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Gendered nation : Anglo-Scottish relations in British letters 1707-1830 Alker, Sharon 2003

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U M I ProQuest Digital Dissertations - 24 Page Preview http://wvvwlib.umi.corn/dissertations/preview_page/NQ85421/] SEARCH B R O W S E ProQuest 24 Page Preview | PRICING Page 1 Thumbnail Index Next Page -> GENDERED NATION: ANGLO-SCOTTISH RELATIONS IN BRITISH LETTERS 1707-1830 by SHARON-RUTH ALKER B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1996 M.A~ Skmn Fniscr University, 199$ A TMESIS SUBMITTED IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Eftglish ) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Arri! 2003 © Sharon-Ruth Alker, 2003 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 1 of 2 3/21/2005 1:45 P M In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of E<\c\\v&V\ The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date S-^ > (V^Q- ^ O O 3> , 11 Gendered Nation: Anglo-Scottish relations in British Letters 1707-1830 Sharon Alker Dissertation Abstract My dissertation argues that national tropes are continually in a state of flux as they are employed to respond to historical, socio-political and cultural events and trends, and demonstrates that their state at a specific moment encapsulates struggles between various concepts of national identity. I trace shifts in the configuration of Anglo-Scottish relations by undertaking a microanalysis of two specific recurring tropological categories - familial and homosocial tropes — in a number of key moments in cross-border relations between 1707 and 1830. The first chapter, directed at the years surrounding the Union of Parliaments, traces the suppression of cross-border dissonance in homosocial egalitarian tropes which define Anglo-Scottish relations in the work of pro-union pamphleteers, and contrasts this strategy of containment with the disruptive presence of familial tropes in the pamphlets of anti-union writers. The second chapter traces the reappearance of this conflict in the decade following Culloden. Roderick Random, written from the margins by Tobias Smollett, reveals a discomfort with unifying tropes, although it ends with a cursory gesture towards a national marital union. James Ramble, in contrast, written by the English Edward Kimber, deflects dissonance onto Jacobitism, suggesting through tropes of friendship that all aspects of Anglo-Scottish relations are seamlessly integrated into British unity. Chapters three and four foreground the 1760s, a decade in which Scottish agency, in the person of Lord Bute, the Lord Treasurer, seems to reach new heights. Yet it is also a decade of rampant Scotophobia, incited by the Wilkites to undermine Bute's authority. Tropological warfare is an important element of this rhetorical conflict. In chapters five and six, I uncover two competing concepts of Britishness, primarily created by English and Irish writers, which emerge in the 1790s. The first engages with homosocial tropes to foreground Scottish agency in nation-building and empire-building projects, but does so at the expense of a distinct Scottish culture. The second, also produced by English and Irish writers, reifies and celebrates Scottish culture through tropes of cross-border courtship, but tends to represent the emergent concept as endangered, lacking national agency. Chapter six analyzes the Scottish response to this tropological binary. Table of Contents Abstract ii Table of Contents iii Dedication iv Acknowledgements v Introduction 1 Chapter 1 21 Marital Discord: Anti-Union Pamphlets as Precursors to the National Tale 1706-1715 Chapter 2 79 Post-War Tropologies : Responding to Culloden Chapter 3 126 Over her Dead Body: Female Pathos as an Instrument of National Mediation Chapter 4 178 Tropological Warfare: Smollett, Wilkes and the Bute Dispute Chapter 5 236 Figuring Agency, Building Nations: Britain in the 1790s Chapter 6 Union as Passe: Scottish Alternatives to Traditional Tropes 308 Conclusion 394 Works Cited 411 For Agnes Macdonald Dunn and Marion Henderson who blazed the trail. Acknowledgements This work emerges from a constellation of voices to which I owe a deep debt of gratitude, the voices of scholars, colleagues, friends and family. I am deeply indebted to the constant scholarly support of my committee, Nicholas Hudson, Miranda Burgess and Leith Davis, whose intellectual brilliance, generosity with resources and time and ever-present encouragement enabled me to take an enormous mass of material and sculpt it into shape. I would particularly like to thank Leith Davis for her course in Robert Burns, out of which the seeds of this project emerged. There are many other scholars who have also inspired me over the years, too many to name here in full, but I would like to mention in particular: Pamela Dalziel and Susanna Egan, who have been a constant source of inspiration in more ways than I could possibly list here: Ian Ross, for setting aside time to work with me as I began to envision my project; June Sturrock, Alan Rudrum and Sheila Roberts who introduced me to the joy of research, and who, along with Mary Ann Gillies and Mary-Ann Stouck, offered me considerable wisdom, encouragement, support and rigorous training throughout my early years in the academy; and Chin Banerjee, Paul Delany and Betty Schellenberg, who initiated my interest in literature of the long eighteenth century. Many friends and colleagues contributed to this project. I am particularly grateful to the English graduate study group at the University of British Columbia, who helped me to find clarity in intermittent moments of mystification. Many of their ideas and suggestions have been integrated into the completed work, although any errors are solely my own. It has been a privilege to be a member of such an intellectually lively group of scholars. I would, in particular, like to thank Karen Selesky for her willingness to read and respond to drafts and for her constant assistance in finding cutting-edge resources, Kina Cavicchioli for her meticulous stylistic advice and Andrea van Deijck for her ongoing help with obscure library references. Most of all, I would like to thank my family - Alan, Crystal and Amethyst - for their eternal enthusiasm, energy, patience and support. Alan's willingness to engage in vigorous debates on crucial parts of my arguments and to constantly listen as I worked and reworked the same material was invaluable. My mother, Marion Henderson, inspired this work from the beginning and my sister, Holly Nelson, provided me with a role model for academic excellence. This dissertation could not have been completed without the SSHRC, the David Macaree Memorial Scholarship and the Gilean Douglas Scholarship. I am very grateful for the generosity of the university, SSHRC and the individual donors who enhanced my ability to research. 1 Introduction Recent Critical Work on Tropes and the Nation This book is concerned with topological transformation within a framework of distinct power inequity between England and Scotland. It is intent on exploring the causal factors that contribute to transforming tropes and their function in formulating and re-formulating Anglo-Scottish relations between the Union and the end of the Napoleonic Wars.1 I hope to demonstrate in this work that national motifs, tropes and metaphors, responding to historical, socio-political and cultural events and trends, are continually in a state of flux and that their state in a specific given moment encapsulates struggles between various concepts of Anglo-Scottish identity. While particular metaphoric vehicles frequently recur, such as marriage, birth and friendship, their shape in a particular historic moment often indicates that the tenor - the perceived state of Anglo-Scottish relations - has shifted, influenced by the place and moment of production and by the socio-political position of the agents, collective or singular, who engage with the trope. Paul Monod and Murray Pittock, in their works on Jacobitism, give us examples of this transformation by comparing certain Jacobite tropes in different time periods and national regions. Monod, in his study of Jacobitism as a "system of expressions or of signs," notes that the trope of the lost lover, while occasionally used in relation to James II, gains increasing currency when it is associated with his son, James Francis (7, 63-64). Optimistic connotations of heroism and fertility are more appropriately connected with a young man, who lacks the controversial past of his father. This optimism is heightened, as Monod points out, because the historical moment is close enough to the Glorious 2 Revolution to make a Stuart return seem possible, though "endlessly deferred" (68). Time and circumstances transform the trope once again when it is used in relation to Charles Edward Stuart. "For all his bravado," Monod suggests, "Charles Edward Stuart never succeeded in entering the pantheon of English folk heroes, as James Francis Stuart had through the lost lover ballads" (68). In his discussion of the lost lover trope, Murray Pittock emphasizes the influence of regional difference on the fluctuation of tropes. In Irish writing, he argues, the trope manifests itself in a very particular way, based on Irish generic and literary convention. The configuration of the lost lover centers on a feminized Irish identity rather than on the lover himself (190). Recent criticism has emphasized the importance of tropes to the negotiation of cultural, national and political relations. These works tend to foreground the malleability of certain tropes, pointing to their appropriation by various groups for a spectrum of socio-political ends. Katie Trumpener, in her seminal work Bardic Nationalism: The Romantic Novel and the British Empire (1997), foregrounds the trope of the bard in a range of genres in the eighteenth and early nineteenth century, noting how it is simultaneously used by "nationalist antiquaries" as a "mouthpiece for a whole society, articulating its values, chronicling its history, and mourning the inconsolable tragedy of its collapse, and also by English poets who "imagine the an inspired, isolated and peripatetic figure" (6). Srinivas Aravamudan, in Tropicopolitans: Colonialism and Agency, 1688-1804 (1999), theorizes this mutability when he locates the tendency of tropes to "turn through various contexts" in the suppressed difference between tenor and 11 am not defining Scotland as a colony, although the power differential between Scotland and England after the union does make some of the categories of power common in colonial readings relevant to an analysis of Anglo-Scottish relations. 2 Here, of course, I mean a Stuart other than Mary or Anne. 3 vehicle, a surplus remainder that can be reappropriated by various other positions (5). Aravamudan goes on to explain the factors involved in such tropological shifts. He notes, "I characterize motivated instances of such change within colonist contexts as tropicalizations. By motivated, I would like to suggest a gamut of causal factors, including discursive, historical and psychoanalytical determination in addition to the conscious intentions of agents" (5).3 This book focuses on such transformations - influenced by time and region - in two specific recurring tropological categories used to convey national union through private relationships: familial tropes and homosocial tropes. There has been substantial interest in recent years in familial tropes as sites on which England's relationship with its peripheries may be negotiated, much of it conducted under the rubric of genre criticism. Critics like Katie Trumpener, Miranda Burgess, Ina Ferris and Mary Jean Corbett discuss the significance of familial power relations in the emergent national tale and historical novel, genres which frequently engage with national issues through cross-cultural romance. The generic approach has been rich and fruitful, particularly within scholarship of the Romantic period, where it has ably grappled with the complexity of intersecting relations of power, that is, the tendency of these genres to use a set of gendered power relations, marriage or romantic union, to signify national power relations and national union between the metropolis and the peripheries. Corbett, for example, referring to the connection between the subordinate social status of women and Ireland, notes that "in the 3 Franco Moretti in Signs Taken for Wonders (1988, 1997) similarly argues that "the relationship between 'topic' and 'comment,' or subject and predicate, established by metaphorical combination is never originally a 'peaceful' one but always implies a risky transaction between two terms" (7). 4 English-Irish context, gender provides perhaps the most fundamental and enduring discursive means for signifying Irish political incapacity, as in the English typing of Ireland as an alternately dependent or unruly daughter, sister, or wife" (16). In contrast to the emphasis on familial tropes there has been little work done on tropes centered on masculinity, an area this book will explore further. Ironically, given the emphasis of my work on gender and nation, the first four chapters are centered on male writers. I would have liked to consider in more detail differences in cross-border tropology that could potentially emanate from the gender of the author, and this is something I do examine in Chapters Five and Six. However, little relevant material could be located earlier in the century that used cross-border tropes. This is not to say that women did not engage with political issues. Jane Barker's Love Intrigues (1713), for example, begins with a discussion of military battles, civil war and the loss of wealth of the heroine's royalist father. Likewise, the "little histories" of Delariviere Manley are saturated in socio-political issues of the time. Yet the negotiation of Anglo-Scottish relations does not appear to be a central part of women's writing until later in the century. This is not to say that their work ignored this issue. Manley's New Atlantis (1709) refers to Scotland under the satirical name Utopia, noting that its inhabitants are a people happy in their climate, miserable in themselves.. .so fond are they of change, that they barter all.. .enjoyments for their opposites and call out loudly for a revolution... .No merit can there be said to gain an universal approbation.... When they are in peace, they call for nothing but war, and that war, when once begun.. .they grow weary of and call yet 5 louder for peace.. ..Bold to face an enemy, foolhardy, they love cruelty and bloodshed, and rather than not fight would be contented to be beaten. (Ballaster 190) Manley's position on the union, typically Tory in its sentiments, does not extend beyond such general insults. Anglo-Scottish literary negotiations appeared to be primarily the terrain of male writers before the second half of the century. Defining Terms Before outlining my own contribution to the relationship between trope and nation, it is important to define how I am using the term "trope." 4 Tropes were theorized in the eighteenth century in relation to rhetoric and style. Ephraim Chambers's Cyclopaedia in 1741 defines a trope as, "in rhetoric, a word or expression used in a different sense from what it properly signifies. Or, a word changed from its proper and natural signification to another, with some advantage'''' (quoted in Aravamudan l).5 Over forty years later, in his Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres (1783), Hugh Blair notes that "all tropes are founded upon some relation or analogy between one thing and another....the imagination plays between them with pleasure, and contemplates two similar objects, in one view, without embarrassment of confusion" (Blair I: 287). Eighteenth-century writers, then, recognized that tropes could be used with advantage, 41 use the general term "trope" rather than more specific terms (such as metaphor, metonymy etc.) because the tropes I will discuss are composed in various different ways. My concern is with gender dynamics and national power relations rather than the precise nature of each figure of speech. I also elect to use "trope" over "allegory" because, while national tropes can employ allegorical figures (figures who clearly signify Scotland and England), the texts in which the tropes appear do not necessarily operate as a national allegory as a whole. My work interacts with that of Theresa Kelley in that I agree allegory continues to exist in some form in the eighteenth century. However, while Kelley's focus is on generic mixing, my focus does not dwell on how allegory interacts with other genres. Rather, I investigate how specific figures of speech embody or interact with socio-political agency and hierarchy outside the text. 5 The emphasis is mine. 6 and that they give pleasure. The function of this pleasure is made clear when Blair adds, "[fjigures are attended with this farther advantage, of giving us frequently a much clearer and more striking view of the principal object, than we could have if it were expressed in simple terms, and divested of its accessory idea" (I: 287). Despite their doubleness, tropes increase the clarity of vision of the reader, and "clarity," in this context, suggests that the reader's appreciation of the figure leads to his "enlightenment"; they are persuaded by the figure that they are seeing things more clearly. When I approach the primary texts in this tropological analysis, then, it is with an awareness that eighteenth-century writers were perfectly aware of the power of tropes and that tropes are developed, turned and deconstructed by authors who use them to their advantage, to convey and "clarify" their specific view of British identity, a view that emerges from a particular historical moment and their particular socio-political position. My own definition of tropology, however, goes beyond the basic definition of one word or object standing in for another. Courtship and friendship tropes used to negotiate cross-border relations contain at least two characters, personifications of different nations. There are then three tropes that make up this configuration: two characters personifying each nation, and an overarching marital or friendship trope which connects them. The figure can become even more complex when other characters are introduced which represent different aspects of each region. In Arbuthnot's John Bull pamphlets, for example, Peg, the personification of Scotland, is distinct from the personification of Scotland's religion, Presbyterianism, Jack. In Tobias Smollett's Roderick Random (1748), the gentle Narcissa and her shallow mercenary brother can be said to reflect different elements of England. Further increasing the complexity is the nature of the 7 "overarching" relationship trope, which is a process - moving towards or away from unification and having to interact with potential obstacles on the way. My analysis, then, will focus on both tropes as a whole and on various components of the trope. Aravamudan contends that the suppressed difference between vehicle and tenor can be potentially disruptive. Such disruption would seem to be even greater in complex tropes, in which dissonance in one component might influence the whole.6 There are moments in the tropes I will analyze in this book where discord appears to emerge uninvited. In William Wright's Comical History of the Marriage Union Betwixt Fergusia and Heptarchus (1706), as we will see, Ireland is presented at one point, as Heptarchus's enslaved sister but later is transformed into Fergusia's sister, leaving the reader confused as to how she should or should not naturalise Anglo-Irish and Scots-Irish relations. Such instability might occur because of the difficulty of holding together complex multi-faceted tropes that show both Ireland's subordinated position in relation to England and reveal similar traits between Scotland and England. The trope strains at the seams trying to contain complex material coherently. On the other hand, I would suggest that, at times, a discordant vehicle can be an ideal category to capture the ruptured, complex, even contradictory tenor of Anglo-Scots relations. The courtship trope, for example, contains within it both desire for harmonic union and clear naturalized gender power hierarchies which have the potential to be disruptive. The vehicle - courtship - involves eighteenth-century concepts of gender hierarchy in which the male is dominant, but at the same time can also involve a mutual 6 1 use the term "complex" to mean that these tropes possess many components. I do not intend to imply that tropes without multiple vehicles are simplistic. Rather, I would suggest single vehicle tropes are "simple" in the sense that they employ only one tenor and one vehicle. Such tropes may still encapsulate a complex and multi-faceted tenor. 8 love and wish for union. The manner in which the trope is configured can foreground the desire, the hierarchy or even both. Positioning the Scottish Rose as female in Waverley and closing with a celebration of her union with the English Waverley, Walter Scott foregrounds Anglo-Scottish desire for union and progress and relegates disruptive elements to a nostalgic past. Over a century earlier, William Wright used the same courtship trope in Fergusia and Heptarchus, but he places emphasis on painful subordination to undercut claims of a natural desire for union. Similarly, friendship tropes can allow distinct identity to be maintained by each national personification, because there is no merging or reproduction involved. John Gait, in his novel Andrew Wylie (1822), allows his protagonist Andrew to maintain a distinct Scottish Lowland identity, despite his many friendships with the English aristocracy. On the other hand, James Kimber's James Ramble (1755) contains a Britishness in which there is so little difference between England and Scotland that the main character believes he is English, although he is a Scot. The author, then, activates either the unifying forces of the trope or the potential dissonance and inequality, depending on the particular "clarity" he or she wishes to convey.7 The Intervention of this Book in Current Critical Discussion i. Replacing Genre with Trope My book hopes to supplement the existing body of critical work in three ways First, I will use the organizing category of trope rather than genre to capture a substantial 7 The trope itself can also represent agency. Tropes of union that display Scottish agency can both reflect increasing Scottish agency and inspire a sort of readerly agency. Readers of Gait's Andrew Wylie, I would suggest, would be far more likely to be encouraged to seek success in London than those who read Smollett's Roderick Random. 9 amount of relevant material that appears in the century leading up to the emergent national tale in the 1790s. The literary negotiation of Anglo-Scottish relations occurs in a variety of genres throughout the long eighteenth century. Leith Davis makes this clear in several chapters of Acts of Union (1998) in which she performs a cross-genre analysis, comparing poetry and pamphlets, epics and travel narratives. My work takes this comparative analysis further by suggesting that, in a time of generic experimentation and change, tropes rather than genres were one of the most consistent elements of the work of nationalist writers of both North and South Britain, when dealing with Anglo-Scottish relations.8 There are many reasons that tropes migrate to different genres, reasons relating to the author, the reader and publication opportunities. Pamphlet writers at the beginning of the century, for example, trying to shift public opinion on the Union, likely wanted to reach a wide audience, including readers who could not have gained access to more expensive texts. The mid-century Scottish tragedies and epics, on the other hand, were produced by a particular middling-rank group of professionals, who sought to associate Scottish writing with prestigious forms. At the end of the century, when the novel gains in popularity and slowly starts to acquire status, it becomes a more acceptable form in which to work out national issues. Peripheral writers, until Dublin and Edinburgh increased their publishing power in the latter part of the eighteenth century, were also dependent on the generic preferences of an English (usually a London) publisher.9 Tropes, however, could be adapted to fit whichever genre seemed most likely to succeed 8 Mark Saber Phillips, in his recent work Society and Sentiment, notes the fluidity and multiplicity of historical genres as well as genres in general (11-12). J. Paul Hunter, in his discussion of the novel's emergence from a variety of popular materials, confirms this multiplicity and interaction between forms. It is not surprising, then, that tropes can flow between genres, adapting to the requirements of each genre in that particular period. 9 Richard Sher, in his recent article "The Book in the Scottish Enlightenment," writes that while Scots had participated in book production since the sixteenth century, "nothing before the 1740s gave adequate 10 in any particular moment, and I suggest that familial and homosocial tropes are particularly fluid in the configuration of national identity between 1707 and 1830. To make this comprehensive project manageable, I undertake a microanalysis of familial and homosocial tropes in a number of key moments in cross-border relations. I pause to consider the unstable years surrounding the Union, the decade following Culloden, the Scotophobic sixties, the volatile 1790s, marked by numerous power struggles, and the post-Napoleonic 1820s. This methodology balances depth of analysis with a breadth that allows me to mark tropological transformations and the socio-political forces that influence them. In this way, I contribute to several critical conversations: discussions relating to such issues as the relationship between culture and agency in textual representations of Anglo-Scottish relations;10 the residual effects of an intersection between familial tropes and disruption in early tropes of disunion; and the gradual dissolution (and even dismemberment) of tropes of Anglo-Scottish union as British fin de siecle writers turn their attention away from the negotiation of Anglo-Scottish relations towards other historically contingent concerns." warning of what would occur in the heyday of the mature Scottish Enlightenment. During the middle and late eighteenth century, the Scottish book trade expanded into a major industry, capable of producing hundreds of books each year" (40). 1 0 For the most part, the use of the term "culture" throughout this book refers to Buzard's use of the term in regards to Waverley (the reification of an imagined Scottish culture that is normally disconnected from any sense of material or political power). In chapter 5, however, I suggest that English and Irish writers, producing nation-building novels, use tropes which connect Scotland with another meaning of "culture." As Buzard points out, Raymond Williams has proferred another meaning of the term; a "general process of intellectual, spiritual and aesthetic development" {Beaten Track 7). The Scottish characters contained within tropes of union in these novels, encourage English characters to develop intellectually and even commercially. This use of culture, I suggest, does not separate Scotland from material agency. 1 1 In addition to uncovering what complex tropes reveal about the changing state of Britishness as it moves from union to empire, my examination of how tropes transform and interact gestures towards a theory of tropes and nation which can be used to engage with the literary representation of other cross-border relations, both domestically and across nations. 11 James Buzard, in his important essay "Translation and Tourism: Scott's Waverley and the Rendering of Culture" (1995), suggests that Waverley can be read as Walter Scott's reification of an imagined homogeneous Scottish culture - a loose collection of communal manners, traditions, historical moments and geographic images (33). Through an analysis of the cultural attributes that begin to saturate tropes of union in the second half of the eighteenth century, my work identifies the tentative emergence of this concept of Scottish culture over forty years earlier in works written after the Scotophobic 1760s. Moreover, the separation of political agency and culture which Buzard identifies at the end of Scott's novel when he notes that "Scotland, in the unlikely figure of Fergus, is finally translated from time into space, from deliberative historical agent into static symbol" (48), I suggest, begins to crystallize in British literature in the 1780s and 1790s. Novels of the 1780s and 1790s which deal with Anglo-Scottish relations tend to depict either a vulnerable feminized Scotland rich in culture (tradition and unique manners) but lacking agency or to represent Britishness through homosocial tropes of empire-building egalitarian partnerships between robust Scottish men, who bear few cultural markers, and Englishmen. This split, I suggest, reflects the growing gap between the individual success of Scottish Britons and an ongoing awareness of a lack of power over national affairs north of the border. The tropological approach also allows me to intervene in scholarly conversations centered on the disruptive intersection of family and nation. Miranda Burgess, in her article "Allegory, Gender, and Cultural Nationalism in Ireland" (1998), notes that despite the "Celtic nationalist imaginings" that yearn for closure through the fulfillment of romantic desire between the Scots-Irish heroine and English hero of Regina Maria 12 Roche's Children of the Abbey (1796), their allegorical union is marked by violence (62). Likewise Mary Jean Corbett, writing of Sydney Owenson's Wild Irish Girl (1806), argues that Owenson's "liberal post-Union fiction raises the very issue of the violent origins of English power in Ireland that its conclusion seeks ultimately to repress" (93).12 My first chapter suggests that the intersection of familial tropes and regional resistance began in the scattered use of familial troping in peripheral pamphlets in the years surrounding the Anglo-Scottish Union. I suggest that these tropes, which were used by Anti-Union writers to convey rupture and unease in cross-border relations rather than legitimation, go through a range of historically-shaped permutations in a variety of literary genres before entering the emergent national tale in the 1790s. William Donaldson, in his 1986 work Popular Literature in Victorian Scotland, demonstrates a turning away from a concern with Anglo-Scottish relations in Scottish literature of the Victorian period. In particular, Donaldson traces a growing concern in popular periodicals and Scottish novels with Scottish matters and perspectives. An increasing use of dialect and a frequent concern with an "entirely local context" suggest that the desired readers of these works lived north of the border (99). An analysis of tropological transformations locates the emergence of this turn in the deconstruction or rejection of marital tropes of union, which became briefly popular after the success of Owenson's national tale. Marital tropes of reconciliation are replaced in the 1820s by either a turn inwards, towards the domestic issues that concern Scotland, or a turn outwards, towards Europe or Empire. This turning away from tropes of Anglo-Scottish unity does not suggest that Britishness suddenly lacks importance, but merely that in that 1 2 "Allegories of Prescription: Engendering Union in the Wild Irish Girl? 13 historical moment, matters of social class and empire are more urgent to the negotiation of national identity. Moreover, the history of tropological resistance to familial representation of Anglo-Scottish identity that my analysis uncovers suggests that it was the use of such tropes in Scottish writing, rather than the rejection of them, that was anomalous. ii. Including Homosocial Tropes in Discussions of National Negotiations Second, in addition to participating in critical conversations by supplementing models of genre with those of trope, I shall place alongside familial tropes another category particularly relevant to Anglo-Scottish literary negotiations: homosocial tropes. This book suggests that familial tropes are not as central to works that imagine North and South Britain as they are to Anglo-Irish negotiations in the works of the emergent national tale under Sydney Owenson. Scotland, like Ireland, had limited political power and suffered from recurring bouts of English xenophobia. Yet British letters, in their literary representation of Anglo-Scottish relations, tended to favour homosocial tropes of male friendship, business partnerships, and fellow citizens, although they sometimes appeared alongside (and in competition with) familial tropes. I suggest that the use of a differently gendered tropology from Ireland is worthy of exploration, given Scotland's distinct position in Britain. While both Ireland and Scotland were peripheral nations, Scotland lacked Ireland's history of plantations and thus had a different concept of land, property and social hierarchy, one which did not result in the socio-political disenfranchisement of the majority of the population. Scotland did experience class oppression. The Highland Clearances at the end of the eighteenth century involved the eviction of tenants by 14 Scottish landlords in order to replace them with economically profitable sheep. Yet class oppression was less systematic and pervasive than it was in Ireland, and it was not as strongly linked to religion and national alliances. Scotland's rapidly growing access to professionalization, publishing and the profits of empire led not only to the evolution of a relatively stable and powerful group of middling classes as the century progressed, but also to the increasing association in British letters of Scotland and professionalism. Ireland, in contrast, as David Lloyd argues in Anomalous States (1993), developed a more demographically fragmented middle class (138-140). Scotland, like Ireland, did experience religious division between Anglicans and Presbyterians, yet the negotiations surrounding the Union had guaranteed Scotland a religious freedom throughout the eighteenth century that Ireland lacked. While many in both Scotland and Ireland participated in empire, Scotland held a strong position in the emergent empire. Linda Colley notes that that while some Scots, such as James Murray, the first Governor of Canada, achieved remarkable success through empire, "there were a multitude of lesser lights as well, and in some parts of the empire, a quite disproportionate number of these were Scottish" (128). Socio-economic differences between the two peripheral nations, I suggest, cause Anglo-Scottish relations to be frequently imagined through a different metaphoric language, a language which does not follow the tendency of some colonial models to naturalize hierarchical relations between the metropolis and the peripheries through a gendered trope. Mary Louise Pratt, in Imperial Eyes (1992), writes of "transracial love plots" in travel literature that seem to create temporary cultural harmony between colonial and imperial nations through romance before breaking down (97). The 15 consistent use of a European man and a native (often mulatto) woman in these "love plots" reflects "a particular form of colonial sexual exploitation," which did take place, in which "European men on assignment to the colonies bought local women from their families to serve as sexual and domestic partners for the duration of their stay" (95). At the same time, on the level of "political allegory," Pratt reads the mutual desire celebrated in the text as an attempt to convey allegiances between "populations of non-enslaved people of mixed ancestry" who were gaining "new political importance in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in the Americas" (101). Despite the emphasis on desire, there remains a clear disparity of power conveyed through the vehicle of a gendered relationship which reflects the hierarchy of the feminized colonial nation and the masculine imperial nation. Anne McClintock takes this familial model further in Imperial Leather (1995), in which she writes of Renaissance fantasies of a feminized world "spatially spread for male exploration" and Victorian transformations of racial categories into familial tropes which handily "came to figure hierarchy within unity" for the whole "family of man" (23,45). It is this colonial model of feminization which seems to saturate much of the literature that engages with Anglo-Irish relations in the years surrounding the Anglo-Irish Union. The homosocial tropes used to negotiate Anglo-Scottish relations do not necessarily imply a lack of hierarchy, nor, as my work will demonstrate, do they necessarily minimize dissonance. Pratt discusses the use of homosocial tropes in representing colonial relations. Friendship can be configured as mentoring, fellow-1 3 Pratt, in her discussion of reciprocity and the anti-colonial, writes of the scientific or bureaucratic traveler who seems self-effacing, humble and even a little foolish as he interacts with male natives within the contact zone, but who, all the while, represents the invasive, categorizing eye of empire, implicitly connected to the violence of military force (7, 57). 16 warriors need not be equals, and masculine relationships can be marked by violence. At the same time, homosocial tropes do not essentialize a social order based on place of origin. Examining homosocial tropes alongside familial ones increases access to some of the tensions inherent in imagining Britishness, particularly when both appear in the same work or are used in opposition to one another, iii. Focusing on Anglo-Scottish, rather than Anglo-Irish, relations Third, I want to focus on Anglo-Scottish relations, although it is Irish writers, such as Maria Edgeworth and Sydney Owenson, who are most closely associated, in genre studies, with the courtship trope as it appeared in the national tale. Tropes of Anglo-Scottish union, which came into being a century before Owenson's work serve as an important point of comparison to works with similar tropes produced during or after the Anglo-Irish Union. The Anglo-Scottish focus, however, has meant that significant Anglo-Irish works that use gendered tropes in nationally relevant ways had to be excluded: I do not discuss works such as Sarah Butler's Irish Tales (1716), The True Life of Betty Ireland (1753), or William Chaigneau's History of Jack Connor (1753) and I make only brief mention of Jonathan Swift's Injured Lady (1746). This neglect does not imply that an analysis of the tropology of Anglo-Irish relations throughout the eighteenth century is unnecessary, or that Scots "invented" the national tale. Rather, the exclusion of Ireland is an important gap that needs to be filled by future scholarship.14 Ian Campbell Ross, in a review of the new Pickering and Chatto edition of Owenson's Wild Irish Girl, points out that there is a neglected eighteenth-century history of Irish writing that might help to contextualize the novel. He writes, 17 [cjertainly for all the celebrity of author and work, this can hardly be accounted the 'first national tale' (p.xv). For virtually a century beforehand Irish novelists - from Sarah Butler in Irish Tales (1716) through William Chaigneau, Thomas Amory, Frances Sheridan, Charles Johnstone, Thomas Leland, and Regina Maria Roche to Edgeworth in her own 'Hibernian Tale,' Castle Rackrent - had attempted in very different ways to grapple with Irish history, landscape, language, politics, gender politics and shifting notions of the nation. (226) There is certainly a neglected body of work engaged with negotiating Anglo-Irish relations that I hope to fill through future research. Forms, tropes and metaphors used to negotiate Anglo-Scottish and Anglo-Irish relations overlap long before Walter Scott looked to an Irish form on which to ground his first novel.15 However, the plethora of material related to Anglo-Scottish relations, much of which also has been unexamined, led to the necessary exclusion of the other peripheral nations from this particular project. Overview of Chapters Broadly, my tropological analysis suggests that between 1707 and 1830 tropes were the site of a literary battlefield to determine how Britishness ought to be conceived. Working from Leith Davis's assertion that those "who participated in the imagining of Britain in the eighteenth century were only too conscious that they were in the process of 1 4 1 am not suggesting that eighteenth-century Ireland has been neglected by scholarship. Joep Leerssen's study of Irish nationality alone would belie this claim. Rather, I am calling for a specific study of tropes of Anglo-Irish union in the century before the national tale. 1 5 In the Introduction to the Chronicles of the Canongate, Scott notes that one of the reasons he looked out and re-engaged with his mislaid manuscript of Waverley was "the extended and well-merited fame of Miss Edgeworth, whose Irish characters have gone so far to make the English familiar with the characters of their gay and kind-hearted neighbours of Ireland, that she may be truly said to have done more towards completing the Union than perhaps all the legislative enactments by which it has been followed." This leads 18 composing their image," I foreground four moments in which tropological conflict uncovers competing versions of British identity (4). This conflict, for the most part, captures tension between Scottish and English attempts to manufacture national identity. My first chapter, directed at the years surrounding the Union of Parliaments, traces the suppression of cross-border dissonance in the homosocial egalitarian tropes which define Anglo-Scottish relations in the work of pro-union pamphleteers and contrasts this strategy of containment with the openly disruptive presence of familial tropes in the pamphlets of anti-union writers. My second chapter traces the reappearance of this conflict in the decade following Culloden. Roderick Random, written from the margins by Tobias Smollett, reveals a discomfort with, and avoidance of, unifying tropes, although there is a cursory gesture towards a national romance towards the conclusion. In James Ramble, on the other hand, written by the English Edward Kimber, familial tropes capturing Anglo-Scottish union are located in the past, leaving homosocial tropes to best convey contemporary cross-border relations. In sharp opposition to Smollett's hesitancy to unify through tropes, Kimber deflects all dissonance onto Jacobitism, suggesting through tropes of friendship that all other aspects of Anglo-Scottish relations seamlessly integrate into British unity. Chapters Three and Four foreground the 1760s, a decade in which Scottish agency, in the person of Lord Bute, Lord Treasurer, seems to be reaching a new height. Yet it was also a decade of rampant Scotophobia, incited by the Wilkites and their supporters to undermine Bute's authority. Tropological warfare is an important element of this rhetorical conflict. In the third chapter, I argue that several members of a group of Scot to believe that "something might be attempted for my own country, of the same kind with that which Miss Edgeworth so fortunately achieved for Ireland" (Williams 413). 19 Scottish intellectuals, a group Richard Sher refers to as the "Moderate literati," heartened by Bute's growing influence in British affairs, tentatively begin to explore tropes of masculine Anglo-Scottish friendship. However, a sense of dissonance over British affairs regarding such issues as the refusal to allow Scotland a militia of its own leads them to mediate this figure of friendship through the trope of a suffering woman. In Chapter Four, I argue that destabilizing Scottish familial and homosocial tropes of union through creating counter-tropes were an important part of John Wilkes's strategic attempt to disrupt Bute's policies. In Chapters Five and Six, I uncover two competing concepts of Britishness, primarily created by English and Irish writers, which emerge in the 1790s. The first engages with homosocial tropes to foreground Scottish agency in nation-building and empire-building projects, and the second concept reifies and celebrates Scottish culture through tropes of cross-border courtship, but tends to represent the emergent concept as endangered, lacking national agency. Chapter Five centers on the former model, looking at tropes that proliferate in a group of novels I have labelled "nation-building novels" because they are explicitly centered on formulating a British national identity.16 What is evident in these tropes is that cross-border relations are no longer seen as an area of dissonance. Indeed, Anglo-Scottish relations are conceived as so stable that they become tropes of mediation, which engage with areas of greater dissonance, such as class, empire and political difference. Chapter Six begins with an analysis of the competing trope of courtship in the emergent national tales of the 1790s, and looks at the crystallization of concepts of Scottish culture in the works of English and Irish writers. Such works may 1 6 This category cuts across several existing categories, including national tale and Jacobin and anti-Jacobin novel. I outline the reasons for developing such a category in Chapter Five. 20 have formed the foundation for the central works discussed in relation to cross-border marital union, Sydney Owenson's Wild Irish Girl and Walter Scott's Waverley. Working from these competing tropological concepts of Anglo-Scottish relations, most of which are produced by non-Scottish writers, I end Chapter Six with an analysis of the Scottish response to these tropes. Recent criticism has recognized that in the early nineteenth century there is a shift in the acts of union that generally complete the national tale and that, for a brief moment, became prominent in the historical novel under Scott. Katie Trumpener argues that in the second decade of the century the national tale "moves towards critical sociologies of colonial society," shifting from a "celebratory nationalism" towards a more separatist position. This shift deeply affects the "culminating acts of union" at the end of the national tale, which become "fraught with unresolved tensions, leading to prolonged courtship complications, to marital crises, and even, in two of Susan Ferrier's novels, to national divorce" (146). Miranda Burgess, in her recent book British Fiction and the Production of Social Order, 1740-1830 (2000), identifies Scott's novel, St. Ronan's Well, as turning away from the courtship trope which he had used to unite his English hero Waverley and his Lowland Rose at the end of his first novel. Through analyzing a selection of Scottish novels by Scott's contemporaries, I suggest that the rejection or deconstruction of familial tropes of union was common to many in his circle, and explore various responses to its collapse. 21 Chapter 1 Marital Discord: Anti-Union Pamphlets as Precursors to the National Tale 1706-1715 This chapter will analyze the way in which tropes of courtship and domesticity are employed to negotiate a new space for the discourse of private relationships in the imagining of Anglo-Scottish relations in the years surrounding the union.1 My focus will be on three short political works written within a ten year period by Scots from various socio-political positions. The first is a pre-union pamphlet, The Comical History of the Marriage Union Betwixt Fergusia and Heptarchus (1706), written by a Presbyterian minister named William Wright. The next is one of the John Bull pamphlets (1712), written by the Scottish Tory physician to Queen Anne, John Arbuthnot, and the third is Allan Ramsay's poem, Tale of Three Bonnets (1722).2 What interests me in these particular works out of the multitude of tracts, essays and sermons surrounding the union is that, while the authors come from remarkably different backgrounds and write with different socio-political agendas, all three men use familial tropes as a deconstructive force to problematize and destabilize the centripetal and egalitarian concepts of union that marked pro-union discourse. Wright, Arbuthnot and Ramsay suggest (to different degrees) that homosocial tropes, formed out of the language of gentility, rationality and 1 Miranda Burgess, in British Fiction and the Production of Social Order, and Richard Braverman, in Plots and Counterplots, have recently analyzed the intricate way in which private relationships were used to shed light on and negotiate issues that concerned the nation in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. My project emerges from that work, and seeks to discover how the tropes of private relationships (and by this I mean familial and homosocial relations) were turned towards the negotiation of Anglo-Scottish relations. I relate courtship and domestic/familial tropes because one is the precursor to the other; that is to say, that courtship is the first step towards the formation of the family. 2 Although published in 1722, Ramsay's poem is believed to have been composed around 1715. 22 egalitarian exchange by pro-union writers, masked the subordinate, possibly even victimized, position in which Scotland would be positioned through an incorporating union. Using a familial tropology to expose dissonance explodes Stuart allegories of courtship (usually between a masculine monarch and a female nation) that had been used to unify and repress difference and at the same time, resists the harmonic conclusions that certain features of the national tale would impose on novelistic appropriations of similar tropes in the 1790s. Tropes of Gentlemanly Exchange Arguments supporting the Union were saturated with references to reason, progress, and, of course, economic advantage, and were often framed in frank dialogues between gentlemen or tradesmen or as a rational address to a (masculine) reader, whether English or Scottish. This tropology of egalitarian homosocial exchange was placed in sharp contrast with arguments against the union, which were generally painted as irrational and emotional. Leith Davis gives an excellent example of this in her comparison of Belhaven's speech critiquing the union and Defoe's response in The Vision. Davis points out that Belhaven's nobility and position as protectionist landlord leads him to use myth and history to decry an Anglo-Scottish union. Defoe, Davis continues, realized that such national images endangered progress and union, and therefore set out "to devalue the mystical language of his opponent... describ[ing] Belhaven variously as a magician or conjurer, an 'exorcist,' and a 'ghost in a circle'" (20, 34), Defoe contrasts his "rational" position with Belhaven's superstitious imagination. George Mackenzie's Trialogus: A Conference between Mr. Con, Mr. Pro, and Mr. Indifferent, Concerning the Union (1706) exemplifies the way dialogues were used to 23 promote union. Poor Mr. Con, outnumbered by Mr. Pro and the "surprisingly" pro-union Mr. Indifferent, is portrayed as irrational and emotional, almost reduced to repeating the mantra (in various formulations) that he does not want Scotland to lose "the glorious name of kingdom" (5). Mr. Indifferent, suggesting that Mr. Con is lost in "abstract acts of the thinking mind" counters that he, in contrast, is reasonably concerned with "the notion of things as they are, the riches, honour and safety of all, and every individual"(6). In the second pamphlet in this series, Mr. Pro joins the discussion, and once again Mr. Con is reduced to emotional protestations: "Oh fye! Where is the Scots blood? Where is the Bruce? The Douglas? The Graham? And the great Stewart; when such things dare to be propos'd." Mr. Pro, on the other hand assures us that he has "consulted reason" which tells him that "names [of nations] are but names, and do not alter things" (13). The Enquiry into the Reasonableness and Consequences of an Union with Scotland (1706), possibly written by William Paterson, similarly uses a homosocial trope centered on gentlemanly exchange - peopled both by Scottish and English gentlemen - to discuss the economic benefits of union and the historical impulse towards union, and to plan its implementation. The purpose of the dialogue is to show that "the point of an union of this island be reasonable, and plain" despite information to the contrary circulated by the few who have "prejudices, humours and secret designs" against it (Al). 4 The writer concludes the pamphlet with an assurance that after such an extensive rational 3 1 would suggest that "the dialogue," as a form, sets up a trope of verbal exchange, almost in the form of a coffee-shop conversation. This particular dialogue (like many others) is set up as an exchange between gentlemen. If, then, we take Blair's definition of a trope as "some relation or analogy between one thing and another," then this homosocial trope is composed of a vehicle - a gentlemanly conversation among equals - and a tenor - egalitarian Anglo-Scottish relations. 4 The author of the edition I am using is recorded as "Wednesday's Club in Friday Street," although other editions show Paterson as author. 24 discussion it is now evident that there could not now be "any reasonable objections" against the union (152). A tradesman's version of this trope is presented in the anonymous Answer to Some Queries &c. Relative to the Union in a Conference Betwixt a Coffee-Master, and a Countrey Farmer (1706), in which a farmer, concerned about the many objections raised against the union, is reassured by a coffee master that these objections are groundless. In reference to the writer of a recently published anti-union pamphlet, the coffee-master remarks, "men of sense may easily find a salve for all his sores" (3). After the coffee-master "rationally" counters the objections, the farmer is happily convinced of the benefits of union. The pamphlet ends in a moment of masculine urban- rural harmony on the value of union. William Wright deconstructs this tropology of homosocial relations to expose the Scottish vulnerability that it attempts to elide. He does so by configuring an alternative figure of speech, one that focuses on inequity and potential violence - the gendered tropology of courtship. Wright disconnects marital metaphors from their previous attachment to Stuart iconography and reconfigures them in a way that appropriately reflects a nation increasingly defined separately from the monarchy. Once familial language is unhooked from royal associations, it can be reformulated to respond to specific historical incidents by individuals writing from a variety of different positions. Despite the multiple views that are captured in the imagined familial relationships by Wright, Arbuthnot and Ramsay, the original metaphorical function of configuring a harmonic nation promoted by the Stuarts is consistently rejected and replaced with a 25 satirical desire to critique and problematize Anglo-Scottish relations. All three pamphlets end their account of cross-border relations with accounts of tension and unease. Stuart monarchs and propagandists had used various tropes to elide dissonance and promote harmony. Theresa M. Kelley, in her work on allegory, writes of the Stuart masque Salmacida Spolia, that it "works hard to extend the Stuart ideology of peace and political union from father to son" (48). Marriage, in particular, had been used in Stuart literature as a centripetal force that erases difference. The husband-king would marry one wife-nation. Indeed, during his negotiations for a full union, shortly after the Union of the Crowns, James I chided his subjects for distorting his metaphors of unity with their stubborn resistance to assimilation. He writes, I am the Husband, and all the whole Isle is my lawful Wife; I am the Head, and it is my Body; I am the Shepherd, and it is my flock; I hope therefore no man will be so unreasonable as to think that I that am a Christian King under the Gospel, should be a Polygamist and husband to two wives; that I being the Head, should have a divided and monstrous Body; or that being the Shepherd to so fair a Flock.. .should have my Flock parted in two. (Sommerville 136) This unity extends to the iconography of the nation. The union, as it is presented in the Rubens' painting on the ceiling of Whitehall, for example, "shows the king seated on this throne, pointing to two women, who represent England and Scotland, and a new-born baby, who symbolizes a united Britain. Each woman holds a crown over the child's head while a goddess, most likely Minerva, joins the two crowns" (Levack 224). Other critics offer slightly different interpretations of this piece; some read the baby as the infant 26 Charles, and suggest that Minerva is a precursor to Britannia. Regardless of the details of the reading, it seems clear that the image is one of unification. Two mystically become one, without residual dissonant elements. Wright rejects this unity as he injects contradiction and complexity into the allegorical form, exploding the unifying function of national allegory as conceived in royal circles.5 To Wright, tropes appear to be tools to counter "rational" pro-union discourse, and convey the complexity and problematic nature of an Anglo-Scottish union.6 The pamphlet is divided into three sections. In the first, an allegorical account of the nature and history of the personifications of the nations with Fergusia as Scotland and Heptarchus as England, he uses the trope of courtship to demonstrate that an incorporating union clearly places Scotland in a subordinate position to England. The second half is a dialogue between the couple, conveyed in the terms of a courtship, about the nature of union. This section directly challenges the language of equality, friendship and rational exchange that permeates pro-union pamphlets. Wright's language of courtship suggests that what appears to be sensible and earnest rhetoric directed at long-term improvement of Anglo-Scottish relations is merely the flattery and seductive vocabulary one might find in a young, lusty man eager to possess his bride. It may appear odd that in a historic moment where metaphorical language was deemed, like iconography, highly suspect by Presbyterians, that a Presbyterian minister would use 5 Kelley would call this a moment where allegory makes "border raids on the very categories that had been presented as its contraries: realism, mimesis, empiricism, history" (2). There is an implication, in her argument, that there is an intrinsic instability in the trope during the eighteenth century. I would suggest, in contrast, that Wright makes such raids for a particular political reason. 6 Few of the arguments Wright uses are original. They can be found throughout anti-union tracts. In The Union of England and Scodand, P.W.J. Riley calls Wright "a typical opposition propagandist whose expressed views were wholly characteristic of the main anti-union campaign" (222). What is different is the way he weaves them around the personified images of nation. 27 such literary figures. The Arbuthnot and Ramsay works, more closely associated with Tory and Jacobite values respectively, are more in line with the general political use of metaphorical language. My argument will suggest, however, that for Wright tropes are a device to deconstruct the slippery language of pro-union discourse before, in the third section, moving to a different form of rational discourse, a blunt assessment of the interests of both parties in the union negotiations, one highly suspicious of the discourse of "reason." Before the actual courtship negotiations, Wright spends time delineating the nature of the allegorical couple. In the process, he reveals that the alliance is unequal, an unlikely match of the nouveaux riches (English) and the impoverished ancient nobility (Scots).9 This dissonance is foregrounded from the beginning by the selection of names for his principal characters. Fergusia's name is drawn from a Scottish myth invented in the fourteenth century by John of Fordun to rebut the Brutus mythology that subordinated Scotland to England. Fergus is the name of an imagined monarch of the fourth century, descended from a Greek prince called Gathelus (as Roger Mason points out in "Scotching the Brut") he is therefore superior to the Trojan Brutus, who was, after all, a member of the losing team) and Scota, daughter of Pharoah (63, 64).10 Scotland is immediately transformed from the bland, abstract image on the roof of Whitehall, to the 7 For a discussion of Presbyterian and/or Whig views on iconography and metaphorical language, see Kelley (51-56) and Heinz-Joachim MUllenbrock's The Culture of Contention (165-170). Of course, not all Presbyterians avoided figurative language. Milton would be one of the most obvious exceptions. David Norbrook also points out that the allegorical figure of Britannia was used by Marchamont Nedham to celebrate Britishness during the Protectorate of Cromwell. 8 Think of Pope, Behn, Swift and Manley, for example. 9 In the early part of the eighteenth century, such a match would be considered unwise - although of course as commercial types became more powerful it became more common. 1 0 As Murray Pittock points out in Poetry and Jacobite Politics, Classic mythology is also linked to the Stuart claim to the throne - Jacobites could and did use it for this purpose (17). However Wright's disdain for the Stuart monarchs - especially the later ones - is clearly evident in the pamphlet. Wright, therefore, disconnects national tropologies from the monarchy. 28 particular - a creature with a specific history and mythology of her own. On the other hand, Heptarchus's name reflects his less unified identity and the relative youth of the nation, a point that will be belaboured later in the tract. His name is a reference to the heptarchy, the seven kingdoms reckoned to have been established by the Angles and Saxons in Britain. The term appears to have been introduced by 16th c. historians, in accordance with their notion that there were seven Angle and Saxon kingdoms so related that one of their rulers had always the supreme position of King of the Angle-kin... 'so that in the Heptarchy itself there seems always to have been a Monarchy.' (OED heptarchy)11 The heptarchy was said to have existed between the sixth and the ninth centuries, leaving Heptarchus at least two centuries younger than his desired bride, much more divided, despite the monarchy that existed within the heptarchy, and lacking mythological links to biblical and classical antiquity.12 Wright stresses the difference between the two characters, a difference that belies their easy transition into a noble and monoglossic Britannia. Fergusia, at a point in the marriage negotiations, comments on their unequal wealth, power and the disparity in their ages, and notes that "that's an unequal match; and to speak broad Scots, it's a marriage God neither sends nor comes to" (16).13 1 1 The quote is from Camden. 1 2 Mason notes that Scota is traced back to Old Testament times. She is said to have married "shortly before Moses delivered the children of Israel out of Egypt" and to have fled in the "wake of Pharaoh's destruction in the Red Sea" (64). 1 3 One consequence of using tropes to problematize rather than to unify is a degree of slippage at points in the pamphlet. Figurative language strains to contain concepts of nation, but is unable to do so without some remarkable twists. Wright's representation of Ireland is the most obvious example. She is originally introduced as Fergusia's sister, Junerva, when they are both ravished by Rigicidino (Cromwell), but later is described as Heptrachus's enslaved sister at the point of the proposed marriage, and then transforms into 29 In addition to disrupting the general metaphoric stability of Stuart propaganda, Wright specifically disconnects metaphors of nation from the monarchy. Wright uses marriage in a particularly slippery way in the first part of his introduction. He resists the relationship between monarch and nation (as the Stuarts would have depicted it). The relationship is most like a marriage under the reign of James I, when the monarch resides in his nation. Wright notes, that since Salamoni Pacifico (James I) went to London, Fergusia has been as good and worse, than a Widow; and her Children of the First Marriage, Orphans, and Slaves to the Children of the Second, viz. The Edwardines. Thus she feels her self a poor forlorn widow, and many of her children forc'd to leave her house and country, to push their fortunes abroad in the world.. .(4) The monarchs who follow James are not represented in this same marital relationship and the derogatory names assigned to them (Bigotzio/Charles I; Courtezano/Charles II; Romanus/James II) clearly indicates the author's position towards the Stuarts.14 As the tract progresses, it becomes clear that after the Glorious Revolution, the monarch takes on a mere advisory role to the nation. William, for example, is not blamed for the failure of the Darien venture, for Fergusia comments to Heptarchus that the monarch was his prisoner (14). The Stuart marital relationship disintegrates, and the monarch is no longer the central unifying impulse. The loyalty of the Scot, Wright insists, is centered therefore first on the Scottish nation, and only then on the monarch. Fergusia's sister again as the tract draws to a close, when Fergusia asks that my sister Juverna have the same freedom of trade that she is requesting. This may be a simple mistake, but a number of similarly contradictory moments suggest that tropes can fracture when they are used to capture complex relations directly. As authors become more adept at adapting tropes towards the end of the century, ostensibly cleansing them from explicit political meaning, fracturing appears minimized. 1 4 Wright's sentiments likely derived from his religious convictions. 30 Having destabilized the unifying elements of Stuart marital metaphors, Wright uses a familial tropology, with its associated gender hierarchies, to display Scotland's vulnerability and potentially subordinate position in a united kingdom. Placing Scotland in the female position of a potential marital union, Wright foregrounds its vulnerability on a number of fronts. Leith Davis points out the most drastic possible outcome of this model when she remarks that Fergusia "has preserved her hereditary honour" except for the time her barbarous neighbour Edward raped her (28). The threat of rape, it seems, underlies all the complimentary and rational language supporting the Union. Moreover, the reduction of monarchical power has not reduced the threat of rape. Wright attaches violent tendencies to the very essence of England itself. We are told that Heptarchus himself is a "stout, valiant man, [who] did nothing but commit rapes on his neighbours," so we have no reason to doubt his ability or willingness to violate Fergusia (7). As the second section of the pamphlet ends this violence becomes clear when Heptarchus, tired of refusals, scarce minding the civility of a gentleman, flung out of doors; and as he crossed the threshold, threatened Fergusia, if she did not consent, he would put his acts in execution, and declare her alien: But in the mean time, added he, ITe plew with your hiefer. Fergusia thought it no time to answer a gentleman, that had so far forgot himself: only she minded him to assuage his choler, that she had not yet forgot, and he might mind, what happened on the death of the maid of Norway. (26) What happened on the death of the maid of Norway is Fergusia's rape by Edward, a barbaric act of which she seems to believe Heptarchus is fully capable. Beneath his 31 civilized veneer, there is a suggestion that the old intimidating pattern of brutality remains strong. English barbarity is emphasized by Fergusia's femininity. While women could be portrayed as sexually aggressive in literature, as Toni Bowers points out, such sexual aggression was likely to lead to rejection or social marginalization.15 Rarely did literary precursors represent a female rapist. Fergusia's gender, then, implies that it is unlikely that she would rape Edward or Heptarchus. This is not to say that Fergusia's gender leads her to accept rough treatment passively. Speaking of the vengeance of her children after she is raped, she claims that the "whole world rung with the noise of it" (4) and she reminds Heptarchus that "tho' for a while [Edward] carried all before him; yet what was the issue of it?" (26). Wright strengthens the barbarity of the brutal act and the virtue of his personified Scotland by detaching violence from Fergusia, and assigning it to her outraged children. Fergusia further enhances the pathos by indicating that it happened "at a time when she was wallowing in tears, for the death of her only daughter" (2). Literary narratives in the early eighteenth century had often been ambivalent towards rape. Isobel Grundy, in a recent article on Clarissa, notes that the words rape and ravish are themselves slippery. She points out that in Richardson's novel there are multiple interpretations of rape. "To Lovelace it is something 'so common, and so slight;' to Anna it is lamentable but incontrovertible grounds for marriage; to Clarissa it is a death sentence. It seems the first two are thinking chiefly of loss of virginity here, and only Clarissa of the loss of the sense of integrity or identity peculiar to rape" (255). The Bowers, in "Collusive Resistance: Sexual Agency and Partisan Politics in Love in Excess," \ writing of Haywood's Love in Excess, writes of contemporary ideas of female sexual agency, but cautions that only when active desire is mingled with "feminine submission" does a heroine achieve success. positions of Anna and Lovelace were commonly enacted in fiction in the early eighteenth century. Ambiguity towards rape may occur, in part, because frequently, as Bowers has pointed out, in contemporary romances "[Resistance is fully complicit with desire" or if resistance has been misinterpreted, trauma can be rapidly mended through a hasty marriage between perpetrator and victim (57). In Eliza Haywood's story The Lucky Rape, or Fate the Best Disposer (1727), Emilia's rape at a masquerade "fortunately" prevents her from committing incest by wedding her preferred lover, who is actually her brother. An amicable resolution is provided at the conclusion by Emilia's marriage to her rapist. Wright makes use of this form of rape when he discusses Cromwell's rape of Fergusia. Writing from a Presbyterian perspective, a point of view that would welcome the religious implications of Cromwell's rule, he notes, a faction arose; headed by the bold and valiant Rigicidus [Cromwell], who slew the unfortunate infatuated Bigotzio and banished his offspring. This man was a gentleman by birth, who first subdued the Edwardianes, and then came down into Caledon against Fergusia....And thus committed a rape upon Fergusia and her sister Juverna: But to make some amends for his folly of ravishing first his mother, and then Fergusia and her sister Juverna; he treated them all handsome and suitably to their high quality, and according to their own Genius, especially in sacred manners. (5) Wright's trope of violent British union strains at the seams here. While Rigicidus seems to have committed the monstrous metaphorical crime of raping his mother in addition to the two peripheral sisters, Wright stresses the qualities of Rigicidus and uses the slippery nature of contemporary readings of rape to distract from his violent act. Unlike Edward, 33 who had to be forced away by Fergusia's children, Rigicidus ameliorates his act, as Haywood's rapist does, by treating his victims in an honourable way after the fact. Edward's rape, in contrast, is surrounded by ill treatment, and Wright's portrayal of his victim as a grieving mother effectively rejects the existence of any mitigating circumstances and inverts the conventional English binary of English civility and Scottish barbarity. While we might think that a tropological marriage might be a more positive representation of the incorporating union than that of rape, Wright suggests that an Anglo-Scottish marriage might be worse. Indeed, one of the most influential proponents of union, Daniel Defoe, recognized the danger of presenting the union in this way. In a 1714 pamphlet rebutting a work of Swift in which the union had been briefly represented as a marriage, Defoe argues that the simile or allusion of a marriage is lame and halts in the case very much; for in a marriage the woman is a subject, an inferior; promises obedience, and is called by the name of her husband; but here is an entire dissolution of the former capacities and circumstances, and both become subjected equally to a new constitution, and take up a new name. (14)16 Although power relations within marriage varied over the eighteenth century, marriage, 1 7 on the whole, was decidedly not a relationship of equals. In his mid-century legal commentaries William Blackstone echoes Defoe when he writes, "by marriage, the 1 6 This is from The Scots Nation and Union Vindicated, which is a response to Swift's infamous (and later censored) attack on Scots and the Scottish nobility in The Public Spirit of the Whigs. 1 7 Susan Staves has suggested that there was a shift towards "companionate marriages" as the century progressed (100). 34 husband and wife are one person in law: that is, the very being or legal existence of the woman is suspended during the marriage, or at least is incorporated and consolidated into that of the husband: under whose wing, protection, and cover she performs everything." Wright is well aware of the implications of equating marriage with the union. At one point Fergusia asks what Heptarchus means by incorporated. "It looks plaguedly like your love to your pock-pudden, that you'd devour me, and bury me in the midst of your self, and I be turned into your very flesh and blood; at least it looks like Jonah's punishment, swallowed up in the bellie of the whale" (11). The loss of distinct identity associated with marriage is exactly how Wright wishes to portray a national union. What Defoe and other pamphleteers represent as trade relations, brotherly friendship and gentlemanly exchange is reconfigured as subsumption, loss of identity. The rapes Fergusia has suffered in the past have relegated her temporarily to a subjugated status. She is not willing to make this subordination permanent through marriage. Moreover, as Fergusia insists, the Union can never bring true integration for "there can be no issue of this marriage" (16). Wright argues that there would be no British heir to this marriage, thus Anglo-Scottish difference can never truly be reconciled. Wright, standing at the point of intersection between private marriage and national union, must at this point try to allow Fergusia to rebut Heptarchus without endangering her womanly attributes. Despite the pathos Wright is able to arouse with Fergusia's gender, and the strong tendency of current critical thinking to link woman to the colonial subject, it is important to recognize that Wright ultimately does not want to William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England (1: 442). 35 present Fergusia in an inferior position.19 An independent Scotland with its own parliament, he suggests, is at least equal to England. As Richard Braverman suggests in his work on Hudibras, the use of a widow in such courtship metaphors, is generally meant to depict a woman fully capable of negotiating her own alliance (63). On one hand, Wright does suggest, through the metaphors of rape and marriage, that the colonization of Scotland by an imperial England is possible. Fergusia does not want an incorporating union because, she tells Heptarchus, it will "make me as much subjected and dependent on the absolute will of your people, in all my concerns, civil and sacred, as if I were your conquered slave" (24). And during their debate she voices her fear of being made into a child again (18). On the other hand, as the personification of a nation, similar to the Cromwellian Britannia, it is perhaps acceptable for her to escape her gender limitations to engage in discussions that center on commerce, politics, empire, religion and national economies, but since pathos is an important element of her character Wright cannot make her too aggressive. To justify her outspokeness and intellectual capacity he places her, despite her inferior financial position, in a higher rank than her suitor. As mentioned earlier, Fergusia's antique and noble lineage is contrasted to the background of Heptarchus who, having been conquered by many people, "has kept nothing of himself but the old name" (7). While his mongrel nature makes him lusty, it also suggests that if nations are measured by lineal purity, he does not hold as high a rank as Fergusia. This was a common claim during the union debates. Even Defoe, in his rather ambiguous poem Caledonia, notes Illustrious blood, with more illustrious hand, 1 9 Susan Fraiman, in her famous article disputing Edward Said's reading of Mansfield Park, has discussed this link between colonization and gender. She notes that in Austen's novel, "the slave trade offers a 36 In proper channels has been here retain'd; Th' Antiquity, which other nations boast, Would here turn modern, and in an age be lost.... If any true nobility remains, And virtue could by blood possess the veins. Then let's no farther search the world in vain, To ancient Rome, and lost records of Spain Fabii, Cornelli, and the Bruti yield To Caledonian tribes the ancient field. (44, 45) Wright interprets this antiquity as rank. Gender, to a degree, is trumped by rank. This superior rank allows Fergusia to be presented as an educated woman, one who has read and can use Holinshed to support her claims and to repudiate the false rationality of gentlemanly discourse (10). She is able to develop an alternative language, one that sets forth interests and fears openly and tries to work around them. Rather than diminish the pathos, Fergusia's lineage makes the idea of rape or subjugation in marriage to a young upstart appear even more barbarous. In addition, Wright inverts the idea, promoted by such influential Englishmen as Sir Christopher Piggot, that it is England which has a long and pure genealogy and that Scotland's regicidal tendencies prevent such a pedigree.20 Wright uses the language of civic humanism to associate England's wealth with corruption and Scotland's virtue with its poverty. Although Fergusia clearly encourages improved trade relations, Scotland's convenient metaphor" for domestic tyranny, with Fanny Price, of course, in the position of colonized (812). 37 virtue becomes associated with her merely "competent estate and fortune" (3). Ambition and wealth corrupt Heptarchus's priests, and his selfish desire to benefit his own (English) people through the Navigation Act has damaged Fergusia's fortune. Fergusia, on the other hand, notes that she'd "rather have a highland plaid with liberty, than the greatest dainties, with a hook at the heart of it." For the peers of Scotland to sell their country for wealth, she suggests, would make them comparable to Esau, as they would have sold "their country and birthright to their younger brother, for some handfuls of sour tobacco and sugar to sweeten it" (23). Wright's celebration of the values of Fergusia does not mean that he is in any way a proto-feminist, only that he uses certain elements of the feminine without allowing other aspects to interfere with the effectiveness of his concept of nation. At one point, he does find it necessary to try to justify this tension, noting that "it is consistent with the modesty of Fergusia to be the aggressor, tho' few of her sex do really encline to be daughters of Jeptha" (9). However, the trope of courtship, as writers of romances were aware, was a particularly useful means to convey female authority for it centered on the one moment in a woman's life where she might have a semblance of power - a choice to resist or submit. Countering the Reasoning of Gentlemen Leith Davis, writing of Daniel Defoe's vision of the Union, states that Defoe sees the "printed word as a medium of unification," although he recognized that process as problematic, since "the nation united by reading and writing in the present had to be continually read or written in the future" (38). Defoe had to respond continually to anti-2 0 Bruce Galloway, in The Union of England and Scotiand, writes that Piggot in the Commons, during union negotiatons (following the union of the crowns) notes that "they have not suffered above two kings to union pamphlets (before and after the union). Reasoned debate was one of Defoe's most powerful weapons, whether he wrote in his own voice or assumed the persona of a Scotsman.21 Davis points out that one of his common rhetorical techniques is "to reduce political disagreement to linguistic misunderstanding" and then rationalize this "misinterpretation" away (24). From the perspective of anti-union pamphleteers, of course, this "spin," alongside the continual remaking of the union in whatever terms it took to rebut objections, may well look like duplicity. The setting of a courtship codes the exchange as potentially suspect, and prepares the reader for masculine duplicity. Whereas fiction writers later in the century, such as Henry Fielding, Frances Burney and Tobias Smollett, frequently conclude their fictional works with harmonic resolution through marriage, earlier fiction, by writers such as Haywood and Manley, did not always feel this resolution was necessary or advisable. Amatory fiction in the early part of the century was often centered on the many promises men made to women before seduction and the poor treatment that followed.22 Speaking of Manley, Ros Ballaster notes that "[sincerity.. .is always a losing card in the business of love and, thus, by analogy, in that of politics. Within the fictional economy of Manley's text, masculine and feminine appear to be radically divided. Female sincerity and male duplicity, fact and fiction, fight an unequal battle in which virtue can only lose" (135). Even where we might believe masculinity to be honourable, as in when proposals of marriage are made, this honour is frequently shown to be artifice. In Haywood's die in their beds, these two hundred years. Our king hath hardly escaped them" (104). 2 1 Paul H . Scott points out that in The Advantages of Scotland, by an Incorporate Union with England, Defoe not only "pretended to be Scottish," but even "used some Scots words" (11). 2 2 Toni Bowers offers an alternative national reading, connecting the specific position and limited agency of women in Haywood's romances - one of "collusive resistance" - to the position of Toryism in early-eighteenth-century England. She writes that the model which offers concepts of agency, even within 39 Mercenary Lover, for example, Clitander, having married the wife he has carefully courted, designs to seduce her sister in order to prevent loss of her fortune, for "money was the only darling of his mercenary wishes.. .the estate of which Miranda was Coheiress, was the sole inducement to his addressing and marrying her" (quoted in Paula Backscheider 126). Clitander, we are told, was versed admirably in the art of dissimulation.. .upon his oily tongue the most melting accents in soft persuasion hung, and tenderness unspeakable languish'd in his eyes; gay smiles play'd round his mouth in dimpl'd graces, and his whole air was harmony and love: none but the all-seeing eye of heaven cou'd penetrate into his heart, or guess at the perfidiousness that harbour'd there, (quoted in Backscheider 128) Wright plays with this model of dissimulation and greed in courtship. Heptarchus' discourse, like that of Clitander, does not appear in any way dishonourable. Rather, like the numerous pro-union pamphleteers, he is rational, amiable and rhetorically persuasive. Wright calls into question the trustworthiness of this language of clarity and rationality -the language of a gentleman - used in the context of pro-union discussion, suggesting this language, like the royal metaphors, is a rhetorical device, a performance, empty of any true desire for equality. A heterosexual trope, he suggests, rather than a homosocial one, embodies the true state of national dialogue. The duplicity and inequality hidden beneath the surface of the homosocial trope is exposed. surrender, allowed the Tories to feel that despite "decades of capitulation," "ideological integrity and viability" could still be accessible" (63). 2 3 Performance to a Presbyterian clergyman, such as Wright, would be suspect in itself. Virtually no information is available on Wright, except a brief note in Mcleod & Mcleod's Anglo-Scottish tracts, 1701-1714 noting that he was a Presbyterian minister. 40 In a number of exchanges Fergusia rebuts the "reasonable" assertions of Heptarchus with blunt language and continual reference to historical experience to disclaim his protestations. Heptarchus claims that he has long loved Fergusia, even when she scorned him for the King of Slaves (France) from whom he had to eventually rescue her. He claims that love has been rekindled since the union of the crowns, since which time I have been ravish'd with your charms and constancy. It is no sudden passion, or young fond love I pretend to, it's founded on long happiness in your acquaintance, and the charms of your agreeable conversation... .You are the only person in the world can make me happy: I'm passionate to possess that shining beauty and virtues, I have so long beheld and admired in you. (9) Fergusia contradicts her lover's protestations, revealing them to be worthless compliments. She remarks, "it is the usual method of the beau to cajole innocent ladies with pretended passion, when in the mean time they design nothing but interest or diversion, and sometimes both" (9). She continues, not in the language of mythology promoted by Belhaven, but by proffering a reinterpretation of the history which Heptarchus presents as truth. It is true, she replies, that he rescued her from France, but adds, "it was your own interest as well as mine.... I think it was the best, if not the only kindness, I ever had at your hands" (10). When he argues that his desire is for the "closest and dearest love" of an incorporating union, she responds that since the time of Pacifico (James I) "now and then ye pretended conjugal love when there was nothing but diversion and interest" (12). She then lists five occasions in which he has promoted marriage ostensibly for love, yet has acted in ways against her interest. The sentiment 41 behind the Navigation Act, for example, which limited Scottish trade, suggests Heptarchus wished to "marry one, whom... [he] endeavours to make both alien and slave" (14). When Heptarchus responds to some of her concerns, claiming, for example, to have ordered that Fergusia be paid in the matter of Isthmus - a reference to the ill-fated Darien venture - she clearly points out that, not only has he made irnfulfilled financial promises to her before, but that he has a history of misinterpreting her position in such agreements. After a previous financial agreement, she argues, her participation was used to accuse her of selling her king for a groat. Wright does not merely change the terms of the Anglo-Scottish union from the egalitarian union that was being ostensibly proposed to the more suspect language of courtship, but during the discussion directly exposes the dangers underlying unstable language - language that must continually reinterpret - that selects only the strands of history and rhetoric required to rebut each particular objection, weaving them into harmonic patterns that elide contradictions. Ultimately this results in rendering language itself worthless as a foundation for negotiating power, for promised conditions can be evaded or reinterpreted. As Davis points out, Fergusia has learned from Junerva/Ireland that Heptarchus is "so strong parchment will not bind him" (24). Wright demonstrates that it is not so much strength (though it may likely be strength in Ireland) as artifice that is Heptarchus's greatest ally in negotiating Anglo-Scottish relations. In a particularly ironic move, Wright's Scotland does not unequivocally reject the possibility of union. What she offers, however, is a true egalitarian union, one that she 42 assigns a legitimating history.24 It was offered, she notes, in the reign of Pius 6th/Edward VI, but was later rejected by Henry VIII (9, 10). The main proposal of this union is revised trade relations: a form of free trade. Other than that, the joint crown would be retained, along with separate laws, customs and parliaments. This is a federal union, and not one that can be readily equated with marriage. Heptarchus responds that he cannot be content with this as it is "not a complete marriage, it holds us still at a distance....I can never be happy till you and I become one flesh, and be entirely incorporated" (11). This rejection makes it clear that it is a marriage, with all its hierarchical implications, and not a union of equals that is an accurate metaphor for England's desired union. Moreover, as Fergusia points out, just as after a marriage any female negotiating power ends, so an incorporating union would remove any degree of separate negotiating power. She notes, "[cjompact supposes still different parties; and where there are no different parties, there can be no compact. So that paction ceases when you and I become one, and of necessity all articles must be altered, according to the circumstances of the whole united body; and no man can make a compact with himself (24). Slipping into a rather different metaphor about various members of a human body trying to negotiate with the whole body, Wright reveals that the subordinate party in the marital agreement, whether wife or nation, will lose any bargaining power upon the completion of the union. In a strange twist of gender roles, Wright then compares the English position on Scottish representation in a British parliament, to a form of emasculation. While Fergusia has consistently been represented as female throughout the pamphlet, her children, as previously mentioned, have been depicted as masculine. When she speaks of 2 4 Federal union rather than an incorporating union had been a popular alternative in Scotland. 2 5 According to the OED, second edition, "paction" means "a bargain, agreement, compact, contact." 43 the representational limits to 45 members of the Commons and 16 peers, much to Heptarchus's surprise, she speaks of circumcision. She suggests, "circumcise yours to the same number, or else let mine be uncircumcised still" (20). Wright tries to have it both ways. Separating Fergusia from her children allows him to present a pure essential nation, vulnerable to its southern neighbour. The children, then, can become the problematic factor, capable of debauchment and foolishness but, at the same time, capable of defending their mother when necessary. The masculinity of her children, along with her superior social rank, ensures that she is not, like Junerva, exposed to subsumption. To agree to an incorporating union would change this double-gendered nature of Scotland, leaving it vulnerable to English aggression. Fergusia tells her wooer, "you come on me as the Jacobites did on the Schechemites, when I'm sore and stridling with this circumcision, this wound to my constitution, take my city, slay my children, break your faith and carry away my cattle" (20). In the early years of the eighteenth century, the tropological tools of Stuart propaganda and contemporary pro-union discourse had been adapted by its opponents and used to disrupt and problematize cross-border negotiations, and to deal with intricate issues of socio-economic power. In addition to focusing on the vehicle (the courtship) Wright's pamphlet slides between Fergusia as individual and Fergusia as nation, between vehicle and tenor, at times engaging directly with particular historical events and shifts -the Darien Venture, Cromwell's advances into Scotland, the migration of Scots towards London and empire, to name only a few. While the writer takes a particular ideological 2 6 At the beginning of the pamphlet, Fergusia's children are debauched by Edward, thus facilitating their mother's rape (3). 44 position, history is neither masked by totalizing Stuart propaganda nor by an ethereal imagined national culture. The early cross-border trope, then, does not operate "purely" in an imagined domestic realm, but is marked explicitly by history. Wright's use of tropology, unlike that of Belhaven, was uneasy. Davis suggests that Belhaven's aristocratic background and position may have led him to incorporate myth and history more readily into his language. In contrast, Wright, as a Presbyterian minister, would likely have been generally opposed to iconography and the suspicious permutations of figurative language. It would not be surprising if Wright displayed some discomfort working with figures of speech. Perhaps for this reason, after using figurative language to uncover the duplicitous use of the pro-union rhetoric of reason, he moves at the end of the pamphlet towards his own formulation of rational language. Fergusia has "reasonably" rebutted Heptarchus's objections throughout the second half of the pamphlet, but as it draws to a close, following her beau's choleric departure, she directly addresses her readers, listing the terms on which she would consider a union.28 Claiming recognition for her ability to reason she requests "time to deliberate upon things that are of the last consequence to all my most precious interests, and do not preposterously cram down my throat, what requires the greatest deliberation" (28). Wright then moves to the final portion of his pamphlet, a letter from Fergusia to her "sons" asking that they consider her "weighty reasons" against the marriage. Fergusia inverts the reason/emotion binary of the pro-union pamphleteers, suggesting that the fatal historical flaw of the Scots has been gullibility to false reason. She writes, "[y]our predecessors have perpetually been deluded with fatal mistakes, in all their transactions with their neighbours," and lists Clearly this biblical reference is making a play on words that invert the usual association between Scots and Jacobites. 45 a number of examples in regards to Franco-Scottish relations and the union of the crowns. "You are the only perpetually infatuate nation in the world," she chides, "you had need to learn wisdom from these mistakes of your predecessors, lest you forever verify your proverb, wise behind the hand" (29, 30). To Wright the language of "sense" proffered by pro-union writers is simply a repeat of past linguistic trickery. The answer he offers does not clothe Scottish history in exaggerated glory, as Belhaven does, but rather suggests that Scots look reasonably at the history of Scottish submission to "rational" rhetoric.29 Post-Union pamphlets Anglo-Scottish relations were not harmonious in the decade that followed the Union. A number of commitments that accompanied the Union agreement were dropped after incorporation had diminished Scottish political agency. Two Jacobite rebellions with increasing support in Scotland and an attempt to repeal the Union that almost succeeded suggested that the egalitarian partnership promoted by pro-Union pamphleteers had not emerged. The relationship between political power, gender and a tropology of courtship that had marked Wright's work, therefore, still seemed useful as a means of representing Anglo-Scottish tension and continued to be used by writers from the peripheries. John Arbuthnot's John Bull pamphlets and Allan Ramsay's Three Bonnets work with a similar tropology, but, working with agendas distinct from that of Wright and each other, they use gender in surprisingly different ways. Despite this tropological malleability, there are some consistencies between the representations of 2 8 Most of which are unsurprisingly related to religious rights. 2 9 Although it is unlikely that Wright's pamphlet is directed at redefining the discourse of women, by displacing reason from a homosocial to a courtship trope, and by having it emanate from the mouth of a 46 Anglo-Scottish interaction. Familial relations are consistently seen as a way to convey power inequity and tension rather than national unity, not as they are frequently used in the late eighteenth-century national tale, to work towards resolution. These alternative paradigms offer fundamentally different ways to envision the Union: as Jonah's irreversible punishment: a traitorous but reversible act brought about by deceit, or as an unsettled household, natural because of its basis in kinship, from which duplicitous troublemakers need to be banished. Such contradictory configurations of Anglo-Scottish interchange remind us that in the early days of the union neither the making nor the maintaining of the alliance had the air of inevitability or irreversability that it has had until the last few decades of the twentieth century. A number of recent critics have suggested that Tories were more likely to use figurative language in their propaganda. Alan W. Bower and Robert A. Erickson, the editors of the most recent edition of Arbuthnot's pamphlets, link the metaphorical language of the Tory physician's work, and more specifically his use of personification, to the "allegorical 'little history' form so popular with Tory satirists during the reign of Anne" and propagated by such writers as Delariviere Manley (Ixxvii.).30 Bower and Erickson point out that Arbuthnot's claim that Manley is his publisher on the title page of his last three pamphlets may well acknowledge "a debt to her" (lxxviii). Heinz-Joachim Miillenbrock, in his recent analysis of literature surrounding the War of the Spanish Succession, supports the idea that Tory writers tended to engage more imaginatively with their texts. He comments, "Whig propaganda literature made only sparse use of woman - tropological or otherwise - Wright opens up an acceptable space for female reason, at least as self-defence. j 0 Al l references to the John Bull pamphlets are taken from the The History of John Bull, edited by Alan W. Bower and Robert A. Erickson. 47 metaphors.... partly due to the sociological composition of the reading public, which in the case of the Observator, for example, was Nonconformist" (170). Mullenbrock further notes that "The Whigs.. .did not have at their disposal such an arsenal of affective language" as the Tories, "inflammable material which the Tories fully utilized to kindle the feelings of their political base; the latter's need for easy identification was gratified by a propaganda strategy which translated complex issues of power politics into the familiar sphere of personal relationships" (177). My research suggests that while Tories seemed more likely to utilize the traditional metaphorical language of the Stuart regime, this tendency in relation to the Anglo-Scottish Union was not strictly limited to one political party. While we do not know much about Wright's background, his Presbyterian allegiances may increase the likelihood that he was more sympathetic to Whig than Tory interests. We have seen that he carefully disconnects the tropes from their Stuart associations before refurbishing them for his purposes and that he ultimately rejects metaphoric language for a blunt rational discourse that rejects the gentility of the pro-union works. It is feasible, then, that those sympathetic to Whig positions, could use figurative language for their purposes.32 Defoe, in fact, in the same pamphlet in which he rejects Swift's metaphor of marriage, follows his denial of this trope as an appropriate way to represent union, with an engagement with the metaphor. He argues that even if such a metaphor were to be used, it could be interpreted in a manner favourable to union. A wife mistreated by her 3 1 Theresa Kelley's work clearly indicates that the Whigs used metaphors for more than just Union negotiation. She writes in reference to Thomas Sprat's History of the Royal Society, for example, "[wjhereas Restoration apologists discredit allegory in part to suppress the nonconformist use of allegory.. .Milton's allegorical practice suggests a more self-divided reading of this same cultural moment" (56). 48 husband's servants, he suggests - neatly deflecting blame from his essential representation of the English nation - could hold her husband to account leading him to censure those who have treated her badly. Nevertheless, despite Whig abilities to engage with such tropes, the fact that of four allegorical pamphlets written about the union in this period three of them (by Arbuthnot, Ramsay and Swift) were by those who were sympathetic to Tory or Jacobite interests suggests that the position of Bower, Erickson and Miillenbrock has merit. Arbuthnot and Ramsay have connections with various elements of Toryism, but while the affiliations of the former are clearly known, Ramsay's political affiliations are rather obscure. In his Epistle to Mr. James Arbuckle he notes, "[w]ell then, I'm nowther Whig nor Tory,/ nor credit give to Purgatory" (25 8).33 He describes the Easy Club, of which he was a founding member, as a society formed from "the antipathy we all seemed to have at the ill humour and contradictions which arose from trifles, especially those which constitute Whig and Tory, without having the grand reason for it" (Law 20). However, his possible affiliation with Jacobitism has interested literary critics. Alexander Law suggests, in a 1989 article on Ramsay and the Easy Club, that there is little evidence of Jacobitism in Ramsay's work. Murray Pittock rebuts this position, contending that Jacobite codes abound in some of his poetry. This matter is weighed by Michael Murphy in a recent assessment which suggests that Ramsay was a sentimental Jacobite, who, later 3 21 do not intend to imply that all Presbyterians were Whigs. However, as 'dissenters,' they were less likely to espouse the values of the Church of England. Wright's sympathy may exist despite the fact that it was a specific group of Whigs that were trying to pursue the path of Union that he rejected. 3 3 This quotation is from a reprinted edition of 1877 (New York: AMS, 1973). In a footnote to Ramsay's claim to be neither Whig nor Tory, the editor notes, "Ramsay was a zealous Tory from principle. But he was much caresed by Baron Clerk and other gentlemen of opposite principles, which made him outwardly affect neutrality. His 'Vision' and 'Tale of Three Bonnets,' are sufficient proofs of his zeal as an old Jacobite: but, wishing to disguise himself, he published this, and the 'Eagle and Redbreast,' as ancient poems, and with the fictitious signature of'A.R. Scot'" (258). 49 in his life (in the 1740s) may have wanted to associate himself with the Hanoverian 34 regime. Arbuthnot and Gendered Tropology John Arbuthnot, who, as I shall shortly discuss, had been involved in circulating pro-union propaganda, envisions union in a sharply different way from Wright. Avoiding the trope of courtship, perhaps because of its associations with loss of female identity, Arbuthnot prefers to use a different familial vehicle to capture Anglo-Scottish relations -that of siblings. As will become evident, the sibling model allows the pro-union Arbuthnot to naturalize Britishness in a way Wright clearly avoids, but at the same time, to use sibling rivalry and gender hierarchy between brother and sister to foreground clear and specific concerns with the state of post-union cross-border relations. John Arbuthnot is generally known today as the "recipient" of Pope's "Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot" (1735). Only occasionally is he assessed in light of his own work. He was born in Kincardineshire in 1667 to an Anglican clergyman who had lost his living for refusing to adhere to Presbyterianism. In the last decade of the seventeenth century, having received an M.A. degree from Marichal College in Aberdeen, he came to London and trained to be a physician. In 1705 he was appointed Physician Extraordinary to Queen Anne (Bower xl). Around 1711 he met Jonathan Swift, and rapidly became drawn into a Tory circle that included both Swift and Alexander Pope. Arbuthnot's Anglicanism and the fate of his father under the Scottish kirk might have contributed to his support for the Union. In a spoof sermon he published in 1706 he attempts to emphasize the progressive nature of the Union. In 1712 he published the John Bull pamphlets which 3 4 Murray Pittock, "Were the Easy Club Jacobites," Michael Murphy "Allan Ramsay: Jacobite War or Hanoverian Peace." 50 show a continued support for the Union in principle, but also an increasing discomfort with some of the tangible results of the Union. Despite the accusations of partisan Whigs to the contrary, Tories and Jacobites, whether sentimental or militant, were not at all the same thing, although some had loyalties to both camps and both opposed Whig progressivism and developments in commerce and empire.36 However the views of the loyal Tory and the sentimental Jacobite diverged, Arbuthnot and Ramsay share concerns about the effectiveness of Union, despite Arbuthot's past experience as a pro-Union advocate. As Colin Kidd notes, Arbuthnot, in his spoof Sermon at the Mercat Cross (1706) exposes the shallowness of the Scottish whig tradition, [and] advanced the keen desire of his royal mistress for the union of her kingdoms. To Arbuthnot, Scotland's celebrated history of freedom was the false consciousness of an impoverished backwater promoted by her vested interests, nobles and clerics whose pathetic ambition was to continue 'to insult over slaves and beggars.' English prosperity, he argued, was intimately linked to the real freedoms of the common people on the land, enjoying long leases and security of tenure. Incorporating union would be a liberating experience for the Scottish people, promising independence from the petty tyranny of lairds, and freedom of conscience. (38) 3 5 See page 42 and 43 for more detail on some of the material conflicts that had resulted from the Union. Biographical material is taken from Bowers and Erickson and Robert C. Steensma's Dr. John Arbuthnot. 3 6 J.C.D Clark has located the Tories' gradual rejection of Jacobitism in the 1740s, with Bolingbroke's publication of The Idea of a Patriot King (1749) (238). However, I would agree with Paul Langford's assessment of the relationship between Jacobitism and Toryism in the early part of the century. He writes, "[t]o those who asserted that the Tories were Jacobites, it could be answered that while the Stuarts remained loyal to Rome there was little danger of their successfully appealing to the 'Church Party,' as some Tories frequently described themselves" (16). 51 This position is clearly different from that of Ramsay, who, in Three Bonnets, likens the union to a marriage founded in mutual deception and betrayal. This difference influences the way in which they configure gender and familial relationships in their allegories. But at the same time, both elect to use the language of domesticity to foreground, rather than elide, conflict in Anglo-Scottish relations. The extensive discussion of sexuality and courtship in Wright's pamphlet is irrelevant to the sibling relationship described in the third of Arbuthnot's John Bull pamphlets.37 A desire to avoid the subsumption implicit in the marital metaphor is not surprising, given Arbuthnot's position on the Union. Depicting the nations as siblings, moreover, suggests that union is a natural, perhaps even inevitable relationship between kin, not unlike the Brutus myth promoted in English tracts during James Fs attempts to establish a more extensive Anglo-Scottish union in the years following his ascension to 1 0 the English throne. Yet unlike the Brutus myth, Arbuthnot's "myth" of common descent conveys cross-border relations between a masculine England (John) and a feminine Scotland (Peg), and, despite his support of the union in 1706, does suggest that the resulting power inequity is problematic. Arbuthnot's selection of siblings over spouses, a different form of familial trope, could have derived from his desire to convey the relationship between the nation and ministries as marital. Certainly he makes the most of his marital metaphor in his discussion of the prosecution of Sacheverell. In a parody of Whig arguments against '"passive obedience' to King and Church in all circumstances" during their insistence on 3 7 The main function of the pamphlets is to support the Tory peace project in relation to the War of the Spanish Succession. John's relationship with is sister is really a side issue, but obviously one that is important enough to fill almost an entire pamphlet in the series. 52 the impeachment of the High Tory preacher, John Bull's first wife (the Godolphin ministry and in particular the Whig managers of the case against Sacheverell) uses marital contract law to justify "adultery." Noting in a letter that the contract by which a wife submits to a husband can be broken if the husband does not maintain his obligations, Mrs. Bull argues that the "indispensable duty of cuckoldom" is lodged in wives in all such cases since "no wife is bound by any law to which she herself has not consented." The argument that the structure of Arbuthnot's imaginary household is designed primarily around his ministry/nation metaphor is a plausible one, yet the implications of his configuration of Anglo-Scottish interchange suggest that the choice is also related to his desire to configure a different kind of union than that envisioned by Wright and anti-union commentators. We have already discussed the implications of common origin inherent in his domestic model. The sibling relationship also configures a long history of Anglo-Scottish disagreements as childish quarrels, which then grew into "rooted aversions" that manifested in an adult relationship of mutual denigration. The implication of this progressive representation of Anglo-Scottish relations is that as both "nations" mature and grow more rational, these childish quarrels will dissipate. Third, Arbuthnot's model avoids Wright's representation of union as Jonah's punishment. Women, while they may have to operate in a more limited sphere than their brothers, do not, like wives, lose their identities if they elect to reside with them. While Arbuthnot may not have believed in retaining sovereignty and a history of glory at the expense of economic and social growth, he did not necessarily support subsumption. In Sermon at j 8 The Brutus myth tells of the division of Britain between his three sons. Bruce Galloway briefly discusses its use in union tracts in The Union of England and Scotland 1603-1608 (51). 3 9 Bower and Erickson note, "the real issue of the trial was a long and acrimonious debate between the Tory defenders of Sacheverell, who supported the theory of passive obedience (here allegorized as marital 53 the Mercat Cross he struggles with the issue of assimilation, offering two contradictory positions in one paragraph. Trying to assure his readers that Scots are giving up no more than the English he remarks, Is there not a new title, new seal, new arms, and the same changes for them as for us? For I take an incorporating union to be, as if two pieces of metal were melted down into one mass; neither can be said to retain its former form or substance, as it did before the mixture. We can never be so unreasonable as to pretend to an equal number of representatives in a British parliament; when two nations join in a common assembly, the most powerful and most numerous will still be the most powerful and most numerous; whatever metal exceeded before the mixture, the same will exceed in the mass. It is impossible to change the nature of things.... What is it that Scotland loses? The country, the people, are not annihilated; nor does an union cause all the worthy deeds that have been done at any time by the Scotch nation to be forgotten, (quoted in Aitken 403)40 Arbuthnot suggests that Scotland and England will dissolve into each other, with England as the primary element in the alloy, and that this desire coexists with a seemingly contradictory desire for Scotland to maintain its heritage and distinctness. Arbuthnot's struggle to explain difference within fusion can be explained by considering Siskin's interpretation of emergent British identity during this historical moment. Siskin notes that "the totalizing effort to make Britain a nation.. .proceeded fidelity) and the Whig prosecutors, who argued the contractual concept of government (cuckoldom) which Sacheverell had attacked" (153). For a detailed discussion of the parody, see Bower and Erickson li, Hi. 4 0 Defoe uses this same metaphor in his pamphlet responding to Swift to try to counter the marital metaphor. 54 through - not in spite of - the articulation of cultural difference. The doubling ensured that difference and unity articulated each other"(86). The Act of Union, Siskin suggests, sought to ensure a whole by, paradoxically, dividing up into parts. Scotland was to become a part of England by not only remaining, but becoming, in very particular ways, a particularly distinct part. The Act differentiated the political and economic ways from the legal, religious and thus educational ones - those having to do with the passing down, regulation, and valorization of distinctive traits, customs, and beliefs - in other words, that which we would now call culture. (85) Arbuthnot's Sermon could be said to mark the begirming of this process. On the other hand, the trope is highly unstable. Aravamudan's concept of the suppressed difference between tenor and vehicle comes into play here. While Arbuthnot presents his metallic metaphor as if difference and fusion could co-exist comfortably, the identity of the lesser metal in the model of the melting pot that his vehicle provides would, in fact, not remain distinct. The suppressed difference (between the claim to distinctness and the concept of blended metals) suggests that fusion and the retention of distinct attributes cannot simultaneously be achieved - a dissonance that becomes more pronounced in the domestic household described in the post-union John Bull pamphlets.41 Despite the presence of this destabilizing excess, Arbuthnot works to articulate difference within unity, not only in his "sermon," but by creating a tropological sibling relationship in which difference can never disappear into sameness. 4 1 In contrast, some English union advocates such as Daniel Defoe are comfortable accepting, in the words of Davis, that "Scottish people can be best served by no longer being Scottish" (25). 55 Peg and John will not reproduce - there will be no joint "British" heir born of this union that will seamlessly erase Scottish (or English) identity.42 As a woman moving into her brother's house, Peg will lose her ability to make decisions about the household (political freedom) but will retain other freedoms (her traits, customs and beliefs) which she has been promised in negotiations about cohabitation. We are told an unwilling Peg was persuaded to stay with John by good friends and by "many a bonny thing that were sent, and many more that were promised," not to mention assurance that she could continue her relationship with Jack (Calvinism) (55). Her maintained distinction within unity is assured. The naive hope that pervades Arbuthnot's "sermon" is diluted in the pamphlet, written five years and many conflicts after the union. Peg's speech indicating concern about the union, which Bower and Erickson read as a parody of Belhaven's famous speech against the union in 1705, gains new significance when considered in relation to the problematic way in which the cohabitation plays out in the remainder of the pamphlet. Peg, hearing of her brother's wish for her to reside with him, comments, "My brother John.. .is grown wondrous kind-hearted all of a suddain, but I meikle doubt, whether it be not mair for his awn conveniency than my good.. ..He wants my poor little farm, because it makes a nook in his park-wall." Complaining of his negotiations in regards to the war, "silly contracts" he has made while drunk, she adds, Why should I stand surety for his silly contracts? The little I have is free, and I can call it my own; Hame's hame be it never so hamely; I ken him 4 2 Some years later the pro-union Scottish author James Thomson struggled with the same relationship between difference and unity. He resolves the tension in The Seasons, by suggesting that economic difference can be erased, and that the pro-Hanover Duke of Argyle is the inheritor of the legacy of Wallace. 56 well enough, he never could abide me, and when he has his ends he'll e'en use me as he did before; I'm sure I shall be treated like a poor drudge; I shall be set to tend the bairns, darn the hose and mend the linen. (55) Although Arbuthnot is diplomatic in critiquing England's treatment of Scotland, and, unsurprisingly, given his associations with the English court, his initial support for the union and his long residence in England, tactfully assigns blame to both sides, there appears to be a certain justification to Peg's fears, although, as I shall discuss, he deflects direct censure away from John onto his advisors. The relationship between the siblings ends with a series of clashes, few of which seem to have been solved satisfactorily and Peg then disappears from the remainder of the pamphlets, which focus on political, religious and military matters. Her absence ominously reiterates her position as a lesser female member of the household, unable to contribute or advise her brother on his public affairs. It is not her gender alone that places her in this position. John Bull's wise second wife - the Harley ministry and its supporters - does give her husband intelligent advice. John Bull's Mother - the Church of England - is a sober, virtuous woman who is judicious "in the turn of her conversation and choice of studies, in which she far exceeded all her sex" (49). Like the second Mrs. Bull, she is not averse to advancing "her opinions with a becoming assurance" (49). Though Mrs. Bull and John's mother are not central throughout the pamphlet series, when they do appear, they are represented as rational and holding some degree of authority. This is not the case with Peg. Like Wright, Arbuthnot uses the social position of his personified Scotland to support his view of Anglo-Scottish relations. However, unlike Fergusia, Peg's financial Scottish mythic difference is reinforced while the erasure of economic difference is simultaneously promoted. position is not ameliorated by superiority in rank and antiquity. Arbuthnot is not, like Wright, trying to promote Scotland's ability to exist independently. Her gender allied with her poverty, physical weakness and lowly occupation stresses the potential commercial benefits of union and minimizes any potential military threat that England may fear from Scotland after the 1708 rising. Peg is drawn in terms that emphasize her poverty. John is "ruddy and plump" and Peg is "pale and wan" (49, 50). John grew up with the "best apartment" facing the sun while Peg grew up "in a garret, expos'd to the North-Wind, which shrivel'd her countenance," though it also gave her a hardy constitution (50). In a reference to military ability, Arbuthnot notes that though Peg would not yield in a fight, John "was indeed too strong for her" (50). And in this trope of the middling classes, John, a successful tradesman (a clothier) is contrasted with his sister, who goes "hawking and pedling about the streets, selling knives, scissars and shoebuckles; now and then carry'd a basket of fish to the market; sow'd spun and knit for a poor livelihood, till her fingers-ends were sore; and when she could not get bread for her family, she was forc'd to hire 'em out at journey-work to her neighbours" (53, 54).u At the same time, foregrounding Peg's vulnerability - her weaker strength and lower military status - implies that Peg's fear that as a female poor relation she may become a mere drudge, excluded from household decisions, may have validity. While female poets like Jane Barker did celebrate spinsterhood to a certain degree in the early eighteenth century, as Cheryl Turner remarks, "[sjpinsterhood, as depicted in the popular The sibling metaphor avoids the Anglo-Scottish debate over which was the more antique nation, as it implies the brother and sister are not far apart in age. 44Arbuthnot is playing with the stereotype of the Scot as peddler which appeared in such works as Caledonia: A Peddler turned Merchant (1700). Critics have also suggested that Arbuthnot had seen his friend Jonathan Swift's marital allegory, "The Story of the Injured Lady," though it was not published until the 1740s, and was playfully presenting a more benign version. 58 culture was an unenviable condition" (66). The state of the poor relation in a prosperous household was not a pleasant one; think of Jane Austen's famous example at the beginning of the nineteenth century - Fanny Price. Peg does have a beau. Poor Jack is incapacitated, however, not by the limitations placed on him during negotiations for Peg's move, but by the betrayal of those who claim to be acting in his best interests in matters unrelated to Peg. They convince him to half hang himself, leaving him with "some small tokens of life" but lying "past hope of a total recovery with his head hanging on one shoulder without speech or motion" (87).46 Peg, then, is left as a marginal member of her brother's household, a position that seems unmerited, for she is "clever," possesses "spirit" and "vivacity" and has the "air and mien of a gentlewoman" with "a certain decent pride" (50, 54).47 The extent of her AO vulnerability is described as discussion of Anglo-Scottish relations comes to a close. Arbuthnot diplomatically discusses complaints from both Peg's and John's servants, but primarily foregrounds the mistreatments to which Peg is subjected. He mentions that "[t]he purchase money of Peg's farm was ill paid" in reference to the slow payment of the Equivalent, money promised to compensate Scots who had incurred private losses related 45 Living by the Pen. In The Sign of Angellica, Janet Todd locates anti-spinster discourse in the late 17th and early eighteenth century particularly in male sexual satire (29). 4 6 This is a reference to have a bill passed that would punish Dissenters for occasional conformity. While Arbuthnot does paint Jack (Calvinism) as a trickster in his relations with Peg and critiques many of his actions and characteristics, he seems to strongly disagree with the way in which Whigs had been convinced that voting for this bill would be in their best interests. Thus, he portrays the event rather horrifically as Jack being promised that he would be rescued from hanging and then being left to die. Bower and Erickson quite rightly call this the "most poignant episode in the satire" (lv). 47Pride is presented quite differently here than it is in the sermon, in which Arbuthnot is far more critical of a pride that can blind Scots to the benefits they might gain from the union. 4 8 To Defoe's credit, he had been concerned that England would forget its responsibility to Scotland after the union. As Laurence Dickey points out, Defoe, in his Review articles tried to "remind England of its future legal and moral obligations to Scotland were a British nation to be formed out of Union. As a minority in the 'Parliament of Britain' the Scots would be vulnerable to English tyranny in the form of majority rule" (81). "Power, Commerce, and Natural Law in Daniel Defoe's Political Writings 1698-1707" in A Union for Empire. 59 to Darien or the standardization of coinage (56). Regarding Anglo-Scottish disagreements about importing wine to Scotla