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Greenway as cultural narrative : designing for multiculturalism on Carrall-Ontario Greenway Sim, Sung Ae 2002

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GREENWAY AS CULTURAL NARRATIVE: Designing for multiculturalism on Carrall-Ontario Greenway By SUNG AE SIM B. Landscape Architecture, Kyunghee University, 1998  A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master in Landscape Architecture In The Faculty of Graduate Studies Department, o f Landscape A r c h i t e c t u r e We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  The University of British Columbia April  2002  © Sim, Sung Ae, 2 0 0 2  U B C Special Collections - Thesis Authorisation Form  file:///D|/A-song/thesis/thesauth.html  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by t h e head o f my department o r by h i s o r her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n .  Department o f The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date  1 of 1  April  4/26/02 12:27 PM  ABSTRACT C a n a d a is c o n s i d e r e d to be a multicultural c o u n t r y w i t h a long history of cultural diversity. Y e t in t h e field of l a n d s c a p e a r c h i t e c t u r e , w e h a v e b e e n s h y i n g a w a y f r o m this f a c e t o f s o c i e t y , p e r h a p s d u e to t h e politically c o r r e c t m o v e m e n t o r o t h e r c o n c e r n s , a n d f o c u s s i n g m o r e on e n v i r o n m e n t a l i s s u e s . T h i s t h e s i s p r o p o s e s a multicultural a p p r o a c h to l a n d s c a p e d e s i g n , t a k i n g into c o n s i d e r a t i o n s u c h i s s u e s a s cultural d i v e r s i t y , f e d e r a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , g r a s s r o o t s m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , n a r r a t i v e , history, s u b l i m a t i o n , cultural f o r m s , e t h n i c i t y , e t c . A f t e r historical r e s e a r c h a b o u t cultural diversity a n d m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m in C a n a d a a n d a p r e c e d e n t s t u d y o f multicultural l a n d s c a p e d e s i g n , t h e s e i s s u e s a r e i m p l e m e n t e d in t h e l a n d s c a p e d e s i g n o f a g r e e n w a y s y s t e m , specifically t h e O n t a r i o - C a r r a l l G r e e n w a y S y s t e m . T h e g r e e n w a y h a s f o u r significant n o d e s : O l d A r r i v a l , Multicultural T h e a t r e , Fig G a r d e n a n d N e w A r r i v a l . All of t h e s e n o d e s i n c o r p o r a t e m u l t i c u l t u r a l , s u b l i m a t e d f o r m s t h a t unite d i v e r s e c u l t u r e s , w h i l e t h e g r e e n w a y itself i n t e r w e a v e s physically a n d culturally d i v e r s e sites w i t h i n a f r a m e w o r k of m u l t i c u l t u r a l landscape design.  ii  TABLE OF CONTENTS  ABSTRACT  ii  TABLE OF CONTENTS  iii  LIST OF T A B L E S  v  LIST OF FIGURES  vi  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT CHAPTER 1  viii  INTRODUCTION  1  1.1 S T A T E M E N T O F I N T E N T  1  1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6  2 2 2 4 4  THESIS GOAL THESIS OBJECTIVES RATIONALE FOR T H E SITE METHODOLOGY LIMITATION OF THESIS  CHAPTER 2 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6  NARRATIVE OF MULTICULTURALISM  DEFINITIONS OF MULTICULTURALISM MULTICULTURALISM AND CANADA M U L T I C U L T U R A L I S M IN V A N C O U V E R NECESSITY OF MULTICULTURAL SPACES APPEARANCE A N D DESIGN OF MULTICULTURAL SPACES CONCLUSION  CHAPTER 3  P R E C E D E N T S T U D Y IN M U L T I C U L T U R A L D E S I G N  3.1 L A N D S C A P E A S A M E D I U M F O R C O M M U N I C A T I O N 3.2 L A N D S C A P E A S S U B L I M A T I O N 3.3 C U L T U R A L L Y D I V E R S E C O M M U N I T Y  CHAPTER 4  G R E E N W A Y IN U R B A N C O N T E X T  5 5 7 12 14 17 21 24 24 26 28  31  4.1 D E F I N I T I O N S A N D O B J E C T I V E S O F G R E E N W A Y S  31  4.2 G R E E N W A Y P L A N  32  4.3 O N T A R I O G R E E N W A Y  34  CHAPTER 5  35  SITE ANALYSIS  5.1 P H Y S I C A L E N V I R O N M E N T  37  5.2 C U L T U R E S A N D H I S T O R Y 5.3 I N T E R P R E T A T I V E L A N D S C A P E  39 47  CHAPTER 6  DESIGN FRAMEWORK  49  6.1 T H E G R E E N W A Y C A T E G O R I Z A T I O N  50  iii  6.2 S I G N I F I C A N T N O D E S 6.2.1 O l d A r r i v a l : B a c k g r o u n d , I n s p i r a t i o n s & D e s i g n I m p l e m e n t a t i o n 6.2.2 Multicultural T h e a t r e : Back g r o u n d , Inspirations & Design Implementation  70 71 82  6 . 2 . 3 Fig G a r d e n : B a c k g r o u n d , I n s p i r a t i o n s & D e s i g n I m p l e m e n t a t i o n  100  6.2.4 N e w arrival: Back g r o u n d , Inspirations & Design Implementation  107  CHAPTER 7  CONCLUSION  114  APPENDIX  116  BIBLIOGRAPHY  118  iv  List of tables TABLE 1. Table of population of immigrants in 1996 by census  List of Figures Figure 1. V a n c o u v e r U r b a n G r e e n w a y ( U r b a n T a s k F o r c e 1 9 9 2 : 10-11) Figure 2. Civic, S a c r e d a n d Cultural L a n d s c a p e s ( U r b a n T a s k F o r c e 1 9 9 2 : 5 1 - 5 2 )  33 33  Figure 3. M a p of T o p o g r a p h y  37  Figure 4 . M a p of L a n d U s e F i g u r e 5-7. M a p of C u l t u r a l N e i g b o u r h o o d s  38 39  Figure 8. M a p of P e r i o d s  40  Figure 9. 1961 C e n s u s  41-42  Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure  43-45 46 47 48 50 51 52 53 54 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 67 68 69 71 76 78 79 80 81 82 88 91 92 93 94 95 96 97  10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44.  1996 Census M a p of Multicultural N e i g h b o u r h o o d s S t a t u s of O n t a r i o G r e e n w a y F o u r C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of O n t a r i o G r e e n w a y Sidewalk and Blvd. Analysis T r a f f i c Circle a n d C r o s s w a l k A n a l y s i s Road Width Analysis Street T r e e A n a l y s i s S y n t h e s i s of w i d t h of s i d e w a l k a n d r o a d Mapping Paving Pattern Mapping Planting Plan Mapping Banners and L a m p Post T y p i c a l a p p e a r a n c e of L a m p Post T y p i c a l T r e a t m e n t -- Carrall G r e e n w a y T y p i c a l T r e a t m e n t -- R e s i d e n t i a l Z o n e Typical Treatment — Open Space Zone Q u e e n E. P a r k - Site Q u e e n E. P a r k - I n s p i r a t i o n Q u e e n E. P a r k -- R e v i s e d P l a n T y p i c a l T r e a t m e n t -- I n d u s t r i a l z o n e O l d Arrival - Site O l d Arrival - I n s p i r a t i o n Old Arrival : Development Stages O l d A r r i v a l : P l a n v i e w of M a p l e Pavilion & P e d e s t r i a n Bridge O l d A r r i v a l : S e c t i o n V i e w A - A ' of M a p l e Pavilion & P e d e s t r i a n B r i d g e O l d A r r i v a l : S e c t i o n V i e w B - B ' of M a p l e Pavilion & P e d e s t r i a n B r i d g e Multicultural T h e a t r e - Site Multicultural T h e a t r e - I n s p i r a t i o n Multicultural T h e a t r e : C o n c e p t D i a g r a m Multicultural T h e a t r e : G r a d i n g P l a n Multicultural T h e a t r e : Plan V i e w Multicultural T h e a t r e : E x o n o m e t r i c V i e w o f t h e Site Multicultural T h e a t r e : S e c t i o n V i e w 1 Multicultural T h e a t r e : S e c t i o n V i e w 2 Multicultural T h e a t r e : S e c t i o n a n d Detail V i e w  Figure 4 5 . Multicultural T h e a t r e : Building Floor P l a n  98  Figure 4 6 . Multicultural T h e a t r e : S k e t c h e s Figure 4 7 . Fig G a r d e n - Site  99 100  Figure 4 8 . Fig G a r d e n - I n s p i r a t i o n Figure 49. Fig G a r d e n - Axis  103 104  Figure 5 0 . Fig G a r d e n : P l a n v i e w Figure 5 1 . Fig G a r d e n : E x o n o m e t r i c Figure 5 2 . N e w A r r i v a l - Site Figure 5 3 . N e w Arrival - I n s p i r a t i o n  105 v i e w of Private a r e a  vi  106 107 109  F i g u r e 5 4 . N e w Arrival : C o n t e x t a n d C o n c e p t of t h e N e w A r r i v a l F i g u r e 5 5 . N e w Arrival : Plan v i e w of " L a n d i n g " F i g u r e 5 6 . N e w Arrival : S e c t i o n v i e w of " L a n d i n g " A - A '  111 111 112  F i g u r e 5 7 . N e w Arrival : E x o n o m e t r i c v i e w o f L a n d i n g  113  vii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I w o u l d like to t h a n k t h e f o l l o w i n g p e o p l e f o r their p a t i e n c e a n d u n e n d i n g s u p p o r t . I w o u l d like t o t h a n k t h e p r o f e s s o r s in t h e M a s t e r s o f L a n d s c a p e A r c h i t e c t u r e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y of British C o l u m b i a f o r their k n o w l e d g e a n d t e a c h i n g . I w o u l d like to t h a n k e s p e c i a l l y m y s u p e r v i s o r D o n L u y m e s for his p a t i e n c e a n d g u i d a n c e d u r i n g this l o n g , a r d u o u s t h e s i s p r e p a r a t i o n t i m e . H e w a s t h e o n e w h o o p e n e d m y e y e s o n h o w t o d e s i g n w i t h i n a c o n t e x t . T h a n k y o u . I w o u l d like t o t h a n k Patrick M o o n e y for his k n o w l e d g e a n d a t t e n t i o n to d e t a i l . T h a n k s a l s o to M i c h e l D e R o c h e r s w h o t a u g h t m e w h a t m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m really is in C a n a d a . H e s u p p o r t e d m e a n d p r o v i d e d m e w i t h i n v a l u a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n . I w o u l d like t o t h a n k m y c o l l e a g u e s a n d f e l l o w c l a s s m a t e s for t e a c h i n g m e behind the scenes, especially the "all-nighters" club. Y o u know w h o y o u are. T h a n k y o u . I w o u l d like t o t h a n k m y h u s b a n d B r u c e f o r a l w a y s s u p p o r t i n g m e t h r o u g h o u t s c h o o l . His c o u n t l e s s d i s c u s s i o n s of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m k e p t m e a l e r t a n d c o n t e m p l a t i n g . A l s o m y f a m i l y in K o r e a w a s a physically d i s t a n t but c l o s e s u p p o r t f o r m e . W i t h o u t t h e s e p e o p l e this t h e s i s w o u l d h a v e n e v e r been accomplished. Thank you all.  viii  CHAPTER 1  INTRODUCTION  1. 1 STATEMENT OF INTENT The population of Vancouver, like most other cities in Canada, is made up of immigrants from different countries. The result is a city rich in cultural diversity, with individual communities and neighborhoods that reflect a distinct culture. Different communities and neighborhoods make up a cultural mosaic in Vancouver, and very often, public open spaces that reflect the culture of these communities become unique places and part of the public infrastructure of the city. Some representatives of these "cultural spaces" include numerous cultural centres all over Vancouver, Temples of many different religions, Nitobe Garden at UBC, International Village, Dr. Sun-Yat-Sen Garden, Chinatown and Strathcona Community.  Cultural spaces have the potential to enrich the experience of landscape within a society. Unfortunately, cultural spaces seem not to be connected well with public space. Introducing themes of cultural diversity and cultural spaces into the public realm can become an invisible bridge that enables us to learn and accept other cultures with an open mind. Different cultures should be able to breathe within the society they belong to.  When cultural spaces participate with public infrastructure, and multiculturalism is "sublimated" in urban landscapes, genuine multiculturalism can be embodied. By the term "sublimated" I mean two things. One, as is chemistry where a solid becomes a gas seemingly magically without becoming a liquid in the process, aspects of "original/traditional" culture become transformed and expressed differently in a multicultural situation. In a second sense, cultural ideas are incarnated as forms of expression. For example the Chinese believe that the moon is of utmost importance; this belief is incarnated in the form of moon gates in Chinese garden architecture.  This thesis proposes that cultures and cultural spaces are an untapped resource for linking public spaces with cultural diversity, and for helping public space networks to become more open to themes of multiculturalism. This thesis defines and briefly notes the history of multiculturalism and explores how cultural values, diversity, and processes might play a role in the design of a public space, with focusing on a greenway. The concept of expressing  1  m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m in u r b a n l a n d s c a p e is p r o p o s e d as a key t o o p e n i n g o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of o t h e r c u l t u r e s , a n d to e s t a b l i s h i n g a m o r e s o p h i s t i c a t e d a n d i n t e r e s t i n g  public s p a c e . In t h e  larger  c o n t e x t , cultural s p a c e s c o u l d be m o r e e m b r a c e d by s o c i e t y , not j u s t b e i n g s e p a r a t e , e x o t i c cultural i c o n s , but by b e i n g i n t e r w o v e n  into t h e e x i s t i n g n e t w o r k of public s p a c e . T h e r e f o r e ,  " G r e e n w a y a s cultural n a r r a t i v e " p r o p o s e s a w a y of i n t e r w e a v i n g multicultural t h e m e s into p u b l i c o p e n s p a c e in V a n c o u v e r .  This can include: •  U n c o v e r i n g a n d telling cultural stories in a linear n a r r a t i v e  •  P r o v i d i n g explicit s p a c e for cultural activities Poetically e x p r e s s i n g s u c h t h e m e s as arrival, d i s p l a c e m e n t , a s s i m i l a t i o n , a n d diversity  1.2 THESIS GOAL  T h i s t h e s i s will a d d r e s s i s s u e s of m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  a n d c u l t u r a l f o r m s of e x p r e s s i o n in  l a n d s c a p e a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e s i g n , using V a n c o u v e r ' s O n t a r i o G r e e n w a y a s a t e m p l a t e . It will t h e n p r o p o s e a f r a m e w o r k for i n t e r w e a v i n g multicultural s p a c e s a n d m e s s a g e s into public s p a c e o f Vancouver  1.3 THESIS OBJECTIVES  •  T o d e v e l o p a f r a m e w o r k for d e s i g n i n g multicultural  s p a c e s a s part of both a linear p u b l i c  space network and an educational environment •  T o identify, p r o g r a m a n d distribute c r o s s - c u l t u r a l s p a c e s a l o n g t h e p r o p o s e d C a r r a l l - O n t a r i o G r e e n w a y in V a n c o u v e r  •  T o illustrate p o s s i b l e d e s i g n s t r a t e g i e s for i n t e g r a t i n g m u l t i c u l t u r a l t h e m e a n d s p a c e s in t h e public r e a l m  1.4 RATIONALE FOR THE SITE  I h a v e c h o s e n t o u s e C a r r a l l - O n t a r i o Street a s t h e l o c u s for t h e d e s i g n o f  explicitly  multicultural public s p a c e . A g r e e n w a y w a s c h o s e n b e c a u s e o f t h e inherently linear, c o n n e c t i n g nature  of t h e s e  public  spaces.  Greenways incorporating  multiculturalism  would  interweave  cultural diversity w i t h i n a n d t h r o u g h o u t t h e n e i g h b o r h o o d s it i n t e r s e c t s . T h e l o n g , linear p a t t e r n o f a G r e e n w a y c a n be a linking t h r e a d b e t w e e n n e i g h b o u r h o o d s a n d a m u l t i - l o g u e o f  cultural  2  differences. It would show how cultures could become a collage within a multicultural city. The criteria for choosing a site for a Greenway as a Multicultural Narrative includes: •  A site where public open space is deficient in Vancouver  •  A site which intersects many diverse, cultural neighbourhoods  •  A site which can join areas that are geographically, socially, and culturally divided  Carrall Street and the Ontario Greenway were chosen according to the following rationale: •  Carrall and Ontario Street are the dividing streets between east and west in the Vancouver area. Traditionally, the eastern and western areas of Vancouver have been viewed as divided socially and economically. Therefore, there is a need for open space that unifies these two areas. It is clear that simply designing a Greenway as a multicultural expression would not solve all the problems that exist. However, my thesis would propose an invitation for everyone to enjoy being in the center of Vancouver rather than "Vancouver east or Vancouver west". An empowering center would help to unify divided areas and celebrate cultural differences. Therefore, it could become a catalyst in the process of creating a more tolerant and livable city.  •  Carrall Street connects Burrard Inlet, which is an old entrance for immigrants coming to Vancouver before the 1940s, while Ontario Street connects the Fraser River, which is near the new major entrance for the immigrants: Vancouver International Airport. Burrard Inlet, the Airport and the Fraser River hold a lot of the history of immigration through generations. Therefore, it is meaningful to link these sites. In that sense, the Carrall-Ontario Greenway can celebrate the historical essence of multiculturalism in Vancouver.  •  Carrall Street passes through numerous and vivid cultural groups including Gastown, Chinatown, and areas with Native artwork. Carrall Street would be greater if it were established as a greenway with a multicultural identity.  •  The Ontario Greenway is partly established (in the southern part) while the rest is an ongoing project in the Engineering Department of the City of Vancouver. Ontario Street has been taken care of by neighborhoods extremely well and has six institutions along the street, which is quite unusual. It is currently used as a bikeway and takes an important role as a linkage of open spaces along this street. Also, a lot of different cultures exist near Ontario Street, and these cultural areas are distinctive and vivid. Although Ontario Street itself is not distinctive in terms of multicultural identity, it could celebrate and thread through diverse neighbourhoods as people pass along the greenway, like a moving theatre.  3  1.5 METHODOLOGY  This project will begin by reviewing the literature on multiculturalism. The literature review will be a key to promoting the sensibility of cultural forms as a part of public space, and transforming them into a more expressive urban landscape. Also it will create the criteria and framework for the design. Through exploring the history of ideas on multiculturalism, "sublimation" of cultures, and other applications within multiculturalism, criteria will emerge for the design.  Precedent studies of multicultural contexts will illuminate the transformation of spaces from mono-cultural to multicultural. Also, precedent studies will be a source for developing a design framework for the greenway, and will help to refine further direction for the site and similar sites within the context of multiculturalism. After studying public space in Vancouver, I will apply this interwoven public space theory and design a Greenway as cultural narrative. In addition to developing a design framework, for the Carrall and Ontario Greenway, this thesis will produce a detailed design scheme for one or more specific spaces along the greenway as a way of applying design criteria.  1.6 LIMITATION OF THESIS Designing within multiculturalism is not an easy task for an individual designer. Rather, ideas and concepts of designing multicultural space can be transformed much more effectively by the in-depth study of cultures by teams of anthropologists and social scientists, and especially by integrated participatory processes, involving users of proposed public spaces. It would be inappropriate/ineffective for a single designer try to design all the multicultural spaces included in the design framework. Therefore this thesis will provide a design framework within the context of multiculturalism established by the theoretical literature review. Following this, this thesis will explore some instances of multiculturalism  and transformation through  detailed design  exploration.  This thesis, therefore, would be a foundational stone of multicultural design, both for designers to take into consideration concerning their design and for communities to take into consideration when creating and/or expanding their neighbourhood.  4  CHAPTER 2  NARRATIVE OF MULTICULTURALISM  2.1 DEFINITIONS OF MULTICULTURALISM  M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m a s a t e r m s t a r t e d t o be u s e d a r o u n d t h e e n d o f t h e 1 9 6 0 s d u r i n g m a j o r d e m o g r a p h i c a n d social c h a n g e s . E v e n t h o u g h t h e r e w e r e d i s c u s s i o n s a b o u t c u l t u r e s in v a r i o u s fields in history, t h e t e r m did not a p p e a r until t h a t t i m e . S i n c e t h e n , t h e multiculturalism  u s e of t h e  term  has i n c r e a s e d m o r e a n d m o r e a n d it s e e m s t o m e t h a t m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  has  g a i n e d f u n d a m e n t a l g r o u n d i n g , c r e a t e d p r o t o t y p e s , a n d e s p e c i a l l y , built-up s t e r e o t y p e s .  B e f o r e d i s c u s s i n g " m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m " , it is i m p o r t a n t to c o n s i d e r t h e m e a n i n g o f " c u l t u r e " . T h e t r a d i t i o n a l n o t i o n of c u l t u r e is t h a t o f a b o u n d e d entity, w h o s e m e m b e r s s h a r e c o m m o n " t e m p l a t e s " (i.e., c o g n i t i v e m a p s o f beliefs a n d b e h a v i o r s ) . H o w e v e r , w o r l d s y s t e m s t h e o r y a l o n g w i t h c e r t a i n s c h o o l s o f a n t h r o p o l o g y h a v e r e c o n c e i v e d c u l t u r e a s b e i n g s o m e t h i n g w h i c h is m o r e fluid a n d p e r m e a b l e , h a v i n g t h e c a p a c i t y to both a b s o r b a n d t r a n s f o r m l o n g - t e r m historical a n d cross-cultural influences (Ellin, 1996: 247). So, "culture" can transform and absorb other cultures o r c a n be t r a n s f o r m e d a n d a b s o r b e d into o t h e r c u l t u r e s a s w e l l .  B e f o r e t h e t e r m m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m a p p e a r e d , it m a t e r i a l i z e d a s " i n t e r t e x t u a l i t y "  (Kristeva:  1969), with " c o l l a g e / m o n t a g e as the primary form of postmodern d i s c o u r s e " as well as "cultural m o s a i c " , a n d " c u l t u r a l m e l t i n g pot ( H a r v e y , 1 9 8 9 : 5 1 ) " . Ellin ( 1 9 9 6 : 2 5 4 ) s t a t e s t h a t t h e n o t i o n of intertextuality  is o f t e n a t t r i b u t e d t o J u l i a K r i s t e v a , w h o w r o t e  in  Semiotike  (1969: 845) that  " e v e r y t e x t is c o n s t r u c t e d a s a m o s a i c o f q u o t a t i o n s , e v e r y t e x t is a b s o r p t i o n a n d t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f a n o t h e r t e x t " . S o , t h e t e r m s " i n t e r t e x t u a l i t y , c o l l a g e , m o n t a g e a n d m o s a i c " o r i g i n a t e in literary criticism a n d d e c o n s t r u c t i o n i s m b e f o r e b e c o m i n g " m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m " w i t h i n l a n d s c a p e a r c h i t e c t u r e .  Within landscape architecture, authors have been addressing multiculturalism  including  Mumford (1961), Rosenzweig and Blackmar (1992), von Hoffman (1994), Jones (1996), Bhatia (1996), etc. Jones (1996:  163) insists t h a t d u r i n g t h e  past t w o - h u n d r e d  years, the  design  p a r a d i g m utilized in public s p a c e s has b e e n b a s e d u p o n " m o n o c u l t u r a l " ideals a n d v a l u e s f o u n d primarily in t h e E u r o p e a n c o u n t r i e s o f Italy a n d E n g l a n d (Brill 1 9 9 2 ) , p r o m u l g a t e d o v e r t i m e by E u r o - c e n t r i c m a l e s in p o s i t i o n s o f p o w e r o r a u t h o r i t y . T h e i d e o l o g y w a s originally b a s e d u p o n t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f u s e r s w o u l d b e largely h o m o g e n e o u s ; o r , w h e r e  cultural  diversity d i d e x i s t in a c o m m u n i t y . T h e s e public s p a c e s w e r e utilized t o a i d in t h e a s s i m i l a t i o n o f  5  residents into the mainstream culture (Mumford, 1961: 331-2). In that sense, multiculturalism is more like a "cultural melting pot" i.e. every culture is boiled and melts in a big pot (mainstream culture). Historically, Jones cites, the role of the built environment has been the goal (stated outright, in many instances) of assimilating the multicultural populous of the United States into a single "American" mainstream, where the 'normalized aesthetic ideal was linked to democratically rooted European antecedents (Rosenzweig and Blackmar 1992; von Hoffman 1994). On the contrary, the term "cultural mosaic" celebrates multiculturalism in a more unique and interesting sense. "Cultural mosaic" shares similar meaning with "heteropias" (Foucault in Rotenberg, 1995). This term literally means "other-place" and Foucault (ibid: 15-9) coined it to refer to real sites that, while self-consciously separated from the everyday landscape around them, reflect their cultural milieu in a selective and concentrated fashion (Luymes, 1996: 152). Thus, the term "cultural mosaic" recognizes and deals with cultural differences. Heterotopias are marked by the interweaving of regional ecologies and materials that have particular local histories and culturally symbolic significance. Fung (1999) embraces multiculturalism  stating that  "difference is no reason for assuming irrelevance...On the contrary, it is where differences in situation, predicament, cultural trajectory, and preoccupation make it difficult for us to envisage relevance and mutual illumination that provocative discoveries might be made (1999: 142)." Luymes (1996) asserts that the growing number of such heterotopias even includes designed expressions of unresolved social conflict (Kelly Ingram Park in Birmingham, AL for example) and pain (the Japanese internment memorial in Portland, OR). These examples would be genuine spurts toward true "multiculturalism" (ibid: 152).  So the term "multiculturalism" has been interpreted in different ways. The Canadian Federal Government has numerous definitions: "As fact, "multiculturalism" in Canada refers to the presence and persistence of diverse racial and ethnic minorities who define themselves as different and who wish to remain so. Ideologically, multiculturalism consists of a relatively coherent set of ideas and ideas pertaining to the celebration of Canada's cultural mosaic. Multiculturalism at the policy level is structured around the management of diversity through formal initiatives in the federal, provincial and municipal domains. Finally, multiculturalism is the process by which racial and ethnic minorities compete with central authorities for achievement of certain goals and aspirations."  6  "Multiculturalism" in my thesis by definition is a small, abstract concept in our daily lives as we live in a multi-national society. It is originating from cultural diversity in Canada, but also having institutional and grassroots support. It is similar to Fung's explanation of the relationship of ying and yang, where one side can only be explained by reference to the other "as a necessary condition for being what they are" (Fung, 1999: 147). The insider, descriptive, grassroots position is ying; the outsider, prescriptive, institutional position is yang. Unlike dialectic relationships, polar relationships are not involved in an oppositional play moving from contradiction through synthesis to sublation (Hall and Ames, 1995: 129-30). In Chinese tradition, yin and yang are not dualistic principles of light and dark, male and female, where each term excludes its opposite, but rather are aspects of a whole where each logically entails the other, and in their complementarity, the two constitute a totality (Hall and Ames 1998: 18). So the grassroots idea of multiculturalism and the institutional view of multiculturalism need each other and should be united, and my design concept is a practical attempt to join them.  2.2 MULTICULTURALISM AND CANADA Background of Multiculturalism As previously stated, multiculturalism emerged around the 1960s. However, the historical starting point and process seem not apparent in urban planning, architecture, and landscape architecture. The reason for this is that multiculturalism is a term from social science and it involves larger cultural groups, so it would be hard for an individual designer with specific principles to incorporate such a huge concept. It involves interactive team play beyond the individual's boundary.  The best way to articulate the historical background of multiculturalism would be to include how multiculturalism was interpreted and thought-out throughout major historical events in modern history. Therefore, it would be a good starting point to trace the term back to the 1900s when modern society and the concept of the modern city got its roots.  Through the First and Second World War and the industrial revolution, the structures of society were changed fundamentally in terms of population densities, geographical boundaries and traditional conceptions (Ellin, 1996: 243). The economic market was being polarized into the extremely poor and the extremely rich, and from this globalization emerged, including conglomerate companies' strategies of expanding in their business to the ends of the world. The magnified proliferation of the extremes of wealth and poverty, massive development and  7  homelessness can only be recognized as different aspects of the same globalization process (Dutton, 1986: 23).  These fundamental phenomena increased cross-cultural migration and immigration between countries. Globalization shook societies and the pivot of trading among countries on a global scale became a catalyst for bringing the world together. Metropolitan regions grew and ethnic groups started to establish their identities within metropolitan regions as well. The rapid development of technology envisioned new society for the future, and professions in technical and computer field have become heavily weighted causing the manufacturing industry to become pushed to the edges of society. Particularly, a lot of people in developing countries were transported into developed countries as industrial workers, and these ethnic labour groups were mostly invisible and marginalized (Ferguson et al, 1990: 9-11).  Since late the 1990s, a number of countries have setup their policies on immigration and have made efforts to celebrate their multi-national identity. By these political and national efforts in uplifting these invisible ethnic groups and their offspring, it seems no longer bitter to embrace multiculturalism. Isolated, homogeneous cultures have been conclusively divided by globalization and multiculturalism and may be fragmented further into the urban cultural landscape (Hayden, 1997: 130). For we see hybrid cultures coming from different ethnic cultures, manifestations of multiculturalism, gentrification, feminism and pseudo-ethnic landscape (Zelinsky, 1997: 161), and these become symptoms of a multi-national society.  Multiculturalism in Canada Even though we regard Canada as a well-established multicultural society, the term "multiculturalism" is a relatively new term. In truth, it has not been long since the Chinese Exclusion Act, which effectively hindered the Chinese from coming to Canada, was changed to the Immigration Policy, which welcomed immigration to our shores.  When Canada became culturally diverse: 1867 - 1990s Experts often divide Canada into 3 forces. The first force consists of aboriginal peoples. Demographically this group can be divided into status Indians, non-status Indians, Metis and Inuit. The second force is that of the two major colonizing groups-the French and the British— who eventually defined themselves as the founding members of Canada known as the Charter.  8  The third force are those who fall outside the Charter groups; that is, native and foreign-born Canadians with some non-French and non-British ancestry (Leman 1999: 1-4).  Even though Canada was culturally diverse since its origins, multiculturalism was not recognized until the 1970s. Rather the third force (especially Chinese, Japanese, and East Indians) encountered harsh racial discrimination throughout. This includes the periods of Gold Rush (1858-1880), Canadian Pacific Railway Construction (1880-1885), Head Tax (18851923), World War I & II (1914-1945), and Exclusion Act (1923-1947). It is because of this third force that "multiculturalism" becomes a real issue (Leman 1999: 1-4).  At the time of Confederation (1867), Canada's population was chiefly British (60%), followed by French (30%). By 1981 these numbers had dropped to British (40%) and French (27%); and by 1996 at least 44% of citizens claimed ancestry other than British, French or Canadian. The biggest groups were German, Italian, Aboriginal, Chinese, South Asian and Filipino (Leman 1999: 1-4).  Canada became linguistically diverse as well, though not as dramatically. According to the 1991 census, English was the dominant mother tongue (60.6%), French was second (23.8%) and third was "other" (13%). The order of "other" languages used as a primary language in the home was Chinese, Italian, Portuguese, Spanish and German. Although the English language was firmly on top, Canada over the span of a hundred years had become multilingual and culturally diverse. The government reacted accordingly (Leman 1999: 1-4).  The Fundamental Shift: 1950s and 1970s  The period of 1947-1970 can be interpreted as a time of gradual movement of the Canadian Federal Government toward the acceptance of ethnic diversity as being not just legitimate, but integral to Canadian society. Previous to this period, the federal policy was to replicate a British type of society in Canada and this was reflected in Canada's political, economic and social institutions. All Canadians were considered British subjects until the Canadian Citizenship Actin 1947 (Leman 1999: 4-5).  Following 1947 the Canadian Government recommended "integration" not "assimilation" into Canadian society of non-Charter ethnic groups. This was perhaps due to the massive post WWII influx of European immigrants from a variety of cultures and languages. The 1960s prepared the way for the demise of "assimilation" and appearance of "multiculturalism" perhaps  9  due to the pressures from Aboriginal people and Quebecois separatists, and the general resentment of ethnic minorities (Leman 1999: 4-5).  In 1971 the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism recommended an innovative ethnocultural policy. The key objectives were:  • • • •  To assist cultural groups to retain and foster their identity; To assist cultural groups to overcome barriers to their full participation in Canadian society To promote creative exchanges among all Canadian cultural groups To assist immigrants in acquiring at least one of the official languages (ibid: 5)  The architects of the policy perceived the major problems facing immigrants to Canada to be employment, housing, education and fighting discrimination. They responded with a fundamental shift in policy to protect minorities at a personal and institutional level.  Institutionalization of Multiculturalism: 1982 - present  The 1980s witnessed a growing institutionalization of multicultural policy. The 1982  Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms addressed the elimination of expression discrimination by guaranteeing both equity and fairness to all under the law regardless of race or ethnicity. It also limited the right of free speech with a prohibition against racial slurs or racially based hate propaganda. In 1988 Canada became the first country in the world to pass a national multiculturalism law with the Multiculturalism Actwhich sought to preserve culture and language, reduce discrimination, enhance cultural awareness and understanding, and promote culturally sensitive institutional change at the federal level. In 1989 parliament created a full-fledged Department of Multiculturalism and Citizenship, which created these institutional programs:  •  • •  Race Relations and Cross-Cultural Understanding "to promote ...appreciation, acceptance and implementation of the principles of racial equality and multiculturalism" Heritage Cultures and Languages "to assist Canadians to preserve, enhance and share their cultures, languages and ethnocultural group identities" Community Support and Participation "to support the full and equitable participation in Canadian life of individuals and communities from Canada's racial and ethnocultural minorities (Leman 1999: 7)  Where earlier policies of multiculturalism promoted cultural preservation and sharing through cultural presses and festivals, this legislation emphasized cross-cultural understanding and the  10  of  r e s u r r e c t i o n o f t h e old t e r m " s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n . " M o r e r e c e n t p r o g r a m s f r o m t h e 1 9 9 6 S e c r e t a r y of S t a t e of M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m a l s o e n c o u r a g e "full p a r t i c i p a t i o n " of e t h n i c , r a c i a l , religious a n d cultural c o m m u n i t i e s in C a n a d a a n d protect t h e m  from  cultural conflict a n d  hate-motivated  activities ( i b i d : 5 - 8 ) .  T h i s is all w e l l a n d g o o d f r o m a g o v e r n m e n t a l , institutional o r b u r e a u c r a t i c point o f v i e w , but w h a t of t h e a v e r a g e C a n a d i a n ? T h e g r a s s r o o t s v i e w p o i n t has b e e n s o m e w h a t different  from  that of the federal government.  Attitudes toward Multiculturalism  Various  polls  have  suggested  that  the  average  Canadian  genuinely  supports  m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m in t h e o r y , but not a l w a y s in p r a c t i c e . A l s o , m a n y C a n a d i a n s a r e u n s u r e o f w h a t m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m actually is, w h a t it is t r y i n g to d o a n d w h y . M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m c a n e n c o m p a s s folk s o n g s , d a n c e , f o o d f e s t i v a l s , arts a n d c r a f t s , m u s e u m s , h e r i t a g e l a n g u a g e s , e t h n i c s t u d i e s , e t h n i c presses,  race  relations, etc.  Perhaps the  confusion  is d u e  to  the  v a s t n e s s of  the  m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m itself. Y e t t h e r e a r e s o m e s t r o n g r e a c t i o n s t o t h e t e r m w o r t h n o t i n g  term  (Leman  1999: 8-10).  Q u e b e c o i s for e x a m p l e , h a v e b e e n u n e a s y , e v e n resistant t o " f e d e r a l  multiculturalism"  f r o m t h e start. T h i s is largely d u e to their p e r c e p t i o n t h a t it is y e t a n o t h e r f e d e r a l intrusion into provincial affairs. M a n y Q u e b e c o i s a l s o feel t h a t m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m is a ploy t o w e a k e n t h e p r e s e n t d u a l p a r t n e r s h i p s t a t u s of F r e n c h C a n a d i a n s to t h a t o f o n e of t h e m a n y e t h n i c m i n o r i t i e s u n d e r the domination of English-speaking C a n a d a . T o accept federal multiculturalism w o u l d jeopardize its distinct s o c i e t y s t a t u s ( L e m a n 1 9 9 9 : 8 - 1 0 ) .  Also, the  Citizens' Forum on Canada's Future  r e p o r t e d u n e a s i n e s s in C a n a d i a n s ' a t t i t u d e  t o w a r d m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . W h i l e t h e y s u p p o r t e d e t h n i c d i v e r s i t y t h e y b e l i e v e d t h a t f o r C a n a d a to r e m a i n s t r o n g , citizens m u s t learn t o b e C a n a d i a n s first a n d t h a t f e d e r a l m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m s h o u l d s t o p r e m i n d i n g p e o p l e of t h e i r d i v e r s i t y , w h i c h w a s s e e n a s e x p e n s i v e a n d d i v i s i v e , but  rather  f o c u s o n o u r unity ( L e m a n 1 9 9 9 : 8 - 1 0 ) .  P r o m i n e n t a u t h o r s h a v e a l s o raised i s s u e w i t h m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m in C a n a d a . T r i n i d a d - b o r n Neil B i s s o o n d a t h ( 1 9 9 4 ) s t a t e d t h a t "official m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m " l e a d s i m m i g r a n t s into a " p s y c h o l o g y o f s e p a r a t i o n " a n d f o s t e r s a n i n w a r d m e n t a l i t y t h a t c l i n g s to t h e old c o u n t r y a n d t h e old w a y s . Instead  of " C a n a d i a n i z i n g " t h e m , m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m  encourages the  belief t h a t  there  is  more  important  than  here.  In  doing  so  multiculturalism  prevents  them  from  "integrating"  into  m a i n s t r e a m s o c i e t y . R i c h a r d G w y n ( 1 9 9 5 ) a r g u e s t h a t t h e political e l i t e w h o i n s t i g a t e d t h e policy o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m w a s m i s t a k e n in r a t i o n a l i z i n g t h e b a c k l a s h a g a i n s t it t o " e m p l o y m e n t a n x i e t y " rather t h a n a w i d e s p r e a d f e a r t h a t C a n a d i a n s w e r e b e c o m i n g " s t r a n g e r s in t h e i r o w n l a n d . " J a c k G r a n a t s t e i n ( 1 9 9 8 ) e c h o e s this idea t h a t C a n a d i a n s f e a r " t h e d e a t h o f C a n a d i a n h i s t o r y " in t h a t s t u d e n t s in p o s t - s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l s c a n n o t p a s s a basic test o n C a n a d i a n history e v e n t s a n d p e r s o n a l i t i e s . T h e y feel t h a t m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m has s p r e a d t h e i d e a t h a t C a n a d a has no c u l t u r e a n d identity o f its o w n ( L e m a n 1 9 9 9 : 8 - 1 0 ) .  S o , m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m , t h o u g h b e i n g a relatively n e w t e r m t o t h e c o u n t r y , has a lot of b a g g a g e . S o m e e m b r a c e it; o t h e r s s h u n it; still o t h e r s w a r i l y s h a r e in its e s s e n t i a l g o o d qualities b u t a r e c o m p l a i n v e h e m e n t l y a b o u t its p o t e n t i a l d e m e r i t s . Different p r o v i n c e s h a v e a c c e p t e d t h e f e d e r a l l y p r e s c r i b e d m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m a t d i f f e r e n t t i m e s a n d in d i f f e r e n t w a y s a n d British C o l u m b i a is rather u n i q u e in t h e national s t a g e .  2.3 MULTICULTURALISM IN VANCOUVER  British C o l u m b i a t o d a y has t h e s e c o n d largest i m m i g r a n t p o p u l a t i o n in C a n a d a ( A p p e n d i x I). A s a m e t r o p o l i t a n city, V a n c o u v e r h o l d s t h e s e c o n d largest p e r c e n t o f i m m i g r a n t  population  ( A p p e n d i x II). In 1 9 9 6 , 3 4 . 9 % o f t h e t o t a l r e s i d e n t s of V a n c o u v e r w e r e i m m i g r a n t s , w h i c h m e a n s o n e out of every three people w a s an immigrant.  C o n s i d e r i n g t h a t t h e c e n s u s d a t a d o not c o u n t  c h i l d r e n of i m m i g r a n t p a r e n t s w h o w e r e b o r n h e r e , t h e cultural t i e s t o a r e a s o u t s i d e of British C o l u m b i a a n d C a n a d a is a s t o u n d i n g l y s t r o n g .  H o w e v e r , this w a s not a l w a y s t h e c a s e . N a t i v e s h a v e a r g u a b l y b e e n t r e a t e d w o r s e here t h a n in a n y o t h e r p r o v i n c e . W h i l e t h e rest of t h e c o u n t r y w a s a b i d i n g by t h e R o y a l P r o c l a m a t i o n o f 1 7 6 3 , w h i c h s t a t e d t h a t British c o l o n i e s s h o u l d a c c e p t t h a t land b e l o n g e d t o N a t i v e p e o p l e u n l e s s t h e title w a s e x t i n g u i s h e d by a s i g n e d t r e a t y ,  British C o l u m b i a basically r e f u s e d  to  n e g o t i a t e t r e a t i e s w i t h N a t i v e s . T h e p r o v i n c e e n t e r e d into C o n f e d e r a t i o n in 1 8 7 1 o n l y w i t h t h e g u a r a n t e e o f n o n - r e c o g n i t i o n o f N a t i v e l a n d c l a i m s . T h e first i n s t a n c e o f c h a n g e in this policy c a m e in 1 9 7 3 w i t h t h e N i s g a ' a t o o k t h e i r c l a i m r e g a r d i n g t h e N a s s V a l l e y t o t h e S u p r e m e C o u r t a n d w o n (Griffon 1 9 9 3 : 1-20).  12  The Chinese did not fair well either. In 1887, Vancouver was the site of one of the biggest anti-Chinese racial riots in the history of the country, followed by another in 1907. The Chinese had arrived to California and British Columbia, which were indistinguishably called Gumshan "Gold Mountain" in search of gold and a better life. When the gold rush ended, they were met by the 1875 Qualification and Registration of Voters Act, which barred them from voting. In the 1878 the provincial government issued a head tax which $10 to make it too expensive for them to immigrate. This eventually was raised to $50 in 1885, $100 in 1900 and $500 three years later that lasted until 1923. The head tax proved ineffectual, so The Chinese Exclusion Act was passed, which prohibited all Chinese immigration except government officials. It was not until Canada needed the Chinese as soldiers in WWII that they offered them the right to vote in 1945 (Griffon 1993: 33-64). Since then things have improved, but even at present, six out ten provinces have enacted multicultural legislation. BC is not among them (Leman 1999: 10).  On a more positive side, the BC government does have a Multiculturalism Act, though it is not yet a legislation. The purposes of this act drawn up in 1996 was: (a) to recognize that the diversity of British Columbians as regards race, cultural heritage, religion, ethnicity, ancestry and place of origin is a fundamental characteristic of the society of British Columbia that enriches the lives of all British Columbians; (b) to encourage respect for the multicultural heritage of British Columbia; (c) to promote racial harmony, cross cultural understanding and respect and the development of a community that is united and at peace with itself; (d) to foster the creation of a society in British Columbia in which there are no impediments to the full and free participation of all British Columbians in the economic, social, cultural and political life of British Columbia. At a more modern and grassroots level, we can look at the case of the Richmond. It was originally inhabited by First Nations, and by the early 1900s it had become low-density farmland. In the post-war period it was developed as a fairly typical suburb and was populated by the "expected" white, family-oriented, middle-class. However in the late 1980s waves of Chinese began to roll in. By 1991 over 30% of the population was immigrant. The local residents treated them with resentment and criticism especially when it came to housing development. Old dwellings were typically torn down and new 'monster houses' built in their place. Asian theme malls have been built and sparked criticism concerning extra traffic and parking problems (Hiebert 2000: 7-10). Criticisms such as these have been argued to be the result of concern for  13  local environment, increase housing prices, continuation of local building styles and traffic concerns, or perhaps underlying racism against up and coming minorities (Ley 1997; Rose 1999). These same sentiments are echoed in various areas of Vancouver especially West Vancouver and Kerrisdale.  All of this begs the question of how an official multi-cultural society can increase the comfort level of its grassroots citizens who genuinely support multiculturalism, but do not necessarily follow it or understand it? It is here that landscape architects can offer our part of the solution by creating public spaces that incorporate and celebrate multiculturalism and also educate the general public on the official and narrative history of immigration in Canada. 2.4 NECESSITY OF MULTICULTURAL SPACES  The future multicultural city - cosmopolis - cannot be imagined without an acknowledgement of the politics of difference (which insurgent planning histories embody); a belief in inclusive democracy; and the diversity of social justice claims of the disempowered communities in our existing cities. If we want to work towards a politics of inclusion, then we had better have a good understanding of the exclusionary effects of planning's past practices. And if we want to plan in the future for multiple publics, acknowledging and nurturing the full diversity of the many social groups in the multicultural city, then we need to develop a new kind of multicultural literacy. Leonie Sandercock (1998), Towards Cosmopolis  Landscape architects have a unique role to play in order to help smooth the relationships between the culturally diverse people of Vancouver. City planning has become increasingly concerned with culture because cultural components in urban cities have started to be greatly diversified and have become phenomenological in understanding city infrastructure. Because of this, culture and hybrids of culture which would be sub-culture, multi-culture, and even hybrids from multi-culture, have in turn become a constant input for planning. City planning design should therefore achieve a diverse cultural infusion within a single environment while avoiding the creation of cultural ghettos (Bhatia, Indigo, 1996: 20-1).  As mentioned  previously, globalization has also been reforming  our notions of  boundaries, countries and neighborhoods, the demographic shift and institutional policies have been changing the internal makeup of our neighborhoods, and social infrastructure. As a result of these changes there is an urge to reconstruct our profession.  14  Ellin (1996), however, suggests that the reconceptualizations of "city" and "culture" have been the larger challenge in contemporary Western society. Dealing with culture is very abstract work against reality, and it is difficult forming work against an unformed shape. In addition, we often confront the term "politically correct (PC)", and it becomes especially hardball when engaged with culture, gender, race, etc. Indeed, this could have been one of the main reasons why landscape architects have shied away from a multicultural approach toward design. Jones also points out that it is not only because of the fear of being perceived as "PC" that some landscape architects simultaneously ignore or downplay multiculturalism. It is also the lack of cultural and ethnic diversity within our own profession, the fear of not understanding a different culture, the fear of being marginalized, and the fear of loss of control (Jones, 1996: 163; West: 1990).  However, there is no need for timidity. In fact, there is every reason for landscape architects to embrace, or perhaps more accurately, catch up with other disciplines efforts to embrace it. Scholars in the field of Industrial Revolution studies pondered the "social question" (Ellin: 1996), i.e. multiculturalism, and many interdisciplinary approaches were created. Other social scientists started producing methods and theories on how to do "ethnography" (Ellin, 1996). Many of them were in architecture and urban studies students such as Geertz, Gans, Lewis, Foucault and Geddes. Particularly, Sanjoy Mazumdar explains 10 standpoints of methodology in architectural ethnography:  1.  2. 3.  4.  5. 6. 7.  8.  The primary emphasis is on taking genuine interest in, learning about, and understanding the culture of the group, and what culture members see as important. Personal contact with the culture members and their place, through site visits, is essential. One needs to observe and note all observables, such as the people, their clothes, their interactions and behavior, the buildings, and the products of their common efforts and enterprise. It is important to ask questions, especially those based on the observations. The questions should address the relationships between the culture and the physical environment. It helps to be open and unrestricted about the questions, as it is possible that these relationships may appear in unusual places. For asking questions it is necessary to identify knowledgeable and forthcoming informants. It is important to study the culture's buildings and their use of them, why they build them the way they do, and what they mean to them. It may also require going farther a field from buildings to learn about all aspects of life that may lead to a better understanding of their culture, and their relationships with the physical environment. Since the researcher will have personal experiences of the field and site, these too can be used as data.  15  9.  Questions need to be asked regarding the meaning, nature, and use of the specific facility to be designed. 10. The field data needs to be recorded so that one can reexamine and analyze it (Mazumdar 1991: 123).  His suggestion is specific and phenomenological in terms of sensing and transforming cultural design. When we design parks, streets, building, etc., all physical environment components have implications on our design and it is part of design practice to be attached to sites. The sensibility of a site and the physical environment surrounding it are essentials for any design.  Some from our own specific field have also begun the process of dealing with multiculturalism within landscape and urban design. Levitas (1978) affirms that multiculturalism could be encompassed within indigenous community characteristics by adding a new layer onto an existing landscape with a deep understanding and interpretation of cultural diversity. He believes that without this approach, the urban environment would otherwise be in danger of exuding kitsch overtones, with the interpretations of culturally naive landscape architects being at variance with the actual behavior, preferences and values of their subjects. Even though a cultured landscape would provide a more interesting and comfortable environment for people, it is more than simply a question of repeating garden styles from around the world, or of incorporating any of the exotic plant species, which may thrive in this country (Bhatia, 1996: 21).  So the time is ripe for multiculturalism to become a main issue in landscape architecture and urban design. It is a major issue within the Government, the academics and the general population of Canada. We need to keep in mind issues such as political correctness and naive or kitsch overtones, but we also need to be encouraged by other issues at stake such as disempowerment, cultural diversity, globalization, racism, ethnography, and "sublimation" (the transformation process from both the physical environment of the culture to the meaning behind it and from people's behavior and philosophy to their physical environment). These are the most valuable aspects of multicultural design.  We will now take a look at the less theoretical aspects, and the more physical manifestations of multicultural spaces both in their appearance and design.  16  2.5 APPEARANCE AND DESIGN OF MULTICULTURAL SPACES  In the center of Fedora, that gray stone metropolis, stands a metal building with a crystal globe in ever room. Looking into each globe, you see a blue city, the model of a different Fedora. These are the forms the city could have taken if, for one reason or another, it had not become what we see today. In every age someone, looking at Fedora as it was, imagined a way of making it the ideal city, but while he constructed his miniature model, Fedora was already no longer the same as before, and what had been until yesterday a possible future became only a toy in glass globe. The building with the glass globes is now Fedora's museum: every inhabitant visits it, chooses the city that corresponds to his desires, contemplates it... On the map of your empire, O Great Khan, there must be room for both the big stone Fedora and the little Fedoras in glass globes. Not because they are all equally real, but because all are only assumptions. The one contains what is accepted as necessary when it is not yet so; the others, what is imagined as possible and, a moment later, is possible no longer. Italo Calvino (1974), Invisible cities  We have talked about Canada's demographic multiculturalism, the real numbers of immigrants and their areas of residence. We have looked at the Canadian Government's symbolic multiculturalism, in its policies and ethereal speeches, which can be ignored by provincial governments and nominally supported by its citizens. Now we will examine what Audrey Kobayashi terms "structural multiculturalism", which is defined as "the systematic legal and bureaucratic mechanisms [which are] put in place to ensure the efficacy of the multiculturalism policy and to incorporate advances in human rights made over the past decade (Kobayashi 1993: 219)." Nothing is more visibly related to legal and bureaucratic mechanisms than the images we see in our daily lives: streets, building, parks, etc. The streets of Canada are the sites where the struggle for and celebration of difference is acted out. Landscapes reflect racism, residential segregation, ethno-cultural variations in access to employment and its rewards, and the activities that occur in these landscapes - street festivals, ethnic food fairs, and schoolyard games - also reflect these aspects (ibid: 224).  Ellin (1996) asserts that architects and planners must truly heed their own call for contextualism through a more sophisticated understanding of their place in history, of cultural differences, and of the larger political economy in which they currently work. This new sensibility can be furthered only if our responses to insecurity and fragmentation in our daily lives go  17  beyond irony and an obsession with artifice. This will liberate them from the fashions and fascism of the day and enable them to draw most richly from their creative wells to best suit each specific design task. The current reconceptions of the city and culture in thought and practice harbour the potential for both the worst and the best" (ibid: 264). Through the cultural animation of an area, the cultural life and activities of the street will change, and the enlightenment and participation of all members of the community will ideally ensue (Bhatia 1996: 21). For this kind of idealism, Bhatia asserts that to refer to other cultures for inspiration, the landscape designer needs a deep knowledge of a variety of cultures, particularly their beliefs, significant colours, patterns and materials and important symbols (ibid). However, practically it is not an easy design task at all.  Some examples of how it can be done practically include carefully examining the ways in which pertinent cultural elements can be expressed in physical design. For example mosaic is often used to represent elements of Indian culture, Greek history and Chinese gardens. In Chinese thought bamboo, pine and plum are considered "three friends" so these three elements are often seen in schoolyards to promote the idea of friendship. The same element can appear in different forms in different cultures. For example, the tree as a symbol of life is almost culturally universal, but in India trees are used to reflect ideas on religion. According to tradition it was not trees that should be in the village, but the village should be among the trees. So contemporary designers follow the notion that urbanity should adapt itself to trees. The circle too is the expression of movement in Hinduism, the moon in China, and both lunar and solar notions in Jewish and Arabic cultures (Bhatia 1996: 21-4).  Visual images of multicultural places are present on almost every block of Vancouver even though some are not fully recognizable. For example, there are cherry trees in Oppenheimer Park. Yet most people do not know \  '  '»„->""*''  ^  that  they  are  symbolically related to ,  the Japanese internment. This park was the site where the Japanese were told to assemble and be expelled from the city to internment camps. Every year the Japanese community holds a Japanese festival in this park, which on any other day is occupied by only junkies. This is an example of how history can  take an important role in designing multicultural space (photos from Wakayama 1992).  18  V i s u a l i n s t a n c e s o f m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m c a n b e linguistic a s well. Throughout multitude  of  V a n c o u v e r ' s streets o n e c a n s e e a  banners  and  signs  having  numerous  l a n g u a g e s . T h i s m u l t i l i n g u a l s i g n a g e lets e v e r y o n e k n o w h o w multicultural V a n c o u v e r ' s s t r e e t s c a p e is. Particularly,  Chinatown  businesses  Chinese, and the  are  mostly  Punjabi area of 4 9  monolingual t h  A v e n u e has  a d o p t e d a bilingual s t r e e t sign s y s t e m .  C h i n a t o w n ' s D r . S u n Y a t S e n g a r d e n is an e x a m p l e of replicate  how  landscape  a community from  their  can home  c u l t u r e . T h e g a r d e n e x q u i s i t e l y replicate design  concepts  from  China and  the  builders e v e n w e n t t o s u c h lengths a s collecting s t o n e s f r o m t h e lake beds of China, transporting  t h e m to Vancouver  a t g r e a t e x p e n s e . It  holds daily tours,  w h i c h e d u c a t e p e o p l e o n not o n l y o n traditional C h i n e s e l a n d s c a p e a r c h i t e c t u r e , b u t a l s o o n t h e history of C h i n e s e c u l t u r e a n d C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n t o C a n a d a . Y e t it is limited in t h a t it is a cultural s p a c e t h a t o n l y r e p r e s e n t s o n e s p e c i f i c c u l t u r e a n d d o e s n o t unite C h i n e s e c u l t u r e t o a n y other.  Different religions c a n b e e x p r e s s e d t h r o u g h m u l t i c u l t u r a l d e s i g n a s w e l l . V a n c o u v e r h a s m a n y B u d d h i s t t e m p l e s , S i k h t e m p l e s , Protestant c h u r c h e s , C a t h o l i c C a t h e d r a l s , M u s l i m m o s q u e s e t c . All of t h e m h a v e t h e i r o w n u n i q u e architectural a n d l a n d s c a p e a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e s i g n m o t i v a t e d by their o w n c u l t u r e a n d r e l i g i o n .  19  Visual instances of multiculturalism can be manifested as cultural festivals, parades, concerts, and other community festivities. They are very significant in that they  involve the  entire  community in a unified activity. Even if they only occur once a year they are very powerful. They not only involve the organizers and performers of the festival, but also they attract members of different cultures to celebrate their own specific cultural festival together.  20  One very  important aspect of visual  multiculturalism can be seen in sublimated forms, that is when one icon of a certain culture is internalized, reinterpreted in a new  setting  or  new  generation  and  reproduced, resembling the original form, but significantly changed. A good example of this  is the  talking  Japanese-American  stone  Historical  in Plaza  the in  Portland, Oregon. This design took an original  Japanese  Zen  stone  garden  concept and sublimated it by making a stone plaza, where the stones had poetry and inscriptions on the stones (Moorhead 1997: 1525). The stones then "talked" to visitors, telling them what happened to the Japanese during the internment period of WWII. The talking stones are a good example of how a carefully sublimated form can educate and remind people of a significant historical event.  So all of these examples show us how multiculturalism can be expressed visually. These are part of the expression structural multiculturalism as they are noticeably visual bureaucratic mechanisms that ensure the efficacy of multiculturalism policy and incorporate advances in human rights (Kobayashi 1993: 219).  2.6 CONCLUSION  Based on the review of how multiculturalism can be defined, how multiculturalism has been derived in terms of history, how professionals in various fields have struggled with cultural aspects, and specifically looking at the realm of multiculturalism in Canada, three valuable themes can be drawn regarding multicultural design:  •  Landscape as a medium for communication (educational environment)  As part of public infrastructure, it is urgent to consider cultural in urban landscape design as we discussed in chapter 2.3 (NECESSITY OF MULTICULTURALISM AS PART OF DESIGN PARADIGM) and 2.6 (MULTICULTURALISM IN CANADA). Multicultural landscape in public spaces can be part of the learning process of our neighbours and also can play a fundamental role in  21  dissolving cross-cultural conflict by acknowledging differences among them, which would be the first step to harmony in a multicultural society.  •  Sublimation from abstract culture to cultural form, from past to future, and from segregation to unity Because we live in a fast changing society and because the mainstream design paradigm  does not favour cultural considerations, we have overlooked a lot of valuable and culturally sustainable design components. However, "cultural landscape" does not need to be taken literally, rather it can be a bridge arching from culture to culture in a more sublimated way. Sublimated landscapes can reflect where we came from and where we are headed, and eventually, sublimated landscapes could become a language that helps to unify society. As we discussed in parts 2.1-2.4 and 2.6, landscapes should be tied into cultures that are present and layered with sublimation so there can be a more mutual, deeper understanding of cultures.  Multicultural community involvement ("multiculturalism  = community of communities",  Bhatia: 1996) Most designers come from a single culture and the term "multiculturalism" implies multicultural design that can not be embodied by one or another designer's effort. It is true that designers have a key role to play in cultural form that is significant for further sublimation in the design. However, it is also immensely important to consider the cultural background, the particularity of a social mentality and the behavioral consequences for certain cultural forms. Therefore, it is vital to work as a team including anthropologists, sociologists, psychologists, and ethno-historians in conjunction with the main users of the space, that is, the cultural communities themselves. Consideration of users, and keeping them closely involved when we design should be major principle in any design methodology. It can not be stressed enough that a community's input is important when we think of who will be using the space that designers create.  These three conclusions (communication, sublimation and community involvement) lead us to the consideration of concrete examples of how these concepts can be implemented in Canada. For there is a need for cultural spaces that provide an educational environment to explain and illustrate the reality of multiculturalism in Canada, without simply promoting cultural diversity. Canadians from all ethnic origins need to learn about multiculturalism and not only from an official federal government document. The method of education needs to be visual, physical and part of our daily lives.  22  The design concept of this thesis is an attempt to do just that: to create a multicultural space where the public can see, hear, touch, smell and taste the reality of multiculturalism in Canada. A continuous public space that has multicultural themes, especially on a linear ecological corridor of urban landscape, could speak for cultural unity and further public realm. Also, a historically significant space as well as a public park that accommodates daily users could bring together  all Canadians from all ethnic backgrounds when cultural events happen. An  amphitheatre programmed to accommodate cultural events including civic events would become a heart of urban activities yet it is sited in a visible public park.  The site chosen for this purpose is the Carrall-Ontario Greenway. It could take a major role in three ways. It is a corridor of spaces ready to provide a multicultural theme. It is a connection of ecological green spaces. Also, it eventually will be a unique civic space where multiculturalism could work.  However, before launching into the details of the design concept, a detailed analysis of some precedent cases is necessary. The precedent studies that will provide concrete examples of the three conclusions drawn from the literature review conclusions (communication, sublimation and community involvement) are Pershing Square in Los Angeles California, Living Water Park in Sichuan, China, and Boston's Southwest Corridor Park. The study of these precedent examples will help generate a design framework and the actual design of nodes for the site.  23  CHAPTER 3  PRECEDENT STUDY IN MULTICULTURAL DESIGN  3.1 LANDSCAPE AS A MEDIUM FOR COMMUNICATION  The transformation of landscape into culture emerges throughout individual places, front yards, neighborhoods, etc. and very often these places that are colored by cultures offer a special and meaningful attachment to people. These are all processes of communication between landscape and humanity, and we may find  good examples of them  within our  surroundings. Particularly, the redesigned Pershing Square is an excellent medium for the dialogue of multiculturalism and human ecology.  The 5.5-acre site of Pershing Square lies in downtown Los Angeles, and has had multiple changes through history. It was originally designated for public use by the city council in 1866  and  has  been  known by many names, including La Plaza Abaja, Sixth Street Park, and Central Park. The present name is in honor of World War I General John J . Pershing, and the newest design was mad in 1982. The design is a collaborative effort of Mexican architect Ricardo  Legorreta  and  Philadelphia-based  landscape  architect Laurie Olin (Welborne, 1994: 29).  There are two representative cultures in this area: Latino  culture  and  Anglo-American  culture.  The  representation of Latino ethnicity has been a problem in this area until a new design came in and Legorreta sublimated his cultural identity through landscape with a variety of colors, texture and artwork. He used a matte purple for the tower, pinkish concrete for the pavement, a cool yellow for a cafe and a police substation, many outdoor "rooms (for the private gatherings of different ethnic groups)", river stone pavement, and many statues (Newman 1994: 45).  24  A ten-story purple bell "campanile" divides this plaza into two main plazas in a symbolic way and the pool has a tidal reaction representative of the Pacific Ocean (ibid). A grove of orange trees reminds people of L.A.'s agricultural basis, and an open-air amphitheater, decomposed granite walkways and planting are an expression of Anglo-American culture. Newman asserts that Pershing Square is a combination of Latino and Anglo-American parks "in a self-conscious foray into multiculturalism (ibid: 45)."  Certainly, Pershing Square is reviving through its multicultural design approach and is a medium of communication that speaks for various cultures in spite of its gloomy history of ethnicity in Los Angeles. My interpretation is that cultural identities transform onto landscape, and the effort is the thriving of cultures. Nonetheless, the design has become dialectic somewhat by polarizing two representative cultures rather than acknowledging the existence of other cultures such as Asian culture. I suggest that it is very important to accept and interpret existing cultures in a humble way. Cultural landscape should become a communicational page for the environment.  Pershing Square fails in one way. It has been unsuccessful in drawing visitors' attention. Hardscape components including a lot of walls, a lack of green space, and its artistic design keep people away from this plaza. It is unfortunate that such a historically meaningful and culturally  25  diverse place with a great budget is not received well by people. It gives us an important message that "mutual landscape" (Fung, 1999) can be transformed by a deeper understanding of culture and human ecology.  3.2 LANDSCAPE AS SUMBLIMATION: Sublimation from abstract culture to cultural form, from past to future, from segregation to unity As the term "sublimation" infers in the  introduction  important  of  to  this  thesis,  remember  it  is  culturally  transformed expression, history, and unity of landscapes in designing neighborhoods. "Sublimation"  can  be  formed  by  the  coalition of various angled thoughts, the recognition of historical purports, and the endeavor  of  problem-solving  that  is  present in the site. We should also look into  the  cultures that the landscape already has and these manifestations should be maintained in a multicultural design process. Living Water Park in Sichuan, China would be a representative work for this component.  This project began in 1992 near the Fu and Nan rivers, which have been polluted by rapid industrial development. The term "water" (river) has a special meaning to the Chinese, because they believe they are connected to it and actually water has been their foundation of daily life. As rivers are getting polluted, the Chengdu government started to put massive efforts to revive rivers. Betsy Damon, an American environmental artist, Zhang Jihai, director of the Fu-Nan Rivers Renovation Bureau, and Margie Ruddick, a Philadelphia landscape architect have attended to the Living Water Park plan.  26  A water filtration system is a main element of this park.  However,  it  has  some  significant  aspects  for  multicultural design. First of all, an ecological design to revive the water quality is combined with the transformation of Chinese traditional philosophy. For example, the fishponds connect to a stream with a bridge over it. Wooden walkways act as a tradition small public space, and the water wheel is an ancient structural type (Lyndon, 2000:7). These small elements in the park are  from  citizen's  Chinese generated  ideas and it led this project to success; otherwise, it would not have been supported by local people. Even though these elements are small, they familiarize people to this innovative park (this park is the only park that functions as a water filtration system). Sublimation from past to future in history bridges landscape and the people who belong there, and people can celebrate history.  Secondly, there is also transformation of abstract culture to designed form, and it became cultural form. For instance, one of flow forms cast the shape of a ginkgo leaf, which is a symbol of a tree. Beyond that, the ginkgo is a representative form of a long liver in China and other Asian countries and is loved by them very much. Also, the site plan resembled fish and many Chinese people started to believe in the virtue of this park, because fish represent |p|  good  fortune  powerful  when  and  health.  landscape  It  becomes  substantializes  what people believe. By doing so, we can  33  expect derivative merits from it in terms of social structure.  Thirdly, Living Water Park is created within people's belief and effort. Damon asserts, "I followed a voice inside of myself that said you know what to do, go do it. These guides assisted me in China to bring many together, [and to] try things everyone said were impossible. It was the relationships we made in  27  trying that opened the doors to make a park (" This project was supported by the U.S., Keepers of the Waters (initiated in 1990 by Damon), local experts, the local government and neighborhoods, and it brought many different kinds of people together. Now, the park celebrates the power of landscape and culture through citizens and generations and it suggests the solution of unification through landscape design.  3.3 CULTURALLY DIVERSE COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT: "multiculturalism = community of communities" (Bhatia: 1996)  Multicultural design has its own destination that cannot be modified by the designer's intention. It is for different cultures, which means it cannot be dominated by one monoculture. The literature review in this thesis discusses how important it is to involve users of proposed public spaces. We can be assured of this fact through this example: Boston's Southwest Corridor Park, which was created by an enormous coalition of various communities along  &MfcZ^mmL~  an approximately 4- mile long corridor. Initially, this land was proposed to be an expressway until the 1970s when protests by the African-American community with other communities in the Boston region finally halted the expressway project. The 55-acre site of this park is very thin and long and connects various  kinds of neighborhood in Boston; "rich and poor, black and white, yuppie and ethnic (Campbell 1989: 70)." Southwest Corridor Park consists of 7 major areas: the Back Bay, St. Botolph, the South End, the Fenway, Roxbury, Jamaica Plain, and Forest Hills. Continuous double or triple tree lines, double paths for cyclists and pedestrians, and the reuse of granite from railway embankments are the only components that connect this park as  a  whole.  However,  the  design  committee had been working closely with JH|  communities and their hopes for this park have made clear: bike racks, playgrounds, community gardens, etc. As the communities wanted and tried to keep this area as a park since 1970, their  affection for this area was great. A lot of landscape architect firms and communities were  28  involved this project and now, this park is thriving throughout communities and the big gap that existed among different communities is becoming unified by the "urban zipper (Campbell, 1989: 72). " Throughout the project, the communities' involvement also brought out their attachment to this park; in other words, it enables the communities to feel friendly and engage in selfsurveillance. Also, maintenance is handled by neighborhood groups by contract.  BACK BAY -  ST. BOTOLPH - SOUTH  END - FENWAY -  SYMPHONY  i Through this project, Edwina Cloherty who was involved in it asserts lessons from Southwest Corridor Park in Mann's article in Places: S  Sustain the effort: continuity of participants is necessary  S  Establish a clearly defined fair and open process for decision making. Then FOLLOW IT AND LIVE WITH THE DECISIONS.  •s  Expect everyone to abide by the process and decision.  /  Do your homework; get accurate information.  /  Build coalitions, which may mean compromise - which is not always bad!  s  Hold your public officials accountable as well as yourselves.  S  Promote the commonwealth over local self-interest.  •s  Maintain a sense of humor.  S  Take up knitting, not smoking. (Mannl991: 53)  29  t  SOUTHWEST  SICTIOH t NEIGHBORHOOD COMMITTIE  i 3cr.ii 3oy j SATF  • Co ie nova  CORRIDOR W O R K I N G C O M M I T T E E  SICTIOH 11 NIIGHBORHOOD COMMITTil Rugglei  Mati A**, j SAIF j  SATF •tion Taili •" 'fore*'-  Porc»l If  Roxbury Croiiing SAIF  SICTION III NIIOHBOKHOOD COMMITTil  Jo ebon Squoo SATF Conduction ToilFoiso  Cow  Tavk Fore*  i  PARKLAND MANAGEMENT ADVISORY COMMITTEE  30  CHAPTER 4  GREENWAY IN URBAN CONTEXT  4.1 DEFINITIONS AND OBJECTIVES OF GREENWAY In recent years, "greening" has become more prevalent term within the realm of public open space. These linear, green and public corridors are particularly suited to the creation of a sequential landscape experience. As such, greenway design can help to tell stories, to develop themes over large distances, to knit through diverse places and neighbourhoods. Therefore, a greenway is a very appropriate setting for developing multicultural public landscape. As the term "greenway" implies, greenway is a linear open space that is vegetated. According to Greenways • Public Ways: a final report by Urban Landscape Task Force, a greenway is: A linear public corridor that connects parks, nature reserves, cultural features, historic sites, neighbourhoods and retail areas, often along either natural corridors like river or ocean fronts or along rail rights-of-way or streets shared for transportation use (Urban Landscape Task Force 1992:vii) Also, in Greenways for America (Charles E. Little), definition of a greenway is:  1. A linear open space established along either a natural corridor, such as a riverfront, stream valley, or ridgeline, or overland along a railroad right-of-way converted to recreational use, a canal, a scenic road, or other route. 2. Any natural or landscaped course for pedestrian or bicycle passage. 3. An openspace connector linking parks, nature reserves, cultural features, or historic sites with each other and with populated areas. 4. Locally, certain strip or linear parks designated as parkway or greenbelt. (Urban Landscape Task Force 1992: 51)  Other similar terms, such as "public way" and "bicycle way" should not be confused:  Greenways are typically "green" paths for pedestrians and cyclists. They can be waterfront promenades, urban walkways, environmental demonstration trails, heritage walks and nature trails... [but] their final report, Greenways-Public Ways extended the traditional definition of Greenways to include streets in the downtown - the Public Ways - and streets in our residential  31  neighbourhoods...The primary goal of Bikeways is to make cycling safe and convenient, largely through traffic calming measure. Greenways and Public Ways enhance the experience eof walking and cycling through a wider rage of improvements to the public realm, for example, by expanding parks, incorporation public art or installing drinking fountains (City of Vancouver 2002: 1-2). Even though Vancouver has a great natural heritage, environmental and social concern is critically increasing. In recent years, for example, the Urban Landscape Task Force was established by Mayor Gordon Campbell and the City Council of 1991 to cope with changing society, because "urban landscape" is a mirror of our values and how the city can deal with the fast growth of population (ibid: 1). A greenway is one of the invaluable components in terms of reinforcing public realm connection as well as our connections with nature. The public realm, such as a city's streets, parks, plazas, and waterfronts is the heart from which to form a city with improved amenities for citizens and a greenway (including blueways) takes a critical role to thread public realm as an urban landscape system. Objectives of a greenway can be • • • • • •  • •  Make the city "whole" by connecting our existing parks and neighbourhoods to each other Reinforce people's connections with nature by retaining natural ecological functions in the urban environment Increase the amount of permeable surfaces in the city, to daylight as many streams as possible and as a result improve our water quality Improve our general environment—vegetated greenways can reduce noise, smog, dust and heat Complement the existing and future public open space system through introducing connections that accommodate more diverse public recreation Provide alternatives to the automobile for commuter and recreational trips by developing safe passageways from bicycles, wheelchairs and pedestrians Stimulate a more cost effective expenditure of public funds through the multiple use of public property Encourage private realm development to respond to urban landscape opportunities by planning the greenways to be planned and implemented through the region (Urban Task Force 1992: 50-1)  4.2 GREENWAY PLAN  A greenway as a thread of natural and cultural environment that interweaves a city, within a whole, and it would be wonderful to see cultural stories shared by neighbourhoods in the City of Vancouver. People who are on a greenway would share multiculturalism celebrating our multiculturalism and cultural diversity in Vancouver (Figure 2).  32  The initial inspiration for Greenways in Vancouver came from the work of Mayor Gordon Campbell's Urban Landscape Task Force, appointed by Council in 1991 and chaired by Landscape Architect Moura Quayle. The initially proposed greenway plan had 11 greenways (figure 1). City of Vancouver URBAN LANDSCAPE TASK FORCE PROPOSED  VANCOUVER URBAN GREENWAY  UBC-AtaMotMe  I  ferry  Peninsula Way Fraser River Foreshore Way Jericho-Central Kirtgcwa; UBC - SFU Connector Hastings-Fraseniew Crosscut Main Crosscut Arbutus Crosscut Sea Wall Loop Pacific Spirit I-wop False Creek Loup The Creek link.  V*rk  Figure 1. Vancouver Urban Greenway (Urban Task Force 1992: 10-11)  Figure 2. Civic, Sacred and Cultural Landscapes (Urban Task Force 1992: 51-52)  33  The final report for the City of Vancouver was expanded to include identified civic, sacred and cultural landscapes in Vancouver context.  4.3 ONTARIO GREENWAY  This thesis deals specifically with the Ontario St. Greenway as part of the larger Vancouver Greenway system. This specific part of the greenway is supposed to connect South Vancouver to False Creek via Ontario Street.  The previously mentioned Urban Task Force's design ideas were based on the six greenway goals and were made specifically for Ontario Street through the objectives. The following is a summary of those six goals. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.  Make Walking More Interesting (by providing continuous trees, signage, sidewalks, etc. and by adding water fountains, washrooms varying levels of complexity, etc.) Make Recreational Cycling More Appealing (by marking the route, improving unsafe intersections, selecting non-slip surfaces, etc.) Reduce the Impact of the Car (by installing traffic calming measures, planting pollution filtering vegetation and giving right of way to pedestrians and cyclists) Enhance Special Places Along the Route (by including heritage sites, creating complexity, providing amenities, etc.) Make the Greenway "Greener" (by increasing existing planting areas, using permeable paving, planting fruits and vegetables, etc.) Use Art to Make the Greenway More Pleasant and Interesting (by positioning art pieces as gateways, using existing characteristics as art, placing new art pieces, etc.) (Urban Task Force 1992: 14-15)  The Ontario Greenway is approximately 50% completed at this point. Construction will more than likely increase in the summer months of 2002. In Chapter 5 we will examine the Ontario Greenway more closely especially how it is connected to Carrall St.  34  h f<  SITE A M A L Y I . S -Greenvyay as Cultural Narrativt-  5.1 PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT - Topography - Land Use 5.2 CULTURES AND HISTORY - Cultural Neighbourhoods Trace - Sequence of Multicultural neighbourhoods 5.3 INTERPRETATIVE LANDSCAPE - City Greenway System - Ontario Greenway  In chapter 1.4 "RATIONALE FOR THE SITE" I talked about how I would choose the site. It is enormously hard to choose a specific site that speaks about multiculturalism, because it is present in every inch of space in Vancouver. However, the objectives of this thesis also take into consideration the general social condition in Vancouver. Also, greenway as a linear space that passes through neighbourhoods of Vancouver is an important part of design. Therefore, I begin to imagine cultural stories that are collected all over Vancouver and lie on Carrall st. and Ontario Greenway.  • WEST-COST  :  CARRALL AND ONTARIO STREETS PASSES THROUCH TWO REPRESENTATIVE TOPOCRAPAIES: LITTLE MOUNTAIN MOUNT : n.LASANT  r  flriD  SOUTH HILL.  • NORTH-SOUTH  :  STREETS ARE SLOPING GRADUALLY UPHILL ( I O O - I 2 0 H ) UNTIL QUEEN ELIZABETH PARR AREA AND THEN SLOPES DOWN T O FRASER RIVER. it HEIGHT ABOVE SEA t E\  ' mm  40-60m{l3]-I97ft 20-40 rn (66-131 ft) 0-20 m (0-66 tt)  Figure 3. Map of Topography 5.1 PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT Topography As shown on the map, Carrall and Ontario Street pass through two significant topographical areas. The top of the Little Mountain on the left side is about 140m high and South hill on the right side is about 120m high. The site's highest area is around 100m high. The north end of the street has a great view of the mountains, Burrard Inlet, the area between the two streets, Science World, and False Creek. It also has the potential to be connected to the sea wall walkway. So far this area is mainly used for industrial purposes and is not developed yet. However, there is a lot of design discussion for the Southeast False Creek area and it is suitable for sustainable design development. From north to south, the topography changes interestingly as the crest of the hill opens up the view along the street.  37  rr*,.  1  flLoriG O M T A R I O STREET, H O S T O E LARD USE IS RESIDENTIAL  THERE ARE 6 msTiTUTioriOL AREAS; 2 connuniTY  CENTRES, 2 f LEMEHTARY SCAOOLS, LAflCARA (OLLECE, AMD A AICA SCAOOL O H BOTA E M ) SIDES, IdDUSTRIAL AREAS ARE LOCATED BUT TAEIR CAARACTERS ARE VERY DIEEEREflT.  IVVVWW<J  UWUVVXA  Openspace Use Residential Use Commercial Use Industrial Use  TWO SICniEICAIIT O P E N SPACES: Q U E E M ELIZABETA PARK AND C O L E C O U R S E .  Figure 4. Map of Land Use  Land Use Generally, multicultural streets have unique opportunities within their land use. Because Carrall and Ontario street establish themselves as a thread of major open spaces, institutions, residential neighbourhoods, and industrial areas, people who live near Ontario Street, especially, have a great concern about traffic and their effort is seen at many intersections and schools. Carrall street is mainly used for commercial purposes with apartment buildings and it has a lot of cultural activities, The industrial areas at both ends of the Ontario Greenway have their own characteristics: the north end being a part of the city has smaller lots and a well coordinated outlook, and the south end being in the Fraser Valley industrial area has a pulp smell, a railway, and huge machinery.  5.2 CULTURES AND HISTORY ,7% Scandinavian {city avg: 4%)  LARCEST ETHNIC C R O U P  BY Census TRACK. 1941  Cultural Neighbourhoods Trace As mentioned in the rationale section, Carrall Street and the Ontario Greenway will  celebrate  being  surrounded  by  culturally diverse neighbourhoods and the design frame work in this thesis will allow people to be more aware of cultural diversity as illustrated in the following statistics on immigration waves: LARCEST  tronic  ,8% Scandinavian,;: (city avg: 5%) Jetty avg' -  1941 : English, Scottish, Irish, Chinese,  :  CROUP  BY Census TRACK, 1961  ' 19% Italian, .: (ralyiwg; 3%1  Japanese, Scandinavian, etc. 1961 : Asian, British, German, Italian,  12% Other ' European" ' • (city avg: 7%) = :  other European, Scandinavian, French, etc. (*Other European means other  20% German ictly avg; 7%) :  than British, Dutch, French, German, Polish, Russian, Scandinavian, or Ukrainian) 1981 : British, Chinese, Indo-Pakistani,  WJpfcg 3%r 59% Chinese. (--ifr9> Italian, Jewish, French, Portuguese, (city avg: 1S%1  LARCEST LTHIIIC C R O U P  se0r  BY Census TRACK. 1981  NativQ, Greek, Pacific Islands, Japanese, • 7% Greek (city avg; 1%)'  7% Pacific Islands 7%Naiiv& • (city ovg ^%)  <. 20% Jewish , (city avg: 2%)  :  i % British c  >  l  j  |  ;Z°;ifn  Figures 5 Map of Cultural Neigbourhoods  8% Portuguese (city'avg: 1%)  *  BASED  on Census  DATA  I >•  ..  t a d d MVtf  r\  Figure 8 Map of Periods SYNTHESIS OF CULTURAL NEIGHBOURHOODS TRACE BY PERIODS: Cross-section of cultural neighbourhoods  This map merges together Census data regarding ethnic groups and their historical appearance as neighbourhoods. It is interesting to see how they settle over periods. Particularly, in the 1940s new industry along the Fraser River brought a lot of immigrants from the British Isles (Sheng et al, 1980: 4) and then their settlement started to fill up the inner city. Very distinct cultural neighbourhoods would be Chinatown, the Italian neighbourhood, and the Punjabi area. A lot of cultural identities are manifested in cultural events, restaurants, martial arts, cultural gardens, grocery stores, etc.  European Ethnicity City Average: 30% • • • •  More than 40% 30% to 40% 20% to 30% 10% to 20%  Asian Ethnicity City Average: 5% • • • • •  More than 20% 10% to 20% 5% to 10% 1 % to 5% Less than 1%  Figure 9 1961 Census According to Census data in 1961, the British population was more than 60% of the total residents, whereas Asian Ethnicity was about 5. It is almost opposite following this period. It reflects how much the social environment has changed. Immigration Policies are also an important part of the demographic shift. It is noted that more than 50% of immigrants in 1961 lived near the False Creek area. Nowadays, as it discussed in chapter 2.4 "NECESSITY OF MULTICULTURALISM," immigrants tend to concentrate in suburban areas. These days, Asian immigration to downtown Vancouver is shrinking, while in Richmond and Surrey it is increasing.  Non-immigrant population Born in province of residence Total immigrants China, People's Republic of Hong Kong United Kingdom Philippines Viet Nam India Taiwan United States Italy Fiji Germany Poland Portugal  270,470 160,625 228,530 45,955 38,045 16,440 14,045 12,340 11,150 10,000 7,380 5,220 4,525 3,950 3,415 2,660  Table 1. Table of population of immigrants in 1996 by census data  Figure 10 1996 Census  As people of various cultures live along this area, unique characteristics emerge through commercial activities, crafts, streetscape, etc.  ACTIVITIES  Figure 11 Map of Multicultural Neighbourhoods Sequence of Multicultural Neighbourhoods Carrall Street has a cultural diversity along the way such as historical Gastown, Jackson statue, First Nation's murals, and Chinatown. Broadway Street and Main Street are a daily festival of multicultural commercial and public activities, Ontario Street is surrounded by these as well. And Very often, a variety of cultures and languages can be observed. This creates potential for latent design program. Particularly, the area from E48th Ave to E49th Ave on Main Street and Ontario has a huge community of East Indians and Pakistanis and it vivifies the streetscape with their cultural background.  46  LEGEND Completed Greenways Not yet underway  • B O T H ENDS O E THE SITE A R E DEEINED AS A B L U E W A Y . A L S O , C A R R A L L A M D O M T A R I O STREETS A R E C O N N E C T E D BY A B L U E W A Y WAICA IS P A R T O E S.f. FALSE CREEK P R O J E C T . • T A E S O U T H P A R T O E O N T A R I O STREET HAS BEEN BUILT ALREADY. • T A R O U C A O U T O N T A R I O STREET, A S A P A R T O E CITY C R E E N W A Y SYSTEM, CREENWAYS A R E I N T E R W O V E N T O C E T A E R IN T H E V A N C O U V E R A R E A SUCA AS PIDCEWAY, B R O A D W A Y , 5 9 T A A V E . , SEAWALL  W A L K W A Y , ETC.  Figure 12 Status of Ontario Greenway  5.3 INTERPRETATIVE LANDSCAPE City Greenway System As we discussed in chapter 4. "GREENWAY IN VALUE OF URBAN LANDSCAPE," the Urban Landscape Task Force from the City of Vancouver proposed the Vancouver Urban Greenway in 1992. Also, the Engineering Department of the City of Vancouver has another Greenway System which is a Neighbourhood Greenway and they have been initiated by community groups with the assistance of the city staff. The Greenways Program in the City of Vancouver proposed the City Greenway plan in 1999 with 14 routes including the original plan of 1992 and they are as shown on the map: 1. Seaside Route, 2. Portside Route, 3. Fraser River Trail, 4. City Centre Circuit, 5. Downtown Historic Trail, 6. Parkway, 7. Central Valley Trail, 8. Midtown Way, 9. Ridgeway, 10. North Arm Trail, 11. Eastside Crosscut, 12. Ontario, 13. Arbutus Way, 14. Spirit Trail.  47  Figure 13 Four Characteristics of Ontario Greenway Ontario Greenway Engineering Department in City Hall has done Site analysis and it categorizes Ontario Greenway as having 4 characteristics: •Industrial Heritage - False Creek to Broadway • Residential Heritage - Broadway to King Edward Ave. • Park Land - King Edward to 41st • South Slope - 41st to 64th  48  CHAfim 6  GREENWAY - REMAKING AS THREAD OF CITY AND CULTURES 6.1 THE GREENWAY CATEGORIZATION - Analysis of Existing Components on Greenway - Synthesis of Analysis - Design Ideas and Suggestions - Example of Typical Treatment of Greenway 6.2 SIGNIFICANT NODES 6.2.1 Old Arrival: Inspiration & Design Intervention, and Photo Album 6.2.2 Multicultural Theater: Inspiration 6k Design Intervention, and Photo Album 6.2.3 Fig Garden: Inspiration & Design Intervention, and Photo Album 6.2.4 New Arrival: Inspiration & Design Intervention, and Photo Album  6.1 THE GREENWAY CATEGORIZATION Analysis of Existing Components on Greenway ; ' %% % *</> •5» *3  •i  <-  s  >  v  erf  r«  «5> „  I  .  ..:::;  —  • J.  3 M SIDEWALK O N L Y  ' Wt»S  i •s CD,  SIDEWALK A N D BLVD. CHIALYSIS:  (THERE W O U L D B E M I N O R DIEEERENCES)  •' '""ijVi ; Union St  f  ficuRcW.  >'*,•  1 Ave * • 2 Ave. . 3 Av.™4Ave.i|E I .5 Av(» 5 f * € Ave I |  .** fa o  Great North*.  2.3 O R 2 . 4 M WIDE SIDEWALK O N L Y  2 M SIDEWALK O N L Y  1.8M SIDEWALK WITA 1.8M BLVD.  1.2M SIDEWALK WITA 3.3-3.6M BLVD.  PLCAT SIDE: I.2M SIDEWALK WITA 3 . 3 M BLVD. LEET SIDE: 4 . 5 - 6 M BLVD. O N L Y  I.2M SIDEWALK WITA 2 . 2 , 2 . 7 , O R 3 . 7 M BLVD.  • -7  :;;..,'"B} :;  fl  fill  3  Ave. 1 Ave..; < 'H : Ave;  ! j | 34 Av? . 5 35 Ave. < 36 Ave. |37 A.o 3d Ave. 11Ave ". 40 Ava Wo Ktcck Ave, „ t• IUIIK-'PI I 42 Ave. "43 Aval f i w 55. _ 44AVO 55 £ 45 Ave. | . • I- | "| 4 6 Ave 1 | • B. S c 47 Ave. <f> & ... f | uf lt9 Ave. il i \ | 8,0 Ave. S Bi & O 3 11 Ave. » . . ii #62 Avo* •. •: as 2  %  (EXCEPT Q U E E N ELIZABETA P A R K )  ;  :  ;  J-  f  1.5M SIDEWALK WITA 1.8M BLVD.  j «...  1.5M SIDEWALK WITA 2 . 4 M O R WIDER BLVD.  f5Avo 55 156 Ave. .. , -5?Av»3 58 Ave. 59 Ave. SO Ave, *81 Ave. "' " * 1B2 Ave. .: .1 S3. Ave.- , 65 Ave.  -J68 Ave. c  69 A  j  »L, !  4 M SIDEWALK O N L Y (INDUSTRIAL Z O N E )  X 4 M BLVD. O N L Y (INDUSTRIAL Z O N E )  Sidewalk and Blvd. Analysis  H C U R E 15. TRAEEIC CIRCLE A H D C R O S S W A L K A N A L Y S I S (THERE W O U L D BE M I N O R  • Alexander St  C3 "  I  3  6 '3 -O j u Keeter Si. ^  ^  <  y  ci i Union Si  TRHEEIC CIRCLE  —  CROSS  WALK  o ^ ...a. X; i 6t»rua Si ' PiW F  g  ?»>  T  s  :  ...  DIEEEREHCES)  - . r  I  03 ''".I*  Hi?  CO;  1 Ave. * -* 2 AVG. 3 Awe «• 4 Ave.<j> <f> . 5A« | |6 Ave. 31" * 7 Av» £ 6 • *•* 8 Ave, L  <9 u  • ••. Sic | "? 11  Great Norths. Bio*  1  T (BICYCLE O N L Y )  5 13 ' 14 WR..." m | * fc 1 j 16, Ave,. 17 4 — If** 18 ll 19 : m t_ 20 " ta fi 21 . '22 23 2#*ve, SI Ave. Ave... Ta/, 128A>*| tf? Ave,;: Ave. 29 A',«|;' C g ..,>:  <o  8f I  a  H i  fcoA,y , j~ „„. ...... J  V  §1)2 Ave. 33 Avo. 4 Ave.:: f • 'f1 '3 35 A v e . 36 Ave. (37 Avo :  1  I"-  O  K :.  J Ml  Ave.': Ave  jet Aye.::  Liu kuiir Wo  39 Ave  40 Ave Pstock Avi  42 Aval _U44, i A^vo, m jjj > 445 3 WAv 9o T f g c 46 Ave. a | 347 Ave, w cl" 48 Ave. i l l 4*1 JJ>0 Ave. |.1 Ave. ' 53 Ave. 6 X; ' 55 Ave. 55 | • 56 Ave. B8 Ave. 59 K S " X! Ave^ Si Ave." D2 Ave. ^#3 Ave.,. u  w.yV-  -  ••g 1  |  ™  T (BICYCLE O N L Y )  • jTjj ••"»•>•••- ^> ' " "  64 Ave,  T (BICYCLE O H L Y )  71 A |  I  y  H C U R E 1 6 . G O A D WIDTH ANALYSIS:  (THERE WOULD BE MlflOR DIEEEREhXES) .  10  i5> • .  o> Alexander St. i7 . y • ; a  sir5  £-•!  g  •gPeixierSt. A i d . Umofl Si  crga St  IOn  Pr)<-» S • p. «•* Mu/, 5  J 1 Ave.  2 Ave. , 3 Ave, •» 4 Ave, S Ave. j 6 Ave, 7 Ave  SCO  1.11' K ION  9  Ave, Ave,  ' i  55 •  o"""" X J  1  ^  £  48 Ave. 8 <#?t9 Ave. ! f |«tO Ave. I O 4.1.1 Ave, f2Aw. 153 Ave. 154 Ave. 156 Ave. i i ; Avail §58 Ave;., |59 Ave.' 160 Ave, §61 Ave. 5*3 Ave, 64 Ave 65 Ave, 68 Ave, at 69 Avl 71 A v  O R 8.5M  * II « ii  ii  8.5M •m  I -J  :  I2M  ficiM  17. STREET T R E E A N A L Y S I S :  (THERE W O U L D B E M I N O R  DIEEERENCES)  S M A L L : 4 - 5 M DIAMETER  |  MEDIUM: 5 - 7 M DIAMETER  LARCE: LARGER T H A N 7 M DIAMETER  I  J M Ave. m ~JtS Ave .3 Ave. sits? Ave. § : <n ' 48 Ave  X- t "J>9  Ave. " || « t^O'Ave. "/ S If  je.; Ave.;  I I I ! ;': -* 2 . i i A  •  * •' Ave. ;;|p3Ave.  * '  Ave.  :  K5Avo.  Av»3 . „, -8 Ave. »9 Ave. |»0 Ave. 1; 51 Ave. .. $2 Ave. -. .'. ^ 53 Ave. . . £ 64 Ave. 65 Ave;  £ . £ i s  C ".*»*„• -^6a Ave. cf A' |f 69 A | :  *  «....«  7  1  At  A  l  . :  (3 f ij  * '  I,-<.....•«** rrnii:. ..s , 1 |  |  t  t  HOflE:  flCURE 18. SYNTHESIS OF WIDTH OT SIDEWALK AflD ROAD:  1 " i « tiDjH O E AJexandar e a  WIDTH O E SIDEWALK WITH BLVD.  3  R O A D ENTIRE W I D T H O E CREEIIWAY  r! Ifirrs  : O  5K,*«SI ^ 2.3  9,  a&  O R 2.4M WIDE SIDEWALK O H L Y  J  , ~7 *  i  Goorsia Si  17M  flARROWEST WIDTH: I4M (8THflVE.BROADWAY) WIDEST WIDTH:  26.1M (24TH A V E . - 26TH  AVE.)  (EflERAL WIDTH: APP. I6M - I8r1. 2.3  O R  2M  SIDEWALK  1.8M  1.2M  2.4M  WIDE SIDEWALK  onup  onLY  SIDEWALK WITH 1.8M  BLVD*  3.3-3.6M BLveff  SIDEWALK WITH  PJCHT SIDE: I.2M SIDEWALK WITH LEET SIDE:  4.5-6M  BLVD.  3 .3.M.BLVD ,  OhIY  1.2M  SIDEWALK WITH  1.5M  SIDEWALK W I I H  l.fin  (EXCEPT  I  oft£7n fo%  17.8  T O  19.3M  BLVD  QUEEfl ELIZABETH PflRlfy,' 17.8M  18.6M  "1 •1 1 1 i 2 1"2  1.5M SIDEWALK WITH 2.4M  O R WJDER  Ave  BLVD  O R WIDER  O R WIDER  Synthesis of Analysis Ontario Street: It is well-established as a neighbourhood street with a fairly well-kept sidewalk and Boulevard all along the street except the south end. Additional information: - Street trees are 11m in centre when there are any - Street parking on both sides - well-maintained setback from property - Drainage gutter is one per block - Lighting is also one per block. However, they are located at every intersection and there are 2 more Street lights on each side of cross street. - Traffic circles are located where there is no stop sign on cross street and the insides of traffic circles are available for community gardens - There are 4 dead ends: on 11th Ave. where residential area starts from industrial area, and 3 just before arterial roads, Kings Edward Ave., 49th Ave., and SW Marine Dr. However, it lacks of a theme that might tie the greenway all along and of any variety in terms of interesting patterns, different materials, and planting scheme. For instance, there is no theme that connects this street as a whole, whereas Ridgeway greenway has public art exhibited all along it. Also, street trees vary in terms of species, size, texture, color, etc.  Design Ideas and Suggestions «  '„ °> .  Alexander SL  ?° 9  3 •«!> f § 8) . o • iPenoer Si. ? ff £ *5""* O Keel* SI. ^ * £ . £ 2 Gocrga St fT*(0!onSt. ' PrW S  f r i " ii  la  ive ft » S. •«e. *j -• , 24»ve, i, 26 Avf | 90 ' ;  11  Ave. ; Ave. ! Ave,, Ave,  It  Referring to the Ontario Design Process (Draft), there is a specific design intention and function to design Ontario Street as a green corridor from the City of Vancouver, Engineering Department. They include: 1. Basic street design, such as sidewalks, curbs, and planting. 2. Standard accessibility and safety features, such as curb ramps, crosswalks, traffic signals, lighting and traffic calming measures. 3. Unique elements that would allow for greater recreational use and neighbourhood enjoyments of the streetscape. 4. Ecological functioning of the street. (Vancouver Greenways Plan, 1999) I would like to add more comments based on readings from Greenway • Publicway 5. Use greenway as a connector to urban open spaces and neighbourhoods. 6. Accommodating diverse public recreation into public open space system.  27 Avf  30A.»J  3a  31 Ava.  :  O  >^37_AW^  I I 33 Ave. * Ave, §5 Ave... 36 Ave.:  ..  i.„ B9 Ave L'.i " f0Av» fc* . :. Woolstcck Ave, _ 42 Ave, Q'tark/*^ ' £ . . ' • |3Avej | 4 Ave, U> m co .3 I "15 Ave. | . I . I16 Ave. 9 S S i  Ave, Ave  i  ,e.\ ; Ave.  £  jp4 Ave, j jpS Ave. IB6 Ave. §7Av»3 E8 Ave. [59 Ave. " |60 Ave. [61 Ave, 162 Ave. S|63 Ave,  64 Ave  65 Ave, v<&*S* *^&3Ave. C  m*  "  IS  Based on this I would like to share some design ideas  <i  that might help to implement these objectives:  <*> Enhance Sidewalks with various permeable paving materials for ecology <*> Planting plan that has 1, seasonal interest for various users (considering year around interests with tree planting plan) 2. Various stratification of planting - "Urban forest" and "the City of Gardens: (Quayle, 1992) III t ^ Banners not only as a unique element but also for continuity of greenway all along streets with different II i designs derived by deferent characteristics of li a surroundings. ^> Unique lamp posts that guide pedestrians and cyclists at night but also deliver the information of the greenway <b Greenway that performs as green corridor design greenway to reduce amount of run-off water, to help improve water quality, and to connect people to nature as much as possible g tmt • "Significant Nodes" as multicultural landscape as well as unique elements on greenway that accommodate diverse public recreation and educational environment  ^>  E N H A N C E SIDEWALKS WITA V A R I O U S P E R M E A B L E PAVING MATERIALS E O R  ECOLOGY:  CHARACTER  ZONES  BOARD (BATTERY  PARK)  ficuRE  1 9 . H A P P I N G PAVING PATTERN  WALK  ^>  PLAIT™  P L A N THAT H A S :  1. S E A S O N A L INTERESTS F O R V A R I O U S USERS ( C O N S I D E R I N G 2. V A R I O U S S T R A T I F I C A T I O N  YEAR A R O U N D INTERESTS WITH TREE PLANTING P L A N )  O E PLANTING - " U R B A N F O R E S T " A N D " T H E CITY O F C A R D E N S : ( Q U A Y L E . 1 9 9 2 )  ay*** St.  Alexander St.  \  FIGURE 2 0 . M A P P I N G PLANTING P L A N CHARACTER  V /  ZONES  P L A N T LAYERS  D-FIR W A L K (IN MULTICULTURAL T H E A T R E )  toMjcKY  W A L K A N D S E A S O N A L INTEREST  INDUSTRIAL Z O N E WITH N F W B I V D  M A P L E SPECIES, B B  -  RESIDENTIAL Z O N E WITH WIDE BIVD  OPEN  LANDSCAPE Z O N E  ;  URBAN  I  H O N E Y LOCUST, BB. I PN  ET, CC, B B . P N ,  FORFST-  PN  I  ss  PRUNUS SARCENTII, SALIX, WILD CRASS, SS, I TS  ABBREVIATIONS C R O U N D COVER: CC BULBS: B B PERENNIALS: P N SMALL SHRUBS: SS TALL SHRUBS: TS EXISTING TREES: ET  RESIDENTIAL  ZONE  ET, CC, B B , P N  I  SS  1 v4« „•'-'"--*68 Ave.  ^ H I S T O R I C i VIBRANT I N D U S T R Y  Z O N E WITH NEW BLVD. - - BIRCH. 6 EVERGREEN SS  B O A R D WALK  58  Mum noT O N L Y  AS A U N I Q U E ELEMENT, BUT A L S O E O R  connnuiTY O E C R E E H W A Y  STREETS WITA DIFFERENT DESIOIS DERIVED B Y DEFERENT CHARACTERISTICS O E  SURROUNDINGS.  BANNER: CHARACTER ZOIIES  •-• f.*a*W'»'«t * » Alexander Si. 3 * " * - *...» ? a « to 1 f ' c » - S i „ « t J V = 2 " 3 • s • i. -?«>_5 <  Alexander St.  "1-1  Peiver Si. •  ALL A L O H C  _l  f  9 -t  OLD  $  ARRIVAL  ?• |  viaduct  9 S , *  = O 1' 8  KCBWI at. Unc*iSl -  • JL  . 2 Ave. , 3 Ave m 4 Ave. !" 5 Ave 6 Ave. If *• 7 Ave.OI 8 Ave. 55  . Georgia Si  PiWS  o'l®  1 Ave 2 Ave. " *Mve. 3 Ave. 7 j ' i > M Ave. "> • " Great Northe, 5 Ave 1^-  f U  sw  55  Great Nofthe -* B A N N E R T O B E L O C A T E D  6 Ave. 5 §"3 a ' 7 Avo <5 O 5i|o:l. ' 8;-g Ave.ic Av*. ~ £ "<X §  B < MID P O I N T O E E A C H B L O C K  1 Ave, e £ . §g1 12 Ave,., : 3 13 Ave. < o . .. 14 Avoi? 15 Ave. i16.Ave,. 17 A ' 18 Avo i ' & 19 Ave 20 A . »s S § 21 Ave Si '22 Ave r 24 Ave, l 26 Avig 90 ' e  oa  tic  5 5  ll i  v 8  M U L T I C U L T U R A L CITY  E3 Ave, Ave. Ave, Ave.  Ta;,  >7AvK -I* ]28Av|l ; .> to  11  E3  I,  ... dm  29AvtJ £ -to,* 30 A.fl °IS) a 31 Ave. . |§2Ave  k ! 33 Ave, ~1 k 34 Ave.  V 2.  o  Ave. ',, 1 < 35 36 Ave , 37Av-a : 38 Ave 39 Ave. " ; 40 Ave. J^oodstock Ave," , Ontario^.'' 3 Avei I Avo S5 Ave ;= ,46 Ave, f 47 Ave, „« 48 Ave. g 3! }»9 Ave. . _ l l s j.n s O J 11 Ave." I ll 52 Ave" ? - ffi • 53 Ave. j 54 Ave." I 55 Ave 56 Ave. 57 Aval . 13 58 Ave. 59 Ave. 60 Ave. 61 Ave. " 62 Ave..,.:. 63 Ave. 64 Ave! 65 Ave.\14 !  CREEflWAY ALOflC THE PARK  0  u  Ave; Ave,  :  ' '| I Ave.! e  M U L T I C U L T U R A L CITY  II  t.#*J ^68 Ave. cS" 5  69 Ave,  71  HEW A R R I V A L  ficuRE  21. M A P P I I I C  rJAmiERS  AIID L A M P  POST  Ave.  fiJ  ^  U N I Q U E L A M P P O S T S THAT CUIDE PEDESTRIANS A N D CYCLISTS A T NICAT B U T  A L S O DELIVER  TAE I N F O R M A T I O N O E T A E CREENWAY  LAMP P O S T - IDEA  ONE  SIDE  ficuRE 22.  3 SIDES TYPICAL A P P E A R A N C E O E LAMP P O S T  60  ON  f i c u p t 26.  Q U E E R ELIZABETH PARR - SITE  Example of Typical Treatment of Greenway  Background:  The third node is on Ontario Street between 33rd Ave. and the Ridgeway Greenway (37th Ave.). Queen Elizabeth Park is not linked to the greenway system. It is slightly higher than Ontario St. and it is also set apart. This park is oblivious. Therefore the design framework takes an opportunity to utilize the linking capability of a greenway system and revise the park in an effort to connect it to open space as a whole. At present, this park has one of the best arboretums in North America with exotic plants from all over the world, yet it takes only a minor role as open space in Vancouver. Therefore, it is strongly urged to improve the park so that it would be a more welcoming space have a better connection to the Ontario St. greenway.  64  O u « n ELIZABETH PARK i OnTflpio ton WAY  fl VIEW EROM POND TO THE nORTH  65  ficupt 27. QuEEn E. PARK - InspiuoTion Design intervention includes revising the park and the Ontario greenway route to create a more connected open space. Also, there is a stone that is part of the Vancouver Millennium Project (V2K), which collects stories from the people of Vancouver regarding its history. Then, they put stones with each story in public spaces throughout Vancouver. One of them is located on 33rd Ave. and Ontario St. The Stone story is a biography of a Philippine woman who immigrated to Vancouver, and includes a great anecdote of an umbrella episode in her life. However, it seems out of place because the surroundings do not connect as a whole. So, another design intervention would be creating an amenity space for story stones.  67  oo  B? 1  6 . 2 SIGNIFICANT NODES  bjV=#  H  fi Based on the literature review and the site analysis, Chapter 6.2 identifies significant nodes and analyses the nodes more specifically. Because this thesis is about multicultural design, the most significant nodes are revealed at the beginning. For instance, because immigrants are coming from other countries, they have certain routes by which to arrive. Therefore, it seems to make sense that significant nodes include Burrard Inlet as an old arrival area, and the Southern end of Ontario St. (near the airport) as a new arrival area. Also, a significant node emerged through a demographic location study which is the North East False Creek area. This area was a favoured area of residence for immigrants' during the 1960s. Queen Elizabeth Park reminds us of the rise and fall of British culture in Vancouver. As the design in this thesis is inclined to achieve an educational environment and abstract form of multiculturalism (drawn from the conclusion of the literature review), I could not help but attempt to design a specific cultural space for the Indo-Canadian community. The reason for this is that Ontario Street passes right through it and also the 49th Ave. and Main Street area has an increasing conflict between Langara College students and the neighbourhood. These significant nodes are drawn from a comprehensive study and they are collected in process.  6.2.1 Old Arrival  FIGURE 3 0 .  O L D ARRIVAL - - SITE  Back ground:  Burrard Inlet used to be an old arrival area for new immigrants. Asians especially in late 1800s arrived here by boat. A lot of Chinese people associated with the Qing dynasty, known as the Chinese Free Masons, came to Vancouver at this time. They mainly worked in railway construction, gold mines, or as servants. The population of Chinese increased to 10,492 across BC in 1884 (Griffin, 1993: 34-41). However, because of the fast growth of Chinese, Japanese and East-Indian population, anti-orientalism also grew. Burrard Inlet as an arrival area was also the first place that Asians faced discrimination. During the exclusion Act from April 1923 to around 1956, a lot of immigrants could not land in Burrard Inlet because the government would not permit them to, and they died waiting in their boats or on way to land somewhere (ibid).  71  AT T H E PIER, L O O K I N C T O W A R D WEST,  Dowhrown  Burrard inlet also has significance in cultural relationship. The water from this area to False Creek used to be connected during high tide, and Salish Indians paddled through it (O'Kiely 1970: 4). Also there is a Japanese lantern commemorating the relationship between Yokohama and Vancouver Harbour. There is also a memorial gate for industrial workers. The view from Portside Park has a good contrast: the skyscrapers in Downtown on the left, the huge industrial machinery on the right, and solemn north shore mountains in front. It is unfortunate that Portside Park is isolated from the general public. The only access is a somewhat distant main entry from Main Street which is mainly for cars. When we consider the Vancouver downtown east side's growing population due to social and non-profit housing, tourists (Gastown), Canada Place and commuters (Seabus and waterfront sky train), it is urgent to create a direct connection between Portside Park within Burrard Inlet and the surrounding area.  LooKinc WEST (DowriTowri HICH RISERS EROU WEST SIDE O E THE PARK)  73  P O R T S I D E P A R K M I D C A R R A L L ST.  On THE HILL, LOOKING AT RAILWAY ARD CARRALL ST.  JAPANESE LAHTERII  75  ficuRE 31. O L D ARRIVAL -- INSPIRATION  Inspirations:  As discussed above, the connection from Burrard Inlet to Downtown is necessary. Also, one of the design interventions includes "sublimation" which in this case is healing the historical wound of immigrants who could not step on the land. The north end of Carrall Street meets the rail way. In the future, over a long term, the CPR property between Carrall street and Burrard Inlet will be reduced to only the West Coast Express. Therefore, design strategy considers both the short term and long term time frame. Salish Indians also called Gastown "Luck lucky Walk" meaning "grove of beautiful maple trees" and used it as a landing during high tide . The Maple tree on the corner of Alexander St. and Carrall St. became a town meeting place and Vancouver's first strike meeting also was held there, but the tree burnt during the Vancouver fire (ibid: 12). This gives this location further historical significance for design implementation .  Design Implementation:  Based on background research and inspiration, the design implementation of this theses has two stages: one is for the short term period while the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) still has use of the land, and two is for the second stage when CPR eventually leaves and land is used for residential or mix use development. The immediate change to this site would be to connect it to the Carrall Greenway and incorporate multicultural narrative. The connection comes through a pedestrian bridge from the north end of Carrall St. Greenway. People would be led by Fragrant Sarcococca Path to the Maple Pavilion where there would be a small elevator which would lift people up 6m off the ground. The reason is to meet the clearance height above the West Coast Express Railroad. A standard height of clearance area for railroad is 7m but because the railway in this area is a terminal station (which means trains tend to slow down then stop) 6m is enough for the clearance. There is approximately 8-10m wide buffer zone between Carrall Street and the West Coast Express. For the pedestrian bridge to meet the clearance height, it was inevitable to use a lift system. The lift here operates as a hydraulic system and it takes people right on to the pedestrian bridge. The experience to be lifted and to have the unique composition of the view which includes downtown skyscrapers on the left and the huge industrial machinery on the right, is invaluable. The 2m wide pedestrian bridge with lift system is wide enough to accommodate cyclists, strollers and senior people with walkers. The bridge leads people to the hill in Portside Park and the Stone Narrative would be the eye catcher for the arrival. The Stone Narrative moving to and from Burrard Inlet is inscribed with the multicultural history of Vancouver and Canada, and reminds us of the status of multiculturalism in Canada. Also, the information of the Stone Narrative enables the second node to have sublimation of multicultural design which ties into the design theme (refer to 6.2.2). Regeneration of Lucklucky Walk with its Acer macrophyllum would refresh us and remind us of the geographical history of the site. Due to the characteristics of Acer macrophyllum (the size and problems with fallen leaves), existing street trees, heavy pedestrian flow and narrow side walk, Lucklucky walk discontinues at the cross street of Water Street and resumes at the second node. At the second stage, Lucklucky Walk will stretch to the Burrard Inlet and celebrate the old arrival site with a small plaza that has small movements in its design). In contrast with the downtown image on the left side and the industrial image on the right side, the plaza is designed to keep the natural heritage of the Burrard Inlet with a few rocks and Acer macrophyllum. As specified in the background, the users of the Stone Narrative, the pedestrian bridge, and Lucklucky Walk would be mainly daily users in Vancouver downtown east side, and tourists (figure 33-35).  fiGiM  32. OLD ARRIVAL DEVELOPMENT STACES :  STAGE 3 -STRETCHED CflRRflLL STREET AMD BESIDEIITIflL OR fllX USE DEVELOPMENT  ricuRE  33.  O L D  A R R I V A L : P U M VIEW O E  MAPLE  Pflviuon  £  PEDESTRIAN  1  BRIDGE  STACE I  tm  79  ficiM  34. O L D flRRivflL  :  SEaion  VIEW  fl-fl'  O E MAPLE PAVILIOH  I  PEDESTRIAN  BRIDCE  STACE I  MS  80  FIGURE 35. O L D ARRIVAL  :  SEcnon VIEW  B-B'  OE MQPLE  Pflviuon i Pmsmm BRIDGE  5mcEl PITS  &*Vtee  "Z^fJE  '"feWvtb  1  p«rv>  Shrub  S^fi^  81  Background:  A s c e n s u s d a t a in t h e 1 9 6 0 s h a s s h o w n , t h e F a l s e C r e e k a r e a w a s p o p u l a r f o r i m m i g r a n t s . T h e s h o r e a r e a o f F a l s e C r e e k h a s a v a r i e t y o f u r b a n l a n d s c a p e . S o u t h E a s t F a l s e C r e e k is d o m i n a t e d b y i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . G l o s s y S c i e n c e W o r l d b o a s t s its a p p e a r a n c e w i t h b a c k d r o p o f 3 s t o r e y h i g h risers. N o r t h E a s t F a l s e C r e e k s h o r e b o a r d e r s 2 m a j o r arterial r o a d s in V a n c o u v e r : Pacific B l v d . a n d G e o r g i a V i a d u c t . T h e F a l s e C r e e k a r e a is a l s o a v e r y e x p e r i m e n t a l  space as a model of sustainable  d e v e l o p m e n t in a n u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t . It is a l s o a k e y s t u d y o n h o w u r b a n l a n d s c a p e w o u l d c h a n g e t h e h e a r t o f V a n c o u v e r . T h i s a r e a h a s t h e potential t o p e r f o r m t h e p a r t o f " o u t s i d e inside t h e city ( Q u a y l e , 1 9 9 2 ) " . Historically t h i s a r e a w a s a D o u g l a s Fir forest w i t h a m u d flat. D r a m a t i c  changes  h a p p e n e d in this a r e a s i n c e 1 8 8 6 ( B u r k i n s h a w 1 9 8 4 : 3 ) .  82  CAPTAIN CEORCE fl.PlCAARD'S (HART, tt.rl.S PLUMPER. PUBLISHED  I860.  BURKINSAAW,  1984:  5  Natives occupied the False Creek area for centuries long before European settlement. The Squamish Indian village of Snauq was on the south shore of False Creek and they worked fish traps near a sand bar which is now Granville Island. The village was established by Chief Chip-kay-m in the early nineteenth century for its food resources. Salmon, deer, and elk in the forest were great sources for natives. When Europeans began to be interested in coal mining and timber, Hastings sawmill (originally Stamp's Mill) was then built. When the lumber business started to flourish in this area, it encouraged the building of roads to connect to the lower mainland. Hastings Street to the east and Main Street to the north were constructed during this era.  PEPRINTED WITH PERMISSION EROM THOMAS P . WEIR, "EARLY TRAILS O E BURRARD PENINSULA",  B.C.  HISTORICAL QUARTERLY V O L I X , N O .  4  (OCTOBER  1945). P. 274:  IBID: II  83  The characteristic of False Creek in the twentieth century was set during 1886 - 1914, the transportation  and business of the Canadian Pacific Railway changed Vancouver  dramatically. Ocean docks were located in English Bay, and False Creek including Granville became the pivot of plans for streets the economic development of Vancouver.  ffltsE CREEK SURVEY PROPOSED DOCK in 1 9 0 5 EOR TREinspoRTflTion in RELflTion TO CP&  False Creek was also the chief highway for supplies into the city. Bridges were built along English Bay to False Creek for timber transportation igniting controversy with other industries such as fishing and steamer traffic (for further reading, see Chapter II of False Creek by Burkinshaw). The area from Carrall Street west to the entrance of the Creek was used as CPR yards and the vivid industrial heart of Vancouver. World War I brought significant change in industry of False Creek. Tidal mud flats were filled in, and later on, subdivision of False Creek and more intensive industrial use of this area started to raise public concern for the air, water, and visual pollution. In the 1950s, the filled-in mud flat facilitated the new city's needs. Serious study on False Creek was undertaken due to deterioration and pollution. Reclamation projects took place and various proposals and recommendations have been reported in response to public concern (Burkinshaw 1984).  84  ZD  CZ) CZ) CZJ CZ3  S'cz) rzn cn  •  Z3JC3 CD CD CD CZJ  zz c n ^ co Z3 L Z . : | Z  £>yk] • c n a  •  •  (IXC  TiaaCZZJa a o • • a n CD • • • •  a a a n r S a a cm c=3 • • • c z i ' a • • O c z i c = 3 c = 3 • • • • • • • a c D a n o n a l a o  •  Lz: •  • ^ o  T I Y PLATEORM PLAN in DECEMBER 1 9 5 0 BY JACK PRICE. HE WAS An ADVOCATE O E FALSE (REEK'S COMPLETE RECLAMATION WITH FREDERICK J . ttUM. lBID:47  In the 1980s, residential projects made significant changes in False Creek. Condominiums with urban landscape in contrast to the industrial area impressed residents and visitors during Expo 86. Careful sustainable development in False Creek has recently drawn public attention with great expectation. Vancouver has been attached to False Creek for decades and now it is about to be transform into a complete urban landscape.  SOUTAERfl L7ID OP (ARRALL ST. - HORTA-tAST FALSE (REEK  LooKinc AT PACIEIC BLVD. AHD CEORCIA VIADUCT  85  DOMINANT EEATURE, STADIUM o n THE WEST SIDE  flT BLUEWAY, LOOKinC TOWARD FflLSE (REEK  w  Tgf* *" 1  DOMIMflflT EEATURE, SCIENCE WORLD OM THE SOUTH EAST SIDE  EAST SIDE OE THE SITE, BLUEWAY AMD AQUA BUS STOP  I Y"  til ^ EAST SIDE OE TAE SITE: SKYTRAIN RAILWAY, AICA RISERS, AMD THE BLUE WAY GIVE A RICA CAARACTERISTIC O E TAE CITY  SAORE  uriE O E  nt EALSE CREEK  86  SOUTHERN  EriD o f  C O R R O L L ST.  -  S O U T H - E A S T FALSE  LOOKinC TOWARD HORTA, MOUIITAinS, SCIENCE WORLD, DOCK EOR TRUCKS, CONIEEROUS TREES, ETC.  STAflDiriC AT SAORE LIME OE SE EALSE (REEK, BEACA MATERIAL IS QUITE DIEEEREHT EROM H E EALSE (REEK BEACA  (REEK  LOOKIMC AT DOCK EROM fit EALSE (REEK  TAE SITE, TAE EDD OE OlITARIO ST.  DOCK, SIDE EACE TAE RODE BETWEEN TAE SITE AMD TAE BLUE WAY - TAIS DOCK IS ACTIVELY USED EOR IMDUSTRIAL PURPOSES - SEI1SE O E COLOUR EROM TAE COI1TRAST OE SITE EMVIROflMEnT  Inspirations: FICURE 37. MULTICULTURAL THEATRE -- IHSPIRATIOH  Enough on the history of False Creek. I would now like to highlight the significance of this area for immigrants from the 1960s to the present. Carrall Street and Ontario Street will probably be connected visually and with them, False Creek. This is somewhat ironic to me because there were attempts to fill in False Creek and make a road (Jack Price Rd.) and also because I have thought of connecting False Creek in that way before, because I want to bring False Creek closer for people to touch and feel connected to. Even though False Creek is beloved by the majority of people, it has been distant because of industrial use. However, it is being regenerated to create a better environment. As discussed in conclusion of Chapter 2, designing a space that accommodates cultural  events  is crucial to embody grassroots multiculturalism.  Therefore, design  implementation of an amphitheatre is brought up here in a designated park space with a history so we can trace dominant places of immigrant residences in the 1960s. This park would reflect the history of multiculturalism in Vancouver as a "sublimation" form and it would also accommodate and encourage cultural events and take into consideration future daily users from False Creek.  Design Implementation:  As it was discussed already, specific design interventions emerged through research, history and the precedent study. The design concept on this node is to promote cultural events, to accommodate daily park users in neighbourhoods, to unite the multicultural theme with other nodes on the greenway and to transform multicultural history into a sublimated landscape form. Therefore, the program for this site is to create a "cultural ground" that would accommodate cultural events, concerts, food festivals, etc. It would be great if we had competitions of food from all different kinds of exotic restaurants. For instance, there could be P'ho festival and everyone could participate and select the best Ph'o each year. It could also be Thai food, Greek, Barbecue, Hotdog, Mexican, etc. and fusion food as well. One of the best things about living in Vancouver is that we can have the entire world's food in one city. Also, it is possible to have traditional clothing festivals. Everyone can wear their own country's traditional clothing or fusion clothing and have competition with a lottery system. There are also festivals that continue more than one day such as the Powell Street Festival, and the Philippine Day Festival. Therefore, the program here also encourages urban camping with fire pits and showers when cultural events last more than a day. A box office would control the number of campers and administrate regulations regarding camping. In order to accommodate a variety of cultural events, an amphitheatre, plain ground, public washroom, lobby, box office, and a performance facility are necessary in this site. The amphitheatre is designed to accommodate events in various ways. For example, the amphitheatre itself can accommodate 500-700 people and more by having the hillside at the top of the seating area. The hill can also accommodate picnics for the neighbourhood with a grove of Arbutus. The top of the hill is 6m above street level and it inspires curiosity in people who walk by and would bring people up to the hill where they can find the amphitheatre and the Stone Narrative. The Stone Narrative is a sublimated form with the history of multicultural and immigration. The stones that have stories on the side of their faces are shaped like a star, gathering in the middle. The central compounding of the stones is a metaphor for people who composite the cultural diversity in Vancouver and the gathering of stones from all directions is a metaphor for people who have come, came and are still coming from all countries in the world. The height of the stones represents the number of immigrants as a demographic graph with rings representing major time intervals: 1850, 1900, 1950, and 2000. There is a general pattern from research that immigration has steadily increased, with some major exceptions such as Chinese (which decreased in during the Chinese Exclusion Act and increased since the 1960s) and British (as British colonization ended). So the star is short and sparse on the periphery (the past) and steadily becomes more dense and tall in the middle (the present).  Therefore, the Stone Narrative reformed from the first node, Old Arrival, threads another educational environment for multiculturalism and sublimation that made here can lead people to ponder about multiculturalism in Canada.  Regarding the context of the site, there is a children's playground on the south east side so Kids' Ground is titled accordingly. The Pacific Boulevard is an eyesore and increases traffic noise. It calls for a screen that can reduce the negative impact from the road. The solution here is to raise the land form 3m and turn it into the Doug-Fir Walk, which reinforces the edge of the site and can surround the park like an arm (Figure-ex). This site used to be a Douglas Fir forest so it reflects the old shape of Vancouver. Also, tall Douglas Fir could attract people on the Georgia Viaduct yet its density is loose enough to provide a view of the park for Sky train users. The planting scheme is to have the grove of Douglas Firs surround the Kids' Ground and stretch to the D-fir Walk merging together at some point, so it seems like a continuous grove of D-firs that meets with Lucklucky Walk on the west side of the park. Arbutus, D-fir, and Big-leaf Maple are good friends with Vancouver, and they would create an opportunity to provide a unique west coast image in urban landscape. Also the natural setting of the grove of Arbutus with rocks, the planting bed made with rocks, tall grass, Agropyron repens (Quack grass) would entice people to have picnics there with a great view of the North shore Mountains, Science World and False Creek. Eventually, the Multicultural Theatre would be the heart of the city that unites all people in public realm. It would celebrate not only Vancouver's cultural diversity, but also multiculturalism as it would bring together people from various culture into one area, event or celebration. It would provide an educational setting to inform spectators of Vancouver's history of immigration, yet still be based on grassroots, daily usage Figure 38-46).  FIGURE  38.  MULTICULTURAL THEATRE  :  ConcEPT  ttOKin  VIADUCT  DIAGRAM  F I G U R E 39.  MULTICULTURAL THEATRE  :  CRADIHC PLAN  MTS * Elevation Om to be street level * Landing Area to be every 9 m  __„___„—  UT,  —CT—-—z~z  t i i i V " "  "  z  " " ta;""' """ ~ """ "" Tifci"~ ' ~  i;~ ' , ., . ' ' irti""  __ _ ci  „  ~ „ aS'i "  "  ~  ffl_. ~ i&=  — SOL "  92  FIGURE 4 0 . MULTICULTURAL THEATRE  :  P L A H VIEW NTS  LEGEND  I  LUCKLUCKY WALK  2  Picnic AREA 8 ARBUTUS (ROVE  3  AMPHITHEATRE  4  SronE NARRATIVE  5 (ULTURAL (ROUHD 6 D-EIR (ROVE 7 fiRt PITS 8 KIDS' (pounD 9 P-EIR WALK  FIGURE 41. MULTICULTURAL THEATRE :  fxonoriETRic SCALE HTS :  VIEW O E THE SITE  SO  OS  SO  FIGURE 45.  MULTICULTURAL THEATRE  I  :  BLIILDIMG F L O O R  PLAM  NTS  c  98  ficupt 46.  MULTICULTURAL THEATRE  :  SKETCHES  scALt ms  ficupc  47. fic CflRDcn - -  SITE  6.2.3 Fig Garden Background: T h e P u n j a b i a r e a is l o c a t e d a r o u n d M a i n a n d 49th A v e . M o s t c o m m e r c i a l activities a r e r e l a t e d t o t h e I n d o - C a n a d i a n c o m m u n i t y . V e r y colourfully d r e s s e d I n d i a n w o m e n , t u r b a n e d m e n w i t h l o n g b e a r d s , d i f f e r e n t a r c h i t e c t u r a l style, a n d t h e s c e n t of g r e a t c u r r y m a k e this area so unique. M o s t I n d i a n i m m i g r a n t s in this a r e a a r e Sikhs a n d t h e r e a r e m a n y S i k h t e m p l e s in t h e G r e a t e r V a n c o u v e r A r e a , s o S i k h t e m p l e s play a n i m p o r t a n t role a s a s o c i a l p l a c e . A s o n e of t h e c o n c l u s i o n s f r o m t h e literature r e v i e w , c o m m u n i t y i n v o l v e m e n t is c r u c i a l t o c r e a t e c u l t u r a l s p a c e a n d t h e r e f o r e , I h a v e a n o p p o r t u n i t y t o i n v o l v e t h e c o m m u n i t y of I n d o C a n a d i a n s . H o w e v e r , it c o u l d n o t b e a full c o m m i t m e n t d u r i n g t h e d e s i g n p r o c e s s d u e t o t i m e limitations. N e v e r t h e l e s s , it w a s v e r y e x c i t i n g t o o b s e r v e a n o t h e r c u l t u r e a n d talk a b o u t d e s i g n i m p l e m e n t a t i o n a t a n i n f o r m a l interview after a S i k h religious s e r v i c e in o n e of t h e o l d e s t S i k h T e m p l e s in N o r t h A m e r i c a .  100  Throughout the interview with Sikhs, I could get plenty of information regarding design input.  The summary of my conclusion is below: - they wish to have a community space particularly for the elders, within their neighbourhood. Now, only YMCA outdoor benches are common places for them to spend time. -  there  is  a  conflict  between  their  neighbourhood and the college students in terms of noise, parking problems and distrust.  I could also note people's culture in the use of space and the summary would include: - 4 sided spaces are very important - there are sacred trees and most of them are fruit trees (partly for religious reasons) such as Mango, Banana, and Banyan Trees. However, a sacred tree becomes truly sacred when someone finds it and starts to go there  as regular  ritual.  Therefore, there are a lot of sacred trees in parks that are not yet sacred until somebody decides it. It is also the same for space. - water is an important feature in open space.  BflnriERs o n 49TH mo Main ST.  49TH A V E I  ONTARIO  TAE PoriD WITH OLD WILLOW TREE FASCINATES CYCLISTS AND PEDESTRIAriS ON ONTARIO ST.  SOURCE O E TAE STREAM  102  ficuRE 48. fic  C A R D E R --  InspiRATion  Inspirations: Based on the interviews, design interventions are decided: create an open space that would provide a space for people mentioned on the previous page. Having common ground between the neighbours and the students would mitigate some conflict. T h e site is on the corner of 49th Ave. and Ontario St. As photos have shown, there is a small pond with a lawn area. It is college property; nevertheless it is designated as public space. It could have been a much more positive public space if there was enough space to hang around. T h e space seems to barely cover the beautiful pond dominated by ducks. Also, the parking lot  immediately  adjacent to this space totally crushes the value of this space and creates an unpleasant entrance to the college. There is no pedestrian zone or any entrance to the college from Ontario St. T h e design proposes to transform some of the parking space into a pedestrian walk in conjunction with the garden and pond area. T h e design concept takes in design components that are important for the Indo-Canadian community.  Design Implementation: As discussed the north east part of Langara College has a problem with pedestrian access. The design will create an axis out of this area. The existing pedestrian path comes out of the north entrance of the building, but stops at the end of north east corner of the building now continues to the Ontario Greenway (figure 49). Also the design proposes to remove the vehicle access on this side and turn it into pedestrian walk and open space with the pond. There are three major entrances to Langara College and all of them are vehicular without a side walk. There is pedestrian access only on 49th Ave. which is ugly slab stair case. Most pedestrians come from the bus stop on Main Street and cross the pond area as a shortcut. Therefore, the design proposes to take good care of pedestrian access.  ficiiRE 4 9 . f ic CflRDcn -- Axis  It also gives the site four definite edges for the Indo-Canadian community. With the created open space, two spatial relationship meet in one design: one for open public gathering space on the north side of the pedestrian walk and one for more private chatting and studying on the south side of the pedestrian walk. Indo-Canadians' favourite trees will be planted to create "room" for their culture. So, this space eventually would fulfill the role as community space for both the community and the students (Figure 50-51).  FICURE  5 Q .  [ic  C A R D E R ••  PLfln riTs  VIEW  F I G U R E 51. fic  C A R P E I I •. E X O H O M E T R I C  NTS  VIEW O E  PRIVATE A R E A  6.2.4 New Arrival  f ICURE 5 2 . Mew ARRIVAL -- SITE  Background:  The end of Ontario Street meets the Fraser River and is located near the Vancouver Airport. So, this node is named "New Arrival," even though all the south-western edge of Vancouver used to be an entrance for people who traveled by boat. The end of Ontario St. is presently a saw mill factory. The shore of the Fraser River is still active as an industrial node. The old railway track is also still there. However, this area is changing slowly into a medium/high density residential area. We can see this happening already near the end of Knight Street. Also, the shore line of the Fraser River is designated as a "Blueway" like the sea wall. Historically, a lot of Chinese people who were tempted to join the Gold Rush ended up here as industrial workers during railway construction. As a result, anti-orientalism rose to the surface. It is estimated that 600 Chinese workers died during railway construction. There is a "Chinese Railway Workers Sculpture" on the passageway between the Chinese Cultural Centre and Dr. Sun Yat-Sen Park. The plaque on the sculpture reads "In recognition of the Chinese Railway Workers and all of the early Chinese pioneers, whose blood, sweat, tears, and toil have contributed so much to the making of Canada... (Griffin 1993: 33-47)." On this node, it is very hard to even begin design framework because there is such a rich culture of the Fraser River, and the history of Vancouver south.  ICW ARRIVAL: CilD Of ONTARIO STREET I THE fRASER PlVER  CONDITION O E ONTARIO I KENT AVE.  ( P & PAIL WAY  METAL EENCE THAT KEEPS PEOPLE AWAY EROM fPASER PlVER  "SAW MILL COMPANY  108  ficuRE  5 3 . NEW ARRIVAL  -- InspiRATion  Inspirations:  C o n s i d e r i n g t h e e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n a n d h o w this a r e a w o u l d b e c h a n g e d h a s b e e n a h a r d t a s k . D e p e n d i n g o n t h e prediction f r o m M i c h e l D e R o s h e r s , it is likely t o b e d e v e l o p e d a s a residential a r e a a n d O n t a r i o S t r e e t will b e e x t e n d e d t o m e e t t h e b l u e w a y b y t h e F r a s e r R i v e r (figure ). W h e n I h e a r d t h a t I s t a r t e d t o h o p e t h a t t h e b l u e w a y w o u l d c o n t i n u e t o t h e V a n c o u v e r A i r p o r t m a y b e 5 o r 10 y e a r s later. E v e n t u a l l y , t h e g r e e w a y ( a n d t h e b l u e w a y ) will i n t e r w e a v e t h e inside a n d o u t s i d e o f Vancouver. Design interventions are creating connectors that thread g r e e n w a y , blueway, t h e Fraser River and b e y o n d .  109  Design Implementation:  In the notion of New Arrival, the design is transformed from the experiential arrival of "Landing". The idea here is that people led by ascending board walk (2m above the street level with an 8% slope) would land at the "Landing" area with a view of the south Fraser River and the Airport. People can watch airplanes as well. The slope and the gentle curve of the Landing also give the experience of descending and coming back to the land. The Landing has three components of sublimation. First is the ascending and descending effect of the slope of the board mentioned above. Second is the characteristic industrial logging use of the Fraser River. Many the first generation of immigrants ended up being saw mill workers, fishermen, and seasonal workers in Vancouver south (Sheng 1980). The idea of logging is used and expresses in the shelter. The shelter has the log support of the Landing and forms tree branches at the top of the logs. This expresses the logging industry in the Fraser River. Under the shelter there are seating logs providing a rest area for cyclists and pedestrians. The third sublimation is from railway construction. Curved straps of rust iron attract people's eyes and connect the vista of the airport to the land. This node's design components symbolically interweave immigration, land use, water use, air travel and the railway. It would speak for uniting the history of Vancouver, multicultural theme, and bring people together (Figure 54-57).  FIGURE 5 4 . NEW ARRIVAL  :  CONTEXT  ALID C O N C E P T O E T A E NEW A R R I V A L  SCALE A T S  ip.  Use P e v & i o ^ e ^ T "  ONTARIO CREEITO  LANDINC  FIGURE  55.  NEW ARRIVAL  :  P L A N VIEW O E  SCALE HTS  "LanDinc"  ficiiRE 56.  NEW ARRIVAL  :  Staion NTS  VIEW O E  "LfliiDinc" Q-Q'  ficuRE  57. M E W A R R I V A L fxonoriETRic :  I1TS  VIEW O E  Lflnpinc  CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION  Designing multicultural themes on the Carrall-Ontario St. Greenway has been a great opportunity to explore how "landscape forms" can take multicultural themes, yet create a genuine public space. The greenway is the site of many nodes, which are culturally diverse. Sometimes even within the same site there is cultural diversity. Yet, we have seen how this diversity can be linked by combining and sublimating cultural and landscape forms. Sublimation especially, can transform traditional cultural and landscape forms into something new yet still incarnate traditional cultural ideas. The Old Arrival, the Multicultural Theatre, the Fig Garden and the New Arrival have examples of linkage of cultural diversity, sublimation, immigration and multiculturalism in their design concept and implementation. These individual nodes help to link cultural diversity together in grassroots multiculturalism.  Yet these individual sites are also linking together through the greenway system. We have seen how such a greenway has the potential to enrich the experience of landscape within the city of Vancouver and how they can be incorporated into the larger framework of public space. Greenways not only link open landscapes, but they also can unite diverse cultures. By having continuous physical themes running throughout the greenway landscape architects can unify the physical experience of the greenway and unite physically scattered public spaces into an overarching system. Also, and perhaps more importantly, a greenway can help unite culturally scattered neighbourhoods by having a multicultural theme encompassing the greenway. In doing this, greenways can help establish a firm, grassroots driven multiculturalism in Canada.  Through the brief study of the history of "cultural diversity " and "multiculturalism" in Canada we have seen how the Canadian government and the Canadian people (from whatever ethnic background they belong) have differing ideas on what multiculturalism means and how it should be implemented. Greenways can provide the physical educational environment by which the government can express its policies and the people can express their voice. Landscape architects have their role to play in the way Canadians think about multiculturalism.  Nevertheless, designing within multiculturalism is not an easy task for an individual designer. Multiculturalism is neither readily accepted, nor uniformly understood by many Canadians, and Canada is purported to be a model for multicultural society. Chinese, First Nations and Quebecois all have good reason to resist and/or be confused by the Canadian  114  government's ideas and policies on multiculturalism. Many landscape architects have avoided incorporating multiculturalism into their design, perhaps due to the uneasiness felt from politically correctness movement, or perhaps due to the easiness and familiarity with the environmental movement.  However, the future belongs to multiculturalism. Globalization is the dominant philosophy of governments, businesses, entertainment, schools and other industries. It is the way we are dealing with each other, talking to each other and relating to each other. Great mono-cultures of the colonial era are now being inundated with immigrants from the countries and cultures they colonized. The United Nations accepts more and more countries under its umbrella every year. The giant to the south experiments with a "melting pot" policy while we toy with a "mosaic" metaphor. Europe has finally established itself as a multi-national economic union with a single currency, and Hollywood is coming out with action movies about French musketeers trained in Chinese Kung-fu directed by citizens of Hong Kong. Inevitably, globalization and multiculturalism will influence landscape architecture more and more. More than one precedent study can be cited that deals with the issues of cultural diversity and multicultural design. Perhaps professionals in our field have only been biding their time, concentrating what seemed more important, more immediate issues of the environment. It is my hope and belief that if landscape architects would not shy away from, but educate themselves and more fully embrace multiculturalism, we could influence the world's philosophy about, and care of, our "culture" as much as we have influenced its philosophy about, and care of, our "environment."  115  APPENDIX  I.  Immigrants as a percentage of provinces and territories, 1996  Immigrants as a percentage of provinces and territories, 1996 Ontario  J 25.67eJ  British Columbia  124.5% "315.2%  Alberta  Manitoba i ^ & t ^ ^ v \< ^x-T\ •)2.4% Yukon Territory  110.4%  3 9 4%  Quebec Saskatchewan  v  *x y  D  Northwest Territories Nova Scotia  5.4% 4.8%  irssassl 4 7%  Prince Edward Island  3.3%  New Brunswick  S « l 3.3%  Newfoundland  Canada 17.4%  ll.6% 10  15  20  25  30  % (Source: Statistics  II.  Immigrants as a percentage of census metropolitan areas, 1996  Immigrants as a percentage of census metropolitan areas, 1996 Toronto pSE Vancouver " ^'^ Hamilton Kitchener Calgary Windsor '^^•^'^STS London Z Z Z Z Z Z I  3  t >  34.9%  23.6% >1 8% 3.9%  j 19.3% 3 19.3% 3 18.5% Edmonton I 18.3% St. Catharines-Niagara • 17.8% Montreal 16.9% Winnipeg ^ 16.5% OsHelWtl —-Tiiii II ml 16.2% Ottawa-Hull t.*-*....^->-* 30//O Victoria  ^rs^g* •> ^  IBI^M  Thunder Bay Regina Saskatoon Sudbury Halifax Sherbrooke Saint John St. John's Quebec Trois-Rivieres Chicoutimi-Jonquiere  T ^ - ^ -  ^.v*^^  7  6  S S I 7.6 7.2 213 4.3% S J 4.0% 3 2.9% H 2.6% 1 1.6% I 0.7% , 10  Canada 17.4%  20  30  40  50  (Source: Statistics Canada)  117  BIBLIOGRAPHY Bhatia, Indigo 1996 "The cultural melting pot." Landscape Design. (248), March, 20-4. Bissoondath, Neil 1994 Selling Illusions: The Cult of Multiculturalism in Canada. Toronto: Penguin Books. Brill, Michael 1992 "An Ontology for Exploring Urban Public Tocay" in Places. Volume 6:1 pp24-31 Calvino, Italo 1974 Invisible Cities. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Campbell, Robert 1989 "A Mosaic of Parks." Landscape Architecture. 79(4), May, 70-3. City of Vancouver 2002 Vancouver Greenways Plan Vancouver: City of Vancouver Dutton, Thomas 1986 "Toward an Architectural Praxis of Cultural Production: Beyond Leon Krier," in J. William Carswell and David Saile (eds), Purposes in Built Form and Culture Research, Proceeding of Conference on Built Forms and Culture Research at the University of Kansas. 21-6. Ellin, Nan 1996 Postmodern Urbanism. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Ferguson, R., Gever, M., Minh-ha, T., and West, C. (eds) 1990 Out There: Marginalization and Contemporary Cultures. Cambridge: MIT Press. Fung, Stanislaus 1999 "Mutuality and the Cultures of Landscape Architecture," in Corner, James (ed.) Recovering Landscape. New York: Princeton Architectural Press. Granatstein, J.L. 1998 Who Killed Canadian History?Toronto: HarperCollins. Griffon, Kevin 1993 Vancouver's Many Faces. Vancouver: Whitecap Books Gwyn, Richard 1995 Nationalism Without Walls: The Unbearable Lightness of Being Canadian. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Hall, David L. and Ames, Roger T. 1995 Anticipating China. Albany: State University of New York Press. 1998 "The Cosmological Setting of Chinese Gardens. "Studies in the History of Gardens and Designed Landscapes. 18 (3), July-September. Harvey, David 1989 The Condition of Postmodernity. Oxford: Blackwell. Hayden, Dolores 1997 "Urban Landscape History: The sense of Place and the Politics of Space," in Groth, Paul and Bressi, Todd W. (eds) Understanding Ordinary Landscapes. New Haven: Yale University Press. Hiebert, Daniel 2000 "Immigration and the Changing City" Canadian Geographer. Volume 44, Number 1 Jones, I. Stanton 1996 "Decolonizing landscape architecture: Multiculturalism and the landscape of future possibilities." Annual meeting proceeding of the American Society of Landscape Architects. 1996, 162-8.  118  Kobayashi, Audrey 1993 "Multiculturalism: Representing a Canadian Institution" in Junan, J and D. Ley's Place/Culture Kristeva, Julia 1969 Semiotike. Paris: Seuil. Leman, Marc 1999 "Canadian Multiculturalism" Library of Parliament web site ( Levitas, G. 1978 "Anthropology and sociology of streets," in S. Anderson (ed.) On Streets. Cambridge, MA: MIT. Ley, D and Olds, K. 1997 "Is there an immigrant underclass in Canadian cities?" Working Paper 97-06 Vancouver: Vancouver Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Integration in the Metropolis (RUM) Luymes, Don 1996 "Boutique Heterotopias? Landscape, Design and Multiculturalism." Annual meeting proceeding  of the American Society of Landscape Architects. 1996, 152-5.  Lyndon, Donlyn 2000 "Living Water Park." Places. 13(1), Winter, 6-9. Mann, Roy B. 1991 "Boston's Southwest Corridor: From Urban Battleground to Paths of Peace." Places. 7(3), Spring, 46-61. Moorhead, Steven 1997 Landscape Architecture. Massachusetts: Rockport Publishers, 152-5 Mazumdar, Sanjoy 1991 "Design in Multicultural Societies: Programming for Culture, Life and Diversity." American  Collegiate Schools of Architecture  Proceedings, 122-5.  Mumford, Lewis 1961 The City In History. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. Newman, Morris 1994 "Painting Pershing Purple." Progressive 45-6.  Architecture. 75(9), September,  Rose, J. 1999 "Immigration, neighbourhood change, and racism; Immigrant reception in Richmond, B.C." working Paper 99-15 Vancouver: Vancouver Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Integration in the Metropolis (RUM) Rosenweig, Roy and Blackmar, Elizabeth 1992 The Park and the People Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press Rotenberg, R 1995 Landscape and power in Vienna. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. Sandercock, Leonie 1998 Towards Cosmopolis. Baffins: England: John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Sheng, Jennifer, Shirly Lum, Kim Perrin, Ronaldo Lim, Ranjit Jagpal, and Lisa Goldberg 1980 Vancouver South: A Progressive  Cultural Study. Government of Canada.  Statistics Canada 1997 The Daily. Catalogue 11-001E, November, 1. Urban Landscape Task Force 1992 Greenways-Public  ways, Final Report. City of Vancouver.  Von Hoffman, Alexander 1994 Local Attachments. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press  119  Wakayama, Tamio 1992 Kikyo: Coming Home to Powell Street. Madeira Park: Harbour Publishing Co. Ltd Welborne, John H. 1994 "Discovering Common Ground in Downtown L.A." Urban Land. 53(12), December, 29-33. West, Cornel 1990 "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Ferguson, R., Gever, M., Minh-ha, T., and West, C. (eds) Out There: Marginalization  and Contemporary  Cultures. Cambridge: MIT  Press. Zelinsky, Wilbur 1997 "Seeing Beyond the Dominant Culture," in Groth, Paul and Bressi, Todd W. (eds) Understanding Ordinary Landscapes. New Haven: Yale University Press. 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