicians currently in power depend excessively on the status quo for their power and campaign funding and so are unlikely to make drastic changes without either an evident and dangerous threat or widespread public discontent, and perhaps not even then (Corson, 1994). A l s o , alliances between powerful groups can have a dominant role in determining societal norms through both narrative and symbol. Governments, transnational companies, financial institutions, the press and the media represented the main power alliance in the late twentieth century. One example o f the alliance supporting a specific interest is the 'road lobby'. This coalition of business interests, professions, government departments and citizens' groups played a strong role in the early development of roads and road-based transport. In recent years, the strength of the coalition has made it difficult for alternatives to the car to flourish (Michaelis, 2000, p. 82). Other factors inhibiting change are institutional rigidity, bureaucratic momentum and unwillingness to change long-standing policies or practices and the division of responsibility and resources (Corson, 1994; Konvitz, 1996; Shove et al., 1998). Fatigue, resignation, and. contrarians also help the status quo (O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998) and it is easy to let a sense of powerless grow because of dependence on complex technologies, the frustrations engendered by bureaucracies, disagreements among factions seeking change, countermeasures by the institutions themselves and transnational dependencies (Bandura, 1986). Ultimately, a change in government might be effective, but this would also be extremely difficult to bring about, and also  147  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  might not be effective after all i f it was not a true change, but a different shade of the same old structure. For these reasons a transition to sustainability w i l l likely take place more by stealth than design (O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998). To this end policies can be implemented slowly, without encouraging the opposition that a frontal effort might engender; for example, the elimination of chemical fertilizer use could be done in steps: first reduce their allowed strength, then ban home use and then ban agricultural use. In this way reactance is lessened and people and businesses are given time to adjust (Gray, 1985). O f course, this assumes that there are those with some power who desire change. However, this stealth principle should also apply to those outside an institution seeking to change it. 5.2.4  Technology  Innovative and sustainable technologies are certainly necessary, and can solve some problems, i f they are used. The innovations that are possible are almost limitless, and what may arise in the future can certainly not be imagined now. It is possible that there w i l l be technological improvements that w i l l make sustainability much easier to reach. However, many technological improvements have replaced labour with capital, and their increased efficiency can encourage increased consumption. Therefore, " i f new technology is to reduce our Ecological Footprint, it must be accompanied by policy measures to ensure that efficiency gains are not redirected to alternative forms of consumption" (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996, p. 25). A l s o , technology involves choice, and technologies have meanings that have little to do with their actual function. For example: The shared meanings of energy and energy-using technologies have changed through time, as have the sorts o f activities and identities appropriate to the use o f those technologies. Take, for example, the meaning and use of the refrigerator, the automobile, the clothesline, or the air conditioner in various historical periods. In each case, the device and the activities that surround it are laden with social and cultural significance, all of which have implications for the way such technologies are used and so for associated energy use. This is so, despite the fact that energy consumption is largely invisible to users and generally much less important than other factors of function, convenience and style (Shove et al., 1998, p. 306). There are many green products and processes available today which are not being used, although manufacturers do listen to choices (Spiegel and Meadows, 1999).  148  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Technology is also shaped by social, economic and political forces, and technologies and technology systems shape human relations and societies (Rip and K e m p , 1998). For example, the car is not isolated, but is a part of the socio-technical landscape. It is made of steel and plastic, concrete (roads) law (traffic rules), culture (value and meaning o f personal mobility) (Rip and Kemp, 1998). Technology is associated with modernity, progress and rationality, but consideration o f what technology to use has been mostly ad hoc, which raises the question of "whether people have the technology, and the sociotechnical worlds, that they really want. This is a complex question, because people may not know what they really want before they actually experience what they have got" (Rip and K e m p , 1998, p. 345). Finally, technology development is not linear, but grows like yeast cells, and many new technologies survive in niches before going expanding and reproducing. Technology adoption is likewise an active process, with elements of innovation in itself. It is connected with the availability of new technologies, with expectations, new skills, management systems, new supplier-user relationships, changes in the regulatory framework, and new ideas. Behaviors, organization, and society have to rearrange themselves to adopt and adapt to the novelty. Both the technology and social context change in a process that can be seen as coevolution ... [and] the eventual shape of a technology, the purposes for which it is used, and the way in which it is embedded in society, may be different in five or ten years' time. H o w it w i l l look is difficult to predict (Rip and K e m p , 1998, p. 389). 5.2.5  Urban Planning W e all react, consciously and unconsciously, to the places where we live and work, in ways we scarcely notice or that are now becoming known to use. Everaccelerating changes in most people's day-to-day circumstances are helping us and prodding us, sometimes forcing us, to learn that our ordinary surroundings, built and natural alike, have an immediate and a continuing affect on the way that we feel and act, and our health and intelligence. These places have an impact on our sense of self, our sense of safety, the kind of work we get done, the ways we interact with other people, even our ability to function as citizens in a democracy. In short, the places where we spend our time affect the people we are and can become (Tony Hiss, 1990, in Chapman, 1994, p. 26).  Urban planning could bring about a different kind of structural change, one that works on the physical structure of our habitats rather than on the ephemeral structure of our laws and policies. A s such, it can lead to more inherently permanent change as habitations can be very difficult to shift. Although cities are currently part of the problem, it is possible for them to become part of  149  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  the solution as the form of the city can encourage substantial behaviour change by constraining . choices. A l s o , cities use new technologies and bring about lifestyle changes; thus, any successful strategy must include cities as a key element (De Young, 1993; Beatley and Manning, 1997; Vlek, 2000). Denser habitation makes the provision of public transit and local shops economically feasible while simultaneously obviating the need to drive and making it more difficult and stressful; further, having integrated and pedestrian-oriented cities means that inhabitants need to travel less and so interact more, which in turn builds social capital (Putnam, 2000). Physical layout and design can shape ethics and public spaces can instill a broader public ethic and a feeling o f being part o f a greater whole (Beatley and Manning, 1997). Improvements in the city bring the quality of life up for everybody (Konvitz, 1996). However, achieving a sustainable urban form w i l l not be easy. It w i l l mean using comprehensive land-use and transport planning involving all the political institutions and communities of an urban region (Konvitz, 1996, p. 20), and w i l l require fundamentally modifying the ways in which local governments function by reforming the methods by which they purchase and procure, deliver services, manage their building stock, and budget their resources. It means reconceptualizing the local economy so that it is restorative and sustainable. It means understanding in a comprehensive way the resource needs and flows of the community - where its energy, water and food come from, and how its wastes are dealt with. It emphasizes a host of actions and programs that support and enhance the social life and vitality of the community (Beatley and Manning, 1997, p. 212). Policies should be guided by the principles of urban management, policy integration, ecosystems thinking, cooperation and partnership (Beatley, 2000). There have been some moves to a more sustainable city form, especially in Europe (see Beatley, 2000); however, most of the following suggestions have either been implemented on a small scale or not at all. Nonetheless, the following list is a sampling of tools that could be used: >  Ecocity Zoning: Planning for walkable distances and inspiring pedestrian environments, thinking in three dimensions, looking at whole system patterns and long term results - can do this by drawing maps and involving the community (Register, 2001).  >  Transfer of development rights: buying development rights to an area, not building there but adding to allowance elsewhere; also restoration credits and double T D R s for getting rid of structures on protected land (Register, 2001). 150  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  >  Ecological General Plan. R o l l back sprawl by shifting development (Register, 2001).  >  International Ecological Rebuilding program to stabilize population, develop and share appropriate technology, use ecological-economics on a global scale, make a new generation of treaties and agreements and forge a new global environmental consensus (Register, 2001).  >  Drainage treatment, refuse treatment, energy conservation, traffic planning, localization (Scheele, 1995).  >  Reformed pricing and taxing, and through the setting o f standards (Konvitz, 1996).  >  Removal o f regulatory barriers and subsidies that are disincentives to change (Konvitz, 1996).  >  Central governments giving regional and local governments means to meet and exceed standards and goals (Konvitz, 1996).  >  Higher taxes and prices for cars combined with land-use planning and improvements to public transport (Konvitz, 1996).  >  Monitoring and evaluating environmental conditions and rewarding those who use integrative strategies (Konvitz, 1996).  >  Changing zoning bylaws, codes and engineering strategies to allow for innovative and sustainable practices.  >  Changing expectations of design and construction industry, as they currently tend to limit choices to current standard (Spiegel and Meadows, 1999).  >  Looking to successful sustainable practices in other places, especially Europe (Beatley, 2000).  Other than altering the urban form, planners point out the unsustainability o f current practices and put forth alternatives, develop indices and encourage the formation and growth of community groups. Planning academics can look at the costs o f sprawl, show new examples and give future practitioners theory, tools, methods and process skills, and a better appreciation/use of visual skills (Beatley and Manning, 1997).  5.3  REINFORCING STRATEGIES  These strategies provide necessary supportive feedback and rewards for proenvironmental behaviours. Programs need such feedback in order to sustain momentum and eventually succeed because people need feedback to know that their behaviours were correct and helpful (Green and Kreuter, 1999; Monroe, 1993). Reinforcing strategies can either provide rewards or incentives that support and encourage the adoption and maintenance o f the proenvironmental behaviours or disincentives that are aimed at decreasing other behaviours. Punishment (a negative consequence or removal of a positive consequence to the behaviour) and extinction (withdrawal of a positive  151  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  consequence) strategies are used to decrease a harmful behaviour (Cone and Hayes, 1980). In general, reinforcing strategies are effective while they exist, however, none o f these reinforcing strategies have been proven to wholly maintain targeted behaviours, and changes tend to dissipate after the consequence is removed (Bandura, 2000; De Y o u n g , 2000). I have broken reinforcing strategies into feedback, tangible incentives and disincentives and social incentives and disincentives to highlight the different strategies from a program planner's point o f view. However, there are other ways these reinforcing strategies could be divided, such as by whether the reinforcement was intrinsic or extrinsic, or by whether it was internal or external.  5.3.1  Feedback  Feedback interventions are defined as "actions taken by (an) external agent(s) to provide information regarding some aspect(s) of one's task performance" (Kluger and D e N i s i , 1996, in Schultz, 1998, p. 26). While tangible and social incentives and disincentives could also be considered feedback, I am using the word here to describe specific information provided to people regarding how their actions met a standard. Feedback activates behaviour change as it points to " a discrepancy between existing performance on a task and an abstract standard" (Schultz, 1998, p. 26). Feedback helps people learn and make improvement and see how they are making a difference and helps to develop community norms (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; Schultz, 1998). It is information on the impact of actions to individuals and communities. Feedback procedures are done in order to help actions persist, and is critical for controlling learning and performance. Its effect varies based on the perceived veridicality o f feedback, the interaction of feedback with attitude and the novelty effect (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981). Performance feedback works, especially when people are highly motivated to conserve, or have positive attitudes to the behaviour, even i f it is provided infrequently (Weigel, 1985; Katsev and Johnson, 1987; Gudgion and Thomas, 1991; Dwyer et al., 1993; D e L e o n and Fuqua, 1995; Kassirer and M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 1998). DeLeon and Fuqua (1995) found that group feedback and group feedback combined with commitment significantly increased recycling. However, the change in behaviour only lasts as long feedback is provided (Katsev and Johnson, 1987; Gudgion and Thomas, 1991; D w y e r et al., 1993). Group feedback has also had some success (DeLeon and Fuqua, 1995) and can last longer than the intervention (Schultz, 1990). This was demonstrated by  152  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Schultz (1990). He looked at household recycling in five experimental conditions: control, plea, individual feedback, group feedback and information. Information and pleas did not have any effect, individual feedback produced rapid behaviour change but leveled o f f after the feedback stopped, and group feedback led to a slower rise in participation, but the level continued to rise after the intervention stopped. Indicators are a form o f group feedback. They allow people to monitor ecological and socioeconomic conditions. They are generally numeric and are calculated b y collecting and analyzing data from several different areas in order to make a meaningful composite. Indicators can provide feedback needed for behaviours to continue and progress (Corson, 1995). N e w indicators, including ones measuring natural and social capital, could be effective in changing consumption patterns (Michaelis, 2000). These new indicators should be measured and publicized regularly as part o f news reporting (Corson, 1994). In using feedback logistical and cost considerations are paramount (Kassirer and M c K e n z i e Mohr, 1998). If the process for provision o f feedback is not automated or i f devices are needed for everyone it can be costly, (DeLeon and Fuqua, 1995; Geller, 1995b). However, program designers should use individual feedback where practical, and always use group feedback once there are positive results. Feedback can also be done via self-monitoring, and the use o f various meters has been found to be successful (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981).  5.3.2  Tangible Incentives and Disincentives  Tangible incentives, like rebates for reduced consumption o f energy and water or bottle deposits or non-financial incentives such as H O V lanes and special parking spaces, make a behaviour more appealing by providing something palpable for doing the behaviour. Tangible disincentives, like consumption-based taxes and fees, change behaviour by constraining choices. Disincentives are as reliable and as quick to change behaviour as material incentives 30  (De Y o u n g , 1993) but they are not as well received and require a lot o f work (Monroe, 1993). A l s o , when faced with constraint people often have more desire for the constrained alternative or a decreased desire for what they feel forced to do (reactance) (De Y o u n g , 1993). Positive  1 include society wide taxation and other financial incentives and disincentives under Structural Changes (Section 5.2.3). In this section I discuss immediate material incentives and disincentives, ones that are directly linked to individual behaviour.  30  153  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  reinforcement can also come to be seen as negative i f too much pressure is applied, which can also lead to reactance (Geller et al., 1982). Tangible incentives and disincentives initiate rapid changes although change generally only lasts as long as the reinforcement does. It can be extended with intermittent reinforcement, but it does eventually die off (Cone and Hayes, 1980; Katsev and Johnson, 1987; Gudgion and Thomas, 1991; Pieters, 1991; De Young, 1993; Monroe, 1993; Gamba and Oskamp, 1994; Geller, 1995a). Dwyer et al. (1993) confirmed these findings in their meta-analysis of 27 consequence interventions; the only exceptions they found were in three studies where the behaviour was maintained by people finding they liked the behaviour. Further, using tangible incentives can inhibit generalized change (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981) and can actually lead to reduced natural interest; for example, i f a person is composting and then gets offered money to do it, he or she w i l l come to associate composting with being paid. If funding is then cut, the person w i l l most likely stop composting, even though they had done it before they got paid (Stern and Kirkpatrick, 1977; Pieters, 1991; Werner, 1999). Incentives give the idea that one is doing the action for money, not because o f the type of person he or she is, and lead h i m or her to discount the intrinsic satisfaction they derive from an activity (Weyant, 1986; Katsev and Johnson, 1987). However, in some cases incentives can be appropriate, especially when there are profits or costreductions to be realized from introducing them. One such situation is waste disposal. Several jurisdictions have found that charging people for the garbage they generate (through selling bags, tags, charging for extra bags or charging by size of container) means less waste sent to the landfill and more recycling and composting. Incentives have also been used to reduce energy use and decrease the use of single occupancy vehicles ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). Incentives should also be used when people are unlikely to do it without an incentive, when one is trying to stimulate a trial of something that w i l l probably be continued after the incentive ends, when the incentive can be continued indefinitely, or when the anticipated benefit justifies investment. Before they are used, it should be determined how motivated the target community is, and the incentive should be large enough to be taken seriously (but not too large), be noticeable, and be designed to discourage evasion. Cost versus expected benefit should also be evaluated carefully (DeLeon and Fuqua, 1995; Kassirer and M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 1998).  154  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Incentives should be closely paired with the behaviour and should reward positive behaviour. They should also be visible ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). It is most effective to combine incentives and disincentives or to use a lottery approach (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981). Small incentives work better; when people are pressured by material incentives their commitment to the action w i l l be low unless the new experiences are very rewarding. This is because people ascribe more intrinsic interest to activities that they have fewer external reasons to do due to cognitive dissonance (Bandura, 1986; Pieters, 1991; Monroe, 1993). Care should be taken when removing incentives and people's attempts to avoid the incentive should be anticipated ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999).  5.3.3  Social Incentives and Disincentives  Providing social recognition and approval is widely held to be effective as social reactions modify behaviour (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; Reser and Scherl, 1988). Social incentives and disincentives employ social pressures to nudge people to behave in a particular way (Reser and Scherl, 1988; De Y o u n g , 1993). Social pressures can either be overt (like recognition for reaching a certain level o f energy use) or unspoken, like a person's perception o f social norms. Overt negative social pressure has similar effect to material disincentives while overt social incentives are more successful than material incentive techniques at providing durable behaviour change, though these results are not always consistent (Dwyer et al., 1993). A l s o , too much social pressure can lead to reduced commitment (Bandura, 1986). However, in general, social incentives and disincentives are very powerful (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; Monroe, 1993). They have a stronger effect and last longer than tangible incentives and disincentives. Social incentives and disincentives are basically about creating norms or making existing norms salient. M a n y non-profits are devoted to norm change. For-profits often affect them as well, though it is not often a conscious effort. Laws and regulations can indicate norms, as can the provision o f information (Ellickson, 2001). Norms can be appealed to by making it more likely that people w i l l observe others doing the target action. So activity should be as visible as possible, there should be other markers of participation, people should be provided with opportunities to share experiences and there should be word-of-mouth promotion (Kassirer and M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 1998).  155  HARMONY FOLZ  5.4  TREATING CONSUMPTION  COMBINED STRATEGIES  Some strategies are inherently combined and address predisposing, enabling and reinforcing strategies simultaneously. These tend to be the most effective and show the most promise for effecting change. Three o f these are discussed below, each o f which has significant value, though each has at least one major drawback as well.  5.4.1  Social Marketing  Social marketing is " a social change management technology involving the design, implementation, and control of programs aimed at increasing the acceptability of a social idea or practice in one or more groups of target adopters" (Kotler and Roberto, 1989, p. 24). It is different from conventional marketing in that the goal is to benefit society and/or the target rather than the sponsor of the advertising (Andreasen, 1995). A product can be tangible or intangible, and a social marketing campaign can involve introducing a new product, modifying behaviour, reducing consumption and/or the promotion of structural change (Quraishi, 1996). The target behaviour and message should be chosen so that people w i l l say, "This is something important for me to do. I can do it. I w i l l get something I care about i f I do this. The people I admire want me to do this" (Monroe, 1993, p. 29). Social marketers generally target behaviours that involve high involvement decisions, i.e. complex and important decisions involving much information, thought and emotion. Their tasks are to create awareness and interest, change values, persuade, create action and maintain change (Andreasen, 1995). Social marketing involves having appropriate and realistic objectives, analyzing the environment, researching, selecting and segmenting the target adopter population (which requires an understanding of consumer behaviour), designing strategies to meet needs and wants, forming a social marketing plan (including consideration of communication, channel analysis, opinion leaders, exchange theory (costs vs. benefits) and accessibility), organizing, implementing, controlling and evaluating the process and impact of the program (Kotler and Roberto, 1989; Maibach, 1993; Monroe, 1993; Andreasen, 1995; Quraishi, 1996). Successful social marketing campaigns have monopolization of message, canalization (reinforcing existing attitudes) and are supplemented with face-to-face communication. From the perspective of the target adopters, successful campaigns have force, direction (how to), mechanism (where to), adequacy and compatibility and distance (benefit more than cost). Core elements of a social  156  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  marketing campaign are a cause, change agents, target adopters, channels and a change strategy (Kotler and Roberto, 1989). There are several social marketing techniques which can be used to overcome specific barriers. To overcome reactance, the starving baby appeal, which stresses the negative consequences o f not reaching the goal, is effective. T o overcome the feeling of being a sucker for making a sacrifice for something that is going to be destroyed anyway, or situations where there is no reinforcement or a disconnect between attitudes and behaviour, the well baby appeal, which stresses that the goal is being reached, is effective. T o overcome the feeling o f going against selfinterest, it is useful to reduce the scope o f the campaign, highlight civic pride, use phased segmentations (train opinion leaders first), emphasize ease o f cooperation or use an ethical appeal. To overcome mistrust or situations o f no reinforcement, use survey results, positive feedback, appeals to civic pride or an appeal to our common fate (Wiener and Doescher, 1991). Social marketing has worked in areas such as family planning, literacy, reducing reported drug use, recycling and personal health (exercise, blood pressure, heart disease and smoking, among others) (Andreasen, 1995; Corson, 1995; Quraishi, 1996). It is effective because marketers are good at figuring out what motivates people and how to package a message to get a response and because it works on the principle o f exchange and looks at the cost o f the behaviour (Monroe, 1993). However, it would likely be best to apply it to a specific target behaviour, as one problem with applying social marketing techniques to wide-spread behaviour change is the need to segment the population. A s discussed in Chapter 4, there does not seem to be a general conserving consumer, so segmentation would be next to impossible. 5.4.2  C o m m u n i t y Based Social M a r k e t i n g  Community based social marketing  31  is probably the most comprehensive o f any o f the  behaviour change strategies discussed so far. It is primarily the brainchild o f Doug M c K e n z i e Mohr, a psychologist in N e w Brunswick. Using community based social marketing involves: identifying barriers and benefits to change, selecting behaviours to change, designing a strategy based on behaviour change tools (ensuring that it is financially feasible), piloting the strategy, and evaluating it (Kassirer and M c K e n z i e -  31  See 157  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  Mohr, 1998; M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999; M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 2000b, a). Barriers may be internal (psychological) or external (structural), there may be many that influence a particular behaviour, and each behaviour has a different constellation of barriers and benefits. Barriers can be identified using literature reviews, focus groups, observational studies and surveys, and statistical techniques (Kassirer and M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 1998; M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). In all cases, research should be done into barriers rather than relying solely on the program designer's theories or hunches ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). Behaviour change tools include building motivation, providing feedback, using financial incentives and disincentives, using home visits, providing information via mass media, using neighbourhood coaches and block leaders, appealing to norms, obtaining commitment, using peer support groups, prompts, school programs (especially involving the family), using vivid, personalized communication, encouraging word-of-mouth communication, and workplace programs (Kassirer and M c K e n z i e Mohr, 1998; M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999). Because of the comprehensive and focused nature of community-based social marketing, it is a very effective behaviour change tool which has seen a lot of success, as can be seen on the website below. In one example, a combination o f a water gauge, a prompt, signing a pledge (commitment) and information reduced watering by 54% for one group and 15% for another, whereas the control groups, who only received information, increased their watering by 66% and 96% respectively ( M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 2000b). However, the major drawback of community-based social marketing is that it is top-down; " w e " try to change "them". A group decides which behaviours they would like to see changed, and then sets out to do so. This seems less than efficient because it necessitates a lot o f time to get buy-in for each behaviour that needs to be changed. It tends to see each behaviour separately, and treats them that way and does not have a general goal of changing paradigms.  5.4.3  Global Action Plan In Portland, Oregon, last year, a group of citizens stood before the C i t y Council and reported on a neighborhood environmental program that had brought about remarkable changes in their lives. Motivated by concern about their environment and a commitment to making sure there would be enough resources available for their children to live decent lives, they had set about reducing their resource use and making more "eco-wise' purchases. They came with impressive statistics: 50 percent less garbage sent to the landfill, 26 percent less water used, auto emissions  158  TREATING CONSUMPTION  HARMONY FOLZ  reduced by 18 percent and eight percent less energy used, as well as an average household savings o f $227 per year. They had made these lifestyle changes i n cooperation with their neighbors, whom they had gotten to know and like i n the process. They came forward to encourage the city to sponsor, on a communitywide scale, the program that had made these changes possible, the Household EcoTeam Program (Goldstein, 1998, p. 28). Global Action Plan for the E a r t h is an international organization that loosely coordinates 32  several national affiliates that carry out behaviour change programs. The program is contained in the Household EcoTeam Workbook (Gershon et al., 1991), a Canadian adaptation o f the U S program guide (though there is now no Canadian affiliate). The workbook is a "six-month program to help you bring your household into environmental balance. It simplifies the overload of environmental information into six sets o f actions to be implemented, one set a month, with the support o f a small group o f friends, family members, or neighbors" (Gershon et al., 1991, rear cover). According to the program, an originator gathers a group o f 4 to 8 households together from his or her community and facilitates the first session. The group meets monthly and facilitation o f the meetings rotates. The first five months deal with reducing waste, improving home water efficiency, improving home energy efficiency, improving transportation efficiency and being an eco-wise consumer. A t each meeting, the group determines how each member can change the behaviour of his or her household using suggested actions and the members make a commitment to change. In between meetings, group members phone in a weekly report to the EcoTeam coach, a position that rotates by topic area. A t the next meeting they report on their progress and determine their objectives for the next month. Results are also to be sent to the national Global Action Plan office. The last month o f the program is devoted to empowering others. This is done through three strategies: encouraging the formation o f other Household EcoTeams b y speaking to other individuals or groups, creating Workplace EcoTeams and initiating/assisting community environmental changes. The program can be very successful; it has been done b y 12,000 households i n the Netherlands (where the program originated) and by sizeable numbers from other places, with members realizing substantial savings in energy, waste, water, and transport, and the induced behaviour  See  159  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  change has been maintained for more than two years (van Luttervelt, 1998)". It also has secondary effects: According to one team-member ' . . . Generally this is about rearranging the habits o f everyday life. It is also about the social elements. The important thing is that more people are trying to do the same thing. W e meet and get inspiration from each other' (Irwin et al., 1995). Thus, being a team allows for some synergy. Their interaction and discussions have, as another team-member notes 'helped them think differently, so that they—in the long run—may become more environmentally critical consumers' (Irwin et al., 1995). V i e w e d from this perspective, eco-teams can do more than minimise household metabolism. The participatory and engaging nature of these activities, based on an exchange o f information and experience, allows for reflexivity or a critical review and adjustment of the participants' preferences (Georg, 1999, p. 458). However, i n my mind the G A P program, while evidently successful, does not provide enough scope for change and suffers from being a top-down program that is attempting to be bottom up. The areas o f change are constrained and limited by the program guide, which would seem to lead participants to the conclusion that only these areas are i n need, no others, and that i f they change these areas, they w i l l have achieved a sustainable lifestyle. They w i l l have checked sustainability off their to-do list, never to think of what else they can do. A l s o , since the program is already laid out in full detail, there is little scope for individual problem-solving.  5.5  ADDITIONAL ISSUES AND CONSIDERATIONS  This last category is made up o f a smattering other findings which do not fit neatly into the predisposing, enabling and reinforcing boxes but which researchers and program designers have found useful when designing and applying behaviour change strategies. There is some overlap between some of these findings and some of the strategies discussed earlier.  5.5.1  Reciprocity  Reciprocity refers to the seemingly natural tendency of people to return favours to avoid being in debt. It is a basic norm of human society and makes possible various relationships, exchanges and transactions that are beneficial to society (Cialdini, 1985). M a k i n g use of reciprocity, b y tactics such as giving a small gift or pointing out others' sacrifices for society, is a very effective way to affect people's behaviour, especially for donations, as the Hare Krishnas and numerous other charitable organizations have demonstrated (Cialdini, 1985; Pieters et al., 1998). It works See also the Dutch GAP website ( and the British GAP website (  3 3  160  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  because the norm is very strong and applies even to uninvited first favours. It can also lead to unequal exchanges because people w i l l often do more than the initial favour in order to avoid lingering feelings of indebtedness (Cialdini, 1985). One interesting application of reciprocity is the "door-in-the-face" technique. W i t h this technique, a person asks for a large commitment that is almost certain to be rejected. After rejecting the request the target feels badly and is likely to agree to a smaller, more reasonable request, even one they probably would have rejected in the first place (Cialdini, 1985; Weyant, 1986). This technique may have contributed to the Watergate fiasco: before Gordon L i d d y asked for $250,000 to bug the Democrats' office, he had made two larger and wilder requests, starting at $1,000,000 for a plan also including a chase plane, break-ins, kidnapping and mugging squads and a yacht with high-paid call girls with which to blackmail Democrats. H i s last request seemed quite reasonable in contrast, whereas by itself it might have been rejected (Cialdini, 1985).  5.5.2  Commitment  Commitment, or stating one's intention to do something, has been shown to be very effective in bringing about behaviour change in areas such as recycling, bus ridership and residential energy conservation (De Y o u n g , 1993; Ungar, 1994; DeLeon and Fuqua, 1995; Kassirer and M c K e n z i e Mohr, 1998). In their review of behaviour change studies, Dwyer et al (1993) found that commitment measures led to longer lasting effects than rewards and that the highest follow-up performance came from a combination o f commitment and reward. Commitment works because people want to be thought of as consistent, because consistency is highly valued by others and is beneficial to the self because it eases behaviour choice. Commitments are most effective when they are "active, public, effortful, and viewed as internally motivated (uncoerced)" (Cialdini, 1985, p. 94). Commitment decisions tend to be self-perpetuating because people often add new reasons and justifications to support commitments they have already made (Cialdini, 1985). M a k i n g a commitment, by pledging for example, creates anticipated social consequences and social pressure. M a k i n g a public commitment is more effective than a commitment to oneself (Stern and Kirkpatrick, 1977; Bandura, 1986), and combining public commitment with mass media feedback has been found to have a larger effect than either individually (DeLeon and Fuqua, 1995). Failing to meet a commitment can bring penalties, social disapproval and a loss of reputation. For these reasons, people do not like to commit until they are pressured to do so, or  161  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  even to make a tentative decision, however, with too much pressure, people w i l l feel less commitment to follow through. Unless the experiences are inherently rewarding commitments work best without social or material incentives since without an external reason to do something people w i l l ascribe more intrinsic interest to it (Bandura, 1986). A commonly used commitment technique is known as the foot-in-the-door technique. This is the practice of asking people for a small commitment such as displaying a small sign, answering a hypothetical question or signing a petition. Later, the same person is asked for a bigger, seemingly unrelated commitment, such as volunteering, giving money or acting as a block leader. It is an effective tactic (Cook and Barrenberg, 1981; Cialdini, 1985; Gray, 1985; Weyant, 1986; Katsev and Johnson, 1987; Kassirer and M c K e n z i e - M o h r , 1998). One very famous demonstration of this was an experiment in which people were asked to place a large, ugly, obtrusive billboard saying " D r i v e Carefully" in front of their house. When people were just asked to do this, almost everyone said no. However, o f a different group who had been asked by an apparently unrelated volunteer a few weeks prior to place a small sign in their car or home window saying " B e a Safe Driver" (which almost everyone agreed to), 7 6 % agreed to the billboard. Even when the first request was to sign a petition that favoured "keeping California beautiful," an apparently separate idea by an apparently separate group, about half of the group agreed to the billboard (Cialdini, 1985; M c K e n z i e - M o h r and Smith, 1999)  5.5.3  Scarcity  People value things more when they are less available. This happens because it is assumed that scarcity equals quality, and also because of reactance due to the loss of freedom of choice. This also applies to information: the more limited access is to information, the more people want to see it. The impact of scarcity holds true especially when items are recently scarce and when we have to compete for them with others (Cialdini, 1985).  5.5.4  Altercasting  Altercasting is placing another person in a role that carries with it the expectation for a certain kind of action. A role is what a person is "expected to d o " in a given situation because of his or her status. Each role engenders social pressures based on the expectation o f others, selective exposure to information consistent with the role and the social identity of the role. Altercasting is an effective influence tactic (Pratkanis, 2000). 162  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  There are two kinds of altercasting: " m a n d " and "tact". The first, mand, works through a verbal expression that specifies the role, that is, by telling someone how he or she is. This can work through bringing to the forefront one of a person's roles, such as their role as a religious person or as a smoker. It can also work through placing a person in a pre-existing role as was done in the Stanford Prison experiment (where students were placed randomly in the roles of guards and prisoners and within a short time came to inhabit those roles thoroughly). Another method is cooptation, which is placing a powerful opponent in a position that appears to supports the target's cause. A leader can also co-opt a subordinate by offering a symbolic position or through a pay bonus. Labelling, or telling people how they are, is another effective way to altercast by mand: telling elementary school students that they are neat and tidy has been found to be more effective than telling them that they ought to be and telling people that they are charitable makes them so (Weyant, 1986, Pratkanis, 2000). Another method is asking people to play a role and consider opinions from another point of view. The other form of altercasting, tact, works through either placing a person in a role by taking a complementary role or by invoking a certain role-set, again by the intervener's actions. Some complementary roles are: authority-agent, charismatic-devotee, expert-unknowing public, foolnormal, helper-dependent, intimates, intimidator-coward, just plain folks, opinion deviantmajority, and socially prestigious-admirer (Pratkanis, 2000). Altercasting works because it is relatively easy to present oneself in a role that casts or even traps someone in a corresponding role; also people often accept roles easily as the use of roles is a basic part of everyday social cognition. Whether it is ethical to use in behaviour change depends on how it is used. If the ends and means for which it is used are ethical, or i f it is used to encourage deeper thought around an issue, altercasting could be a useful tool (Pratkanis, 2000). 5.5.5  C o m m u n i t y Participation  Participation is necessary in bringing about sustainability (O'Riordan and Voisey, 1998), especially as the bulk of needed changes are local (Rayner and Malone, 1998). In order for change to take place in a democracy, it is necessary for different perspectives to be heard in the decision making process, and for individuals and groups to be willing to take action and commit time and energy to change (Moore, 1994). C i v i c involvement helps to overcome a lack of cooperation and feelings of disempowerment, so it is helpful to improve the civicness of a  163  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  community, especially as it is self-perpetuating and aids in government effectiveness (Moore, 1994). It is important to encourage local, community and public participation in environmental initiatives (Blake, 1999) as the U K ' s Going for Green project found out. After beginning implementation in a rather top-down fashion, organizers "clearly found that imposing a predetermined agenda on a community and expecting to be able to measure changes in lifestyle using predetermined targets is not the best way of engaging with people at the grass roots level" (Smith et al., 1999, p. 198). They found that the real task was to "discover, and act on, what is of local relevance to people in their pilot communities" (Smith et al., 1999, p. 198). Presumably they took up the task, although Smith et al. did not say. It is much easier for the community to participate in decisions made by lower levels of government than federal levels. In the day-to-day lives of most people in the world, local government is the more salient actor. It delivers or withholds essential services; it mediates between the citizen and the nation state through local officials, such as police officers, who may have to monitor vehicle emissions, or building inspectors, responsible for seeing that new construction meets energy efficient standards (Rayner and Malone, 1998, p. 131). For these reasons, there are many calls for implementing subsidiarity, which means that decisions get made at the lowest possible level o f government (Blowers, 1992). Whether this needs to go as far as the form of government that Bookchin (1989) calls for, an "anarchic vision of decentralized communities, united in free confederations or networks for coordinating the communities of a region" (p. 181), remains to be seen. Certainly, some move to subsidiarity would heighten community participation. Useful tools for encouraging community participation include conferences, dialogues, electronic town meetings, visioning, charettes, simulation games, guided tours, visual preference surveys and geographic information systems (GIS) (Corson, 1994; Beatley and Manning, 1997). It is also important to include all stakeholders and build coalitions among them to build consensus and a sense o f community (Corson, 1994). It is also important to think about questions such as who is local, who is the better expert for the situation (public or expert), is it a community or individual issue, and is participation or representation being sought (Blake, 1999). However, it is important to realize that public participation in the planning process is not very helpful i f the public does not know about city functioning, environmental implications or have an 164  HARMONY FOLZ  TREATING CONSUMPTION  overall vision (Register, 2001). A l s o , people prefer to work with experts rather than on their own when making decisions (Kaplan, 2000). A l s o , whether effective democracy or participation come first seems to be rather a chicken and egg question: "when participation is on a low level, we should expect people to be more apt to feel that the regulations are imposed on them from above .... such attitudes w i l l , in their turn, inhibit the intensification of participation, the lack of which was among their causes. V i e w e d the other way, feelings of solidarity and identification w i l l lead to participation, while it is only participation that can