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Building better communities : gender roles, resources and gendered processes of urban regeneration in… Fernandez, Ariadna Dawn 2003

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BUILDING BETTER COMMUNITIES: GENDER ROLES, RESOURCES AND GENDERED PROCESSES OF URBAN REGENERATION IN C A Y O HUESO, H A V A N A , CUBA by ARIADNA DAWN FERNANDEZ B.A., The University of Alberta, 1998 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (School of Community and Regional Planning) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2003 © Ariadna Dawn Fernandez, 2003 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of >SQHCOL OF GzMMuiuiTy 4 fiedhloAj*!- /2I4/1/A//AJ <5 The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date IS-AUGUST- ^OO^ DE-6 (2/88) Abstract; It has long been recognized that in many Latin American countries women and men play varied and different roles in urban-based community work. However, mainstream literature on urban regeneration initiatives rarely incorporate such gender analysis. The case of Cayo Hueso and its local planning body the Taller de Transformation is illustrative of the ways in which women (and men) mobilize resources and fellow residents to address the serious resource scarcities. The objectives of my research were to review the structure and operations of the Taller de Transformation and to study the role of women in the community and within the Taller. I sought to examine the local and national conditions that influence past and current urban development and regeneration initiatives in Cuba in general and in Cayo Hueso in particular. I also examined the key planning tools, processes and outcomes of urban regeneration initiatives used by the Taller in Cayo Hueso. I analysed the gender dimension of urban regeneration initiatives, particularly how gender roles, identities and social networks have shaped the processes and outcomes of urban regeneration in fast changing communities like Cayo Hueso To conduct this investigation I used a combination of secondary and primary data gathering methods, including a review of the literature on urban regeneration and on women's mobilization. I reviewed secondary documents on urban and participatory policies and processes in Cuban history in general and Cayo Hueso in particular. A quantitative analysis of a survey conducted in Cayo Hueso in 1999 was also utilized. Primary qualitative information was also gathered through semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions. This case study supports the assertion that women play a crucial role in social reproduction and change. I found that gender roles, identities and social networks of women do shape the principles, mechanisms, strategies and processes of urban regeneration. The fact that women identified themselves as the "mothers" of the community means that the strategies and mechanisms adopted by them in regeneration initiatives reflect this role. These traditional roles and identities do not impair the regeneration process; they actually help to bring about desired and beneficial outcomes for the local community. Therefore, a serious consideration of gender roles, gendered use of resources and social networks make it possible to improve the design and implementation of sustainable plans and models for regeneration. T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S Abstract ii Table of Contents iii List of Acronyms . v List of Boxes . vi List of Figures vii List of Tables . viii Acknowledgements . ix CHAPTER I Introduction 1 Statement of Research Problem 2 Background to Study 4 Organization of Study . 13 CHAPTER II Methodology . 16 Case Study Approach .16 Entering the Community 18 Document Review 20 Quantitative Data 20 Qualitative Data 22 Limitations of Research .28 CHAPTER III Understanding Gender and Urban Regeneration 32 The Context and Goals of Urban Regeneration 33 The Concept and Processes of Urban Regeneration . ,36 Women, Gender Roles and Urban Regeneration 40 CHAPTER IV Context of Urban Decay and Regeneration in Cuba 46 History of Urbanization and Urban Planning in Havana 46 Economic Planning in the Period of Transition 54 Socio-Political Culture 58 Women and Participation in Cuba 63 CHAPTER V Cayo Hueso's Taller de Transformation: Processes, Mechanisms and Outcomes of Community Planning for Urban Regeneration 67 Organizational Structure of the Taller 67 Diagnosticos: A Participatory Planning Tool in Identifying Community Problems and Issues 71 From Diagnostico to Strategic Planning. 79 Cultural and Artistic Aspects of Community Regeneration . . 81 Social Networking and Community Networks 84 Male and Female Roles 89 - iii -Outcomes 95 CHAPTER VI Conclusion - Taller de Transformation: A Model for Regeneration 100 Principles, Mechanisms and Outcomes of Community-Based Planning for Urban Regeneration . 102 Bringing Gender Analysis into Urban Regeneration: Limitations to the Taller's Mechanisms 109 Concluding Remarks . . . .114 Bibliography 115 Appendix I: Building from Plan de Remodelacion 124 Appendix II: Quantitative Questionnaire 125 Appendix III: Summary of Quantitative Analysis 152 Appendix IV: Interview Guide 154 Appendix V: Profile of Women Interviewed . . 158 Appendix VI: Focus Group Questions (June 2002) . . 159 Appendix VII: Final Workshop Themes (June 2002) 160 Appendix VIII: Public Presentation of Diagnostico Results 161 - iv -List of Acronyms ACLIFM - Cuban Association for the Physically Impaired ANCI - Cuban Association for the Blind ANSOC - Cuban Association of the Deaf and Hearting Impaired CDR - Committee for the Defence of the Revolution CP - Popular Council (Consejo Popular) F M C - Federation of Cuban Women GDIC - Group for the Integrated Development of the Capitals ICAIC - Cuban Institute of Art and Cinematic Industry ICRT - Cuban Institute of Radio and Television IDRC - International Development Research Council INDER - National Institute of Sports and Recreation INHEM — National Institute of Hygiene, Epidemiology and Microbiology MINED - Ministry of Education MSW - Ministry of Social Welfare NIPP - National Institute of Physical Planning O A C E - Central Administrative Offices of the State PCC - Cuban Communist Party SDPE - System of Direction and Planning of the Economy U N E A C - National Union of Writers and Artist of Cuba . v -List of Boxes: Box 1: Problem and Solutions Trees 73 Box 2: Community Strengths 75 Box 3: Community Weaknesses 77 Box 4: Planning Objectives . 80 List of Figures: Figure 1: Map of Municipios of Havana (Source: INHEM 2002) 5 Figure 2: Map of Centro Habana and Consejo Populares (Source: INHEM 2002) 6 Figure 3: Map of Cayo Hueso (Source: INHEM 2002).. 7 Figure 4: Urban Regneration Process 38 Figure 5: Organizational Map for the Taller 69 Figure 6: Network Chart 86 Figure 7: Cayo Hueso Urban Processes 101 - vii -List of Tables: Table 1: Forms of Community Participation in Cuba 59 Table 2: Participation of Women in Government 65 Table 3: Gendered Tasks Chart 91 - viii -Acknowledgements: This thesis required four months of field research and many hours in the libraries of the University of British Columbia, Universidad de la Habana and the University of East Anglia. I have many people to thank for its completion, remarkably, within two years. I am grateful to the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) for funding this study and to the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) for funding the study that introduced me to this wonderful community. I also wish to recognize with appreciation the active involvement of representatives of the Taller Integral de Cayo Hueso in particular Joel Diaz, Maria del Carmen Espinoza and Rosita Sardifias. I would also like to thank the Cayo Hueso community who participated in the interviews and workshops and generously shared their time and knowledge with me. I would also like to acknowledge the support of staff at the Instituto National de Higiene, Epidemiologia y Microbiologia (INHEM), in particular Mariano Bonet, Ana Maria Ibarra, Silvia Duran and Reina Ramirez, who served as my hosts while working in Havana. A special acknowledgement goes to the support of Niurys Fernandez, community psychologist and key researcher at INHEM, who helped this project get off the ground and sadly died before my research was completed. Her energy and insight will be deeply missed. I would also like to thank Milagros Alegret who assisted me in my work, through the analysis of the quantitative survey information and Dr. Jerry Spiegel who provided me with the data set and offered valuable advice along the way. Thank you also to Ashley Campbell for sharing her insights and her work with the GDIC. My deepest appreciation to Dr. Annalee Yassi and Dr. Nora Angeles, for your tremendous support, guidance and feedback over the course of this work and especially in the final stages of preparing this work for defence and completion. I could not have been able to do this without you. I would also like to thank my mother who has always supported me in all of my endeavours, including this one. Finally, but certainly not least, I would like to express my gratitude to Jonathan Stubbs who spent many hours with me editing and agonizing over this work. Thank you for your support and love. For anyone else who provided me with support or feedback along the way, thank you. - ix -Chapter One: Introduction It has long been recognized that in many Latin American countries, including Cuba, women and men play varied and different roles and have equally diverse social networks in doing community work. Women are often seen as the traditional care takers and nurturers within the household and of the community. Thus, in an environment in which decision-making is increasingly shifted to the community level and scarce resources limit the amount of state subsidy available, women in local communities are being called upon to address new challenges arising from decentralization. In inner city areas where infrastructure and living conditions have deteriorated more than in other areas, the roles of women within urban regeneration programs and processes are particularly significant and deserve further examination. The issue of urban deterioration in Havana began to be broadly addressed in the late 1980s and has been closely linked with the decisions of the government to decentralize. In 1995 and 1998 the work of Cuba in participatory approaches to neighbourhood regeneration was recognized by the United Nations Center for Human Settlements (Habitat) as an example of "best practice" and continues to be recognized in other areas of urban transformation1. The Integrated Neighbourhood Transformation Workshops' (Talleres de Transformation Integral) success has been recognized in Cuba and abroad and the Workshop in La Giiinera was honoured in 1995 with an award presented by the United Nations, in celebration of its 50th Anniversary, to the 50 most successful community development projects in the world. In 1998 the Taller initiative was selected again as a Best Practice experience at the Habitat-II Conference in Istanbul. 1 fhttp://www.sustainabledevelopment.o^ 1 Given this fact, Cayo Hueso's Taller de Transformation provides an excellent case through which to review the work of local planning bodies and to study the roles of men and women within local regeneration initiatives. Statement of the Research Problem While there is much discussion around community participation in urban regeneration initiatives, including debate around the effectiveness of the participatory approach for addressing issues of "the overall objectives of participation...[and] the related issues of 'who' participated and 'why'" (Jones 2003:583), there is still limited literature that refers to the importance of understanding gender roles within the field. It is widely recognized that "neighbourhoods and the people living in them are expected to form the building blocks of policy" (Meegan & Mitchell 2001: 2168), yet there has not been adequate discussion of gender issues and women's participation in these initiatives. Gender should be seriously considered when developing and designing planning strategies for community involvement. The literature on women's mobilizing is also disappointingly limited in its analysis of urban regeneration. While feminist literature acknowledges that women play a crucial role in social reproduction and in urban change (Amy Lind 1997), detailed discussion and analysis of the regeneration process is lacking. In a discussion around regeneration, Ray & Ade 2001 concede that the neighbourhood becomes an extension of home for social purposes. Based upon Naples's (1998:136) assumption that the "neighbourhood is the most effective site for affecting change", studying women as agents of change in urban regeneration is important in order to expand understanding of how women deal with macro socio-political and economic changes that effect them at a community level. 2 The purpose of this thesis is to address this gap in the literature through an investigation of a particular inner-city community in Havana, Cuba. The case of Cayo Hueso and its local planning body the Taller de Transformation illustrate the serious resource scarcities that face developing countries and the ways in which women (and men) mobilize their resources and fellow residents to address these shortages. The objectives of my research then are to review the structure and operations of the Taller de Transformation and to study the role of women in the community and within the Taller. Finally, I plan to outline the outcomes achieved by the Taller and community women and to discuss the replicability of these processes. Through my investigation of Cayo Hueso I seek to answer the following questions: 1. What are the conditions behind the push for urban regeneration and how is gender related to the issue of urban regeneration? 2. What are the local and national conditions in Cuba in general and in Cayo Hueso, Centro Habana in particular that influence past and current urban development and regeneration initiatives? 3. What are the key planning tools, processes and outcomes of urban regeneration initiatives in Cayo Hueso? How do gender roles, identities and social networks, particularly those of women, shape the processes and outcomes of urban regeneration in fast changing communities like Cayo Hueso? 4. How can a serious consideration of gender roles and gendered use of resources and social networks inform the principles, design and implementation of sustainable plans or models for. urban regeneration? 3 These four research questions will be addressed respectively in Chapters Three, Four, Five and Six. I assert that gender roles, identities and social networks of women do shape the principles, mechanisms, strategies and processes of urban regeneration. Women's concerns shape the issues addressed by the Taller and their central role in community care means that the Taller is dependent upon their social networks to mobilize residents. The fact that women identify themselves as the "mothers" of the community means that the strategies and mechanisms adopted by them in regeneration initiatives reflect this role. These traditional roles and identities do not impair the regeneration process, indeed, in my opinion they actually help to bring about desired and beneficial outcomes for the local community, especially since women are accustomed to working with limited resources. Therefore, I believe that a serious consideration of gender roles, gendered use of resources and social networks make it possible to improve the design and implementation of sustainable plans and models for regeneration. Background to the Study: The Case of Centro Habana2 and Cayo Hueso Centro Habana, founded more than 450 years ago, is one of the oldest municipalities of Havana City. With an area of 3.42km2, it is also the smallest municipality in Havana and in the entire country (see Figure 1). 2 Centro Habana and Central Havana refer to the same geographic area, Centro Habana is the Spanish form of Central Havana, and will be used interchangeably throughout this work. 4 Figurel: Map of Municipios of Havana Divided into five Popular Councils, as shown in the accompanying map (Figure 2), Centro Habana has the highest population density in the country, with approximately 170,000 inhabitants in an area of 3.5 km 2. 5 Figure 2: Map of Centro Habana and Consejos Populares MUN1CIP10 CENTRO HABANA. CONSEJOS POPULARES. Source: INHEM 2002 Furthermore, Centro Habana is practically without open space, public or private, making it an urban heat island, averaging one degree Celsius warmer than the rest of the city. Founded in 1912, Cayo Hueso has been part of Centro Habana since Cuba was first made a Republic. The Popular Council of Cayo Hueso occupies 0.83 Km in the north-west area of the municipality (see Figure 3). 6 Figure 3: Map of Cayo Hueso Source: INHEM 2002 In 1995 the population density was 46,016 people per square kilometre, representing 38,193 inhabitants (Yassi et al. 2003). The difficult economic conditions of the 1990s exacerbated the already run down physical environment of Cayo Hueso: 70% of the houses were classified by the Municipal Department of Housing as bad, 38% as uninhabitable, and there are 210 tenement houses with an index of overcrowding of seven inhabitants per room. There is a mix of people from different economic and employment sectors living in the area, including the business and service sector workers, as well as education, public health and administration employees. The municipality is a commercial and service centre with various industries, stores, theatres, and parks. The ethnic composition of Cayo Hueso is mixed: Afro-Cuban, mulatto and white, with a notable participation in syncretic religious cults4. The average educational attainment for the neighbourhood is junior high (grades 7 to 9) to high school (grades 10 to 12) and the illiteracy rates match the rest of the country at 0.6%. Cayo Hueso has four daycares with 550 children, and participates in a National movement called "Teach your Child" through informal means ( formales), in which 1,274 community children are involved. There are five primary schools with 1,767 children, two special schools with 197 children and a secondary school with 499 children. The basic health care system within the community is made up of 44 consultorios de familia (small family medical centres or doctor's offices) and within the neighbourhood there are 82 doctors and 83 nurses. Also located within its boundaries is the Hermanos Amejeiras Hospital, which provides additional medical services to the population. The current problems prevalent in Cayo Hueso, as well as the strengths that are the foundation for neighbourhood change, are deeply rooted in the history of the place. Central Havana and Old Havana have long suffered from land speculation, densification and decay (Scarpaci et al. 2002). Prior to the revolution the wealthiest families that lived 3 White and Afro-Cuban mix 4 Many of the religions practiced in Cuba are a mix of African and Catholic traditions. 8 in Old Havana moved to areas of the city beyond Central Havana such as Vedado and Miramar in order to avoid certain institutions that existed within the territory such as the Espada Cemetery, the San Lazaro Leper Colony, the Charity House and the Mental Hospital. Urban development was modest in comparison with Old Havana with plots 11 to 16 meters wide and 20 to 30 meters deep and much more economically built structures. Between 1840 and 1890 the rise of sub-standard illegal housing grew in the central areas of the capital, whose population consisted predominantly of unskilled and semi-skilled labourers from the tobacco industry. Many of the houses were constructed for the purpose of renting them to workers and people with modest incomes. Corner plots were built to rent to commercial and service establishments. Many of the houses known as cuartelerias were built with one access hall, shared bathing and cooking facilities and central patios for washing and drying clothes. These types of establishments were meant to house migrants from the provinces that had come to the capital in search of work. Historically, Centro Habana also held many of the brothel areas; the red light district once occupied 50 hectares of the municipality. By 1890 the central areas of Havana were completely urbanized. Within the boundaries now known as Cayo Hueso in an area of 168 blocks, only 152 had legal buildings; of 1,732 properties, only 70% were registered and of these only 30% had been registered legally. To try and address the appalling living conditions, the Administration Municipal demanded in 1936 that all buildings be legalized, independently of their year of construction. Oh September 28 1938, the Direction de Sanidad prohibited cuartelerias, and demolished one-floor buildings, replacing them with two to three floor buildings (Valdes 1990). 9 The population of Cayo Hueso grew substantially between 1919 and 1943 from 14,706 people to 19,310. Despite the attempts to slow growth in the city as a whole and the recommendation to reduce the population density in the Central districts of Havana following the Revolution, the population density actually increased, with building subdivisions and the construction of improvised lofts and attics. The rate of formal housing construction in these areas decreased, but no coercive measures were employed to prevent migration. Furthermore, there was a policy preference to carry out completely new projects in areas free of pre-existing built environment and social conditions. This worsened the quality of central areas in Havana. Physical deterioration accelerated due to lack of routine maintenance, especially of streets and buildings that needed repair and painting (Scarpaci etal. 2002). Although the buildings were modest and the housing stock was shabby, the architectural style and form of the area was considered to have cultural value. Moreover, these districts maintained their traditional retail, financial and historic-centre functions and the populations of these areas were very attached to their buildings and neighbourhoods. Cayo Hueso is regarded as enormously valuable in Cuba, due to the richness and variety of its construction style, its history and culture, and the social values, which are very strong in this community. It has thus been deemed very important for Cuba to protect the heritage sites and cultural traditions of Cayo Hueso for future generations. Many famous dance styles have been attributed to the area, including rumba de cajon, guaguanco, son and conga. Several distinguished writers, such as Mariblanca Salas Aloma, Anton Anufat, Eduardo Heras have worked there. The area also has a reputation of fighting for independence throughout Cuba's history. The principal worker 10 demonstrations of the republican era emerged from the heart of Cayo Hueso. In the 20 century, due to its proximity to the University of Havana, many student residences grew up within its boundaries. This population of low-paid workers and students gave Cayo Hueso a dynamic political base and it became the centre of traditional history and the revolutionary fight (Perez 1991). During the Revolutionary era, Fidel Castro and his followers formed their plans within Cayo Hueso (Valdes 1990). In his work on urban public space in Latin America, Rosenthal (2000) recognizes the importance of local history and a well-developed collective memory. The historical character of the neighbourhood has influenced in the decision to use Cayo Hueso as an example for remodeling and conservation in different periods. In 1971, for example, the Plan de Remodelacion de Cayo Hueso was initiated by the Group for the Development of Communities led by Raquel Perez to address persistent problems with infrastructure and services. The first step in the Plan was the construction of new housing and the demolition of ciudadelas. New blocks were built in Fontanar, near the Parque Trillo (Appendix 1); five-story and 12-story buildings were constructed in the area, with buildings of 3 to 4 stories built later to fit in better with existing construction. According to Coyula, Uggen and Augotti (1996) however, the project "reflected an incipient lag at the theoretical level because of the absence of debate and the slavish copying of imported models from cities that were not exactly in the vanguard of the city-planning movement". The Plan de Remodelacion was eventually abandoned and it was not until 1988, with the establishment of the Taller de Transformation Integral de Cayo Hueso, that plans to revitalize the neighbourhood were taken up again. Until the establishment of the GDIC and the Talleres de Transformation the kind of urban 11 rehabilitation schemes seen in Havana were in keeping with the practices of Latin American at the time (see Chapter 3). Public consultation was virtually non-existent and whole neighbourhoods and communities were relocated into new buildings without any consideration for social issues. The establishment of the GDIC and the Talleres sought to rectify these oversights by placing a greater emphasis on community participation and engaging in a more integrated approach. In terms of social and political response, the Group for the Integrated Development of the Capital (Group para el Desarollo Integral de la Capital — GDIC) and the Integrated Community Workshops (Talleres de Trasformacion Integral) emerged as government's response to deteriorating urban conditions. Cayo Hueso's attempts to link social improvements with economic progress are evidenced in their efforts to tie heritage preservation to tourism for community economic development. While urban containment was certainly a priority in Cuban policy after the Revolution and prior to the late 1980s, the focus now has turned to reversing the decline of conditions in the Capital. Certainly, the GDIC and the Taller show a change in the approach to urban policy and regeneration attempts in Cuba. Regeneration interventions attempt to improve the over-all quality of life and human health in a community. In the case of Cayo Hueso, the following initiatives, determined through a community consultation within the IDRC project, were considered to be a priority (Spiegel et al. 2001): o Housing repair; o Repair of public buildings and construction of recreational, social and cultural venues; 12 o Repair of streets and replacement of water and drainage mains to improve water supply and eliminate sources of contamination; o Improvement of solid waste removal; o Improvement of street lighting; o Improvement of social and cultural activities in the neighbourhood. While the above initiatives are fairly limited in scope, they outline some of the more practical or concrete goals of urban regeneration. Organization of the Study A detailed outline of the methodology and research process is provided in Chapter Two. In conducting my investigation I have used a combination of secondary and primary sources, including an in depth review of the literature on urban regeneration and on women's mobilization. The literature on women's roles in mobilization has had the greatest influence in my work because I have seen parallels between my own observations and the assertions presented within this body of literature. I hope that my work will make a contribution to urban regeneration literature, which at present fails to recognize the extent to which gender roles influence community participation in planning initiatives. Furthermore, I have reviewed secondary documents on Cuban history in general and Cayo Hueso in particular in relation to urban and participatory policies and processes. In addition, as a way of providing necessary background information on the nature of participation in Cayo Hueso, I utilized a quantitative analysis of a survey conducted in Cayo Hueso in 1999. Primary qualitative information was also gathered through semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions conducted over a four-month period. 13 Chapter Three discusses the issue of urban regeneration, by providing a general overview of practices and initiatives over time and by defining how regeneration differs from community development, and the concept of neighbourhood revitalization. The chapter outlines the manifestations of regeneration and provide a cross-cultural comparative analysis of "urban regeneration" models and experiences in other countries. It is essential to place the very localized manifestations of urban regeneration into the broader context of national and international economic and political forces. Chapter Four therefore presents an in-depth overview of the context of urban development, decay and regeneration in Cuba. I will discuss the political, social and economic transformation of Cuba in general, and how these transformations have affected urban issues in Havana. Chapter Five focuses on the issues and problems that Cayo Hueso faces as a community at present. It discusses the principles and mechanisms from a gendered perspective of the main organizational force behind urban regeneration initiatives in Cayo Hueso the, Taller de Transformation. By reviewing its strategies for urban regeneration and mobilization of the community, it will be possible to outline the distinct roles of men and women in the community as well as the gendered use of resources and community networks that are tied to implementation strategies. It will also consider the outcomes of the Taller's work so far, both in terms of international and local collaboration, and in terms of what has been accomplished on a tangible physical level and on a socio-cultural level. The gendered nature of urban regeneration and community activities that have emerged from the Taller's work, or have been incorporated into their work, will also be highlighted in this chapter. My concluding chapter will focus on the questions that my investigation set 14 out to address and will consider the lessons learned and the main challenges around community led regeneration activities. It will also consider whether, in a context as unique as Cayo Hueso, it would be possible to use these strategies or mechanisms in other resource strapped communities, both within and outside of Cuba. 15 Chapter Two: Methodology This chapter will provide an explanation of my research approach (i.e., case study) and outline methods used. First, I will provide a detailed description of the case study approach and an account of how I came to work in the community of Cayo Hueso. Following this I will briefly outline the documents and literature reviewed in preparation for my work in order to gain a better understanding of the historical, political and social context of the community. Finally, I will describe the methods that I employed in the course of my community-based research. Case Study Approach For my thesis I use a case study approach, a common methodology in social science research. Case studies are used to ask 'how' and 'why' questions. They describe causal relationships and historical developments, making abstract accounts concrete by illustrating processes and relationships. More than illustrations, case studies help to uncover interconnections between actors and events (Mitchell 1983, 1984). As Gluckman (1961:9) states "one good case can illuminate the working of a social system in a way that a series of morphological statements cannot achieve." From extensive observation case studies are able to make a statement about the overall pattern of behaviour or beliefs (Mitchell 1984). They provide a way of organizing social data in order to preserve the unitary character of the social object being studied (Mitchell 1983). Case studies are context specific and study phenomenon located in space and time which describe a specific configuration of events in which a distinct set of actors have been 16 involved in a defined situation at a particular point in time (Hammersley 1992a & b, Mitchell 1983, 1984). This approach is sometimes used as a partial synonym for 'qualitative research'. Qualitative methods and statistical methods have been pitted against each other since the 1930s, with the validity and scientific rigour of "soft" methods constantly being challenged (Mitchell 1983). However, case study is more than simply a qualitative method; it is an approach to research that allows for a more in-depth understanding of processes. Furthermore, this approach can incorporate various methods, both qualitative and quantitative, combining some elements of survey and experimental strategy, involving naturally occurring rather than researcher-created cases. Case studies are descriptive, made up of material that has been assembled by a variety of means, interviews, both formal and informal, observation and/or surveys (Mitchell 1983). Primary qualitative research tends to characterize the case study approach; however an understanding of context and background can be gleaned from both primary and secondary sources, such as statistical information or through personal narratives (Mitchell 1984). Any technique of data collection may be used to get the information necessary to provide as complete an account as possible (Mitchell 1984). The choice of method should depend on the problem under study and its circumstances (Flyvbjerg 2001). Much criticism regarding the reliability and validity of case studies has been based on a misconception of the basis upon which the analyst may justifiably extrapolate from an individual case study to social process in general (Mitchell 1983). In fact, case studies in whatever form are reliable and respectable procedures of social analysis. Both quantitative. approaches and qualitative approaches have their advantages and 17 disadvantages. Surveys, which use large samples, have the advantage of breadth but the problem of depth; while qualitative methods have the advantage of depth and the problem of breadth. It is sensible, therefore, to use these methods together in an embedded design (Hammersley (1992b). This is what I have attempted to do in my case study in Cayo Hueso. Entering the Community My interest in urban studies in Cuba stems from my experience studying at the University of Havana, with the Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, where I completed a diploma in International Relations and Development in 2001. My tesina (mini-thesis) examined how Cuba dealt with poverty issues within the City of Havana since the collapse of the Soviet Socialist Block. It was through this study, as well as by living in Havana for four months, that I first became aware of the urban problems of the City and the work of the Grupp para el Desarrollo Integral de la Capital (Group for the Integrated Development of the Capitals - GDIC). I became keenly interested in community approaches to regeneration initiatives and felt that Cuba presented a good model for this. Shortly following the completion of this diploma I began my post-graduate studies in Community and Regional Planning at the University of British Columbia. My interest and experience living in Cuba led me to meet Dr. Annalee Yassi, Director of the Institute of Health Promotion Research, who had been working in Havana with the Instituto de Higiene, Epidemiologia y Microbiologia (National Institute of Hygiene, Epidemiology and Microbiology -INHEM) since 1995. She hired me to work with her on the International Development Research Council (IDRC) funded project, "Applying an 18 Ecosystem Health Approach to Evaluating Health Interventions in Centra Habana". I worked with Dr. Yassi as a research assistant from November 2001 to March 2002. It was through work on this project that I met research staff from INHEM and began to familiarize myself with the Community of Cayo Hueso. INHEM was involved in the evaluation of the environmental health indicators in the community during the time period when Plan Cayo Hueso was made. Plan Cayo Hueso was a set of interventions meant to address local health conditions and to improve the quality of life in Cayo Hueso that were undertaken between 1996 and 1999. Health indicators in the community were analysed before and after the intervention and a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the community participation process was conducted as part of the larger IDRC project mentioned above. As a research assistant, I had the opportunity to travel to Havana and attend community meetings hosted by the Taller de Transformation de Cayo Hueso, a locally planning body with a strong presence in the community of Cayo Hueso, and to meet Taller staff, volunteers, members of the community. The IDRC project led to the conclusion that a more in-depth evaluation of the role of women in regeneration initiatives would be useful for future community-based projects not only in Cayo Hueso but also in other communities in the city of Havana. I decided to explore the social mechanisms in place that allowed for effective community mobilization, hence my thesis research began. Funding received from the Canadian International Development Agency (Innovative Research Award) made it possible for me to work with INHEM and conduct field research in Cuba on two other occasions. 19 Document Review To develop the conceptual framework for my study, I reviewed theories on feminism, women's mobilization and urban regeneration. Within the urban regeneration literature, I focused on discussions around the concept of community participation. To focus my research around gender issues, I also conducted an extensive review of feminist literature on women's mobilization, particularly on how feminism and Marxism have influenced the women's movement and other social movements in Cuba. By way of background investigation into the context of regeneration initiatives in Cayo Hueso, I conducted a review of past urban regeneration efforts in Cayo Hueso, using primary documents from the GDIC Documentation Centre. The GDIC is the provincial level body that supports the work of the Taller in Cayo Hueso (Further details about the GDIC will be presented in Chapter Four). I also conducted an in-depth review of secondary literature on Cuban urban policies and practices, as well as policies pertaining to the participation of women in Cuban society. An in-depth study of political structures from the local to the national level was also conducted using sources both published and unpublished, Cuban and non-Cuban. Quantitative Data As a way of triangulating the qualitative data gathered during my field research I examined the results of a quantitative analysis of household survey conducted in 2000 and 2001 under the auspices of the aforementioned IDRC project. The questionnaire was conducted as part of an investigation on health and community participation of Plan Cayo Hueso, mentioned above. The questionnaire contained questions related to the socio-20 economic and material conditions for the family, health risk perception, self-rated health, health risk behaviours, and participation in the Plan Cayo Hueso, as well as the perceived benefits from the interventions. Household interviews were conducted with 1708 individuals, consisting of all people over age 15 in the 328 families chosen by random sampling methods from the catchment areas of 15 consultorios within Cayo Hueso and 15 in a comparison inner city community, Colon, also located in Central Havana. The findings (Spiegel et al. 2001a, 2001b, 2002) indicated that gender balance was maintained in these interviews, (58.9% were women and 41.1% were men). Occupational categories of the respondents indicated that 53.5% were employed, 19.3% retired, 15.1% housewives, 8.5% students, 3.0% unemployed (neither study nor work) and 0.9% were in the military (Yassi et al. 2003). For the purposes of my investigation, only responses from Cayo Hueso were analyzed. The following survey questions, loosely termed as "social capital" questions, were tested for significance based on gender, race, economic situation, education level and age (see Appendix 2 for a copy of the complete questionnaire and Appendix 3 for a summary of the results from the questions analyzed for this thesis): 1. Do you like this neighbourhood? 2. Would you like to continue living here? 3. Have you been part of the leadership of a community organization? 4. Have you ever contacted a local government official? 5. Do you have a close friend in the neighbourhood? 6. Do you know the names of the majority of your neighbours? 7. Do you have a friend near by who would look after your house? 21 8. Do you have a friend near by who would care for you if you were ill? 9. Would you lend a friend 50 pesos? 10. Are your neighbours cooperative? As these survey questions were part of another research design, and my purpose was not to investigate the social capital of Cayo Hueso, they were not perfectly suited to address my research questions. However, I felt that examining whether there was a gender difference in these questions would provide a general sense of how people felt about their community, their social networks, the level of existing cooperation and potential for further networking. Qualitative Data My field research funded by the CIDA Innovative Research Award, was conducted over two periods - one two-month period in May and June 2002 and one one-month period in October 2002. In the initial period, I conducted 17 interviews with 20 women (in three of the interviews there were two women present and responding to my questions), as well as two focus group discussions and one final combined workshop. In the second period, eight interviews were conducted with eight men who were involved with the Taller in some way. In both periods my investigation also involved observation of community and Taller activities. I attended three meetings between staff and directors of the Taller's community centres.. I attended also regularly scheduled Taller activities with seniors and youths. While participating in community events I spoke informally with members of the community to see how they felt about the local community activities. 22 I n t e r v i e w s The interviews were conducted in Spanish, as I am fluent in the language and it is the native language of the interviewees. All participants were informed verbally of the nature of the study and were provided with a written consent form to sign if they agreed to participate. A female research assistant, the same age as myself, from INHEM, my host institution accompanied me during the interviews. It was a requirement of INHEM that I went accompanied by a member of their staff. She later assisted me with transcription. It was useful to have a Cuban research assistant, who helped with the transcription and explained culturally specific references I was not aware of. In conducting interviews with the community members, I used a semi-structured interview format. I felt that this would be the best way to achieve my goal of determining what women's and men's roles were in the community, as well as how they saw each other's roles. I used an interview guide, one for men and one for women (see Appendix 4) to assist me in maintaining focus on my objectives and to prevent losing track of my interviews. In interviewing women I used general questions about age, occupation, education and family structure first to get a sense of the kind of women who were actively involved in the community (see Appendix 5 for a summary of the profile of the women interviewed.), and second as a tool to ease them into the interviews. Most women were more than happy to talk about their children, grandchildren and/or husbands. The intention also was to compare their responses with the larger sample from a survey conducted in the area approximately one year previous to my investigation. This approach was later altered, and the men were not asked these types of questions. However for both sexes I asked questions about their membership and participation in 23 other community organizations, such as the Committee for the Defence of the Revolution (CDR) or the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC) to get a sense of the level of community involvement of men and women and also to get a sense of how these organizations were related to the Taller. All interviews were conducted at a location specified by the informant, most taking place either in their homes, their places of work or at one of the Taller's community centres. The majority of the interviews were recorded and later transcribed, immediately after the interviews. Notes taken during the interview were also immediately coded and transformed into inference and analytical notes. C r i t e r i a f o r i n f o r m a n t s In selecting informants for interviews I chose to use the following criteria: informants either had to be residents of the community of Cayo Hueso or if not, then closely affiliated with the Taller. Only one person interviewed was not a resident of Cayo Hueso; this is the director of the Taller, who lives in the neighbouring community of Plaza in Vedado. I interviewed only adult men and women over the age of 18 to avoid the extra complication of seeking guardian permission for interviews. To find informants I used a "reputational snow-ball sampling process", where active members of the community would put me in contact with other members who were also active: "Oh, you want to meet people active in the community? You should talk to so and so, she does this!" and so on. One woman in particular acted as a key informant and was instrumental in putting me in contact with various women in the community. I chose her as a key informant for two reasons; firstly she knows my supervisor, who was involved in another project in Cayo Hueso, and I had met her briefly on a previous trip to Havana. Secondly, 24 she is extremely active in the Taller. She runs one of their community centres, La Casa del Nino y la Nina on a volunteer basis, as well as being extremely involved in other community activities; she is often called on to host or coordinate other events in Cayo Hueso. Because of her role in the community I knew that she would have detailed knowledge of the Taller and the men and women in the community in general. I also interviewed key employees in the Taller, including the director; these individuals also put me contact with other people associated with their organization. F o c u s g r o u p s Focus group discussions were also conducted near the end of my first study period as a way of addressing what I felt were data gaps in my interviews. Two focus group discussions were held where I asked those present to comment on my preliminary observations. All sessions took place in the Taller de Transformation de Cayo Hueso, Casa Comunitaria San Jose and were conducted on the following days - Friday and Saturday, June 14 and 15, 2002. All women who had been interviewed were invited to participate in these discussions, except one whose husband became extremely ill and died during the course of my fieldwork. For the focus group discussions the 19 women were separated into two groups, depending on when they said that they could attend, with 10 in one group and 9 in the other. From the first group a total of 5 came and participated. From the second group, only four attended. Of these four, two were friends of an informant, one of which had been present at her interview, but did not speak, and the other had not taken part in any previous interviews. Two women did not participate because they held leadership positions in the CDR or FMC and had to take part in the Referendum that ran from June 15 to 18, 2002. (This Referendum was called by 25 President Fidel Castro in response to U.S. President George Bush's statement on May 20, 2002 demanding that Cuba changes its constitution). Both sessions were approximately one hour long, with coffee and snacks served at the end. The questions asked in the focus group discussions can be reviewed in Appendix 6. It was not possible to conduct focus group meetings during my second study period for two reasons: one was the poor weather conditions and the other was political activity that hindered my ability to recruit interviewees. One final workshop was conducted as well on Wednesday, June 22, 2002. This workshop was also held at the Taller de Transformation de Cayo Hueso, Casa Comunitaria San Jose. It was conducted as part of my research and hosted at the Taller but was scheduled so as not to interrupt any regularly programmed Taller activities. Again all women who had been interviewed were invited to participate in these discussions. For the final workshop, again only about half of the women who had been initially interviewed attended, while other participants invited their friends and co-workers to come. A total of fifteen people came to the final workshop, which had a similar format to the focus group discussions. I began by presenting what I felt were the emerging themes from the interviews so far, and asked for feedback and commentary from the group. At the end of the session snacks and beverages were provided, and some community members recited poetry and sang, as a thank you to me for working with the Taller. The findings discussed are outlined in Appendix 7. In the focus groups notes were taken by an INHEM employee and then immediately typed up in order to add any observations or details of the meetings. No large group meetings such as this were conducted during the second study period, although a small party was held in my honour 26 at the Casa del Nino y la Nina. Some of those I interviewed in both the first and the second study periods as well as some other community activists attended the party. It provided people from the community with an opportunity to ask me about my work and what I planned to do with it once I finished. P a r t i c i p a n t O b s e r v a t i o n A significant part of information about how the Taller functions within the community, and men's and women's gender roles within regeneration work came from simply being in the Cayo Hueso and observing the activities taking place. As I speak Spanish, I was able also to discretely observe interactions between Taller staff, members of the community, and other organization. I kept notes of what was overheard and observed when it related to urban regeneration initiatives or gave particular insight into men's and women's participation in the community. I also took notes from informal conversations that I had with community members, volunteers and staff, which gave me a sense of not only how regular members of the community felt about the work being done, but also how volunteers and staff felt about working in the community. Participant observation techniques were particularly useful when it was not possible to organize formal interviews, especially during the disaster relief efforts in October 2002. V e r i f i c a t i o n In my final trip to Cayo Hueso in June 2003 I was able to complete my investigation by meeting again with the Taller and the community. This provided me with an opportunity to see if anything further had been achieved or planned since my last visit as well as the chance to present my work to Taller staff and volunteers for comment. 27 First I presented my work to the Director of the Taller, as well as the leader of the Casa Comiinitaria San Jose, who worked most closely with me in my last visit, in order to receive their comments and questions. Given the complex nature of the organizational charts, these were only presented to the Director of the Taller and key Taller staff for comment and feedback. Following this, a large workshop was held in the Casa Comiinitaria San Jose on Thursday, June 19, 2003 at 2 PM. All those I had interviewed to date were invited to attend, but only about half of those interviewed (four men and ten women) attended the meeting. Other community members were present however; five were children attending an art class with their instructor and four were musicians invited by the Taller to provide some entertainment at the conclusion of the activity as well as four staff from INHEM. In total, 36 people attended the final workshop. At the workshop I presented my conclusions as well a chart of men's and women's tasks in the community. This was an ideal opportunity to not only present the work that I have done but to hear the community's thoughts and feedback on what I had observed, as well as get any final clarification on the data gaps in my work. Both community members and Taller staff were satisfied with the conclusions that I had drawn. However, based on discussion around the gender task chart, changes have been made in regards to gendered division of labour (see Chapter 5). Limitations of the Research In the initial period of research, which took place from May to June 2002, I intended to study the role of the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), a Cuban mass organization that works at the grassroots level, in the processes of urban regeneration. As the F M C is an 28 all women's organization in the first two months of fieldwork I only interviewed women. During this time it became clear, however that in fact the F M C roles in urban regeneration was relatively limited and that the local planning body, the Taller de Transfomacion Integral de Cayo Hueso, had a far more central role in the development and implementation of regeneration initiatives. Upon further discussion with thy thesis supervisors, the scope of my project was narrowed to focus on the gendered aspects of the urban regeneration process within the Taller. Hence, during my second fieldwork period I incorporated more information about the Taller and the nature of its operation, including gendered aspects, into my research and interviewed men in the community. Also, with the understanding that community participation is "inevitably structured by age, race, gender and class" (Jones 2003), I later included observations on race and youth in the October 2002 component of my research. Another limitation of my investigation is that I interviewed primarily those who were quite active in the community. Only three interviews were conducted with those who were not particularly active. Relatively few men were interviewed compared to women; this had partly to do with the shorter time period for the second stage of the field work and also because the initial questions under investigation were slightly altered based on findings from the first field research period. Further, the focus group discussions were not as well attended as I would have hoped. While I felt that it was extremely helpful to have an INHEM staff member with me while I conducted my investigation I acknowledge that the presence of a "formal" figure representing my host institution may have influenced the depth and quality of responses given. In terms of the quantitative component of my research, the large survey used in the IDRC project was not particularly 29 well suited to address my research questions, therefore it was a little difficult to use it effectively to address the issue of gender in urban regeneration. Other logistical issues also affected my fieldwork. In October 2002 there were hurricane and severe storm warnings in Havana. This was particularly a problem in the first week as the local government, the Taller and other community members were very busy preparing to evacuate people from severely deteriorated housing. Although, this was not the ideal way to initiate my field research, it did enable me to see how the community operated under "stress". I was able to observe the role of local men and women, government and mass organizations in dealing with environmental risks in their community. National and local political activities in both June and October 2001 also limited the availability of community members and key informants. In my initial visit there was the national Referendum and in my second visit, municipal elections were taking place. Everyone at the Taller was extremely busy helping with the elections and "training" newly elected delegates - familiarizing them with their work and the conditions of Cayo Hueso. This posed a problem in recruiting interviewees through the Taller and in reaching out to the youth involved in the community projects. However, I was able to see how the Taller functions within the electoral system and obtain a clearer picture of how different elements of the community work together to achieve similar goals. I was also welcomed to attend some of the meetings with the Taller that were related to the Consejo Popular and was still able to interview volunteers and workers of the Taller, linking with people that work closely with youth in the community. 30 The following chapter will now provide the analytical framework of the study, explore the definition of urban regeneration, the relevance of gender in regeneration activities, and the nature of community involvement within its processes. 31 Chapter Three: Understanding Gender and Urban Regeneration This chapter seeks to understand why the issue of urban regeneration is significant and how gender analysis might be useful in better understanding urban regeneration issues. Urban regeneration is a critical issue in all urban environments in both developed and developing nations. The well-being of cities provides a window into the well-being of society as a whole. It is my belief that the promotion of social justice and equality can be accomplished through urban regeneration initiatives. While urban regeneration has many negative connotations, the concepts and practices behind recent regeneration activities are much broader in scope and seek to address the lack of community consultation and participation that mark earlier urban transformation initiatives. Urban and social change cannot be accomplished without the involvement of all community members, male and female, young and old. While the current literature does acknowledge the significance of gender roles, identities and social networks in urban regeneration, there is still a lack of understanding of the dynamics of these factors that are essential to examine if long-term and sustainable change is to be achieved. Therefore, this chapter seeks to discuss the importance of addressing urban change and regeneration by addressing the following questions: What are the conditions behind the push for urban regeneration; what does urban regeneration mean; and in particular, how gender is related to the issue of urban regeneration? 32 The Context and Goals of Urban Regeneration The need to address the challenges of rapid urban change has long been recognized in both developed and developing nations. Urban change encompasses several aspects which Roberts and Sykes (2000:24) identify as the following: economic transition and employment change; social and community issues (such as crime, poverty and race); physical obsolescence and new land and property requirements (for example derelict land and buildings); and finally, environmental quality and sustainable development. These aspects of change are in turn reflected in urban policy which attempts to address matters of housing and health, physical conditions, social improvements, economic progress, and the containment of urban growth. Peter Roberts (2000) refers to five themes in urban regeneration and policy: the relationship between physical conditions evident in urban areas and the nature of the social and political response; the need to attend to matters of housing and health in urban areas; the desirability of linking social improvements with economic progress; containment of urban growth; and the changing role and nature of urban policy. These themes are also reflected in Cuba. Historically, attempts to deal with rapid urban growth and change were a reaction to perceptions of crisis situations. Urban renewal practices in the inner city areas of pre-industrial urban Europe were spurred by plague and congestion. In the colonies, city clean-up campaigns were very common in order to "teach the natives" some "skills" in basic hygiene and sanitation in order not to disrupt the health of the colonial enterprise. Hence, departments of public health were created, and in the schools, classes on work education often included health, hygiene, and sanitation, while at the universities, this influenced setting up Home Economics as a field of study. City "clean-up", meaning 33 slum clearance and strictly enforced social segregation, was the early twentieth century response. In the case of colonial Bombay, for example, urban 'improvements' were class driven and therefore unevenly distributed, making problems of congestion, bad housing and environmental blight even worse (Hazareesingh 2001). In Latin American urban renewal initiatives were used by elites to "sanitize" and destroy working class areas in Rio and Buenos Aires, among other cities (Rosenthal 2000). This continues to be the practice in some countries where urban renewal initiatives include the demolition of many central tenements, as well as more peripheral slums built illegally on public lands. Another option that was attempted throughout Latin America, including Cuba, was the practice of relocating communities to expansive, government-built apartment blocks. This practice was later abandoned as it was found that the poor were often ill-disposed to look after these properties, which exacerbated social problems and caused buildings to deteriorate rapidly (Gilbert 1994). While some of these practices of urban renewal are no longer promoted as the ideal way to deal with the problems of urbanization, the conditions that gave rise to them are still prevalent. In developing nations, rapid urbanization has led to serious difficulties, such as: shortage of land, housing, and employment; deteriorating environments; lack of services; shortages of resources and qualified personnel; uncoordinated national and regional urban policies; costly imported finance; and absence of meaningful public participation in planning and the development process generally (Hewitt 1999). Urban regeneration attempts to address these negative aspects of urban change, often exacerbated by inadequate or inappropriate policy. Urban regeneration initiatives normally arise out of the need to address the economic, environmental and social 34 degradation of an area. The focus tends to be on dealing with the poor physical conditions that have a negative impact on health and society. Urban regeneration has often been equated with improving city infrastructure and health and sanitation services. However I would like to avoid this equation in my research as it recognizes that underlying social and economic issues must be addressed as well. Jones (2003) argues that regeneration has the overall goal of delivering social inclusion and empowering local communities to participate in and direct changes that affect them. Urban regeneration, therefore is far more than simple service delivery; it is closely tied to concepts of community participation in urban governance and social justice. According to Jo Beall (2001), urban governance represents the relationship between civil society and the local state or higher levels of government and embraces a complex network of interactions among institutions and groups. In this way social resources, in the form of social relations and networks at the local level, are inextricably linked with public action and urban governance. In this study social justice refers to the equitable distribution of resources, as well as access to amenities. It would not be possible to achieve urban governance or social justice without participation at the grassroots level. The call for community participation in urban planning is closely tied to the idea of social learning. Social learning can be generally understood to mean "learning by doing", where the actor and the learner are understood to be one and the same and knowledge is gleaned from experience (Friedmann 1987). Within social learning there should be a continual process of learning and significant action. Local men and women must be able to express their needs and be meaningfully integrated into the design and implementation of the strategies meant to benefit them. Gender of course must form part 35 of the discourse around urban governance and social justice because women and men generally perform different roles within the family, household and community and are affected by urban change in different ways. Therefore it is essential to guarantee participation of both sexes in urban regeneration initiatives to ensure that the goals of urban governance and social justice are achieved. The Concept and Process of Urban Regeneration Urban regeneration can be understood in many different ways. It is easiest to understand or define urban regeneration by identifying what it seeks to address, namely the four aspects of community: economic, social, environmental (physical) and cultural (Kay 2000). Economic aspects of regeneration refer to bringing money into an area through investment and employment and invigorating the local economy. Social regeneration refers to encouraging social connections through facilities, organizations and clubs that can enhance the quality of life through human contact between individuals, families, and sections of society. Environmental regeneration refers to the improvement in the surrounding areas and buildings to enhance the quality of life for the local population. Cultural regeneration refers to the image and self-image of area, its heritage, history, traditions, and skills within a society. Ideally, regeneration should address each of these aspects simultaneously. When discussing approaches to urban improvement and development, one can easily confuse "urban regeneration" with less desirable forms of community improvement, such as "urban renewal", "rehabilitation", "development" and "revitalization". Urban regeneration, however, aims to be a more comprehensive 36 concept. Regeneration seeks to bring about a lasting improvement in the economic, physical, social and environmental conditions of an area that has been subject to change, through integrated vision and action that leads to the resolution of urban problems. Regeneration aims to be more comprehensive than its predecessor, urban renewal, which is often limited to achieving physical improvements, such as the eradication of sub-standard housing, while ignoring the wider social implications of this kind of change (Roberts & Sykes 2000, Bailey & Robertson 1997). Strict urban renewal policies often result in gentrification, which displaces poorer communities and disrupts social networks. Alternatively, urban rehabilitation strategies have the intention of retaining original communities. However, they are often seen to have much the same effect as urban renewal, generally leading to an increase in housing prices and a displacement of the original community by people with higher incomes. According to Roberts (2000) other alternatives such as urban development and urban revitalization have also fallen short, as they lack a well-defined process and precise methods of approach. While the aims of urban regeneration are in many ways similar to its predecessors, it advocates a longer term process that integrates the community where it takes place, and does not displace it. The Urban Regeneration Process outlined by Roberts and Sykes below (p. 8) is useful reference for understanding how the various elements are involved. 37 F i g u r e 4: T h e U r b a n R e g e n e r a t i o n P r o c e s s : Economic Analysis e.g. structure o f local economy, income flows, employment and unemployment, output, economic linkaaes Social Analysis e.g. analysis o f social stress, deprivation, skills and capacities, community facilities, ethic and other minority issues Environmental analysis e.g. urban physical quality, environmental resource use, waste management, pollution, desianed features, landscape I N P U T S External drivers of Application to an individual change urban area e.g. macro-trends in -city wide analysis economy, national and -neighbourhood characteristics international pol icy - Existing plans and policies -specified goals and aims -iuture requirements Internal drivers of change e.g. existing strategies, availability o f resources, preferences o f residents, status o f partnerships, leadership and chamnions OUTPUTS Neighbourhood strategies e.g. community action, inner area renewal, local social facilities, community-led planning, local environmental schemes 1 Training and Education e.g. skills enhancement, community training, enhanced research and development, support o f schools and school-based facilities Economic development e.g. support for new and . existing firms, improved infrastructure, innovation, economic diversification . Physical improvements e.g. city-centre improvements, estates action, housing improvement, enhanced urban design and quality, heritage Environmental action e.g. waste management, energy efficiency, urban greening, company-based action, stimulating green growth Roberts and Sykes 2000: 20 38 As we can see from the diagram, there first needs to be a clear understanding of the individual community's economic, social and environmental conditions, as well as how these fit into the wider context of provincial, national and international policy, and current practice before various strategies from community betterment can be developed and implemented. In keeping with the aforementioned aspects of community this diagram outlines possible social and cultural approaches (neighbourhood strategies and training and education), physical and environmental approaches (physical improvements and environmental action) and economic approaches (economic development) to regeneration. The focus on particular communities means that urban regeneration adheres to a place-based concept of community that recognizes the importance of a shared experience of neighbourhood and the complexity of social networks (Perdue et al. 2000, Roberts & Sykes 2000). The ambitious goals of urban regeneration - to transform the physical, social, economic and cultural aspects of a community simultaneously — force it to straddle public, private and community sectors. The extent of the change called for means that it must make the best possible use of natural, economic, human, and other resources, including land and existing features of the built environment. There needs to be central Objectives and the introduction of a means of mobilizing collective effort to manage change in an orderly manner in order to create the required institutional structures (Roberts 2000). The nature of urban regeneration is such that it is likely to experience considerable changes in its institutional structures over time in response to changing economic, social, environmental, and political circumstances. 39 As indicated in the above diagram, an immensely detailed understanding and analysis of local conditions is necessary to make it possible for processes that are predominantly state-led and interventionist in nature to engage in meaningful public participation. Participation provides a means of determining policies and actions designed to improve the conditions of urban areas while developing the institutional structures necessary to support it. Urban regeneration seeks to ensure consensus through the fullest possible participation and co-operation of all stakeholders with a legitimate interest in the regeneration of an urban area. As such, public participation is essential in securing a means of mobilizing collective effort and providing the basis for the negotiation of appropriate solutions. Community involvement enables the development of active citizenship which is a key element for sustained community ownership of community governance (Speak 2000). Women, Gender Roles and Urban Regeneration While there is much discussion around community participation in urban regeneration initiatives, including some that speak to neglected voices of youth in this participation, there is still limited literature on the importance of understanding gender roles within the field. Most mainstream studies on urban regeneration are often gender-blind, or ignore the gendered contributions of women and men in community based initiatives. A clear example is the diagram by Roberts and Sykes (2000) cited above which addresses social inputs and outputs without recognizing their obviously gendered dimensions. For example the inputs of their chart, economic, social and environmental analysis do not 40 consider gender, yet all of the aspects considered ~ structure of the local economy, income flows, analysis of social stress, community facilities, urban physical environment — affect women and men in different ways, especially when we stop to consider that women are most often at the forefront of both family and community care. The same can be said for the external and internal drivers of change mentioned in the chart. Despite many advances in women's position in many societies, including Cuba, gendered divisions in labour, leadership and resource use continue to exist. If one is to consider these gender differences in the inputs and context of urban regeneration then it stands to reason that outputs will also be gendered in nature. Neighbourhood strategies for example need to consider gender roles, which have an impact on the kind and level of participation within a community. Physical improvements will impact men and women differently, as will economic development and environmental action. Certainly when considering training and education it is important to consider gender roles and how this may impact issues of access and equality. Urban conditions are inextricably tied to the living conditions of individuals and communities. These conditions have been identified by feminist scholars as the practical gender issues or livelihood needs (Molyneux 1981, Rowbotham and Linkogle 2001). It has been argued that there is a tendency for women to organize, in both the private and public sphere, around practical everyday needs, such as food, shelter, and daycare, as opposed to gender specific issues or identities; certainly much mobilizing among women is to address quality of life issues and livelihood needs. Urban regeneration relates to both public and private space and quality of life, therefore women's actions within regeneration should be recognized within the literature, perhaps tied in with the concept 41 of livelihood needs. Adamson, Briskin and McPhail (1998) define feminist practice as active organizing for change. Within the feminist literature change is generally understood to be political (transforming social and political institutions), certainly urban regeneration can also be tied to political and institutional transformation. As will become clearer in the chapters that follow, the Taller in Cayo Hueso is a very clear example of how political engagement is necessary to urban regeneration. Women's mobilization is rooted in their organic relations to others, to kin and to community. Naples (1998a, 1998b) calls this daily interaction with neighbours and co-workers "emotion work". Women's networks are vital in the communication process, which makes community mobilization possible. Key to all activism to promote community well-being is networking, and as regeneration is dependent upon community involvement for its success, recognizing the importance of women's networks can only improve outcomes. When dealing with something as familiar or intimate as a neighbourhood, where people will have a tremendous attachment to place, sensitivity to "softer" elements of regeneration is extremely important. Urban regeneration and community participation within these initiatives has been widely discussed in the literature and has been to a certain extent adopted as a practice. Associating gender-sensitive or feminist practices to this urban regeneration issues could be seen as another way of mainstreaming feminist debate and practice. Within feminist literature there has been much debate around the virtues and/or pitfalls of mainstreaming and disengagement (e.g. Wine and Ristock 1991, Goetz 1997, Staudt 1997) Mainstreaming is useful because through it, it is possible to incorporate an integrative "female position", grounded in the commonalities and values associated with women's 42 lives and experiences in the work of reproduction, including nurturing, co-operation, love and mutual service. While gender roles are sometimes expressed as uniform in the literature it is important to take into account cultural differences. Certainly, when addressing a case-study situated in Latin America recognizing culture specific gender roles is imperative. In Cuba women's issues have been formally part of government policy and practice since the 1960s and most grass-roots organizations, including women's organizations, are closely linked to the state, within which traditional gender roles, particularly, motherhood, have been valorized. These traditional roles however do not necessarily impede the ability of women to instigate change. Women's combined performance of apparently traditional female roles and the revolutionary actions for the benefit of their families and communities for political change is what Naples (1998a & 1998b) refers to as "activist mothering". Helen Icken Safa (1995:228) claims that women in Latin America have been "redefining and transforming their domestic role from one of private nurturing to one of collective, public process, in this way challenging the traditional seclusion of women in the private sphere of family." Further to this, Alan (1994:144) acknowledges that "throughout Latin America there is evidence that women play a significant, often leading role in community organization and protest." Urban regeneration, while not necessarily overtly political, is by its nature a political act, as it seeks to bring about community change and as with community organization women are found at the forefront. Furthermore, as my own research shows, regeneration initiatives are often dependent on women's leadership and networks within the community, especially if they are to achieve desired positive outcomes. Therefore women's 43 engagement in public protest and the larger public sphere is intricately linked with urban regeneration. The organizational strategies employed by women and the specific focus of their efforts may vary based upon the context of material resources, historical patterns and the institutional practices that provide grounds for the development of collective action. As Nancy Naples (1998a & 1998b) argues in her research on women's mobilizing in the United States, political fabric is a critical factor in explaining the connection between the structural basis of politics and its institutional outcomes. She also claims that the formal arrangements are a large determinant of the patterns of political activity that emerge within any governance system. Political organization and culture influence the nature of relationships between women active in community-based organizations and/or women's organizations. As Adamson, Briskin and McPhail (1998) assert, different feminist practices arise from different life experiences and situations. Thus, the kind of mobilization that takes place within Cuba, and in Cayo Hueso in particular, is unique to the concerns of that community and its socio-cultural and political history and current placement. The fact that Cayo Hueso is one of the oldest, most densely populated neighbourhoods in Havana makes the needs of its citizens and the focus of its activists unique. President Fidel Castro's view of women as the "preeminent creators of human beings" (quoted at 1974 FMC Congress) has been reflected in the society at large, and women in my own research have spoken about their key role as the procreators and socializers of Cuban society. While it may not be possible to interpret women's mobilization for urban regeneration in Cayo Hueso as a political struggle in the purest sense, that is one that attempts to transform social and political institutions, regeneration 44 initiatives led by the women of Cayo Hueso does call for transformation. The call, for change in Cayo Hueso is focused upon generating immediate and localized improvements in the quality of life of the immediate community. Social movements are dependent on a responsive government because "civil society and the state can be mutually embedded" (Ibester 1999:185); the extent to which the state and civil society are interwoven alters the techniques of political action. This can be seen in women's strategies for mobilization in Cayo Hueso. As has been made clear throughout this chapter gender analysis and sensitivity to the role of gender roles, identities and social networks are helpful in understanding the dynamics of urban. regeneration. Positive urban change depends upon the meaningful participation of the population; however gender roles and identities influence the extent to which individuals participate. Understanding gender related differences would make it possible to more effectively incorporate the population into local decision making and action thereby improving the effectiveness of urban regeneration initiatives. In the case of Cayo Hueso women clearly are at the forefront of urban change and have essential networks and networking skills. Thus it is vital to consider gender roles, identities and social networks within urban regeneration. As was stated initially in this chapter, the particular context of a place greatly influences urban form and community participation. A clear understanding of the historical, social and political context of a place is essential in understanding its urban development and manifestations of urban regeneration. 45 Chapter Four: Context of Urban Decay and Regeneration in Cuba and Centro Habana It is essential to have a comprehensive understanding of the history of urban development of Havana up to the present day in order to fully understand the processes of urban regeneration initiatives in Cayo Hueso, as well as women's and men's roles within them. This chapter will provide the historical context of urban development in Havana, an overview of the relevant socio-political structures, and women's position within Cuban society. It addresses the following question: what are the local and national conditions that influence past and current urban development and regeneration initiatives in Cuba in general and in Cayo Hueso, Centro Habana in particular? History of Urbanization and Urban Planning in Havana: The urbanization of Havana grew in the first three decades of the nineteenth century. During this period, substandard housing known as ciudadelas5 or casas de vecindqd began to emerge (Vaides 1990). By the twentieth century, Cuba like other Latin American countries followed the trend of the mega-city, in which the capital city contains a greater proportion of the population than other areas of the country and the majority commercial development (Gilbert 1994). In the period between 1900 and 1958 the city of Havana reached its maximum territorial expansion. By 1958 its population was one and a half million. Similar to all Latin American capital cities, the City of Havana, prior to the Revolution in 1959, held a privileged position within Cuba. Before the Revolution 5 One room for everything and communal laundry and bathroom areas; the majority of these were not legal. 46 it contained 33% of the national urban population and experienced a high rate of internal immigration (Oliveras & Gonzalez 2003). The capital had 52% of all industrial installations, received 90% of imports into the country at its port and was the primary consumer in the nation. It represented 35% of internal commerce, 49% of commercial services, 60% of consumer products, 60% of the hotels and accommodation, 40% of the country's hospital beds, 45% of the personal sanitary technicians, 70% of public health services, 65% of university students, 75% of professionals and 90% of architects. Further to this it dominated 85% of Cuba's external commerce and possessed practically all the large research centres and superior educational facilities in the country. Despite this privileged position, extremely poor areas were already present in the city, with legions of unemployed people living in over-crowded and unsanitary conditions. (Scarpaci et al. 2002). Oliveras & Gonzalez (2002:3) described pre-revolutionary Havana as, "the large capital of a poor and disregarded country, characterised by its dependence on sugarcane production on large latifundios (agricultural estates) and the absence of an urban system to balance the geographic distribution of the Cuban population". Following the revolution led by Fidel Castro in 1959, domestic policies changed dramatically. The many socio-economic problems present in the country at the time of the revolution led the new government to take a highly centralized approach to both economic and urban planning (Oliveras & Gonzalez 2003). Under the revolutionary government the entire economic sector, including the production of goods and services, became state property and the centralized economy was responsible for the distribution of resources to the country's territories and all its inhabitants. The distribution of resources was not based on the contribution of each region to the national budget; certain sectors, 47 such as Health and Education, systematically benefited by receiving extensive resources to develop their programmes, to the detriment of other sectors. In its initial stages, the primary focus of the Revolution was on agrarian reform and the development of the rural areas of the country. This focus, as well as its desire to curb the rapid urbanization that was causing severe problems in other Latin American countries, resulted in the city of Havana receiving less investment than other areas of the country. Despite this rural bias in the policy that tended to neglect the capital, certain reforms were made that had a significant impact on the urban population. Revolutionary laws were introduced that stopped evictions and mandated that residents of tenement houses not pay rent. Also, Law 35 enacted on March 10, 1959 lowered rents by 50%. Further, in an attempt to find solutions for the 80,000 housing units that were in poor condition, throughout the country, the Self Help and Mutual Aid Program was initiated in 1960. Construction for this programme was managed by the Ministry of Public Works. The Ministry of Social Welfare (MSW) carried out social research and mobilized the population. As part of this programme, shanty towns were cleared, new 100 to 150 unit buildings were built and families were relocated. The program was quickly abandoned, however, and the MSW dissolved in 1961 as it was felt that that it maintained social marginality by relocating whole communities into buildings of poor quality construction. Figures for the number of houses replaced during this period are not clear (Scarpaci et al. 2002). It is clear, however, that adequate housing continued to be a major problem; many immigrants from the rest of the island and those who had been displaced within Havana lacked appropriate shelter (Scarpaci et al. 2002). This problem was exacerbated by the fact that while other urban centers received 33-37%) of new urban housing between 1962 48 and 1972, Havana received only 15% of all new housing even though it still contained the highest proportion (27%) of the country's population (Young 1985). Physical planning at the national level began in 1962, with the leadership of Urban and Regional planning first emanating from the Office of Physical Planning located in the Ministry of Public Works, which later became the National Institute of Physical Planning (NIPP). The NIPP was responsible for managing the national urban system, undertaking territorial studies of prioritised economic plans on a regional scale, macro-situating large investment projects, and providing methodological guidance and feedback to its professionals and technical staff. To consolidate the linkages between economic planning and physical planning, the NIPP was placed under the control of the Ministry of Economy and Planning. Planning was directed from Agricultural Command Outposts (Puestos de Mando), which symbolized the rejection of the city and stemmed from the ideological focus on rural development. In the initial era of the Cuban socialist system, large public works projects, with little consultation with the local population, were favoured. Planning gave little importance to social work and exaggerated the role of centralized programmes that "could be repeated and generalized everywhere" (Oliveras & Gonzalez 2003). Participation in the planning process was limited almost exclusively to 4 or 5 architects who were working with a very narrow information base (Oliveras & Gonzalez 2003). Until the first Havana Master Plan, drafted in 1963, urban planning in Havana was managed by six independent municipalities, each with its own separate municipal agencies. Planning projects were spotty and idiosyncratic and broad planning problems could not be resolved effectively (Scarpaci et al. 2002). The Master Plan created six 49 regions to provide greater physical and social coherence to planning endeavours; a zoning system was established and new political-administrative divisions were introduced, including neighbourhood districts for urban planning purposes. These divisions had particular significance after the 1990s when it was necessary to create government bodies closer to the community level. The primary objective of the first plan was to reduce the rate of population growth in the capital. Commercial activities related to its port and other noxious industries were redistributed to elsewhere in Cuba. This decentralization slowed Havana's population growth, but Scarpaci et al. (2002) speculate that its decline in growth may also be attributed to environmental, sewage and transportation problems. Since this initial plan, various master plans have been produced for Havana, all within the confines of state entities for Physical Planning. A revised Master Plan was produced in 1971 but the principal approach of initial plan was maintained. It was not until 1978 that planning powers were devolved slightly with Decree Law No. 21, which formally recognised and widened the responsibilities of the country's 14 provinces and 169 municipalities. The structural hierarchy of territorial and physical planning bodies at different levels was established to ensure the best allocation of productive forces and the necessary volume of social housing and basic services required by provinces and cities, taking into account urban density, and architectural typology and norms corresponding to each area (Scarpaci etal. 2002). The implementation of the 1978 Decree was facilitated by the creation of Popular Power Organizations (Poder Popular), the Central Administrative Offices of the State (OACE) and the System of Direction and Planning of the Economy (SDPE) between 1976 and 1986. Popular Power organizations in particular sought to devolve political 50 representation to the municipal level, to encourage more participation in government. Also during this time revisions were being made to the Master Plan for the city. With technical assistance from the then Soviet Union, a Technical-Economic Basis of the Master Plan of Havana was produced, coinciding with the declaration of Habana Vieja6 and its network of colonial forts as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Thus, between 1981 and 1985, a Five Year Plan for tourism became a principal development focus in Havana. The Master Plan itself envisioned a system of central places composed of a major downtown area and five sub-centres with five urban regions, similar to the linear-city planning of Madrid or Stalingrad. However, little attention was paid to the processes necessary to achieve these goals and little importance was given to sustainable development principles, the role of the neighbourhood in a large city, and the creation of urban culture. Furthermore, the 11th National Congress on Housing and Urbanism in 1984 revealed that the production of housing units through self-help almost doubled that of state firms. This announcement meant that self-help housing received support from local governments and work places. The sale of the construction materials to the general population increased, resulting in an increase in housing construction (Scarpaci et al. 2002). This burst of activity in the early 1980s payed the way for the national and city governments to realize that something needed to be done to address the social, cultural and physical deterioration of Havana. Very little attention had been paid to the urban environment over the last 200 years, leaving Havana with severe environmental and quality of life problems, such as food and basic article scarcity, low quality of housing, 6 Habana Vieja and Old Havana refer to the same geographical area and will be used interchangeably throughout. 51 poor quality watersheds, noise pollution, flooding, thin vegetation cover, insufficient public transportation, scarce household fuel, poor waste removal services, heavily littered public spaces, deficit of public services and distortions in the urban image of the city (Scarpaci et al. 2002). To this end.the Group for the Integrated Development of the Capital (GDIC) was established in 1987 (Chappotin 1998). The establishment of the GDIC coincided with what was called the "Rectification", or the "Correction of Mistakes". The period of the Rectification was based on the errors made by Eastern European socialist models. The objective of this period was to preserve the Cuban socialist ideology and stabilize the country and the economy. This period started with a series of investments in housing construction and services. Micro-brigades, accused ten years earlier of being unproductive, were expanded to create the "social brigade". Despite a renewed attention, building construction in Havana was short-lived because of economic constraints related to the U.S. embargo and the collapse of the Soviet Socialist block7. There was a shift from state-directed planning to bottom-up community development; the GDIC was the main organism for this transition (Coyula, Uggen & Augotti 1996). The GDIC is made up of a small collective of highly qualified specialists brought together to promote Havana's development through the strengthening of urban values among the city's authorities, institutions and general population. The GDIC promotes a decentralized, ecologically sound and economically feasible approach to city planning. The Group also seeks to develop strategies to optimise available resource usage and advocate new forms of grassroots level governance to stimulate direct popular participation in resolving the main problems affecting Havana's communities. They 7 To be discussed further ahead in the Chapter 52 coordinate educational and cultural work with family doctors, neighbourhood councils and other institutions present at the community level, such as the Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDR) and the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC) 8 (Coyula, Uggen & Augotti 1996). Furthermore, the GDIC is a Superior Education centre where courses, seminars and events on urban themes are held. In order to achieve its objectives the GDIC has been working on several different projects. Its projects are designed to rehabilitate housing, stimulate local artisan production and develop cultural activities that reinforce a sense of community and place. Some of its responsibilities include: co-ordinating and technically orienting the strategic planning process for Havana; carrying out campaigns for urban culture and awareness; studying and proposing innovative and alternative solutions to pressing problems, such as housing, urban transportation, infrastructure, green spaces, and the environment, among others; undertaking evaluations, consultations and appraisals for different institutions that are involved in managing the urban environment; and developing and methodologically orient the Integrated Neighbourhood Transformation Workshops, which are small teams that carry out participatory planning in the neighbourhoods of the city. In 1988 the Taller es de Transformation Integral del Barrio (Integrated Neighbourhood Transformation Workshops) were launched as a GDIC pilot project. The first three Taller es established in Havana were situated in Atares and Cayo Hueso, inner city neighbourhoods, and in La Guinera, which is a peripheral settlement. All three were chosen as being representative of the difficult living conditions and complex social problems that characterize some areas of the city. Today there are 20 Integrated Neighbourhood Transformation Workshops in the City of Havana, corresponding to an 8 To be discussed further ahead in the Chapter 53. equal number of Popular Councils and encompassing approximately 500,000 of the city's 2.2 million inhabitants in total (Oliveras & Gonzalez 2003). The successes of the Taller es has been recognized in Cuba and abroad. Economic Planning Under the Period of Transition While Havana's efforts to decentralize planning have been applauded9, the economy in Cuba continues to be highly centralized. Municipalities, with the exception of Old Havana, receive their budget and material resources from the national budget. Municipal governments do not have the administrative power to obtain materials and increased pressure caused by drastic economic change in 1990s drives municipal governments to look for ways to fill the gaps left by the withdrawal of centralized planning. For the most part, foreign and joint-venture matters bypass municipal and provincial governments and operate at the highest level of national government. The new dollar economy predominantly benefits Miramar and Vedado, where joint venture firms are found. It became evident that the Talleres, found in areas less attractive to foreign investors, would require their own sources of funding for work in their neighbourhoods. They have therefore experimented with local initiatives, for example tapping into tourist potential or producing building materials. There has also been collaboration with foreign NGOs and Cuban NGOs to strengthen productive and service activities that could help generate revenue for the communities. By the mid-1990s ten NGOs had financed projects that provided the Talleres with the tools and the building materials for repairing slum tenements and recycling solid waste (Scarpaci et al. 2002). Through the Talleres, decision 9 For example by the United Nations - 54 making has slowly moved from high levels of national government to both metropolitan and neighbourhood sources. However, the economic viability of local projects and municipal agencies is also a necessary element for success and communities continue to be plagued with a perennial lack of resources (Scarpaci et aL 2002). With urban planning in Cuba so inextricably linked with economic planning, the economic conditions of the country have a significant influence upon planning frameworks, policy setting and how these are implemented. It is therefore important to consider the economic backdrop to the changes made in the Cuban planning system. Shortly after the GDIC was established and their first neighbourhood workshops were underway, Cuba was faced with a severe economic crisis. In the 1990s, the disintegration of the Eastern European Block, with whom Cuba maintained 85% of its commercial exchange, and the intensification of the U.S. embargo, provoked a sharp economic down-turn, the effects of which resounded profoundly in Cuban society and, in particular, in large urban areas. The purchasing power of the Cuban peso, long pegged to the U.S. dollar before 1959, was drastically devalued. By 1991 imports and exports were almost half of 1989 levels (Scarpaci et al. 2002). Among other diverse negative impacts, the crisis signified a drastic reduction in productive and social investment, hastened the decline of urban services, accentuated the deterioration of the housing supply, generated the closure of manufacturing facilities thereby increasing unemployment, abruptly reduced public transport services and resulted in severe electrical shortages (Oliveras & Gonzalez 2003). Between 1989 and 1992 the caloric intake of the population dropped by 20%) and the consumption of protein dropped by 27%, causing food to displace housing as the number one social problem in the beginning of the 1990s (Zabala 1999). With 55 improvements in the food supply, through massive neighbourhood garden and urban agriculture strategies as well as market pricing, housing resumed its number one position in the late 1990s (Oliveras & Gonzalez 2003). Furthermore, the economic crisis saw increased migration to Havana, from 13,000 to 17,000 in 1993, with an additional increase in 1995 of 27,000, placing increased strain on already highly stressed infrastructure. A continued attempt to curb migration to Havana by allocating building resources to cities in the interior and the agricultural centres and provincial towns also placed added pressure to the urban environment. A 1995 study showed that Havana fared dismally compared with housing construction elsewhere in Cuba (Scarpaci et al. 2002). The country began an economic restructuring process in order to modify its institutional and financial design. This restructuring included the introduction of new legal and regulatory concepts, the broadening of powers for state entities, and an increase in economic actors by authorising private activity and opening the economy to foreign investment through joint projects to increase hard currency revenues. In August 1994 the use of the US dollar by the Cuban population was legalized (Diaz, 1999). Tourism increased at an accelerated pace and the production of energy become a state priority along with oil extraction and refinement. These new economic conditions, characterized by the uncertainty of financial, material and technological resources, required new techniques for the planning, control and management of the country's economic and social processes. Experimental initiatives were introduced with the goal of defining and establishing a satisfactory means to determine priorities, set directions, and promote institutional and social co-operation. The goal was to generate the most benefits from the country's available resources and existing capabilities, thereby ensuring efficacy and 56 efficiency. In the midst of these economic conditions, it was recognised that local resources could be mobilized through popular participation in order to find solutions to community problems. This recognition reinforced a growing awareness of the importance of active community participation. A more decentralized approach was embraced. Considerable importance was given to the 15 municipio offices of the Provincial Department of Architecture and Urbanism. Whereas in the past these offices had only collected data, there was a new focus on local potential and in 1990, 93 Popular Councils10 were created in Havana. This was later raised to 102. The scarcity of the Special Period brought changes to the Master Plan, which included greater participation and a focus on sustainable development. Both the GDIC and the Taller es have a central role in developing and encouraging participatory processes. The premise behind revisions for the Master Plan and behind the goals and objectives of the GDIC and the Talleres are outlined by Gonzalez (1993, sited in Scarpaci et al. 2002) as the following: 1. Prioritize the most deteriorated areas of the city for planning and specific action. 2. Emphasize home repair, services and infrastructure 3. Decentralize planning and building to match local conditions 4. Execute work in stages, commencing with the least ambitious ones 5. Take better advantage of local labour resources 6. Promote job creation close to where people live 7. Reintroduce traditional building techniques and materials and favour the use of appropriate technology 8. Recycle left over building materials 1 0 Will be explained further along in the chapter 57 9. Encourage participation of the local population in each stage: planning, implementation, construction and maintenance. Despite the extreme challenges presented by the loss of the nation's major trading partner and source of aid, the government has sought to maintain the social achievements of the previous few decades through the community-based approach as described above. The socio-political structure that plays a significant role in preserving these achievements will be discussed in the next section. Socio-Pqlitical Structure: The socio-political structure that has developed over the course of 44 years plays a central role in the implementation of urban planning initiatives, in particular those pertaining to regeneration. With the severe resource scarcities faced by the country as a whole, community participation is one of the key ways that the nation seeks to address the needs of its population. Scarpaci et al. (2002) outline the structures that enable participation in Table 1 below: 58 T a b l e l : F o r m s o f C o m m u n i t y P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n C u b a Type of Organization Description Popular Counci l While members are elected this continues conventional vertical approach of the formal political system but focuses on a smaller geographical units with direct feedback by residents Mass Organizations Although strongly tied to the state, contributions from membership play a significant role Quasi-state Organizations A n example of which is the Taller Community Organizations Traditional, private, philanthropic organizations that have existed in Cuba since before the Revolution Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) U N , church and foreign donor-supported groups picking up slack from diminished role of Cuban government Grassroots Organizations Volunteer groups that do not overlap with state agencies or mass organizations, including agricultural groups Source (Scarpaci et al. 2002) 59 This section will discuss in detail two central elements to regeneration initiatives: Mass Organizations and Popular Councils. An essential feature of the Cuban political system is the existence of mass organizations. These organizations feature strongly in all community level activity, including urban planning. Among the. mass organisations, the two with the greatest influence at the neighbourhood level are the Committees for the Defence of the Revolution (CDR) and the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), which were both created in 1960, at the beginning of the revolutionary process throughout the island. In Cayo Hueso, the first CDRs were formed on the same night they were created at the National level; but it was not until 1963 that a Cayo Hueso branch of the F M C was established. Both the CDR and the FMC were involved in the mobilization and implementation of campaigns promoting national objectives such as literacy, vaccination, neighbourhood health and hygiene, and vigilance, along with any initiatives spearheaded by the delegates of the Popular Power in their designated territorial areas. Over the past 42 years, these organizations have consolidated mechanisms to identify and convene numerous affiliates, mobilizing local residents through volunteer work. Their operational structure derives from a tradition of popular participation which ensures a rapid public response in the undertaking of any necessary tasks. However, participation through mass organisations has been directed only towards the implementation of actions responding to problems that are generalised - with broad acceptance - throughout the country. Furthermore, the solutions and strategies they implement are conceived at the central planning level, and are not conditioned to address the specific problems that confront each territory and neighbourhood. 60 While mass organizations are a long-established socio-political tradition, Popular Councils emerged from the changing political and economic climate of the 1980s when it was determined that community-based social self-government must play a central role to address infrastructure needs in Cuba. Although the structure of the Popular Power ensures the presence of a local level representative (the delegate) in the Municipal, Provincial and National Assemblies, in populous municipalities it has been difficult for the delegates to provide direct attention to their electorates. The concept of the Consejos Populares (CP) - or Popular Councils - was proposed in 1986 at 3r d Congress of the Cuban Communist Party to address this concern. As a result, in 1990, Popular Councils were created through Law No. 91. This law establishes that "the Popular Council1 1 is a state agency, representative in character, invested with the highest possible authority to carry out its functions and supports the Municipal Assembly in fulfilling its responsibilities. This facilitates the best possible knowledge of and attention to the needs of the population corresponding to the Council's area of action, and provides an intermediary link between the delegates and the Municipal Assembly. The Popular Councils consist of a minimum of 5 electoral districts (or 5 delegates), taking into consideration the territorial expanse, distance between districts, number of inhabitants, existing communication routes, and the identified interests of neighbourhood residents. Furthermore, this agency includes representatives of the sectoral municipal departments and the mass organisations in the neighbourhood." The CP's role was to increase public participation in government (Brigos 1998, del Rio Hernandez 1998). The CP's elected delegates are integrated with representatives of mass organizations and centers of employment within a specific area. ' 1 Law No. 91 of the Popular Councils, 1990. According to Article 104 of the Constitution of the Republic, the organisation, attributes and functions of the Popular Councils are regulated by Law No. 91. 61 CPs therefore include a president (elected), a vice president.(elected), delegates (elected), and representatives from each mass organization, important sectoral groups (CDR, FMC, Education, Health, etc.) and centres of employment. The Popular Council promotes the participation of local residents and any entities located in its territorial district in the following endeavours: to develop new initiatives and move forward with proposed activities, to seek and implement possible solutions to community problems, and to assign tasks to other entities with the capacity to undertake them. The Popular Council also evaluates whether the electorate's concerns have received adequate attention and results, and works actively towards satisfying the local population's economic, educational, cultural, and social needs. Furthermore, the Council co-ordinates, when necessary, the actions of any entities that are located in its territorial district and stimulates co-operation between them. This includes not only developing initiatives to move forward the work that the Council is proposing, but also ensuring coherence of various local efforts. Finally, the Popular Council also supports any social attention and prevention programmes among other numerous neighbourhood campaigns. The existence of the Popular Councils has been a decisive factor for the consolidation of the Talleres de Transformation Integral and the community plans that they have promoted. Over time, the Talleres have become technical consultants to the Popular Councils, and the Talleres'' plans are now recognized as an effective means of understanding community needs and proposing possible strategies to address these needs with full institutional and civic participation. 62 Women and Community Participation in Cuba: The Revolution in Cuba promised many social and political changes in the country, not least of which was its proclaimed dedication to women's full incorporation into the post-revolutionary society. One of the objectives within the revolution was the full incorporation of women under conditions of equality into education and social, economic, cultural and political life (Catasus-Cervera 1996). Certainly the structural changes introduced by the government have had a profound effect on the lives of women in Cuba. Oliveras & Gonzalez (2002) site the massive incorporation of women into the workforce and higher education, as well as free access to contraception as a key factor in controlling Havana's growth. Although the emancipation of women vyas not a formal part of the nationalist revolution of 1959, the Cuban model of the 1960s gave women a place in the project of revolutionary reform. At the time of the revolution there were 920 women's organizations in Cuba that were amalgamated to form the F M C (Rodriguez 1999). The F M C was created to organize the participation of women in the revolution's pursuit of sovereignty, economic development, and social justice and to elevate the ideological, political, cultural and scientific level of women in Cuba (Lutjens 1995). Even so, women's concerns, namely their incorporation into production, were not made a priority until the mid-1960s, when the problem of men's unemployment and underemployment was resolved. It was not until 1975 that the F M C was authorized to "organize the great female masses to reflect their interests and worries" (Lutjens 1995:108). The 1970s were known in Cuba as the "decade qf institutionalization", and important legal statutes were introduced that substantially improved the position of women in Cuban society. In 1974 and 1975 the Maternity Law and the Family Code 63 were introduced, outlining the roles of both the mother and father in the home and calling for the equal distribution of domestic labour, such as childcare, between parents of both sexes. In 1976 the new Political Constitution was implemented, institutionalizing the call for equality between men and women. In 1977 the Law of Work Protection and Hygiene was passed, which outlined the rights of mothers in pregnancy and child care, as well as outlining "preferential jobs" for women, prohibiting work considered too dangerous or difficult for women, particularly when pregnant. In 1979 the Law of Social Security and the Penal Code were passed, which addressed the protection of women against physical and sexual violence. The Work Code was established in 1985, and in 1992 constitutional reforms were made to more clearly establish equality between men and women (FMC 1992). Health care legislation and practices introduced during, the first decades of the revolution also had a significant impact on the lives of women in Cuba. Health care for women is guaranteed through the provision of free health care by the State. For example, in the mid 1960s abortion became an institutionalized practice in hospitals. The "Strategic Family Planning Plan" and the "Mother-Child Program" were implemented to allow women to regulate their fertility and to offer medical services to women and children in sanitary conditions. Both of these projects recognized the rights of women to control their bodies and therefore their health and the health of their children (Roque 1999). Despite advancement for women in technical fields in Cuba, there is still a tendency for women to work at "women's jobs" which commonly fall within the "domestic" sphere, such as food preparation and service, cleaning of various kinds and caring for people, for example in health care, social work or education (Molyneux 1981). This division of labour is reflected in the political representation of women within 64 government, where you see a greater percentage of women at lower level levels than at higher level (Rodriquez 1999 - see Table 2 below). T a b l e 2 : P a r t i c i p a t i o n o f W o m e n i n G o v e r n m e n t - 1 9 9 7 R e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e P a r t i c i p a t i o n o f C u b a n W o m e n w i t h i n p o l i t i c a l p o s t s a t t h e S t a t e a n d G o v e r n m e n t L e v e l Political Bureau V Congress of the PCC State Council Council of Ministries National Assembly of Poder Popular Community Level Delegates of Poder Popular Total 24 31 32 601 14533 Women 2 5 2 166 2595 % 8.3 16.13 6.25 27.62 17.86 Within community organizing these divisions are also clearly illustrated where women are involved in organizing activities that directly relate to their societal role as mothers and nurturers, for example care for children or the elderly. In general, the state's responsibility for social reproduction and welfare, such as free healthcare and education, maternity and childcare support and housing and welfare benefits, have positively impacted women. Certainly, Cuba's unique context of its official commitment to the women's equality thus changes the nature and focus of women's national and local mobilizing. Presently, however, the economic crisis of the Special Period and the continuing US embargo limit the ability of the state to provide the services they claim to guarantee and has dramatically altered women's lives and attitudes (Lutjens 1995). As a result of the Special Period some free services were eliminated and the prices of some public services (transport, electricity, water, and telecommunications) have been raised. Also, the amount paid by the population for food and merchandise have gone up 28% and 65 50% respectively, while it wages have remained the same and many people are faced with unemployment for the first time since the Revolution (Zabala 1999). Cathy Rakowski (1995) argues that during periods of economic crisis or abrupt change, women's responsibilities and obligations to support others typically increase. In keeping with this assertion, Safa (1995) claims that economic crisis reinforces the need for collective action at the neighbourhood level. These arguments may be applied to the drastic social, political and economic changes that have occurred in Cuba since the beginning of the Special Period in 1990. In the wake of the state's financial paralysis and subsequent retreat from social responsibility there have been repercussions on livelihoods and women's organizing. Linkogle (2001:124) argues that "when social services are reduced or eliminated, women, conscious of their roles in their families and communities, are the ones to protest and attempt collectively to fill the gaps". Naples (1998:136) states that the "neighbourhood is the most effective site for affecting change". Based on this assumption, looking at women as agents of change in urban regeneration is important to understanding how women deal with macro socio-political and economic changes that affect them at a community level. Women's involvement in urban regeneration in Cuba is an example of how women are integrating themselves into local decision-making and planning processes (Lind 1997). Urban regeneration under the Taller in Cayo Hueso thus can be understood as an effort to improve public and private space by rallying people together to improve sanitation, street lighting and other initiatives. As we will see in the following chapter, women's roles within the Taller and within the community are critical to the successes of urban regeneration in Cayo Hueso. 66 Chapter Five: Cayo Hueso's Taller de Transformacion: Processes, Mechanisms and Outcomes of Community Planning for Urban Regeneration This Chapter addresses the key planning tools, processes and outcomes of regeneration initiatives in Cayo Hueso. It will also discuss the organisational structure of the Taller and how gender roles, identities and social networks, particularly those of women, shape the processes and outcomes of regeneration in Cayo Hueso. Organizational Structure of the Taller As mentioned in Chapter Four, the local planning council known as Taller de Transformation Integral de Cayo Hueso was created in May 1988 by the GDIC with the objective of promoting both urban and social development in the neighbourhood, with the participation of the inhabitants themselves. The Principal Mission of the Taller is to promote the urban and social development of Cayo Hueso with the participation of its inhabitants; its work is therefore based upon "Social Investigation" and "Urban Projects". The Taller receives methodological guidance and training from the GDIC and the promotion of urban development is realized through the plans made in the Direction Provincial de Planificacion Fisica de Ciudad de la Habana, which is then approved by the Poder Popular Provincial y Municipal. In their efforts to increase popular participation, the Taller co-ordinates and promotes a community strategic planning process for their neighbourhood, integrating 67 local institutions, organizations and the population in all the planning stages. Specific goals are defined after local needs are assessed and an inventory of material facilities and professionals that can be incorporated into projects in the community has been taken (Scarpaci et al. 2002). In the case of Cayo Hueso, the main aim is to provide a solution to the most pressing physical problems in the territory, namely housing (including 210 ciudadelas, which are considered to be in poor condition), the shortage of potable water, and the lack of recreational areas for children, youths and the general population. Once problems and solutions have been incorporated into a strategic plan, the plans are presented for approval to the Popular Council and Council of Municipal Administration, where the corresponding municipal departments contribute to the instrumentation of actions, which are then prioritized with respect to community needs and allocated material and financial resources to support their implementation (Oliveras & Gonzalez 2003). The Taller cooperates with various Cuban and foreign institutions that advise the Popular Councils in both the built-environment and the socio-economic sphere, providing much needed support to local government. The Ministry of Culture, National Institute of Sports and Recreation (LNDER), Ministry of Education (MINED), Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR), National Union of Writers and Artist of Cuba (UNEAC), Cuban Institute of Radio and Television (ICRT), Cuban Institute of Art and Cinematic Industry (ICAIC), are just some of national and international collaborators that make it possible for the Taller to achieve its regeneration goals. The Organizational Map below provides a clearer understanding of how the Taller functions in relation to other organizations and groups within and outside Cayo Hueso. 68 oo o o J3- t II & / ^ i Q a 1 1 \ J ^ o P H cd nO 1 D V o l T3 o m e e u > o O c o vS cd E cd oo o o The Taller de Transformation de Cayo Hueso has three casas comunitarias and operates with six paid staff (three men and three women) and over 30 volunteers, some of whom are instrumental in running their three community houses or casas comunitarias. Like other Taller es in Havana, it is made up of an interdisciplinary team. Each staff member is a specialist in a field useful for community work. There is an architect, a social scientist, a psychologist, a pathologist and two people with degrees in physical education. All except for the Director live in Cayo Hueso, another important element of the Taller that is stressed by the GDIC. The Director of the Taller oversees all projects and each casa comunitaria has a director. In the Central Community House, San Jose, the director is Maria del Carmen Espinoza. Three paid staff also work on different project and programs based there. The Casa Comunitaria San Miguel is led by Emilio Gotardi, and the Casa del Nino y la Nina is led on a volunteer basis by Rosa Sardinas. Each Director and staff member is responsible for realizing different tasks directly related to the projects which they are responsible for. For example the Director of the Casa del Nino y la Nina is responsible for organizing activities for children and therefore works closely with primary and secondary schools. The Casa Comunitaria San Miguel works closely with young adults, mainly through sport and is responsible for organizing activities around sports and collaborating with physical fitness organizers and athletes. Within the Casa Comunitaria San Jose, the various specialists work on projects with women and seniors as well as some projects with children, particularly around vias no formales, an educational program for pre-school children. 70 Diagnosticos: A Participatory Planning Tool in Identifying Community Problems and Issues Problems and issues within the community are determined through consultation with all 12 sectors of the population, known within the Taller as 'diagnosticos' . The aim is for the presentation of the results to coincide with local elections since proposed projects and actions must be approved by the government before they can be implemented. These investigations bring to light the opinions of the residents about the strengths and weaknesses of the neighbourhood, both physical and social. While it has been the intention of the Taller to conduct an investigation every two years, so far investigations have been conducted only in 1987, 2000 and 2002. The reason for this was never specifically addressed but I would speculate that the first SWOT analysis in 1987 was conducted under the auspices of the GDIC in preparation for the establishment of the Taller in Cayo Hueso. Shortly after its initiation, of course, the country and the community were seriously affected by the Special Period, which slowed the community's ability to address its needs. It is my belief, however, that the results of the first diagnostico served as a basis for the regeneration activities that took place between 1990 and 2000, in particular that of Plan Cayo Hueso in 1995, which saw the massive mobilization of community, governmental and non-governmental organizations. This project and other successes of the Taller made it possible to conduct more SWOT analyses. While I have not witnessed a. diagnostico being conducted in person, Taller staff have explained to me that they use a range of investigation techniques. Among them are 1 2 The diagnostico is essentially a SWOT analysis, which aims to determined the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats as perceived by members of the community. 71 Idea Workshops, Focus Groups, Individual Interviews and Opinion Drawings. The investigations involve all sectors of the population, covering around 2% of each sector. Investigations are carried out to find out about the interests and opinions of children, young people, the elderly, women and men. This information is then used to create new projects and actions to improve quality of life in the community. Parents and teachers of pre-school children, children and youths from all the schools in the area and places of work, homemakers, seniors groups, independent workers and members of the Cuban Association of the Deaf and Hearing Impaired (ANSOC), the Cuban Association for the Blind (ANCI) and Cuban Association for the Physically Impaired (ACLIFM) as well as doctors, journalists and formal and informal actors are included in these investigations. The results of the investigations are analyzed using the Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats (SWOT) matrix in order to determine the community's strengths and weaknesses, as well as external opportunities and threats. Using this method, strategic objectives are determined in conjunction with the Popular Council in order to design projects and actions for the up coming two and a half years. Once the SWOT investigation has been conducted and analyzed, the actions and projects of the Taller are determined through the use of problem and solution trees as illustrated below in Box 1. 72 B o x 1: P r o b l e m a n d S o l u t i o n T r e e s Problem Solutions The Problem Tree is a slight urban adaptation of a planning tool associated with Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA), a family of visual and qualitative research, action and planning tools and methods that are popular in NGOs and community-based organisations, especially in developing countries. The leader of a Seniors' Craft Workshop, Sonadora de Hilvdn, explained it in the following way: "This work we do from the point of view of the project, making problem banks and providing solutions to these problems or if you like this 'problem tree' ...we use it to look at violence against women, cultural and political development of women, how older adult women maintain the development of their different abilities, from the 'tree' or 'bank' ofproblems we can begin to create different projects... ". While it is not possible for me to reconstruct historically how PRA techniques and the SWOT analysis first came to be used in Cayo Hueso, it is apparent that the GDIC is definitely influenced by outside agencies, including some from the United States. Furthermore the Taller staff have made it clear that they have received training workshops on methods of social investigation from both INHEM and the University of 73 Havana. Both of these institutions have international ties, INHEM for example with the IDRC. The Taller and their community houses have collaborated with other international NGOs such as UNICEF and O X F A M , which certainly would have had some influence on their approaches to social investigation. The Taller in Cayo Hueso has been quite successful in rallying support, both locally and internationally, an achievement attributed to the many strengths found within the community. Since I began working with the community I have seen the results of two separate diagnosticos (2000 and 2002) publicly presented to officials of the Consejo Popular for the purposes of obtaining approval for proposed community projects (Appendix 8). To my knowledge the results of the diagnosticos have remained relatively constant. Although in the most recent diagnostico some of the Taller es projects have been identified as strengths. The results of this diagnostico are outlined in Box 2 below. 74 B o x 2: S a m p l e D i a g n o s t i c o o f C o m m u n i t y S t r e n g t h s • Geographic location of the neighbourhood: it was felt that Cayo Hueso should be able capitalize on its location along the sea wall (Malecon) and in between the two major tourist areas in the city, Vedado and La Habana Vieja, for community economic development by building upon local cultural heritage and history. Furthermore, its central location makes it more convenient for the population to access public transportation, something that has gained importance since the beginning of the Special Period. • History of the neighbourhood: this refers to its rich historical heritage, most specifically that which is tied to the battle for independence from Spain and the Revolution of 1959. • Local talent: this refers to the number of local artists living in the community. Historically many writers, poets and musicians came from this area and there is a desire to continue to build upon this tradition. • Casa del Nino y la Nina: the community house is an addition to this list since 2000. • Parks: there are three parks in and within a neighbourhood with such a dense population and a severe lack of open, green space any parks area is considered to be an asset to the community. • Proyecto Comunitario: the Taller de Transformacion itself. • Sociability of the neighbours: this refers to the strong social networks that exist within the neighbourhood. • Family doctors: as is the case with all areas of Cuba, there is a high percentage of family doctors found in the area that provide care for the community. There is also a major hospital (Hermanos Amejeiras) within Cayo Hueso. Several studies conducted in the area in different periods, including a thesis written at the start of the Special Period in 1990 (i.e., Perez 1991), have noted that there is a strong neighbourhood identity in Cayo Hueso. Residents generally have an intense attachment to place; in some cases four generations have lived in the same homes. This is something that is recognized by those who work in community based projects: 75 "The strength is they like the neighbourhood, the women of Cayo Hueso like living here in Cayo Hueso ". (VP Consejo Popular, female) On average, people have lived in the neighbourhood for 25 to 35 years. Analysis of the quantitative data supports this, indicating that both men and women know and like their neighbours and would not like to relocate. As shown in Appendix 3 there were no statistically significant differences between the responses of men and women. The same assessment from 2002 identified the following weaknesses in the community which are outlined in Box 3. 76 B o x 3: S a m p l e D i a g n o s t i c o R e s u l t s C o m m u n i t y W e a k n e s s e s • Social problems: refers to problems of unemployment, alcoholism, over-crowding, loitering, among other social issues • Lack of recreational areas for children and youths: despite the three park areas mentioned the density of construction means that there are few playgrounds or playing fields in the community. Many community members express concern over children playing in the street. • Deficiencies in the water supply: there are problems with the potable water supply in the community because of old and deteriorated pipe systems • Poor condition of built environment: particularly houses, ciudadelas, and street conditions, as was evidenced by some of the statistics presented earlier in the chapter, housing stock in the area is old and severely deteriorated. • Alcoholism: Although there are no official statistics on rates of alcoholism within the community diagnostico participants considered this to be a serious problem. • Lack of environmental hygiene: this refers to lack of sufficient street cleaning and garbage collection. • Lack of theatres, cinemas, and open areas: there are few cinemas or theatres in Cayo Hueso; the majority of those relatively close by are found in Vedado. • High prices: this is an issue throughout Havana. Only limited essential supplies are available at highly subsidized prices on the libreta or ration cards; therefore, individuals must supplement this with groceries bought in farmers markets or US dollar stores, which are sold at market prices and are too expensive for many people, especially those on fixed incomes. • Little circulation of promotion for activities: most of the organized activities within the community are promoted by word of mouth so there have been concerns that not all community members are aware of the activities available. Other issues were also identified by community members in interviews. One of those issues was that of low participation of youths within activities and leading 77 activities. This was supported by the quantitative data, which showed that contact with officials was significantly lower among youths. As many of the activities were organized through official or semi-official channels, the limited number of young people was apparent. The average age of people involved in community activities was between 35 and 65. "There are few youths here, they attend well, but there are few youths. I can't say the average number of youths, but there are more older people than younger people, of 50 or 40plus and above, that's the average age in the CDR" (CDR representative, female) Although there are various projects underway both locally and nationally for youths, for example the programs offered in the Casa Comunitaria San Miguel and the project Defendiendo a mi Barrio, community leaders still expressed a need to find a way to incorporate the youth more effectively in community work, especially in key leadership roles. "... yes, we must work to improve the preparation for relief because in a meeting for the FMC there are very few young people. Jackelin, the daughter of Maritza and Salvador is the only young person leading a community project. Yes we must work with young people, men and women " (Director, Casa del Nino y la Nina, female). The transient population from other neighbourhoods, towns and countries (tourists) and the US embargo were also identified as threats to the community, which points to the gravity of the economic realities and resource scarcity of post-Soviet block Cuba. The funding that the 78 municipality receives from the central government is minimal at best and for many projects international support and collaboration is essential. As Purdue et al. (2000) acknowledge, much urban regeneration activity is driven by funding, which can be a serious limiting factor. Cayo Hueso's experience does not differ from the norm as is demonstrated in the words of its director, "we survive on international cooperation" (Director Taller de Transformation, male). Furthermore, as explained by one community leader, resources scarcity is a particularly acute problem because all programs are offered to the community free of charge: "...we are not profitable, nor can we maintain ourselves because we can't charge for anything. What I mean is, that everything that we offer to the community is free, and because it is free we can't pay anyone a salary, and so we have to look for alternatives so that these young women learn and develop culturally for other activities, and I think that this is a weakness. " (community leader, female, R) From Diagnostico to Strategic Planning From the results of the Problem Trees Exercise, the Taller then develops Strategic Objectives that are in keeping with its mission of urban and social development with the participation of the community. In past years the Planning Tree was used in essentially the same way as it is today, that is to identify specific problems in the community and develop tasks and/or strategies to address these problems. The creation of urban recreational and green spaces, the promotion of community history, and the development of local talent have long been important considerations for the residents of Cayo Hueso and the Taller has been involved in various community projects over time to address these issues. The following objectives for 2002-2005 have been identified in Box 4 below. 79 municipality receives from the central government is minimal at best and for many projects international support and collaboration is essential. As Purdue et al. (2000) acknowledge, much urban regeneration activity is driven by funding, which can be a serious limiting factor. Cayo Hueso's experience does not differ from the norm as is demonstrated in the words of its director, "we survive on international cooperation" (Director. Taller de Transformation, male). Furthermore, as explained by one community leader, resources scarcity is a particularly acute problem because all programs are offered to the community free of charge: " ...we are not profitable, nor can we maintain ourselves because we can't charge for anything. What I mean is, that everything that we offer to the community is free, and because it is free we can't pay anyone a salary, and so we have to look for alternatives so that these young women learn and develop culturally for other activities, and I think that this is a weakness. " (community leader, female, R) From Diagnostico to Strategic Planning From the results of the Problem Trees Exercise, the Taller then develops Strategic Objectives that are in keeping with its mission of urban and social development with the participation of the community. In past years the Planning Tree was used in essentially the same way as it is today, that is to identify specific problems in the community and develop tasks and/or strategies to address these problems. The creation of urban recreational and green spaces, the promotion of community history, and the development of local talent have long been important considerations for the residents of Cayo Hueso and the Taller has been involved in various community projects over time to address these issues. The following objectives for 2002-2005 have been identified in Box 4 below. 79 Box 4: Planning Ojectives • Improve the circulation of information about play, recreational and cultural areas and recreational activities promoted by the Taller: it was felt that more needed to be done to promote community activities so that more people could benefit from them. • Improve the circulation of information about the history of the neighbourhood: history is constantly being promoted as a strength of the community; it was felt that if more people know about the rich history of the community that this would foster a greater attachment to place. • Improve measures to promote the development of local talent: the arts is a key element to many of the regeneration activities in Cayo Hueso. They take great pride in their cultural heritage and feel that it is important to the development of the community. • Encourage the creation of spaces where activities can be developed: this again refers to the need for recreational spaces within the community, especially as a way of keeping people off the street. • Encourage the care and improvement of existing parks: it will take time before more parks spaces can be created within the community, it is also recognized that people will feel greater pride and connection to their neighbourhood if it is kept clean. • Maintain and strengthen existing community projects: the value and positive impacts of current community projects is clear. There is therefore a strong desire to maintain community projects and hopefully encourage new leadership. • Help to strengthen the family doctor system of care: the system of care provided by family doctors is important to the community, but limited resources puts a strain on this system, so it was felt that projects should be developed to assist family doctors. • Work to minimize social problems: as an over-crowded inner city area there are many social problems, such as unemployment, alcoholism and loitering that must be addressed.. The Taller seeks to be involved in addressing these social problems. They seek to do this by maintaining active collaboration with the Prevention Commission, a commission that deals with people with social and behavioural problems and by collaborating with the Public Health Authority, formal and informal actors to reduce alcoholism • Cooperation with the Popular Council, the Water Company of Havana, and formal and informal actors to design and implement action to improve water supply • Find financial resources to improve the physical conditions of the ciudadela Principe No. 118 • Maintain and continue to develop the existing environmental hygiene project: currently there is project to encourage the care of the urban environment to improve environmental conditions in the neighbourhood. The hope is to improve health and to encourage people to stay in Cayo Hueso rather than trying to relocate to other areas of Havana. • Explore and promote the economic possibilities of the Malecon for financing urban and social development in Cayo Hueso and the municipality of Centro Habana: it is felt that Cayo Hueso's proximity to the Malecon should make it more attractive for the development of tourism which may in turn bring economic and physical benefits to the community. . 80 Cultural and Artistic Aspects of Community Regeneration Due to financial limitations the majority of regeneration activities organized by or through the Taller tend to focus predominantly on social and cultural aspects. In the case of Cayo Hueso, its history is a key rallying point for cultural activities and is always cited as one of the community's greatest strengths. These cultural and historical aspects of the community are one of the things that the Taller tries to capitalize on as part of its regeneration initiatives. Art is another key element to these initiatives: many activities revolve around manual arts, singing, dancing, music and/or creating poetry and pictures. This is true for all age groups and is demonstrated very clearly in the community program Quiero a mi barrio (T love my neighbourhood'), with specific projects to be conducted in the Casa del Nino y la Nina and the San Jose Community house: • Audio Visual project in which youth make their own films • "Help the family doctor and nurse" project, a capacity building project in which the Taller brings in a specialist to update the training of medical staff in the community, as well as members of the community • "Colmenita de Cayo Hueso" project, this project works with children with behavioural problems, through theatre. The proposed "Neighbourhood Support" Program, which will involve a Computer Project, a "Memories of the Neighbourhood" Project, and an "Artisans of the Neighbourhood" Project all have their respective artistic angle. The Artisans' Project will involve specific activities led by different members of the community. For example, the Pena sin Piha series are informal group sessions led by a local artist and poet. There is also the Pena de Abuelos, or Seniors Group, a Community Fair in the Parque de los 81 Mar tires Universitarios, as well as an Architectural Project for buildings that host particular kinds of dance music, the Esquina del Filin and for the Pena del Son. The actions also include an urban project of the Parque del joven Jose Marti, a self-esteem workshop for young women and finally the development of recreation and sports areas. All three of the Toiler's community houses offer various programs and activities related to the arts. The Casa del Nino y la Nina has many programs for children. In the summer months, regular excursions are planned for community children. There is a computer, a television, and video equipment that neighbourhood children can use, as well as toys, games and portable stereo for activities around dance and song. In the Casa Comunitaria San Jose there are seniors' workshops every week, where seniors from the community come to exercise, share poetry and literature, and get information about health issues. San Jose also offers music classes and art classes to children in the community. The Casa Comunitaria San Miguel caters to young adults; there is a gym and a small library that is used by community members. San Miguel also offers classes in martial arts, and dancing among other things. All of these activities and services are offered to the community free of charge. It is a way to ensure that there are cultural events for people to participate in and places for them to go. These are some of the many activities that the. Taller and the community organize to improve the socio-cultural conditions of the neighbourhood. Of course, there are also activities that are organized by members of the community themselves. These include the La Tintalla, a children's puppet theatre, the Callejon del Poeta, which offers activities for children and seniors around poetry, and the Callejon de Hamel, which offers art, music and dance activities for adults and children. There are also the seniors sewing workshop (Sohadoras del 82 hilvdn), which aims to improve self-esteem and provide economic development, and the Day of Pets (Dia de los animals afectivos) which aims to promote the care of animals and plants. These events share the same purpose - namely to improve daily life within the community of Cayo Hueso. While these activities may not address the pressing physical conditions of the neighbourhood one woman interviewed who participates in the many activities explained the importance of artistic activity in the following way: "Social coexistence has a lot to do with people's futures, their sociability, their physical development and their psychological development too, and it seems to me that in our area we are doing something really beautiful, above all with the children. There are other activities in which we invite older adults, that is to say that there are groups of older people that are retired, and they too sing, dance, dance danzon, dance sones and they sing very well and they are older people but at the same time they delight other people from their age group and the rest of the population that participate in these activities" (Director of ACLIFM, I, female). Cultural activities have been very successful not only in attracting the participation of local residents but in encouraging support and collaboration from other groups within the country as whole. The quote below demonstrates the strength of networks that foster and support cultural activities within the community. " ...Look, in the case of the project, Poets' Alley, its with people in the community, the collaborators are from the community and they are the ones who cooperate in the preparation of activities that are to be done, we need to bring the chairs, we need to bring the audio, which is what Municipal Culture (government run 83 cultural group at the municipal level) and the artists that come voluntarily, we have saved 4000 pesos in salary in one year because the artists also come to participate for free..." (Director, Casa del Nino y la Nina, R, female). Social Networking and Community Networks Inter-personal and organisational networking accounts for the very dense and close community networks of local volunteers and community advocates in Cayo Hueso that point to the Taller as their centre of gravity (see Figure 5, Organizational Map and Figure 6, Network Chart.) When asked how it was possible for the Taller to attract so many volunteers and participants as they claimed, it was explained that it was done via word of mouth: "...mobilization is like this, from mouth to mouth, we ourselves mobilize each other, there are no official invitations or anything like that, as you can imagine how the community is: 'Hey, so and so, remember that Saturday we have that activity in the Callejon and like that, mouth to mouth... " (Director of ACLIFM, I, female). With this method of bringing the community together, sound community networks are then created and they become essential to the day-to-day functioning of the Taller. The following section explains in more detail how these networks function in the community and for the Taller. Despite the small size of the Taller's workforce, strong ties to the community make it possible for many activities and programs to be developed. This was 84 acknowledged by one of the volunteers: "...the Taller de Transformation has a very small work force and many collaborators which are an unofficial work force. But thanks to that there are many community activities..." (FMC leader, MER, female). Every activity that takes place in Cayo Hueso is in some way related to or supported by the Taller either through their community diagnostic process or through their own staff (see the Network Chart below). According to their estimates, approximately 20 thousand community members participate in their activities. Legend for Figure 6: Director of Casa Comunitaria= Director of Taller = Association with Taller = — -Volunteers/Colleagues = Programs = ' Casa Comunitarias = t ^ 85 As was the case with the SWOT analysis, little attention has been given to the gendered aspects of these social networks. While collaboration with different organizations is acknowledged, it is unclear who actually engages in these institutional relationships. In retrospect, it appears that personal social contacts, friendship, family and kinship ties are important in strengthening wider community networks. In the case of ACLIFM for example the director, a woman, lives in Cayo Hueso and is in fact a close personal friend of the director of the Casa del Nino y la Nina, also a woman. Personal social networks overlap institutional networks and are often more important, but it was impossible to show all of these links in the Organizational map. Strong links with the mass organizations were often cited as important to successful social work within the community. For example one volunteer mentioned that "[The relationship between mass organizations and other community organizations at the grassroots level] is very close, when we are going to have an activity we coordinate with the Federation, the CDR, the Party (the Cuban Communist Party), with all of the organizations... "(Voluntary Teacher, female, A). Another community worker stressed that " ...the possibilities for (social) work are very good, in order to do it you need to be reinforced from the base (grassroots level), if the grassroots structures are reinforced then you can really do better work... "(FMC member, female, MER). Furthermore, it has been acknowledged that very few of the organizations operating in the community have a significant amount of funds, and many have no funds at all. They are reliant upon human resources in the community to conduct their activities, and 87 in some cases international donations and cooperation. This situation was stressed by one community leader who said: " ...Yes, yes they work together (mass organizations and the Taller). I mean, they have to work together but otherwise it's just mad. If everyone did their own thing, in the end, nothing would be accomplished, and they would waste a lot and they would lose a lot of time, strength and resources... " (FMC member, female, MR) Another volunteer, a retired teacher, acknowledged that the various community groups and members were able to work so closely together because they shared the same objective, that of community improvement (mejoramiento). "...We are united but one shared objective (the betterment/improvement of the community), we don't workseparately... " (retired teacher, L, female) Collaboration with community members is another prominent feature of the process governing regeneration activities, as noted in the quotes below: "...It is difficult for a person to work alone, of course, and along with this the Federation (FMC), the women help us, the men help us with the chairs because we make a big theatre, and all of this is dependent on the help and the collaboration of the rest of the community... " (Community leader, R, female). "... Well in the Casa del Nino y la Nina there are myself and two others and the mothers that... the informal actors as they are called. Those people that collaborate are artists, professionals and they come to give the workshops for free, in other words on a volunteer basis... but we are all volunteers, including 88 me, I'm a director on a voluntary basis, female). (Director, Casa del Nino y la Nina, R, There are some extremely close knit networks within the community. The majority of women I met know each other well, and have an understanding of the various community projects that each of them is involved in. There are certain key figures in the community in mobilizing and promoting community action and participation who were continually mentioned in interviews, not only with community workers and volunteers but also with members of the community at large. There are no defined strategies for mobilization, as such, women simply know each other and members within their community and ask others (or are asked) to participate in community activities. As can be seen in the Network Chart in Figure 6, there are many projects in the community, all of which have links to the Taller m some form or another. The women and men involved in these projects inevitably have links to each other as well, be it as distant relatives, friends or colleagues. Male and Female Roles It was very challenging to study the role of gender within the community of Cayo Hueso. There was no significant difference found in the quantitative data between men and women, and in reviewing male and female roles within the community of Cayo Hueso both men and women were eager to stress that they had equal footing. For example, during the feedback session, my presentation on men's and women's tasks sparked the most debate (see Table 4 below). The consensus within the final community workshop 89 is that women and men are found in all community activities. It is possible to say that men are found in slightly greater numbers in projects related to sports and manual arts but women are also involved and even lead some of these activities. Furthermore, although women are more often the leaders and organizers of projects related to the arts such as theatre, poetry, dance and music, men also sometimes lead these activities. The revised task chart demonstrates the changes that were made based on discussion with the community (see Table 3 below). 90 T a b l e 3 : G e n d e r e d T a s k C h a r t Original Chart Presented at the Community Workshop Women's Tasks: Men Tasks: • Lead craft activities • Lead arts activities (poetry, singing, dancing) • Lead and organize events for children and seniors • Organize food for activities • Prepare certificates for activities • Help with sound system (when required for activity) • Help move chairs, etc. for activities • Lead sports activities in the Taller • Lead manual arts classes for the Taller • Also lead some cultural activities (painting and music) Revised Chart after June 19, 2003 workshop: • Lead sports activities in the Taller • Lead manual arts classes for the Taller • Lead craft activities • Lead arts activities (poetry, singing, dancing) • Lead and organize events for children and seniors • Organize food for activities • Prepare certificates for activities • Lead craft activities • Lead arts activities (poetry, singing, dancing) • Help with sound system (when required for activity) • Help move chairs, etc. for activities • Lead sports activities in the Taller • Lead manual arts classes for the Taller • Prepare certificates for activities • Lead and organize events for children and seniors However, members in the community did agree with my assertion that women's sensibilities made it possible to create projects that address the needs of the family, 91 especially among children and seniors. Furthermore, according to the key community workers in Cayo Hueso, women are the primary protagonists in the community and have a stronger, more visible role in the community than men. Although there may not be very much distinction between the tasks performed by men and women within community work, women participate to a greater degree than men. For this reason, the thicker network of relationships between women is essential in the organization and realization of activities within the community, particularly when the community is faced with limited resources. A leader of one of the FMCs in Cayo Hueso described the role of women as follows: " ...The role that women play in this country is tremendous. The men are very intelligent as well but we (women) organize almost everything and the men help us sometimes because all of these parties, activities that are cultural, social, political, recreational, all that we organize is done primarily by women. We have 12 CDRs here (in Cayo Hueso) and do you know how many presidents of these 12 are men? Two, ten are women. And if now you take the delegations of the Federation that have to be women, who dominates the circumscription? The women. So, it is not really who dominates but who carries the weight of this work, and well, here it is the women... " (FMC, MR, female). The higher participation of women in government and mass organizations is in keeping with statistical trends throughout the country (see Table 3 in Chapter 4) and certainly would account for their high participation and leadership in community based regeneration. 92 In general it was thought that men may have been less active in community activities because it is a traditional expectation for them to work outside of the home to address the family's economic needs. However, most women in Cuba have now been incorporated fully into the workforce, as evidenced by increasing female labour force participation rates. Furthermore, women have a significantly higher participation than men, even in activities for seniors, many of whom have retired. "You can see for yourself, even with our seniors, it is the women that come to the Circulo de Abuelos (seniors group), and the men are retired, they have no excuse... " (Leader of Casa Comunitaria San Jose, M C , female). These observations support the common observation in the literature (cite.Lind 1997, Naples 1998a & b, etc.) that it is women who take on the primary role in community care, particularly in situations where resources are scarce. It could be said then, to a certain extent that men's and women's roles within community organizing for regeneration initiatives fall very much within traditional gender roles. One community member commented: "we are, a bit, the mothers here, looking after the children" (Leader of independent community project, M , female) According to another, "...well, men in general, you know that even though we have a family code because of the Federation that it is improving but although it is quite advanced we still have 'machistas'. You know that here men are very good, they share many of the labours with women but they are very 'machistas', they think that 93 women work for them, some, not all but still we have those characteristics, but not the majority, many men share, they are in an activity, they are where they like... " (President, ACLIFM, female). Women are the driving force behind community support activities as well, as one community leader explained: "...A large percentage of these activities (community activities) are realized by women, there is an elevated percentage of females incorporated into these tasks. One could say that in Cayo Hueso women are statistically present..." (Vice President, Consejo Popular, female). Furthermore, it was through women's initiatives that many projects were realized: "...When they initiated the family medical centres women were involved in the construction. A greater percentage, statistically, of people involved in this work were women....the family medical centres in Cayo Hueso were predominantly initiated by women, although men were also involved, women were in the majority in this work, they painted, they shifted sand... "(Vice President, Consejo Popular, female). In general, participation in community projects depends on the circumstances of each individual and turn out is high for both men and women, despite the fact that there are more women members of community organizations to begin with. In the case of activities organized by mass organizations, I suspect that the high attendance in fact stems from the extremely high female membership rate, for example the F M C includes in 94 its official membership statistics all women over the age of 14. Participation in activities organized by the Taller or other community leaders resides in the extremely strong bonds between members of the community and the keen attachment people have for Cayo Hueso. For the most part, given the nature and the context of the community, regeneration in Cayo Hueso has developed in a unique way, focusing on social programming designed to address the needs of people in the community and seeking to change individual and group behaviour to help to improve physical, social and cultural conditions in the area. Even so, recognition of the gendered aspects of social networks and resource and their serious consideration may improve their ability to work within the community and better achieve regeneration goals. The following section will review in greater detail the outcomes of Urban Regeneration Initiatives hr Cayo Hueso. Outcomes Since the establishment of the Transformation de Cayo Hueso, many positive achievements can be highlighted. According to one source (Perez 1991) by 1990 the Taller was responsible for eradicating five ciudadelas and repairing eight transitional homes in order to accommodate 23 families. The Taller was also responsible for promoting artisan workshops and different cultural activities for the people in the neighbourhood. In 1991, they created two micro-brigades to construct new buildings and to do repairs, based on need. Five buildings intended to house 174 suites and 13 medical consultorios were put on hold for the micro-brigades to build for the PanAmerican games in August 1991 (Perez 1991). 95 Further regeneration initiatives were launched between 1995 and 1999 with the pilot project, Plan Cayo Hueso. This was a set of interventions the Cuban government initiated to improve the quality of life and human health in Cayo Hueso by preventing further deterioration of buildings in average condition. Its primary goals were to address housing and health that had deteriorated significantly during the beginning of the Special Period. Research conducted over the previous three years had documented that this municipality continued to experience serious housing difficulties (INHEM 1996, Yassi et al. 1999). In addition, more than half the population did not have daily access to potable water. The capacity to dispose of liquid and solid waste had decreased in Centro Habana, while daily waste collection was carried out in the commercial zone only. In other non-commercial areas regular waste disposal varied depending on the availability of scarce financial resources. Moreover, the water disposal system was deficient and partially broken (INEHM 1996, Yassi et al. 1999). The plan developed mobilized government organizations as well as non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and was implemented in coordination with the provincial and municipal governments. A project led by OXFAM-Canada in 1996, focused on physical housing improvements in one ciudadela in Cayo Hueso, Espada No. 411. Given the extreme conditions of the housing in the area and the enormous investment required to repair housing and physical infrastructure, interventions at the scale of Plan Cayo Hueso and Espada No. 411 of Oxfam-Canada have not been repeated. There are still plans to engage Oxfam and other international NGOs to lead another project of this nature. 96 There has been a focus on improving the physical environment with environmental brigades, and plans for a community garden, which would provide much needed green space: There is a group of women, we are in an Environmental Contingent, and well, frequently we go to the parks, to different places to help the children be conscientious about the care of the environment in the neighbourhood (interview with a community leader May 2002). Green spaces for gardening are also important to the local economy and local food supply. Plans to improve the physical conditions in Cayo Hueso are particularly important in maintaining its population. As is the case with other inner city neighbourhoods many people wish to relocate to nicer areas of Havana. Since I began working in Cayo Hueso in 2002 there have been some successes in this area, and recently the Casa del Nino y la Nina was able to open a park called Parque Tesoro Escondido in June 2003. The park was created through the financial support of UNICEF, working directly with the Casa del Nina y la Nina as well as the labour contribution of a 13 pinoneros , Environmental Contingent, voluntary builder's brigade, and assistance and consultation from a local pharmacy that helped to choose medicinal plants to sow. The park provides much needed space for children's recreation and some vegetation as well. As with all community work, interview respondents stressed that they were assisted by all of the factor es, that is, all those groups and organizations at the community level, such as the medical centres, schools, delegates and mass organizations. The director of the Casa del Ninay la Nina is instrumental in the continued successes of projects that they take on. 1 3 The pioneros is a group that all children are a part of, before they become old enough to join the GDR and the F M C . 97 There has also been some collaboration with a Spanish NGO, which will be bringing in funding to support projects to improve water supply and to create more recreational spaces within Cayo Hueso. However, the work and achievements of the Taller de Transformation de Cayo Hueso will not only remain in Cayo Hueso. There have been plans for the Taller to direct casas comunitarias in other Popular Councils of Central Havana - Dragones, Los Sitios and Pueblo Nuevo - with the hopes that the successes of Cayo Hueso may be replicated throughout the municipality. The positive effect that the work of the women in the community has had is clear, and the instrumental role the Taller has played is undeniable. Although it may not be possible to resolve the physical problems as quickly or as widely as desired there are definitely positive social results from work taking place in the community: One volunteer commented: " ...Well, it influences, apart from self-esteem, that every citizen participates in these activities, you can see the influence its manifestation in other tasks. These are no longer people who are apathetic to their surroundings. To the contrary, they always look for where they can help, where there put a grain of sand, even if this is not an activity that they do, they are there to address the community problems that exist... " (Informal community leader, M). Another informal community leader said the following: "...I think that we have achieved a lot in the cleanliness of the streets, the desire to have our streets clean, this has been achieved. There is pride in the neighbourhood, the people, I can't tell you anything different, the people are 98 careful not to use bad words, the children, they say a few, but, no, no, no they have achieved a lot so that this is a better place... " (Community historian, A) Despite the serious resource shortages that have faced Cuban cities and municipalities, including Cayo Hueso, the Taller has been able to achieve a great deal within the community and they show no signs of slowing down.. Collaboration with international, national and local bodies continues to grow, and organizations have begun approaching the Taller for their collaboration, recognizing the successes that they have met in the community. While it is clear that the Taller is key in enabling these activities to take place, they simply would not be possible without the incredible dedication and efforts of the wider community. Particularly critical to the success of these efforts are the contribution of women, who are both leaders and participants in everything that is organized and accomplished in Cayo Hueso. 99 Chapter Six: Conclusion - Taller de Transformacion: a Model for Regeneration The regeneration activities that have been achieved in Cayo Hueso, especially those involving international collaboration, would not have been possible without an organization like the Taller. However, it is important to recognize that it is not only the organization but the people of Cayo Hueso, their ties to the neighbourhood and the high level of community participation in regeneration initiatives that makes the Taller successful. Strong leadership is undoubtedly essential in the sustainability of urban regeneration initiatives, as is individual community members' interest and willingness to contribute personal time and energy. Furthermore, open communication between planning bodies, in this case the Taller de Transformacion, and members of the community, is also important. Regeneration processes in Cayo Hueso follow closely Roberts & Sykes (2000) Urban Regeneration Processes outlined in Chapter 3. In the revised chart below I have modified their chart to reflect the situation in Cayo Hueso. The investigations conducted by the Taller and their collaborators mirror those processes of Economic, Social and Environmental Analysis. External drivers of change include the on-set of the Special Period, the intensification of the US Embargo and increased collaboration with international agencies, such as UNICEF and O X F A M . Internal drivers of change include the Taller itself, as well as mass-organizations and other existing community networks, leaders and resources. The work of the GDIC and their influence on urban policy in Havana also is a factor. Certainly the projects developed by the Taller reflect the Outputs 100 put forth by Roberts and Sykes; that is Neighbourhood Strategies, Economic Development, Environmental Action and Training and Education. Figure 7: Urban Processes in Cayo Hueso Economic, Social and Environmental Analysis: In Cayo Hueso, this analysis takes the shape of the diagnostico, as this is the key tool for assessing the community's needs and developing all local planning initiatives. External drivers of change: In Cayo Hueso this would refer to the Special Period the US Embargo and collaboration with international NGOs. Neighbourhood Strategies: In the case of Cayo Hueso these are official approved by the Taller and the Consejo Popular but are developed implemented in conjunction with the community and other collanorators. INPUTS Application to an individual urban area: Roberts and Sykes (2000) make reference to urban policy in this section that in the case of Cayo Hueso would need to make reference to the GDIC, which guides all urban policy in Havana. O U T P U T S i Economic Development: The Taller is looking into options in tourism but craft workshops are in place to address some issues of economic development. Training & Education: In the case of Cayo Hueso the Taller offers the space where educational programs can be undertaken and collaborates with local and national institutions to provide training. Internal drivers of change: In Cayo Hueso this would refer to the Taller itself, as well the myriad of women that lead and champion community change, as well as their social networks. Physical Improvements: These require the financial support of international collaborators and the government but community members volunteer time, labour and food. Environmental Action: These require the financial support of international collaborators and the government but Environmental Brigades made up predominantly of women and children also help keep Cayo Hueso clean. 101 Principles, Mechanisms and Outcomes of Community-Based Planning for Urban Regeneration: This study has thus shown that the mechanisms and processes of urban regeneration in Cayo Hueso were shaped by participatory planning principles as well as by gendered roles, identities and social networks. PRINCIPLES The main principles around community-based planning for regeneration were those associated with the concepts of participation, social justice, and equality that resonate with Cuba's brand of socialism. As was outlined in Chapter 3, meaningful participation is essential to address urban issues; as such participation is the mantra of the GDIC and the Taller. The principles that emerged in their work are outlined below. Bottom-up Participatory Planning The use of the diagnostico demonstrates that local knowledge is privileged within the Taller. Taller staff and community members work closely together for both the diagnostico and the strategic planning process that follows. The subjective experiences of community members are what inform the strategic plans and actions. Furthermore, the actions and initiatives implemented are often led and directed by members of the community themselves. Empowerment and Participatory Governance The participatory nature of the work being conducted in the Taller, and its dependence on community involvement for its implementation, have enabled people in the community to express their concerns and in some cases empowered them to start their own projects that 102 address local needs. Urban regeneration issues, if correctly addressed, are profoundly political as they strive to achieve societal change through urban governance and equity. S o c i a l L e a r n i n g Social learning links knowledge and action, "prioritizing" learning from experience and building on these experiences to bring about change (Friedmann 1987). In the case of Cayo Hueso this concept can be applied to the practices of the Taller. By building on their experience and knowledge of the community as an organization and on the experiences and knowledge of the community members themselves, they develop strategic plans and actions. By learning from their successes and failures they are able to develop new ways of working within the community and collaborating locally and internationally to achieve their goals. In speaking with the community the phrase that continually came up was that of mejoramiento, improvement. This was not only in reference to physical improvement to buildings and infrastructure, but also in reference to human and social advancement. Those active in the community were dedicated to social learning to foster a spirit of caring and responsibility within Cayo Hueso by engaging the community to participate in the planning process and in the transformation of their own community. S T R A T E G I E S A N D M E C H A N I S M S The main strategies and mechanisms that were used by the Taller were in keeping with the principles outlined above. 103 Diagnostico The diagnostico is the Toiler's most essential tool for determining the needs of the community and in creating linkages with governmental and non-governmental, which are inextricably linked with public action and urban governance. In the words of the Director of the Taller, the key factors in the sustainability of regeneration initiatives undertaken by the Taller are the diagnostico and the strong commitment and participation of community members themselves. The diagnostico of the community - its assets, resources, strengths, constraints, and weaknesses - provides a clear way for individuals to express their opinions and concerns. It also helps to avoid the problem of certain groups or individuals dominating the process of community participation. While the Director of the Taller recognizes that the availability of resources is important in enabling goals to be achieved more quickly, he insists that sustainability does not stem from resource availability but rather from understanding the needs of the community and securing their continued support and involvement in regeneration. Casa Comunitarias In terms of elevating profile at the local and international level, the casas comunitarias or community houses have also played an important role within the community. They serve as places where people can socialize and provide a forum where neighbours may come to express their opinions and share their suggestions for the community residents, Taller employees or volunteers. A fixed place where individuals can meet is extremely important; it provides people with a base from which to work, interact and organize, and serves as a significant landmark in the community. This presence, both symbolic and real or constant, also helps to give credibility to the organization not only within the community, but also to local and foreign collaborators 104 and donors who may wish to work in the community. Furthermore, the activities carried out within the community houses provide people with an opportunity to form relationships and to create and express themselves. This enhances attachment to place and engenders a sense of responsibility to neighbours and community, helping to establish and fortify community networks. This was most effectively expressed by one community volunteer who stated: Your community becomes your family, the people that surround you; it's like what they say here 'my closest family is my next door neighbour' (nurse, member of FMC, MER, female) L o c a l N e t w o r k i n g a n d I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o l l a b o r a t i o n Collaboration with many local organizations is another important strategy used by the Taller. As has been suggested throughout my work these close organizational ties are essential, especially when material and financial resources are limited. Through close collaboration with mass organizations for example it is possible to mobilize more community members to both volunteer their labour and participate. The same is true with collaboration with local schools and consultorios. It makes it possible for the Taller to more effectively provide support to the community and achieve urban regeneration goals. But it is not only institutional linkages that are key in the organization and implementation of projects, women's networks and organizational skills are one of the Taller's greatest assets and there seems to be a dependence on women's contributions to achieve regeneration goals. 105 International collaboration is another central strategy to regeneration in Cayo Hueso. While the director of the Taller insists that the most important factors for sustainable regeneration are the diagnostico and the dedication of the community members themselves, he acknowledges the essential financial support that international collaboration provides. Funding from international sources makes it possible to achieve infrastructure improvements that would not otherwise have the resources to address. It is then possible for the Taller to build upon these established iinkages to continue to expand projects for regeneration. The only drawback of course is that there are no guaranteed resources and strategies and mechanisms can be heavily influenced by the agendas of external funders. It must also be recognized that it takes time to gain the confidence of the community. While some members may have been keen to participate from the start, the achievements of the Taller have made it possible to improve its own profile locally, nationally and internationally. The profile and the momentum gained from its successes have made it possible for the Taller to attract more collaborators locally and internationally. C u l t u r a l a n d E d u c a t i o n a l A c t i v i t i e s In the case of Cayo Hueso the main strategies for urban regeneration were those associated with cultural and artistic activities. Cultural and artistic activities are used as a tool to encourage attachment to place and social responsibility. Education too is an important mechanism for community mobilization. Environmental brigades for example offer a way to teach children about environmental and health issues while promoting social responsibility. These concepts are tied to the idea of governance because the focus is on the role of civil society, encouraging social connections through facilities, 106 organizations and projects and improving the image of the area through a focus on its heritage, history, and traditions. O U T C O M E S The outcomes of planning for regeneration in Cayo Hueso have been considerably successful given the fiscal and political constraints of the context. There have been definite improvements to the physical environment, through the establishment of more park spaces, many community leaders comment that there is also an improvement to the social.and cultural environment as well. Therefore it can be said that the following outcomes and benefits have come from the regeneration activities in Cayo Hueso: C o m m u n i t y E m p o w e r m e n t a n d S o c i a l L e a r n i n g People are becoming more and more interested in working to improve their community and in taking advantage of the programs and activities offered. It is acknowledged by planning and social theorists that people learn by doing, therefore people's involvement in both identifying their needs and mobilizing to address them is an essential feature of community empowerment and a key element to the Taller. Actively engaging people in the research process (i.e. the diagnostico) that have traditionally been passive "subjects" builds upon the valuable information that local citizens possess (Bhasin 1998; Freedman 1998; Jackson & Kassam, 1998; Park, 1993). The involvement of members of the community makes it possible to build and promote conditions for continuing action and outcomes. All stakeholders should be engaged in the investigation process; that is the processes of data collection, analysis, theorizing, taking action based on these findings 107 and evaluation of its effectiveness. Social learning then becomes a tool for empowerment at a grassroots level and engaging people in a democratic, equitable, liberating and life-enhancing way (Stringer, 1999). I n c r e a s e d C o l l a b o r a t i o n Another positive outcome of the Taller and its regeneration projects is the increased collaboration not only within the community but also with other organizations within Cuba and internationally. Patsy Healey (1997: 243) asserts that expanding networks of collaboration and trust provide a resource of "social and intellectual capital" through which knowledge can flow around localities. These social resources and networks encourage more people, institutions and organizations to get involved in regeneration activities. These networks make up what Healey (1997) refers to as "soft infrastructure" and are essential in ensuring equitable and sustainable community planning. C h a n g e i n U r b a n P o l i c y Community based regeneration initiatives based on the issues identified by the community increases the accountability of planning bodies and encourages meaningful participation which is essential to urban governance and social justice. While the predominant political culture limits some progress in this area, for the most part the incremental change in urban planning approach demonstrates that there is more accountability. The concerns of people in the community are indeed being addressed slowly. Furthermore the fact that the work of the Taller is to be expanded to other areas of Centro Habana demonstrates that higher levels of government acknowledge the benefits of the bottom-up approach to planning and regeneration initiatives. The successes of the Taller raise its profile within the community and demonstrate to residents 108 that their concerns and priorities are in deed being addressed. This is a positive step to increase community engagement and civil action. Bringing Gender Analysis into Urban Regeneration: Limitations of the Taller's Mechanisms While the diagnostico is clearly a useful tool for determining the issues that need to be addressed in the community its major limitation is that of lack of gender sensitivity. Sociability of neighbours is recognized as community strength yet there is no acknowledgement of the importance of community networks, many of which are women's networks. Throughout my work in the community, the importance of social networks and linkages with local organizations was very clear. We also know that these social networks and organizations are gendered in that there are male and female dominated associations and the quality of participation in these are also gendered. Certainly in my observation, though men were involved in community activities, women, more often than men, were the leaders and champions of community regeneration initiatives and as such influence existing strategies of community change. Furthermore, women's local knowledge of their environments and the history of their place, and more importantly their ability to fill the role of community caregivers were not recognized as the strength it should be. Another limitation of the diagnostico is that the list of weaknesses offered by the local people is not exhaustive. For example I would argue that dependence on external sources of funding is a weakness as it may lead to international NGOs setting the agenda for the local community. There are also limitations to the political structure as it exists which can hinder the development of viable urban governance. For example, there are 109 limitations to what mass organizations can accomplish. Although they are useful grassroots level organizations that can be called upon to organize and promote urban regeneration activities, they are predominantly guided by the goals and activities identified at the national, not local level. This brings me to consider the challenge posed by the dominant political culture in Cuba. Despite clear efforts to decentralize community planning and governance, strong central command is still prevalent and the Taller is still required to get permission from government before it can go ahead with its proposed plans for regeneration. Unlike Old Havana, whose importance to the national economy gives in the unique position of managing its own funds, Cayo Hueso is dependent upon limited state funding and the interest of international NGOs for its ability to address regeneration needs. This external dependence of course poses a major threat to the sustainability of regeneration activities in the community. That said the Taller has developed strategic plans to achieve, at least to a limited extent, the goals of urban regeneration. This study supports the arguments presented in feminist literature (Lind 1997, Naples 1998a & b, etc) about women's roles in community organising and works, particularly in Cuba and Latin America. Given the central role that women continue to play in the realm of community care and regeneration initiatives, is important to give serious consideration to gender roles, social networks and resource use in the design and implementation of plans and/or sustainable models of urban regeneration. As in the case of Cayo Hueso, women play a central role in the organization of community activities and the Taller depends on their contributions and social networks to achieve positive outcomes, especially given the limited amount of resources that exist in the municipality. 110 It is therefore essential to consider women's concerns and constraints (such as their paid work and familial responsibilities) when planning regeneration initiatives to ensure that women are effectively incorporated into the process, especially when considering that women's networks form the basis for effective dissemination of information and mobilization for support. As this case study shows, the strong links between the neighbours themselves and their attachment to Gayo Hueso means that the Taller can count on the interest and desire of community members to take part in activities for community improvement. More importantly, this level of social cohesion and trust means that they will remain willing to invest their personal time and energy into this endeavour. It must be recognized that women's domestic roles and their position within society as nurturers of the community means that in general women have a greater interest than men in improving the conditions of the neighbourhood. As this case study, as well as others (cite Lind 1997, Naples 1998a & b, etc) have shown, women tend to dedicate more of their time and energy to addressing community problems and issues; therefore, it can be said that successful urban regeneration is dependent upon the commitment of women within the community. When there are limited resources, women are again found at the forefront of the struggle to defend their livelihoods and care for their families and their communities. This was certainly true for the women of Cayo Hueso in regards to the severe resource shortages that were the result of rapid economic change in the beginning of the 1990s. While the economy and access to resources has since improved there are still serious shortages and women continue to be the major actors in community care. In these 111 conditions, women's social networks take on an even more central role in ensuring that the goals of regenerations are met, at least within what is economically feasible. It is clear that women's strong leadership within community regeneration initiatives have led to desired and beneficial outcomes for the local community. Given the economic realities of Cuba, it is in fact essential to focus on what can be addressed with limited resources. The focus on socialization through programs for children is an effective way to foster interest in community care without the need for large budgets and staff. It is my opinion that resource scarcity is one of the main reasons why regeneration activities focus on the arts (poetry, music, painting and crafts) and history. The community is rich in these resources and is not dependent upon state or external funding in order to bring these strengths to the community. Strong attachment to place stems very much from these simpler, more economical actions and is certainly much more sustainable especially given the fact that major changes to the infrastructure of Cayo Hueso will always be halting and dependent upon outside resources. The outputs of regeneration are also influenced by these gender roles. Many of the activities that were organized focused on family care, including several projects dedicated to the welfare and development of children, youths and seniors. These areas reflect the traditional interests and identities of women as caretakers of family and community. Certainly within these projects, women generally were at the forefront. For example the environmental actions at the grassroots level predominantly involve women and children as is the case of the "environmental brigades". Urban regeneration initiatives in Cayo Hueso were also highly dependent upon women and their social networks to achieve their goals; this of course influenced who was involved in these 112 projects. It is little wonder that given women's central role in leading the community houses that those involved in the coordination of projects also tended to be women who were already closely affiliated with one another. More intensive infrastructure changes are dependent on international funding which is the responsibility of the Director of the Taller but both men and women volunteer their time and labour when required. It is more common to see men to doing hard physical labour but the women of Cayo Hueso reminded me that women, too, participate. Economic development is one of the most difficult things for regeneration initiatives in Cayo Hueso to address but craft-workshops organized for and by women, have tried to address this at least at a superficial level. I believe that a serious consideration of gender roles and gendered use of resources and social networks should inform the design and implementation of models for urban regeneration. As has been demonstrated in my own work, as well as the work of others (Lind 1997, Naples 1998a & b) women have a central role in community care. It is also clear that more needs to be done to ensure the meaningful participation of men within this kind of work. It would be valuable for example to delve more into the question as to why women participate more in community regeneration activities than men. Both men and women offered anecdotal explanations, speculating that men have a more prominent role in the labour force, but this does not seem to be a sufficient explanation given that women are equally incorporated in the workforce in Cuba and that even among retired people women are much more prevalent in community work. Perhaps a better understanding of the changes and continuities in gender roles, in light of modernity and other globalizing forces, and women's and men's differential motivations 113 for participation may make it possible to more fully incorporate both genders into the process of regeneration. Concluding Remarks Cuba provides a unique context for the issue of urban regeneration, especially given its political structure. Many of the organizations involved in the initiatives in Cayo Hueso are unique to Cuba, yet much can be learned from the Taller de Transformation de Cayo Hueso and. its experiences can provide useful lessons and insights for regeneration initiatives elsewhere. Furthermore the community faces many of the same conditions that are faced by other communities dealing with regeneration issues. It has a seriously deteriorated housing stock, a depressed economy and prevalent social issues. Its ability to address these issues through grassroots initiatives, especially the work of the Taller, provides a useful model for regeneration work. In fact similar initiatives have emerged in a very different historical and political context. Even in countries with very different political systems it should be possible to realize the goals of grassroots regeneration provided that community support and participation can be achieved. 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Habana: Universidad de la Habana, 1999, pp.141-164. 123 Appendix 1: Buildings from the Plan de Remodelacidn in 1971 124 A p p e n d i x 2 : Q u a n t i t a t i v e S u r v e y INSTITUTO NACIONAL DE HIGIENE, EPIDEMIOLOGIC Y MICROBIOLOGIC CONS.POP UNIVERSIDAD DE MANITOBA -CMF | FAMILIA _PiRSONA# -CUESTIONARIO # NOMBRE Y APELLIDOS: JDIRECCION: MARQUE CON UNA X SI EL ENTREVISTADO ES P R ' N C , P A L S 0 S T ^ ECONOMICO DE LA FAMILIA ( ) " ' S ^ ^ M S S j g o . R A QUE EL 1 2 5 SECCION 1. PERCEPC10N DE RIESGOS i . DURANTE LOS ULTIMOS 12 M E S E S E N EL L U G A R D O N D E H A S VIV1DO P U E D E N H A 8 E R S C P R E S E N T A D O D I F E R E N T E S H E C H O S 0 S ITUACIONES A TU A L R E D E D O R , DE L O S C U A L E S D E S E A M O S NOS V A L O R E Q U E R E P E R C U C I O N E N TERMINOS DE R I E S G O A LA S A L U D P U E D E N . T E N E R L O S MISMOS. A CONTINUACION TE P R E S E N T A M O S LAS C A T E G O R I A S E N Q U E D E B E R A S VALORAR LOS H E C H O S 0 S ITUACIONES, Q U E S O N : SIN RIESGO, POCO R1ESGOSO, RIESGOSO, MUY RIESGOSO .VIARCA CON UNA CRUZ (X) LA QUE TU CREES QUE CORRESPONDE. HSCHOS 0 SITUACIONES 1 Sin r iesgo 2 Poco riesgo 3 Riesgoso Muy riesgoso 1. t i estacio de ia v i v ienda j ;Z M a s de tres p e r s o n a s du rm iendo en Ia j m i sma habi tac ion | i Fs l ta de servici 1"! sanl^ar io n ins ta lac ion ! de a q u a dentro de la v i v i enda j I I ' : 4. P r e s e n c i a de a n i m a l e s d o m e s t i c o s o de j corral dentro de la v i v ienda i 5. Depos i tos de b a s u r a dentro de la j v iv ienda j i Ex is tenc ia de n u m e r o s a s c i u d a d e l a s y so lares 1 i 7. Res id i r en una v i v ienda q u e ha s i d o : dec la rada inhabi table i 8. La ca i idad dei a g u a q u e c o n s u m e j 9 P e r s o n a s que d e a m b u l a n por las ca l ies sin hogar ni a m p a r o (n inos y anc ianos ) \ 1 | 10. Seden ta r i smo j | | i i j i f ' Tup ic iones en la red de a lcantar i l lado y desbo rdamien tos de a i b a n a i e s j ! j i I J 12 P r e s e n c i a de h e c e s f e c a l e s en las ca l les a i rededores de ed i f ic ios i i ! i ! i I 1 HECHOS 0 SITUACIONES 1 Sin riesgo 2 Poco riesgo 3 Riesgoso 4 Muy riesgoso 13. Microvertederbs existentes en las calles o locales adaptados 14. Presencia de cucarachas, moscas, ratones y mosquitos en la vivienda 15. Alto consumo de bebidas alcoh6licas 16. Existencia de fabricas que despiden al aire humos, polvos,- gases u otra sustancia 17. Poca atencion a la familia a nines y ancianos 18. Zonas de frecuentes inundaciones 19. Presencia de animates callejeros 20. Gran numero de personas que manipulan alimentos para vender 21. Fumar marihuana 22 Agitacion y tension en la vida 23. Fumar 24. Limpieza de las calles, parques y apeaderos 25. Discusiones y rihas en el hogar j .—— 26. Existencia de zonas de accion de jineteras en el lugar donde usted vive 27. Numerosas personas se mudan a su zona procedente de otras provincias del pais 28. Tener piojos o sarna i 29. Ninos y jovenes en edad escolar que no j van a la escuela ' -2 I 2 * HECHOS 0 SITUACIONES 1 Sin riesgo 2 Poco riesgo 3 Riesgoso 4 Muy riesgoso 30. G r a n numero de p e r s o n a s q u e a c u d e n a la ?nna ririnrje i.istsri'vivfi, nnr e! rrahain o a recibir serv ic ios ( c o m p r a s , p a s e o s ) — .. 31. H u m o s , po lvos y g a s e s p r o v o c a d o s por la c i rc i i lac ion d e n u m e r o s o s v e h i c u i o s • 32. C o n s u m o . d e past i l las junto a b e b i d a s a i coho l i ca para sent i rse a ieg re 33. .... . t - recuentes-d iar reas j 1 34. S a i u d b u c a ! 35. E m b a r a z o s en mu je res m e n o r e s de 18 anos o m a y o r e s de 35 a n o s 36. No rea l i za rse la p rueba c i to log ica las mujeres \ 37. P a d e c e r de sif i l is o gono r rea ] 38. Desv incu lac i on labora! en e d a d e s j j ovenes i 39. T e n e r paras i tos j 40. D i s c u s i o n e s y r inas en las ca l l es j i 4 l " Ex is tenc ia de z o n a s de acc i on de j de l incuen tes en el lugar d o n d e us ted v ive | 3 IT.?-2 *TZSL%%T£^^i^SE c o n 1995- v a l o r e e n ACUERDQ A SU CRrTFPin C ° N C R U Z E N ° A D A UNA DE ELLAS DE AREAS 11 • I Las condiciones de su vivienda 2 ' U f erta de actividades culturales a ninos yioveT^s" en el barrio. -La iiuminacion de la calle donde usted vive ' 4 I Abaslecuniento de agua de su vivienda 5. I Limpieza de las calles del barrio K ~ Tjesoordamientos de aguas albanales o reSlduales en las calles cercanas a su vivienda Recogida de basura en su cuadra 8. |Esq;uinas y sola ies yermos llenos de basuras e r f Isu cuadra 9 Lasconaiciones de las escuelas a las que asisten los ninos de su familia 1 0 ' ^ a s condiciones de las carnicerias y bodeqas" donde usted compra 1 1 ' Presenci i^ i ratas y ratones en su hogar ~ 1 2 ' EnTbellecimiemo de los alrededores de su casa 13. CondicioTieTdTia calles y aceras d o n d ^ ^ " vive PEOR IGUAL MEJOR" 4 , — 1 A K I A I .re . A <;.TliACl6N A C T U A L D E S U B A R R I O O C O M U N I D A D Y C O M P A R E D * 3 - C O N 1^ 995 OALORE^ES Q u i S " ? U A C . . 6 N S E H A L L A Y M A R Q U E C O N U N A C R U Z E N C A D A U N A D E E L L A S D E A C U E R D O A S U C R I T E R I O . A R F A S m 2 i 3 i 4 j 5 ! 6 i 7 i 8 9 i 10 1. 1 .as condiciones de las viviendas de su barrio i 1 I I -2. Dferta de actividades culiurales a ninos y j i j j i i i i 1 1 J i 1 i i i ! I i • 3. La iluminacion de las cal les de su barrio I 4. Abastecimiento de agua de las viviendas de su j barrio ! ! i 1 1 i —4-i 4-—1 — j — + — 5 i L . J 1 1 1 1 1 1 i i i i 6. Desbordamientos de aguas albanales o I residuaies en las calles cercanas a su vivienda j I I 1 I 1 I 1 i v Recogida de basura 8. Esquipas y solares yermos llenos de basura^ j j Las condiciones de las escueias del barrio i i 10. Las condiciones de las carnicerias y Dooegdb del barrio i 1 1 i 11. Presencia de ratas y ratones en los hogares 0 c su barrio i i i 1 L. . 13 14" Embellecimiento de los alrededores de su casa ! | i • i 1 1 1 1 .1 1 i i i 1-i 1 Condiciones de las calles y aceras j [ i 1 i i Seguridad en el barrio i J _ L 13V SECCION II. CALIDAD DE VIDA - SU ESTADO DE SALUD HOY MARQ SU ES UE CON UNA CRUZ LA RESPUESTA DE CADA APARTADO QUE MEJOR DESCRIBA TADO"DE SALUD EN EL DiA DE HOY A MOVILIDAD No lengo problemas para caminar ( ) 1 Tengo algunos problemas para caminar ( ) 2 Tengo que estar en la cama ( ) 3 B CUIDADO PERSONAL No tengo problemas con el cuidado personal ( ) 1 Tengo algunos problemas para lavarme 0 vestirme ( ) 2 Soy incapaz de lavarme 0 vestirme ( ) 3 C ACTIVIDADES COTIDIANAS (Ej: trabajar, estudiar, hacer las tareas domesticas, actividades familiares 0 actividades durante el tiempo libre ) No tengo problemas.para realizar mis actividades cotidianas ( ) 1 Tengo algunos problemas para realizar mis actividades cotidianas ( ) 2 Soy incapaz de realizar mis actividades cotidianas ( ) 3 D DOLOR/MALESTAR No tengo dolor ni malestar ( ) 1 Tengo moderado dolor 0 malestar ( ) 2 Tengo mucho dolor 0 malestar ( ) 3 E ANSIEDAD/DEPRESION No estoy ansioso ni deprimido • ( ) 1 Estoy moderadamente ansioso 0 deprimido ( ) 2 Estoy muy ansioso 0 deprimido ( ) 3 F Comparando con mi estado general de salud durante los ultimos doce meses, mi estado de salud hoy es: (POR FAVOR PONGA UNA CRUZ EN EL PARENTESIS) . Mejor ( ) 1 Igual ( ) 2 Peor - ( ) 3 ir 6 .131 Para ayudarle a describir lo bueno o malo que es su estado de salud hemos dibujado una escala parecida a un termometrc, en !a cuai se marca con un 100 e! rr,"'n'* ^ c t o r ^ ^ Q e-ajii/Hr.'-*i<o pueda Imaginarse y con un 0 el peor estado de salud que pueda imaginarse. Nos gustaria que nos indicara en esta escala, en su opinion, lo bueno o malo que es su estado de salud en el DIA DE HOY. Por favor encierre en un circulo el numero que en su opinion, indique lo bueno o malo que es su estado de salud en el DIA DE HOY. E l m e j o r e s t a d o d e s j l u d i m a g i n a b l e S U E S T A D O D E S A L U D H O Y I U< J + i r a t o 6 * 0 6 • O + 1 d i o E l p e o r e s t a d o d e s a l u d i m a g i n a b l e 132 DEVUELVA EL CUESTIONARIO AL ENTREVISTADOR PARA CONTINUAR COMPLETANDO EL MISMO " /33 SECCION IV. CARACTER IST i CAS G E N E R A L E S Y ECONOMICAS SEXO Femeriiho "'('•' ) "1 Mascul ine { ) 5. EDAD (Arios cumplidos) i anos NIVEL EDUCACIONAL (Anos de estudio) anos 7. COLOR DE LA PIEL Blanco Nearo ( ) 1 (• ) 2 ( ) 3 ESTADO CIVIL Soltero Casado o unido Divorciado o separadc Viudo ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) 4 9. iUD. TIENE CREENCIAS RELIGIOSAS? Si y '33 prsctics oi v no ias pracLicy No ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 10. iCON USTED VIVEN MENORES DE 13 ANOS? N o ( ) 2 - » P a s e a 1 2 11. IDE ELLOS CUANTOS SON HIJOS SUYOS? 1 2 . c EN GENERAL, COMPARADO (A) CON OTRAS PERSONAS DE SU EDAD, USTED DIRIA QUE SU SALUD ES? Excelente Muy buena B u e n a ' Regular ( ) 1 .( ) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) 4 ( ) 5 1 3 . CCUPACION ACTUAL ( ) 1 Trabajador porcuenta propia ( ) 2 Trabajador de empresas mixtas, ( ) 3 corporaciones, firmas Jubilado trabajando ( ) 4 Militar ( ) 5 Jubilado no trabajando ( ) 6 Ama de casa ( ) 7 Estudiante ( ) 8 No hace nada ( ) 9 1 4 . <i.EN SU ACTIVIDAD DIARIA USTED UTILIZA ALGUN MEDIO DE TRANSPORTE? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 - » P a s e a 1 6 15. • CUAL UTILIZA? Casi Siempre 1 Auto propio Transp. Publico I Taxis estatales Taxis privados Moto Bicicleta Otro Muchas Veces 2 Algunas Veces 3 16. ^LISTED HA ^ ISTIDOi A ALGUNO Uh ESTOS LUGARES Pocas . Veces 4 Campismo EN LOS ULTIMOS 1? MESES? Muchas veces 1 Fiestas publicas Fiestas en casas ! Playa I Cine Teatro I Otras actividades ' culturales Restaurant estatal | Restaurant privado (Paladares) Discotecas 17. lcoUrtMU.?7eD P E R C I B E L A S I T UACION COMPARADA CON OTRAS PERSONAS QUE USTED CONOZCA? t K b U N A S 10 Algunas veces 2 Pocas veces 3 Ninguna 4 Confortable o buena Suficiente Regular Pobre/Mala ( ) 1 2 ( ) '3 ( ) 4 ( ) 125 18. iUSTED SE MUDO DE ALGUNA PROVINCIA HACIA CIUDAD DE LA HABANA? Si ( ) 1 Na( .. ) 2 19. iCUANTOS ANOS LLEVA VIVIENDO EN ESTA CASA? I I I l _ J _ J anos meses SECCION IV. VIDA E N L A C O M U N I D A D 20. <j.LE GUSTA E3TE BARRiO? Mucho 1 . Bastante Algo 3 Poco 4 Nada 5 21. dLE GUSTARiA SEGUIR VIVIENDO EN ESTE LUGAR? 22. ,j.HA DONADO SANGRE EN EL ULTIMO ANO? i Si ( ) 1 No ( • ) 2 23. iHA PERTENECIDO A LA DIRECCION DE ALGUNA ORGANIZATION EN LA COMUNIDAD? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 ;HA CONTACTADO USTED A ALGUN FUNCIONARIO DEL GOBIERNO LOCAL (Consejo Popular, Delegado de la circunscripcion) ACERCA DE ALGUN PROBLEMA O PREOCUPACION QUE HAYA TENIDO. EN LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 25. ,i.ALGUN AmiGG CERCAN'O 3UYO VIVE EN SU BARRIO? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 26. i C O N O C E USTED LOS NOMBRES DE LA MAYORIA DE LOS VECINOS ADULTOS MAS CERCANOS? . Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 '27. i.HAY ALGUN VECINO AL CUAL USTED LE PERMITIRIA QUE LE CUIDARA SU CASA MIENTRAS ESTA AUSENTE? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 28. <i.HAY ALGUN VECINO QUE LO CUIDARIA SI USTED ESTUVIERA ENFERMO? S i ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 29. 30. i — .... iUSTED LE PRESTARIA A ALGUN VECINO 50 PESOS? Si( ) 1 No( ) 2 <LLA MAYORIA DE LAS PERSONAS EN SU COMUNIDAD SON COOPERATIVAS? ' II ' Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 ' , p a r a PllothSM° U ? ' D E S C R , B I R f A LA NECESIDAD DE MEJORAS EN SU FAMILIA? (Para ello ubique en la s,gu,ente labia el numero de la respuesta segun la escala que se le mostrara . por cada situaciony para cada ano) 1- NADA NECESARIO 2- MUY POCO NECESARIO 3- POCO NECESARIO 4- NECESARIO 5- MUY NECESARIO Necesi-dad de mejoras en su familia En 1995 Necesi-dad de mejoras en su' familia Ahora Marque con una x en las areas que fue " benefi-ciado Marque con una x segun su opinion cuales son las 3 areas mas nece-sitadas de mejoras en su familia en !a actualidad Reparation del interior de las viviendas Reparacion del exterior de las viviendas Reparation de la ciudadela donde viven Mejoramiento del abasto de agua Mejoramiento de la iluminacion de las calles Mejoramiento de las aceras y calles Disminucion de los desbordamientos de fosas Mejoramiento de los servicios sanitarios (disminucion de las tupiciones) Mejoramiento de la recogida de basura i Eliminacion de los vertederos Reparacion de los establecimientos, que usted utiliza. de la red de servicios (ej. Bodegas, carnicerias, farmacias, consultorios) i Reparacion de escuelas y c. Infantiles a los que asisten los ninos de su familia i Mejoramiento y habilitacion de locales para la recreacion y la cultura a los que su familia asiste j i • 32. .LCOMO UD. DESCRIBIRI'A L A N E C E S I D A D D E M E J O R A S EN S U C O M U N I D A D ? (Para ello ubique en la siguiente tabla el numero de la respuesta segun la escala que se Ie mostrara por cada situacion y para cada afio) 1- NADA NECESARIO 2-MUY POCO NECESARIO 3- POCO NECESARIO 4- NECESARIO 5- MUY NECESARIO Necesidad de mejoras en la comunidad En 1995 Necesidad de mejoras en la comunidad Ahora Marque con una x segun su opinion cuales son las 3 areas mas necesitadas de mejoras en su comunidad en la actualidad Reparation del interior de las viviendas Reparation del exterior de las viviendas Reparation de la ciudadela donde viven Mejoramiento del abasto de agua Mejoramiento de la iluminacion de las calles Mejoramiento de las aceras y calles Disminucion de los desbordamientos de fosas Mejoramiento de los servicios sanitarios (disminucion de las tupiciones) Mejoramiento de la recogida de basura Eliminacion de los vertederos Reparacion de los establecimientos de la red de servicios (ej. Bodegas, carnicerias, farmacias, consultorios) Reparacion de escuelas y c. Infantiles Mejoramiento y habilitacion de locales para la recreacion y la cultura j 13 33. CENTRE LOS ANOS 1995 AL 2000 REALIZO UD. REPARACIONES EN SU VIVIENDA EN LAS QUE INVIRTIO DINERO? Si( ) 1 No( ) 2 •» Pasea 35 P^ ©! 34. I QUt UfcJO Ub HACER CON EL DINERO GASTADO EN LAS REPARACIONES? Comprar aiimentos ( ) -j Comprar prendas de vestir ( ) 2 comprar efeclos electrodomesticos ( ) 3 Recreacion ( ) 4 Otros ' { ) 5 • 5 C d.ENTRE LOS ANOS 1995 AL 2000 REALIZO UD. REPARACIONES EN SU VIVIEN DA A LAS QUE DEDICO ALGUN TIEMPO? Si (• ) 1 No ( ) 2 • * Pass a 37 Q 35. c QUE DEJO DE HACER EN EL TIEMPO INVERTIDO? Descansar ( ) 1 Recrearse ( ) 2 Actividades domesticas ( ) 3 ir a: trabajo f j 4 Otros ( j 5 37. a) CENTRE LOS ANOS 1995 AL 2000 PARTICIPO UD. EN REPARACIONES DE OBRAS SOCIALES (ej. Escuelas, consultorios del medico de la familia bo'*="»s e--A LAS QUE DEDICO ALGUN TIEMPO? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 -» Pase a 38 b) i QUE DEJO DE HACER EN EL TEIMPO INVERTIDO? Descansar ( ) 1 Recrearse ( ) 2 Actividades domestical l \ 3 It ai tiabajo ( ) 4 Otros ( ) 5 AHORA LE HAREMOS ALGUNAS PREGUNTAS SOBRE LA DISPOSICION REAL DE UD. A PAGAR O DEDICAR TIEMPO A FUTURAS REPARACIONES EN SU COMUNIDAD. i SUPONGA POR UN MOMENTO QUE UD. Y SU FAMILIA VIVEN EN UNA VIVIENDA CON LAS CARACTERiSTICAS QUE A CONTINUACION LE MOSTRAMOS (FOTO) Y SE LE PRESENTA LA POSIBILIDAD DE REALIZAR UNA REPARACION COMO LA QUE APARECE EN ESTA OTRA (FOTO), ,j.QUE PARTE DE SUS INGRESOS ESTARiA USTED DISPUESTO A PAGAR? Nada ( ) 0 Pase a 42 Pase a 39 39. DIGAPORQUE 41. No necesito hacer reparaciones No quede satisfecho con la reparacion anterior Otro. i Cual? ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 S i ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 -> Pase a 42 dQUE TIEMPO ESTARIAN DISPUESTOS A DEDICAR A LAS REPARACIONES7 Menos de una semana Entre 1 y 2 semanas Entre 3 y 4 semanas Mas de un mes iCuantos meses? ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) 4 i ESTARIA DISPUESTO A HACER TRABAJOS VOLUNTARIOS EN ESTAS' REPARACIONES? ^eiNtaiAb S i 1 No ( ) 2 * Pase a Seccion VI 15 43. i.QUE TIEMPO ESTARiA DISPUESTO A EMPLEAR EN DURANTE EL TIEMPO QUE DUREN LAS REPARACION ES? Reparaciones Tiempo en horas Carnicertas. bodegas, etc i t ! ! ! Escucias y Circ'uios infsntiiss ; ; ; : j Locales para la recreacion y la cultura 1 1 1 I 1 Otras. Cuales? i I i i i i I 1 i 1 i i S E C C I O N VI. F A C T O R E S D E R I E S G O VI. 1 T A B A Q U I S M O 44. iHA FUMADO ALGUNA VEZ ? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 - * Pase a 50 45. i A QUE EDAD COMENZO A FUMAR? ! ! i anos 46. ^FUMA ACTUALMENTE? Si ( ) 1 Pase a 48 , No ( ) 2 47. <i.QUE TIEMPO HACE Q U E D E J O DE FUMAR? ! j M ! •! ( P a s e a 50) anos meses 48. ^DESEA DEJAR DE FUMAR? Si ( ) 1 No( •) 2 49. <i.QUE CANTIDAD USTED FUMA DIARIAMENTE? i I i cigarros i i ! tabacos I I I pipa 16 DE LOS SIGUIENTES PROBLEMAS DE SALUD DIGA CUALES SON CAUSADOS POR FUMAR ^ U A L t * VI.2 51. Diarreas Enfermedades del corazon Reumatismo Cancer Enfermedades cerebro vasculares Fiebre tifoidea Bronquitis y enfisema pulmonar Colera Ulcera gastrointestinal Enfermedades circulatorias Dano al recien nacido C O N S U M O DE B E B I D A S A L C O H O L I C A S JUSTED HA INGERIDO BEBIDAS ALCOHOLICAS EN LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES? ) 1 ) 2 ) 3 ) 4 ) 5 ) 6 ) 7 ) 8 ) 9 ) 10 ) 11 Si( )1 No( ) 2 - » P a s e a 56 52. dACOSTUMBRA UD. A BEBER LOS FINES DE SEMANA? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 53. c CON QUE FRECUENCIA PROMEDIO USTED HA INGIERIDO BEBIDAS ALCOHOLICAS EN LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES? 54. i Q U E CANTIDAD PROMEDIO HA INGERIDO EN CADA OCASION? (Se considera un trago: 1 botella de cerveza 1 vaso de vino o 1 linea de ron) Todos los dias 6 veces a la semana 5 veces a la semana 4 veces a la semana 3 veces a la semana 2 veces a la semana 1 vez a la semana 1 a 3 veces en el mes 3 a 10 veces por ano 1 a 2 veces en el ano ) 1 ) 2 ) 3 ) 4 ) 5 ) 6 ) 7 ) 8 ) 9 ) 10 I I I tragos 55. iEH LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES CUANTAS VECES SE HA EMBRIAGADO? 17 mi VL3 ACTIVIDAD FISICA ' " . 56. i i C U A L DE LAS RESPUESTAS j SIGUIENTES DESCRIBE MEJOR ! LA FORMA EN QUE I DESARROLLA SU TRABAJO U : OTRA ACTIVIDAD EN LA QUE i SE OCUPA HABITUALMENTE? ! i 1 i 1 i i Usualmente sentado durante todo el dia o camina poco Caminando muchas veces al dia pero no carga objetos muy frecuentemente • Usualmente carga y coloca objetos ligeros o subs escaieras frecuentemente Una parte del dia realiza poca actividad nsica y otra parte dei dia realiza trabajos fuertes Hace trabajos fuertes ej. Agricultura o carga objetos muy pesados No sabe ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) 4 ( ) 5 ( ) 6 57. | iPRACTICA USTED ALGUNA i ACTIVIDAD FISICA 0 ! DEPORTIVA FUERA DE SUS j ACTIVIDADES HABITUALES? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2-> Pase a 60 58. : dCUAL ACTIVIDAD PRACTICA? ; ( Admite mas de una respuesta) i Bicideta ( ) 1 Caminata ( ) 2 Trote 0 carrera ( ) 3 Otros ejercicios 0 deportes ( j 4 59. j iCUANTOS DIAS A LA SEMANA COMO PROMEDIO LAS PRACTICA Y QUE TIEMPO PROMEDIO Al. OIA (MINI? ! " Dias a la semana Tiempo promedio al dia (minutos) 1 Bicideta ! • j Cammata j • ~ p : 1 rote o camera i j Otros ejercicios o deportes i 18 143 VI.4 ACTIVIDADES P R E V E N T I V A S 60. i E N LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES SE HA PESADO? Si( ) 1 No( ) 2 - » Pase a 63 61. 1 QUIEN LO PESO? (Admite mas de una marca) Medico y/o enfermera de ( ) 1 mi consultorio Medico y/o enfermera de ( ) 2 otro consultorio Medico y/o enfermera de ( ) 3 hospital /otro centro Usted mismo ( ) 4 Otra persona ( ) 5 62. DIGA POR QUE SE PESO (Admite mas de una marca) Por interes personal • ( ) 1 Por indicacion de mi ( ) 2 medico de familia Por indicacion de otro ( ) 3 medico de familia Por indicacion del medico ( ) 4 del hospital / otro centro 63. i E N LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES LE HAN TOMADO LA TENSION ARTERIAL? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2-» Pase a 66 64. 1 QUIEN SE LA TOMO? (Admite mas de una respuesta) Medico y/o enfermera de mi ( ) 1 consultorio Medico y/o enfermera de otro ( ) 2 consultorio Medico y/o enfermera de ( ) 3 hospital /otro centro Otra persona ( ) 4 I i , I 19 65. DIGAPOR QUE SE LA TOMO (Admite mas de una marca) Por interes personal ( ) 1 Por indicacion de mi ( ) 2 medico de familia Por indicacion de otro ( ) 3 medico de familia Por indicacion del medico ( ) 4 de! hospital / otro centro 66. iUSTED PADECE DE PRESION ALT A 0 HIPERTENSION? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2-» Pase a 70 67. 1 TIENE TRATAMIENTO PARA LA PRESION ARTERIAL? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2-» Pase a 70 68. <i.QUE TIPO DE TRATAMIENTO PARA LA PRESION ARTERIAL HACE UD.? (Admite mas dc una respuesta) Si NO marca la cas i l l a 1 pase a la preg. 70 Medicamentos ( ) 1 Dieta baja de sal ( ) 2 Dieta.baja de grasa animal ( ) 3 Ejsrcicios fisicos ( ) 4 Rastriccion de bebidas ( ) 5 alcoholicas Control del peso corpora! ( ) 6 Control de! habito de fumar ( ) 7 Otro ( ) 8 69. ; COMO UD. CUMPLE ESTE TRATAMIENTO? Diai'iamente ( ) 1 Algunos dias a la semana ( ) 2 No Io hace ( ) 3 70. i L E HAN REALIZADO EXAMEN BUCAL EN LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 Si es hombre pase a la seccion VI y si es mujer a preg. 72 71. i c QUIEN SE LO REALIZO? (Admite mas de una marca Medico y/o enfermera de mi ( ) 1 consultorio Estomatologo ( ) 2 Tecnico o asistente ( ) 3 Otro mpciicc ( ) ^ 20 72. 73. 74. 75. SOLO PARA MlMFPce lEN LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES LE HAN REAL.ZADO UN EXAMEN DE MAMAS? I QUIEN SE LO REALIZO? Si( )1 No ( ) 2-» Pase a 74 Medico y/o enfermera de mi consultorio Medico y/o enfermera de otro consultorio Medico y/o enfermera de hospital /otro centro ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( • ) 3 dCON QUE FRECUENCIA LO REALIZA? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 - » P a . p a 7 6 Mensualmente Algunas veces al ano Nunca ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 SECCIONVII. MORBIL IDAD' VII. 1 76. ANTECEDENTES PATOLOGICOS P P P ^ O M , , ^ iUSTED PADECE DE ALGUNACS) ENFERMEDAD(ES)? L ° U N A ( b ) i DE QUE ENFERMEDAD (ES) PADECE? S l ' ( ) 1 No( ) 2 - » Pase a 78 78. SiNTOMAS RESPIRATORIOS I HA PRESENTADO USTED EN LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES, TOS CON FLEMA EN EL PECHO (EXPECTORACION) LA MAYORiA DE LOS DJAS, DURANTE TRES O MAS MESES SEGUIDOS? Si ( ) 1 No ( 21 L ! j 6 H A PRESENTADO LISTED TOS CON FLEMA LA -I MAYORiA DE LOS DIAS, DURANTE TRES 0 MAS l MESES SEGUIDOS, DURANTE DOS 0 MAS Si( ) 1 No( ) 2 I ANOS SEGUIDOS? 80. i.LE FALTA EL AIRE CUANDO CAMINA CON i GENTE DE SU EDAD EN TERRENO LLANO? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 81. I i i £HA PRESENTADO EN LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES i ALGUNA VEZ SILBiDOS (SIBILANTES) EN EL i PECHO? Si( )' 1 No( ) 2 82. ; 6 HA PRESENTADO EN LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES | UNO O MAS EPISODIOS DE SILBIDOS Si( ) 1 No( ) 2 (SiBiLANTES) EN EL PECHO CON FALTA DE i AIRE? VII.3 ACCIDENTES 83. i EN LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES USTED HA TENIDO ALGUN ACCIDENTE DE ESTOS TIPOS QUE LE PRODUJO ALGUNA LESION INCLUYENDO ENVENENAMIENTO 0 | INTOXICACION, QUE CONLLEVO LIMITACION DE SUS ACTIVIDADES NORMALES? (Leaseio a la persona y marque con una cruz el ultimo que haya tenido !a persona ) Accidente del transito (trafico.o peatonal) ( ) 1 Caida desde aitura (de un nivei a otro) V ) 2 Caida en el mismo nivel ( \ O i Lesion por aplastamiento ( j 4 Lesion por objeto punzante o cortante ( ) 5 (lesion per anna bianca^ { \ Asfixia, ahogo • ( , ) 7. Cuerpos extranos (boca, cjos, nariz, cides) ( \ n Quemaduras ( ) 9 Electrocution ( ) 10 Envenenamiento o intoxicacion (ex^osicidn n|jim!ca^ ( ) 11 iVlordida, aranazo o picadura de animai ( ) i2 Lesion por arma de fuego ( ) 13 I Golpe por objeto o persona ( ) 14 Otro (especificar) ! | ( ) 15 i i No ha tenido accidente ( ) 16 • Pase a 87 22 84. 85. i, CUANTOS ACCIDENTES TUVO EN LOS ULTIMOS 12 MESES? I EL ULTIMO ACCIDENTE, LESION O UNN TMtofci?N ^ L L E V 6 A C 0 N S U L T A R - S i ( , , ) 1, ,No( ) 2 86. i E N QUE LUGAR SE PRODUJO ESTE ACCIDENTE? (En caso de dificultad leaselo a la persona) En el interior del hogar o zonas aledanas o exteriores al hogar Via publica o area de transpose (carretera) . Areas comerciales y de servicio Zonas deportivas Areas de trabajo Zonas escolares y aledanas Areas de esparcimiento y ocio Otras (especificar) ) 1 ) 2 ) 3 ) 4 ) 5 ) 6 ) 7 ) 8 b) iEL ACCIDENTE OCURRIO EN CAYO HUESO? Si ( ) 1 No ( ) 2 VII.4 DISCAPACIDAD 87. I USTED CONSIDERA QUE TIENE UNA LIMITANTE DE SALUD PARA REALIZAR SUS ACTIVIDADES HABITUALES ADECUADAMENTE? 88. Si ( ) 1 " ' No ( ) 2-» Pase a 90 6 QUE LIMITANTE USTED CONSIDERA QUE TIENE? 89. i ESTA LIMITANTE ES EL RESULTADO DE? Enfermedad Discapacidad Ambas ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 Enfermedad 1 23 Accidente Lesion autoinflingida Lesion inflingida ( ) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) 4 H ZZ r~ < * i ( i i i i ^/Mm /^iuirt i fTrt v u n T i r i i n c c o r i o o c C A W C A n A O C O U I U I I VIII. u u i i u v ^ i i i i i c i i i w • 111 uuto 1 - J D ( \ C o A i » t A n " ! t . « ! ( J sA&'CQ 90. i CUALES DE LOS ELEMENTOS Calidad del agua ( ) 1 SIGUIENTES PUEDEN INFLUIR EN LA Siembra de arboles ( ) 2 COMUNIDAD PARA QUE APAREZCAN Recogida de basura ( ) 3 ENFER MEDADES? Calles sin pavimentar ( ) 4 . r r e S c u C i a u c ratOncS, i \ C ; ^  (Admite mas de una respuesta) Cucarachas y mosquitos ( ) e : Pcda de arboles t \ 7 Animales domesticos en ia ( ) 8 vivienda Animales de corral en la ('" ) 9 . vivienda Desbordamiento de fosas ( \ io Limpieza de solares yermos ( ) 1 1 . y obras en construccion Derrumbes ( ) 12 '. 91. I CONSIDERA USTED QUE EXISTE Si ( ) 1 :': RELACiON ENTRE EL AGUA QUE No ( ) 2 CONSUME Y LA SALUD? No se ( ) 3 92. DEL LISTADO DE ENFERMEDADES QUE Leptospirosis ( ) 1 APARECE A CONTINUACION DIGAME Dengue ( \ 2 LAS QUE CONSIDERA QUE ESTEN Fiebre tifoidea • ( ) 3 RELACiON AD AS CON LA CALIDAD DEL Hepatitis i \ \ A 1 •> AGUA Neumonia i ) 5 Parasitismo ( ) 6 (Admite mas de una respuesta) Tuberculosis c ) 7 -Bronquitis ( ) 8 Meningitis ( ) 9 n i S O . CONSIDERA QUE LA 1NFORMACION QUE Ninguna ) 1 USTED RECIBE SOBRE EL AGUA QUE Poca ( ) 2 CONSUME Y SU RELACION CON LA Suficiente / \ \ i " SALUD ES Mucha ( ) 4 94. LOS RECIPIENTES DONDE ALMACENA Con tapa ( ) 1 . AGUA PARA BEBER LOS TIENE Sin tapa ( ) 2 No se ( ) 3 No almaceno agua ( ) 4 Pase a 96 24 95. <COMO EXTRAE EL AGUA DE ESTQS RECIPIENTES? Tienen una Have en la parte inferior Con un ja'rro que se usa solo para esto Con un jarro cualquiera Otro. 0'Cual? No se ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) 4 ( ) 5 196. I 97. I 98. AL AGUA DE BEBER EN SU CASA (Admite mas de una respuesta) La cloran La hierven Le anaden iodo L a nm ai i No le hacen nada Otro procedimiento. c Cual? No sabe A DEtSfc I fcNfcK £_QUE CARACTEKlS I i'v EL AGUA DE BUENA CALIDAD? LA BASURA DE SU C A S A SE BOTA Diariamente-Cada 2 dias Cada 3 dias Mas de 3 dias ( ) 1 ( ) 2 (•• ) 3 t \ * \ I ^ ( ) 5 ( ) 6 ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ' ) 3 ( •) ^ 199. EN SU CASA LA BASURA SE ALMACENA EN En un recogedor En un recipiente sin tapa En un recipiente con tapa Otro 100. EN SU CASA LA BASURA SE GUARDA EN (Admite mas de una respuesta) La sala El bano Cocina Cuartos Patio Otra parte. cCual? ( ) 1 (- ) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) 4 No se almacena c que se hace ( ) 5 ( ) ) 1 ) 2 ) 3 j 4 5 ) 6 102. 103. LA BASURA DE SU CASA SE BOTA 6 EXISTE RELACION ENTRE LA BASURA Y LA SALUD? n P « T o C o A S A U D - T , E N E ALGUNO DE ESTOS VECTORES? 104. lLA PRESENCIA EN SU CASA DE VECTORES, TALES COMO CUCARACHAS, RATONES, RATAS, MOSCAS, MOSQUITOS, Y PULGAS SEDEBE A? (Admite mas de una respuesta) Un contenedor en la calle Tanques colectivos' En la via piiblica En un solar yermo La quema Otro. cCual? [Si.iCual? No No se Cucarachas, ' Ratones ! Ratas ! Moscas ! Mosquitos I Pulgas | Ninguno Basura en los alrededores de su casa Recipientes con agua Falta de limpieza en el hogar Escombros en calles y solares yermos Otros. iCual? ) 1 0 2 ) 3 ) 4 )" 5 ) 6 ( ) 1 ) 2 ) 3 ( ) 1 ( ) 3 ) 4 ) 5 ) 6 ) 7 ( ) 1 ( ) 2 ( ) 3 ( ) 4 ( ) 5 1105. DE LAS SIGUIENTES ENFERMEDADES DIGA CUALES SON TRASMITIDAS POR CUCARACHAS, RATONES, RATAS, / MOSCAS MOSQUITOS Y PULGAS (Admite mas de una respuesta) Dengue Hepatitis Lepra Sida Gastroenteritis Fiebre tifoidea Paludismo Tuberculosis Leptospirosis ) 1 ) 2 ) 9 26 151 A p p e n d i x 3: Q u a n t i t a t i v e A n a l y s i s o f G e n d e r e d R e s p o n s e s t o Q u e s t i o n s o n C o m m u n i t y S a t i s f a c t i o n Q u a n t i t a t i v e D a t e f o r B o t h M e n a n d W o m e n N = 896 (532 female; 354 male) Question X 2 P Comments 1. Do you like this neighbourhood? 8.17 0.085 (Mucho) No significant difference between males and females but women a slightly less content than men 2. Would you like to continue living here? 4.68 0.321 (Mucho) Men and women the same 3. Have you been part of the leadership of a community organization? 0.22 0.883 (No) Men and women the same 4. Have you ever contacted a local government official? 1.03 0.310 (No) Men and women the same but women have slightly more contact with officials 5. Do you have a close friend in the neighbourhood? 0.925 0.336 (Yes) Men and women the same but men responded slightly more often in the positive 6. Do you know the names of the majority of your neighbours? 2.67 0.102 (Yes) Men and women the same but women responded slightly more often in the positive 7. Do you have a friend near by who would look after your house? 0.393 0.531 (Yes) Men and women the same but women responded slightly more often in the positive 8. Do you have a friend near by who would care for you if you were ill? 0.965 0.326 (Yes) Men and women the same but women responded slightly more often in the positive 9. Would you lend a friend 50 pesos? 0.108 0.742 (Yes) Men and women the same 10. Are your neighbours cooperative? 0.532 0.466 (Yes) Men and women the same but women responded slightly more often in the positive 152 Q u a n t i t a t i v e D a t a f o r A g e G r o u p s ( W o m e n O n l y ) N - 532 Group 1: <25; Group 2: 26 - 55; Group 3: 55< Question X 2 P Comments 1. Do you like this neighbourhood? 11.638 0.168 (Mucho) Almost the same, more in advanced age group 2. Would you like to continue living here? 10.07 0.260 (Mucho) Almost the same, more in advanced age group 3. Have you been part of the leadership of a community organization? 3.869 0.144 (No) Much lower among youth 4. Have you ever contacted a local government official? 17.605 0.00 (No) Significantly lower among youth 5. Do you have a close friend in the neighbourhood? 1.889 0.389 (Yes) Similar, a little more among youth 6. Do you know the names of the majority of your neighbours? 1.472 . 0.479 (Yes) Similar, a little less among youth 7. Do you have a friend near by who would look after your house? 2.926 0.232 (Yes) Similar without any tendency with age 8. Do you have a friend near by who would care for you if you were ill? 4.354 0.113 (Yes) Similar, more among oldest age group 9. Would you lend a friend 50 pesos? 8.629 0.013 (Yes) Much higher (statistically significant) among women middle age group 10. Are your neighbours cooperative? 0.742 0.690 (Yes) Slightly less in the oldest age group 153 Appendix 4: Question guideline (Women) Basic Information 1. Age 2. Occupation a. State worker b. Self employed c. Student d. Home maker e. Retired f. Unemployed 3. Education Level a. None b. Primary (1-6) c. Secondary (6-9) d. High School (10-12) e. University 4. Marital Status a. Married or Common-law b. Divorced or Separated c. Widow d. Single 5. Are you the head of the household? Yes No i. Ifno-Whois? 6. Number of children a. Their ages b. Do they live with you or in another place in Cayo Hueso? 7. How long have you lived in Cayo Hueso? Process Questions Involvement in Mass Organisations 1. Are you a member of the CDR? FMC? a. How often do you meet? b. Approximately how many people attend the meetings? c. Does your organisation have funds? Where do these funds come from? How do you decide what to do with the funds collected? d. How many members, more or less, participate in your community activities? e. Do you organise frequent community events? 2. What type of activities do you organise? 3. How do you mobilise people around these activities? 4. How are the women involved? 5. What is the age range of the people involved in the activities? 6. Are men involved? How? 7. What motivates you to participate in these activities? Comparison with other organisations and community activities: 1. Are you involved in other community organisations? 2. Which ones? 155 3. How often do you meet? 4. Approximately how many people attend the meetings? 5. Does your organisation have funds? Where do these funds come from? How do you decide what to do with the funds collected? 6. How many members, more or less, participate in your community activities? 7. Do you organise frequent community events? 8. What type of activities do you organise? 9. How to mobilise people around these activities? 10. How are the women involved? 11. What is the age range of the people involved in the activities? 12. Are men involved? How? 13. What motivates you to participate in these activities? 14. What facilitates your participation in the community? 15. What impedes your participation in the community? Results 1. What are the results of your activities in the community? 2. What impact do your activities have in the community? 3. How do they affect the quality of life? a. What was the quality of life before your activities? b. What is it now? 4. Do you think that your activities are sustainable? 5. Is there anything else about the community mobilisation that you would like to discuss that we have not talked about yet? 156 Question Guide (Men) Questions about community participation: 1. How long have you lived in Cayo Hueso? 2. What type of community activities to you participate in? 3. Who organizes them? 4. Who are involved in these activities? How do they related to each other? 5. How frequently do you meet for these activities? 6. Approximately how many people attend these activites? 7. What type of tasks to the men do? The women? Young men? Young women? 8. Within these activities how do you mobilize the neighbours? 9. What is the age range of the people involved in these activities 10. What motivates you to participate in these activites? 11. What are the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and limitations of community contribution to sustainable community development? Results What the results of your activities within the community? What impact do your activities have on your community? How do they affect the quality of life in the community a. What was the quality of life like before your activities? b. Now? Do you think that your activities are sustainable? Is there anything else about your experience with community mobilization that we haven't talked about in this interview? Do you know of anyone else who would be interested in being interviewed? Would it be possible to attend any of your meetings or activities? 157 A p p e n d i x 5 158 A p p e n d i x 6: F o c u s G r o u p Q u e s t i o n s 1) In organizations that are specifically women's organizations, such as the CDR, the Popular Council and the Taller - what type of role do women have? Would you say that it is different? 2) In some of the interviews it came out that some community activities emerged from needs created by the Special Period - could you say that there are differences in community mobilization before the Special Period and now? 3) What are the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats for women as actors in the community? 4) In also emerged from the interviews that the FMC, the CDR and the Taller work very closely in community activities - What are the factos that contribute to this close relationship? 159 A p p e n d i x 7: F i n d i n g s f r o m F o c u s G r o u p D i s c u s s i o n s The women are the principal organizers and promoters of community activities Women involved in the community tend to be middle age and older - the youngest being around 30 years of age Women work very closely with mass organizations (FMC,CDR) and community centres (el Taller de Transformation) to organize and promote activities The Taller has a key role in identifying the needs of the community There is a network of key women in the community that are found involved in the majority of activities. It appears that these women work together to realize their activities. Many of the activities are dedicated to children and seniors At the community level both men and women can take on leadership roles, in fact women are more active than men at the community level The community of Cayo Hueso has the following strengths and weaknesses: Fortalezas: • History • Location • Love for the community • Its women Weakness: • Social indicipline • Housing • Overcrowding and the resultant domestic problems • Concern over replacing key actors in the community as they age (lack of youth in leadership roles) 160 161 


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