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Ideas of self and self-cultivation in Korean Neo-Confucianism Ralston, Michael Keith 2002

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IDEAS OF SELF A N D S E L F - C U L T I V A T I O N I N K O R E A N N E O - C O N F U C I A N I S M by M I C H A E L K E I T H R A L S T O N B. A . University of Tennessee, 1984 M . A . University of British Columbia, 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L L M E N T OF T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S FOR T H E D E G R E E OF D O C T O R OF PHILOSOPHY I N T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES ( D E P A R T M E N T OF A S I A N STUDIES) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required/standard. T H E UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A December 2001 © Michael Keith Ralston, 2001 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) A B S T R A C T Ideas of Self and Self -Cul t ivat ion i n Korean Neo-Confuc i an i sm This s tudy examines ideas of self and self-cult ivation as deve loped d u r i n g the first half of the C h o s o n Dynas ty (1392-1911) by focusing o n int roductory texts or commentaries, diagrams, or K o r e a n annotations o n the Great Learning. Moreover , g iven that m u c h of this mater ial is pedagogical , h o w and to w h o m these ideas were presented w i l l also be examined. The scholars examined here were l ead ing thinkers d u r i n g the first half of the Choson Dynasty— K w o n K u n (1352-1409) he lped introduce and lay the intellectual f ramework of C h ' e n g - C h u Neo-Confuc ian i sm i n the early pe r iod of the C h o s o n Dyans ty . T 'oegye (1501-1570) is often seen as the foremost Confuc ian scholar of the Choson per iod . H i s ideas served as the foundat ion of a major school of thought d u r i n g the C h o s o n Dyans ty , the Y o n g n a m school. The last scholar, Y u l g o k (1536-1584), is also seen as one of the great scholars of the per iod . H i s ideas fo rm the basis of the other major school of thought i n K o r e a n Neo-Confuc ian i sm- the K i h o school . E x a m i n i n g the ideas of these thinkers w i l l reveal h o w ideas of h u m a n nature and self-cult ivation developed and changed over the early course of the Choson Dynas ty and h o w and to w h o m these ideas were presented. ii C O N T E N T S Abstract i i Lis t of Diagrams v Chapter 1. Introduction: K o r e a is not C h i n a 1 I. K o r e a is not Ch ina : The Deve lopment of 3 Neo-Confuc i an i sm II. Self-cult ivat ion and quiet s i t t ing 22 III. Introductory educational texts 26 IV. What ' s done and what ' s left undone , 56 Chapter 2. K w o n K i l n | g , £ ) (1352-1409) and The Foundat ions of K o r e a n Neo-Confuc ian i sm 73 I. K w o n K u n ' s cosmological diagrams i n Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning (Iphakdosol A<P 111 IS)~ "Heaven and M a n , M i n d and Nature , C o m b i n e as One" (A"A ' l> l4 l^—i l l ) and "Diagramatic A n a l y s i s of Heaven , H u m a n i t y , the Mind-and-Hear t , and Nature" ('XA'L^frWM)-- and the relation of these to Chinese Neo-Confuc ian thought. 86 II. K w o n Kurt 's "Diagram o n the Great Learning" (APIra-g^lij) f rom his Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning (APlUlft) and his commentary o n the Great Learning f rom Superficial Reflections on the Book of Ritual mzm&&). 147 Chapter 3. T'oegye (S] 3] (1501-1570) Cosmology , H u m a n Nature and Sel f -Cul t iva t ion (I) 182 I. T 'oegye's ideas on cosmological and psychologica l concepts i n the Four-Seven Debate and their relat ion to the mind-and-heart and h u m a n nature. 188 II. Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning (H#H~*[!]) Psycho-cosmic pr inciples and self-cultivation; T'oegye's rev i s ion of K w o n K u n ' s "Diagram of the Great Learning" and his modif ica t ion of C h ' e n g Fu-hsin 's "Diagram of the M i n d - a n d - H e a r t Combines and Controls the Na tu re and the Feelings". 205 III. Glossary on the Great Learning (jz^WWi) T'oegye's m i x e d script, Korean-Chinese annotat ion of the Great Learning and its importance for self-cult ivation a n d K o r e a n Neo-Confuc ian i sm. 234 Chapter 4. Y u l g o k WS) (1536-1584) Cosmology , H u m a n Nature and Sel f -Cul t iva t ion (II) 276 I. Y u l g o k ' s cosmological and psychologica l concepts i n the Four-Seven Debate and their relat ion to the mind-and-heart and h u m a n nature. 278 II. Y u l g o k ' s "Diagram of the Study of the M i n d " 295 III. Important Methods on Eliminating Ignorance (Kydkmong-yogydl, mMMFd) Practical advise o n self-cultivation: Establ ishing the w i l l , re forming o l d habits, and self-cultivation. 301 C o n c l u s i o n 324 Bib l iog raphy 338 IV List of Diagrams Diagram 2.1 K w o n Kun's "Heaven and Man, M i n d and Nature, Combine as One" 93 Diagram 2.2 K w o n Kun's "Diagrammatic Analysis of Heaven, Humanity, the Mind-and-Heart, and the Nature" 100 Diagram 2.2a K w o n Kun's "Diagram on Humanness" 101 Diagram 2.2b K w o n Kun's "Diagram of the Mind-and-Heart" 106 Diagram 2.3 Chu Hsi 's "Diagram on Nature" 114 Diagram 2.4 K w o n Kun's "Diagram on the Great Learning" 153 Diagram 2.5 Chu Hsi's "Diagram of the Great Learning" 170 Diagram 3.1 T'oegye's "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate" 207 Diagram 3.2 T'oegye's "Diagram of the Great Learning" 213 Diagram 3.3 T'oegye's "Diagram of the Great Learning-Revised" 215 Diagram 3.4 Ch'eng Fu-hsin's "Diagram of the Mind-and-Heart Combining and Governing the Nature and Feelings" and T'oegye's revision 223 Diagram 4.1 Yulgok's "Diagram of the Mind-and-Heart, the Nature, and the Feelings" 297 v I N T R O D U C T I O N I. Korea is not China: The Development of Neo-Confucianism II. Self-cultivation and quiet sitting III. Introductory educational texts IV. What's done and what's left undone We w i l l examine ideas of self and self-eultivation in Korean Neo-Confucianism by focusing on three scholars from the first half of the Choson Dynasty (1392-1911). We wi l l also relate the ideas of self and self-cultivation these scholars put forward to their metaphysical worldview, concentrating on their introductory texts or on their commentaries on the Great Learning. In addition, these ideas w i l l be examined in order to better understand how ideas of self and self-cultivation were adopted, changed, and presented during the first half of the Choson Dynasty. The first scholar studied, K w o n K u n (Yang Ch'on, 1352-1409), was a leading scholar during the transition from the Koryo Dynasty (935-1392) to the Choson Dynasty. Part of this transition included a shift away from the predominance of Buddhism that characterized the Koryo to the Neo-Confucian thought that came to predominate the Choson Dynasty. Kwon, as much as anyone, can be said to have laid the general framework out of which Neo-Confucianism developed in Korea over the next one to two 1 hundred years. The second scholar examined, Y i Hwang (T'oegye, 1501-70), was one of the foremost Neo-Confucian scholars of the Choson Dynasty. He played a prominent role in a debate over the Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings and their relation to principle and material force (the Four-Seven Debate), wrote a biting critique of Wang Yang-ming's thought, and wrote Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, an educational treatise on self-cultivation. He was also one of the first scholars to write an annotation of the Four Books in mixed Chinese-Korean script. His ideas more than those of any other thinker influenced the development of a leading school of Korean Neo-Confucian thought, the Yongnam School. The last scholar studied, Y i I (Yulgok, 1536-84), ranks with T'oegye as one of the top Neo-Confucian scholars in the Choson Dynasty. He played a prominent role in a later round of the Four-Seven Debate, and his ideas played a formative role in the development of the other major school in Korean Neo-Confucianism— the Kiho School. A l l three of these scholars had a deep interest in self-cultivation and wrote introductory texts or made diagrams for the express purpose of presenting these ideas. Examining their thought w i l l be done in two steps. First, each scholar's ideas on major Neo-Confucian cosmological and psychological concepts wi l l be examined in order to elucidate the intellectual framework within which they worked and to show the intricate relation between philosophical principles and self-cultivation. Second, we w i l l examine their ideas by focusing on their introductory texts and their ideas on the Great Learning. But before we begin in 2 earnest, some background informat ion is i n order. I. K o r e a is not Ch ina : The Deve lopment of Neo-Confuc ian i sm W h e n we speak of the development of ideas or social movements we often th ink of it i n either of two ways . First, there is the attempt to f ind antecedents i n past thinkers or social movements i n order to exp la in wha t gave rise to the object of study. Second is the attempt to see h o w the institutions or ideas changed and adapted over t ime after their in i t ia l formation. O f course, development can also inc lude both of these, and it is this that w i l l be done here, at least to the extent feasible. A brief ove rv iew of Neo-Confuc i an i sm i n C h i n a w i l l p rov ide a f ramework and a basis of compar ison w i t h developments i n Korea . A l t h o u g h different schools of thought developed later, i n the simplest terms, Neo-Confuc ian i sm started as the Confuc ian response to B u d d h i s m . D u r i n g the H a n Dynas ty (206 B C E to 220 C E ) , Confuc ian ism, closely l i n k e d w i t h cosmological theories of correspondence, became the dominant ph i losophy of governance. W i t h the fal l of the H a n , a l though m u c h of the cosmological correspondence theory remained, Confuc ian i sm shifted its focus to educat ion, w i t h its p r imary goal be ing prepar ing candidates for government service. For satisfying their spi r i tual inclinations, people turned to B u d d h i s m , w h i c h entered C h i n a a round the m i d d l e of the second century, and brought w i t h it a sophisticated metaphysics descr ibing not on ly the impermanence of w o r l d at large but also psychology and the h u m a n 3 situation. O n e of its fundamental assumptions was that reality was based on permanence but the cosmos was made u p of transitory, inter-dependent casual l inks and therefore was not t ruly real. It was "empty". This was as true for h u m a n beings as for the rest of the w o r l d . B u d d h i s m d i d not deny the phenomenal self; a l though "not permanent even d u r i n g the t ime the body survives, [the phenomena l self] is a convenient w a y of i nd iv idua t i ng and ident i fy ing a person". 1) H o w e v e r , it w o u l d be a mistake to assume the existence of a permanent, metaphysical "self" w h e n the self d i d not transcend the rea lm of transitory and therefore "unreal" phenomena. O n l y enl ightenment (nirvana) was permanent. Increasing i n popula r i ty over t ime, B u d d h i s m f lour ished d u r i n g the Tang (618-907) w h i l e Confuc ian i sm cont inued to p lay a role i n educat ion and prepar ing people for government service, w h i c h increasingly meant p repar ing for the c i v i l service examinations. The two were seen as compl imentary , the one dea l ing w i t h educat ion and government i n this w o r l d , the other w i t h spi r i tual i ty and things beyond the w o r l d . M a n y scholars note the importance of a Confuc ian rev iva l that started w i t h H a n Y i i (768-824) d u r i n g the Tang. E v e n though the type of Confuc ian i sm H a n promoted pre-dates Neo-Confuc ian i sm, H a n is important for two reasons. First, he is l auded for his staunch defense and reaffirmation of the value of Confucian mora l pr inciples d u r i n g the Tang Dynasty , a t ime w h e n B u d d h i s m and Tao i sm both f lourished. H a n drew a sharp contrast between what he saw as the 4 humane, social contribution of past sage-kings and early Confucians, on the one hand, and the anti-social, amoral proclivities of both Taoism and Buddhism, on the other. What the ancients meant by rectifying the mind and making the w i l l sincere was to engage in activity [as against the inaction of the Taoists and Buddhists]. But now [the Taoists and Buddhists] seek to govern their hearts by escaping from the world, the state, and the family. They destroy the natural principles of human relations so that the son does not regard his father as a father, the minister does not regard his ruler as a ruler, and the people do not attend to their work.2) One interesting claim Han made was his assertion that the transmission of the Confucian Way broke off after the death of Mencius (c. 371-289 BCE). In other words, Han saw himself rescuing the Confucian Way from oblivion after a thousand year interval during which it was not passed on.3) Although Han did not put forward theoretical arguments to refute Buddhist ideas of emptiness and no-self, he at least reasserts the Confucian idea that relationships are real and therefore reaffirms the ultimate reality of the self in everyday life. Theories for countering Buddhism would, have to await the advent of Neo-Confucianism. Most scholars trace the intellectual antecedents of Neo-Confucianism to the early Sung Dynasty (960-1126/1127-1279), though some find hints of it even earlier. The traditional outline 5 often presented, though depending on the school of thought not always, focuses on Chou Tun-i (1017-1073), Chang Tsai (1020-1077), and the Ch'eng brothers (Ch'eng Hao, 1032-1085 and Ch'eng I, 1033-1107), all from the early Sung. In retrospect, Chu Hs i (1130-1200) is seen as the grand synthesizer of the tradition during the Sung period, as well as the originator of School of Principle. The M i n g scholar Wang Yang-ming (1472-1529) is seen as the foremost scholar in the School of M i n d , though he saw himself as continuing a line of thought he traced back to L u Hsiang-shan (1139-93) and, ultimately, to Ch'eng Hao. Chou Tun-i and Chang Tsai helped lay the metaphysical and ethical foundations of Neo-Confucianism. Chou is credited with making two important contributions to the development of Neo-Confucian metaphysics. Foremost was his small and somewhat controversial essay, "An Explanation of the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate", an essay that discussed fundamental cosmological concepts (e. g., "The Five Agents constitute one system of y in and yang, and yin and yang constitute one Great Ultimate.") and laid the metaphysical foundation for further developments within Neo-Confucianism. 4) Chou's other important work was his commentary on the Book of Changes, Penetrating the Book of Changes. Chu Hs i asserted that the entire book was really an elaboration of the ideas in Chou's Explanation.5) Other Confucians had written commentaries on the Book of Changes in the past, but the central role the Book of Changes played in Chou Tun-i's thought increased its 6 prominence and gave it a more important role in the development of Neo-Confucianism.6) In short, by giving the Book of Changes metaphysical significance, Chou asserted the world of change itself was real and, in so doing, provided one of the first metaphysical planks for refuting the Buddhist idea of emptiness. Like Chou Tun-i, Chang Tsai is also most famous for two works. First was a short piece titled the "Western Inscription". It does not take much to see why it became the foundation for Neo-Confucianism ethics; it starts: Heaven is my father and Earth is my mother, and even such a small creature as I finds an intimate place in their midst. Therefore that which fills the universe I regard as my body and that which directs the universe I consider as my nature. A l l people are my brothers and sisters, and all things are my companions.7) Chang's essay reaffirms the idea that the Five Relations (parent-child, ruler-minister, husband-wife, older and younger siblings, and friends) were part of the cosmic fabric, and, as such, were not only real but defined reality itself. Chang Tsai's other major work was Correcting Youthfulness (JEM)- The works of both these scholars were very influential in Korea. Kwon used Chou's essay on the Supreme Ultimate in making his first diagram, and T'oegye used it as the first diagram in his Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. Moreover, the information in Chang's "Western Inscription" appears in T'oegye's second diagram. 7 The Ch'eng brothers, Ch'eng I and Ch'eng Hao, had a profound influence on the development of Neo-Confucian theory, but if their influence had to be summed up in one word, that word would be "principle" (H). The concept of principle can be "found in ancient Chinese philosophy, in Neo-Taoism, and in Buddhism, but the Ch'eng brothers were the first ones to build their philosophy based primarily on this concept."8) From a Neo-Confucian point of view, principle pervaded all relationships in a unified worldview where everything was seen in a relational context as part of a naturalistic, interconnected, and systematic universe. This sounds like the Buddhist description of the universe, but, for the Ch'engs, principle was real. More than that, principle is what constituted the system of the universe and therefore linked all the parts of the universe to the cosmic system as a whole. In constituting the pattern or network of interactive relationships, principle constituted reality. It is also what allowed material force to take shape; without principle material force would be formless. It is sometimes translated as "principle", sometimes as "pattern", or, sometimes as "universal principle". The first and last of these w i l l be used here. Neo-Confucians used the idea of principle to counter the Buddhist idea of 'Emptiness'. From the Neo-Confucian point of view, principle was real, constant, and eternal. Principle therefore affirmed both the reality and value of the patterns and relationships within the universe. Equally important, since Neo-Confucians defined human nature in terms of principle (people's endowment of principle was their nature), the self was real, 8 despite being transitory. Moreover, all relations, including human relationships (e. g., the Five Relations), were a manifestation of principle and were therefore also real. The Ch'eng brothers did not view principle as an abstract concept unrelated to life; rather it "means both natural principles and moral principles, and both general principles and specific principles. They were not much concerned with abstract reality, for they were primarily interested in the meaning of principle for man. "9) It is this aspect of principle that becomes important in later debates over "extending knowledge" and "investigating things", concepts emphasized by Ch'eng I. These two terms became pivotal points in the development of his philosophy. In addition, de Bary notes two important points in one of Ch'eng I's statements juxtaposing human desires and a person's innate moral nature: "One [implication] is that the full dimensions of the human struggle are clearly delineated.... the other implication is that this encounter centers on the [mind-and-heart] and the individual 's exercise of moral will."™) Moreover, like Han Y i i before him, Ch'eng I also thought the true Confucian Way had again been forgotten or lost by successive ages of scholars and therefore had to be rediscovered and reclaimed.") Chu Hs i is seen as the person who synthesized the various strands of thought from these philosophers and, in doing so, completed the foundation from which Neo-Confucianism developed over the next several hundred years. Chu Hs i adopts Ch'eng I's interpretation of "the extension of knowledge lies in the investigation 9 of things". The full weight of this is spelled out in Chu's redaction of the Great Learning, the text that more than any other encapsulates the entire Neo-Confucian project of self-cultivation. In his reconstruction of the fifth chapter of the Great Learning, Chu lays out three fundamental tenets: 1. everything within the cosmos is endowed with or participates in principle, 2. human beings have the capacity to fathom principle, and, 3. wi th continued, concerted effort over an extended period of time, people can reach a point where they not only comprehend the systematic, all-encompassing principle pervading the universe but incorporate it into their lives. In other words, whereas principle was used to counter the Buddhist concept of emptiness, the fifth chapter of the Great Learning described a Neo-Confucian version of 'enlightenment' that could be juxtaposed against the Buddhist concept of enlightenment. This juxtaposition highlighted the differences between Buddhists, whose methods of cultivation focused on the "emptiness" of the world, and Neo-Confucians, who methods of self-cultivation focused on realizing the reality of the pattern of interrelationships in the world. Examining developments in the twelfth century and later w i l l give us a glimpse at some of the parallel and divergent aspects of Neo-Confucian thought in Korea and China. In doing so we w i l l rely on the work of Hoyt Tillman, Theodore de Bary, W. T. Chan, and others. Tillman's work, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, focuses on the development of the Ch'eng-Chu school of thought, which Tillman labels "Tao-hsiieh", "School of the Way". Tillman notes 10 t h a t b y t h e e n d o f t h e N o r t h e r n S u n g D y n a s t y (960-1126) t h i s s c h o o l o f t h o u g h t w a s a l r e a d y b e g i n n i n g to b e i d e n t i f i e d w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r g r o u p o f C o n f u c i a n s c h o l a r s . 1 2 ) H e goes o n to d i v i d e t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f C h ' e n g - C h u t h o u g h t i n t o f o u r s e p a r a t e p e r i o d s : t h e f i r s t p e r i o d i s f r o m 1127 t o 1162, t h e s e c o n d p e r i o d r u n s f r o m 1163 t o 1181, t h e t h i r d f r o m 1182 to 1202, a n d t h e f o u r t h p e r i o d s p a n s t h e p e r i o d f r o m 1202 to 1279. M o r e o v e r , b e s i d e s t h e t e m p o r a l f r a m e w o r k , T i l l m a n asserts t h a t w h a t b e c a m e C h ' e n g - C h u t h o u g h t d e v e l o p e d t h r o u g h d i a l o g u e a n d d e b a t e o v e r t h r e e b r o a d e r areas o f i n q u i r y : 1) s p e c u l a t i v e p h i l o s o p h y , 2) c u l t u r a l v a l u e s , a n d 3) p o l i c y i s s u e s . 1 3 ) S o m e o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t s t a k i n g p l a c e i n C h i n a are r e f l e c t e d i n K o r e a n N e o - C o n f u c i a n i s m . T h e t w o m o s t n o b l e s c h o l a r s d u r i n g t h e f i r s t p e r i o d w e r e C h a n g C h i u - c h e n g (1092-1159) a n d H u H u n g (1105-1161). C h a n g i s n o t e d f o r h a v i n g w r i t t e n c o m m e n t a r i e s o n the F o u r B o o k s a n d f o r e m p h a s i z i n g t h e t h o r o u g h i n v e s t i g a t i o n of t h i n g s i n o r d e r t o c o m p r e h e n d t h e i r p r i n c i p l e s . C h a n g f o c u s e d m o r e o n c u l t i v a t i n g o n e ' s v i r t u e a n d s t u d y i n g t h e c l a s s i c s a n d h i s t o r y t h a n o n m o r e s p e c u l a t i v e c o n c e p t s l i k e t h e S u p r e m e U l t i m a t e . 1 4 ) H u H u n g f o c u s e d o n h u m a n n a t u r e o r i n n e r n a t u r e a n d s a w t h i s as the essence of H e a v e n a n d E a r t h ; m o r e o v e r , h e a l s o e q u a t e d t h e H e a v e n l y e n d o w e d i n n e r n a t u r e w i t h t h e e s s e n c e of t h e T a o . T h u s t h e i n n e r n a t u r e w a s s e e n as a l l - e n c o m p a s s i n g a n d p r i n c i p l e w a s s e e n as s o m e t h i n g s p e c i f i c to i n d i v i d u a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . W h e r e a s t h e i n n e r n a t u r e w a s t h e e s s e n c e o r s u b s t a n c e , t h e m i n d - a n d - h e a r t w a s s e e n as f u n c t i o n o r m a n i f e s t a t i o n of 11 that substance.15) Nor did H u Hung draw a sharp distinction between principles and human feelings. Both were seen as having the same essence; it was only in functioning that they differed. But where H u did draw a distinction was between the state of mind before the feelings are aroused and that after their arousal. The former state he equated with the nature; the latter he equated with the mind-and-heart.1 6) This distinction was rejected by Chu H s i (1130-1200) who insisted that the mind-and-heart must be present in both states; Chu described the mind-and-heart in terms of being manifest or unmanifested, aroused or unaroused. Korean scholars followed Chu in maintaining that the mind-and-heart is present in both the aroused and unaroused states. K w o n Kun also holds this view, but, like H u , K w o n also does not make a sharp distinction between principle and feelings; for Kwon, both are inherently good. This last point appears in his "Diagram of the Mind-and-Heart" and wi l l be discussed in chapter 2. More scholars associated with the School of the Way (Tao-hsueh) passed the civil service examinations during the second period (1163-1181) than had during the first period. Part of the reason for this was less political opposition. Four of the most important scholars during this period were L u Chiu-ling, (1132-1180) Chang Shih (1133-1180), L i i Tsu-chien, and Chu Hsi . During most of the 1160s Chang Shih was probably the most influential scholar associated with the Tao-hsueh group.1 7) Besides commentaries on the Analects and Mencius and a long essay on humanness, he also asserted that nothing 12 was more important for becoming humane than overcoming one's selfish desires, one's ego. Chang Shih followed Mencius in asserting that a person's inner nature was inherently good because it possesses the beginnings of the four virtues. But whereas Mencius "identified the four beginnings with the originally good nature" and identified the four virtues with the manifestation of the nature (since they arose from the development of the four beginnings), Chang reversed the priority between these two sets— "He regarded the four virtues as nature and the four beginnings as mind."i8) Moreover, buttressing his claim that the original nature is good, Chang "identified the four virtues in the nature as what Heaven imparts to p e o p l e " . I m p o r t a n t here though is that "virtues" are not qualities of goodness in a traditional Western sense; rather they tendencies to act properly, i . e., selflessly and therefore sincerely. We w i l l see a diagrammatic representation of this very thing in K w o n Kun's first diagram. Chang further distinguished between these two sets of four by associating the four virtues with the mind-and-heart before it was aroused and the four beginnings with the mind-and-heart after its arousal. This too is shown in Kwon's diagram. In short, although Chang did not ignore more externally oriented aspects of self-cultivation like the investigation of things, the concepts of mindfulness and sincerity played a more important role in his thought. L i i Tsu-chien is perhaps best known for his collaboration with Chu Hs i titled, Reflections on Things Hand, a collection of sayings selected from the works of Chou Tun-i, the Ch'eng Brothers, and 13 Chang Tsai that L i i and Chu compiled and edited in order to introduce beginning students to the ideas of these four thinkers. Both L i i and Chu were also involved in promoting educational reform in the late twelfth century. In general, Chu Hs i focused more on general principles than did L i i , whereas the latter's writings focused more on actual practice, though neither ignored the other area.2») L i i also influenced Chu Hsi's interpretation of the Book of Changes. For Chu Hsi , the original purpose of the Book of Changes was divination not education; just the opposite was the case for the other classics. There were, however, also differences between Chu and L i i . While both Chu Hs i and Chang Shih disparaged the views of Su Shih (1036-1101) and the ancient prose style of literature (ku-wen), L i i thought the far greater error was what he saw as the false split between emphasizing principle, on the one hand, and emphasizing literary culture, on the other. L i i instead tried to preserve the Confucian tradition as a whole. 2 1) We see the same type of thing in the early part of the Choson Dynasty where Ch'eng-Chu and Ancient Style (kuwen) Confucianism intermingled.2 2) During the third period (1182-1202), Chu Hs i faced two intellectual challenges. The group as a whole also became much more politicized during this period. The two major scholastic figures facing Chu Hs i were Ghen Liang (1143-1194) and L u Chiu-yiian (1139-93). From Chu Hsi's point of view, the former's utilitarian approach sacrificed morals for political and social expediency, while the latter's approach to personal cultivation seemed too much like the personal 14 enlightenment sought by Chan Buddhists.2 3) Chu Hs i met L u Chiu-yuan and his brother, L u Chiu-ling, at the Goose Lake Monastery in 1175, a meeting that had been arranged by L i i Tsu-chien. Chu thought the L u brothers were slighting the importance of textual scholarship in teaching and self-cultivation. Chu was also concerned they were promoting Chan Buddhist ideas behind a veil of Confucian terminology.2 4) Another major point of contention was Chou Tun-i's concept of the Supreme Ultimate. Because Chou had not used the term "Unrealized Ultimate" (MW) anywhere in his more later work, Penetrating the Book of Changes, L u Chiu-ling had doubts about Chou's "Explanation of the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate"; for L u , the "Explanation" was a text someone else produced and Chou had merely transmitted or, if it was something Chou himself had in fact created, it was the product of an earlier, immature period in his intellectual development, and, whatever the case, it was something Chou did not refer to in his later works.25) L u was also quick to point out that neither of the Ch'eng brothers mentioned the essay in their works. The concept and diagram of the Supreme Ultimate were very important in Korean Neo-Confucianism; all three of the scholars dealt with here recognized its fundamental importance for explaining the cosmos. The fourth period (1202-1279) in the development of the School of the Way started in 1202, two years after Chu Hsi 's death, with the revocation of the ban that had been imposed against the Tao-hsueh 15 group in 1195.26) Nor was this the only political change. The Mongols, following the advice of a Confucian official from the now defunct Chin Dynasty, "constructed a new Confucian Temple in the administrative center of North China and adopted the civil service examination system".27) The Southern Sung court, not to be outdone in a game of cultural one-upsmanship by what they saw as a bunch of barbarians, also tried to bolster its claim of carrying the mantle of Confucian orthodoxy.28) Some of the leading Ch'eng-Chu thinkers during this period were Huang Kan, Chen Chun, Chen Te-hsiu, and Hsu Heng. Chu Hs i looked on Huang Kan (1152-1221) as his successor. Although Huang's "responsibility as Chu's immediate successor was to preserve the full legacy and essential spirit of his master", and he tried to be comprehensive in both preserving and transmitting Chu Hsi's teachings, he nonetheless, in the course of organizing Chu's ideas, had to decide what was most important. In doing so, he shifted the focus slightly by emphasizing self-cultivation over Chu's more speculative, philosophical concepts.29) A t the core of his philosophy were the concepts of "abiding in reverent seriousness (mindfulness)", "fathoming principle", "overcoming the self", and "preserving sincerity". The first of these, abiding in mindfulness, laid the foundation for the others. Fathoming principle was how one went about extending knowledge; overcoming the self was how one extinguished one's own selfish desires, and preserving sincerity was how one achieved practical realization^0) Equally important though 16 was what did not receive as much attention. For instance, the philosophical concepts of principle and material force were not further developed in Huang's thought.31) K w o n Kun's position is much like that of Huang's in that mindfulness, sincerity, and overcoming selfish desires played an important role in his thought, and while he too d id not slight the importance of principle or material force, neither did he develop these concepts further. Kwon's primary aim was explanation, not a more intricate development of key concepts. Besides a richer development of philosophical concepts, T'oegye also noted some of the differences between Chu Hsi's and Huang Kan's explanation of the eight basic diagrams and their relation to yin and yang.32) The most important scholar in the next intellectual generation of the Ch'eng-Chu school of thought was undoubtedly Chen Te-hsiu (1178-1235). Chen passed the chin-shih exam at the age of 22 in 1199 and passed the Erudite Literatus' exam just six years later in 1205. It was not until after passing this higher degree, i . e., after having already become an established scholar-official, that Chen became a follower of Ch'eng-Chu school of thought.33) His three most famous works are Classic on Governance, Extended Meaning of the Great Learning, and Classic of the Mind-and-Heart. These last two works in particular exerted an inordinate influence on the development of Neo-Confucianism in Korea. Only Chu Hsi's work influenced T'oegye more than Chen's Classic of the Mind-and-Heart. Hsu Heng (1209-81) dominated the Yuan philosophical scene 17 and in doing so greatly influenced "the color and shape of the intellectual landscape, especially in the North. "34) Although Hsu commented on the investigation of things and principle, the vast majority of his work focuses on two concerns—. moral (that is, self) cultivation and human relationships.35) Hsu took the Elementary Learning and the Four Books together as a guide for self-cultivation and moral conduct; he also thought Elementary Learning should be read before starting the others. On the first of these, Hsu wrote the General Meanings of the Elementary Learning in order to explicate both "the goal and structure" of the text.36) In fact, Yuan thinkers gave the Elementary Learning first priority in moral training.37) Moreover, it was Hsu more than anyone else who was responsible for putting the Four Books into the main stream of Yuan thought. He wrote a number of treatises on the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean, including among other texts: Straightforward Explanations of the Great Learning, Essentials of the Great Learning in Brief, and Plain Explanations of the Doctrine of the Mean.?®) Although the M i n g Dynasty is usually associated more with Wang Yang-ming than with the Ch'eng-Chu school of thought, during "the first century of the M i n g dynasty (1368-1644), Confucians were still overwhelmingly in favor of the Chu Hs i school."39) Wing-tsit Chan examines four Neo-Confucian scholars during the Early M i n g in order to show that the Ch'eng-Chu school "underwent significant changes, assumed a definite direction" and "in doing so prepared an 18 intellectual atmosphere conducive to the growth of the philosophies of Chen Hsien-chang and Wang Yang-ming" (Shou-jen, 1472-1529).4°) The four scholars dealt with are: Ts'ao Tuan (Yiieh-chuan, 1376-1434), Hsiieh Hsiian (Ching-hsien, 1392-1464), W u Yi i -p i (Kang-chai, 1391-1469), and H u Chii-jen (Ching-chai, 1434-84). The first two are associated with the North, or the Ho-tung School, "so called because Hsiieh came from Ho-tung", a region east of the Yellow River; the latter pair are associated with the South, or the Tsung-jen School, "so called because W u was a native of Tsung-jen."4i) Chan goes on to note that among these scholars: Some of the most important subjects of the earlier Ch'eng-Chu school have become insignificant or have disappeared in the discussions of these four philosophers, namely, those of the Supreme Ultimate, yin-yang, and relation between principle and material force. A n d when they d id write on these topics they did not blindly follow Chu Hsi. 4 2) This is only partially true in the case of Korea. Chou Tun-i's "Explanation of the Supreme Ultimate" was just as important in forming the first chapter of T'oegye's Ten Diagrams On Sage Learning in 1568 as it was influential in Kwon Kun's decision to use it in making the first diagram of his text, Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning, written in 1390. Yulgok also mentions the importance of the Supreme Ultimate in the course of the Four-Seven Debate. Moreover, the relationship between principle and material force was the subject of debate throughout most of the mid- to late 19 C h o s o n dynasty; debates over these concepts became par t icular ly intense d u r i n g both the 16th and early 18th centuries. The debates over these topics spurred further developments and refinements i n Neo-Confuc i an theory, and other important concepts ^ were also discussed i n the course of these debates. W h e n it came to the relation between pr inc ip le and mater ial force, H s i i e h H s i i a n thought of h imself as u p h o l d i n g C h u H s i ' s doctrines, "but w h e n it came to self-cultivation and the quest for sagehood, H s i i e h emphas ized the mind-and-heart ." 4 3 ) This can be seen i n his notes o n the Great Learning. H s i i e h s l ight ly changes the focus and i n two ways . First, he subordinates the intellectual elements to m o r a l cul t ivat ion. Second, for H s i i e h , "principles are not on ly i n things but also i n the mind." 4 4 ) The result is that it is no longer just the intell igent m i n d go ing out "to discover pr inciples but the pr inc ip les embod ied i n the mind-and-heart go ing out to fo rm a u n i o n w i t h the pr inciples i n things." 4 5) T'oegye also proposes a theory that assumes pr inciples are i n both things and the m i n d ; his pos i t ion w i l l be examined i n chapter three. Related to his emphasis o n the mind-and-heart , is H s i i e h Hs i ian ' s focus on mindfulness and re turning to one's o r ig ina l nature. 4 6) A s C h a n points out, "whereas for earlier Neo-Confuc ians , [mindfulness] was one of m a n y items for mora l cul t iva t ion, for H s i i e h H s i i a n it became the item". 4 7) Since mindfulness is a qual i ty of the mind-and-heart , the more it is stressed, the more important the mind-and-heart becomes. 4^ Mindfu lness also plays an important role i n T'oegye's thought, though this is due to the 20 influence of C h e n Tu-hs iu as m u c h as anything. After examin ing these four phi losophers , C h a n concludes that Neo-Confuc i an scholars i n early M i n g "grew less and less interested i n intellectual aspects l ike metaphysical speculat ion and the doctrine of the invest igat ion of things and more and more concerned w i t h the m i n d , its cu l t iva t ion and preservation, and mindfulness as the means of ach iev ing that goal." 4 9) This is not h o w it happened i n Korea , at least there was not a decline i n interest i n metaphysical concepts. There was indeed an increasing concern w i t h the idea of "mindfulness" i n the ph i losophy of T'oegye, but not at the expense of metaphysical speculat ion. This is a false bifurcation of intellectual development i n Korean Neo-Confuc ian i sm; for example, as w i l l be s h o w n i n chapters three and four, the scholars i n v o l v e d w i t h the Four-Seven debate d i d not think metaphysical speculat ion over material force and pr inc ip le was irrelevant to unders tanding the mind-and-heart , h u m a n nature, or self-cultivation. This mater ial shows that w h i l e there were con t inu ing refinements i n fundamental cosmologica l and psychological concepts, these developments were not d ivorced f rom ideas of h u m a n nature and self-cultivation. In addi t ion , T'oegye's comments on the "investigation of things" i n 1569 show that questions about this concept too had not completely gone away. In fact, g iven the rise of the W a n g Yang-ming ' s ph i losophy i n the M i n g Dynas ty , the topic was as relevant as ever, i n some ways more so. This highl ights some of the intellectual currents at p lay i n the Chinese m i l i e u and gives an indica t ion of h o w the K o r e a n scholars 21 studied here adopted or developed some of these ideas; these developments w i l l be examined further in the chapters ahead. But this material does not address any of the educational texts used in order to promote self-cultivation, nor does it address an important technique for practicing self-cultivation, quiet sitting. Both topics need to be examined before going on to examine the ideas of K w o n Kun, Toegye, and Yulgok. The latter w i l l be addressed first. II. Self-cultivation and quiet sitting Philip Ivanhoe points out that Taoism, Buddhism, and Neo-Confucianism all "tended to view human nature as having two fundamental aspects"; on the one hand, there was an original, pure mode that was unadulterated and, on the other hand, there was an adulterated, "instantiated mode".5 0) Neo-Confucians addressed this problem in terms of an "original nature" and a "material nature"; the former being "perfect and complete, the latter flawed and in need of refinement, "si) Given this perspective, self-cultivation became a project of refining one's material nature to the point where the individual 's pure, original nature can be fully realized. In other words, self-cultivation was seen as the process of realizing one's true nature.52) This was as true for Wang Yang-ming (1472-1529) as it was for Chu Hsi ; where they differed, and differed greatly, was over what exactly that meant and how to go about the task. For Chu the problem was to recover one's inherent, naturally good human nature; for Wang it was a matter of discovering it.53) As noted above, it was Chu's ideas, 22 and along with them his method of self-cultivation, that were adopted in Korea. There were two foci to Chu Hsi 's method of self-cultivation. One of these was inquiry and study. The focus here was on the "investigation of things" in order to understand the universal, ruling principle within the object of investigation; this included studying Confucian texts, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, it also involved the things and events of daily life.54) The foundation for this, noted earlier, was Chu Hsi's redaction of the Great Learning, the fifth chapter in particular. The second focal point consisted of "preserving the mind" by "honoring one's inherently virtuous nature". More than anything else, "the primary method for carrying out this half of the task" was the practice of "quiet sitting".55) Quiet sitting was a contentious issue among some Neo-Confucians, its pedigree notwithstanding. Quiet sitting was discussed, practiced, and advocated by Chou Tun-i, Ch'eng Y i , and his brother Ch'eng Hao. Chu Hs i learned quiet sitting while a student of L i Yen-ping (1093-1163), who had learned it while a student of the Ch'eng brothers, but Chu Hs i later modified his views on quiet sitting due to the influence of H u Hung and the Hunan s c h o o l » Critics of the practice thought quiet sitting put the practitioner on the slippery slope toward Buddhist meditation. Chu Hsi , a strong critic of Buddhist ideas of emptiness, 'no-thought', and 'no-self, asserted that the purpose of quiet sitting was to focus one's thoughts, not obliterating thought altogether. For Chu, quiet sitting was a state that 23 promoted investigating and scrutinizing principle; it was "understood as a period for focusing such attention, not eliminating it."57) In this sense, the moral effort involved with quiet sitting was much closer to that of study and the investigation of things than it was to Buddhist forms of meditation.5 8) The point of quiet sitting was to calm the feelings so the principle constituting one's human nature can shine forth and guide a person without distraction. The sixteenth century Chinese scholar Kao P'an-lung (1562-1626) wrote of it as follows. To sit quietly, clear the mind and be intimately aware of the heavenly norm [principle], means that at the time of sitting quietly this our mind, being cleared from all affairs, is identical with the so-called heavenly norm, and all one has to do at this time is to be silently aware of this inner self.59) A simile often offered for describing why the mind-and-heart could be described as identical with the heavenly norm was so was a mirror. Since the mind-and-heart "is like a mirror, it is originally clear, and so it can reflect things. But if some previous image (e. g., feelings) remains in it after some occurrence," then the next time the mind-and-heart responds to stimuli, the response w i l l be tainted by this image and the person w i l l not respond appropriately.6 0) But the mind-and-heart does more than simply reflect, it also radiates.6*) These qualities of the mind-and-heart is why Kao could state, in a later piece on quiet sitting, "Once the True Substance [the principle constituting our nature] manifests itself, false thoughts w i l l disappear 24 of their own accord... Simply recognize the original nature and the orignal form w i l l become clear."62) There were other fundamental differences between the Buddhist and Confucian forms of meditation. Whereas quiet sitting stilled the mind-and-heart so that disturbing egocentric thoughts could not interfere with the search for the moral principles in things and affairs that could, in turn, guide human conduct in society, Buddhist thought assumed the 'self was an impermanent, and therefore unreal, mode of experience, and ideas of a permanent 'self were one of the "egocentric thoughts" that must be dispensed with. For Buddhists, meditation would lead to the realization that there was, in fact, no 'self. From the Confucian point of view, the true self was principle, and the Buddhist idea of "no-self" was therefore a denial that principle constitutes reality. Confucians rejected this as yet another Buddhist concept supporting Buddhism's asocial proclivities, especially the "selfish" Buddhist practice of severing ties with one's family and society in order to pursue one's own personal enlightenment. The two aspects of Chu Hsi 's theory of self-cultivation were linked through 'mindfulness', a reverential attitude that keeps one focused on the goal of self-cultivation (i. e., sagehood) and, hopefully, keeps one from going astray.63) Chu Hsi 's ideas on self-cultivation were further developed in Korea, though the practice of quiet sitting was not adopted by all. H o w this applies to the three scholars examined here w i l l be discussed more fully in the chapters ahead. Before doing so, however, we w i l l first survey a number of texts used 25 during the Choson Dynasty to promote Confucian moral principles and explain the Neo-Confucian philosophical support for them. III. Introductory Educational and Moral Texts in the Choson Dynasty The world of Chinese cosmology, culture, and moral principles was introduced through simple elementary or moral texts. This was as true for Neo-Confucianism as it was for earlier forms of Confucianism. The increasing number of these texts during the middle part of the Choson Dynasty reflects an increasing commitment to educating the elite and to disseminating Confucian ethical norms among the general population. Correlative with this was the rise of private academies in the mid- to late sixteenth century.6 4) There were a number of texts used during the course of the Choson Dynasty (1392-1910) for educating people in classical Chinese, morals, and Confucianism. Granted, the overlap between these three areas is sometimes so great as to be almost inextricable. Nowhere is this more evident than in dealing with texts expounding upon the five relations (the relationships between father and son, ruler and subject, husband and wife, older and younger brother, and friends), especially those focusing on filial piety— it is one of the cardinal Confucian virtues, obviously moral, and in some cases the text involved could well serve as an educational text. The relationship between these themes is summed up nicely by Eric Zurcher, "True education, as defined by Confucian thinkers, cannot be separated from the moral 26 improvement of the i n d i v i d u a l as a social being; f rom the earliest times, the terms hsueh "study" and chiao "teaching" a lways have had strong ethical implications."^) Educa t ion was essential to self-cult ivation. A n ove rv iew of some of the more impor tant texts w i l l s how just where the texts examined i n this s tudy fit w i t h i n this larger t radi t ion. The educational texts examined here were the pr imers used to p rov ide a basic educat ion i n classical Chinese, though some of them were later reprinted w i t h a Korean annotation. W h i l e for some people these texts may have been a l l that were s tudied, for many, certainly for a l l w h o aspired to a government post or even h a d aspirations of be ing proper ly educated, these texts merely l a id the foundat ion for further work . W e w i l l also examine some representative mora l texts and many, though not a l l , of the Confuc ian classics repr inted i n Korea w i l l also be ment ioned. In this last case, however , the focus w i l l be on K o r e a n annotations (onhae, ^Isfl) of these texts. Last ly , a l though plent i ful , neither Buddh i s t texts nor li terary w o r k s w i l l be examined here, even though many of these texts m a y also address some of the above three themes. Four educational texts w i l l be examined here, one of Chinese o r ig in (Thousand Character Classic), one of u n k n o w n authorship (Collected Sayings), and two wri t ten b y Koreans (Children's Primer and Collected Characters for Instructing Children). The general structure of these educat ional texts starts w i t h Heaven , moves on to discuss the Ear th and earthly things, then f inal ly deals w i t h h u m a n beings. In 27 cases where the text was annotated w i t h the native K o r e a n script, they were not annotated un t i l over 100 years after the inven t ion of the script i n 1446. The most famous of the educational texts examined here is the Thousand Character Classic (^-^Hr, =E^-'SC) 66^ It is a Chinese text wr i t ten by C h o u H s i n g - s z u (JHU^ PJ) d u r i n g the L i a n g Dynas ty ( ^ ) i n the s ix th century w h e n , according to legend, he was g iven a thousand different Chinese characters by the emperor W u T i and ordered to construct, w i t h i n the course of a day, a coherent text wi thou t repeating any of the characters. The format of the text is based on 250 four-character phrases and is poetic w i t h the rhyme on alternating lines. It is p r imar i l y a tool for teaching Chinese characters, and the poetic format made it easy to memorize . In general terms, the text starts off by address ing heaven or the heavens, then proceeds to things concerning the earth, and f inal ly moves o n to dealings about humani ty , e. g., either h u m a n relationships or specific people, though this order is not strictly fo l lowed. The first couplet is: "Heaven and earth, the dark and the dun ; The cosmos a mighty waste." O n e of the later verses dea l ing w i t h personal conduct, the twenty-s ixth couplet, states: "Fa i r conduct leads to sagehood, Self-conquest makes a sage." Ano the r example of a verse dea l ing w i t h h u m a n relat ionships is the forty-sixth: "In intercourse w i t h friends, do y o u r duty , file a n d p o l i s h each other to standard." The last part of this last l ine is reminiscent of a l ine f rom the Book of Poetry, a l ine w h i c h also appears i n chapter 3.4 of the Great Learning ("There is our 28 elegant and accompl ished prince— A s we cut and then file; as we chisel and then gr ind: so he cul t ivated himself!") 6 7). N o one is sure exactly w h e n the Thousand Character Classic entered Korea . The oldest extant vers ion of the text w i t h a K o r e a n annotat ion and K o r e a n readings dates f rom 1575, but the text almost certainly entered K o r e a l o n g before then. The most widespread ed i t ion was the H a n - h o Suk-bong ( ^ J l t&WL, 5s#) edi t ion, p r in ted i n Seoul i n 1583. This vers ion of the text gives a m i n i m a l amount of informat ion a id ing the student. It gives on ly the K o r e a n pronunc ia t ion a n d a one w o r d translation of the Chinese character, both i n K o r e a n vernacular script, r ight be low the character itself. Several edit ions of this vers ion were also pub l i shed after the Japanese invasions. It was not un t i l the m i d d l e of the 18th-century, 1752, that a more detai led annotation of the text, edi ted by H o n g Song-won (:%--^TS/  ;^MW), was pr inted. It was t i t led Explanations on the Thousand Character Classic ( ^ s f l ^ K r / ^MfT'X)- There were also other versions of the text w i t h the K o r e a n readings and the mean ing or translation of the character incorporated into the text; these were pub l i shed i n 1583, 1694, 1754, and 1804. Moreover , K o r e a n translations w i t h expanded annotations of the text are sti l l available i n print . The Children's Primer (Dongmong sdnsQp, .tHcf-Si <r/ mM^t^)68) was wri t ten i n classical Chinese by Pak Sae-mu (^Mln^, 1487-1554) as a p r imer for new students, though the or ig ina l date of publ ica t ion is u n k n o w n . There are no s u r v i v i n g texts f rom before the 29 Japanese invasions (1592 and 1597), but there is a copy of the 1759 edition. In any case, the text was written as a follow-up to the Thousand Character Classic and has often been called Korea's first textbook. The famous Neo-Confucian scholar Song Si-yol ( ^ A ] H , 5fcH# 'f)X, 1609-89) wrote an afterword in 1670, and King Yongjo (r. 1724-1776) wrote a forward for it in 1742. The text itself focuses on explaining the Five Relations and includes selections from the Analects, Elementary Learning, and tales from another classical Chinese text, Tales of Faithful Wives, which is reproduced at the back of the text. Like the Thousand Character Classic, it starts with discussions of Heaven, then earth, things in general, and finally people. The introduction starts as follows: "Between heaven and earth there is a multitude of created beings, but man alone is noble. He is noble because he has the Five Relationships.... If man did not know these five principles he would be little better than the wi ld birds and beasts." This is followed by a section dealing with each of the five relationships. The longest section, however, is the general conclusion that starts by recapitulating the introduction: "These five principles are laws ordained by heaven, and intrinsically understood by man. Man's behavior must remain within these five principles, but filial piety alone is the source of a hundred good works." This is followed by a comparison of filial and unfilial sons. The text ends with a summary history of the universe starting from the division of the Supreme Ultimate into y in and yang and the five elements and goes all the way down to the establishment of the Choson Dynasty. 30 The Children's Primer shows the sage acting according to natural law. K i n g Yongjo (r. 1724-1776) felt the text important and ordered its printing and promulgation. There were many printings from the 16th century onward, and it was widely read as a textbook for children and is even available today in modern Korean translation. But an annotated version of the text, Children's Primer- Annotated (Dongmong sdnsup onhae, ^^^1=fSd^fl/ MM^^W-M), was not printed until 1797. Unlike many annotations of the Confucian classics, the Children's Primer- Annotated concentrates on the Korean annotations; not much of the original Chinese text is included. In this sense it is closer to being a translation than an annotation. There was also an illustrated annotation of the text published in the early 20th century, and, like the Thousand Character Classic, translations with expanded annotations of the Children's Primer are also still in print. The author of the Collected Sayings (Yuhap, -ff^j", Hl=r)69) is unknown. It was an introductory text for teaching Chinese characters and was used together with the Thousand Character Classic. It appended both the readings for the Chinese characters as wel l as their meaning in Korean. This was supposedly a better text for introducing Chinese characters than the Thousand Character Classic because of its arrangement and because the Korean annotations were appended. The oldest extant version was printed in Ch'iljang Temple ( -bi l^f ) (near Ansung) in 1664. But, we know there were other editions from at least the mid-sixteenth century. There were editions produced at 31 different temples— Songkwang Temple (tSJlf^f), Sunam Temple ({\k&k 4f), Ans im Temple ( T S T ' L J ^ ) , etc., though the arrangement of the Chinese characters varies a bit in these editions. There were also some regional (dialectal) variations due to differences in palatalization or rhyme. A revised version, the Revised Collected Sayings ( / i l^- f r f i f ^ H l n ) / was made after complaints that the original had too much of a Buddhist flavor, though there is a chance that the complaints of the text having too much of a Buddhist flavor might be based as much on where the text was being printed and taught as on the actual contents. In any case, the revision was done by Y u Hui-ch'un (-fr^#-/ $P##) in 1574, and, after an intial failed printing, the text was revised again and finally printed in 1576. The Collected Characters for Instructing Children (Hunmong chahoe, Sr^A^, fir*^#) 7°) was written by Ch'oi Sae-jin ( 2 ^ 3 1 , -1478-1543) as a primer for children learning Chinese characters. It was published in 1527 and "is the earliest systematic source for the pronunciation of Sino-Korean".7 1) The text itself had 3360 characters in all and was divided into three parts, each with 1120 characters. The focus was on "real world" Chinese characters like the names of birds, plants, trees, and animals, since Ch 'oi thought that the Thousand Character Classic and the Collected Sayings were unrelated to everyday life. There were a few editions before the Japanese invasions in 1592 and 1596 and several thereafter. One interesting characteristic of the text is that the author also named all twenty-seven letters of the 32 Korean alphabet, though this was more for purposes of pronunciation than naming per se. Of the twenty-seven names given to letters by Ch'oi Sae-jin in 1527 nineteen of them are the names still used today72) Ch 'o i then follows each of the characters with an explanation, the pronunciation of the character, and an annotation. In sum, these texts were all originally written in classical Chinese, and, even in the case of the Korean annotations, were, for the most part, accessible only to people among the elite yangban class. In addition, only one of these texts, the Thousand Character Classic, predates the Choson Dynasty (1392-1910). Although the date for the Collected Sayings is unknown, chances are that it too, like both Children's Primer and Collected Characters for Instructing Children, was not written until at least the early sixteenth century. In other words, it appears that Korean vernacular educational texts were not written in Korea until over a century after the founding of the Choson Dynasty and half a century after the invention of the Korean script. In addition, annotations using the Korean vernacular script were also written in the sixteenth century and often reprinted thereafter, but, for the most part, they too were accessible only to the educated elite. Moreover, some annotations did not come until much later. Nonetheless, the creation and distribution of these texts also indicates a renewed recognition of the importance of education in sixteenth century Korean society. Nevertheless, even though these texts all assumed the reader had some knowledge of Chinese, that fact that the Thousand Character Text was supplemented by other texts shows an 33 increasing concern with education during the Choson Dynasty. Lastly, while learning classical Chinese had been, and continued to be, essential for gaining access to Chinese culture and for preparing for the civi l service examinations, the introduction of Neo-Confucianism meant that those who understood classical Chinese now also had access to a far more sophisticated, systematic, and comprehensive explanation of how the cosmos worked and the place of humanity within the world than had been available to earlier Confucians. Confucian Texts— Classics and Compilations: In examining Confucian classics reprinted in Korea, the focus wi l l be on the Four Books (Analects, Mencius, Great Learning, and Doctrine of the Mean), Elementary Learning, and the Classic of Filial Piety. In particular, what happened to the text after it entered Korea w i l l be noted. In general, annotations of Confucian classics using the Korean script were fairly late vis-a-vis the creation of the script itself, but the annotations coincide with the rise of the private academies. However, it is hard to say whether or not Korean annotations of the classics were used in the academies as a bridge to the classical Chinese versions of the texts. K i n g Sonjo (r. 1567-1608) originally ordered Y u Hui-ch'un (-fr^ #/ W # # ) to make an annotation of the Four Books; in response Y u recommended Yulgok as better suited for the task.73) The K i n g then ordered Yulgok to make annotations of the Nine Classics, something 34 ( Y u l g o k w o r k e d o n un t i l his death i n 1584. But by the t ime he d i e d he had on ly f inished a draft of the Four Books. These were presented to .the k i n g w h o forwarded them to the p r in t i ng bureau ( H ^ ^ ) where they were pub l i shed a round 1590; this set is housed at Tosan sowon ( i ^ H ^ l |&JlIli§K). Besides Y u l g o k ' s annotations of the Four Books , there were several other annotations as w e l l . One of the earlier sets was wr i t ten on order of K i n g Sonjo i n 1590. The Analects- Annotated ^ s f l , §fo SoflliS) 7 4) was pub l i shed together w i t h Mencius- Annotated ^ ^ f l / ^ J-BM)75), Great Learning- Annotated ( r f l ^ - ^ s f l , A^BM)76\ Doctrine of. the Mean- Annotated ^MfMM)77) M a n y different versions of these texts have been pr inted, w i t h edit ions of the Analects, and some of the others, pub l i shed i n 1590, 1612, 1631, 1810, 1820, and 1862. W i t h the exception of format and pr int type, there are no significant differences a m o n g the later editions, but there are differences between the later edit ions and the Y u l g o k annotation. The latter does not use artif icial readings for Chinese characters, and there some m i n o r differences between the appended annotations. A l l the K o r e a n annotations of the Four Books fo l low format of C h u H s i ' s Four Books in Chapter and Verse, i n c l u d i n g his redacted vers ion of the Great Learning. W i t h a few different annotations i n circulat ion, K i n g Yongjo ordered Y i Chae (o]3fl, ^M, 1680-1764) and Y u l g o k ' s grandson, Y i Ch in -o (ojXI.o., ^ | IS;S) , to collect extant versions of the text, edit them, and make a consistent copy. Y u l g o k ' s vers ion, Yulgok's Four Books- Annotated ( ^ M ^ ^ f l , B^WSBM), first p r in ted i n 1590, 35 was reprinted in 1749. There were, of course, many commentaries on the Four Books written in classical Chinese, and, as noted above, annotations of these texts using the Korean script. Like Yulgok's annotation, what makes Hie-Glossary of the Four Books ( A L A ^ S ] , \S9W0i)78) so interesting is that these commentaries were some of the first annotations of the Four Books using the Korean vernacular script, that and the fact that these commentaries were written by Y i Hwang (T'oegye), an influential scholar usually associated with more sophisticated metaphysical or educational tracts written in classical Chinese, not commentaries using the Korean vernacular script. Glossary of the Four Books was written in 1569, just a year before T'oegye died, though his annotations were not published until 1609 after they were edited by Ch'oe Kwang-nae ( a } ^ efl, I g j l l ^ ) . The commentaries start with Glossary of the Great Learning followed by those on the Doctrine of the Mean, Analects, and, finally, Mencius. The commentaries also follow the chapter divisions in Chu's commentaries on the Four Books, the Four Books in Chapter and Verse (IZHffi^ jBi). T'oegye's Glossary of the Great Learning Explained w i l l be examined in greater detail in chapter three. The Elementary Learning is a compilation Chu Hs i and L i u Ch'ing-chih (1130-1195) created by culling selections from the classics and other works. It was published in 1187.79) Theresa Kelleher points out that "[In] terms of vocabulary alone, not to mention its length or the sophistication of the issues dealt with in the latter half of the text, 36 the Elementary Learning is far more difficult to read than the Four Books for which it is supposedly to serve as a preparatory study."so) The text itself is divided into two roughly equal sections, the "Inner Chapters", chapters one through four, and the "Outer Chapters", chapters five and six. Furthermore, three themes run throughout both these sections; these are: "establishing the educational process", "clarifying the cardinal human relationships", and "reverencing the self ".si) Other pivotal ideas include an emphasis on the Five Relationships and the idea that education "is a matter of learning and then carrying out the duties appropriate to each relationship...."82) In addition, self-cultivation is clearly shown as something done within a social context and not as some "selfish, individualistic pursuit"8 3). Because of this, human relationships receive greater attention than do the other two themes in the first part of text. But, despite what might look like a theoretical bias, there is also a very strong practical bent in the text: the idea being conveyed here is that "this is the way to act". For example, in chapter 3, the emphasis is on physical acts, manners, or behavior— how people eat and drink, how they dress, and the general way they carry themselves. The overriding theme here is "that one's bodily needs are to be met in a way that is refined and yet disciplined, not in a selfish manner."84) In the Outer Chapters, Chu Hs i stresses the constancy of both principle and human nature, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the need for the student to cherish and develop his innate virtue, since it is this that "enables h im to discern principle and 37 respond appropria te ly to the problems of his age."85) O f the three themes discussed above, both educat ion and self-cult ivation get more attention i n the latter half of the Elementary Learning than was the case i n the first half of the text, though, i n sheer numbers , there are s t i l l more selections dea l ing w i t h h u m a n relationships i n this section than w i t h either of the other two themes. 8 6) A l s o , there are a large number of passages dea l ing w i t h the advice famous figures i n the past passed on to their "sons, nephews, or students". The emphasis is on po in t ing out "the c o m m o n pitfalls of youth— the tendency to cri t icize others, seek ease, be fascinated w i t h those i n power— and offer encouragement i n such posi t ive virtues as honesty, frugality, and ha rd work." 8 7 ) The Elementary Learning was annotated and pub l i shed o n order of K i n g Sonjo (r. 1567-1608). A fo rward and epi logue were wr i t ten by Y i San-hae '^lUM) i n 1587 and appended to the text. But even earlier than the annotation (Elementary Learning- Annotated ( i ^ ^ l sfl, 'l^^fMffl))88), a translation of the Elementary Learning was comple ted d u r i n g the re ign of Chungjong (r. 1506-1544); the latter was, however , a free translation (Elementary Learning- Translated, w l ^ i t j - , Hfip/^lpi). There was another annotation made d u r i n g the reign of K i n g Yongjo (r. 1724-1776)— the Royal Annotation of the Elementary Learning (°]^\)^i^ 9m, MWi'bWi&W)- The preface of this vers ion of the text was wr i t t en by the K i n g . The free translation was pub l i shed i n 1518, the K o r e a n annotat ion was pub l i shed i n 1587, and the Royal Annotation was pub l i shed i n 1744. The importance of the text can be seen i n the 38 fact that it was not on ly annotated but also translated, and that at a comparat ively early date. It was one of the first Confuc ian texts annotated i n Korea . Moreover , candidates for the c i v i l service examinat ion were required to memor ize the Elementary Learning before be ing a l l owed to sit for the examination. 8 9 ) U n l i k e most other K o r e a n annotations of classical Chinese texts w h i c h are based o n the standard vers ion of the text i n question, the Classic of Filial Piety- Annotated ( J L ^ ^ B J ) , ^BMM)90) is based on an annotat ion of the Greater Principles of the Classic of Filial Piety ( J L ^ t f l J^M) and is p r i m a r i l y a summary that does not contain a l l of the or ig ina l text. In 1589, Y u Song-nyong wrote an epi logue for the text that explains the particulars of both the annotation and the Greater Principles of the Classic of Filial Piety. The annotation was first pub l i shed i n 1590 and was later reprinted i n 1863. The annotat ion of the Classic of Filial Piety was used a long w i t h the Thousand Character Classic and the Children's Primer (Dongmong sonsup) as an in t roductory text. There was also a Ladies' Classic of Filial Piety wr i t ten d u r i n g the Tang; it was repr inted w i t h compendia six times d u r i n g the M i n g and three times d u r i n g the C h ' i n g , though we have seen no ment ion of this text i n K o r e a n sources. 9 1) In general then, even though the classical Chinese versions of the Four Books, a long w i t h their commentaries (also wr i t ten i n classical Chinese), were available i n Korea before the found ing of the C h o s o n Dynas ty , it was not un t i l almost 100 years after the inven t ion 39 of the native Korean script in 1446 that annotations of these texts using the vernacular script were finally made, though the Elementary Learning was annotated earlier. One reason Confucians were so late in us ing the vernacular script was a bias against it in favor of the exclusive use of classical Chinese. E v e n when annotated, these texts still required enough knowledge of Chinese that it becomes clear that education in the Confucian classics remained accessible only to those among the elite class. The annotations in Korean, although making it m u c h simpler for students to understand the meaning of the text, still assumed a far greater knowledge of Chinese than the vast majority of the population w o u l d have had. Nonetheless, one benefit of the annotations w o u l d have been to make it easier for those studying for the exams to pass the first, lowest level exam when the examination stressed the oral test first and relegated the more demanding written portion to a later phase of the examinations. Other M o r a l and Ethical Tracts: Other moral and ethical texts are better dealt with by d iv id ing them into sub-genres. The first includes general texts; the second deals with texts focusing on one or more of the five relations, especially filial piety. The third sub-genre deals with texts that focus on training women. Important Methods of Eliminating Ignorance (Kyongmong yogyol, ^ 40 ^g-JB.^, WMWxk.)92) was written in 1577 by Y i I, Yulgok (1536-1584) as an introductory text for teaching beginners and instilling Confucian moral values. Whereas the other introductory texts we have examined can be seen as primers teaching elementary Chinese that include Confucian concepts, Important Methods of Eliminating Ignorance can be seen as a primer introducing basic Confucian concepts but using classical Chinese to do it. The text itself is divided into ten chapters, a fuller description of which w i l l be given in chapter four, which deals with Yulgok. The text came to be used along with other early primers, such as the Thousand Character Text, Children's Primer, Collected Characters for Instructing Children or, Collected ' Sayings. Moreover, like these other texts, translations into modern Korean are still available. Precious Mirror for Enlightening the Heart (Mydngsim Pogam, ^ 4! i - t h ' M ' I J R ^ ) 9 3 ) is a collection of aphorisms and quotations from the Chinese classics and other works, the compilation of which is generally ascribed to Nodang Ch 'u Chok (1246-1317), a scholar active during the reign of King Ch'ungnyol (1274-1308).94) However, Fritz Vos concludes that the Mydngsim Pogam was originally a Chinese work first published in 1393 and that its compiler was Fan Li-pen. In short, it was not originally a Korean text.95) The quotations contained therein stem from a variety of sources, including some paragraphs made from combining material originally appearing in different sources, and "many of the aphorisms where the source is unknown 41 have presumably been coined by the author. "96) Moreover, although a number sayings "have been taken from Taoist sources (or at least would-be Taoist sources) and there are also a few Buddhist entries in the text, the prevailing spirit of the text is one of Confucian moralizing. "97) A n examination of the traditional version of the text, i . e., ignoring the supplementary material in some of the modern editions, shows that the Chinese versions of Mydngsim Pogam contain 771 or 774 paragraphs while the Korean edition has a minimum of 256 and a maximum of 265 paragraphs. In short, the Korean version of the text is roughly one third the size of the original Chinese text. However, despite the differences in overall size, the Chinese texts and the Korean editions all consist of twenty sections, though there are variations between titles in the different versions.98) One feature of most post-war editions of the book is the addition of more material: "[from] one to five sections, comprising a maximum of twenty paragraphs, have been added to the original twenty chapters (p'yon). The titles of these sections are: 'Supplement', 'Eight Songs for Contemplation', 'Fi l ial Piety, continued' (Hyohaeng p'yon sok), 'Integrity and Justice', and 'Exortation to study, continued'.9 9) The most important question here is where the material for these extra sections came from; for instance, is the 'Fi l ia l Piety, continued' section the same as the Hyohaengnok (JL^J^-) referred to by K w o n K u n in 1405 and for which he wrote a preface? In any case, Vos points out that some of the people who appear in the 'filial piety, 42 c o n t i n u e d ' s e c t i o n o f t h e text a l s o a p p e a r i n t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y K o r e a n texts l i k e Samguk sagi a n d Samguk yusa, so e v e n s o m e o f t h e m o d e r n e d i t i o n s h a v e m a t e r i a l t h a t i s q u i t e o l d . 1 0 0 ) B u t t h e r e are s t i l l u n a n s w e r e d q u e s t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e text , f o r e x a m p l e , e v e n i f t h e C h i n e s e o r i g i n a l w a s w r i t t e n b y F a n L i - p e n w e s t i l l n e e d to k n o w w h o m a d e t h e a b r i d g e d v e r s i o n — w a s i t a l s o the w o r k o f F a n L i - p e n o r w a s i t w r i t t e n b y a n o t h e r C h i n e s e s c h o l a r ? O r w a s i t a b r i d g e d b y a K o r e a n s c h o l a r i n K o r e a o r C h i n a ? W e h a v e s e e n c o n s t a n t r e f e r e n c e s t o t h e F i v e R e l a t i o n s . It w a s m e n t i o n e d i n t h e Thousand Character Classic, Dongmong sonsup, a n d Elementary Learning, a m o n g o t h e r s , s o i t i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e r e i s a g e n r e o f texts d e v o t e d t o o n e o r m o r e o f t h e F i v e R e l a t i o n s . T h e s e r e l a t i o n s d o ' n o t b e c o m e less i m p o r t a n t i n t h e s h i f t f r o m o l d e r t y p e s of C o n f u c i a n i s m t o N e o - C o n f u c i a n i s m ; t h e y are as i m p o r t a n t as e v e r , h a v i n g b e e n r e i n f o r c e d b y a s t r o n g e r p h i l o s o p h i c a l f o u n d a t i o n . T h e r e w e r e s e v e r a l texts , w r i t t e n i n e i t h e r c l a s s i c a l C h i n e s e o r t h e K o r e a n v e r n a c u l a r s c r i p t , o r a c o m b i n a t i o n o f b o t h , t h a t f o c u s o n t h e F i v e R e l a t i o n s h i p s o r o n o n e o r m o r e s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s a m o n g t h e m . S o m e o f t h e s e texts i n c l u d e t h e f o l l o w i n g : Samgang haengsildo (EilPiff SIIMI)/ Iryun haengsildo (Zlffft frit; III), Oryun haengsildo (Xff™f?jS;|Iil), Dongguk sinsok Samgang haengsildo ffiMffi/tfi.'wMM), Record of Filial Acts H-A:i%k), a n d Twenty-four Exemplars of Filial Piety (ZLtm^-M)-T h e las t o f t h e s e texts i s t h e o l d e s t . T h e Twenty-four Exemplars of Filial Piety ( z i _ h E l # l m l ) i s a c o l l e c t i o n o f t w e n t y - f o u r ta les , e a c h o f w h i c h d e s c r i b e s t h e f i l i a l act o f 43 a child toward a parent or parents (or sometimes an in-law). 1 0 1) According to Alexander Woodside, the text was written by Kuo Chu-ching (MWffl), a scholar during the Yuan Dynasty (1206/1271-1368).102) A n d , if this is the case, one reason for writing it might have been to introduce the Mongols to the Chinese idea of filial piety. It was translated into Vietnamese by L y Van Phuc (1785-1849).103) There was also a version made for women, as well as poetic and illustrated versions.1 0 4) Some of these tales repeat other, older tales and some later works repeat or vary the stories in this text. There were different versions of the text; for instance, there were Later and Former editions of Twenty-four Exemplars of Filial Piety (tu —i 'EH^Ii] and #[!]). As noted below, copies of the Twenty-four Exemplars of Filial Piety. (H"i"[Z3#li[|) entered Korea by the middle of the fourteenth century, i . e., by at least the late Koryo period (918-1392). Record of Filial Acts was first printed in the late Koryo (MW) Dynasty using wood-block prints.1 0 5) The text itself was originally written by K w o n Bo ( ^ l i L ^ ) , for his son, K w o n Chun (^Jfr, W. during the reign of K i n g Ch'ungmok (r. 1344-1348). The elder K w o n was prompted to compile the text in response to his son's gift of an illustrated version of Twenty-four Paragons of Filial Peity (zii-|ZH# l i ) for which Y i Jae-hyon (°H1*L '^ftW, 1287-1367) had written laudatory poems. Kwon Bo then selected thirty-eight filial tales and had Y i Jae-hyon write laudatory poems for each of these stories too. This can be seen as one of the first examples of a Korean text, albeit 44 still written in classical Chinese, used to inspire children wi th examples of filial piety in a format that they could sing as well as memorize. This is also a quality of the Samgang haengsildo (^7^t^/^ 51, HlPlfxitlml). The Record of Filial Acts was later corrected by Sol Sun ( ' i f r , $iW) and others in 1428 and then reprinted. Although the forward in the original edition was written by Y i Jae-hyon (°l*il^ L 2j§ 5*fSJ), an afterword and explanation were later written in 1405 by K w o n K u n (THTES W-iS), the scholar we w i l l examine in chapter two. The classical Chinese verstion of the Samgang haengsildo was compiled by Sol Sun under orders from King Sejong in 1432.106) A Korean annotation was first published in 1489. The King's original order was in response to an incidence of patricide in 1428. The text depicts the acts of thirty-five filial children, thirty-five loyal ministers, and thirty-five faithful wives. The stories themselves were selected from a larger work; the filial children tales were selected from 110 stories, the loyal minister tales from 112 stories, and the tales of faithful wives from a selection of 112 stories. There are four Koreans depicted among the filial children, six Koreans among the loyal ministers, and six among the faithful wives. The Iryun haengsildo, published in 1518, covers the relationships between superior and subordinates and among friends. The Oryun haengsildo, first published in 1797, is an abridgement of these two texts; it has thirty-three stories dealing with filial children, twenty-five dealing with loyal ministers, thirty-five dealing with faithful wives, twenty-four dealing with the relationship between superior and inferiors, seven dealing with the 45 family, eleven dealing with friends, and five stories dealing with the relationship between teacher and student. Dongguk Sinsok Samgang haengsildo was compiled by Y i Sung and others on order of the King in 1614, and published in 1617. It continues in the style of the Samgang haengsildo except that it focuses on Korean examples of the Three Bonds, selecting exemplary people from the Silla (6-935), Koryo, and Choson Dynasties. It is also a very large text, over 18 kwon. Since many of the texts with noteworthy examples of filial piety draw on more extensive accounts of tales, it is not surprising that stories found in one text may also appear in other texts. This can be seen in the Twenty-four Exemplars of Filial Piety and the Samgang haengsildo. The section of the latter dealing with filial children has 35 stories, four of which are of Korean children. The remainder of the filial children described are Chinese; most of these stories also appear in one version or another of the Twenty-four Exemplars of Filial Piety. Both texts, however, are themselves drawing from larger collections of tales. Some of the fables common to both include a son who was forced by his step-mother to wear unpadded garments during the winter, a daughter who strangled a tiger to save her father, a child who broke ice to get fish for his parents, a son who made wooden statues of his deceased parents, and a son who carried rice on his back so his parents could eat well even though he ate poorly. There is an interesting variation on one of the fables in the Hyohaengnok, which appears in the additional sections added to the post-war editions of the Myongsim Pogam. The story is a variant of 46 the story of K w a - g o , the m a n w h o starts to bury his son because the c h i l d is eating food his mother needs to l ive , a story w h i c h also appears i n both the Twenty-four Exemplars of Filial Piety and the Samgang haengsildo. The story i n the Myongsim Pogam deals w i t h Son-sun w h o l i v e d d u r i n g the S i l l a Dynas ty (6-935). Son-sun's fami ly , his mother, wife , and son, were poor. Moreover , the son eats food his mother needs for nour ishment and, l ike the story it is mode l ed on , Son and his wife decide to bury their son. H o w e v e r , i n the process of b u r y i n g h i m , they d i g u p a bel l that has a marvelous sound. Since this is an auspicious sign, they decide not to bu ry the c h i l d a n d re turn to their house w i t h the bel l . O n e day w h e n the K i n g is out i n the town , he hears the marvelous sound of the be l l a n d inquires as to its o r ig in . O n hear ing the story, the K i n g recounts the story of K w a - g o and his f ind ing a kettle of go ld w h e n he was t ry ing to bury his son and remarks h o w history repeats itself. The k i n g then grants Son-sun fifty sacks of rice a year. Stories, texts, and paintings deal ing w i t h the F ive Relat ionships predated the development Neo-Confuc ian i sm i n C h i n a , but the development of the more sophisticated cosmological and psychologica l explanations that came w i t h Neo-Confuc ian i sm d i d not lessen the importance of the F ive Relations. It strengthened them. These relations were n o w set against and incorporated into the newer ph i losophica l w o r l d v i e w whereby they became part of the very fabric of the universe, since they were pr inc ip le a n d pr inc ip le consti tuted reality. A good example of this w i l l be seen i n the second d iag ram 47 of T'oegye's Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. Another sub-genre dealing with education and self-cultivation is that concerning the education of women. Although not covered in detail here, it w i l l be covered in brief because Y i Hwang (T'oegye), the scholar covered in chapter three, also wrote an educational tract for women. Generally speaking, texts falling within this category can be divided into classical Chinese texts written in China, those written in Korea, and annotations of these texts. In addition, whereas the educational texts previously mentioned could have been used in the home or in an academy, because there were no government sponsored schools or private academies for educating women, texts for women would have only been used in the home. The more famous Chinese texts for women include: Instructions for Women, Women's Deportment, Tales of Faithful Wives, Four Books for Women, and Precepts for the Inner Quarters. Women's Deportment (Ydbdm, ^ ^ j , ^T^B)107) was written during the M i n g Dynasty (1368-1644) by Wang Hsiang and originally called Concise Guide to Women's Deportment. It puts forward a Confucian theory for educating women based on yin-yang theory (female-male) with the woman's role defined accordingly. It is divided into eleven sections and has examples from a number of classics. Precepts for the Inner Quarters (Nei-hsun, i-r]5-, Infill)108) was written by the mother of Sung-jong (WEM^Jo) in 1475 for educating women. It is made up of excerpts from Tales of Faithful Wives, 48 Elementary Learning ( r i i ^b 'h-fS), Female Education ( ° i j2 . , icifc), and Mydngsim-pogam (^i^^L^t, ^ '631^) . The text covers the four w o m e n l y acts of vir tue, speech, conduct, and effort or w o r k . Some of the topics i n c l u d e d i n the first section are: meals and eating, wha t to do i n the presence of men , and what to do w h e n entering a man 's r o o m . Section two covers h o w to be f i l ia l to one's parents w h i l e they are a l ive as w e l l as afterwards. Section three covers w e d d i n g ceremonies, manners, and material or articles needed for wedd ings . Section four deals w i t h relationships between husband and wife ; section f ive covers relations w i t h one's mother and mother- in- law. Section six focuses on h o w to main ta in a harmonious household , and section seven covers miscellaneous topics, such as h o w to be frugal and remain unsu l l i ed , h o w to greet guests, and he lp ing one's husband advise the throne. Copies of later edit ions of the text, 1573, 1611, and 1656, are st i l l extant but copies of the or ig ina l 1475 edi t ion are not. The Royal Precepts for the Inner Quarters (Ojae Nae-hun, °]^\}'^\^, PPM fulfil) was pub l i shed i n 1736. A Chinese vers ion by the same name was wri t ten d u r i n g the M i n g by a M i n g Empress . Instructions for Women (Nii-chieh, ixW) was wr i t ten d u r i n g the Later H a n (25-220) by Tsao Ta-chia (Pan Chao) (WAi?)- 1 0 9) She wrote the text for her daughters i n order to teach them the Cus toms requi red of mar r ied w o m e n . The text has seven chapters. The first chapter is o n humili ty— "Let a w o m a n modest ly y i e l d to others; let her respect others; let her put others first, herself last." 1 1 0) The second 49 chapter covers the relationships between husband and wife. Here this relationship is seen in cosmic terms— "The Way of husband and wife is intimately connected with Y i n and Yang, and relates the individual to gods and ancestors. Truly it is the great principle of Heaven and Earth, and the great basis of human relationships."111) The third chapter deals with respect and caution. The fourth chapter is on womanly qualifications, specifically the four qualities every woman should have— "womanly virtue, womanly words, womanly bearing, and womanly work". 1 1 2) The fifth chapter focuses on whole-hearted devotion, the sixth on implicit obedience, and the seventh chapter is on harmony with one's younger brothers- and sisters-in-law. The gist of chapter six on implicit obedience can be summarized in one line: "Nothing is better than an obedience which sacrifices personal opinion." 1 1 3) The emphasis in this section though is on obedience to one's parents-in-law, as can be seen in the following: "Let a woman not act contrary to the wishes and opinions of (her) parents-in-law about right and wrong; let her not dispute with them what is straight and what is crooked. Such (docility) may be called obedience which sacrifices personal opinion." 1 1 4) The last section deals with maintaining harmony with one's younger brothers-and sisters-in-law. Even here, the relationships with the parents-in-law is not lost: "In order for a wife to gain the love of her husband, she must win for herself the love of her parents-in-law. To win for herself the love of her parents-in-law, she must secure for herself the goodwill of younger brothers- and sisters-in-law."115) 50 N o t to be confused w i t h the t radi t ional Confuc ian Four Books, the Four Books for Women- Annotated ( ^ M ^ f l , izBWiBM)nQ was wri t ten by Y i D 6 k - s u (^fiWkW) on order of K i n g Yongjo (r. 1724-96) i n 1736. The Chinese Four Books for Women was made u p of selections f rom Instructions for Women (Nii-chieh, ^M,), wr i t ten d u r i n g the Later H a n (25-220) by Tsao Ta-chia (If±gt), the Analects for Women (<^^<>\, tctMa), wr i t ten by S u n g Jo-chao (?k'^ rlig) d u r i n g the T a n g (618-907), Precepts for the Inner Quarters (Ni i -hsun , | * J | J I | ) , wr i t t en by Queen Jen-hsiao-wen (t#"jJcllJp) d u r i n g the M i n g , and the Concise Guide to Women's Deportment (Ni i - fan chieh- lu , ^BSlii;) wr i t t en b y W a n g H s i a n g d u r i n g the M i n g Dynasty . These four texts were a l l wr i t t en by w o m e n for women! Both the Chinese vers ion of the Four Books for Women and Queen So-hye's vers ion of the Precepts for the Inner Quarters had K o r e a n annotations (onhae) made for w i d e r dis t r ibut ion , but i n m a k i n g the Royal Annotation of the Four Books for Women the arrangement of the selections was also changed: instead of Instructions for Women, Precepts for the Inner Quarters, Analects for Women, and Women's Deportment, the new arrangement was Instructions for Women, Analects for Women, Precepts for the Inner Quarters, and Women's Deportment. In other words , the placement of the m i d d l e two books, Precepts for the Inner Quarters and Analects for Women, was switched. The first section, Instructions for Women, addressed ra is ing w o m e n , m a r r y i n g them off, and their main ta in ing good relations i n their n e w household . 51 Handbook for Women's Quarters (Kyujung-yoram, T T ^ . S - ^ ' / S O ^ l l ft;)"?) W a s written in classical Chinese by T'oegye in 1544. The text is divided into five chapters. Chapter one deals with women's deportment, chapter two focuses on self-cultivation, chapter three address how to manage a household, chapter four addresses women's rules, and chapter five deals with filial acts. Like other texts for educating women during this period, this one also discusses the four actions of women (womanly virtue, speech, demeanor, and conduct) and generally promotes the same goals of what an educated woman should be like. Nor was T'oegye the only Korean scholar to write such a text. Song Si-y6l (1607-89), Y i D6k-su, and Y i D6k-mu also wrote texts for women. We have seen that the annotations of Confucian texts still required enough knowledge of Chinese that these texts would have been inaccessible to those outside the elite. The same might be said of some of the morality books dealing with one of the Five Relations, but by no means all. In some cases almost the opposite is true; a good example of this is the Samgang-haengsildo. In cases like this, even though the Chinese version of the story was appended, the emphasis was clearly on the Korean summation of the story that accompanied the illustration. The potential audience for some of the morality texts was thus far greater than that of the annotated classical Confucian texts, and they therefore played a much larger role in disseminating Confucian morals among commoners. 52 Even though the above texts do not form a complete list of all educational or moral texts used during the Choson Dynasty it nonetheless gives a representative sample. It also indicates some of the common concepts that influenced and shaped other, later texts. This can be seen in both educational and moral texts, for example, the four texts used to make up the Precepts for the Inner Quarters, the copying or adaptation of filial fables, and the material taken form other sources for Mydngsim Pogam and the Elementary Learning. The influence of the Confucian canon is readily apparent. As with the moral and educational texts above, the list of Confucian texts is not all-inclusive. Nonetheless, it shows that by the late 16th century, basic Confucian texts like the Four Books, and Classic of Filial Piety, were annotated using the Korean vernacular script, and the Elementary Learning even earlier. These annotations do not necessarily mean these texts become available to a significantly larger audience. Even with the annotations, the number of people who would be able to read these texts would still constitute a tiny fraction of the overall population, simply because of the assumed familiarity with Chinese characters. On the other hand, the number of texts for women, either in classical Chinese or in an annotated version, suggests that girls and women in Korea, at least among the elite, were also being educated, albeit not in government sponsored schools or private academies. In fact, the duties foisted upon women as part of running the household, which included overseeing the early 53 education of children, practically dictated a certain level of education. Moreover, even though the "Confucianization" of Korea may have increased the maginalization of a woman's social status, the fact that educational texts for women were being written by some of the leading Neo-Confucian scholars of the Dynasty at a time when Confucianism was supposedly at its height indicates that educating women was still seen as something important, if for no other reason than to instill in them the very ideas that justified marginalizing their status."8) Of all the texts outlined above only a few of those addressing self-cultivation w i l l be more fully examined here. T'oegye's Glossary of the Great Learning w i l l be examined in chapter three. In addition, parts of Yulgok's text, Important Methods for Eliminating Ignorance, w i l l be examined in chapter four. Equally important is a type of text not mentioned above— the diagrammatic handbook. These texts aim to introduce fundamental Neo-Confucian concepts and theories through a series of diagrams and accompanying explanations. There were of course Chinese scholars who used diagrams to explain ideas, for instance Chou Tun-i's essay on the "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate" or Ch'eng Lin-yin's diagram of Chang Tsai's "Western Inscription", the former laying the foundation for Neo-Confucian cosmology, the latter laying the foundation for Neo-Confucian ethics. Another important diagram was Ch'eng Fu-hsin's "Diagram of the Mind-and-Heart". A l l three of these diagrams were written by Chinese scholars. In the case of Twenty-four 54 Paragons of Filial Virtue w e have seen a combina t ion of both text and diagrams i n a single Chinese text used to promote a card ina l Confuc ian vi r tue , but other than this there does not seem to be either a general or thematic col lect ion of diagrams compi l ed by Chinese scholars for the purpose of exp la in ing Neo-Confuc ian concepts. 1 1 9) It is not that there were not compila t ions , for there were famous collections c o m p i l e d expressly for in t roduc ing Neo-Confuc i an concepts. Reflections on Things at Hand (jft©!!), compi l ed i n order to in t roduce students to the thought of the C h ' e n g brothers, C h a n g Tsai , and C h o u T u n - i , is a good example of this. Ano the r example is C h ' e n C h ' u n ' s Neo-Confucian Terms Explained (^fcil^it), w h i c h gives definit ions of and comments on basic Neo-Confuc ian terms. In short, w i t h Chinese scholars, the choice seems to be either one or t w o diagrams w i t h accompany ing explanations or larger compila t ions that do not inc lude diagrams. This d iagrammatic urge— the use of a series of diagrams and explanat ions to introduce fundamental Neo -Confuc i an ideas or themes— seems to be a par t icular ly Korean approach .^) T w o such texts w i l l be examined here— K w o n K u n ' s Diagrams and Explanations for Entering Upon Learning and T'oegye's Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. In the first case, K w o n ' s text attempts to p rov ide his readers w i t h a general in t roduct ion to the entire Confuc ian project. In general terms, T'oegye also examines the p r inc ipa l concepts, but, this h a v i n g been sa id , his focus is nonetheless o n self-cult ivation. T 'oegye's ideas w i l l be discussed i n chapter three. K w o n K u n ' s w i l l be examined i n chapter two. 55 IV. What's done and what's left undone. Our goal is to examine ideas of human nature and self-cultivation, including the cosmological assumptions undergirding both these concepts, in Korean Neo-Confucianism. This is obviously a large topic, the scope of which must be narrowed and focused. We w i l l do this in two ways, first, by limiting the number of scholars studied to three— K w o n Kirn, T'oegye, and Yulgok. The collected works, or, more accurately, even a small portion thereof for each of these Confucians can be, and in many cases has been, the subject of study resulting in articles, books, and theses. Given the breadth of their works, we wi l l , with one exception (material from the Four-Seven Debate), further narrow our focus by concentrating on their introductory texts and their commentaries on the Great Learning. For K w o n K u n this is done by looking at the first few diagrams of his Elementary Diagrams and Explanations for Entering Upon Learning. They explain the new Neo-Confucian cosmological concepts and ideas of human nature and self-cultivation to beginning students who were more familiar with earlier types of Confucianism. Of the work on K w o n K u n in English, more has been done by Michael Kalton than by anyone else. This includes two articles dealing with Kwon's place in the transition between the Koryo Dynasty and Choson Dynasty, specifically how his ideas helped shape early Korean Neo-Confucianism. Part of one article includes the translation of the 56 first diagram from K w o n Kun's Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning and some material from questions appended to that diagram. There is more in Korean but not a lot more. Of the three people studied here, the least amount of research has been conducted on Kwon. A conference on K w o n Kun held in 1982 resulted in a volume with a number of articles on a range of Kwon's thought, including his ideas on governing, literature, education, and philosophy. 1 2 1) The volume resulting from this conference also has a list highlighting important events in Kwon's life, though Pak Ch'on-gyu's article on Kwon's official career is much more detailed.1 2 2) There are also more specialized studies on Kwon's literary works and on the relation between Heaven and M a n in his thought, but the study closest to the approach taken here is Chong Ch'an-ju's thesis on Kwon's ideas of education.1 2 3) In the course of his study, Chong touches on some of the material in the second and third diagram of Kwon's Diagrams and Explanations for Entering Upon Learning, but does not go into great detail. The chapter on K w o n Kun in this study w i l l build on the work done by Kalton and Chong by completing the material on the first and second diagrams not done earlier and then examine Kwon's third diagram, the "Diagram of the Great Learning". It w i l l also provide background information as needed and explore the relationship between K w o n Kun's cosmology, on the one hand, and his ideas on self-cultivation, on the other. More work has been done on Y i Hwang (T'oegye) than any other Korean Neo-Confucian scholar. Although many aspects of 57 T'oegye's philosophy have been examined by others, most of the attention centers on what most people agree are his two most important works. First are works examining the development of his metaphysics in the Four-Seven Debate, a debate over the Four Beginnings and the Seven Emotions and their relation to principle and material force; second is his book, Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, a handbook for self-cultivation that was presented to the young king, right before T'oegye retired from office. Several articles in English on the Four-Seven Debate have been written, as have two books. One of the books, titled The Four-Seven Debate, by Michael Kalton, et al., translates pertinent material from the letters exchanged between Y i Hwang and K i Tae-sung (Kobong) that formed the first part of the debate and the letters between Y i I (Yulgok) and Song H o n (Ugye) that formed the latter part of the debate. Introductory and explanatory material is also included. This is the best work on the subject in English. The other book, The Korean Neo-Confucianism of Yi T'oegye and Yi Yulgok, by Edward Chung, gives a traditional analysis of the ideas put forward by the respective scholars and goes on to situate this within the overall development of Korean Confucianism, again from a traditional point of view. A good example of the Korean literature on T'oegye is Yoon Sa-sun's A Study on T'oegye's Philosophy, still a standard reference for T'oegye's thought.1 2 4) It provides insight into a wide range of important concepts in T'oegye's thought and has two long appendices that make up almost one-third of the book, one translating material on the Four-Seven Debate and 58 the other translating Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. This work has been translated by Michael Kalton as Critical Issues in Neo-Confucianism Thought: the Philosophy of Yi T'oegye.125) Keum Jang-tae's more recent book, T'oegye's Life and Thought (^Jl^] MW), does not give as detailed an analysis of T'oegye's philosophy as given in Y u n but, not surprising given the title, gives more biographical information on T'oegye and covers a wider range of topics. For instance, Keum Jang-tae devotes an entire chapter to T'oegye's criticism of Wang Yang-ming's thought.1 2 6) There have also been numerous studies on particular aspects of T'oegye's thought, too numerous to mention here. Some of these examine T'oegye's educational ideas or his support for private academies (sowdri), the former sometimes promoting the value of T'oegye's ethical ideas for modern Korean education.1 2 7) Chapter three examines key cosmological and psychological concepts and their relation to self-cultivation in T'oegye's thought, but, unlike the case with K w o n Kun where the focus was on one text, here these ideas are spread out over different texts. The material from the Four-Seven debate, though not introductory material, shows the intricate link between cosmological concepts and human nature; it also provides a basis of comparison with Kwon's ideas.128) Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning deals with concepts of cosmology and human nature, then goes on to give specific advice on self-cultivation. In one sense it is as broad as K w o n Kun's text in the scope of the material covered, everything from cosmology down to self-cultivation, but its focus is much narrower in that it aims to provide the K i n g 59 with a handbook focusing on self-cultivation, whereas K w o n K u n tries to show the relationship between classical Confucian concepts and the new Neo-Confucian vision. Examining T'oegye's Glossary of the Great Learning reveals three things. Like the questions asked by students in Kwon's text, it indicates where students were having problems and, related to this, indicates topics T'oegye thought needed additional comment. It also provides a contrast on how students at the academy were taught as opposed to how the King was taught (or at least different ways material was presented). Besides the material on Yulgok included in books on the Four-Seven Debate mentioned above, there have been a number of articles dealing with his thought in this debate as well as the studies on other aspects of his thought, for instance, Yulgok's political ideas or those on the community compact.1 2 9) Furthermore, Young-Chan Ro has also written a small book outlining some of the key ideas in Yulgok's thought.1 3 0) As is the case with T'oegye, a great deal of research has been done on Yulgok by Korean scholars. Yulgok is also noted for the ideas he put forward in the Four-Seven Debate and for his major work, Essentials of Sage Learning, but, unlike T'oegye, Yulgok's political ideas are as likely to be included in general discussions of his philosophy. 1 3 1) As important as studies concentrating on either T'oegye or Yulgok are numerous works in Korean comparing the two. Most of these compare some combination of their ideas on the cosmological and psychological concepts in the 60 Four-Seven debate, their main works, Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning and Essentials of Sage Learning, or important concepts, for instance, 'mindfulness' in T'oegye's thought and 'sincerity' in Yulgok's. 1 3 2) Chapter 4 on Yulgok includes the material from the Four-Seven debate for the same reason it is included in the chapter on T'oegye, i . e., for the cosmological and psychological concepts covered and as a comparative base for examining the ideas of both T'oegye and K w o n Kun. Although it does not deal with the cosmological and psychological concepts undergirding ideas of human nature as is done in some of the other texts, Yulgok's introductory text, Important Methods for Eliminating Ignorance, is important because it gives specific advice on self-cultivation; it also makes a good comparison with the last part of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. Only one chapter from Important Methods for Eliminating Ignorance has been translated into English, chapter 4 on reading texts.133) This is dealt with in the introduction to Important Methods, but the material in the forward and the first three chapters examined here has not been translated into English. So much has been done on T'oegye and Yulgok and their ideas in the Four-seven debate that nothing new w i l l come from the sections on the Four-Seven debate in chapters three and four, but the material is simply too important to ignore. Even when studies deal with Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning they do not show how this text fits in with other introductory texts; the same can be said of Yulgok's 61 Important Methods for Eliminating Ignorance. In addition, although T'oegye's "Diagram of the Great Learning" has been compared to Kwon's there has not been a detailed examination of T'oegye's revisions; that w i l l be done here. Moreover, the full extent of T'oegye's modifications to Ch'eng Fu-hsin's "Diagram of the Mind-and-Heart Combining and Governing the Nature and the Feelings", usually ignored in studies on the Ten Diagrams, w i l l also be examined. Finally, next to nothing has been done on T'oegye's Glossary of the Great Learning; important passages from this text w i l l also be translated and analyzed. One result of examining philosophical ideas and introductory texts seems to be that despite differences in metaphysics (and psychology), the basic emphasis of these scholars for beginning students is restraining oneself (i. e., you must discipline the body before you can discipline the mind). It seems that while scholars have either focused on philosophical ideas (sometimes including self-cultivation) or on specific texts, or on education, the approach taken here w i l l not only build on and advance the work done by others on K w o n Kun, T'oegye, and Yulgok, it w i l l also broaden the perspective of how ideas of self and self-cultivation developed over the first part of the Choson Dynasty. 62 ENDNOTES 1) David Kalupahana, A History of Buddhist Philosophy, p. 71. 2) Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, p. 455. 3) De Bary, Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Mind-and Heart, p. 3. 4) Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, p. 463. 5) Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, pp. 460 & 468. 6) Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, p. 460. 7) Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, p. 497. 8) Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, p. 519. 9) Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, p. 519. 10) De Bary, Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Heart-and-Mind, p. 8. 11) De Bary, Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Heart-and-Mind, p. 4. 12) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, p. 6. 13) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, p. 9. 14) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, pp. 25-28. 15) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, pp. 29-36. 16) Taylor, "Chu Hsi and Meditation", p. 49. 17) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, pp. 37-42. 18) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, p. 49. 19) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, p. 50. 63 20) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, p. 114. 21) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, p. 130. 22) Duncan discusses the lingering influence of Ancient-Style (guweri) Confucianism in his book, Origins of the Choson Dynasty, (particularly pages 249-265) and in an earlier article, "Confucianism in the Late Koryo and Early Choson", particularly pp. 86-95. 23) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, pp. 136-37. 24) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, pp. 202-3. 25) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendancy, pp. 216-19. 26) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendency, p. 231. The reasons for the ban are discussed by Tillman on pp. 139-144. The gist of the matter is political intrigue at court that increased after Kuang-tsung's (r. 1189-94) succession after Hsiao-tsung's abdication; particularly the former's refusal to lead mourners at the latter's funeral. Nor did things abate early in Ning-tsung's (1194-1224) reign where the combination of continued moralizing aimed at the throne by some of Tao-hsueh group and accusations by opponents of the group that they were a "faction" culminated in a ban against the group in 1195. 27) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendency, p. 233. 28) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendency, p. 233. 29) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendency, p. 238 and de Bary, Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy, pp. 10-13; the quote is from de Bary, pp. 10-11. 30) de Bary, Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy, p. 12. 31) de Bary, Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy, p. 12. 32) T'oegye noted differences between the two in a diagram, "Diagram of 64 Differences between Chu's and Huang's Explanation [of the Relation Between yin-yang and the Eight Diagrams" (^TWRM^fflM)- This is actually made up of two diagrams, one on Chu, the other on Huang; they appear in mm {Wiwmm> vol. 4 , P P . 4 2 4 - 2 5 . 33) Tillman, Confucian Discourse and Chu Hsi's Ascendency, p. 241. De Bary deals with Chen at length in his Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Mind-and-Heart. 34) W. T. Chan, "Chu Hsi and Yuan Neo-Confucianism", p. 210. 35) W. T. Chan, "Chu Hsi and Yuan Neo-Confucianism", p. 210. 36) W. T. Chan, "Chu Hsi and Yuan Neo-Confucianism", p. 212. 37) W. T. Chan, "Chu Hsi and Yuan Neo-Confucianism", p. 211. 38) W. T. Chan, "Chu Hsi and Yuan Neo-Confucianism", p. 214. 39) Tu. Wei-ming, "Towards an understanding of Liu Yin's Confucian Eremitism", page 256. 40) Chan, W. T., "The Ch'eng-Chu School of Early Ming", pp. 29 and 32-33. 41) Chan, W. T., "The Ch'eng-Chu School of Early Ming", pp. 29-30. 42) Chan, W. T., "The Ch'eng-Chu School of Early Ming", p. 33. 43) de Bary, Message of the Mind in Neo-Confucianism, page 75. 44) Chan, W. T., "The Ch'eng-Chu School of Early Ming", pp. 34-35. 45) Chan, W. T., "The Ch'eng-Chu School of Early Ming", p. 35. 46) Chan, W. T., "The Ch'eng-Chu School of Early Ming", p. 37. 47) Chan, W. T., "The Ch'eng-Chu School of Early Ming", p. 35. 65 48) Chan, W. T„ "The.Ch'eng-Chu School of Early Ming", p. 38. 49) Chan, W. T., "The Ch'eng-Chu School of Early Ming", p. 42. 50) Philip Ivanhoe, Confucian Moral Self Cultivation, p. 46. 51) Philip Ivanhoe, Confucian Moral Self Cultivation, p. 46. 52) Philip Ivanhoe, Confucian Moral Self Cultivation, p. 46. Neo-Confucian ideas of self-Cultivation are also addressed extensively in Metzger's Escape from Predicament. 53) Philip Ivanhoe, Confucian Moral Self Cultivation, chps. 4 and 5 deal with self-cultivation in the thought of Chu Hsi and Wang Yang-ming, respectively. Ivanhoe also discusses Wang Yang-ming's ideas of self-cultivation in Ethics in the Confucian Tradition, though here - the comparison is with Mencius. Chu's and Wang's ideas on a number of subjects are also dealt with in Metzger, Escape From Predicament, especially, pp. 60-81 and pp. 93-160. 54) Philip Ivanhoe, Confucian Moral Self Cultivation, p. 49. 55) Philip Ivanhoe, Confucian Moral Self Cultivation, p. 49. 56) Rodney Taylor, "Chu Hsi and meditation", pp. 46-48. 57) Rodney Taylor, "Chu Hsi and meditation", p. 53. 58) Rodney Taylor, "Chu Hsi and meditation", p. 53. 59) Heinrich Busch, "The Tung-lin Academy", p. 126. Busch deals with the Academy in broader scope and also examines Ku Hsien-ch'eng. Kao P'an-lung is the focus of Rodney Taylor's book, The Cultivation of Sagehood as a Religious Goal in Neo-Confucianism. 60) Donald Munro, Images of Human Nature, p. 86. 61) This aspect of the mind-and-heart is also discussed in Munro. 62) Rodney Taylor, The Cultivation of Sagehood as a Religious Goal in Neo-Confucianism, p. 201. 66 63) Ivanhoe, Confucian Moral Self Cultivation, p. 49. 64) Ch'oe Y6ng-ho examines the academies in his article, "Private Academies and the State in Late Choson Korea". 65) "Buddhism and Education in Tang Times", by Eric Zurcher, in Neo-Confucian Education: The Formative Stage, William Theodore de Bary, ed., page 19. 66) 'km, mm$i mm w%, p. 5 4 8 ; m ^ ^ ^ M ^ f r ^ ^ l W S ^ , R.O.K., 1979, v. 21, p. 876, and Richard Rutt, "The Chinese Learning and Pleasures of a Country Scholar", Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, v. 36, 1960, pp. 1-100, especially pp. 33-35 and 66-75. A l l quotes from the text are those of George Rainer and appear in Rutt's article, pages 69-75. As thought needed, some of Rainer's translations have been slightly modified. 67) The quote is taken from Legge's translation of the Great Learning. 68) " ^ § - ^ , mtk'JtW, in I r ^ ^ - W W r ^ , v. , p. 228; " ^ § - ^ # £ n, Mm'JtWmM", in tt^&M^A}^, V. , p. 229, and Richard Rutt, "The Chinese Learning and Pleasures of a Country Scholar", especially pp. 88-100. Quotations, sometimes modified, from the text are taken from Rutt's article, pp. 92-100. 69) mmt nm m%, p. 5 4 9 - 5 0 ; m&" in t ^ ^ s w w r v. 17, p. 156-57 and " 4 l ^ - f r ^ f f i & S ^ " in v. 14, p. . 7 0 ) mm%. nm w%, PP. 5 4 0 - 4 1 ; "&%-T}S\, B \ m ^ " , m -g-^-rf l HI]^zj-A]-^, v. 25, p. 694. Also see Gari Ledyard, The Korean Language Reform of 1446, pp. 382-89. 71) Gari Ledyard, The Korean Language Reform of 1446, p. 385. 72) Gari Ledyard, The Korean Language Reform of 1446, pp. 386-89. 73) " A H # ^ - < a « f l , mm^mm" in f r ^ ^ - M ^ ^ r ^ , v. 10, p. 864. 7 4 ) mm$z nm m%, p. 554; " t ^ ^ n , mmmw m ^ ^ E - S H %$tX\Q, v. 5, p. 770. 7 5 ) mm$i mm wvt, v- ^ m-mm" m ^ ^ ^ - M a f l ^ A } ^ , v. 7, p. 769. 67 76) « n , mm$L mm m%, p. 554; " « < y * f l , ±mmm" m ^ ^ ^ M a i j j z f A ] - ^ , v. 6, p. 522. 77) %mm, mm$z %n w%, P- 554; " ^ - g - < a * f l , ^mmm" m ^ ^ ^ - S H * § 3 \ - A } # , v. 21, pp. 127-28. 78) " A M ^ 5 ] , in ^ W ^ s ^ ^ A } ^ , v . 10, p. 864. 79) Information on the Elementary Learning is based on Theresa Kelleher's essay, "Back to Basics: Chu Hsi's Elementary Learning (Hsiao-hsiieh)", which appears in Neo-Confucianism Education, de Bary, ed., pp. 219-251. 80) Kelleher, "Back to Basics: Chu Hsi's Elementary Learning (Hsiao-hsiieh)", p. 223. 81) Kelleher, "Back to Basics: Chu Hsi's Elementary Learning (Hsiao-hsiieh)", p. 225. 82) Kelleher, "Back to Basics: Chu Hsi's Elementary Learning (Hsiao-hsiieh)", p. 226. 83) Kelleher, "Back to Basics: Chu Hsi's Elementary Learning (Hsiao-hsiieh)", p. 227. 84) Kelleher, "Back to Basics: Chu Hsi's Elementary Learning (Hsiao-hsiieh)", pp. 233-34. 85) Kelleher, "Back to Basics: Chu Hsi's Elementary Learning (Hsiao-hsiieh)", pp. 237-38. 86) Kelleher, "Back to Basics: Chu Hsi's Elementary Learning (Hsiao-hsiieh)", p. 240. 87) Kelleher, "Back to Basics: Chu Hsi's Elementary Learning (Hsiao-hsiieh)", p. 241. 88) " ^ ^ s i ] , / j N P i g / 5 ? " in ^ ^ £ 5 H H J } 2 M - ^ v. 12, pp. 800-801. The best work on Korean annotations of the Elementary Learning is ° l < S i l , " < / \ ^ > o ] - ^ o j i cfl*> mm%" m *KI^-&, 1^5^  mm * K I « S , s e pt. 3 0 , 1998, (A comparative study of the annotation of the Elementary Learning). 89) The best work on different annotations of the Elementary Learning in 68 Korea is probably °)<$$\, "< /J^>S] BM6^ W \kWR%" in A}5 ^ MM t R l ^ A ^ f ^ , Sept. 30, 1998, (A comparative study of the annotation of the Elementary Learning), pp. 208-09. 90) mmt =$tn w%, p. 554; "M<a*L ^mmm" m tffljzfAf^ v. 24, p. 642 and "The Education of Daughters in the Mid-Ch'ing Period", by Susan Mann in Education and Society in Late Imperial China, 1600-1900, pp. 19-49, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1994. 91) Susan Mann, "The Education of Daughters in the Mid-Ch'ing Period", p. 40, note 6. More details on the Ladies' Classic of Filial Piety can be found in Julia K. Murray, "Didactic Art for Women: The Ladies' Classic of Filial Piety", in Flowering in the Shadows: Women in the history of Chinese and Japanese Painting, Weidner, Martha Smith, ed. pp. 27-53. 92) mmWik" m ^ W ^ s ^ W r ^ L v. 1, p. 802, BmWsk in and mmWtk ($f5cP), translated into Korean by £ J § 7 G , W 3 v Seoul, 1994.. 93) Fritz Vos, "A Chinese book in Korean disguise", in Twenty Parers on Korean Studies Offered to Professor W. E. Skillend, Cahiers Destudes Coreennes, 5, College de France, 1989, pp. 327-350, and TO3t$T in f r ^ ^ S r s H ^ ^ r ^ , v 7 / p 849 94) Vos, "A Chinese book in Korean disguise", p. 329. 95) Vos, "A Chinese book in Korean disguise", p. 343. 96) Fritz Vos, "A Chinese book in Korean disguise", pp. 329-330. 97) Fritz Vos, "A Chinese book in Korean disguise", p. 331. 98) Vos, "A Chinese book in Korean disguise", p. 340. 99) Vos, "A Chinese book in Korean disguise", p. 341. 100) Vos, "A Chinese book in Korean disguise", p. 341. 101) ffife, Ocean of Words. 102) Woodside, Vietnam and the Chinese Model, p. 11. 103) Woodside, Vietnam and the Chinese Model, p. 11. 69 104) W?-:M, Ocean of Words. 105) "M^, m^W in ^ ^ ^ ^ S r c f l ^ ^ A l - ^ , v . 25, p. 662. .106) This is based on the following. W&$1 i tf4 PP- 523-24, 530-31, and 535-36; " ^ j - a j ^ s . , ^MViW in - S H ^ ^ S * A H - W r ^ , v. 11, pp. 277-78, r.lfotmm", in ^ B J t f W ^ v . 17, p. 789, " . S L M ^ J E , S f f ^ y K l i T , in ^ ^ ^ W - W r ^ , v . 15, pp. 858-59, jam&^mimm" m * r ^ ^ - W - w i - ^ , v. 7 , pp. 173-74. 107) "irf^iAl- W in JlojA}^, fc)M\, ( f # » f ± , Seoul, 1999. 108) «#4 #fk, PP- 520-21; "ifl-£ ftM" in ^ P / # ^ J ^ S » ^ v. 5, pp. 598-99. A more detailed study is 0 l 7 ] - £ - , " r ^ ^ j ollcfl^f^" in T T W , vol. 10, 1987, pp. 1-16. 109) Information on Instructions for Women is based on Pan Qiao: Foremost Woman Scholar of China, by Nancy Lee Swan, The Century Company, New York, 1932, especially pp. 82-99. 110) A l l quotes from the text or taken from Nancy Lee Swan, Pan Chao: Foremost Woman Scholar of China, pp. 82-90. 111) Nancy Lee Swan, Pan Chao: Foremost Woman Scholar of China, p. 84. 112) Nancy Lee Swan, Pan Chao: Foremost Woman Scholar of China, p. 86. 113) Nancy Lee Swan, Pan Chao: Foremost Woman Scholar of China, p. 88. 114) Nancy Lee Swan, Pan Chao: Foremost Woman Scholar of China, p. 88. 115) Nancy Lee Swan, Pan Chao: Foremost Woman Scholar of China, p. 88. 116) " ^ A H o } 5 f l , ^mmWM" in ^ ^ £ 5 ^ 3 h 4 # , v. 15, pp. 124-25, and "The Education of Daughters in the Mid-Ch'ing Period", by Susan Mann in Education and Society in Late Imperial China, 1600-1900, pp. 19-49, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1994. 117) " f l - ^ i L t , H + ^Sr in ^ ^ W ^ W r ^ , v. 4, p. 67. 118) A n excellent work on the "Confucianization" of Korea is Martina Deuchler's The Confucian Transformation of Korea. 70 119) One possible exception might be the Yuan scholar Ch'eng Fu-hsin (1279-1368) who wrote a diagrammatic text on the Four Books ( H ^ ^ f f l ) . 120) It might be worth seeing whether one might find something similar in some of the Taoist texts. 121) MmttBffl4\ m%, 5 1 # £ (mm), ed., Seoul, 1989. 122) wl#if , € e W , Dec. 1964, pp. 1-50. 123) (m\W), m & 2 ) icWSiS m%, Ph.D. thesis, Dept. of Education, Konguk University, 1990. Shin, Han Cheol's thesis, W , looks at Kwon's approach to literature while Kim, Ho-Deok looks at the relationship between Man and Heaven in his thesis, M ; 35-^| ^ ^ l ^ r ^ l - ^ - *3 124) Korea University Press, 1980. 125) The translation leaves out the material on the Four-Seven Debate and Ten Diagrams because this material was about to become available in English translation. 126) 5 \ 7 $ ° ] xjtf, (Keum Jang-tae, T'oegye's Life and Thought), Seoul National University Press, Seoul, 1998. 127) Examples of the former include SJTfl^l S V - R M I cflfV <£^, by ^ 1r (Studies on T'oegye's Educational Thought, by Yu, Dukjoon), 5]?i|-2] jaL-^-A]-^-°I1 9$.~T L, by - ^ ^ N r (A Study of T'oegye's Educational Thought, by Song, Nak-kon) which focuses on the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, and 5] 7)1-2] ^ ^ H ^ n 1 / by 01^"T?" (Studies on T'oegye's Ethical Thought, by Lee, Chang-kyu) which focuses on mindfulness. 128) Although most comparisons involving T'oegye focus on Yulgok, there are a few comparing his ideas with those of Kwon Kun in %$VtW- (SL^TT), ed., WMHM'fM^ ¥T9L, 3L&*r, Seoul, 1989 (To, Kwang-sun, ed., Research on Kwon Kun's Thought, Kyomun-sa). 129) Sakai Tadao has written on the community compact in "Yi Yulgok and the Community Compact"; Shin, Hye-Kyoung examines Yulgok's ideas on private academies in relation to his educational thought in her M A thesis, Yi Yulgok's Theory of Private Academies (^MM, ^HfS] Wfcm). 71 130) Ro, Young-Chan, The Korean Neo-Confucianism of Yi Yulgok, SUNY, 1989. 131) Hwang, Chun-yon, for instance, examines all three topics in his Understanding the of Philosophy Yulgok (^Hr"?!/ - i " ^ - ^ ^ f ^ °l*fl); Hwang, Ui-dong, on the other hand, concentrates on Yulgok's philosophy and then goes on to look at Yulgok's political and social ideas in his book, Studies on Yulgok's Philosophy (^SW^W\%). 132) Tsai Maosung, A Comparative Study of T'oegye and Yulgok's Philosophy, Sung Kyun Kwan Univeristy Press [WMh, - i " ^ ^ w l H ^ ^ , cflSJ-a. #^-^-), Seoul, 1995, takes this approach; Song, Byung-kwan (^^^-) compares their ideas on education is his M A thesis, Sj^]^r Sr^-^l M^-^j-^ 133) Chapter four was translated by JaHyun Kim Haboush and appears in Sources of the Korean Tradition. 72 Chapter 2 K w o n K u n and the Framework of Korean Neo-Confucianism K w o n K u n (TSES WM, 1352-1409) was one of the most important Neo-Confucian scholars in Korea during the transition from the Koryo Dynasty (iiJH 918-1392), during which Buddhism flourished, to the Choson Dynasty (fiJ,P, 1392-1910), which was founded on Neo-Confucian ideology.i) K w o n was a student of Y i Saek 3§it, 1328-96), a wel l respected scholar who passed the civil service examination in Koryo at the age of fourteen; then, during a six-year stay in Yuan China (jt, 1271-1368), Y i went on to pass the next two higher civi l service examinations administered by the Yuan court.2) After returning to Korea, Y i Saek became the leading figure of a political faction loyal to the Koryo Dynasty. K w o n Kun, like his teacher, was also closely associated with the loyalist faction, and his ties to this group resulted in his exile in 1389, after he vigorously defended Y i Sungin (o]^<y, ^ ^ f Z 1349-92), himself "a leading loyalist minister." Kwon returned from exile in late 1390 and then retired to the village of Yangch'on rift).3) He took the name of this village as his pen name. Although he had originally planned to remain in retirement after returning from exile, but all this changed after "a personal interview with [the new King] Y i Songgye convinced him to devote his talents and prestige to the new Dynasty. "4) As is the case with most Confucian scholars, K w o n Kun's position as a Confucian scholar is based on his textual studies.5) A n d it is on 73 these studies that his philosophy is based. Although he wrote a number of textual studies, only two of his major works are still extant— Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning (APIUHft) and Superficial Reflections on the Five Classics (EfM^JLIw)-6) Though no longer extant, we still know something of his other works. K w o n K u n was influential in developing ritual studies in Korea. He developed his explanation of ritual based on the basic assumption that mindfulness was a fundamental characteristic of ritual.?) Related to this, he emphasized the role of ritual in maintaining social order.8) In addition, Kwon Kun rearranged the Book of Music into two parts. The first part he took as a classic, the second part was seen as commentary. He also related the mind-and-heart and the heavenly-endowed nature to ritual and music. For Kwon the mind-and-heart gives rise to music; heavenly-endowed nature institutes or enacts ritual.9) Both ritual and music, as well as governing and punishing, were seen as a means of controlling or channeling human desires.^) In his two surviving textual studies Kwon applies the theory of substance and function to the Four Books (Analects, Mencius, the Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean) and the Five Classics (Book of History, Book of Poetry, Book of Rites, the Spring and Autumn Annals, the Book of Changes). K w o n K u n analyzes the Book of Changes using the same framework used to explain the other works. In this case, K w o n used the substance-function structure to clarify the correspondence between the nature of the mind-and-heart and heavenly principle within human nature. In so doing he asserted that the only difference between the sage and other people is the type of material force (ch'i) each receives. 74 It is only the turbidity of their ch'i that keeps people from realizing that Heaven and M a n combine as one.") The substance-function dichotomy has a long history in Chinese thought, one usually traced back to Wang P i (226-249), a scholar usually associated with neo-Taoism.12) David Gedalicia traces how the relationship between the concepts 'substance', 'function', and Supreme Ultimate developed in Chu Hsi's thought from the time of Chu's initial divergence from Wang Pi to his final position. ' In doing so he notes four stages of development, each stage another attempt at grappling with the same persistent problem— how to explain the relationship between the transcendent and the immanent. . It is the final stage of Chu's position that concerns us here. Whereas in the third stage Chu Hs i identified substance with the Supreme Ultimate, which he had already identified with principle, and identified function with activity and quiescence, which in turn relied on principle for existence, in the fourth and final stage of development Chu makes the Supreme Ultimate, still identified with principle, "more transitive and imminent in initiating the process of activity and quiescence".13) He accomplishes this by ascribing two characteristics to the Supreme Ultimate. First, the Supreme Ultimate "operates creatively within activity and quiescence by springing them or 'stepping on the trigger,' yet becomes neither entangled in nor circumscribed by these alterations of matter which it triggers...." The reason for this is that the Supreme Ultimate "necessarily transcends the modes of activity and quiescence and preserves its discrete identity."14) Gedalecia goes on to point out that in developing this position, Chu Hs i was ultimately drawn away from the substance-function framework.1 5) In describing and explaining the Supreme Ultimate Kwon Kun 75 follows Chu Hsi 's position, but in the former's Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning, the substance-function framework is still very important in explaining Confucian or Neo-Confucian concepts, for instance his use of this framework to explain the relationship between the Five Classics. As an explanatory device, the substance-function framework does not simply fade away in Kw6n Kun's thought. Given the importance of this concept in Kwon's work, more information on the relationship between these two concepts is needed. Wing-tsit Chan notes that although "Chu Hs i never wrote a comprehensive or systematic treatise on the subject" of substance and function, six general principles can be gleaned from his work on the relationship between these two concepts.16) One is that substance and function are different; another is that these two are not separate although, in referring to the latter characteristic, Chu Hs i pointed out that, "With reference to substance and function, there must be substance before there can be function."17) A third characteristic of the pair is that substance and function come from the same source. Here, though, Chan is quick to point out that when Chu says "the same source", he "does not mean the same origin; it means that there is function in substance and substance in function. In other words, substance and function involve each other."18) Another characteristic is that everything has its own substance and function. The fifth characteristic is that substance and function have no fixed position. Finally, substance unifies while function differentiates; in other words, even though things may be the same in substance, they may differ in function.19) Another way sometimes used to explain substance and function is in terms of latency, being unactivated, unmanifest, or unrealized, on the one hand, and activation, 76 application, manifestation, or realization, on the other hand. There were two versions of Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning, one with twenty-six diagrams and the other with forty.20) The version with twenty-six diagrams is used in this study. The three diagrams examined here deal with fundamental Neo-Confucian cosmological and psychological concepts and are common to both versions of the text. N o matter which version is used, K w o n Kirn's "Diagrams reflect the elements of Neo-Confucianism that stood out most clearly and impressively in the minds of Koreans at the critical point in their history," namely, during the intial phases of establishing a Dynasty based on Neo-Confucian ideas, when most scholars were used to earlier forms of Confucianism that prevailed during the Koryo. 2 1) A l l the major concepts of Neo-Confucianism are addressed within its pages. More than this, K w o n K u n deals with traditional material antedating the development of Neo-Confucianism, and he does so in a way that confirms the continuity between the older tradition and the newer material. In short, Kwon's Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning attempts to put forward and explain key elements from the entire Confucian tradition, but he does so from a Neo-Confucian point of view. In importance and worth Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning deserves exhaustive study. Our purpose here, however, is more modest. It is, in fact, threefold. First, we w i l l confirm that Kwon Kirn aims to present the entire Confucian tradition to his students by drawing on material ranging from as far back as China's mythic past right up to Chu Hsi 's commentaries on the Four Books, but that he does so with a Neo-Confucian focus. Second we w i l l place Diagrams and 77 Explanations for Entering upon Learning, essentially a diagrammatic handbook, within the overall context of educational texts that were outlined in the introduction. Third, and most important for our study of self and self-cultivation, we w i l l give a detailed examination of the first few diagrams in Kwon's text in order to show the cosmological foundations and assumptions undergirding the Neo-Confucian project as it was introduced to Korea and to show the relationship of these assumptions to Kwon's ideas of self and self-cultivation. The diagrams in the text can, in a sense, be seen as independent diagrams addressing a particular topic. O n the other hand, given that some of them deal with the same topic (e. g. ritual or cosmology), one would not be unjustified in dividing parts of the text up into thematic sections. The first diagram, "Heaven and Man, M i n d and Nature, Combine as One," provides an overview of the most important cosmological and psychological concepts in Neo-Confucianism. It is, as it were, an anthropo-cosmological snapshot of the Neo-Confucian universe. The second diagram, "Diagrammatic Analysis of Heaven, Humanity, the Mind-and-Heart, and the Nature," is actually a series of diagrams dealing with each of these topics individually. The first diagram in the series of diagrams making up the second diagram is then followed by a number of questions and answers addressing with specific concepts dealt with in the diagrams up to this point. These diagrams and questions and answers can be seen as constituting a section illuminating the fundamental concepts of Neo-Confucianism. A l l this material w i l l be translated and explained below. The next two diagrams deal with two of the Four Books— the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean. The first of these, the "Diagram of 78 the Great Learning," illustrates the key concepts of the text and provides a diagrammatic summary outlining the basic steps of Neo-Confucian self-cultivation. The latter diagram is titled "Diagrammatic Analysis of the First Chapter of the Doctrine of the Mean"; it deals with one of the most important documents dealing with Neo-Confucian psychology. Each of these diagrams is also followed by a series of questions and answers. The material dealing with the Great Learning w i l l also be translated and analyzed below. The next three diagrams can be seen as a set or section dealing with ritual, since all three deal with some aspect of ritual performances, although each could stand on its own. The first diagram in this section ("Diagram for high officials placing spirit tablets for five ancestors", HSl lEJf f fP 'B '^f f i ) gives the layout and procedures for feudal lords carrying out ancestral rites at ancestral shrines or halls. Specifically, it shows the arrangement and proper placement of the two rows of spirit tablets in the ancestral shrine. The next diagram ("Diagram for the triennial sacrifice", tf#/fi^HI) deals with the layout for the triennial sacrifice to the ancestors. The third diagram ("Diagram [for the placement of tablets] in a room", — 'H^lil) illustrates the way the spirit-tablets and the person offering the sacrifice should be facing within the room. As in the above sections, there are also questions and answers appended at the end of this section. The next section turns again to texts, this time to the Analects, Mencius, and the Five Classics. The Analects and Mencius are both dealt with in one unillustrated page of text giving an extremely terse highlight. In contrast to the apparent short shrift in dealing with these two books, the next two diagrams illustrate and explain the relationship of the Five 79 Classics using the substance-function framework. The first of these two diagrams is titled, "Diagram of the Five Classics as One in Terms of Substance and Function" (SSffil-R—-(D). The second of these diagrams is titled "Diagram of the Five Classics Each Having Their O w n Respective Substance and Function" (S lg^^ f l i f c l f f l ) . The difference between these two diagrams is a matter of detail. The former gives a rough schematic with the Book of Changes at one pole associated with substance and gives the Spring and Autumn Chronicles at the other pole associated with function. The latter diagram lists all .five classics in a column and then notes the attributes associated with each Classic in terms of substance and function. The next diagram ("Diagrammatic analysis of the Chou and Shang divisions of the year, ^rEjEEW.M^'Wi.M) is divided into two sections, with the upper part dealing with the four seasons in relation to the Heavenly cycle and the lower part dealing with the twelve months in relation to the kingly (i. e., earthly) cycle. The "Heavenly cycle" refers to the division of the year into four seasons by the Shang, while the "earthly cycle" refers to the division of the year into months by the Chou. The next two diagrams deal with two of the traditionally oldest writings influencing early Confucian thought— the "River Diagram" and the "Lo Writing". The "River Diagram" was important because of the influence it had on early cosmology and numerology. The Diagram "was allegedly borne out of the Yellow River on the back of a dragon-horse and contained the Eight Trigrams or the data from which the trigrams were constructed. It was dated to the time of the mythical culture hero Fu-shi, the 'Animal Tamer', himself."22) In his diagram ("Diagram of the 80 River Diagram and the mutual production cycle of the Five phases", Mliffl HfTf f i ^E^ tU) , K w o n Kun discusses the "River Diagram", the mutual production cycle of the Five Phases, and the relationship of one to the other. The "Lo Writing" is traditionally attributed to a turtle that emerged from the Lo River with the diagram on its back, during the legendary reign of King Y u (att. c. 2000 BC) when he was controlling the floods.23) Whereas Kwon Kun related the mutual production cycle of the Five Phases to the "River Diagram", in his diagram dealing wi th the "Lo Writing" ("Diagram of the Lo River and the mutual conquest cycle of the Five phases",. ^ I t E f j f f i M ^ f f l ) Kwon examines its relationship to the mutual conquest cycle of the Five Phases. The next section deals with the Supreme Ultimate, the development of the y in yang cosmology, and the 64 hexagrams. The first of these diagrams ("Diagram of the Great Ultimate giving rise to y in and yang, the four digrams, and the three trigrams", ^ H ^ M 1 ^ [ 3 ^ A # ^Hl) shows the Supreme Ultimate giving rise to yin and yang and their development into the Four Forms (i. e., four digrams) and then the development of these four into the Eight Trigrams. In doing so, it also shows the eight Chinese characters that correspond to the first eight trigrams in the Book of Changes.24) In addition, the relationship between the Four Forms and the use of the Eight Trigrams in divination is explicit. It is also worth noting that Chu Hsi , in response to a student's question on the subject, also drew a very simple diagram showing the diffusion of the Great Ultimate into y in and yang and then into Four Forms and Eight Trigrams.2 5) Kwon Kun's diagram, however, is much richer in that it provides much more detail on the way yin and yang develop as the progression unfolds. The next diagram ("Diagram of the 81 Round and Square of the Prior Heaven", ^ A ^ f & n ^ W ) is circular and deals with the effusion of the Supreme Ultimate into the Eight Trigrams and then on into the 64 hexagrams. In this case though, it is not the hexagrams themselves that are drawn but the Chinese characters denoting them. The third diagram dealing with these concepts represents the 64 possible combinations of the first Eight Trigrams. This is done by creating a vertical column, right down the middle of the Diagram, made up of the eight Chinese characters associated with the Eight Trigrams; flanking each of the eight characters in the vertical column are branches that go off horizontally to both sides and connect the character in the vertical column to one of the eight characters which are repeated in the horizontal rows, i . e., four characters on each side. Two other diagrams deal with the Eight Trigrams; both are octagonal. In the first diagram, the Eight Trigrams form an octagon that has been arranged in what has been called the "prior Heaven" sequence.26) The other Diagram is similar in construction except that it follows the "later Heaven" sequence.2?) The next three diagrams can be taken together as a section dealing with cosmology, numerology, and the development of y in and yang, though these diagrams could also be seen as a continuation of the information presented in the previous section. The first of these diagrams (^Wa/\fLM3z*LM', "Diagram of six as mature y in and nine as mature yang") actually consists of two different diagrams. The first, upper diagram is a circle with a horizontal line across the diameter. This diagram is associated with Heaven, yang, and the number three (and by association odd numbers in general); at the center of the diagram is the Chinese character for 'Classic' (|!i; literally- warp (as in fabric)). The second, lower diagram is a square with a horizontal line 82 across the middle and the Chinese character 'Classic/ warp' on the far right side of the diagram. In both these cases, the literal meaning of the character should be remembered. The square diagram represents Earth, yin, the number two (and by association all even numbers). In other words, these two diagrams represent two halves of the cosmos that, taken together, form the basis of everything. Also noted in the explanation of this diagram is that the numbers six and nine correspond to "greater (mature) yin" and "greater yang", respectively; hence the title. The connection between numbers and yin and yang is explicit in the next diagram, which, if translated literally, could be titled, "The Diagram of Heaven and Earth Completing the Numbers". It shows the first five numbers (one through five) on the production end of the creative process and shows the last five numbers (six through ten) completing this process. It also shows that y in is within yang and that yang is within yin. The last diagram of this section ("The Lo Diagram and the even and odd numbers", M l i f f l ^ ' H ' a l s o deals with y in and yang and numbers. It divides y in and yang between the numbers six through nine and also shows the degree of y in and yang being lesser (literally, younger) or greater (literally, older) and their association wi th each particular number. The penultimate diagram (WiW^W'KA-fj— BI - t / T ) d e a l s w i t h the Nine Divisions of the "Great Plan" as seen in the Book of History, as well as with 'Heaven' and 'Man ' . It is quite complex and is divided into two full diagrams— upper and lower. The title roughly translates as "Diagram of Heaven, and M a n Combined as One as provided by the Nine Divisions of the Great Plan". Kwon's last diagram ("Diagram on being without Idleness", M'M^L 83 IH) is probably based on Sung Ching's (662-737) "Diagram on Being without Idleness". Sung based his diagram on information in the fifth chapter of the Book of Documents, "a chapter in which the Duke of Chou lectures the young ruler on [idleness]".28) Among the contents of Kwon's diagram is a note that the superior man does not idle away his time in luxury and ease. It also gives an admonition to revere Heaven and to protect the common people. In addition, it includes information on examples set by some ancient kings and worthies. In sum, K w o n Kun's Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning introduces his students to the most important texts and concepts of Neo-Confucianism and gives a Neo-Confucian reading to earlier traditional texts. Besides the first diagram which gives a general overview and the last diagram giving exhortations and examples to be vigilant in one's efforts, Kwon's Diagrams includes five diagrams dealing with cosmology (either the Supreme Ultimate, y in and yang, or numerology), three diagrams dealing with ritual, two diagrams dealing with the Five Classics, and one diagram apiece dealing with the "River Diagram", the "Lo Writing", and the "Nine Divisions of the 'Great Plan'". Moreover, much of the material in these later diagrams is also closely related to one of the Five Classics, for instance the close association between the cosmological diagrams and the Book of Changes. This and the fact that the Five Classics are covered more thoroughly than the Analects and Mencius might give one the impression that Neo-Confucianism is slighted in the presentation of the entire Confucian tradition or that it is, at best, presented as just one part of a much larger tradition. However, closer examination reveals that Neo-Confucian concerns are at the forefront of Kwon's thought and that his examination 84 and explanation of the Confucian tradition for his students presents that tradition through a Neo-Confucian lens. Of all the diagrams, the material explaining the first four makes up over half the book. In other words, the material associated with less than twenty percent of the diagrams comprises over fifty precent of Kwon's text. Moreover, these are the four diagrams that present and explain the major Neo-Confucian terms and concepts-- the first giving a comprehensive overview, the second going into more detail on specific terms and concepts dealing with cosmology, psychology, and human nature, and the third and fourth dealing with the two most important texts for the development of Neo-Confucianism, the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean. In short, K w o n Kun's Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning both explains and justifies Neo-Confucianism to students who, up until that time, were more familiar with traditional Confucianism. It is to Kwon's introduction of Neo-Confucianism and the idea of self-cultivation that we now turn, but only after placing Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning in the context of the educational texts examined in the introduction. A n assortment of educational and ethical texts in classical Chinese and early Korean were examined in the introduction, ranging from annotations of Confucian classics to those focusing on women or one or more of the five virtues. Compilations such as the Elementary Learning and Four Books for Women, as well as works like Reflections on Things at Hand, are all good examples of thematic texts that draw from a variety of sources in order to instruct and promote fundamental Confucian ideas. In addition, other texts, such as the Twenty-four Exemplars of Filial Piety or Samgang-haengsildo, are good examples of works that combine a series of 85 diagrams with text in order to promote particular virtues. But what we do not seem to find are many diagrammatic handbooks on Neo-Confucianism— texts that combine a series of diagrams and explanations introducing the major concepts of Neo-Confucianism. Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning may be unique in being the first text to combine a series of diagrams and explanatory material for introducing such a wide range of Confucian concepts.29) Moreover, in creating it K w o n Kun not only created a model for other texts of this type in Korea, he also laid the intellectual foundations for the development of Neo-Confucianism in Korea, for it is from within the parameters of this broad outline that Korean ideas about Neo-Confucianism evolved. Three of K w o n Kun's diagrams w i l l be dealt wi th here: "Heaven and Man, M i n d and Nature, Combine as One", "Diagrammatic Analysis of Heaven, Humanity, the Mind-and-Heart, and the Nature", and the "Diagram of the Great Learning" M The first diagram is complex, perhaps not surprising in a diagram that tries to include not only the cosmological concepts that undergird the Neo-Confucianism universe but also tries to show how these philosophical and psychological concepts of that same universe are used to understand and explain the nature of human beings: The first diagram is a diagram of the entire universe and of the human moral predicament. They are inextricably intertwined, for in this vision analysis of the human psyche leads in one direction into the metaphysical structure of the universe and in the other direction into questions of morality. 3 1) Just about every major Confucian or Neo-Confucian concept is included 86 somewhere in the diagram. This includes cosmological, philosophical, or psychological concepts like principle (li, Ifi), material force (ch'i, H ) , y in and yang ( [^1) , the Five Phases ( S f j ) , the Heavenly Mandate heavenly-endowed nature (ft), and the mind-and-heart (it>), the Seven Feelings (-bfw)/ the Four Beginnings the intent (will) (M), mindfulness (W), and sincerity (1$). By way of general orientation, from top to bottom the first diagram parallels Chou Tun-i's Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate but is far more complex. 3 2) [Chou's "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate" is reprinted in the next chapter on T'oegye.] Both start with Heaven , and the Supreme Ultimate at the top followed by yin and yang and the Five Phases; in Kwon Kun's diagram this makes up the "head", "neck", and "torso" of the diagram. The anthropomorphic parallel is no accident. The same material and concepts that form and explain the universe also form and explain the individual. 3 3) In the middle of the torso is the mind-and-heart and within it the philosophical and psychological concepts dealing with what it is to be a human being: [Here] we find the words ' w i l l ' , 'mind' , 'nature', and 'feelings' in fact [form] the shape of the Chinese character for 'heart' or 'mind ' In the midst of the universe, embodied in the physical stuff of the earth, we find the mind/heart of men.... the diagram suggests that the mind of men is also the mind of the universe.34) Below that on each side are the diagram's "legs". Here we see the issuance of the mind-and-heart in the world and the results of the interaction of everything else in the diagram. On the right side the development of the Four Beginnings and sincerity leads to sageliness; on the left side the focus is on desires and the toll they may take. Reading the diagram from right to left is less complex than going 87 from top-down, though both readings are needed. The far right side of the diagram represents l i (all-encompassing principle), as wel l as ch'i (individualizing matter/ energy) in its most rarefied, balanced, and easily penetrable form. The further to the left one goes the more unbalanced and blocked ch'i becomes. The enclosures at the top of the "legs" of the diagram juxtapose the Four Beginnings (humanity, propriety, righteousness, and wisdom), on the right side, against aggression, passions, desires, and dullness on the left, which if allowed to draw us away from the correct path can damage our inborn nature. The three enclosures arranged horizontally across the middle of the lower half of the diagram deal with 'sincerity' (labeled 'integrity' in the diagram), 'mindfulness', and 'desire', respectively. Yet, each of these three enclosures is directly linked to the enclosure in the upper right of the "leg" containing the Four Beginnings. This indicates that although both human potential and the natural tendency of the Four Beginnings is for the good, their development can be either nurtured or corrupted. In the very bottom layer of the diagram, the two enclosures juxtaposed there represent extreme cases, one good, the other not. A l l these concepts are explained in such a way that there is a direct link between cosmology, on the one hand, and the moral obligations and development of human beings, on the other. We might see a twofold point in Kwon Kfin's choice of the title for his diagram, "Heaven and Man , M i n d and Nature, Combine as One"; first, he wishes to establish the unity of men and Heaven, a unity which runs through the whole universe; second, he wants to describe that unity in terms of a doctrine of mind and nature which implies the necessity of moral cultivation and social responsibility. 3 5) Moreover, the general structure of the diagram also reflects the 88 Confucian concept of the mind-and-heart as either being quiescent or active and in doing so provides, on the one hand, a moral metaphysics and, on the other hand, a moral psychology. From this perspective, the head, neck, and rectangular torso of the diagram represent the mind-and-heart in its quiescent state. While in this state, the person's nature, mind-and-heart, feelings, and intent are all present in their full potential, but, because the mind-and-heart has not been activated, this potential is still unrealized. In terms of substance and function, the substance or potential is present but has not been activated, i . e., is not functioning in the world, or, in other words, the potential is still unrealized. Furthermore, precisely because it is quiescent the mind-and-heart has not manifested itself in a way that tends toward good or evil. Here then the mind-and-heart is, in a sense, morally neutral. In addition, the relationship of these quiescent aspects of the mind-and-heart and their relationship to the other fundamental, cosmological concepts in the diagram provide the foundation of Neo-Confucian moral metaphysics. It is in the lower half of the diagram—the "legs"— that we see the mind-and-heart in an active state reacting to affairs in the world. It is here that one's potential is either realized or atrophies. It is also where distinctions between good and evil are made. This can be seen on the Diagram itself. In the space between the two "legs" of the Diagram we see that good and evil separate, i . e., they must now be distinguished. Second, we see that there is a direct relation between the manifestation or function of one's potential (substance) and affairs, for it is here that "all affairs arise". Examining the first diagram, one sees that Kwon Kun posits five 89 general personality types. First is the sage, that rare person who develops their potential in accordance with the Way, and, in the end, always acts according to Heaven's principle. The right "leg" of the diagram represents this course of development. Second is a person who starts correctly but, tempted by selfish desires, veers from the correct path, and only through constant vigilance and mindfulness is able to recover his full potential and become a sage. Third is a person who starts correctly but, not being mindful, is tempted by selfish desires and veers toward evil. The next two personality types involve people who start off on the wrong foot. In one case, even though the person starts off on the wrong foot, because the potential for good is never diminished but only obscured, the person is able to realize the error of his ways and, through constant vigilance and mindfulness, recover and then develop his potential to become a sage. Last is a person who starts off wrong and, because such a person only seeks to fulfill his selfish desires, obscures their potential and, in the end, can scarcely be called human. One of the most important aspects in the development of this moral psychology is the fundamental role played by mindfulness in preserving, developing, or recovering a person's potential. Mindfulness, in one sense, functions as a filter for a person's thoughts and actions, so that there is a direct correlation between how mindful person is and how likely that person is to achieve his full potential. Lastly, if K w o n Kun's moral metaphysics and moral psychology are examined in terms of substance and function, we see that evil is not a matter of substance per se, but rather that evil is a matter of function, and even here it is not necessarily so. 90 After a brief introduction explaining why he wrote Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning, K w o n K u n follows the diagram with a brief commentary. Then, after the first two diagrams and the subsidiary diagrams associated with the second diagram, Kwon appended seventeen questions and answers concerning these diagrams and explanations. The seventeen questions K w o n deals with here were questions students put forward and therefore provide a glimpse of problematic or contentious points in the introduction of Neo-Confucianism to Korea. The introduction as well as the comments, and questions and answers on the three diagrams are all translated and analyzed below, starting with Kwon's forward. Introductory comments are also included where needed. These are usually separate from the translation itself; where comments have been inserted within the translation, they have been offset by brackets or parentheses ([.:.]). Lastly, Kwon Kirn's comments have been indented to more clearly set them off from the rest of the text. Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning, Forward 3 6) After I was exiled to the Kumma district during the fall of the year 1390, a few beginning students who were studying the Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean came to me, but even after I repeatedly explained things in detail they still d id not understand those texts clearly. Therefore, drawing on Chou Tun-i's Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate and adhering to the approach taken in Chu Hsi's commentaries I made these diagrams using the words and phrases of former worthies to again explain their meaning. Moreover, the answers to each of the students' questions are provided one by one and the content 91 of these exchanges recorded and appended at the end of the diagram; I am therefore calling the text "Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning". Besides these texts, there were other classics also worthy of being outlined diagramatically; these too have been drawn and, here and there, I have occasionally appended my own wi ld speculations. Moreover, even though I would like to receive the corrections of my superiors and teachers, I am stuck here in my place of exile way out in the country where there are not many people like that around. I can't wait for the day when they are. I hope the reader w i l l please forgive all the text's mistakes and find something worth learning in its pages. Even without a teacher at one's side, studying this text w i l l give the reader an understanding of the main points of Neo-Confucianism. Chu Hs i says that "Heaven creates the myriad things through the transformations of yin and yang and the five phases, bringing about their formation; material force (ch'i) gives things their material form, but everything is also endowed with unifying principle (li)." Now, it is based on this idea that I have drawn this diagram. The diagram is based on Chou Tun-i's Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate and on the explanations contained in Chu Hsi's commentary on the Doctrine of the Mean (Doctrine of the Mean in Chapter and Verse). I tried to clearly elucidate the differences between good and evil and l i and ch'i in the parts of the diagram showing both the Heavenly-endowed nature and the mind-and-heart in order to show these basic concepts to students. This being the case, the diagram does not go so far 92 |HEAVEN AND MAN, M l i ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ I B I N E A S 0 N E^ on the some level as animal great and vast os heaven Diagram 2.1. "Heaven and Man, Nature and Mind, Combine as One", the first diagram in Kwon Kiin's Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning. Taken from "Early Y i Dynasty Neo-Confucianism: An Integrated Vision", by Michael Kalton, in Religion and Ritual in Korean Society and reprinted with permission of the publisher.37) 93 as to explain the phenomenon of the creation of the myriad things. When we speak of people and things coming into being then they have the same unifying principle (li); the differences between things depend only on the differences in the quality of the material force (ch'i) that gives them form— whether it is penetrating or blocked, off-center and unbalanced, or centered and balanced. When the material force received is centered and balanced it becomes a person; when it is unbalanced or blocked it becomes a thing. Thus, according to this diagram, the area around the Chinese character for "sincerity" (integrity) includes the sage because the ch'i here is the most refined, ethereal, and penetrating; that is why principle penetrates most thoroughly. [Ch'i has two aspects related to its quality; these are density, i . e., how ethereal or refined it is, and, related to this, penetrability, that is, both how well it lets principle flow through or penetrate it and how well it flows, i . e., how lumpy it is. The more refined it is the better principle can penetrate (and therefore unify) and the more sagely a person w i l l act.38)] The area around the Chinese character for "mindfulness" refers to the mass of ordinary people, since the purity of ch'i here is correct and penetrating. The area around the Chinese character for "desire" refers to the myriad things because the ch'i here is unbalanced and blocked. Below that at a lower level of purity are things like beasts and animals, and at a still lower-level of purity where the ch'i is even more blocked and more unbalanced come plants and vegetation. Thus, all the creative transformations of the myriad things are also represented in this diagram. Generally speaking, because Heaven and Earth create ceaselessly— that which is in motion comes to rest, that which 94 comes into existence goes out of existence, to be followed by another- people and animals, plants and trees, the billions of different things are each given their own principle to follow, each one being an effusion of the Supreme Ultimate. Thus, it is because each one of the myriad things is endowed with the same unifying principle that all come forth from one common origin and that there is nothing in Heaven or Earth that has a different fundamental nature. This is why the Doctrine of the Mean states in Chapter 22, "Able to perfect his own heavenly-endowed nature, he can perfect the heavenly-endowed nature of other men. Able to perfect the nature of other men, he can perfect the heavenly-endowed nature of things. Able to perfect the heavenly-endowed nature of creatures and things, he can assist in the transforming and nourishing activity of Heaven and Earth." H o w great are these words!39) This ends Kwon's comments on the first diagram and, although this seems like very little in the way of explanation considering the complexity of the diagram, the ideas involved therein are also the topic of the next diagram, "Diagrammatic Analysis of Heaven, Humanity, the Mind-and-Heart, and the Nature". This diagram is actually a set of diagrams and might be better titled separately as three distinct diagrams: "Diagrammatic Analysis of Heaven", "Diagrammatic Analysis of Humanity", "Diagrammatic Analysis of the Mind-and-Heart". What would be titled "Diagrammatic Analysis of the Nature" is not really a diagram, but rather comments on the Chinese character (14) and what it means; in this, it is more like the section on "nature" in Ch'en Ch'un's Neo-Confucian Terms Explained, though not as long.4 0) In addition to Kwon's explanations of these diagrams, the questions appended at the 95 end of the diagrams also expound upon the material presented in the diagrams. As noted above, the second diagram, titled "Diagrammatic Analysis of Heaven, Humanity, the Mind-and-Heart and Nature" is actually broken up into several sub-diagrams. The first of these diagrams makes two important points. One is that Heaven is not so much a 'thing' as it is a dynamic process; the other is that human beings are inextricably tied to this process and participate in it through 'sincerity' and 'mindfulness'. Although made up of sub-diagrams, these two themes are assumed throughout the diagrams and therefore provide a unifying thread. The Diagram starts at the top with a simple phrase expressing both the unity and the expansiveness of Heaven— "Heaven is One. It is Vast." "Heaven", in this case, refers to the universe or the cosmos. This phrase (A : /H—A) is all the more forceful because the Chinese character for "Heaven" (A) is made up of the Chinese character for "one" (—) placed on top of the Character for "large, big, vast" (A)- In short, the unity and vastness of Heaven is inherent in its character, both figuratively and literally. Below that the diagram is divided into four sections; all but the last has complementary parts located on the other side of the diagram. The uppermost section highlights characteristics of the oneness and all-encompassing nature of Heaven. Oneness is addressed in terms of both principle and practice (action). Here the reference is to principle as the unifying force or tendency in the universe and to its role as the cosmic pattern for not only the things of the universe but also for the network of interactions within the universe. In 96 this principle is unique. Simply put, there is nothing anywhere without principle in it. Moreover, this principle unifies and connects. Although the reference to action may encompass principle, it also implicitly includes ch'i, the ever dynamic, individualizing, material force or tendency that forms the stuff of the universe. However, one is not present without the other. The vastness of heaven is spoken of in two senses and in a way that parallels the substance-function framework that pervades much of K w o n Kun's work. First, in terms of substance, it is clear that everything in the universe is made up of stuff within the universe itself; there is no help from the outside; there is nothing beyond the universe itself. This also links substance as potential to unactivated principle and uncoagulated ch'i. The second sense refers to the manifestation or realization of substance, i . e., function. In this case, this includes the interactions of y in and yang and the five phases, all of which are ceaselessly creating, transforming, and dissipating, only to repeat the entire process. In short, the unity of Heaven is linked to its being all-encompassing. Moreover, its all-encompassing substance corresponds to the ubiquitous nature of principle, and its unceasingly active nature corresponds to its creative transformations. This is why, in the subsequent section of the diagram, both these aspects, the vastness of Heaven and its unity, are linked to the source or origin of the myriad transformations in the universe, on the one hand, and to the foundation of the myriad differences, on the other hand. The penultimate section of the diagram is sandwiched between sincerity, which separates, but also links, the second and third parts of the diagram, and mindfulness, which both separates and links the third 97 and last parts of the diagram. These two concepts, usually translated 'sincerity' or 'integrity' (1$) and 'reverence' or 'mindfulness' (kydng, W), respectively, are probably the two most important terms in the Neo-Confucian vocabulary of self-cultivation. Furthermore, how one translates these terms often depends on whether one is referring to Heaven or to Humanity. Although the basic classical meaning of the latter term was "reverence", the term was, according to Michael Kalton, transformed into a technical term designating an essential practice of self-cultivation that referred to a particular state of mind. 4 1) Kalton sums this up as "the animating force of this rigorous mental discipline is a fundamentally reverent disposition that recognizes that everywhere and always we are involved in something ultimate".42) According to Wing-tsit Chan 'seriousness' in ancient Confucianism was often interchangeable wi th 'reverence' (kydng) but in Neo-Confucianism the two words differ sharply.4 3) Following Ch'en Ch 'un (1153-1217), Chan thinks 'reverence' has to do with one's appearance and expression in respect for others and 'sincerity' has to do with one's effort: "the former is external and the latter internal".44) Chan goes on to state that, in this case, "The main difference seems to be that reverence implies an object whereas sincerity is a state of mind." Of course, Kalton's 'mindfulness' also denotes a state of mind. One might be tempted to think the main difference lies in the focus of the terms, 'mindfulness' directed outwardly and 'seriousness' inward, but even this distinction is inadequate. It is probably better to see both as internal states of mind and that either may have an internal or external focus. In this case, the difference is qualitative and in a way directly related to the ' w i l l ' (or one's determination). With 'reverence' or 'mindfulness' the person must make 98 a conscious effort to act or think appropriately, whereas with sincerity the more sincere the person becomes the more natural the process becomes, i . e., the less conscious effort is needed. A good example of this is seen in the Analects. In Book II, Chapter four, lines one through six, we learn the following about Confucius: The Master said, "At fifteen, I had my mind set on learning. At thirty, I stood firm. A t forty, I had no doubts. A t fifty, I knew the decrees of Heaven. A t sixty, my ear was an obedient organ for the reception of truth. A t seventy, I could follow what my heart desired, without transgressing what was right. "45) Given the above, we can say that Confucius was mindful when he was young and, as he grew older, he became more and more sincere. But all this only deals with these two terms in this particular context, i . e., self-cultivation. In the case of 'mindfulness', the original meaning of 'reverence' does not entirely fade away. Even in this diagram, the phrase at the bottom left, "Always maintaining an attitude of awe at Heaven's majesty," implies a sense of reverence, even though the character itself is not used here. In the case of 'sincerity', the proper translation may often, but not always, hinge on whether the reference is to Heaven or to Humanity. The 'integrity' (|jSc) of Heaven cannot but be complete in and of itself and is, therefore, an impersonal and universal principle; in a situation like this, 'integrity' may sometimes be a better translation than 'sincerity'. Both these terms provide a good example of a tendency in Chinese thought where the more important a term becomes the more meanings it is likely to acquire. 99 Diagrammatic Analysis of Heaven, Humanity, the Mind-and-Heart, and the Nature HEAVEN is ONE. It is VAST. VASTNESS In terms of In terms of ONENESS creative transformation it is limitless. substance it is all-inclusive. Foundation of the myriad differences. In terms of action it is unceasing. In terms of principle there is nothing comparable. Origin of the myriad transformations. o INTEGRITY/ SINCERITY Always However maintaining lofty it an attitude may be, of awe at it oversees Heaven's this day majesty. in and day out. o o o MINDFULNESS Heaven and Humanity Combine as One Diagram 2.2 from Kw6n Kun's Iphakdosol ( A ? H f £ ) . 4 6 > 100 Fina l ly , at the base of the d iagram, the fourth and last part is a restatement of the one of the most fundamental assumptions of the w h o l e Neo-Confuc i an enterprise— H e a v e n and H u m a n i t y are, i n a ve ry real sense, uni ted . But this also means that, g iven the oneness and al l -encompassing nature of H e a v e n at the top of the d iagram, the uni ty of H e a v e n and H u m a n i t y can on ly come about th rough the i n d i v i d u a l e m b o d y i n g the concepts of sincerity and mindfulness. In other words , un i ty of practice reflects the metaphysical un i ty of the universe. The next section contains the d iagram deal ing w i t h wha t it is to be human . This is the simplest of K w o n ' s diagrams. A t the center of the d iag ram is the Chinese character for h u m a n being (A). Th i s character is then f lanked o n the left and r ight sides by the Chinese characters for e v i l and for good (#) , respectively. A b o v e the character for h u m a n being are two characters stating, "Principle is one". The impl i ca t ion here is clear. H u m a n beings start w i t h a uni f ied endowment of H e a v e n l y pr inc ip le and are therefore not predisposed toward ev i l . Fur thermore , the p rob l em of good and e v i l as such is a H u m a n prob lem, not a Heaven ly one. Diagram 2.2a: Humanness: Principle is one; human beings are capable of good & evil. 4 7) Pr inc ip le is one, but H u m a n beings are capable of both good and ev i l . 101 K w o n appends the following comments to this diagram: To be human is to be benevolent (i. e., to possess the ability to empathize with other human beings as well as with all other things in heaven and on earth). Benevolence is the principle of Heaven and Earth whereby they give life to creatures. When people are created this principle is the mind-and-heart. Therefore, M a n is the most spiritual/ luminous of all creatures and benevolence is the greatest of all goods. Combine the highest spirituality/ luminosity with the highest virtue, benevolence, and one is speaking of the Tao.48) The term 'spiritual' here has connotations in English, especially vis-a-vis matter, that are absent in the Chinese. Kalton defines 'spirit' in this context as, "a highly subtle, refined, active, penetrating yang aspect of the same stuff that in its more inert, course, dense yin aspect we call 'matter', that is, spirit and matter are not a dichotomous duality but two extreme conditions of the one stuff of existence, ch'i."4 9) In other words, spirituality is a type of material force that is so ethereal, so rarefied, that it can easily intra-mingle with and inter-penetrate the other myriad things. This is why principle shines through material force and why it is linked to benevolence; spirituality lacks anything that can unbalance or block the principle that is also inherent in people. Moreover, on a cosmic level, benevolence is the principle behind the cosmic fecundity of heaven and earth. Human beings share in this cosmic fecundity— that is why people are endowed with the mind-and-heart. A n d it is because people possess a mind-and-heart of benevolence that they are the most spiritual/ luminous of all entities in the universe. One other meaning of 102 the Chinese character usually translated 'spirit' is clarity of insight. This, of course, would also lead to benevolence, since in Confucianism if you see clearly, you see how to act as the part of the harmonious cosmic pattern pervading the universe, and to act in such a way is to act in accordance with benevolence. K w o n then addresses how this plays out in people: A sage is someone who is completely sincere. The Way of a sage and the Way of Heaven are one and the same. The superior person is able to cultivate his Tao through reverence. The common man, falling prey to his desires, is led astray and follows what is bad. Principle is the same in every human being, but one's physical endowment of material force, as well as what one actually does, differs. In these differences lie the difference between good and evil. This is why I show the Chinese character for "person" ( A ) bifurcated by good and evil. This warns us to be cautious. When a person is able to fully embody benevolence, the person's Ti ' is filled with virtue, insuring that the life-giving l i is always within the person. Then, and only then, w i l l the person never do anything they might regret; nor w i l l they feel they have acted in a way that is less than truly human. If this is not the case, then the principle animating the person dies out and they w i l l no longer be human. This is why Confucius said "The virtuous are long-lived."so) A n d , it is why he said, "Man is born for righteousness. If a man loses his righteousness, and yet lives, his escape from death is the effect of mere good fortune, "si) In this passage, K w o n seems to equate l i with the life-animating 103 force of ch'i, saying that if your mind-and-heart is filled wi th life-giving principle and you preserve it forever without losing it, then you w i l l live a long time, i . e., live out your allotted life-span. If, however, you ignore this inherent principle, it w i l l lose its animating force and you w i l l die. In other words, it is being perfectly engaged and relating that makes us human. If we stop acting in accord with the Heavenly endowed principle that links us to the rest of the world, we stop being fully human. It also means we w i l l not be able to live out the life-span allotted to us as human beings. Kwon's position also has an important philosophical implication: "metaphysically K w o n K u n appears to be an absolute monist in that he derives material force from principle... he seems to have taken the derivation of material force from principle more or less for granted."52) It is this that, in the end, keeps some of his philosophical and psychological theories from diverging into dualism. Furthermore, the active role of principle (li, Si) assumed here by K w o n Kun becomes hotly contested in the Four-Seven debate, one of the most important intellectual controversies within Korean Neo-Confucianism. Kwon, however, is not unsupported in this; Chu Hs i obviously means the same thing when he states, "L i produces ch'i [material force]."53) Moreover, Chu also said, Fundamentally, principle and material force cannot be spoken of as prior or posterior. But if we must trace their origin we are obliged to say that principle is prior. However, principle is not a separate entity. It exists right in material force. Without material force, principle would have nothing to adhere to.54) The development of and relationship between these concepts w i l l be examined more thoroughly in the next two chapters. 104 Mind-and-Heart K w o n Kurt's "Diagram of the Mind-and-Heart" (Diagram 2b, below) complements the information given about the mind-and-heart in the first diagram. The general orientation of the diagram also parallels that of the first two diagrams; principle is purest at the right side of the diagram and the further left one goes the more prominent i s the role played by material force (ch'i). Starting at the top of the diagram are the two phrases, "What originates with material force," and "What originates with principle." This shows the inextricable link between principle, material force, and the formation of the mind-and-heart. On the right side of the diagram, the subtlety of the Tao M i n d within the feelings is also noted; this is one of the reasons why K w o n K u n holds that the feelings are not necessarily bad. Opposite that on the left, the precarious nature of the Human M i n d is noted, as is the fact that our desires can lead us astray. This i s another aspect that makes the feelings precarious. The dot in the center of the diagram represents the Heavenly-endowed nature. That it is perfectly round indicates that a person's heavenly-endowed nature i s , from the very beginning, complete. Just to the right of that, and still within the strokes of the character, is the phrase, "Shoots up like flames." This makes explicit the correspondence of the mind-and-heart to Fire, the most yang and active of the Five Agents/ Phases. A t the bottom right of the diagram is the phrase, "Feelings do not have anything that is not good". This i s important because it shows that for Kwon Kun one's feelings could be 105 trusted; they were not the source of ev i l . Rather, as is s h o w n opposite that o n the bo t tom left side- of the d iagram, i f e v i l springs f rom anywhere i t springs f rom the w i l l . In between these two, as i f to decide w h i c h w a y the mind-and-heart w o u l d go, is mindfulness. Here again mindfulness acts as a filter. It is mindfulness that either stabilizes the Precarious J Hie IS t Originates with material force Diagram 2.2b. The Mind-and-Heart 106 precarious balance between our feelings, which are inherently good, and our selfish desires, which are destabilizing, and thus directs a person's proper moral development, or it fails to stabilize this situation and the person's moral development is warped. K w o n Kun explains the diagram as follows: The heart-and-mind is what we receive from Heaven and it presides over the person. It is the wondrous combination of both principle (li) and material force (ch'i). It is "intelligent awareness in its pure, naturally given, cosmically indivisible form"; it is spiritual [and free of any material force that is either unbalanced or distorted].55) That is, it is the site of the most rarefied, penetrating, and clarifying ch'i. When it controls the heavenly-endowed nature and the feelings, the mind-and-heart is referred to as illustrious virtue, and since it is endowed with all-encompassing principle it responds to the myriad things and affairs. The mind-and-heart that is endowed with material force can be obfuscated by desires for things; that is why the mind-and-heart is sometimes darkened (blocked). Students who don't see this clearly must align themselves through mindfulness in order to dispel the darkness and restore their original luminosity. The very form of the Chinese character for mind-and-heart is like a centrally placed square. The point in the very center of the image, the central point, represents the source of principle and heavenly-endowed nature. It is . perfectly round and just right, having nothing off-center and nothing distorted. It epitomizes the mind-and-heart. Below it is a concave area that is empty of any concrete, specific content and therefore 107 symbolizes being empty [of self] and full of principle. 5 6) K w o n is referring to the mind-and-heart before it is activated or aroused, but, for Kwon, "empty" here is not an absolute void; it is just the lack of form. Furthermore, he goes on to describe the characteristics of the diagram below, and, in doing so, K w o n mentions the feelings, Tao mind, the Human mind and the intention (Will). However, there are important differences between many Western ideas of the W i l l and what K w o n K u n means by the term; the latter, often translated ' W i l l ' can in different contexts be translated 'intention' or 'determination'. In general terms, it seems to fall within one Western conception of the ' w i l l ' as, "the faculty of choice or decision, by which we determine which actions we shall perform", but a closer look reveals distinct differences.57) Aristotle, for example, distinguishes between theoretical and practical intellectual activity, but one result of this is that, "Knowing what is true and deciding what is morally good result from two different activities of the human intellect."58) There is none of this in K w o n Kun's idea of 'intention'; for K w o n true knowledge includes moral knowledge and, what is more, knowledge itself has motivating force.59) Aspects of the Stoic view at first seem more germane, for example the idea that "man has been endowed with the same reason that governs the universe and is, therefore, able to ascertain the salutary and perfect order of nature."60) The problem here is that substituting Neo-Confucian concepts for Stoic "reason" ignores too many fundamental differences. Moreover, whereas K w o n assumes the feelings are basically good but can go astray, the Stoic view is more pessimistic— "The Stoic defined every affection, including anger, as the impulse toward a morally wrong action which originates 108 solely from an intellectual misjudgment without the contribution of any irrational faculty of the human soul...."61) There are also difficulties when comparing the Christian concept of the wi l l . For instance, Kahn notes two characters in Augustine's doctrine of the human w i l l . One is "the w i l l of man, with its freedom of choice, provides the explanatory cause for evil and sin," the second, "the w i l l of man is the stage on which the drama of God's grace is to be acted out...."62) The first characteristic may seem pertinent, but a closer examination of the ideas of "sin", and even "free choice", belie this. The second characteristic reinforces the incongruity between Western concepts of the w i l l and Confucian ideas of intention or determination. Kwon's comments on the mind-and-heart follow. The long downward stroke [within the character ;[j>] symbolizes the ch'i aspect of things combining with the l i aspect of things to form the mind-and-heart. A n d , starting from the very bottom tip and going upwards, since of all the Five Phases the mind-and-heart (>f_>) is fire, it looks like flames of fire shooting upwards. That is why it is able to illuminate things, initiate movement (i. e., become active), and respond to the myriad things and affairs in the world. The point to the right symbolizes the nature manifesting itself as feelings; the feelings are a function of the mind-and-heart. The point to the left portrays the mind-and-heart issuing as intention; intention is also a function of the mind-and-heart. When we speak of its substance it is one; when we speak of its functioning it is two. That is, the mind-and-heart has only one substance— unactivated it is whole, 109 b u t w h e n f u n c t i o n i n g i t c a n g o i n o n e o f t w o d i f f e r e n t d i r e c t i o n s . I n s h o r t , t h e m i n d - a n d - h e a r t i s o n e , b u t i t c a n m a n i f e s t i t s e l f i n g o o d o r b a d w a y s . If i t o r i g i n a t e s f r o m , i s a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of, t h e n a t u r e H e a v e n h a s b e s t o w e d o n u s , t h e n w e c a l l i t t h e T a o M i n d a n d i t b e l o n g s t o t h e r e a l m o f f e e l i n g s . I n t h e i r b a s i c m a n i f e s t a t i o n , f e e l i n g s h a v e n o t h i n g a b o u t t h e m t h a t i s n o t g o o d , b u t s i n c e t h e m o r a l t h r e a d s a r e a l m o s t i m p e r c e p t i b l e i n t h e i r s u b t l e t y ( i . e., s i n c e t h e t h r e a d s o f v i r t u e are e x t r e m e l y s u b t l e ) , t h e y are d i f f i c u l t t o f a t h o m . H e n c e , t h e s a y i n g , " T h e T a o m i n d i s e x t r e m e l y s u b t l e . " 6 3 ) T h e r e f o r e , y o u m u s t a l w a y s a b i d e i n m i n d f u l n e s s i n o r d e r t o a m p l i f y t h e s e s u b t l e t h r e a d s o f v i r t u e . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , i f i t o r i g i n a t e s i n t h e p s y c h o - p h y s i c a l e n d o w m e n t [that m a k e s u s i n d i v i d u a l s ] , t h e n w e c a l l i t t h e H u m a n M i n d . T h e H u m a n M i n d f a l l s u n d e r t h e g e n e r a l c a t e g o r y o f i n t e n t i o n . I n t h e i n c i p i e n t p h a s e o f t h e i r i s s u a n c e [ p a r a l l e l i n g t h a t o f t h e m o r a l t h r e a d s ] w h e n t h e i n t e n t i o n f i r s t a r i s e s , t h e p o t e n t i a l i s t h e r e t o e i t h e r d e v e l o p c o r r e c t l y o r t o g o a s t r a y . T h i s i s a n e x t r e m e l y p r e c a r i o u s c o n d i t i o n . D e s i r e s c a n l e a d u s a s t r a y . H e n c e t h e s a y i n g , " T h e H u m a n M i n d i s e x t r e m e l y p r e c a r i o u s . " 6 4 ) K w o n K u n h e r e asserts t h a t i t i s n o t i n o u r f e e l i n g s t h a t t h e d a n g e r l i e s . W e see t h i s q u i t e c l e a r l y i n h i s d i a g r a m (2.2b)-- " T h e e m o t i o n s h a v e n o t h i n g t h a t i s n o t g o o d . " O u r f e e l i n g s w i l l n o t l e a d u s a s t r a y . K w o n ' s r e a s o n i n g h e r e a s s u m e s t h a t t h e e m o t i o n s a c t u a l l y o r i g i n a t e at t h e s a m e l e v e l as t h e T a o M i n d . T h e r e f o r e , i t i s n o t o u r e m o t i o n s p e r se b u t o u r i n t e n t i o n s t h a t , u n w a t c h e d a n d u n c o n t r o l l e d , h a v e t h e p o t e n t i a l t o l e a d u s a w r y . T h i s , as w e s h a l l see, i s d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e p o s i t i o n h e l d b y b o t h T ' o e g y e a n d Y u l g o k i n t h e F o u r - S e v e n 110 Debate. It is, however, closer to the position held by Tasan (1762-1836), who held that good and evil are determined by the choices we make, though the reasoning supporting their respective positions differs: "In Tasan's view man's moral problem has nothing to do with the perfection or imperfection of his psycho-physical endowment; man, by his constitution, is necessarily poised between the higher and lower aspects of his being."65) Despite their differences, the moral prescription put forward by all four of these scholars is the same— ever constant vigilance in maintaining a state of mindfulness. K w o n goes on to address the need for maintaining mindfulness in order to keep our intentions and desires on the right track, lest they tempt us and lead us astray: Moreover, we must always abide in mindfulness in order to completely control any excess that may lead us off the moral path, and to do this our desires must be checked while still in the incipient stage. If you amplify Heavenly principle to the fullest extent and always put the Tao M i n d (i. e., the moral mind) in charge, then the Human M i n d w i l l follow the direction of one's heavenly-endowed nature and the precarious condition of the Human M i n d w i l l become secure and stable and the Tao M i n d w i l l be strongly evident in the intersection between movement and stillness (i. e., in the moment when the person or mind which was quiet begins to stir). If you make no mistake at that crucial juncture, then you can be like sages or worthies who form a triad with Heaven and Earth. This should be taken as a model of behavior. If, on the other hand, you do 111 not do this, human desires w i l l increase daily and the heavenly-endowed principle within you w i l l grow weaker day by day, and your mind w i l l never go beyond mere emotions and desires aimed at gaining profit and avoiding harm. Although the form of such a person is human, they are not far removed from birds and beasts. Therefore, dare we not develop an attitude of mindfulness?6 6) The Nature The next section deals with the heavenly-endowed nature ('[4). In this case, the large character above is all there is in the way of a "diagram". Moreover, K w o n Kun's comments on the character are equally simple. KwQn notes that this particular Chinese character is formed by combining two other characters— the character for 'life' (^E) and the one for 'mind-and-heart' (/jj>). This was a common way of explaining the meaning of this character. We see the same thing in Ch'en Ch'un's ' Neo-Confucian Terms Explained— "The character hsing (nature [ft]) consists of two parts, sheng (to produce [^E]) and hsin (mind ['(L>])."67) More important though is Kwon's affirmation l inking an individual's endowed nature with the nature of Heaven— "If we know our nature then we know Heaven."68) K w o n Kun's comments on nature, as well as a brief restatement of why he wrote Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning, are as follows: Nature is what Heaven decrees and people receive. The 112 principles we are endowed with at birth are complete in our mind-and-heart. Therefore, this character, the character for nature (ft), is clearly a combination of the characters for the 'mind-and-heart' (/fj>) and the character for 'life' ( £ ) . Principle is the same in both people and the myriad things; it is the differences in their physical endowments that distinguishes them. In Book Six of Mencius, Kao Tzu (aJ") states, "What is inborn is called nature".6?) Han Y l i (WA^.) said "It is what people receive at birth".70) The Buddha said, "What we do is the nature". They are speaking in terms of ch'i and are omitting principle. The Doctrine of the Mean states, "What Heaven endows is the nature".71) Mencius says, "Exhaustively knowing one's mind-and-heart, one knows his nature. If we know our nature then we know Heaven."72) The above diagrams were made for beginners. Thus, they explain the meaning of Heaven, man, the mind-and-heart, and the nature by analyzing the meaning of those characters in terms of their dots and strokes. This may seem a mistake to my teachers and superiors but beginners can easily see and understand at a glance the import of the character's meaning. [All these ideas are based on the words of Chu Hs i and the Ch'eng Brothers.] None are my own wi ld speculations.73) As a teacher of beginning students, one cannot speak of abiding in a state of mindfulness in the mind-and-heart (ifc>Lj) without implying preserving and fostering one's spontaneously moral feelings (# : l i) 7 4 ). I d id this to get them started on what underlies moral effort. H o w in the world could this be understood as something separate from fostering mindfulness! I hope scholars who share my intent w i l l append their thoughts to the text.75) 113 Also worth noting is the comparison between Kwon's comments on nature and Chu Hsi's "Diagram on Nature" below. N A T U R E IS G O O D G O O D When feelings are aroused and each Nature is never evil and all attain due measure and degree, it is good wherever they may be found. EVIL Evi l cannot be said to come directly from goodness. There is evil when one fails to do good and falls on one side. Diagram 2.3 C h u Hsi's Diagram on Nature 7 6) Chu's "Diagram on Nature" is much closer to K w o n Kun's "Diagram on Humanness" than it is to Kwon's comments above on the heavenly-endowed nature. In the first two of these, there is the unequivocal assertion that a person is by nature good and that the key to self-cultivation is the proper cultivation of this potential in accordance with the Way (Tao). Moreover, evil is not rooted in the good; rather, evil occurs because a person deviates from the path of proper moral development. In other words, a person's tendency toward evil is directly linked to the betrayal of their own inherently good, heavenly-endowed nature. In short, evil has no separate ontological status as does the good; this means 'good' is defined by saying what it is and evil is defined by saying what it is not. It is in pursuing one's own selfish desires that a person betrays both their nature and the Tao and in doing so thereby retards their own moral development. 114 Questions and Answers: The above diagrams and explanations introduce the basic concepts of Neo-Confucianism to students who were accustomed to earlier forms of Confucianism and who were struggling to understand how the various aspects of the Neo-Confucian project related to each other as well as to what they had previously learned about Confucianism. Moreover, given the number of cosmological concepts explained in the text and the direct relationship of these concepts to the psychological ideas needed for self-cultivation, there were, not surprisingly, a number of students who had questions. But there may well have been other reasons to use the question and answer format. It could be used to answer possible critics or just to introduce or highlight a particular problem of interest to the author. The next part of K w o n Kun's Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning deals with seventeen of these questions and Kwon's responses. The questions and answers that follow cover a full range of material and further elucidate the concepts put forward in the above diagrams. In fact, almost all the topics from the intial presentation receive a more detailed explanation below. The first question deals with the status of the Unrealized Ultimate (ISJllI)- In Chou Tun-i's "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate" there is an empty circle above the Supreme Ultimate that represents the Supreme Ultimate before its potential has been activated. Here this is translated as the "Unrealized Ultimate", though it has also been translated as the "Indeterminate", "Supreme Ultimate Unrealized", and "Ultimate of Non-being". The problem for the student though is what becomes of 115 this in K w o n Kun's diagram. In Chou's diagram it is obvious, but here it seems to be missing. K w o n replies that it is not missing in his diagram; rather it has been incorporated into the top, center part of the diagram. A n important assumption in Kwon's reply is Chu Hsi 's identification of l i , the universalizing principle of the universe, with the Supreme Ultimate. 1. Question: Looking at the diagram titled, "Heaven and M i n d Combined as One", you say it is based on Chou Tun-i's "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate", but in his diagram Chou mentions the Unrealized Ultimate. Why is it absent in your diagram? Answer: The Unrealized Ultimate refers to the principle (li) within the Supreme Ultimate and does not refer to anything other than that. There is no Unrealized Ultimate apart from or outside the Supreme Ultimate. In this diagram the circle with the Chinese character for Heaven (A) in it at the top of the diagram represents this.77) The second question refers to the same area of Kwon's diagram as the first, except here the question concerns the relationship between four virtues mentioned in the Book of Changes and sincerity. ["Sincerity" is translated in Diagram 1 as "Integrity".] It is not that sincerity is not also mentioned, but rather that, since these four are the result or product of the constant generation of principle it is hard to see how 'sincerity' could be separate, yet this seems to be the case in the diagram. Hence the student's question. K w o n Kun's answer draws on a passage of Chou Tun-i's where the latter refers to 'faithfulness' in relation to the Five 116 Constant Virtues, just as K w o n Kun here adds sincerity to them. But, an even better passage for making this point is the second chapter of Chou Tun-i's Penetrating the Book of Changes, where it states: "Sagehood is nothing but sincerity. It is the foundation of the Five Constant Virtues (humanity, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and faithfulness) and the source of all activities. When tranquil, it is in the state of non-being, and when active, it is in the state of being."78) Equally important here is a reference to sincerity not outside of, but within the virtues as something that ensures that the virtues develop correctly, for the next lines of Chou's text are, "[Sincerity] is perfectly correct and clearly penetrating. Without sincerity, the Five Constant Virtues and all activities w i l l be wrong. They w i l l be depraved and obstructed."7?) Why K w o n did not refer to this section of the text to reinforce his point is unclear. In any case, the background for all this lies in the Han synthesis where the original Four Virtues were linked to the Five Phases; this meant supplementing the Four in order to complete their correlation with the Five phases. Part of this was an association between faithfulness' or 'trustworthiness' (fa) and 'reality' or, better in this case, 'reliability' (H); the latter was also associated with 'sincerity' (1$), the term for both the reliability and integrity of Heaven and for the reliability of the functioning of the four virtues. 2. Question: The Book of Changes refers to just the four virtues of origination (%), flourishing (-f), benefiting (f l j) , and steadfastness (^) alone; [since these are the actualization or fruit of the constant generation of Heaven's principle in the world there is nothing beyond them that we can call sincerity (IfeSc) (Integrity)], but you nevertheless add sincerity in your diagram. 117 W h y is that? A n s w e r : The mandate of H e a v e n is deep and profound . F r o m beg inn ing to end the four virtues, or iginat ion, f lour ish ing , benefit ing, and steadfastness, circulate endlessly because of its h a v i n g the rel iabi l i ty of pr inciple , and that's a l l . That is w h y i n chapter f ive of the Doctrine of the Mean it states, "Sincerity is the W a y of Heaven" . That is, its ta lk ing about the re l iabi l i ty (Jt) of the rotat ion of four virtues; l ikewise there is no th ing outside the four vir tues [that is sincerity]. That is w h y C h o u T u n - i h a d already referred to faithfulness (jg) as be ing a m o n g the F ive Constant Vir tues . So, this is not something I just dared to a d d [on m y own].so) The th i rd quest ion refers to the s l i m c o l u m n i n the "neck" of the d iag ram, located r ight be low the circle discussed i n the p rev ious two questions and r ight above the Chinese character for 'nature ' (f t) . The quest ion deals w i t h the relat ionship between the Manda te , the heaven ly-endowed nature, and pr inc ip le . One th ing we see here is the tendency to refer to something by a different name w h e n it appears i n a different context or its function differs. In this case it is the H e a v e n l y Manda te as the heavenly-endowment that is referred to as either p r inc ip le or nature, depending on the context. The Manda te is the o r ig in of both. But w h i l e the term used may differ, it w o u l d be a mistake to th ink that a different reality was referred to. Rather, it is the same reality p o p p i n g u p i n a different way . 3. Quest ion: W h y d i d y o u put the Heaven ly mandate above 118 the character for nature (ft) and refer to it as wha t originates w i t h pr inc ip le (li)? A n s w e r : The Doctrine of the Mean states, "What H e a v e n endows is ca l led the nature". C h u H s i explains this as mean ing that H e a v e n creates the m y r i a d things w i t h y i n and y a n g and the F ive Agents . Mate r ia l force forms into concrete configurations, and pr inc ip le (li) is e n d o w e d therein as if it were ordered there by the Manda te of H e a v e n (1%). Thus, this th ing cal led the ' endowment ' (mandate) that Heaven bestows w h e n people or things are created is cal led pr inciple . It is i n the mids t of y i n and y a n g but is not admixed w i t h them. This endowment is thus wha t originates the nature and is pr inciple . Song T a n g ($£ i§) spoke of what originates w i t h pr inc ip le as, "Sincerity is the eternal nature", and Y i Y u n (ffi^) referred to "The i l lus t r ious mandate of Heaven". In addi t ion , Y u H y a n g (§!j[a|) sa id , "It is the M e a n of H e a v e n and Earth". In Book F ive of the Analects, Confucius said "Con t inu ing i n goodness is wha t completes the nature". A l l these people are referring to the same thing. In the Doctrine of the Mean it says "Exhaust ing one's foundat ion and perfecting one's goodness, the m y r i a d pr inciples w i l l a l l be complete; then Heaven 's pr inc ip le w i l l be l ike M a n ' s and M a n ' s w i l l be l ike Heaven's". 8 1 ) The four th quest ion again concerns the inner enclosure at the top, center part of the d iagram that was discussed i n the first two questions. It is as it were a fo l low-up question. In C h o u Tun- i ' s "Diagram of the Supreme Ul t imate" the circle at the top of the d iagram representing the Unrea l i zed Ul t imate is empty. There is no th ing i n it. But, h a v i n g n o w learned that this part of K w o n K u n ' s d iagram represents the Unrea l i z ed 119 Ult imate , the quest ion is w h y so m u c h has been stuffed into it. In responding , K w o n points out that though empty, i n the end, the U n r e a l i z e d Ul t imate is real ized as the Supreme Ul t imate and f rom this the m y r i a d things are created th rough the interaction of y i n and y a n g and the F ive Phases. Furthermore, these changes correspond to the Four Vir tues and the Four Seasons. In the background is another p rob lem: K w o n , a n d other Neo-Confucians , had to exp la in the essential un i ty of the cosmos, something crucial for self-cultivation as they conceived it, i n a w a y that set them apart f rom the Buddhis ts . Las t ly , w e see here something K w o n K u n stresses t ime and time again— i n a different contexts, the same th ing may be referred to us ing a different term. 4. Ques t ion: H e a v e n above has no sound nor smel l . ' That is w h y C h o u T u n - i d rew the image of the circle w i t h no th ing i n it and cal led it the Unrea l i zed Ul t imate (Indeterminate). If y o u h a d just wr i t t en the character for Heaven , that w o u l d have been sufficient. W h y d i d y o u have to go and wri te the names of the Fou r Vir tues , p lus sincerity and the Heaven ly Mandate? W h y d i d y o u have to use so many different terms? C o u l d n ' t y o u have l im i t ed it to the myster ious single foundation? A n s w e r : H e a v e n as H e a v e n is so vast. E v e n though w e say H e a v e n makes no sound and has no smel l , it is s t i l l the center on w h i c h a l l creation depends, and it is the root of the m y r i a d things. H o w cou ld it not have the wherewi tha l l to do this? The undifferentiated, single p r inc ip le ceaselessly a n d f l o w i n g l y acts, and they (yin and yang, the five phases, the four seasons, and the m y r i a d things) a l l come f rom this. It is the pr inc ip le of or ig ina t ion that gives bir th to things i n spr ing and i n h u m a n beings manifests as benevolence. It is the pr inc ip le of 120 flourishing that causes things to grow in summer and in human beings this manifests as propriety. It is the principle of benefiting that causes things to reach their maturity in autumn and in human beings this manifests as righteousness. A n d it is the principle of steadfastness that preserves things in winter, and in human beings this virtue manifests as wisdom. These four virtues all flow from this origin. Therefore origination includes the four virtues just as benevolence governs the five constants. When we speak of the reliability of their constant and universal generation we call it 'sincerity'. In people we call it faithfulness. When we speak of it being put in things it is called the Mandate. In human beings we call it the heavenly-endowed nature. Although there are many different terms and each term refers to the particular activity or function, they all emerge from the undifferentiated [harmonious operation of] l i / Heaven. So, how does using different terms for all the stuff that emerges out of unity harm the [wondrous], single foundation? Moreover, because the drawings are for beginning students, if I had not drawn the diagram this way and spoke only of Heaven, then students might be led astray by over emphasizing the vast emptiness of Heaven without a controlling force and would lose sight of the fact that Heaven is the origin of the myriad things. O n the other hand, if the focus were just on these terms, students might be led astray by too much emphasis on the great variety and extent of things produced as a result of the transformations of ch'i and lose sight of the fact that behind the myriad phenomena lies the mysterious and marvelous source of their single foundation. Furthermore, they would not know that when I talk about human nature, I am talking about something that originates in Heaven and that the principles originating 121 there are complete in us. Not understanding what I am trying to say, students may confuse it with the 'void ' of Buddhism or the chaos of Yang Chu.82) The fifth question deals with perspective and position, specifically the position of East and West and y in and yang in the diagram and why these may appear in different places. K w o n responds that it is all in the eye (and position) of the beholder. K w o n Kun's answer is interesting in that it implies that he, being in Korea in the North, and Chou Tun-i, being south of the Yangtze River, are both looking at the "center" of the world from their respective positions and, therefore, need to adjust accordingly. Whether or not this can be used to argue that right from the beginning Korean Neo-Confucians tried to view Neo-Confucianism from a Korean rather than a Sino-centric perspective is debatable, literally. It could easily be argued that, at the least, they adapted Neo-Confucianism to their own perspective; it could just as easily be argued that they saw themselves on the periphery between a civilized China at the center and barbarians even further beyond the periphery, hence the need to take China as a model. Or, it could be a combination of these two things. 5. Question: In Chou Tun-i's "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate" the character 'yang' (PH) is on the left and the character for 'y in ' (PH) is on the right. Furthermore, the direction established for each on the diagram is correct. Why did you take the right as the East and the left as the West? Answer: I took Chou's Diagram diagram as the authoritative guide. It is because I am here in the North looking South and 122 Chou Tun-i is down in Southern China, south of the Yellow River, looking North that there seems to be a difference. That is why in this diagram the left is East in the west's normal position and the right is West in the position usually occupied by the East. If we look at the same phenomena as though the chart were to the North and we were looking at it from the South, then the East would appear to be on the right and West would appear to be on the left. It is not that y in and yang are in different positions; rather it is only that positions of those observing yin and yang has changed.83) Question six deals with the five phases (or agents) in the "neck" of the diagram, as well as the Chinese characters for 'root of yang' (|S§ W) within y in and 'root of yin ' (rS=|H) within yang. The problem appears to be that the elements 'fire' and 'water' are in positions opposite of what they hold in Chou's Diagram. In Chou's diagram water is on the yin side of the diagram and fire is on the yang side. Moreover, earth is in the center of the other four phases and there links fire and metal, but, as an agent or phase, it is still whole. In K w o n Kun's diagram, however, "earth" is written twice, as though it were split by the neck of the diagram. The root of the problem is probably because in Chou's diagram the inter-penetration of y in and yang is shown separately from the five phases; there yin and yang are inbetween the empty enclosure representing the Supreme Ultimate and Unrealized Ultimate, which is above, and the Five Phases, which are below. In Kwon's diagram the inter-penetration of y in and yang and the five phases is all dealt within the same section. Hence the confusion. 123 6. Question: In Chou Tun-i's "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate" the elements water, fire, metal, and wood are all below the section dealing with y in and yang and the element 'earth' is in the middle with 'water' on the y in side and 'fire' on the yang side, but now in your diagram water is in the 'root of yang' section within y in and fire is in the 'root of y in ' section within yang. Moreover, you split the element earth in two and insert it in among the other four phases. Why is this? Answer: Although in Chou Tun-i's Diagram the Five Phases are arranged below yin and yang, he says that the five phases are one with y in and yang. So, there is no y i n and yang outside the five phases. ["By the transformation of yang and its union wi th yin, the five agents of Water, Fire, Wood, Metal and Earth arise.... The Five Agents constitute one system of y in and yang..."84)] Perhaps the viewer does not see this. Generally speaking, water resides in the first of the earthly branches and, since that is where yang arises, water is y in at the extreme. Thus yang already occurs in the yang within yin. That is why it is drawn in the midst of y in as the root of yang. Fire resides in the seventh earthly branch and that is where y in arises. Fire is the completion of yang, the fullest form of yang, and the first sprouts of y in are already present, namely as the y in in the midst of yang. Therefore it is in the midst of yang and resides as the root of yin. Wood is yang in its early phases and is pure yang. Therefore it is in the east. Metal is y in in its early stages and is pure yin. Thus it is in the West. [Note: Wood is pure yang, and metal is pure yin. This is because wood generates fire, the most intense form of yang, and metal generates water, the most intense form of yin. Wood is between early yang, which arises out of water but before fire, 124 which is the form of yang that contains the sprouts of yin. Similarly, metal arises out of fire and earth, which is yin; this in turn generates .water, the most intense form of yin, but it also contains the sprouts of yang. That is why these two are the purest forms of yang and yin, respectively.] In general, Earth, as one of the Five Phases, has no one definite position and is connected to the other four phases. That is why it can be divided in two and inserted in between them. The circle represents Earth is not as large as those of the four phases, and when you see that it is not clear whether its substance is y in or yang and that it is partly hidden, then you can see that it is actually same size as the other four phases. This shows that it functions as an intermediary agent. It is only when it joins another agent that its role becomes clear. Its orientation as either y in or yang only becomes clear through its interaction with another one of the Four Agents. That is why it is not represented as an independent agent the same size as the others. However, since the l i of the Heavenly Mandate runs right through the middle of the diagram and is the controlling force, how could we allow the element Earth to cover up the l i of the Heavenly Mandate? Therefore, since I had to reconcile Earth belonging to both the y in and yang sides of the diagram and I could not have Earth covering the Heavenly Mandate, I had no choice but to show its influence in two separate locations, on both sides of the channel for l i as the Heavenly Mandated) Question seven deals with the nature of ch'i itself and its relationship to y in and yang. Material force is here described using two different Chinese characters to elucidate different aspects of it. One of 125 the characters is, of course, the Chinese character ch'i (%), usually translated "material force". The other character, % (K: j i l , Ch: chih), is sometimes rendered "psycho-physical force" and sometimes just "matter". These two characters are located on the "shoulders" of the diagram; the character ch'i (^) is in the right shoulder, in the white area representing yang (PJ§). The other character, jil (@), is in the left shoulder, in the dark area representing y in (^) . (These two characters are also in the phrases flanking the "torso" of the diagram, and while alluded to here, they are dealt with in greater detail in question thirteen.) The latter character, jil is defined in Mathews as either, 1.) "disposition" or 2.) "matter, substance, or elements". Moreover, Mathews glosses MM as "a man's moral character" and ftSC as "a man's disposition".8 6) The Font of Words (MWt) gives a broader range of meanings for both these terms. It defines the Chinese character jil (JJ) as: 1.) "substance" or, more literally "body" (f§); 2.) "lead", "leader", "ruler", "principal" ( i . ) or "root", "foundation" (>$:); 3.) "nature" (Utt); 4.) "correct, straight, true, exact, right" (J£), and 5.) "genuine, true, real, substantial" (H), among others. In addition, it defines ch'i (H,) as: 1.) "The unifying part of an object; in solid and fluid bodies it is said to have substantial nature (f§f{), but has not solidified", or 2.) "It is something without form, but j i l (r0) is present and it responds, reacts". In short, ch'i (%) has a more active, dynamic, and less solidified character than jil {%), and jil (r0) has a concrete, less dynamic character than ch'i (^) . Fung Yu-Lan (or at least Bodde's translation of Fung) defines jil (%) as "corporeal matter" and either transliterates ch'i (%) or translates it as "Ether". Of the latter character, he states that here, ch'i "is the basic material from which concrete things are produced, and to which l i or Principle supplies the pattern or form."; 126 j i l CM.), on the other hand, "is this same 'material' when it appears in more solid and tangible form."87) In the Diagram as presented here, the concrete aspect is translated "matter" (M) and the more general aspect is translated "force" (H). Question seven turns around a distinction within material force (the individualizing aspect) itself, specifically the relationship between those aspects of material force represented by these two Chinese characters. O n the one hand, there is the raw force of the material (the general aspect (^,)) and, on the other, is the specific, concrete instance (M) of that same material. But, this being the case, what is the difference between the two? K w o n K u n answers the question in a way that indicates these concepts refer to different aspects of the same thing. One interesting thing about the distinctions being made here is that material force is described in terms of y in and yang and in terms of general (M,) and specific (M) forms, but there has been no attempt to relate these two separate descriptions to each other. It would be redundant to simply equate yang (!$§) with ch'i (#*,) and y in (PH) with j i l CM)- Chu Hs i states: "The y in and yang are Ether [^]; the Five Elements [Phases] are corporeal matter. There being this corporeal matter, (individual) things and objects thereby appear."88) It may be possible to tie this question in with the previous one, at least in one respect. There, the 'root of yang' was embedded within y in and the 'root of yin ' was embedded within yang. The same type of thing may be going on here. The concrete aspect CM.), normally associated with yin, is embedded in yang, and the general, more dynamic aspect (0,), normally associated with yang, is active in yin. Lastly, the relationship between ch'i and l i is more thoroughly 127 explored in the Four-Seven debate, in the mid-sixteenth century. But, in some ways an even more thorough examination of this particular point (i. e., the internal characteristics of l i and ch'i) in Korean Neo-Confucianism was during the Horak dabate, e. g., the ideas of Han W6n-jin CSKI*!, mjt'M, 1682-1750) and Y i Kan 1677-1727). 7. Question: In order for people or things to take a specific physical form, y in and yang, the two forces of ch'i, must come together and coagulate to give concrete shape. Now, you have gone and split the ch'i (JS) as general stuff (force) from specific matter (J{), putting one on the right and the other on the left. The result is that this then separates ch'i as material force into two different things. H o w can something assume specific material form without this general matter (ch'i, force) coagulating? Answer: The formation of things really is from the accumulation of y in and yang. They definitely cannot be separated. But, when we examine their origin then we see that in the beginning material forms are born out of yin, and spirit (fiji) is generated by yang. We have to distinguish between these two aspects. M y putting them on the right and left certainly does not mean to separate them as two distinct things. This is to let students know the difference between y in and yang so that they w i l l understand physicality. Therefore, although ch'i (Hi, force) is on the right, the specific, concrete coagulation (M) of ch'i is complete within it. A n d , even though the specific coagulation of matter (j=[) is on the left, ch' i as force, operates within it. Likewise, they are never not combined and are thus always as one. Moreover, although the diagram 128 shows [both aspects of material force], c h ' i is generally the ch ' i r e s id ing w i t h i n the concrete coagulat ion and i t manifests externally as yang . [In other words , as analyt ical ly separable, c h ' i is taken as the exterior and as wha t is made vis ib le th rough the manifestation of the internal , concrete coagulat ion of ch'i .] 8 9 ) Ques t ion eight deals w i t h the relat ionship between pr inc ip le and material force i n the mind-and-heart , specifically h o w , i n respond ing to things i n the w o r l d , the mind-and-heart combines both p r inc ip le and mater ial force. Impl i ed i n the quest ion is the contrast between the mind-and-heart i n the quiescent state before it is aroused, or responds to phenomena i n the w o r l d , and the mind-and-heart after it is aroused. For K w o n , it is at the moment of i s su ing forth, i . e., w h e n it first responds to something, that the mind-and-heart combines pr inc ip le and mater ial force. Equa l l y important , the direct ion or tendency of the mind-and-heart f rom this point fo rward that determines whether the person w i l l act correctly or go astray. F ina l ly , K w o n K u n reminds his students that it is mater ial force that a l lows the innate potential of the mind-and-heart to be real ized, but, at the same time, it also permits evils to arise. 8. Ques t ion: The mind-and-heart represents intel l igent awareness i n its pure, natural ly g iven, cosmical ly ind iv i s ib le form, empty of any consciously specific concepts or sensations but is, at the same time, fu l ly e n d o w e d w i t h the m y r i a d principles.^) W h e n it responds to the man i fo ld affairs i n the w o r l d , h o w does the mind-and-heart combine pr inc ip le and mater ial force? A n s w e r : L i itself is wi thou t activity; that whereby it is able to 129 be spiritual and function and penetrate the myriad things and interact with them is ch' i [material force/the individualizing aspect]. The proclamation (tip^j) of Y u states, "The Human mind is precarious, the Tao mind is subtle."91) That means it is definitely a matter of making a distinction in terms of both principle and material force when speaking about the mind-and-heart. We can detect differences of good and evil when the mind-and-heart is on the verge of manifesting itself (forming thoughts, feelings, etc.). If the manifestation were a matter of pure l i and not admixed with ch' i , then how could it manifest anything other than what is totally good? In addition, the mind-and-heart, as one of the Five Vital Organs (heart, lungs, liver, spleen, and kidneys), is subsumed under the agent Fire, so we can see how it must have been formed from a coagulation of ch'i. 9 2) Question nine deals with the mind-and-heart located right in the middle of the Diagram. Specifically the question addresses the relationship between the substance and function of the mind-and-heart and the relationship of these two things to other Neo-Confucian concepts, namely W i l l , Nature, Feelings, M i n d , Seven Emotions, and Four Beginnings. The first four of these terms are in a separate enclosure, but taken together these four enclosures have the shape of the Chinese character for mind-and-heart ( / f j > ) . For the questioner, the quiescent state of the mind-and-heart is seen as having nothing in it. Therefore, K w o n Kun's writing these concepts within the mind-and-heart seems to slight its quiescent state, and, in doing so, undercuts the foundation for the very concepts K w o n mentions therein. In his answer, K w o n K u n again 130 points out that what on the surface looks like different terms that refer to different entities, may in reality refer to the same thing in a different context, or different functions of the same substance may be referred to wi th different names. Moreover, K w o n K u n cautions his students about focusing on only one aspect of the mind-and-heart (here the quiescent state) at the expense of more complete knowledge of the mind-and-heart as a whole. 9. Question: The mind-and-heart is fundamentally empty of any specific content, but it nevertheless functions as the organ of intelligent awareness that is indivisible. That is why we can say that before it responds to stimuli (i. e., when it is unengaged) it is still and empty with no specific, nameable content, but when it responds to things (i. e., when it is engaged) it is able to resonate with the principles in things and affairs, for it is then able to interact with them without encountering any barriers whatsoever. So, why have you taken this unitary mind-and-heart and separated the heavenly-endowed human nature (ft), the mind-and-heart the feelings ( f p f ) , and the w i l l (jft) into different parts of the character for the mind-and-heart, and then, on top of this, placed the Five Constants, the Four Fonts, the Seven Emotions, and y in and yang below them? A l l these different terms for the one mind-and-heart fragment its individual, intelligent awareness. Y o u left no place in your diagram for the still and empty substance within the mind-and-heart and have instead presented it as a collection of bits and pieces which do not adhere to one another and have, therefore, made it impossible for the mind-and-heart to penetrate and integrate with myriad 131 phenomena in the world in a unified fashion. Why d id you do this? Answer: The intelligent awareness of the mind-and-heart in its pure, naturally given, cosmically indivisible form, empty of any consciously specific concepts or sensations is definitely one. That is all there is to it. But, this having been said, when you talk about what it is that makes this intelligent awareness capable of also being the substance of the mind-and-heart, it is nothing other than our heavenly-endowed human nature composed of the Five Constants. As such, it embraces the multitudinous principles in the myriad phenomena of the world. When you talk about what it is that makes this intelligent awareness capable of being the mind-and-heart's function, then there is nothing other than its responses to the myriad phenomena as the Four Fonts (Beginnings) and the Seven Emotions. This is why there are no patterns of change in the myriad things and events that the mind-and-heart does not manage. If you only think of the mind-and-heart as still and empty and do not realize that the heavenly-endowed human nature, composed of the Five Constants, is the substance, then you w i l l be misled by your recognition of the fact that the mind-and-heart has no boundaries and no concrete entity. This misunderstanding w i l l lead you into accepting the nihilism and isolation of the Taoists and Buddhists. Then the Great Foundation on which the mind-and-heart can stand w i l l not be established. If you only think of the mind-and-heart as intelligent awareness and do not make sure you watch carefully when the Four Fonts and the Seven Emotions are on the verge of manifesting themselves and distinguish between good and bad 132 when they first appear, then your mind w i l l end up under the control of the phenomenal world and your emotions w i l l be driven by your selfish desires. If that happens, you w i l l never be able to act in accordance with the Tao. Students must recognize that the substance of the mind-and-heart is to be found in complete stillness in order to preserve the original, correct orientation of that incipient stage. They must also be aware that the functioning of the mind-and-heart is to be found in the close attention paid when the mind-heart is responding to the phenomenal world in order to ensure that their emotions do not deviate from the path they should follow. Only then can both substance and function be realized completely, and only then can students successfully cultivate both their external behavior and their inner thoughts. Only then can their studies lead them to the Way. 9 3) The idea of correspondences, that things or ideas correspond with something else or most often several other things within the universe, was very important in Chinese thought. The first full-scale, systematic attempt at finding correspondences was the Han synthesis. The underlying assumption was that patterned correspondences reflected a deeper unity and that differences were merely different manifestations of the one Tao. The same assumption holds true for the later Neo-Confucian synthesis. Question ten deals with the Four Virtues and whether they correspond to the Four Directions or the Four Seasons. However, there was more than one set of correspondences and it is to this K w o n K u n refers in replying. A . C. Graham gives several examples of different correspondences. For example, one of the more common sets 133 of correspondences appears in the Lu-shih ch'un-ch'iu (B J3c#|^)94): Five Phases Wood Fire Soil Metal Water Four Seasons Spring Summer Autumn Winter Four Directions East South (Center) West North This chart shows the basic correlation- "the Four Seasons with the Four Directions", plus the Five Phases. In the chart below Graham shows why these are standard: A C A C Spring Autumn East . West B D B D Summer Winter South North In this chart the Four Seasons are on the left-hand side and the Four Directions on the right side: "These two sets correlate because in both of them A / C and B / D are the opposite positions of the sun in its recurring cycles, its temporal positions through the year and its spatial [orientation] through the day."95) Although the Five Phases seem arbitrarily aligned they too are "bound by the structural relations"; "once it is recognized they have to fall into two pairs and the remainder".96) While there is reason for the agreement between the three categories listed above (Phases, Seasons, and Directions) across different correspondence charts, other things may correspond to different things in different schemes of correspondences. For instance, musical notes, tastes, and smells may correspond to different things in different charts.97) In the case here, the difference in sequence then is due to the correspondence of one arrangement of the Four Virtues to the Four Directions, on the one hand, 134 and a different arrangement to the Four Seasons, on the other. The point K w o n is emphasizing here is that these correspondences are relative, not concrete. 10. Question: When the philosophers in the past mentioned the Heavenly-endowed nature (ft) they always spoke of benevolence (t), propriety (H), ritual (iii), and wisdom (^) , but now you speak of benevolence, ritual, propriety, and wisdom. Why the difference in order? Answer: Philosophers in the past referred to them in terms of the Four Directions, East, West, South, and North. Now, if we take them as corresponding with Heaven we refer to them in terms of the Four Seasons, spring, summer, autumn and, winter. 9 8) Question eleven deals with the long bottom stroke of the Chinese character for the mind-and-heart in the center part of the diagram and the circle right above it. A t the top of this circle is the Chinese character for the heavenly-endowed nature (ft) and below it are the Four Virtues (righteousness, humanity, wisdom, propriety). Below this is the Chinese character for mind-and-heart (>\j), and arranged below it are the Seven Emotions (goodness, anger, fear, joy, sadness, wickedness, and desire). This arrangement makes it seem like the Four Virtues issue from the nature and the Seven Emotions issue from the mind-and-heart, but earlier scholars, e. g., both Han Y i i and the Ch'eng Brothers, had the Seven Emotions issuing from the heavenly-endowed nature. In this sense, the question implies that K w o n K u n is not following this tradition. In his reply K w o n Kun shows why this is not so. He does so by noting 135 that when the feelings first issue they may either be in equilibrium or out of equilibrium. If the former is the case, then the feelings are in accord with the Tao (i. e., with principle) and are indeed an issuance of the heavenly-endowed nature. O n the other hand, if they are unbalanced, i . e., lose their equilibrium, then it is not accurate to say they issue from the nature. They do, of course, still issue, but in this case it is more accurate to say they issue from the mind-and-heart. The reason for this is because the mind-and-heart combines both principle and material force, and it is the latter that can cause feelings to go astray. Looking at it from this point of view, it seems that the relationship between the Heavenly-endowed nature and the four virtues is analogous to that between the mind-and-heart and the Seven Feelings, and that the relation between the feelings and the Heavenly-endowed nature is similar to that between the w i l l and the mind-and-heart. 11. Question: When the T'ang scholar Han Y u discussed the original nature he based it on the Book of Rites and took the Seven Emotions mentioned therein, goodness (#), anger (|g), fear joy ' (^) , sadness (f§), wickedness (M), and desire ($:) as issuing from the nature. The Ch'eng Brothers did likewise. N o w you are taking the Four Beginnings as issuing from the heavenly-endowed nature and the Seven Emotions are arranged below the mind-and-heart. Why is this? Answer: The proper functioning of the Seven Emotions depends on their manifesting themselves in moderation. According to the fundamental, original nature, this is what they are supposed to do. If it is like this, they all are in accord with the Mean. Isn't this what the Doctrine of the Mean is talking about when it 136 refers to cosmic harmony arising from action in accordance with the Tao? In that case, how could they not be seen as a manifestation of human nature? If perhaps what is issued has something off-kilter then you cannot exactly refer to it as a manifestation of the true nature, nor can the Four Beginnings be included amongst the Seven Emotions. Therefore, I placed them in the bottom part of the heart-and-mind in order to show students that the issuing of the Heavenly-endowed nature may be right on target (i. e., in equilibrium) or miss the mark (be out of equilibrium). So, students must be watchful of their emotions when they issue in order to make sure they are correct. Moreover, the Ch'eng Brothers said that when the mind-and-heart is stimulated internally by contact with external things, it then generates the Seven Emotions internally. When those emotions are at their most intense, the original nature is damaged. In a case like this, we do not see them as a manifestation of the original nature.9?) The thrust of question twelve reflects an important Neo-Confucian modification in the interpretation of the Confucian tradition. The question deals with the relationship between the four virtuous instincts (or dispositions) and the four virtues. Two things are noted here; first, the question itself asks, since these two sets are so closely linked, why are they in two separate enclosures rather than both contained within one enclosure? More important though is that Kwon's diagram reflects a reversal of the traditional interpretation first put forward by Mencius. The question refers to the far right enclosure in the 'torso' of the diagram and the enclosure right below it, outside the 'torso'. In the top of the upper enclosure is the Chinese character for 'emotions, feelings' 137 (IN). Be low the character, but s t i l l w i t h i n the enclosure, are the feelings or disposi t ions that correspond to the Four Vir tues (E9#fi)). Moreover , these two enclosures are on different sides of the l ine between the mind-and-heart i n its quiescent and active states. The upper enclosure and the feelings associated w i t h the four virtues are i n the part of the d iag ram representing the mind-and-heart i n an inactive, quiescent state; the lower enclosure is outside i n an area representing the mind-and-heart as active and responding to affairs. These feelings are inherent v i r tuous instincts; they are the d ispos i t ion of commiserat ion, the d i spos i t ion of shame and dis l ike , the d ispos i t ion of y i e l d i n g and deference, and the d ispos i t ion of r ight and w r o n g . These four feelings correspond to their respective vir tue i n the enclosure directly be low, namely benevolence, righteousness, proprie ty , and w i s d o m . The earlier interpretation h e l d that the feeling of commisera t ion was the beg inn ing of benevolence, the d i spos i t ion of shame and d is l ike was the beg inn ing of righteousness, the d ispos i t ion of y i e l d i n g and deference was the beg inn ing of proprie ty , and the d i spos i t ion of r ight and w r o n g was the beg inn ing of w i s d o m . [Only the last part of each pair is s h o w n i n D i a g r a m 1 as presented here.] In M e n c i u s , the beginnings (i#s) were a potential that cou ld be nur tu red and developed; nu r tu r ing (but not forcing) one's m o r a l sprouts was essential for self-cultivation. A l l this changed w i t h the Neo-Confuc i an assertion of pr inciple . Because a person's endowment of pr inc ip le (the person's nature) was complete, there was no "potential" to develop; the p rob lem became one of rea l iz ing and activating one's latent, but w h o l l y complete, nature. Therefore, rather than ind ica t ing a "beginning" (#£) that c o u l d then be developed, the focus shifted to "the other end of the thread": the four virtues were n o w seen as "clues" 138 h in t ing at the disposi t ions they manifest. The "tip" i n this instance was the "end", not the "beginning"; this is w h y the character is sometimes translated as 'c lue ' . Therefore, benevolence as a manifestation was a 'c lue ' h in t ing at the d isposi t ion of commisera t ion, the manifestation of righteousness was a clue h in t ing at the d ispos i t ion of shame and dis l ike , the manifestation of propr ie ty was a clue h in t ing at the d i spos i t ion of y i e l d i n g and deference, and the manifestation of w i s d o m was a clue h in t ing at the d ispos i t ion of r ight and w r o n g . A s noted i n the in t roduct ion , the Chinese scholar C h a n g S h i h also made this modif ica t ion , but the rationale beh ind the swi tch is rooted i n the C h ' e n g brothers ' adopt ion of pr inciple . It is this transformation that K w o n K u n had to keep i n m i n d w h e n answering. Thus part of his answer includes t ry ing to impress u p o n his students that different terms refer to different manifestations or functions of the one al l -encompassing pr inc ip le , not to ontological ly different things. 12. Ques t ion: The feeling of commisera t ion is benevolence (humaneness); the feeling of reverence and respect is propriety; the feeling of shame and d i s l ike is righteousness, and the feeling of r ight and w r o n g is w i s d o m . These are not two separate sets of things, yet n o w , i n this d iagram, y o u have arranged the Fou r Beginnings be low the feelings. Moreover , y o u created a separate enclosure and put the Four Beginnings or Fonts i n it, separate f rom the feelings engendering them. W h y d i d y o u do this? A n s w e r : The four-fold nature is a l l m i x e d together w i t h the heavenly-endowed h u m a n nature, but w h e n they are activated i n response to different s t imul i , they can be d is t inguished as the four v i r tuous disposi t ions commiserat ion, the sense of 139 shame and dislike, the feeling of respect and reverence, and the sense of right and wrong. This is why we can say that these four dispositions are the manifestation of the four-fold nature. Truly, they are not two [separate entities]. In so far as they arise internally, we call them the dispositions, and when they are externally manifested, we call them manifestations. Don't think of these as different things. When Mencius refers to these, sometimes he calls them Beginnings (ifft), and sometimes he does not. When Chu Hs i , in referring to the meaning of this character says it is like something being within and a clue, then the meaning is clearer and (the difference) must be discerned.1 0 0) Question thirteen continues the line of thought from question twelve and works its way down the right side of the diagram, focusing on the middle enclosure in the "leg" of the diagram, i . e., on the lower right side of the diagram. O n this side of the diagram, all-encompassing principle, l i , is predominant. It is purely good without anything bad. But, because it is on this side of the diagram, it is also farthest away from material force which is what gives things form. A n d , this is the basis of the question, specifically since the Chinese character for sincerity (M) is on the l i side of the diagram it appears to be ethereal, without form and the sincerity of the sage is like that of Heaven, what then accounts for the material form of the sage? Add ing to the problem, it appears that the Human M i n d has been replaced by the Tao M i n d and is no longer present. Kwon Kun is quick to point out that the sage, like everyone else, does indeed have material form. What makes the sage different is that although the Human M i n d is present, it now operates in 140 accord with Heavenly principle. Therefore, it is the Tao M i n d that governs the sage's actions. In answering, K w o n refers to two different parts of the diagram, the two pairs of phrases flanking the "torso" of the diagram and the three enclosures across the middle of the lower half of the diagram. Each of the flanks has two separate phrases. (These were alluded to in question seven.) Farthest to the right it says, "Matter (jS.) is present in the midst", and, closer to the body of the diagram it says, "spirit (/#) is activated through yang". The phrase on the left, to the outside of the diagram, says, "force (JR) acts externally;" the one to the inside says, "form (J|^ ) arises through yin." The pairs on each side are complementary, i . e., between form and force and between matter and spirit. But, another comparison can also be made. This is between the two outer-most phrases, on the one hand, and the two inner-most phrases, on the other hand. This would contrast "matter (r0) is present in the midst" wi th "force (%) acts externally" and "spirit (jjfi|i) is activated through yang" with "form ffi) arises through yin". This would also imply that the phrase "matter is present in the midst" complements the phrase "form arises through yin" and that the phrase "spirit is activated through yang" complements "force acts externally". In discussing the three enclosures across the middle of the lower part of the diagram (desires, mindfulness, and sincerity) K w o n notes that all three are present in the sage. The difference between the wise and the wicked is due to the fact that the actions of the former, unlike the latter, are governed by sincerity. 13. Question: People have a body composed of ch'i regardless 141 of whether they are a sage or a simpleton, a worthy or wicked; there is no difference. That is why Chu Hs i said, "There is no human being without material form." Thus, although it is above the Chinese character for wisdom there is no one who does not have the Human M i n d . N o w you nevertheless have the character for 'sincerity' in an enclosure that is exclusively l i and which does not include material force, so are you saying that the sage then has no form (body) and therefore has no Human Mind? Answer: No , it's not like that. When people and things are born they all receive ch'i. C h ' i is what gives them a material form. They also all receive principle as their nature. Since principle, l i , is the nature, I placed it below the Supreme Ultimate in the diagram. That is also why I placed the different aspects of material force (ch'i H, and jil M.) on the outer edges of the diagram. Moreover, I put the mind-and-heart in the inside because it is made up of both l i and ch'i. It is here that there are differences between the sage and the simpleton. If there are these three enclosures, sincerity, mindfulness, and desire, it is only that they come to life in the mind-and-heart of the sage. It's not that only sincerity is present. In acting in the wor ld of affairs, those acts can be good or bad, moral or base, because there are these three locales from which a person acts. It's not that the body of the sage is not formed through material force, because it is. A n d , it's not that the Human M i n d is absent; that's there too. Moreover, it is not that what we are referring to here as the Human M i n d is not obtained; it is only that it is steadfast and correct. Therefore, the Tao M i n d governs the sage's actions. This is why the Human M i n d of the sage is as pure as Heavenly principle. He has not one iota of selfish 142 desire.1 0 1) Question fourteen deals with the sincerity of the sage and its being equal to that of Heaven. For K w o n Kirn, the sage is someone who naturally and habitually acts in accordance with Heavenly principle. The reason for this is that the sage and Heaven share the same principle. Moreover, in the case of the sage, all selfish desires, i . e., those that deviate from Heavenly principle, are prevented from taking root, so that, in the end, the sage's heavenly-endowed principle is in perfect alignment with Heavenly principle, and it is on the basis of this that the sage acts. K w o n also reminds his students that as part of the practical framework of self-cultivation, sagehood is a goal they can achieve. 14. Question: The Five Classics, the Analects, and Mencius, all these texts praise the manifold virtues of the sage. In the enclosure dealing with 'sincerity', you refer to those virtues of the sage as solid and true, lacking any falsehood. Why d id you do this? Answer: The virtue of the sage is as expansive and great as Heaven's, without a single defect. There are countless ways to sing the praises of both the sage and Heaven, but if you want to talk concretely about what it is Heaven and the sage have in common, then the important thing is that both are manifestations of unceasing sincerity (integrity) of the highest order, and that is all. That is why I made the Chinese character for 'sincerity' so large. Even if I add more comments about the virtue of the sage underneath the character, there would still be things I would have to leave out. Moreover, even if I d id this, beginning students would find the description of the sage too 143 intimidating and would give up their pursuit of sagehood as a goal. That is why I only speak of the virtue of the sage being solid and true, lacking any falsehood. Although it would be closer to the truth to say that the virtue of the sage is as broad and as great as Heaven's and that there is nothing that the virtue of the sage does not encompass, I wanted students who look at the diagram to feel sagehood was an achievable goal. I wanted to encourage students to think they could learn about sincerity and, through their own efforts, maintain the hope that they too could achieve sagehood. 102) Question fifteen deals with the middle enclosure in the "leg" on the left side of the diagram. The usual comparison is between the sage, the superior man, and the inferior or petty person. K w o n K u n speaks of the sage in relation to sincerity and of the superior man in terms of mindfulness, but in the enclosure dealing with desire, he has not written "inferior man"; rather he has penned in "ordinary man". The question here then is why this switch. 15. Question: Chou Tun-i's "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate" speaks of the auspiciousness (luck) of the superior man's cultivation and the inauspiciousness (ill fortune) of the petty man's perversity. N o w you already have "the superior man cultivates the self" below the Chinese character 'mindfulness' but below the character 'desire' you have "ordinary man" and not "the petty man". Why is this? Answer: People, although unworthy, think of themselves as worthy and wise and do not think of themselves or their actions 144 as those of the inferior person. If I say "inferior person" then the person looking at the diagram w i l l think of some other person's affairs as excessive and uncouth but w i l l not bother to examine himself. Therefore, in saying "ordinary people" like this, people who see the diagram w i l l examine themselves and respond appropriately. 1 0 3) The question here in number sixteen is simple enough, is K w o n Kun's Diagram, "Heaven and Man, M i n d and Nature, Combine as One", the equal of Chou Tun-i's "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate"? But, this also implicitly asks whether or not K w o n K u n ranks himself as the equal of Chou Tun-i. After a quick "No", K w o n K u n goes on to describe the difficulty of the task ahead and that his reason for making the diagram is to introduce the basic concept of Neo-Confucianism to his students. 16. Question: Master, do you dare compare this diagram to that of Chou Tun-i? Answer: N o . H o w can you say that! Although Chou Tun-i's Diagram is as sublime as it is complete, there are still some things in it that beginning students w i l l have trouble understanding. So too with Chu Hsi 's commentary on the Doctrine of the Mean in Chapter and Verse, although it is crystal clear, there are nevertheless beginning students who w i l l have trouble understanding the fundamental points he is making. Moreover, beginners cannot see that this is nevertheless the foundation of the moral sense (principle of righteousness). If the foundation is not understood and what is learned is ignoble then this is an extremely great loss. That is why I made these diagrams based on Chou Tun-i's "Diagram of the Supreme 145 Ultimate" and Chu Hsi's Doctrine of the Mean in Chapter and Verse— to give beginning students a good start toward understanding the ideas of Chou and Chu, nothing more. Is this really daring to be like the past sages?104) Question seventeen concerns K w o n Kun's explaining some of the fundamental Chinese characters by breaking down the constituent strokes and explaining their meaning. K w o n explains the need for this on pedagogical grounds and defends of this practice as based on precedent. 17. Question: The thorough way you analyse the meaning of the characters 'Heaven', 'person', 'mind-and-heart' and 'nature', even to the point of breaking down the way the characters are written really delves into their meanings; what is this based on? Answer: Tearing the characters apart and delving into their meaning is necessary in order to help new students more easily and enjoyably learn their meanings. But this was also done by our predecessors. For example, this is done wi th logical combinations where a character is made up of two other characters to arrive at a new meaning, e. g., the character for "Heaven" (3>c) being made up of the character "one" (—) plus the character "vast" (j^), or the character for "earth" (J-fe) as the combination of "land" (dt) and "this is" ( i i i ) . Likewise in the case of imitative symbols like the characters like "mountain" (ill) or "sacrificial vessel" (jftf) that look like the object depicted. This was also the case for indicative symbols, characters that get their meaning from the two characters they are composed of, like 'fidelity' (,&) from center (4 1) and mind-and-heart (>6), or 146 'altruism' (#5) from Tike' (jm) and mind-and-heart ('f_>). In this last case, it is almost as if the character were a two-character compound. This method explains a lot and there is no harm in it (lit: any harm is minimal), so it is pardonable.1 0 5) The Great Learning Whereas the first diagram provides an overview of the entire cosmos and relates this to Confucian ideals as well as human psychology and the second diagram shows the link between Heaven, on the one hand, and sincerity and mindfulness, on the other, thus reaffirming the link between humanity and Heaven, the third diagram, dealing with the Great Learning, goes into the nuts and bolts of self-cultivation. It also contains a sentence linking it with the previous diagrams: "Externally it is as expansive as Heaven, internally are the eight specific steps". In between the two parts of this phrase, and obviously linking them together, is a reference to the three essential themes or principia (H#P1). The Chinese characters used here are the same as those usually translated as the "three bonds" or "three relations" (EiDfl). In this sense there may be an implied reference to the relationship between father and son, king and minister, and husband and wife. A n d , to the extent such an implication exists, it would also tie in with the previous diagrams showing the link between Heaven and Humanity. But here the term is probably just a contraction of a reference to three themes ( H | § ^ ) that provide a framework for the Great Learning, just as the three relations provide a framework for all relationships. These three principia are 147 " i l lumina t ing l u m i n o u s virtue", "renewing the people", and "abiding i n the highest good". Read across the top of the d iagram f rom right to left w e have " i l lumina t ing l u m i n o u s vir tue" where the vi r tue e n d o w e d i n the person by H e a v e n is developed; here the focus is o n the self. N e x t is "renewing the people" where the focus is obv ious ly on others, whether that be w i t h i n the family , society, or nat ion, and, f inal ly , is "abiding i n the highest good", the goal of the previous two. But that is not a l l . A g a i n , go ing f rom right to left across the top of the d iagram, w e also see the fundamental characteristics of each theme or P r inc ip i a . For " i l lumina t ing l u m i n o u s vir tue" we see it is the "root substance" and for "renewing the people" w e see it is the "branch function". O r , t ak ing each w o r d separately, w e see that i l l umina t i ng l u m i n o u s vi r tue is the substance and renewing the people is its funct ioning or manifestation, and r enewing the people is derivat ive of i l l umina t i ng l u m i n o u s vi r tue w h i c h is seen as fundamental , this last point ty ing i n w i t h the idea of things h a v i n g a essential and derivat ive aspects. In the enclosure at the top, far left of the d iag ram is "abiding i n the highest good". It is the goal of bo th i l l u m i n a t i n g one's vir tue and enhancing that of others, but it also under girds them. B e l o w the top three enclosures conta ining the P r inc ip i a are the "eight items", also cal led the "eight specific steps". These are the pract ical steps the person must fo l low i n order to develop one's potent ia l and help others develop theirs. These steps are: invest igat ing things, extending knowledge , m a k i n g thoughts sincere, rect ifying the m i n d , self-cult ivation, regula t ing the family , govern ing the country, a n d pac i fy ing the w o r l d . The first five items, a l l of w h i c h deal w i t h self-cult ivation, are a l l arranged be low the enclosure for " i l lumina t ing 148 luminous virtue". Two of these, "the investigation of things" and "the extension of knowledge", deal with thought; the other three, "making one's thoughts sincere", "rectifying the mind", and "cultivating oneself", are labeled as actions, though the distinction between thought and practice blurs, because the distinction here between these two should not be seen sequentially but as simultaneous. Under "renewing the people" are the remaining three of the eight items: "regulating the family", "governing the country", and "pacifying the world". These last three show the fields of application for the first five items and reflect the idea that the further you are along the path the better able you are to help others proceed. In sum, the first five items are things the person must do for or to himself; the last three are the affects one has on others because everyone is bound through relationships. One layer down and still on the far right of the diagram is an enclosure with the Chinese character for 'thought, knowing' (£fj) in it. Here, we see the intellectual goal of investigating things and the extension of knowledge is, ultimately, abiding in the highest good (perfect goodness): "to know wherein to abide in perfect goodness". A n d , we see this is also the goal of action, of making one's thoughts sincere, rectifying one's mind, and self-cultivation. But whereas with 'knowing' it was the pursuit of this goal deriving from the investigation of things and the completion of knowledge, directly above it in the diagram, here it is done through illuminating luminous virtue. Likewise for actions that go beyond oneself, here labeled 'ultimate action', though it may be better to think of it as the ultimate realization of action of practice. Below these three enclosures and their accompanying elaborations is the moral effort needed to bridge the gap between attempting and achieving. This is represented 149 here b y the enclosure be low the l ine l i n k i n g ' k n o w i n g ' and 'act ing ' . A t the bo t tom right half of the d iagram, are the eight specific steps, n o w fulf i l led . In other words , whereas the eight part icular steps at the top of the d i ag ram refer to chapter four of the classic vers ion of the text, here they refer to the fifth chapter. In the last layer of the d i ag ram o n the right, the comple t ion of " k n o w i n g where to stop", " i l lumina t ing l u m i n o u s virtue", and "renewing the people" is defined i n terms of a b i d i n g i n the highest good. The relat ionship between both i l l u m i n a t i n g i l lus t r ious v i r tue and r enewing the people to ab id ing i n the highest good is i m p l i e d i n the d i ag ram w h e n read across the top; this relat ionship becomes expl ic i t w h e n read f rom top to bot tom. Read ing the d iag ram f rom top to bot tom, go ing d o w n the left side under the enclosure "abiding i n the highest good", shows the same relat ionship, but f rom a different perspective. Here the l i n k between ab id ing i n the highest good and r enewing oneself and people is explicit . B e l o w this enclosure is a l ine l i n k i n g " k n o w i n g where to stop" w i t h be ing able to abide i n the highest good. W h i l e there is a direct connect ion between these two i n the d iagram, K w o n K u n goes into more detail about h o w this starts and ends i n the next lower level . Beg inn ing is the result of the invest igat ion of things and the comple t ion of knowledge . This corresponds w i t h the upper and m i d d l e r ight side of the d iagram. C o m p l e t i o n is defined i n terms of i l l u m i n a t i n g i l lus t r ious vir tue and renewing the people i n a w a y that a l l can reside i n perfect goodness. This then, ties i n w i t h the lower r ight -hand side of the d iagram and the mora l results discussed there. In between these two poles, beg inn ing and f in ishing, are four mental or a t t i tudinal states developed i n the process of self-cultivation; these are 150 determinat ion, t ranqui l i ty , repose, and deliberation. The questions and answers that K w o n K u n appended to his "Diagram of the Great Learning" also appear i n his commentaries on the Book of Ritual. In his Superficial Reflections on the Book of Ritual, the entirety of K w o n ' s comments o n the "Great Learn ing" chapter of the Book of Ritual consists of the same six questions and answers he appends to this d iagram. In other words , rather than comment o n the o r ig ina l ve rs ion of the Great Learning as i t appeared i n the Book of Ritual, K w o n K u n substitutes mater ial that explains C h u H s i ' s commentary o n the redacted vers ion of the text and uses i t i n both Superficial Reflections on the Book of Ritual as w e l l as Diagrams and Explanations for Entering Upon Learning. The repeti t ion of these questions here has another impor tant imp l i ca t ion . Ear l ier we ment ioned that the quest ion a n d answer format m a y indeed reflect actual questions posed b y students but c o u l d also have been used to h ighl igh t topics the author thought important , to address critics, or s i m p l y offer the author a venue for pu t t ing fo rward his o w n ideas on a g iven topic. Since Superficial Reflections was wr i t t en pr io r to Diagrams and Explanations and the target audience of the former was not students but other scholars, we k n o w the questions used here were probably not asked by students but were appended because K w o n thought them important , because they addressed controversial topics, or for some other reason. In short, for these questions, and probably some of the others, K w o n himself was most l i ke ly the source of the quest ion. K w o n ' s commentary on the Great Learning starts direct ly be low; 151 the questions and answers he appends to the text follow Diagram 3 This in turn is followed by Chu Hsi's "Diagram of the Great Learning' and comments on some of the differences between the two diagrams. Forward to K w o n Kun's "Diagram of the Great Learning" In my humble opinion, the Great Learning fully outlines the basic guidelines and details the categories and items based on them. Its sentences being simple, it is easy to understand. Also, it clearly illuminates the sequence of study as wel l as a complete and detailed method for applying one's effort. Thus, this text should be one of the first ones students work on. But, even despite One's best efforts it is not always easy to recognize the difference between substance and function, the root and the branch, knowledge and action, and effort and its fruits, so I am now making this diagram. Look over the Diagram in its entirety first, then, after having looked at it, turn to the text itself. Then, even if you do not overly concern yourself, you w i l l understand its procedures. If you can always keep an eye to this, then deep within the mind-and-heart you w i l l become more familiar with this, and the Great Learning w i l l occupy a place at the center of the mind-and-heart.1 0 6) 152 Diagram 2.4 Diagram of the Great Learning ffi^lHI)107) The Great Learning Lies in The goal of both substance & function. Abiding I in the Ultimately] highest good renewing oneself and the people. Jderiv^ Renewing I ivative the function | People j essential Illuminating illustrious virtue substance I  | - o pacify world govern country regulate self- rectify make family cultivate mind thought sincere Being able to attain it. Knowing where to stop (abide). Finishing Beginning o deliberation - settled j^p^c^l^-Jranquilj These four The are the results interconnections of between investigating knowing of things wherein to and abide and completing attaining; knowledge, all are spoken of > as results. Illuminating illustrious virtue and Renewing | | the people, o all to attain Renewing the residing in People: The perfect process of their goodness. having attained to abiding in the highest goodness. Ultimate Action Renewing the People: Striving for their being able to attain the highest goodness. Action Illustrating Illustrious Virtue: Trying to be able to attain perfect goodness. extend investigate knowledge things I I Thought Trying to abide in the knowledge of perfect goodness. • o -Moral Effort world country family self mind thought pacified gov'ned regulated cultivated rectified made I I I sincere o Illuminating Illustrious Virtue: The ability to abide in the the highest good. knowledge things extended investigated I I o Having known wherein lies ultimate goodness. Moral Results 153 Quest ions and A n s w e r s The first quest ion of this section deals w i t h the first two paragraphs or verses of the classic section of the Great Learning and w i t h the four th chapter of the commentary, the chapter on "hearing litigations". The p r o b l e m w i t h the former is that, according to K w o n K u n , both scholars ment ioned i n the question, T u n g C h u n g - s h u and H u a n g K a n , emphasize the first and last parts of the process of self-cult ivation, i . e., k n o w i n g where to stop and be ing close to the Tao, but sl ight the intermediate steps l i n k i n g these. The placement of chapter four of the commentary o n hear ing l i t igat ion is related to this p r o b l e m because it is supposed to exp la in the root and the branch, w h i c h is exactly the content of the th i rd verse of the classic section of the text: "Things have their root and their branches. Affairs have their end and their beginning." The t radi t ional p re-Neo-Confuc ian interpretation had wha t is here chapter four i n C h u H s i ' s redacted text as the conclus ion to the chapter o n m a k i n g one's thoughts sincere. H o w e v e r , the chapter o n m a k i n g thoughts sincere is chapter six i n C h u H s i ' s redaction. Legge explains it thus: A c c o r d i n g to the o l d commentators, this is the conc lus ion of the chapter on h a v i n g thoughts made sincere, and that [making one's thoughts sincere] is the root. But , according to C h u H s i , it is the i l lus t ra t ion of i l lus t r ious vir tue w h i c h is the root, w h i l e the renovat ion of the people is the result therefrom. 1 0 8) Th i s also corresponds to the substance- funct ion theory a n d can be expla ined i n those terms. 1. Ques t ion: A m o n g former worthies , T u n g C h u n g - s h u (179-104 154 B C E ) took the two phrases f rom the Great Learning, " K n o w i n g where to stop, one becomes determined" a l l the w a y u p to "then one is close to the Tao", as part of the commentary o n "investigating things and extending knowledge". H u a n g K a n (1152-1221) also holds this posi t ion. A r e y o u say ing C h u H s i d i d not unders tand this point? A n s w e r : Eve ry t ime I have seen this over the years I have never lacked admira t ion for the excellence and profoundi ty of the intent ion beh ind it. But , n o w w h e n I l ook at it I a m uncomfortable. N o r m a l l y the invest igat ion of things leads to complete knowledge of the pr inciples w i t h i n things, w h i c h i n tu rn leads to a sincere m i n d , but T u n g Chung-shu ' s interpretat ion w o u l d have the invest igat ion of things l ead ing direct ly to knowledge of where to stop i n order to abide i n the highest good. This bothers me because i t leaves out the intermediate steps. Several commentaries speak of the process [requiring] mora l effort. T o suddenly have the results here w i t h o u t the intermediate steps seems inappropriate . The term "being able to attain" refers to " i l lumina t ing l u m i n o u s vir tue" and "renewing the people" both reaching ul t imate goodness. To sudden ly refer to the commentary o n comple t ing knowledge and ab id ing i n the highest good here is unreasonable. Moreover , if w e take this section as part of the commentary on comple t ing knowledge then where shou ld chapter four on hear ing l i t igat ion be attached? C h u H s i w o u l d not have been that careless. A l s o , i f w e take the invest igat ion of things as searching out the pr inc ip le deep w i t h i n things and there are no obstructions f rom outside h inde r ing the invest igat ion of things, then there is no r o o m for any argument about it. Thus , y o u can see that the passage about the 155 invest igat ion of things shou ld be fo l l owed b y the passage o n m a k i n g the m i n d sincere. W e have already ment ioned paragraph three f rom the classic por t ion of the text, "Things have a root and a branch, affairs have a beg inn ing a n d an end. If y o u k n o w w h i c h comes first and w h i c h later then y o u are close to the Tao." The Great Learning also says, "Extension of knowledge lies i n invest igat ing things". If there are no more external objects, i . e, if y o u internal ize (penetrate) everything, and encounter no obstructions to y o u r invest igat ion of things, this then leads to the extension of knowledge . There is no need to a d d any in termediary steps. E v e n if a commentary fails to make this connection, students can easily see i n the text of the Great Learning itself that the invest igat ion of things leads direct ly to the extension of knowledge . 1 0 9 ) Ques t ion two discusses the relat ionship between k n o w i n g where to stop and a b i d i n g i n the highest good (perfect goodness), o n the one hand , and the eight part icular steps of mora l self cu l t iva t ion , on the other. The specific differences addressed concern the order between these two as they appear i n chapter five of the Great Learning, w h i c h deals w i t h the invest igat ion of things, and as they appear i n the classic por t ion of the text. A l s o discussed is the relat ionship between the first two of the three Pr inc ip ia , i l l umina t i ng l uminous vi r tue and r enewing the people, and the last one, ab id ing i n the highest good. The p r o b l e m is that i n the classic por t ion of the text ab id ing i n the highest good precedes the eight part icular steps, but i n chapter five the opposite order is assumed. In answer ing , K w o n K u n relates a l l the verses of the classic 156 por t ion of the text w i t h either m o r a l effort or w i t h m o r a l results. Th i s then sets u p a structure whereby a paragraph or verse dea l ing w i t h m o r a l effort has a cor responding verse that deals w i t h the m o r a l results or effect of this effort. Las t ly , K w o n ' s answer shows he sees chapter six o n m a k i n g one's thoughts sincere l i n k i n g the chapters that precede it to those that fo l low. Ques t ion 2: Y o u take " k n o w i n g where to stop", a n d thus "abid ing i n the highest goodness", as the fruit or result of the invest igat ion of things and the extension of knowledge , so it appears y o u do not th ink it needs to be ment ioned w h e n y o u first start t a lk ing about exerting mora l effort. The phrase "the perfection of knowledge" i n the last l ine of the commentary i n chapter five of the Great Learning, deals w i t h the invest igat ion of things. But , it appears there is a hiatus here i n the text and that i n reali ty this phrase shou ld refer to the fruits of the extension of knowledge , i . e., ab id ing i n the highest good. O n the other hand , this same verse, "the perfection of knowledge" a n d a b i d i n g i n the highest good , is also i n the classic por t ion of the text, wr i t ten by Confucius . There, however , this phrase is ment ioned before the eight part icular steps of mora l effort. Isn't there a contradict ion here? A n s w e r : Yes , it is true that there is a hiatus i n the text and a reference s h o u l d have been made to the mora l efforts of w h i c h k n o w i n g where to abide i n the highest good is the result. After a l l , y o u cannot talk about a result wi thou t some reference to wha t it is the result of. That is w h y C h u H s i , f o l l o w i n g the intent of the text, f i l led i n the miss ing parts of the commentary o n chapter five. 157 The reason a b i d i n g i n the highest good is ment ioned at the ve ry beg inn ing of the text is i n order to poin t out, i n the d iscuss ion of the essential pr inciples u n d e r l y i n g m o r a l effort, that i l l u m i n a t i n g l uminous vir tue and r enewing the people w i l l lead to ab id ing i n the highest good. A l t h o u g h it comes before the eight i tems and is at the beg inn ing of the chapter, it is nonetheless i n the correct spot. It refers to the results of m o r a l effort i n terms of i l l umina t ing l u m i n o u s vir tue and r enewing people bo th cu lmina t ing i n ab id ing i n the highest good. That is w h y the first chapter of the classic po r t ion of the Great Learning refers to the three P r inc ip i a i n between mora l effort and m o r a l result. T a k i n g this as mora l effort then the verse starting, "Things have their root and branches...," refers to the result. The first set of the eight part icular steps i n the four th paragraph of the classic section of the text refers to mora l effort be ing exerted, the second set of the eight part icular steps, those l is ted i n the fifth paragraph of the classic por t ion of the text, refers to the fruit of mora l effort. Paragraph six of the classic po r t i on of the text, starting, "From the son of H e a v e n d o w n to the masses..." is l i n k e d to mora l effort, and the next paragraph, the seventh, starting, "It cannot be, w h e n the root is neglected..." refers to m o r a l effect. If w e look at it l ike this, the phrase " k n o w i n g where to stop" (and thereby, ab id ing i n the highest good) is i n the correct posi t ion, even though it precedes the eight part icular items. The correct order has a section o n mora l effort, fo l lowed by a section on the results that mora l effort w i l l accompl ish . H o w e v e r , i n the classic por t ion of text, the phrase o n k n o w i n g where to abide i n the highest good is i n the r ight place, even though it precedes the eight steps. Moreove r , even though 158 i l l u m i n a t i n g one's l u m i n o u s vi r tue is the most important of the three P r inc ip i a , ab id ing i n the highest good is the core of these three. That is w h y there is no reference to i l l u m i n a t i n g one's l u m i n o u s vi r tue and renewing people at the beg inn ing of the list of the eight part icular steps. K n o w i n g where to abide i n perfect goodness inc ludes the other two Pr inc ip ia . If k n o w i n g where to abide i n perfect goodness were put at the end instead of the beg inn ing of the eight part icular steps, it w o u l d appear to be separate and distinct f rom the first two P r inc ip i a and not something inc luded therein. Y o u first have to d i s t inguish between keep ing one's l u m i n o u s v i r tue i l lus t r ious and r enewing the people before y o u men t ion their c o m m o n core, ab id ing i n perfect goodness. That is the order y o u fo l low i n ta lk ing about the effort entailed i n becoming a sage. If, however , y o u want to focus o n the results y o u w i l l get as y o u take the part icular steps that must be fo l l owed i n order to reach sagehood, then y o u first b r i n g u p the c o m m o n core, w h i c h includes the first two Pr inc ip ia . Y o u d o not need to men t ion these two expl ic i t ly . C h u H s i ' s redaction of Tseng's commentary d iv ides it into three categories knowledge and action (chapters 1-3), root and branch (chapters 4), and the important and less important , i . e., the particulars, (chapters 5-10). Chapter six just deals w i t h one of the eight particulars instead of a l l of them. Sages of o l d recognized l o n g ago that i f y o u do not inc lude "mak ing y o u r thoughts sincere" i n the section o n the comple t ion of knowledge , y o u make the dis t inct ion between it and knowledge and action. Moreove r , they recognized that if it is not put together w i t h the section on rectifying the m i n d , then y o u make clear that m a k i n g y o u r thoughts sincere is the first stage, i . e., the beg inn ing of 159 one's self-cult ivation, and results i n m u c h more than s i m p l y a rectified m i n d . The conc lus ion of chapter eight on self-cult ivation and regulat ing the fami ly does not say, "Regulat ing the fami ly depends o n (consists of) cu l t iva t ing oneself"; the redacted text says, "If the self is not cul t ivated one cannot regulate the family". In m y humble op in ion , this p icks u p the conc lus ion of the classic por t ion of the text and separates the root f rom the branch. The classic por t ion of the Great Learning says "From the son of heaven d o w n to the c o m m o n m e n this is one thing. Everyone takes self-cult ivation as the root. There has never been a case where the root is chaotic and the branches were ordered." That is w h y the commentary states "this refers to a person be ing unable to regulate his fami ly i f his self is not cult ivated". The beg inn ing of chapter nine o n regulat ing the fami ly and govern ing the k i n g d o m does not say, "Govern ing the k i n g d o m consists of regula t ing one's family." The redacted text says, "Those w h o w o u l d govern the k i n g d o m mus t first regulate their families. There is no one w h o can teach the people if they cannot teach their family". In m y humble o p i n i o n this fo l lows the say ing at the end of the canonical text and separates the essential f rom the derivat ive. The classic por t ion of the text says, "There has never been a case where wha t was important was s l ighted and wha t was t r iv ia l made m u c h of." Therefore, the commentary states, "This is wha t is referred to as, 'Those w h o w o u l d govern the k i n g d o m must first regulate their families; i f they cannot teach their families there is no w a y they can teach other people." These two verses shou ld be tacked onto the conc lus ion of the classic por t ion of the text. If y o u 160 look at it this way , then w e can see h o w the commentary establishes the intent of the classic. 1 1 0) The s ixth chapter of commentary deals w i t h m a k i n g one's thoughts sincere. O f the eight part icular steps i n the process of mora l self-cult ivation, this one alone constitutes an independent chapter. The quest ion here deals w i t h w h y this is so, and , f rom this, w h y it appears that C h u H s i is here d i s t inguish ing between knowledge and action. K w o n K u n ' s answer is that the separation i n this case is apparent not real. 3. Ques t ion: W h y d i d C h u H s i make chapter six, the one o n "mak ing the thoughts sincere" an independent chapter, separating it f rom " k n o w i n g and acting"? A n d , w h y d i d he not g ive any of the other eight part icular steps their o w n separate chapters? A n s w e r : These two things, k n o w i n g and acting, are l ike the wheels o n a cart. Pu t t ing forth effort and progress ing ought to advance i n tandem, just as the wheels r o l l a n d the cart progresses. That is w h y they go hand- in-hand. W e exert ourselves and progress; progress and exert ourselves. M o r a l effort clearly dist inguishes between knowledge and action. It is as if, a l though h a v i n g substance and diverse functions, the root and the branches are i n reality seen as one. L i k e w i s e w i t h wha t is impor tant and less important . Despi te the dis t inct ion between close and distant relatives, i n reality the obl igat ion to serve them is the same. 1 1 1) The n in th chapter of commentary deals w i t h regulat ing the fami ly and govern ing the k i n g d o m . But, at least to the questioner, there seems 161 to be a discrepancy between the goal p romoted i n the first t w o verses. In the first verse, f i l ia l piety, fraternity, and kindness are ment ioned. The second verse w o u l d have us, "Act as if y o u were wa tch ing over an infant.", the idea being that even if w e do not k n o w exactly wha t the infant wants , w e w i l l at least be close to meet ing its needs. For K w o n K u n , the impor tant th ing i n the second verse is the attitude one has w h e n per forming an act. 4. Quest ion: Chapter nine o n regulat ing the fami ly and gove rn ing the k i n g d o m refers to f i l i a l piety, brother ly submiss ion , and kindness i n the first verse, but be low that, i n the second verse, quotes the text of the "Announcement to K a n g " , about wa tch ing a y o u n g infant. W h a t is the connect ion here?" 2 ) A n s w e r : This is a very important verse. E v e n though w e m a y speak of a person i n a household w h o is not f i l ia l or not brotherly, there is no one w h o does not love ch i ldren . Sages of o l d already said this l o n g ago. W h e n w e speak of govern ing the k i n g d o m , even i f everyone is di l igent and sincere i n serv ing the K i n g and their superiors, the mora l pr inciples for govern ing the people migh t be neglected. But, i f loya l ty and f i l ia l p ie ty are as enshr ined i n our hearts as love for ch i ldren , and if w e s h o w the people the same love w e show our chi ldren , i . e., love them as i f they were our ch i ldren , then this attitude w o u l d take root i n the people." 3 ) Ques t ion five deals w i t h chapter eight on self-cult ivation and regulat ing the family . The quest ion here is whether or not the first verse of chapter n ine shou ld be i n c l u d e d i n chapter eight, since the content of 162 this verse is related to the content of chapter eight. K w o n K u n reminds the "questioner" that the same type of th ing occurs i n a chapter seven, and that it is not important . H e then goes on to ment ion the results of self-cult ivation i n the regulat ion of the family . This quest ion seems to indicate that some people were unfamil iar w i t h the text and commentary of C h u H s i ' s redacted vers ion of the Great Learning. 5. Ques t ion : Y o u quote the classic por t ion of the text, t ak ing i t as evidence that chapters eight and nine of the commentary separate knowledge f rom action, as w e l l as the impor tant f rom the unimportant . If w e look at i t f rom the po in t of v i e w of Tseng Tzu ' s commentary, then the text of chapter eight has the say ing about people be ing part ial to wha t they feel affection for a n d biased against those they despise. Moreove r , this is fo l l owed by the adage about a m a n not k n o w i n g the wickedness of his son or the bounty of his sprout ing grain. That is w h y the c o n c l u d i n g passage says, "This is wha t is meant b y the say ing that i f a person is not cul t ivated he cannot regulate his family." This is above the l ine of commentary say ing that this is the e n d of chapter eight, but is this last l ine i n the r ight spot? The very first verse of chapter nine also refers to the content at the end of chapter eight. S h o u l d this verse also be i n c l u d e d i n chapter eight? N o w isn' t wha t y o u are say ing far-fetched? A n s w e r : W e l l , I a m saying this based o n Tseng Tzu ' s text. W h y do y o u say it deviates? It is also l ike this i n chapter seven, w h i c h deals w i t h rectifying the m i n d and cul t iva t ing the self. Chapter seven also states that the person w h o is under the sway of emotions l ike fear w i l l not be able to rectify his m i n d . 163 It goes o n to say that if y o u are not m i n d f u l and attentive, then y o u w i l l look but not see or eat but not k n o w the taste of the food. But, the conc lud ing verse of this chapter does not say, "If the m i n d is not rectified one cannot cult ivate the body." Rather, it says self-cult ivation lies i n rectifying one's m i n d . Genera l ly speaking, these two chapters establish the text's intent and are s imi la r to one another. Yes , their conc lud ing verses differ, but that difference is not significant. The eight part icular steps are already arranged i n the classic por t ion of the text and it too takes the self and the fami ly as its result. The result of the self be ing cul t ivated is the ul t imate i n l u m i n o u s vi r tue and is the basis of pac i fy ing the w o r l d . The result of the fami ly be ing regulated is as the beg inn ing of the renewal of the people and also as the reason or cause of pac i fy ing the w o r l d . Isn't the commentary herein? I a m not m a k i n g it up. 1 1 4 ) Ques t ion six deals w i t h the preface and postscript to the classic por t ion of the Great Learning. The p r o b l e m has to do w i t h w h o taught the classic po r t ion of the text and w h o recorded it, specifically whether Confuc ius real ly recited it and Tseng T z u recorded it or whether Tseng T z u recited it and his disciples recorded it. Ano the r p rob l em related to this is where the classic por t ion of the text stops and the commentary starts. In his preface to the classic por t ion of the Great Learning, C h u H s i , f o l l o w i n g the C h ' e n g brothers, says, "The Great Learning is the book transmitted b y Confucius (^LJ^^jalt)...11. But, i n the postscript to the Classic section, C h u H s i says, "The preceding chapter of classical text is i n the w o r d s of Confucius , handed d o w n by Master Tseng ( f L T - ^ f l t J'tfU.)- The ten chapters of commentary w h i c h fo l low contain the v i ews 164 of Tseng, and were recorded by his disciples." The former quote, Legge translates as, "... transmitted by the Confucian school" rather than "... by Confucius". His justification for doing so is that something similar is done in the Analects wi th another surname. But, his reason for doing so is that so little of the text is actually ascribed to Confucius: "For how can we say that 'The Great Learning' is a work left by Confucius? Even Chu Hs i ascribes only a small portion of it to the Master, and makes the rest to be the production of the disciple Tseng, and before his time, the whole work was attributed generally to the sage's grandson."1 1 5) Here, however, it does mean Confucius, at least that is how it is understood in the Korean text. Gardner also translates it this way. Moreover, Gardner takes Chu Hsi 's theory of authorship on the Great Learning as his "second significant contribution to scholarship on the [Great Learning]."116) He goes on to say: Throughout his life, Chu Hs i associated Confucius wi th the authorship of the Classic chapter, but he never decisively determined Confucius's role in the actual writing.... While C h u H s i d id at times vary slightly his views of the authorship of the Classic portion of the text, he steadfastly maintained until the day he died that the commentary was the work of Tseng Tzu and his disciples. 1 1 7) What is more, the question and answer here regarding authorship is similar to one asked of Chu Hs i and recorded in Questions and Answers on the Great Learning. The question there is, "You... said that 'The Classic proper may be taken as the words of the Sage, transmitted by Tseng Tzu. The chapters of commentary contain the ideas of Tseng Tzu, recorded by his disciples.' H o w do we know this to be so?" Likewise, K w o n Kun's answer is also quite close to the one in Questions 165 and Answers on the Great Learning; the latter states: "The phrasing of the Classic is succinct, but the principles are all there. The words are easy to understand, but the import is far-reaching. Only the Sage could have done it. Yet, there is no corroborative evidence..."118) The second problem, where the classic stops and commentary starts, is a problem that must be faced, regardless of who d id the recording. If Confucius taught it and Tseng Tzu recorded it or Tseng Tzu taught it and his disciples recorded what was said, there would still be the question of whether or not Chu Hs i , in his reconstruction of the text separated the two correctly. In one sense, K w o n Kun's answer can be seen as another defense of Chu Hsi's redaction of the Great Learning to students who may have been more familiar wi th the traditional version of the Great Learning. 6. Question: In his preface to the Great Learning, Chu Hs i has Confucius reciting (?L7li) the text and Tseng Tzu making the commentary in order to elucidate its meaning. We cannot verify the classic portion as Confucius's words. Moreover, Chu's comments says the commentary is Tseng's ideas and that his disciples wrote down what he said. Why the contradiction between these two versions concerning who taught the text and who recorded it? Answer: Chu Hs i takes the text of the classic part to be of such high quality that it could only have been written by a sage. That is why he takes it as the words of Confucius. But, there's no way to prove this. Some people think that the Great Learning was the work of somebody who preceded Confucius, so they doubt Chu Hsi 's claim that Confucius wrote it. But, we can't verify this either. In my humble opinion, Confucius was 166 lamenting the fallen state of affairs of his age by comparing it with the past, for example, sayings like "What the ancients studied was self-cultivation.", "The ancients were simple, but honest", and, "What the ancients said was not excessive." Also, in the Great Learning there is the saying, "The ancients desired to illuminate luminous virtue throughout the world." In all these cases Confucius used the word 'ancients' to lament the fact that his contemporaneous era was not like that of the past, in that before Confucius's time there were no sages who were as neglected as Confucius was and could not obtain a government position. When he speaks of the past, he is comparing it to the present. This affirms what we were saying about this being the work of Confucius. This is sufficient to prove it is his words. The ten chapters of commentary quote the text of the Book of Poetry to establish a commentary for elucidating the meaning of the classic portion of the Great Learning. A l l of this is in Tseng Tzu's words, as transcribed by his disciples. The commentary has been attributed to Tseng Tzu, but he did not write it himself. The reason for the attribution is that his disciples wrote it down. However, although they did the writing it is not their words they recorded. Rather, it is Tseng Tzu's comments, so the commentary is Tseng Tzu's. The entire commentary, all ten chapters, is nothing but the words of Tseng, and it is only there to elucidate the meaning of the classic portion of the text, nothing more. Of all verses in the commentary, only one ("Tseng Tzu said, 'What ten eyes behold, what ten eyes point to, is to be regarded with reverence!'") starts off with "Tseng Tzu said". This was done here in order to emphasize the importance of the verse that precedes it. In this one verse, Tseng Tzu is focusing our attention on the 167 saying "The superior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone," to make an important point. This was done in order to show future generations of scholars the importance of this section and that they should heed these words. Even now, people read this and are amazed that it is as awe inspiring as the Doctrine of the Mean. The commentary brings out the hidden meaning and obscure details, "Nothing is left hidden, nor is anything left undone." Tzu-ssu must have read Tseng Tzu's commentary before writing the Doctrine of the Mean, which embodies the ideas of the Great Learning.™) K w o n Kun's "Diagram of the Great Learning" is different from Chu Hsi 's diagram of the text, significantly so. The top section of Chu Hsi 's diagram has five of the eight items on the top left, those dealing with one's own actions, (investigation of things, extension of knowledge, making one's thoughts sincere, rectifying the mind, and cultivating the self) and the remaining three, those dealing with others, at the top right (regulating the family, covering the kingdom, and pacifying the world). This is a fundamental framework in the diagram— things dealing wi th the self on the left and those dealing with others on the right. Two sentences lie in the middle of these two columns. The upper one addresses the relationships between the three Principia: "Both illustrating illustrious virtue and renewing the people should abide in the highest good." The second line deals with three of the Five Relations and the affection expected of both parties: "Kindness of the ruler, respect of the minister, affection of the father, filial piety of the son, and faithfulness of friends are its items." This implies that the feelings associated with the three relations are as much a manifestation of abiding in the highest 168 good as are the other two Principia and, for that matter, correspond to the eight items as well. K w o n does not list any of the Five Relationships in his diagram. In Chu's diagram, "Renewing the people" corresponds to "illustrating illustrious virtue" and "Being able to attain the end" corresponds to "Knowing where to abide", i . e., 'achieving' corresponds to knowing it and seeking it. K w o n K u n deals with "abiding in the highest good" throughout his diagram of the Great Learning. U n d e r the phrase "illuminating illustrious virtue" it appears in the midd le of the diagram under the two terms "knowledge" and "action", and in the co lumn below "Renewing the People" it is under "ultimate action". Furthermore, the distinction between "Knowing where to abide" and "Being able to attain" is dealt with on the left side of his diagram, in the co lumn beneath "Abiding in the highest good". The bottom layer of Kwon's diagram also addresses abiding in the highest good, this time in terms of moral result. The bottom level of C h u Hsi's d iagram repeats the eight items that appeared at the top and does so in the same format, five on the right, three on the left. A g a i n , Kwon' s d iagram is different. Besides the material dealing with 'abiding in the highest good' just mentioned, K w o n lists the eight items, but the difference is that whereas he listed them in terms of moral effort in the top half of his diagram, in the bottom half he lists them in terms of moral result ~ things having been investigated, knowledge having been extended, etc.. C h u H s i does not make this distinction in his diagram. C h a n is right in saying Kwon's diagram is better at laying out a systematic, practical framework for self-cultivation than is C h u Hsi's, which focuses on "an analysis and new structure of the teachings of the Great Learning."^) It is hard to say whether or not K w o n read C h u 169 H s i ' s Collected Conversations w h i l e h e w a s i n C h i n a d u r i n g t h e Y u a n D y n a s t y . R e g a r d l e s s o f w h e t h e r h e h a d access t o t h i s w o r k , h e d e f i n i t e l y h a d access t o C h u H s i ' s c o m m e n t a r i e s o n t h e F o u r B o o k s (The Four Books in Chapter and Verse) a n d o n t h i s b a s i s p r o d u c e d a d i a g r a m m u c h d i f f e r e n t t h a n t h a t p r o d u c e d b y C h u H s i . Diagram 2.5 Chu Hsi's "Diagram of the Great Learning"121) INVESTIGATION OF THINGS EXTENSION OF KNOWLEDGE M A K I N G THOUGHTS SINCERE RECTIFYING THE MIND CULTIVATING THE SELF R E G U L A T I O N O F T H E F A M I L Y GOVERNING THE KINGDOM PACIFYING THE WORLD A l l these are matters of Both illustrating illustrious virtue and I L L U S T R A T I N G ILLUSTRIOUS renewing the people V I R T U E should abide in the highest good. A l l these are matters of R E N E W I N G T H E P E O P L E KNOWING WHERE TO ABIDE This means to know where the highest good is and to seek to abide in it. To be calm, tranquil, peaceful, and to deliberate lie between abiding and attaining. INVESTIGATION OF THINGS EXTENSION OF KNOWLEDGE M A K I N G THOUGHTS SINCERE RECTIFYING THE MIND CULTIVATING THE SELF Kindness of the ruler, BEING ABLE TO respect of the minister, affection of the father, filial piety of the son, and faithfulness among friends are its items. ATTAIN THE END This means to attain where to abide. REGULATION OF THE FAMILY GOVERNING THE KINGDOM PACIFYING THE WORLD If one knows where to abide, one will find it anywhere. If one can attain the end, one can attain anything. 170 Given Kwon's concern with actual practice, for instance his afterward for Hyohaengnok, the text on filial piety, his emphasis on the Elementary Learning, and his works on ritual, one might think he also promoted or practiced quiet sitting, but this does not appear to be the case. Part of this may be due to the situation scholars at the turn of the century were facing, foremost among them, the pressing need for establishing the dynasty. Kalton notes that, The earliest thinkers of the Koryo-Choson transition period such as K w o n Kun (1352-1409) and Chong Tojon (7-1398) showed a good grasp of the metaphysical theory, but evidenced little concern for the meditative dimensions of self-cultivation practice that were an important Neo-Confucian development. 122) It is not that K w o n was unaware of the practice of quiet sitting. There is a passage in his Collected Works regarding Kang Inbu, a one-time Buddhist and later a Neo-Confucian court official, that clearly mentions quiet sitting: "In his residence he set aside a room which he cleaned spotlessly and made fragrant with incense; every time he returned from the palace, he would there is settle his mind and sitting still and erect would r id his mind of thoughts."123) In the end, we simply do not know for sure. If he did practice quiet sitting K w o n did not mention it in his writings. It would be hard to overestimate the influence of K w o n Kun's work in laying the groundwork for Neo-Confucianism in Korea. Besides his work on other Confucian classics, e. g., the Book of Music, Book of Changes, or ritual, or even the rest of the diagrams in his Diagrams and 171 Explanations for Entering upon Learning ( A P I I I I & ) , every major N e o - C o n f u c i a n cosmologica l , ph i losophica l or psychologica l concept is dealt w i t h i n the first two diagrams. Th i s includes: p r inc ip le (l i , S I ) , mater ia l force (ch' i , M), y i n and y a n g (rsl|£§), the F ive Phases (2£fj), the H e a v e n l y Manda t e (5^1%)/ heavenly-endowed nature (ft), and the mind-and-hear t (<t>), the Seven Feelings (-blra), the Fou r Beginnings (E9 i $ ) , the w i l l (M), the H u m a n M i n d (A'L>), the Tao M i n d {M'b), mindfulness (|fc), a n d sinceri ty (!$). Moreove r , i t is these concepts that l ay the metaphysica l foundat ion for self-cult ivation, and m a n y of them are also used to elucidate the three P r inc ip i a (ELM) and the eight par t icular i tems ( A f £ H ) that appear i n the Great Learning, the two concepts that fo rm the conceptual w o o f and the w a r p of N e o - C o n f u c i a n i s m self-cultivation. W h i l e K w o n K u n is w e l l w i t h i n the C h ' e n g - C h u school of Neo-Confuc ian i sm, i t is impor tant to note that he is w o r k i n g w i t h the concepts as developed i n the earlier stages, before the sp l i t in to the C h ' e n g - C h u and L u - W a n g schools of thought. Therefore, concepts l ike pr inc ip le , mater ial force, the invest igat ion of things, mindfulness , or sincerity, that become the focus of attention i n later scholars are a l l dealt w i t h here i n pretty m u c h the same way— as impor tant concepts that each have a role i n exp la in ing the N e o - C o n f u c i a n i s m universe and the place of h u m a n beings i n it. A concrete example of K w o n ' s influence o n other K o r e a n Neo-Confuc i an scholars is his "Diagram o n the Great Learning". This d i ag ram forms the basis of the d i ag ram T'oegye d r e w for his "Diagram o n the Great Learning" w h i c h appears i n his Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. It is to T 'oegye that we n o w turn. 172 E N D N O T E S 1) Background information on Kwon Kun is based on "Yi Dynasty Neo-Confucianism: An Integrated Vision" and "The Writings of Kwon Kun: The Context and Shape of Yi Early Dynasty Neo-Confucianism", both by Michael Kaiton, & m , "mn WM^ mm&m" ™ mm mmg mw&m ("The Philosophy of Yang Ch'on Kwon Kun's Textual Studies", chapter 5 of Keum Jang-tae's Confucian Thought in Early Choson), and PUfcf' IHJII" by ^-t} ^ in tf-^H^-n-^h ("Kwon Kun", by Song, Ha-gyong, in Confucian Scholars of Korea), pp. 287-312. 2) Background information on Y i Saek is derived from " ^ ^ r in -n-ttAh ("Mogtin Y i Saek", by Lee, Ki-dong in Confucian Scholars of Korea), pp. 219-232. 3) Kaiton, "The Writings of Kwon Kun", p. 92. The Korean, Chinese, and dates have been added to the original quote. 4) Kaiton, "The Writings of Kwon Kun", page 92. 5) Kuem, Confucian Thought in Early Choson, p. 151. 6) Keum, Confucian Thought in Early Choson, p. 154. 7) Keum, Confucian Thought in Early Choson, p. 179. 8) Keum, Confucian Thought in Early Choson, p. 181. 9) Keum, Confucian Thought in Early Choson, p. 187. 10) Keum, Confucian Thought in Early Choson, p. 189. 11) Keum, Confucian Thought in Early Choson, p. 170. 12) This section on substance and function draws on the work of David Gedalicia, "Excursion into substance and function: the development of the t'i-yung paradigm in Chu Hsi", Philosophy East and West, vol. 24, no. 4, October 1974 and on Wing-tait Chan's, "Substance and Function", which forms chapter 15 of his Chu Hsi: New Studies. 13) See David Gedalicia, "Excursion into substance and function: the development of the t'i-yung paradigm in Chu Hsi", page 445 for information on the third stage, and page 446 for information on the final stage. 173 14) Both quotes are from David Gedalicia, "Excursion into substance and function: the development of the t'i-yung paradigm in Chu Hsi", page 446. 15) David Gedalicia, "Excursion into substance and function: the development of the t'i-yung paradigm in Chu Hsi", p. 446. 16) The following explanation of the six general principles is based on Wing-tsit Chan, "Substance and Function", which forms chapter 15 of Chu Hsi: New Studies, pages 222-234. 17) Wing-tsit Chan, "Substance and Function", page 224. The quote, translated by Chan, is from Chu Hsi's Wen-chi, chapter 53, section 42. 18) Chan, "Substance and Function", p. 226. 19) Chan, "Substance and Function", p. 226. 20) T 9 ^ £ E (If), ( A ^ l f i l i L Kwon, D6k-jo, trans., Diagrams and Explanations for Entering upon Learning), Introduction. 21) Kalton, "Yi Dynasty Neo-Confucianism", p. 10. 22) Julia Ching, The Religious Thought of Chu Hsi, page 15. The importance of this diagram in traditional Chinese numerology is discussed in the first chapter of Ho Peng Yoke's Li, Qi, and Shu: An Introduction to Science and Civilization in China. 23) Information on the Lo Writing is cobbled together from Julia Ching, The Religious Thought of Chu Hsi, page 15 and Ho Peng Yoke's Li, Qi, and Shu: An Introduction to Science and Civilization in China, pp. 7-9. The latter also notes that the Lo Writing is "the earliest known magic square in the world." 24) A n explanation of these concepts is provided in chapter 5 of Ho Peng Yoke's Li, Qi, and Shu: An Introduction to Science and Civilization in China. 25) See chapter 18, "Analogies and Diagrams", of Wing-tsit Chan's Chu Hsi: New Studies, page 277. 26) For more on this see Needham, Science and Civilization in China, v. 5, pp. 50-53. 27) For more on this see chapter 6 of Ho Peng Yoke's Li, Qi, and Shu: An Introduction to Science and Civilization in China. The basic form of these last two diagrams is also reprinted at the end of chapter 6 but not in the detail we see 174 in Kwon Kun's diagrams. 28) Sung Ching's Diagram on Being without Idleness ($&%&W) is mentioned in Kalton, To Become a Sage, page 30 and in note number 8 on page 223. 29) Ch'eng Fu-hsin (1279-1368) may be a possible exception. He wrote a diagrammatic treatise on the Four Books. 30) Much of the material in these diagrams was presented at the Association of Asian Studies ASPAC 2000 (Asian Studies on the Pacific Coast) Annual Conference, University of Oregon, June 2000 and during a graduate seminar on Confucianism at the University of British Columbia. The comments of both audiences are greatly appreciated. 31) Kalton, "Yi Dynasty Neo-Confucianism", p. 13. 32) Chou's "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate" is reproduced in chapter three. 33) We see a similar idea expressed in Ch'en Ch'un's Neo-Confucian Terms Explained, "Take the human figure. It corresponds with heaven and earth. The head is on top, resembling heaven, and if the feet are at the bottom, resembling earth." (Page 39.) 34) Kalton, "Yi Dynasty Neo-Confucianism", p. 15. 35) Kalton, "The Writings of Kwon Kun", p. 110. 36) This translation is based on A P W I t J I H I R I , p. 21. 37) Religion and Ritual in Korean Society, Laurel Kendall and Griffin Dix, editors, Center for Korean Studies, Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1987. 38) Kalton, "Yi Dynasty Neo-Confucian", p. 21. 39) This passage appears in Legge, though the translation here has been influenced by Kalton, "Yi Dynasty Neo-Confucian", p. 21. The beginning of the passage, which is not in the section Kwon cites, is: "Only he who exerts himself with complete sincerity can perfect his nature." The translation is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A # [ S H £ , W-WJM, pp- 137-38. 40) For more on this see Ch'en Ch'un's Neo-Confucian Terms Explained, Wing-tsit Chan, translator. 41) Kalton, To Become a Sage, 'p. 212. 175 42) Kaiton, To Become a Sage, p. 213. 43) Chan, A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy, p. 785. 44) Chan, A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy, p. 785. 45) The translation is Legge's, Analects, pp. 146-7. 46) Translation of the diagram is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in Ammm, mmm, p. 139. 47) Translation of the diagram is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in xmmm, mm®, p. 1 4 0 . 48) This paragraph has also been translated in Kaiton, "Yi Dynasty Neo-Confucianism", p. 15; this the original Chinese text, reproduced in A<P1®I Wt, p- 140, are the basis of the translation here. Like so many passages, this one builds on a conflagration of phrases from other works. The first sentence is from Mencius (7A1), the second from the Book of Changes. 49) Kaiton, "Yi Dynasty Neo-Confucianism", p. 21. 50) The full quote is as follows: "The master said, 'The wise find pleasure in water; the virtuous find pleasure in hills. The wise are active; the virtuous are tranquil. The wise are joyful; the virtuous are long-lived.'" Analects, Book Six, chapter 21. The translation is Legge's. 51) Translations of the lines from the Analects are from Legge, Analects, Book Six, chapter 17. Translation of the rest of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A^ l f f l lS , W&ffl, p. 140. 52) Michael Kaiton, "The Writings of Kwon Kun", The Rise of Neo-Confucianism in Korea, in p. 108. 53) Wing-tsit Chan, Chapter 9, "Li and Philosophical Categories", in Chu Hsi: New Studies, page 138. 54) Wing-tsit Chan, Chapter 9, "Li and Philosophical Categories", in Chu Hsi: New Studies, pp. 139-40. 55) Metzger, Escape from Predicament, page 289. 56) The translation of the diagram and this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in APtaltS, WMM, pp. 141-42. 176 57) Thomas Pink, "The Will", Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy, vol. 9, p. 720. Charles Kahn, in his "Discovering the will", lays out four different perspectives on the concept of the will and its development in the West, "each of which might lead to a different account of the history of this concept." (p. 234). Kahn's article appears in The Question of "Eclecticism", John Dillon and A. A . Long, eds., University of California Press, 1988, pp. 234-59. 58) Albrecht Dihle, The Theory of Will in Classical Antiquity, pp. 59-60. Aristotle thought on the matter do not really correspond to modern concepts of the will ; Dihle's contention is that the latter start with Augustine. Charles Kahn also gives an excellent overview of this in his article, "Discovering the will". 59) The following statement by Hall and Ames also applies to Korea: "Any interpretation of the self that would lead to the separation of idea and action, or action and disposition, would be highly controversial among the Chinese. 60) Albrecht Dihle, The Theory of Will in Classical Antiquity, p. 103. 61) Albrecht Dihle, The Theory of Will in Classical Antiquity, p. 58. 62) Charles Kahn, "Discovering the will", p. 258. 63) Here Kwon is quoting part of a famous phrase from the "Counsels of the Great Yu", translated in Legge's Shoo King, p. 62. 64) Here Kwon is quoting the other part of the phrase from the "Counsels of the Great Yu", translated in Legge's Shoo King, p. 62. The translation is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A^PIHfL W-W^M, pp. 141-42. 65) Kalton, "Chong Tasan's Philosophy of Man: A Radical Critique of the Neo-Confucian World View", Journal of Korean Studies, v. 3, 1981, p. 30. 66) The translation is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A^PlSl m, mmm, PP. i4i-42. 67) Ch'en Ch'un, Neo-Confucian Terms Explained, p. 47. 68) The quote is from Mencius 7A1. 69) Chan, A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy, p. 52. 70) Chan, A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy, p. 451. 71) The quote is taken from the first chapter of the Doctrine of the Mean. 177 72) The quote is from Mencius 7A1. 73) Kwon means this in a very real sense; he borrows extensively from early scholars. 74) This is based on Metzger's translation of as "preserve and nourish one's spontaneously moral feelings", Escape from Predicament, p. 295. The phrase appears in Mencius 7A1. There was a debate over these two characters, specifically, over trying to divide them between active (£f) and meditative (§|) aspects. 75) The translation is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A ^ l f i l m, mm®, P . 1 4 3 . 76) This diagram is reproduced from Chapter 18, "Analogies and Diagrams", of Wing-tsit Chan's Chu Hsi: New Studies, page 282. 77) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A^MWt, BM®, p. 144. 78) Chan, A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy, p. 466. 79) Chan, A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy, p. 466. 80) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A ^ t S i t mm®, p. 144. 81) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A ^ E H I t mm®, pp. 144-45. 82) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in AfyMtii mM®, pp. 144-45. 83) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A mm®, p. 145. 84) Chan, A Sourcebook of Chinese Philosophy, p. 463. 85) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in XmWM, mM®, pp. 146-47. 86) Mathews' Chinese-English Dictionary (Revised American Edition), China Inland Mission, Shanghai, 1931, p. 140, character number 1009. 178 87) Fung, Yu-Lan, A History of Chinese Philosophy, Princeton University Press, vol. 2, p. 547. 88) Fung, Yu-Lan, A History of Chinese Philosophy, vol. 2, p. 547. 89) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A^Hift , WMM, pp. 147-48. 90) The translation here draws on Metzger, Escape from Predicament, p. 289. 91) The original source for this quote is the "Counsels of the Great Yu", which is translated in Legge's Shoo King, p. 62. 92) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A^HHS, BMM, p. 148. 93) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A l^ffllt MUM, pp. 148-49. 94) Graham, Yin- Yang and the Nature of Correlative Thinking, Institute of East Asian Philosophies, Singapore, 1986, pp. 48 and 59. 95) Graham, Yin- Yang and the Nature of Correlative Thinking, Institute of East Asian Philosophies, Singapore, 1986, The second chart and the quote can both be found on pp. 49-50. 96) Graham, Yin- Yang and the Nature of Correlative Thinking, Institute of East Asian Philosophies, Singapore, 1986, p. 50. 97) Graham, Yin- Yang and the Nature of Correlative Thinking, Institute of East Asian Philosophies, Singapore, 1986, pp. 48 and 83-84. 98) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in APIfflit BWM, pp. 149-50. 99) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in APIUfft, p. 150. 100) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I S , W-Mfii, pp. 150-51. On the last point in the translation, Legge notes that Chu, in his commentary on Mencius, explains the term ^ as ^FSM ('"the end of a clue', that point outside, which may be laid hold of, and will guide us to all within."). See Legge's translation of Mencius, p. 203. 101) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, 179 reproduced in A P H I S , BW.M, pp. 151-52. 102) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I S , HfgMl, p. 152. 103) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I L BMh'l pp. 152-53. 104) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I S , WMM, p. 153. 105) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I S , WMM, p. 153. 106) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I S , WMM, p. 156. 107) This diagram forms the basis of T'oegye's "Diagram of the Great Learning", and much of the material is the same; the latter is has been translated by Michael Kalton in To Become a Sage. The translation here draws on this work. The translation of this diagram also draws on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I S , W^M, p- 155. 108) Legge, The Great Learning, p. 364. 109) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I S , WMM, pp. 156-57. 110) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I S , Ifffei'c, p. 157-60. 111) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I S , WMM, p. 160. 112) The original quote is from the Book of Documents and is translated in Legge's Shu Jing, p. 381. 113) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I S , BMM, p. 160. 114) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A P H I S , WMM, pp. 160,61. 115) Legge, The Great Learning, p. 356. 180 116) Gardner, Chu Hsi and the Ta-hsueh, p. 37. 117) Gardner, Chu Hsi and the Ta-hsueh, p. 40. 118) Gardner, Chu Hsi and the Ta-hsueh, p. 41. 119) The translation of this passage is based on the original Chinese text, reproduced in A-PtHiL WM®,'pp. 161-63. 120) Chan, Chu Hsi, New Studies, page 284. 121) Changes have been made in order to make the vocabulary consistent with that used in the rest of the thesis, but otherwise this diagram is based on the work of Wing-tsit Chan, which appears in Chu Hsi: New Studies, page 283. The original is from Chu Hsi's Yu-lei, chapter 15, section 157. 122) Kaiton, et. al., The Four-Seven Debate, p. xxi. 123) Kaiton, "The Writings of Kwon Kun: The Context and Shape of Early Y i Dynasty Neo-Confucianism", page 117. 181 Chapter 3 T'oegye- Cosmology , H u m a n Nature , and Sel f -Cul t iva t ion (I) In t roduct ion Four-Seven Debate Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning Meaning of the 'Great Learning' Explained A l t h o u g h K w o n K u n d i ed i n 1409, pol i t ica l tensions that characterized the pol i t ica l c l imate of his day l i v e d on . In fact, as t ime went o n they sol idif ied. Whereas K w o n had wi tnessed the establishment of the n e w dynasty, experienced exile, and wi tnessed an at tempted coup, the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries witnessed power struggles between factions and their a l ignment w i t h govern ing inst i tut ions, b road ly speaking aristocrats a n d bureaucrats i n the former case and the Censor ing organs and the throne i n the latter.1) Es tabl ishing the C h o s o n Dynas ty (1392-1910) d i d not mean a sharp break between the r u l i n g classes of K o r y o and Choson . M a n y of the Confuc ian scholars w h o made u p the r u l i n g elite of the early C h o s o n Dynas ty pe r iod h a d prev ious ly been lower leve l bureaucrats i n the K o r y o Dynasty. 2 ) E q u a l l y important i n the establishment of the n e w dynas ty were M e r i t subjects, people w h o acquired their pos i t ion and status not th rough the c i v i l service examinat ion but th rough direct appointment by the k i n g as a r eward for assisting the throne, 182 assistance that he lped insure the k ing ' s posi t ion, e. g., i n establ ishing the dynasty or i n reso lv ing succession disputes. Moreove r , M e r i t Subjects were often mi l i ta ry men.3) Therefore, r ight f rom the start the k i n g h a d to balance compet ing claims to power , compe t ing not just between the M e r i t Subjects and the bureaucrats but also between these groups and the k i n g himself: "the stabili ty of the C h o s o n Dynas ty was i n large measure the result of the state of e q u i l i b r i u m p roduced by the interrelat ionship between monarchical , bureaucratic, and central ized government structure and the aristocratic and hierarchical social system". 4) Moreove r , even though the balance of p o w e r migh t shift f rom one pole to another the e q u i l i b r i u m itself was never complete ly destroyed, if for no other reason than because the k i n g was needed to legi t imize the bureaucracy and it was bureaucracy and social elite that guaranteed the cont inuat ion of the monarchy. 5 ) D u r i n g the Choson Dynas ty , power d i d not reside solely w i t h the throne. Scholar-officials h a d two insti tutions w i t h w h i c h to check u n b r i d l e d p o w e r i n the monarchy , namely the Censorate and lectures at the classics mat. 6) In the former, Confuc ian bureaucrats w o u l d send memor ia l s to the throne i n order to give advise on r u l i n g the k i n g d o m according to Confuc ian pr inciples , or to remonstrate the k i n g for v io la t ing or neglecting those pr inciples , or even to cri t icize other officials. The lectures at the classics mat were g iven b y a scholar w h o w o u l d discuss a passage or topic f rom the Confuc ian classics w i t h the k i n g and expla in its relevance for govern ing i n contemporaneous society. Bo th institutions, i n theory, he lped insure the k i n g d o m was r u n according to Confuc ian pr inciples . The p r o b l e m 183 was that, as with other political institutions, abusing these powers was not unheard of. Literati purges can be seen as the climax of sustained conflict between the above forces competing with and reacting against each other.7) As the power of the censoring organs grew over time, bureaucrats wielded that power "with decreasing wisdom and with increasing intolerance and partisanship, until the process was jokingly arrested by violent means."8) There were Literati Purges in 1498, 1504, 1519, and 1545 where the king used force to reassert control over the Censorate and the bureaucratic structure in general or those who would use these institutions to further their own ends. But even though these short term measures led to a temporary decrease in the power of the Censorate, purges also gave those who were killed the status of martyrs. Thus, in the long run, specific events that restricted remonstrance in particular cases led to an aura of inviolability for the principle of remonstrance in general.?) Besides the personal suffering wrought by the purges, one other result of these events is that literati purges also reinforced ideals of forgoing the pursuit of official office in favor of rustication and study, ideas most often associated with the group of scholars known as the "sarim" (literally, "mountain forest/grove").10) The early formation of this group is often traced from Chong Mong-ju (1337-92) up through Cho Kwang-jo (1482-1519).n) The former was noted for his loyalty to the Koryo throne and his refusal to serve the new Dynasty, a decision that cost h im his life; the latter has traditionally been seen as a Confucian idealist who, in his zeal to use the 184 Censorate to implement Confuc ian policies, u l t imately chal lenged entrenched bases of power (Meri t subjects directly, the throne indirect ly) and w o u n d u p p a y i n g w i t h his life. 1 2) Bo th are seen as d y i n g for Confuc ian pr inciples , and, especially a m o n g sarim scholars, their deaths i m b u e d these pr inciples w i t h s t i l l h igher status. This s i tuat ion often spurred an uneasy choice. O n the one h a n d were intel lectual ly appea l ing ideas of w i t h d r a w i n g f rom pol i t i ca l life i n order to s tudy and concentrate on self-cult ivation and, o n the other hand , was the t radi t ional Confuc ian progression of passing the examinat ions and then serving i n the government as a c i v i l official. G i v e n a pol i t ica l s i tuat ion where in this latter choice, taken as a g iven b y earlier Confucians , c o u l d n o w l i teral ly cost one one's life, i t is on ly na tura l that the pol i t ica l c l imate w o u l d further promote and leg i t imize ideals of rust icat ion at a social level. 1 3) It was into these turbulent t imes that T 'oegye was born . The year was 1501. O n l y three years pr ior a purge h a d been carried out i n 1498; another was to fo l low on ly three years later i n the year 1504 and yet another was carr ied out i n 1519.1 4) Moreover , a purge carr ied out i n 1545 resulted i n the eventual death of his brother, Y i Hae , i n 1550.1 5) N o t surpr i s ingly , the po l i t i ca l cl imate on ly served to reinforce T'oegye's preference for retirement a n d s tudy over the pursui t of government posts. T 'oegye started read ing the Thousand Character Classic at the age of six and started the Analects at the age of fourteen. 1 6) H e later entered the Confuc ian A c a d e m y , Songgyun 'gwan , but eventual ly w i t h d r e w and returned home because the atmosphere there at the t ime was not conducive to s tudy. Nonetheless, he passed the first 185 level examinat ions at the age of 28 and went o n to pass the next two higher leve l examinations at the ages 32 and 33, respectively. In 1535, at the age of 34, T'oegye embarked on a c i v i l service career. C o n s i d e r i n g his later scholarship a n d fame, his years as a scholar-official are rather undis t inguished. In fact, referr ing to the pe r iod of t ime d u r i n g w h i c h he served as an official, one disciple remarked , "even his friends d i d not realize he was the Confuc ian of the School of the Way" , another noted that most people thought of T 'oegye p r i m a r i l y as a poet. 1 7) T 'oegye quit h is official pos i t ion i n 1549 and ret ired i n order to s tudy and teach but was nonetheless under constant pressure to resume government office and , i n fact, served again f rom 1552 to 1555.1 8) This was fo l lowed b y his return to retirement, but this too was interrupted by the resumpt ion of official duties for a few months i n 1558. It was not un t i l 1567 that he again returned to the capital; this t ime, however , the K i n g d i e d just three days after his a r r iva l and T'oegye once again left the capital , h o p i n g to fade in to retirement. This was not to be. H e soon returned i n order to assume the pos i t ion of R o y a l Lecturer. It was d u r i n g his tenure as R o y a l Lecturer that T 'oegye wrote two famous texts. One , the Six Section Memorial, offered advice to the y o u n g n e w k i n g on po l i cy matters as w e l l as behavior . The second text, the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, was a "summat ion of Neo-Confuc i an i sm proffered to the k i n g on the eve of T'oegye's return to retirement" i n the hope that it w o u l d p rov ide guidance to the k i n g i n his quest for self-cultivation. 1 9) The latter is 186 an in t roductory text that w i l l be examined be low. T w o other texts w i l l also be examined. A s famous as T'oegye was for his Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning, this text actual ly came ve ry late i n his career; he d i ed two years after he wrote it. Instead, as m u c h as any th ing else, wha t thrust T'oegye and his scholarship into the l imel igh t was his par t ic ipat ion i n the Four-Seven debate, one of the intel lectual t u rn ing points of the Choson Dynas ty . A l t h o u g h the correspondence m a k i n g u p the corpus of the debate is beyond our p u r v i e w vis-a-vis educat ional texts and the Great Learning, the mater ial therein is germane to the theme of h u m a n nature and self-cult ivation, and , equal ly important , w i l l serve to explicate cosmologica l and psychologica l concepts that permeate his Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. M a n y of the ideas deve loped i n the course of the debate received diagrammatic representation i n Ten Diagrams. Fur thermore, e x a m i n i n g the ideas appear ing here w i l l shed l ight on the development of major Neo-Confuc ian concepts in t roduced by K w o n K i l n i n his Introductory Diagrams. The other text examined is an educational text for exp la in ing the Great Learning, though one wi thou t the fame associated w i t h some of T'oegye's other works . It is his Glossary of the Great Learning. It was not wr i t ten for kings; rather its in tended audience was the students at his academy, Tosan sowon. It does, however , have the dis t inct ion of be ing one of the earliest annotations of the Great Learning u s ing the K o r e a n native script. E x a m i n i n g this text w i l l also shed l ight on some of T'oegye's ideas of self-cultivation. 187 I. Four-Seven Debate The Four-Seven Debate is one of the most important intellectual events of the Choson Dynasty. Its importance for the intellectual history of Korea notwithstanding, the Four-Seven debate is sometimes seen as a dry, scholastic debate over philosophical principles that has little, if anything, to do with everyday life and how we live it. Nor is this attitude limited to contemporary critics; even some Confucian scholars during the latter part of the Choson Dynasty criticized this debate for this very reason, just as many Ch' ing scholars criticized the earlier work of Neo-Confucians from the Sung and M i n g Dynasties for similar reasons. But the debate is important here because, for the scholars involved, these concepts were not irrelevant to everyday life; they were literally the stuff of life itself. More important for the topic at hand, the topics addressed in the course of the debate deal with the intricate relationship between the cosmological and psychological concepts seen in K w o n Kun's Introductory Diagrams, specifically, those addressed in his first two diagrams and in his responses to questions eight, nine, and eleven. Comparisons to this material w i l l be made below. The debate started when K i Tae-Sung (pen name Kobong, 1526-1572) expressed doubts about changes T'oegye had made in his "Revised Diagram of Heaven". T'oegye made a revised version of the diagram because he thought the distinction between principle and material force and the Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings seen in Chong Chi-un's (1509-1561) "Diagram of Heaven" was far too sharp.20) 188 A l l four of these concepts, as w e l l as m a n y others appear ing i n the Four-Seven debate, were in t roduced i n K w o n K u n ' s Introductory Diagrams, but i n this case m a n y were fine-tuned d u r i n g the course of the debate. The relat ion of each of these concepts to the others was debated th rough a series of letters exchanged between T 'oegye a n d K i Tae-sung over the course of several years. W h a t is more, the importance of this debate extends far beyond Korea ; it is also impor tant w i t h i n the overa l l context of the development of Confuc i an i sm i n East A s i a . This protracted interchange p roduced a un ique b o d y of correspondence: the continuity. . . complexi ty , detai l , and careful process of point-by-point argumentat ion, reasoned agreement and disagreement, and development and modi f ica t ion of in i t i a l posi t ions is s i m p l y unpara l le led i n Neo-Confuc i an literature.21) B o t h concepts, the Four Beginnings and the Seven Feelings, can be traced back to classical sources. The former is found i n a passage i n Mencius dea l ing w i t h disposi t ions, the beginnings, a n d their necessity for be ing t ruly human . F r o m this one can see that if one does not have the d ispos i t ion of commiserat ion, he is not human ; if he does not have the d ispos i t ion of shame and dis l ike [for evi l ] , he is not h u m a n ; i f he does not have the d ispos i t ion of y i e l d i n g a n d deference, he is not human ; i f he does not have the d ispos i t ion of a p p r o v i n g [the good] and d i s a p p r o v i n g [evil], he is not human . The d ispos i t ion of compass ion is the beg inn ing of humani ty , the d ispos i t ion of shame and d is l ike is the beg inn ing of righteousness, the d i spos i t ion of y i e l d i n g and deference is the beg inn ing of propriety, the d i spos i t ion of 189 a p p r o v i n g and d i sapprov ing is the beg inn ing of wisdom. 2 2 ) A list of the Seven Feelings, o n the other hand , appears i n the Book of Rites. These are: desire, hate, love, fear, grief, anger, a n d joy. They represent the range of a l l h u m a n feelings. 2 3) E q u a l l y important , though, was the association among K o r e a n scholars of the Seven Feel ings o n this l ist w i t h a passage i n the Doctrine of the Mean— "The cond i t ion before joy, anger, grief, or pleasure are aroused is cal led equ i l i b r i um; after they are aroused and each attains proper measure, it is cal led ha rmony . E q u i l i b r i u m is the great foundat ion of the universe; h a r m o n y is its universa l path." 2 4) This passage p l ayed a p ivo ta l role i n the development of Neo-Confuc ian psychology a n d also had impor tant impl ica t ions for self-cultivation. A l l three scholars examined here men t ion the importance of the Great Founda t ion (i. e., equ i l ib r ium) w h i c h is also ment ioned i n this chapter of the Mean. Furthermore , K o r e a n scholars v i e w e d the four feelings l is ted i n the above passage f rom the Doctrine of the Mean as referr ing to the Seven Feelings ment ioned i n the Book of Rites. In other words , the list of feelings i n the Doctrine of the Mean was seen, as it were, as an abbreviat ion of the l ist i n the Book of Rites. This association, however , was not made i n C h i n a : [When] Neo-Confuc ians i n C h i n a ta lked about feelings, they a lways referred to the four feelings of joy, anger, sorrow, and pleasure i n the Doctrine of the Mean, not the seven feelings ment ioned i n the "Evolu t ion of Rites" of the Book of Rites. In add i t ion , C h u H s i ta lked often about the F o u r Beginnings but s e ldom about the seven feelings. 2 5) 190 The goal here, however , is not a fu l l expl ica t ion and analysis of the Four-Seven debate. This has been done by others. 2 6) Rather, the goal here is threefold. One is to see h o w K o r e a n Neo-Confuc i an ideas of cosmology and h u m a n nature developed i n the early C h o s o n Dynas ty , and , second, to examine these developments w i t h i n the context of the f ramework l a i d out b y K w o n K u n over 150 years earlier, and , lastly, to examine the relat ionship between these. ideas a n d self-cult ivation. A s ment ioned above, T'oegye modi f i ed Chong ' s "Diagram on Heaven" because he thought the dis t inct ion made there between pr inc ip le and material force overemphas ized the differences between them.2?) T o overcome this p rob l em he first put fo rward the f o l l o w i n g position— "The issuance of the Four Beginnings is pu re ly a matter of p r inc ip le and therefore involves no th ing but good; the issuance of the Seven Feelings includes material force and therefore invo lves both good and evil ." 2 8 ) T 'oegye's in i t i a l pos i t ion as set forth here explains the F o u r Beginnings i n terms of pr inc ip le and notes this is w h y they are pu re ly good . The Seven Feelings are expla ined i n terms of mater ia l force and , since mater ial force is b y def ini t ion the i n d i v i d u a l i z i n g force i n the universe and therefore has the potent ial to deviate f rom the al l -encompassing pr inc ip le w i t h i n things, T 'oegye therefore states the Seven Feelings inc lude both good and ev i l . K o b o n g , on the other hand , starts b y examin ing the mind-and-heart i n two different states— before and after it is aroused. Fur thermore, he does not expla in these two states i n terms of p r inc ip le and material force per se; rather the former state he equates 191 w i t h a person's heavenly e n d o w e d nature; the latter state he equates w i t h the feelings— "For before a person's mind-and-heart is aroused, the cond i t ion is considered the nature, and after it is aroused, i t is considered the feelings. In that case, the nature involves no th ing but good , w h i l e the feelings i nvo lve both good and ev i l . "29) In other words , here at least, K o b o n g dist inguishes between good and e v i l i n terms of whether or not the mind-and-heart is aroused a n d not i n terms of either pr inc ip le and material force or the Four Beginnings . H e does, however , go on to make these associations i n the f o l l o w i n g passage. For if i n the issuance of the nature mater ial force does not interfere the or ig ina l goodness [of the nature] can be direct ly manifested, and this is t ru ly wha t M e n c i u s described as the F o u r Beginnings . These are definitely pu re ly a matter of that w h i c h heavenly pr inc ip le issues. Nonetheless, they cannot emerge as something apart f rom the Seven Feelings; rather they represent the systematic sprouts of those a m o n g the Seven Feel ings that issue and are perfectly measured. 3 0 ) W h e n K o b o n g talks about material force not interfering w i t h the o r ig ina l goodness of one's nature, he does not mean that mater ia l force is absent altogether; rather, he is t h ink ing of mater ial force i n its most rarefied, ethereal form, a fo rm that a l lows complete and unfettered penetration of pr inciple . H e then goes on to speak of the Seven Feelings and dist inguishes w h e n they are g o o d a n d w h e n they veer t oward ev i l . The key here is whether they issue i n accordance w i t h one's nature or whether i n i ssu ing their development is w a r p e d by one's mater ial force— "[those of the Seven Feelings] that are good 192 are the original condition of the Heavenly Mandate, while those that are evil are a matter of excess or deficiency in the psychophysical endowment of material force. "3i) Kobong also examines the issue in terms of principle and material force. This explanation is analogous to the substance-function theory. Simply put, Kobong states that when material force acts (functions) in accord with the principle that makes up one's initial endowment of nature (substance), the Four Beginnings and those of the Seven Feelings that have issued correctly are in a very real sense of the same— "principle is not external to material force, and cases where material force has its natural manifestation without excess or deficiency are the same as the original substance of principle." 3 2) T'oegye does two things. He agrees that principle and material force are inseparable in every respect, whether it be in regard to substance (potential) or function (manifestation, realization). This is nothing new; it is a view he (and Kobong) held throughout. But he also maintains that the two can be discussed separately, that is, when we speak of principle and material force we are not just talking about two different terms referring to the exact same thing. Principle and material force are fundamentally mutually necessary as substance and are interdependent as function; there definitely can never be principle without material force or material force without principle. Nevertheless,... from ancient times, sages and wise men have discussed them as two.3 3) T'oegye then notes that other scholars have also done this in the past 193 and quotes Chu H s i as an example: "The Four Beginnings, these are the issuance of principle; the Seven Feelings, these are the issuance of material force."34) In response, Kobong reasserts the identity of the Four Beginnings wi th those of the Seven Feelings that issue as perfectly measured. For h im they are the same. He then goes on to speak of the dangers of making what he sees as false distinctions between these two concepts. Principle itself is present in the midst of what are called the Seven Feelings...; when they issue and are perfectly measured, they represent the nature that is the Heavenly Mandate and the original substance, and are the same reality wi th a different name as what Mencius called the Four Beginnings. 3 5) He then goes on to add that making this mistake can only cause confusion over what these concepts really mean. If one speaks of the Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings as a contrasting pair, and thus displays them in a diagram that describes the one as "nothing but good" and the other as "including both good and evil," then people w i l l look at it and wonder whether there are two kinds of feelings.36) These two quotes provide an excellent example of how ambiguities in K w o n Kun's first diagram can be read to support more than one position. In the case of the first quote, K w o n positions the Seven Feelings in the diagram where they clearly include both 194 principle and material force. Looking at the neck of Kwon's diagram/ there is a clear link between the Heavenly mandate, l i , nature, the mind-and-heart, and the Seven Feelings. Furthermore, the diagram shows two possible routes for the Seven Feelings to issue forth; one of these is up and off toward the right through the enclosure labeled "feelings". The other is off toward the left, where, according to Kwon's diagram, the w i l l distinguishes between good and evil. O n the other hand, K w o n does indeed represent the Seven Feelings, located at the bottom of the top half of the diagram, and the feelings which manifest themselves as the Four Beginnings as two distinct types of feelings in that each has a separate physical location within the diagram. K w o n would, of course, avoid the charge in Kobong's second quote because for h im all the feelings are inherently good. For Kwon , distinctions between good and evil arise in the intention (will), not in the feelings; in this K w o n differs from both Kobong and T'oegye. In reasserting his belief that, because both the Four Beginnings and the Seven Feelings issue forth from the mind-and-heart, each can be traced back to one and the same source (i. e., one's nature), Kobong maintains that any distinctions made between the Four Beginnings and those of the Seven Feelings that are perfectly good is unfounded and unsustainable— "the Four Beginnings certainly issue from the nature comprised of humanity, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom, but the Seven Feelings also issue from the nature comprised of humanity, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom." 3 7) Again, there is some support for this in Kwon's first Diagram. A t the bottom of the 195 top half of the D i a g r a m one can see the 'Na tu re ' and direct ly under it are the Four Beginnings (here as part of the five virtues); these i n tu rn m a y issue i n accordance w i t h pr inc ip le and i n K w o n K u n ' s d i ag ram are labeled as the feelings be ing a manifestation of the Fou r Beginnings . O n the other hand , K w o n ' s d iagram also shows the Seven Feelings direct ly be low the "Nature ' , i n an area of the d i ag ram where mater ial force plays a more dominant role. Since any th ing that issues must by def ini t ion consist of bo th pr inc ip le and mater ial force, the Four Beginnings, w h i c h a l l agree are good , mus t have p r inc ip le and mater ial force. Moreove r , since there is a potential that some of the Seven Feelings may issue i n accordance w i t h pr inc ip le , K o b o n g insists that those of the Seven that do issue p rope r ly are the same as the Fou r Beginnings . The reasoning here is fair ly s traightforward: 1. A l l that issues has both pr inc ip le and mater ia l force; 2. Bo th the Seven and the Four issue; 3. Th ings that issue i n accordance w i t h pr inc ip le are good; 4. The F o u r Beginnings issue i n accordance w i t h pr inc ip le and are therefore good; 5. Some of the Seven m a y issue i n accordance w i t h pr inc ip le and those that do are also good; 6. The subset of the Seven Feelings that issues i n accordance w i t h p r inc ip le is the same th ing as the Four Beginnings . This is seen i n the fo l l owing excerpt. Bo th the F o u r Beginnings and the Seven Feelings issue f rom the mind-and-heart . Since the mind-and-heart is a conjunction of p r inc ip le and material force, feelings certainly combine both pr inc ip le and material force. It is not the case that there is a part icular dist inctive k i n d of feelings that on ly issues f rom pr inc ip le and not f rom material force. 3 8) 196 Here again Kobong bases this on the presupposition that the mind-and-heart inextricably combines both principle and material force, and since both the Four Beginnings and Seven Emotions issue from the mind-and-heart when it is aroused they too must also include both principle and material force. Furthermore, Kobong suggests there are no unmanifested feelings, since feelings are by definition a manifestation (function) of one's nature as the endowment of Heavenly Principle. This is also seen in the following. When it [principle] is within, it is definitely pure Heavenly Principle. However, at that time it can only be called the nature; it cannot be called the feelings. But the moment it is aroused, it becomes feelings, with the differentiation of harmonious and unharmonious. For in the not-yet-aroused state, it is exclusively principle, but when it is aroused, it mounts material force to become active.39) Kobong's statement hangs on distinguishing between not two different things, but one thing in two different states, i n this case nature and feelings. The contrast here with T'oegye's position is very clear. In this passage, Kobong's position repeats his initial position where the distinction made was between the mind-and-heart in the unaroused and aroused states and the relation of these two to nature and the feelings. In short, Kobong is identifying the (unaroused) Seven Feelings with the nature, i . e., he sees the Seven as identical to nature when unaroused, and since he also identifies the Four Beginnings with the nature, this is why he defines the Four as a sub-set of the Seven. 197 In this case, Kobong's position appears to be at odds with the information conveyed in K w o n Kun's first Diagram. In Kwon's first diagram there is a direct link between Heavenly principle and 'Nature' in the upper half of the Diagram that represents the mind-and-heart in an unaroused state. In this both agree. Where they disagree is that whereas Kobong states they cannot be called "feelings" while in this state, K w o n clearly uses this label within the upper half of the diagram, the part of the diagram representing the unaroused state of the mind-and-heart. O n the other hand, it is not quite as clear cut as it first appears. In Kwon's diagram, the "Feelings" are off to one side, although they are still within the part of the diagram representing the mind-and-heart in an unaroused state. The difference between these two positions centers around the answer to one question— "Can something be both aroused and, at the same time, not-yet-issued?" If the answer is yes, then Kobong's statement may indeed fit within the framework presented in Kwon's diagram; if no, then there is initial agreement but, in the end, Kobong follows a different approach. Depending on how one answers this question, there seems to be a contradiction in Kobong's position and it is on this that T'oegye focuses. K w o n K u n also assumed the answer to this question was "yes" and says as much in the answer to the eighth question on his first diagrams: "We can detect differences of good and evil when the mind-and-heart is initially manifesting itself." T'oegye also appears to answer the above question affirmatively— there is an intermediate stage, an incipient state in reacting to affairs, where the mind-and-heart is aroused but the feelings have not yet issued. Given 198 this, the problem is to avoid confusing the association of principle and material force with their relation to the Four and Seven in the different stages of arousal. For T'oegye, Kobong's position is confused in exactly this way. It does not make sense to say that [the Four Beginnings] are within us as pure principle, but, at the moment they issue, they are mixed with material force, or that what is externally aroused [i. e., the Seven Feelings] is physical form, but its issuance looks back to principle not to material force.40) Comparing this to K w o n Kun's first diagram, there seems to be general agreement. A t the bottom of the neck in the upper half of the diagram, the Four Beginnings are listed right below 'Nature'. Going off to the right, toward the side of the diagram where principle predominates, K w o n illustrates the feelings as a manifestation of the Four Beginnings, where the latter are displayed in the lower half of the Diagram, i . e., after they have issued. In short, K w o n shows both the potential and manifestation of the Four Beginnings in different, respective parts of the diagram. This reading supports T'oegye's contention that, although neither of the two [the Four and the Seven] is separable from principle and material force, on the basis of their point of origin, each points to a predominant factor, so there is no reason why we cannot say that the one is a matter of principle and the other a matter of material force.41) In the above two passages T'oegye points out that just because principle and material force are never really separable does not mean 199 the terms cannot be used to emphasize specific aspects of something in terms of one or the other of these two terms. T'oegye goes on to show how this applies to the relationship between the Four Beginnings and principle, on the one hand, and to the Seven Feelings and material force, on the other. The second term in each pair is seen as the most accurate way to explain the issuance of the first concept of each pair— "if we contrast the Seven Feelings with the Four Beginnings and discuss each in terms of its distinctive characteristics, the Seven Feelings are related to material force in the way the Four Beginnings are related to principle."4 2) It is not that T'oegye sees it as all or nothing; rather that despite whatever combination of material force and principle a thing may have in the case of the Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings, each can be best explained by focusing the learner's attention on one aspect. This is another point where there is support for T'oegye's position in K w o n Kun's first diagram. The Four Beginnings are listed below " l i is origin" and "Nature" in Kwon's diagram, and there is a direct conduit toward the side of the diagram where principle predominates. They are shown again on this side of the diagram as manifesting according to principle. The Seven Feelings, on the other hand, are listed below the "Mind-and-Heart" and in the same enclosure as "material force's origin". T'oegye's position, below, could almost be read as a description of this part of Kwon's diagram. In the one case, principle is the predominant factor, and so one speaks of it from the point of view of principle; in the other, material force is the predominate factor, and therefore 200 one speaks of it f rom the point of v i e w of mater ial force. Th i s is wha t it means w h e n , even though the Fou r Beginnings are not wi thou t material force, one speaks of the issuance of pr inc ip le , or w h e n one on ly speaks of the issuance of material force, even though the feelings are not w i thou t pr inciple . 4 3 ) Th i s is the reasoning beh ind wha t was to be T'oegye's f inal phras ing of the matter, a theory that became k n o w n as the ' m u t u a l issuance' theory— "In the case of the Four Beginnings pr inc ip le issues and mater ia l force fol lows; i n the case of the Seven Feelings mater ia l force issues and pr inc ip le mounts it". It is this theory T 'oegye incorporates into the th i rd section of d i ag ram six i n his Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, "Diagram of the Say ing 'The M i n d Combines a n d G o v e r n the Nature and the Feelings'". A good s u m m a r y of this pos i t ion is seen i n the f o l l o w i n g passage. Genera l ly speaking, there are cases where pr inc ip le issues a n d mater ia l force fol lows, so one can speak of these i n a w a y that takes p r inc ip le as the p redominan t factor, that is a l l ; that does not mean that pr inc ip le is external to mater ial force. The Fou r Beginnings are such case. There are cases i n w h i c h mater ial force issues and pr inc ip le mounts it, so one m a y speak of them i n a w a y that takes material force as the p redominan t factor; but that does not mean mater ial force is external to pr inc ip le . The Seven Feelings are this k i n d of case. 4 4) Whereas T'oegye's pos i t ion was modi f i ed and refined i n the course of the debate, K o b o n g is consistent to the end i n ma in ta in ing that the Four Beginnings are essentially a subset of the Seven Feelings. The f o l l o w i n g gives a good summary of his posi t ion. 201 [T]he Seven Feelings combine principle and material force and include both good and evil. Therefore, those of them that issue and are perfectly measured are rooted in principle and are never not good. Those of them that issue and are not perfectly measured are admixed with material force and sometimes devolve into evil. A n d the Four Beginnings themselves are a matter of principle and are good. Therefore, I regard them as the same reality with a different name as those of the Seven Feelings that issue and are perfectly measured...."45) A t first glance, the first part of this statement seems close to T'oegye's position in one sense, primarily because Kobong addresses the Seven Feelings as being both good and evil and in terms of principle and material force, and also states that the Four Beginnings are good and are "a matter of principle", but, in doing so, makes no mention of material force. The key though is Kobong's continued identification in the last sentence of those feelings within the larger category of the Seven Feelings that issue correctly, i . e., those manifesting in accord with principle, with the Four Beginnings. His reasoning here is that since both the Four Beginnings and the sub-set of the Seven Feelings that issues correctly must all issue from the nature and are also good because they issue in accord with principle, both these terms must therefore both refer to the same thing. In short, they are just two different names for the exact same thing. The pith of Kobong's argument can be summed up i n a line— "the Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings alike both issue from the nature, so I fear that one cannot approach each from the point of view of its issuance and distinguish them."46) Though not explicit, 202 K o b o n g ' s statement can easily be unders tood i n terms of the substance- funct ion theory; i t is an assumpt ion r u n n i n g throughout h is argument and underl ies his pos i t ion on the topic. In this case, a person's H e a v e n l y e n d o w e d nature is seen as the "substance"; the feelings, w h i c h K o b o n g takes as i n c l u d i n g both the Four and the Seven, are then seen as the function or manifestation of one's nature and potential . In other words , since both the Four and the Seven come f rom the same potential source it is mis lead ing to main ta in that different manifestations of that source have any real difference w h e n they manifest themselves i n the same w a y , e. g., i n accord w i t h pr inc ip le . Despi te their differences, there are also some c o m m o n themes between T 'oegye and K o b o n g . For instance, both scholars trace the potent ial for e v i l to material force i n the Seven Feelings. This , as w e have seen, differs f rom the pos i t ion pu t fo rward b y K w o n K u n . W h i l e l ike other Neo-Confucians , K w o n thought the potential for e v i l was rooted i n mater ial force, he holds that the feelings do not have any th ing that is not good and instead assigns e v i l to the intent ion. This is p robab ly w h y K w o n lists bo th the F o u r Beginnings a n d the Seven Feelings w i t h i n the central part of the D i a g r a m that represents the mind-and-heart before it is aroused. K w o n K u n asserts that rather than be ing rooted i n the feelings, dist inctions between good and e v i l can first be made i n the incipient phase of the intent ion (wil l ) . The fact that both K o b o n g and T'oegye do not emphasize the role of the w i l l i n the course of the Four-Seven debate m a y seem to i m p l y a 203 fundamental shift i n self-cult ivation away f rom the w i l l or in tent ion and t oward the feelings, i . e., a general shift i n the practice of self-cult ivat ion where a person focuses not o n wha t w e w i l l but o n the emotions and feelings beh ind wha t w e w i l l , but this is not the case. T 'oegye notes that not on ly the nature and the feelings but also the in tent ion (will) are a l l fundamental aspects of the mind-and-heart . The m i n d is the th ing that combines pr inc ip le and mater ial force a n d governs the nature a n d the feelings. Therefore i t is not on ly the intention that issues f rom the m i n d ; the i s su ing of the feelings is also done by the m i n d . Pr inc ip le is w i thou t fo rm or concreteness; as it fills and is perfectly h e l d by the m i n d , i t is the nature. The nature is wi thou t f o r m or concreteness; as it is b road ly manifested and issues forth as a funct ion i n dependence u p o n the m i n d , it is the feelings. That w h i c h , based on the i s su ing of the feelings, manages, calculates, and asserts that it must be l ike this or must be l ike that, is the intention.47) A l l three scholars also agree that p r inc ip le and mater ial force are inextr icably l i nked , but not admixed . Equa l ly important , one poin t of agreement between a l l three of these scholars is the int imate re la t ionship between fundamental ph i losoph ica l ideas, bo th cosmologica l and psychological , and self-cultivation. The relat ionship between cosmologica l ideas and the task of self-cult ivation was not an empty one. Rather, these concepts are inextr icably in ter twined, the former both unde rg i rd ing and ou t l in ing the f ramework needed for the latter, even though there are differences of o p i n i o n over wha t those cosmologica l concepts mean. 204 Nonetheless, in examining the ideas of these three scholars, T'oegye's thought seems closer to advancing theories first presented in K w o n Kun's Diagrams and Explanations for Entering Upon Learning than is the case with Kobong. In the case of Kobong, there may be intial agreement, but, in the end, divergence seems as common as convergence. Lastly, most of the ideas examined and expanded on in the course of the Four-Seven debate also receive diagrammatic expression in T'oegye's Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. II. Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning. T'oegye wrote Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning as a handbook on self-cultivation for the young King. The text encapsulates the most important concepts of Ch'eng-Chu Neo-Confucianism and introduces the entire Neo-Confucian project, everything from cosmology and psychology right down to how to behave. Commenting on the depth and comprehensive scope of the material covered in T'oegye's Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, Wing-tsit Chan notes that, "It is not a distortion to say that the ten diagrams embody the complete teachings of Chu Hsi."48) The basic structure of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning consists of a diagram followed by the comments of a famous Neo-Confucianism scholar, usually, though not always, Chu Hsi ; this in turn is followed by T'oegye's own comments on the topic at hand. The Ten Diagrams as a whole has traditionally been analyzed in one of two ways, 205 primarily because T'oegye himself mentioned both these methods within the text itself. One way is to divide the diagrams into two parts, the first part being made up of the first five diagrams which address metaphysics, society and ethics, and learning. The latter five diagrams, which deal with self-cultivation and "begin with an analysis and characterization of man's inner life (psychology) and conclude with concrete practice (ascetical theory)," are seen as comprising the other half.49) The second method of examining the text is based on a tripartite structure. The chapters on learning ("Diagram of the Elementary Learning", "Diagram of the Great Learning", and "Diagram of Rules of the White Deer Hol low Academy") are taken as the core of the text and the first two diagrams ("Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate" and "Diagram of the Western Inscription") are seen as the foundation upon which the core is constructed. The remaining chapters are seen as expounding on and detailing "the fruition of learning in the actual process of self-cultivation, "so) N o matter which interpretive framework one uses, the structure of Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, an educational text for the young king, parallels the general structure of some of the educational texts described in the introductory chapter, for instance the Thousand Character Text, in that cosmological issues are presented first and those dealing with humanity are presented last. Of course, it is Neo-Confucian cosmology that is presented in the Ten Diagrams and not earlier Confucian ideas on the subject. 206 (Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate met O f1kis represents &e Supreme Ultimate H^d and the indeterminate, tfhatis Gtgii)esfisetoJ yinandyang.butfiis <^'tion indicates tiiat in its fundamental substance there is no admixture of yin and yang. represents hovJ O moOes and pro-duces yang, auiesces and produces yin, <tlie o in the center repre- ^ sents their fundamental ^ | Substance. ^) is the «|<^ root of '(f; { is the ^ root of^, <1h\s represents hou> yany by its change and yin by ib union tiieretfiih produces tfater,fire, xOood, metal and earth, Reproduction and transformation of all creatures j^f represents hoot the indeterminate and yin and yang and the fide (Hutments vlondtvusly unite and are vjiihout separation, O (this represents hov) by the trans-formations of material force Ch'ien becomes the male and Kun Becomes the female. <Male and female each haVe their ovtn natures, but are the one Supreme Ultimate, 0 ffo* represents novo all things ei)oli)e and are produced by transformations of firm. Hack thing has Us ouni nature but all are {he one Supreme 'Ultimate, Diagram 3.1, "The Supreme Ultimate" is taken from Michael Kalton, To Become Sage and reprinted with permission of the publisher, Columbia University Press.si) 207 A s seen above, the Four-Seven Debate started f rom questions concerning revis ions to the "Diagram of Heaven" . H o w e v e r , T 'oegye does not use this D i a g r a m to lay out the conceptual f ramework for this text. Instead, T'oegye begins his Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning w i t h one of the most important texts exp la in ing and ou t l i n ing Neo-Confuc i an cosmology, C h o u Tun- i ' s "Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate". 5 2 ) But he adds to it. Besides the basic d i ag ram itself, T 'oegye also appends C h u H s i ' s interpretive comments a long bo th sides of the d iag ram expla in ing wha t the symbols i n the d i ag ram actually mean. A l s o i nc luded i n this section are C h o u Tun- i ' s text, "Explanat ion of the D i a g r a m of the Supreme Ult imate" , some of C h u H s i ' s comments , and , lastly, T'oegye's o w n notes o n the topic. A m o n g the last is T'oegye's reason for p lac ing this d i ag ram at the beg inn ing of the text: "one w h o w o u l d learn to be a sage shou ld seek the beg inn ing here i n this [diagram] and app ly his efforts to the practice of [what is presented in] such w o r k s as the Elementary Learning and the Great Learning."^) In short, T'oegye, l ike K w o n K u n , first lays out the cosmological parameters of the Neo-Confuc i an project before go ing on to develop specific details therein. N o t on ly that, the relat ionship between cosmological ideas and their practice i n the task of self-cult ivation is explici t . The textual basis for the second d iagram, "Diagram of the Western Inscription", was wr i t ten by C h a n g Tsai (1020-1077), though the actual d i ag ram was not d r a w n un t i l m u c h later by C h ' e n g F u - h s i n (1279-1368), w h o based it on Chang ' s text.5 4) The d iag ram is d i v i d e d 208 into two parts. The first part illustrates h o w "Principle is one but its manifestations are diverse." 5 5) It starts w i t h basic concepts and shows that i n terms of pr inc ip le , every th ing is un i ted and there is, therefore, a fundamental affinity between a l l creatures. Nevertheless, it also makes evident that a clear and fundamental d is t inct ion exists between m a n k i n d a n d creatures, and , w i t h i n the former, there are impor tan t dist inct ions between older and younger , ruler and minister , sages and worthies , and nobles and the base. In short, this section of the d i ag ram reaffirms both the Confuc ian idea that un ive r sa l i z ing p r inc ip le pervades every th ing i n the universe thereby un i fy ing them w h i l e , at the same t ime, just i fying different types of treatment toward people based o n social relat ionships and status. The second part of the d i ag ram "discusses the sincerity of one's service to one's parents as a basis for c lar i fy ing the Tao of serving Heaven." 5 6 ) It does so by w e a v i n g together cosmological references f rom Confuc ian classics l ike "the Book of Changes [and then l inks them] w i t h w e l l - k n o w n passages dea l ing w i t h f i l i a l piety." 5 7) The result then is to super impose the vi r tue of f i l i a l piety w i t h i n the overa l l cosmic f ramework, thereby e n d o w i n g it w i t h the status of a universa l pr inciple . 5 8 ) Besides r ep roduc ing C h a n g Tsai 's text, comments by C h u H s i and other Chinese scholars (e. g., Y a n g S h i h (1053-1135) and Y a L u (fl. 1256)), as w e l l as those of T'oegye himself, also accompany the d iagram. The general approach T'oegye and K w o n K u n use i n l ay ing out their first couple of diagrams is different. Whereas K w o n ' s first d i ag ram presented an overv iew of the entire Neo-Confuc i an universe, f rom the point of v i e w of a cosmological , m o r a l metaphysics and 209 cont inued a l l the w a y d o w n to a m o r a l psychology, T 'oegye uses two different diagrams, the first p r o v i d i n g the Neo-Confuc i an cosmologica l f ramework and the other focusing on ethics. Moreove r , this last d i ag ram is m u c h more specific i n that the latter part of i t focuses on one virtue— f i l ia l piety. It is not that f i l i a l piety w as un impor tan t to K w o n . Af te r a l l he wrote an afterward for a late K o r y o col lect ion of f i l i a l tales, the Hyohaengnok; rather, the differences have more to do w i t h the purpose of each text. A l s o impor tant is the fact that b y the late sixteenth century the ideas K w o n in t roduced h a d been a r o u n d for 150 years and the th ink ing o n them deve loped and became more refined. Ideas that were presented i n general terms i n K w o n ' s text have received a more thorough development . A n example of this is the ambigui t ies i n K w o n ' s d i ag ram that c o u l d be read to support different posi t ions i n the Four-Seven debate. O f course, they m a y not have been seen as ambiguit ies i n K w o n ' s time; this w o u l d have become apparent over time on ly w h e n the argumentat ion h a d to be refined i n response to the corresponding need for more detai l regarding part icular points if they were to be better unders tood. The next two diagrams deal w i t h two p rominen t Neo-Confuc i an t ex t s - Elementary Learning and Great Learning. U n l i k e the first t w o diagrams i n the text w h i c h were d r a w n b y other scholars, the "Diagram of the Elementary Learning" was d r a w n b y T 'oegye. 5 9 ) That this text was seen as w o r t h y of be ing d r a w n and i n c l u d e d here gives a good ind ica t ion of the status the Elementary Learning h a d achieved by the m i d - C h o s o n Dynas ty . In fact, largely 210 due to the influence of K w o n K u n earlier i n the dynasty, candidates for the lowest leve l c i v i l service examinations had to memor ize the Elementary Learning before be ing a l l owed to sit for the c i v i l service examinations. 6 0 ) T'oegye fo l lows the d iag ram w i t h C h u H s i ' s "Introduction to the Subject Mat te r of the Elementary Learning" and select comments f rom C h u ' s Questions and Answers on the Great Learning. The latter material , however , is used to emphasize the relat ionship between the Elementary Learning and the Great Learning rather than go ing into greater detai l on the contents of the Elementary Learning. T 'oegye then concludes this section w i t h a brief explanat ion of w h y he made the d iag ram and w h y he used C h u ' s Questions and Answers. H i s a i m here is not so m u c h to "explore the contents of the Elementary Learning, but rather [to] constitute an interpretive f ramework for the Great Learning that precludes" W a n g Yang-ming ' s interpretation of the text.") A s noted above, T'oegye thought the Ten Diagrams c o u l d be v i e w e d f rom a tripartite arrangement, w i t h the diagrams on the Supreme Ul t imate and the Western Inscript ion fo rming the foundat ion, the diagrams o n the Elementary Learning and the Great Learning p r o v i d i n g the basis of self-cultivation, and the r emain ing six diagrams i l lus t ra t ing the appl ica t ion of these concepts. Th i s is made expl ic i t i n his comments at the end of this d iagram. The two diagrams w h i c h preceded these deal w i t h the ul t imate [framework]: seeking out the foundat ion, b roadening and perfecting it, e m b o d y i n g H e a v e n and totally fu l f i l l ing the Tao. They present the ult imate goal and basic foundat ion of Great Lea rn ing and Elementary Learn ing . The six diagrams 211 that fo l l ow deal w i t h a p p l y i n g one's efforts: unders tanding the good, m a k i n g one's person sincere, exal t ing vir tue, and b roaden ing [the self-cultivation] project. They represent the f ie ld [of application] of Great Lea rn ing and Elementary Learn ing , that w h i c h is to be w o r k e d upon. 6 2 ) Whether or not K w o n K u n had access to C h u H s i ' s Collected Conversations is debatable. T'oegye defini tely h a d access to C h u ' s Conversations. Nonetheless i n m a k i n g the fourth d iagram, "Diagram of the Great Learning", T 'oegye mode led this d i ag ram o n K w o n ' s d r a w i n g of the Great Learning rather than on that of C h u H s i . In fact, of the eight d iagrams i n the Ten Diagrams where T'oegye d r e w o n the w o r k of other scholars w h e n m a k i n g a d iagram, this is the on ly instance where that scholar was Korean ; i n a l l the other cases T'oegye d r e w u p o n the w o r k of Chinese scholars. Wing- ts i t C h a n speculates o n T'oegye's reasoning for d o i n g so, especially since, as C h a n notes, T 'oegye was w e l l versed i n C h u H s i ' s work , i n c l u d i n g the Collected Conversations (Yu-lei), and therefore must have k n o w n that C h u ' s "Diagram of the Great Learning" appears i n the fifteenth chapter of his Collected Conversations.63) G i v e n T'oegye's h i g h regard for C h u H s i , C h a n wonders , " W h y w o u l d a loya l fol lower l ike T 'oegye bypass C h u H s i ' s d i ag ram i n favor of another?" 6 4) The quest ion is actually a bit mis lead ing , p r i m a r i l y because the choice was not between faithfully f o l l o w i n g C h u H s i or, i n f o l l o w i n g K w o n K u n , devia t ing f rom C h u H s i ' s thought. Since T'oegye thought of K w o n as be ing w e l l w i t h i n the f ramework of C h ' e n g - C h u Confuc ian ism, the p r o b l e m of adher ing to or devia t ing f rom C h u H s i ' s thought was not real ly an issue here. 212 Diagram 3.2, T'oegye's "Diagram of the Great Learning, reprinted from M . Kaiton, To Become a Sage, with the permission of the publisher, Columbia University Press.6 5) 213 Chan is right, however, in noting that the purpose of Chu's and Kwon's diagrams differs. As noted in the last chapter, whereas Chu Hsi 's "Diagram on the Great Learning" put forward "an analysis and new structure of the teachings of the Great Learning", Kwon's was made with a much more practical goal in mind— providing a framework for the practice of self-cultivation to his students. Given that T'oegye's intent was identical to Kwon's, though in this case the instruction of the young king rather than students at large, Chan notes his selection of the more pragmatic diagram is understandable.66) One other reason T'oegye may have had for choosing K w o n Kun's Diagram over Chu Hsi's is that other Koreans may have been as familiar wi th Kwon's diagram as they were with Chu's. Nonetheless, in adopting Kwon's diagram as the basis for his own version of the diagram, T'oegye did not adopt it as is; he modified it slightly. T'oegye's revision of K w o n Kun's "Diagram of the Great Learning" focuses on two main areas. [References to locations on the diagram are to T'oegye's version above, not to Kwon's version which appears in chapter two.] The first of these deals wi th "making illustrious virtue manifest", which is listed three times across the top of the diagram. In the first instance, at the top left, there is no change; the two cases where T'oegye modifies the diagram are at the top of the diagram, to the right of the enclosures