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Okanagan wh-questions Baptiste, Maxine Rose 2001

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Okanagan Wh-Questions by Maxine Rose Baptiste B.A, The University of Victoria, 1997 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Linguistics) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December 2001 © Maxine Rose Baptiste, 2001 UBC Special Collections - Thesis Authorisation Form Page 1 of 1 In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I further agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s thesis f o r sc h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of L i n g u i s t i c s The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vane ouve r, Canada Date 22 March 2002 http://www.library.ubc.ca/spcoll/thesauth.html 02-03-20 i. Abstract This thesis is the first work devoted specifically to the syntax of wh-questions in a Southern Interior Salish language. As such, it provides a descriptive foundation for future work on the syntax of Okanagan, as well as forming the basis for comparative investigation of wh-questions both within the Southern Interior branch of the Salish family and between the Southern Interior and other better known branches. Chapter 2 examines the basic word order patterns for clauses and describes the distribution of determiners and complementizers in cleft constructions. Chapter 3 compares three potential analyses of wh-questions for Okanagan: a wh-in-situ analysis,, a wh-movement analysis, and a cleft analysis. I show that a wh-in-situ analysis was not viable for Okanagan on the basis of a comparison of word order possibilities in non-wh sentences and wh-questions. I then turned to the other two possible analyses, a wh-movement analysis along the lines of English, and a cleft analysis, as suggested for other Salish languages by Davis et al (1993) and Kroeber (1991, 1999). Choosing between these analyses proved much more difficult: evidence exists both for and against each analysis, and I was unable to choose between them. Chapter 4 examines multiple wh-questions in Okanagan. It appeared possible for at least some speakers to produce multiple wh-questions with either two argument wh-phrases or an argument and an adjunct wh-phrase. The latter type of multiple wh-question showed an interesting type of reverse superiority effect: speakers consistently preferred to place the argument wh-phrase in pre-verbal position and the adjunct wh-phrase in post-verbal position. If this really is a superiority effect, it implies that the relative structural positions of adjuncts and arguments are the opposite of those found in English. Chapter 5 investigates long-range wh-dependencies. First of all, I established that such dependencies are indeed possible. I show that long-range dependencies are sensitive to at least three standard island constraints: the Complex Noun Phrase Constraint, the Wh-Island Constraint and the Adjunct Island Constraint. Though I was unable to choose between a wh-movement and a wh-cleft analysis for wh-questions, my research unequivocally establishes the existence of A-bar movement dependencies in Okanagan. This is demonstrated by the existence of long-range movement assymetries as shown by superiority effects in multiple wh-questions and by the existence of adjunct island effects which argue strongly that there must be a configurational basis for the argument/adjunct distinction contra the Pronominal Argument Hypothesis (see Jelinek and Demers 1994 on Northern Straits Salish). Another important consequence of this work is the distinction between two types of focus structure in Okanagan. On the one hand, as in other Salish languages, a nominal predicate (including a wh-predicate based on the argument wh-words swit and stim') may occur with a relative clause introduced by the determiner i ?; on the other hand both adjunct and argument DP's (including wh-adjuncts) may occur in cleft structures introduced by one of the complementizers Id?and ta?. Though this distinction corresponds in some ways to that between 'bare' and 'introduced' clefts in other Salish languages (see Kroeber 1999, pg. 370-373), the details of the introduced cleft construction in particular differ in significant ways from the rest of Salish. It remains to be seen how other Southern Interior languages behave in this respect. Table of Contents Abstract n Table of Contents iv List of Figures vi List of Abbreviations vii Acknowledgements viii Chapter 1 Introduction 1 1.0 Goals of Thesis 1 1.1 Summary of Thesis 2 1.1.1 Chapter 2 2 1.1.2 Chapter 3 2 1.1.3 Chapter 4 2 1.1.4 Chapter 5 2 1.1.5 Chapter 6 2 Chapter 2 Basic Relevant Structural Properties of Okanagan 3 2.1 Phonological Structure 3 2.1.1. Morphophonemic Processes 5 2.2 Morphological Structure 6 2.2.1 Stem-forming Affixes 6 2.2.2 Transitivity and Intransitivity 7 2.2.3 Pronominal Paradigms 8 2.2.3.1 The Absolutive Paradigm 9 2.2.3.2 The Possessive Paradigm 9 2.2.3.3 TheErgativeParadigm . 10 2.2.3.4 The Accusative Paradigms 11 2.3 Syntactic Structure 12 2.3.1 Predicates and Arguments 12 2.3.2 The Determiner 13 2.3.3 Oblique 14 2.3.4 The Complementizers ki? and ia ? 15 2.3.5 The Distribution of DP's 17 2.3.5.1 The Interpretation of a Single DP 17 2.3.6 Word Order and Interpretation Effects with Two Direct DP' s 1 9 2.3.6.1 Pre-predicative Word Order 19 2.3.6.2 Post-Predicative Word Order 20 2.3.6.3 Ordering of Oblique DP's 21 2.3.7 Word Order Possibilities in Complex Structures 21 Chapter 3 The Structure of Wh-questions in Okanagan 24 3.1 Previous Work on Wh-questions in Salish 24 iv 3.2 Morphology of Wh-words 24 3.3 The Basic Syntax of Wh-questions 25 3.3.1 The Wh-in-situ Analysis 25 3.3.2 The Wh-movement Analysis 27 3.3.3 The Cleft Analysis 29 3.4 Conclusion 34 Chapter 4 Multiple Wh-questions in Okanagan 37 4.1 Multiple Wh-questions in Okanagan 37 4.2 Multiple Wh-questions with Argument Wh-phrases 38 4.3 Multiple Wh-questions with Adjunct Wh-phrases 39 Chapter 5 Long Range Wh-questions and Island effects 43 5.1 Introduction 43 5.2 Long-range Wh-questions 43 5.3 The Complex Noun Phrase Constraint 45 5.4 The Wh-Island Constraint 46 5.5 Adjunct Islands 47 5.6 Conclusion 48 Chapter 6 Conclusion 49 6.1 Introduction 49 6.2 Summary of Findings 49 6.3 Implications 50 6.4 Future Research 51 References 53 Appendix: Language and Culture Lesson Plan: Acquiring Information 56 v List of Figures Figure 1: Okanagan Consonants and Vowels 4 Figure 2: Formative Order in the Verb stem 7 Figure 3. The Absolutive Paradigm 9 Figure 4: The Possessive Paradigm 9 Figure 5: The Ergative Paradigm 11 Figure 6: The Accusative Paradigm: with -n-t- and -i-t- 11 Figure 7: The Accusative Paradigm: with -tu-f-t- 11 Figure 8: The Accusative Paradigm: with-s-t-and-x(i)-t- 12 Figure 9: The Basic Morphology of Wh-words . 25 Figure 10: The Syntax of Wh-words within the Three Analyses 35 Figure 11: The Distribution of i ? , ki?, and ia? in Wh-questions 35 vi List of Abbreviations Is first person singular 2s second person singular 3s third person singular lsgposs first person singular possessive 2sgposs second person singular possessive 3sgposs third person singular possessive abs absolutive act actual comp complementizer cust customary CVCred CVC plural reduplicant det determiner dim diminutive dir directive/ directional DP's determiner phrases erg ergative fat future Ffather female's father hab habitual imp imperative incep inceptive inch inchoative intr intransitive mid middle nom nominalizer numcla numeral classifier obi oblique oocred out of control reduplication perf perfective Plred plural reduplicant pperf past perfective prep preposition Q question particle refl reflexive sta stative tran transitive vii Acknowledgements: I would like to thank my husband Ernie for being supportive through both my B A and my MA. I would like to thank my children Coral, Ethan, Zoey and Quentin for allowing me to be a student and giving up much of the comforts of home and the benefits of a stay-at-home Mom while I followed the various paths in pursuit of my degrees. I would like to thank the speakers who took the time to sit with me through the various stages of this thesis. I would also like to thank Tony Mattina and Nancy Mattina for their help and support. I would also like to thank my supervisor Dr. Henry Davis and the linguistic department's secretary Edna Dharmaratne who gave their time so willingly throughout the entire process. I would also like to acknowledge Rose Marie Dechaine, Martina Wiltchko, and Strang Burton who took the time to offer comments on this paper. I dedicate this thesis to my sister who pushed and pulled me through all the stages of my growth. Her love, encouragement, and constant support gave me the incentive to achieve my goals. ForBernice Squakin 1950-2001 Chapter 1 Introduction 1.0 Goals of the Thesis The goal of this thesis is to examine Wh-Questions in Okanagan Salish. Okanagan is a Southern Interior Salishan language spoken along the waterways and confluences of Okanagan Lake, Okanagan River, Upper Nicola Lake, Douglas Lake, the Similkameen River as far west as Princeton BC, along the Columbia River in Washington State as far south as Chelan Wash., and northeast to the Kettle River and Arrow Lakes in B.C. A. Mattina (1973) distinguishes two dialects, Northern Okanagan, spoken in BC, and Colville/Okanagan, spoken in Washington state. Northern Okanagan has pronunciation differences between three geographical areas: Nicola Lake, the Similkameen area, and Okanagan Lake. There has been a concentrated and consistent effort by fluent speakers and interested parties on both sides of the border to preserve the Okanagan language over the past three decades, both through documentation and education. There are currently approximately 500-1000 speakers of varying fluency (N. Mattina 1996). Previous work on Okanagan has been in the form of dissertations by Donald Watkins (1970), Anthony Mattina (1973), Yvonne Hebert (1982), and Nancy Mattina (1996), a text by A. Mattina and Pete Seymour (1985), and an Okanagan Language Dictionary (1987), also by A. Mattina. There are also numerous journal articles published by A. Mattina and N. Mattina (A. Mattina 1982, 1993, 1994; N. Mattina 1994a, 1994b). The majority of the data presented here are from the Okanagan Lake area, spoken around Penticton BC and were collected from 1997-1999 through original fieldwork. The main consultants were two fluent speakers in their sixties, one from Oliver and one from Penticton. I l also consulted with a number of other speakers from Penticton, Keremeos, and Douglas Lake (one of whom has since passed away). 1.1 Summary of the Thesis 1.1.1 Chapter 2 In Chapter 2 , the basic properties of Okanagan are examined including relevant phonological, morphological, and syntactic properties of the language. Affixation, in/transitivity, pronominal paradigms, predicate/argument status, the distribution of overt DP's, and word order are necessary prerequisites for the study of wh-questions 1.1.2 Chapter 3 Chapter 3 discusses the structure of Okanagan wh-questions in the light of three potential analyses: a wh-in situ analysis, a cleft analysis, and a wh-movement analysis. 1.1.3 Chapter 4 Chapter 4 briefly examines multiple wh-questions in Okanagan, including superiority effects. 1.1.4 Chapter 5 Chapter 5 examines long range movement in wh-questions, and investigates three island effects found in Okanagan: complex NP effects, wh-island effects, and adjunct island effects. 1.1.5 Chapter 6 Chapter 6 gives an overview of the facts, findings, and conclusions, giving a brief discussion of further issues and future research. 2 Chapter 2 Basic Relevant Structural Properties of Okanagan 2.1 Phonological Structure The phonemic inventory of Okanagan (OK) contains 49 sounds, of which 44 are consonants and 5 are vowels. OK full vowels are [i], [a], and [u]; [a] is the unstressed variant of all full vowels and can also be epenthetic in certain environments due to phonotactic constraints. There is only one stress on OK words and it falls on full vowels; schwa is never stressed. The vowel [o] is found in borrowed words only. The chart in Figure 1 shows the phonemes and gives sample words. 3 Figure 1: Okanagan Consonants and Vowels: Symbol Sample word Symbol Sample word P pus 'cat' c c'aris 'kingfisher' t tupl' 'spider' k' k'iank'mip 'door' k kilx 'hand' k'w k six 'goose' s stunx 'beaver' q q'a?xan 'shoe' h hiw't 'rat' q^aftmin 'wolverine' m mus 'four' fcVkwilx 'Indian doctor' n nik'man 'knife' m m'istam 'woman's father' 1 lawan 'oats' n n m k man 'little knife' r syriwa?x9n 'snowshoes' r sw'ar'ak'xan 'frog' w wanx 'war dance' 5 w hiw't 'rat' y yutalx 'raven' 3 y y'ay'akwa? 'stingy' c cilkst 'five' Y yipan T stood it up' kw kw3l'kwl'alxw 'calf a anwi 'you' q qspqintn 'hair' i inca 'I, me' q w qwilcan 'evergreen bough' u unix 'truly' i •human 'spoon' 3 acwix 'he lived there' X xixu?tam 'girl' o lmoto 'sheep' xw xwa?lapa? 'spinning top' ? ?asil 'two' X xliwa9 'onion' <; ''a'tman 'yellowbell' xw xwnamxwnam 'hummingbird' kla^ 'min 'button' 5 P p'ina? 'birch basket' h hapa? 'grampa' t' t'ina? 'ear' h hiw't 'rat' 2.1.1 Morphophonemic Processes I give a brief outline of relevant morphophonemic processes here: see A.Mattina (1973) for details. a) The Inl of possessive pronouns in- and an- is lost before /s-7 "nominalizer" and before ki- "to have"; and more generally before any occurrence of word initial Ii/, and /n/. (1) isxwuytn in- s- xwuy-tan lsgposs-nom-go- inst "They are my tracks." (2) akttktmilxw an- ki- tkfmilxw 2sgposs-to be-woman "She is your wife to be." (3) itaiaxw in- iaiaxw isgposs-dress "my dress" (4) anik'man an- nik'man 2sgposs-knife "your knife" b) The Ii/ of ki- "to have" and of ki- "unrealized aspect" is lost before I si (5) kstatam ki- s- taim to have-nom-boat "he has a boat" (6) kstatems ki- s- tatm-s to be-nom-boat- 3sgposs "It's going to be his boat" c) The IV of ki ?"complementizer," and / ? "determiner" is changed to /a/ before Id 5 (7) i ? scacm'ala9 a c^q'ay'am i ? scacm'sua'' i ' c- q'ay'- am det children det act-write-middle "The children that go to school." (8) ta sxwa?spintk £_ ?cmrimalx ta s- xwa ? spintk ki ? c- mrim- alx obi nom-lots- year comp act-marry-3pl "They were married many years ago." d)The Ikl of k- "directive" and k- "numeral classifier" dissimilate to III before a following velar. (9) tkic k- kic dir-arrive "He met (someone)." (10) tka?ka?4is k- ka?- ka?iis numcl-plred-three "There are three people." 2.2 Morphological Structure 2.2.1 Stem-forming Affixes Okanagan is a head-marking language, where most grammatical information is encoded directly on the predicate by affixes and clitics. Derivational and inflectional suffixes and prefixes are added to a stem to form words, as schematized in the following diagram from N. Mattina (1996, p 52): 6 Figure 2: Formative Order in the Verb Stem grammatical word • stem 1 base, — 1 Inf (Drf) Bsf *(Bsf)(Drf) Inf prfx prfx- prfx- Vroot -sfx -sfx -sfx , cite (11) kw ki+ s+ Vqalt +mixw kw ksq9i-txnixw 2s has-nom-man "you have a husband" (12) kw c Vk 'n =cn=cut +9m kw ck^alcncutam 2s act-make-mouth-refl-mid "You usually cook." In this diagram Inf stands for inflectional formative, Drf stands for derivational formative, and Bsf stands for base formative. See N. Mattina (1996) for a detailed description of word formation rules and inflectional and derivational affixes as they pertain to roots. In this section, I will discuss only affixation which pertain directly to the subject matter of this thesis. In particular, I will outline in/transitivity in 2.2.2 and pronominal affixation in 2.2.3. 2.2.2 Transitivity and Intransitivity As in other Salish languages in/transitivity is overtly marked in Okanagan. Transitive verbs are marked with transitivizers. Transitivizers consist of the suffix -t- preceded by one of five pre-transitivizers: l-n-l "active," /-s-/ "causative," l-k -I "expressed goal," /-x(i)-/ "benefactive," /-tui-/ "ditransitive" (see A. Mattina 1994), and /-nun-/ "success" (AMattina, 1973). The structure of a transitive verb is depicted schematically using -n-t- in (13). (13) verb-«-f-patient-agent Okanagan verbs must be formally marked with transitivizers in order to license a direct object, 7 indirect object, recipient, goal, or benefactee. -n-,-s-, and -nun- entail two arguments, -x(i)- and tut- entail three arguments (A. Mattina 1982). However, a maximum of two arguments (subject and object) are marked by pronominal markers on the predicate. Intransitive verbs may be marked with intransitivizers, including the suffix l-vci-l "middle" (14 - 15), the suffix l-Xl "stative" (16) and the suffix /-p/ "non-control" (17) (A.Mattina, 1973). (14) k'ram k'ra- m swim-mid "He goes swimming." (15) kan qwacqnam (A.Mattina, 1993a, pg. 5) kan qwacqn-am I hat- mid "I put my hat on." (16) c'ar-t c'ar-1 sour-stat "It's sour." (17) ca?-ap ca?-ap hit-oocred "He is hit (and can't help it)." Some intransitive and middle verbs may occur with objects, in which case the object is marked with Itl "oblique."' (18) kan wikam t qwacqan kan wik -am t qwacqan I saw-intr obi hat "I saw a hat" 2.2.3 Pronominal Paradigms There are four basic pronominal paradigms in Okanagan: the absolutive, the possessive, the ergative, and the accusative. I will present each of these below. 8 2.2.3.1 The Absolutive Paradigm The absolutive paradigm is used with intransitive predicates, including nouns, adjectives and intransitive verbs, either with or without an intransitivizer. In figure (3) I illustrate the absolutive paradigm with the middle marked intransitive verb c 'k-am "to count." All of the absolutive pronominal forms are proclitics, with the exception of the third person plural form, which is a suffix and the third person singular absolutive which is null. Figure (3) Absolutive Paradigm (Okanagan Colouring Book, En 'owkin, 1993) lsg kan c'k-am I count 2sg kw c'k-am You count 3sg c'k-am S/he counts lp kwu c'k-am We count 2p p c'k-am You pi count 3p c'k-am-alx They count 2.2.3.2 The Possessive Paradigm The possessive paradigm is shown in figure (4) with the noun Mix "hand." First and second singular forms are prefixes, and the other forms are suffixes. Figure (4) Possessive Paradigm Subject lsg in-kilx My hand 2sg an-kilx Your hand 3sg i ? kilx-s His/her hand lp i? kilx-tat Our hand 2p i? kilx-amp Your pi hand 3p i ? kilx-sabc Their hand Aside from its use in cases of simple possession, as shown in figure (4), the possessive paradigm is also used in a number of complex aspectual forms which have developed in Southern Interior Salish from nominalized subordinate clauses, but are now also used in main clause environments 9 (Kroeber 1986, 1999). In Okanagan, these include three types: -s- forms glossed by A. Mattina (1993 a) as "completive" and by N. Mattina (1996) as "neutral," which are mainly but not exclusively employed in subordinate clauses (19-20); irrealis forms with the prefix ks- (21-22); and customary forms with the prefix combination ks- sc- which is realized as ksc- (23-24). (19) Ltft9?am i ? kw9kwr'it i ? tkatmilx" (A.Mattina, 1985, p. 144) i- s- to?- am i ? kw9kwr'itP tk9tmilxw isgposs neut- fetch-mid det golden art woman "... .to get the Golden woman" (20) way ixi? is?il:9n (A.Mattina, 1993a, pg.17) way' ixP i- s- ?if3n affirm this lsgposs-compl- eat "I am going to eat." (21) lut kw iks9ns9sw'ina?m (En'owkin Centre Colouring Book, 1993) lut kw i- ks- 3n- sgsw'ina9- m neg. you Isgposs.- irr.-loc-whisper- middle "I won't whisper in your ear." (22) lut kwu aks9ns9sw'ina')m (En'owkin Centre Colouring Book, 1993) lut kwu a- ks- 9n- sgsw'ina''- m not me 2sgposs- irr- loc-whisper- middle "You won't whisper in my ear." (23) kwu kgnxtu-t-t iks cq'ay' (A. Mattina 1993 a, pg. 21) kwu kgnx-tu-i-t i- k- sc- q'ay' me help-tuft Isgposs- irr- perf-write "Help me with what I am going to write." (24) ixi? iksckta?qina? (A. Mattina 1993a, pg. 22) ixi? i- k- sc- kta?qina? this Isgposs- irr-perf- type "This is what I am going to type." 2.2.3.3 The Ergative Paradigm The ergative paradigm is used for the subjects of transitivized verbs. The paradigm is given in figure (5), with the verb c 'k "count" and the transitivizing combination-n-t-. Ergative forms are all suffixal. 10 Figure (5) Ergative Paradigm (OCB 1993) lsg c'k-an-t-in I count it 2sg c'k-an-t-Lxw You count it 3sg c'k-an-t-is S/he counts it lp c'k-an-t-im We count it 2p c'k-an-t-ip You pi count it 3p c'k-an-t-isalx They count it 2.2.3.4 The Accusative Paradigms There are two accusative paradigms, one used with -n-t- and shown in figure (6), and the other with -s-t- and -xi-t-, shown in figure (7). The object markers are given with first person singular ergative subjects, except for first person objects, which are given with second person singular ergative subjects. The accusative paradigm is used to mark the objects of transitivized predicates as shown in figures (6), (7), and (8). Figure (6) The Accusative Paradigm: -n-t- and -i-t Object with -n-t with -i-t lsg kwu wik-n-t-xw You saw me. kwu ka?kic-*-t-xw You found it for me. 2sg wik-n-t-s-an I saw you. ka?kic-f-t-s-an I found it for you. 3sg wik-n-t-xw You saw him. ka?kic-f-t-xw You found it for him. !P kwu wik-(n-t)-am You saw us. kwu ka?kic-f-t-am They/S/he found it for us. 2p wik-(n-t)-4:rn-an I saw you. ka?kic-f-t-m-an I found it for you. 3p wik-n-t-m-aLx We saw them. ka?kic-f-t-m-alx We found it for them. Figure (7) The Accusative Paradigm: -tu-i-t-Object with -tu-i-t lsg kwu c-k^anx-Ui-i-t-x™ You showed it to me. 2 s 8 ck^anx-tu-i-t-s-an I showed it to you. 3sg c-k^anx-tu-i-t-an I showed it to him. lpl kwu c-k^anx-tu-i-t-am They showed it to us 2pl c-k'wanx-tu-t-t-m-an I showed it to you. 3pl c-k^ anx-tu-i-t-m-aLx I showed it to them. 11 Figure (8) The Accusative Paradigm: -s-t- and -x(i)-t With -s-t- With -x(i)t lsg kwu n-xil-s-t-xw You scared me. kwu m'ay'xi-t-s He tells me a story. — 2sg n-xil-s-t-m-an I scared you. m'ay'xi-t-m-an I told you a story. S.— 3sg n-xil-s-t-xw You scared him. m'ay'xi-t-xw You told him a story. kwu n-xil-s-t-sm They/S/He scared us. kwu m'ay'xi-t-am They/S/He told us a story. 2p n-xil-(s-t)-l:m-3n I scared you. m'ay'xi-(t)-'hn-an I told you a story. 3p n-xil-s-t-m-slx I scared them. m'ay'xi-t-m-alx I told them a story. 2.3 Syntactic Structure In this section, I will introduce aspects of syntactic structure relevant to the analysis of Wh-questions. In 2.3.1,1 will introduce the basic division of an Okanagan clause into an inflected predicate and one or more optional arguments. In 2.3.2,1 will discuss the Okanagan determiner system. In 2.3.3,1 will discuss oblique marked nominals. Section 2.3.4 will be devoted to the complementizers /a?and ki?. Finally, sections 2.3.5 to 2.3.9 will be concerned with the distribution of overt DP's, including the One Nominal effect, post-predicative word order possibilities and pre-predicative positions. 2.3.1 Predicates and Arguments The Okanagan clause is divided into two main parts: an inflected predicate, the only obligatory constituent of a sentence, and a series of optional arguments, each marked obligatorily by an initial determiner (with the exception of proper names, which are not preceded by a determiner). Predicates may be of any lexical category, including nouns, verbs, and adjectives. Examples of simple clauses with the transitive predicate wik-n-t-" to see" are given in (25) to (27). (25) wik(n-t)-0-s wik(n-t)- 0-s see-(n-t) -0-3 sg "S/he saw him/her/it." 12 (26) wiks Pete wik-(n-t)-0-3s Pete saw-(n-t) 0-3 sg Pete "He saw Pete/Pete saw him." (27) Pete wik-(n-t)-0-s P kakwap Pete wik-(n-t)-0- s i ? kakwap Pete saw-(n-t)-0-3sg det dog "Pete saw the dog." 2.3.2 The Determiner Okanagan has a single direct determiner Pwhich introduces argument DP's, including subjects (28) , objects (29), possessors (30) and prepositional objects (31). (28) P sqaltmixw kwu wiks P sqaltmixw kwu wik-(n-t)-0- s det man me saw-(n-t)-0-3sg "The man saw me." (29) wikan P sqaltmixw wik-(n-t)-0 -an P sqalrmixw saw-(n-t)-0-lsg det man "I saw the man." (30) wikan P sqaltmixw i ? kakwaps wik-(n-t)-0-an P sqaltmixw P kakwap- s saw-(n-t)-0-lsg det man det dog- 3sgposs "I saw the man's dog." (31) k w ini ? tal sqaltmixw kwi(n)(n-t)-0-an P tal sqaltmixw take- n-t- 0-lsg det from(prep) man "I took it from the man."1 The determiner is also used to introduce relative clauses, as in (32-34), and clefts as in (35-37).2 1 Note that the determiner precedes prepositions and the oblique marker in Okanagan, as in other Southern Interior languages but in contrast to the rest of the Salish family, where prepositions precede determiners. 2 The determiner has the allomorphs v and/a in the CoMlle dialect of Okanagan, as seen in examples (33, 34, and (32) mi kw xwuy i ? k'al kmalxa?nts (Kroeber 1999, pg. 305) mikw x w uyi ? k'al k- malxa?-n-(t)-0-s fut you go det to pers-lie- n-(t)- 0-3sg "You will go to the one who lied to you." (33) way axa? y ascanq'amscin (A. Mattina 1985, pg. 122) way' axa? y a- sc anq'amscin affirm this det 2sgposs perf wish-for "This is what you have been wishing for." (34) way ixP kw iksm'aya t^am y aksan*q'wu(t)n (A. Mattina 1985, pg. 188) way' ixi? kw i- ks- mkya?- i-t am y a- ks- aniq"vu(t)n alfirm that you Isgposs fut tell- i-t- middle det 2sgposs-fut-bed "I'll show you where you are going to sleep." (35) inca P kan ksqwan'qwanta?x (A. Mattina 1987, pg. 162) inca i ? kan ks-qwan'qwant-a?x I det I ftit-pitiful -fut "It s I who will be hard up." (36) kmix P stk'masq'at ya? cwiksts (A. Mattina 1985, p. 86) kmix P stk'masq'at ya? c- wik-s-t-0-s onlydet sky det cust-see-s-t-0-3sg "Only the sky he sees." (37) sA.'a'>cinam i ? wikantxw s^ 'a'cinam i"* wik -n-t-0-xw deer det saw-n-t-0-2sg "A deer is what you saw." 2.3.3 Oblique In Okanagan, the oblique marker t has the following functions: (a) / marks the object of an intransitive verb (with an indefinite interpretation): (38) kan ?i*an t stiqw3 (A. Mattina 1993a, pg. 8) kan ?fian t stiqw I eat obi meat "I ate (some) meat." (39) kan fc'xwup t sqlaw' (A.Mattina 1993a pg. 8) kan ft'xwupt sqlaw' I won obi money "I won some money." 3 Note that oblique marked nominals may appear with or without determiners, unlike direct argumants. There appears to be a semantic difference between these two possibilities; however, a precise characterization of this difference must await future work. (b) t marks the oblique agent in a passive construction. (Passive predicates are based on transitivized verbs suffixed with the passive marker -m which replaces ergative inflection.) (40) cuntam i ? t sl'axts (En'owkin Centre Class Notes, 1994) cu- n-t- am i ? t sl'axt- s tell-n-t-pass det obi friend-3sgposs "He was told by his friend." (c) t optionally marks the (ergative) agent of an ordinary transitivized verb. (41) cus P t ft'axaxftxaps (N. Mattina 1996, pg. 41) cu(n-t) -0 -s i? t fc'axaxX'xap-s cun-(n-t)-0-3sg det obi elders- 3sgposs "His elders told him..." (42) vA n'in'w'is cem' ixi? wahantsis i ? t kakaw?apa? (A. Mattina 1985, pg. 87) vA n'in'w'is cem' ixi? waha-n-t -s -is i ? t kakaw?apa? and perhaps maybe that bark-n-t -2sg-3sg det obi dim-dog "... .and maybe the little dog will bark at you." (d) t marks a number of oblique functions, including time (43) and instrument (44): (43) way' t'i cuntsan ta sp'i?sc'iit way' wikntsan way' t'i cu(n)-n-t-s-an ta sp'i?sc'il:t way' wikntsan afEbrmemph tell -n-t-2sg-lsg obi yesterday affirm saw-n-t-2sg-lsg "I told you I saw you yesterday." (44) kan txam t sxaxc'i? (A. Mattina 1994, pg. 14) kan txam t sxaxc'r' I comb obi stick "I combed my hair with a stick." 2.3.4 The Complementizers ki ? and ta? Unlike most other Salish languages, Okanagan has two complementizers that are clearly distinct from determiners, since they always introduce clauses rather than phrases. The two complementizers are ki?and /a ? (N. Mattina 1996, Kroeber 1999). /a?usually introduces adverbial clauses, as in examples (45-47), but may also occur in clefts, as in (48 -49). 15 (45) kan Vayxwt kan *a? cma?yam (A. Mattina 1993a, g. 10) kan c'- ayxwt kan ta? c- ma?ya-m I act-tire I when act-tell-intr "I get tired when I tell stories." (46) isac'am*tim i ? sqwasqwasiya?s ta? ck'aw (En'owkin Centre Class Notes, 1994) i- sac' - am -f-t-im i? s- qwas- qwasiya?-s ia? c- k'aw lsgposs-perf-feed-i-t-intr det nom-Plred- child- 3sgposs while act-gone "I am feeding his children while he is gone." (47) ia? ikicx cuntxw mi kwu *cqwalqwilsts (En'owkin Centre Class Notes, 1994) ta? i kicxcu n-t-0-xw mi kwu 1c qwal qwil s-t-0-s when dir-arrive tell-n-t-0-2sg future me dir-cust-plred- talk-s-t-0-3sg "When she comes back tell her to call me back." (48) axa? arwan ia? kscq'ay (A. Mattina 1993 a, pg. 6) axa? atwan ia7 k- sc q'ay this Tony that poss past.perf- write "It was Tony that wrote it." (49) way ixf? axa? i ? tatwit *a? kscq'ay' (A. Mattina 1985, p. 126) way' ixi? axa? i ? tatwit \a? k(f)-sc- q'ay' affirm this that det boy that poss-perf-write "It's the boy that writes them." The complementizer ki?\s used to derive clefts. It may be used to focus arguments, as in (50-1), as well as expressions of time, place and manner as in examples (52), (53) and (54) respectively. (50) t inca W ckwin (A. Mattina 1985, p. 231) t incakr* c- kwi(n)-(n-t)-0-n obi I comp dir-take- (n-t)-0-lsg "It was I who took it." (51) i ? sX'a?cinam ki? wiks i ? sX'a?cinam ki ? wik-(n-t)-0-s det deer that saw-(n-t)-0-3sg "It's the deet that he saw." 4There are two distinguishable morphemes lc-1 in Okanagan. One morpheme c- is the actual prefix. The actual morpheme "refers to an action, entity or state obtaining at a particular main time or situation of reference, c-nstils - 'he actually thinks that.'(A.Mattina, 1973, p.88) The other c- morpheme is the c- customary or habitually "which adds to Okanagan state words a notion of 'get, become.' With action words it signals progressive or habitual action. With noun stems it translates as 'be with, have (on). (a)c- occurs with verbs of motion that are not cislocative (without c- 'cislocative.')" (A. Mattina, 1993a, p.9.) (For discussion of c- cislocative allomorph see (A. Mattina 1993a)) (52) i ? 1 naqslup ka? ctat'pmancut P1 naqslup ka? c tat'pman cut det prep one-place comp act-jump- refl He jumped up and down in one spot." (literally: "it was in one place that he jumped up and down." (53) q'sapi? ka? cwikstman q'sapP ka ? c wik-s-t-m- an long-time that cust-see-s-t-2sg-lsg-I "It's been a long time since I've seen you." (54) ya<rya''t stim' xw'aw' ka? ckwumstsalx ya^ ya^ t stim' x-w'-aw' ka? c kwum-s-t-0-salx all what oocred-drywhen cust-putaway-s-t-3pl "All has to be dried before they put it away." (literally: "Everythi, dry is what they put away." 2.3.5 The Distribution of DP's Predicates in Okanagan may occur with up to two direct (non-oblique marked) DP's. (A variety of oblique marked adjuncts may also be present.) Most sentences contain only a single direct DP, particularly in narrative contexts, though speakers readily accept two direct DP's in elicited contexts. In the following sections, I will examine the interpretation of direct DP's in both pre- and post predicative positions. It is important to establish basic word order facts before examining Wh-questions in Chapter 3. 2.3.5.1 The Interpretation of a Single DP In Okanagan, a single direct DP may occur either before or after the main predicate. Examples with intransitive predicates are given in (55) and (56). (55) i ? kakwap waham (N. Mattina 1994, p. 95) P kakwap waham det dog barked "The dog barked." (56) waham i ? kakwap (N. Mattina 1994, p. 95) waham P kakwap barked det dog "The dog barked." 17 In transitive sentences, a single direct DP may also precede or follow the predicate. When it precedes, the DP is always interpreted as the subject. When it follows, the DP may be intepreted either as the subject or object. (57) Petewiks Pete wik-(n-t)-0-3s Pete saw-(n-t)-0-3sg "Pete saw him." (58) wiks Pete wik-(n-t)-0-3s Pete saw-(n-t)-0-3sg Pete "He saw Pete." or "Pete saw him." These cases are of interest in that they seem to show that Okanagan lacks the One Nominal Interpretation Effect. The One Nominal Effect (Gerdts, 1988) states that "in the absence of other persons, a single (post-verbal) 3rd person nominal is interpreted as the absolutive." The One Nominal Effect is characteristic of Salish languages from both the Central (Coast) and Northern Interior branches of the family. Its absence in Okanagan constitutes a potential significant syntactic difference between these languages and those of the Southern Interior. Interestingly, there does appear to be a kind of One Nominal effect in passive sentences in Okanagan, as shown by the following examples from N. Mattina (1994), where a single DP must be interpreted as (an oblique) agent (59-60); examples with a single (non-oblique) patient are ungrammatical (61-2). Note also this effect holds both for pre-predicative and post-predicative DP's (59) ^ acantim P t sqaltmixw (N.Mattina, 1994) a^cs-n-t-im P t sqaltmixw tie- n-t- passive det obi man "It was tied up by the man." (60) P t sqaltmix™ ^ acantim P t sqaltmixw '•aca-n-t-im det obi man tie- n-t- passive "The man tied it up." 18 (61) *pacantim P snk4:c'a?sqaxa? caca-n-t-im P snk'rc'a')sqaxa'? tie- n-t- passive det horse "The horse was tied up." (62) *P snkic'a?sqaxa') ^ acantim P snktca'sqaxa9 "-aca-n-t-im det horse tie- n-t-passive "The horse was tied up." 2.3.6 Word Order and Interpretation Effects with Two Direct DP's5 In the following sections, I will examine possible word orders and their interpretations in transitive sentences with two overt DP's. The only previous work specifically on word order in Okanagan is N. Mattina, (1994). For the most part, my own work replicates her original findings; I indicate where my results differ from hers. In section 2.3.6.1,1 examine pre-predicative word order. In section 2.3.6.2,1 turn to post-predicative word order. 2.3.6.1 Pre-predicative Word Order In general, Okanagan allows only a single pre-predicative direct DP (see (63) and (65)6. This DP is always interpreted as the subject (see (63), (65) and (66). (63) Mary wiks John (N. Mattina 1994 eg. 10) Mary wik-(n-t)-0-s John Mary saw-(n-t)-0-3sg John "Mary saw John." not "John saw Mary." (64) *Mary John wiks (65) i' sk^ak i^malt his P spVqatq t sp'iVitt P sk a^k^Lmalt ?tf-(n-t)-0-s P spVqatq t sp'Psc'tft det child eat-(n-t)-0-3sg det berry obi yesterday "The child ate the berry yesterday." not "The berry ate the child yesterday." 51 will not deal with word order or interpretative effects in ditransitive sentences in this thesis. See N. Mattina (1994) for some preliminary results. 6 Excluding dislocated DP's, which as in other Salish languages are separated from the rest of the sentence by a distinct intonational pause. See Gardiner (1998). (66) #P spVqatq ?iis P sk^ak i^malt t sp'Psc'itt P spVqatq ?i*-(n-t)-0-s P sk^ak i^malt t spVsc'itt det berry ate-(n-t)-0-3sg det child obi yesterday "The berry ate the child yesterday." not "The child ate the berry yesterday." (67) *P sk^ak i^malt P sp'i?qa*q ?i*s t sp'Psc'tft N. Mattina (1994 p, 96) reports that for two of her four speakers, OVS sentences were acceptable if there was no possible ambiguity, as in example (68). (68) P sqlaw wikws intum' (N. Mattina 1994) P sqlaw' wikw-(n-t)-0-s in- turn' det money hide-(n-t)-0-3sg lsgposs-woman's-mother "My mother hid the money." However, the speakers I have worked with judge sentences like this to be ungrammatical. 2.3.6.2 Post-predicative Word Order The strongly preferred word order for my consultants with two direct post-predicative DP's is VSO, as shown in the examples in (69-70) (69) ?its P sk^ak i^malt P spi?qaiq t sp'isc'Ht ?i4:-(n-t)- 0-s P sk^ak i^malt P spi'qatq t sp'isc'itt eat-(n-t)-0-3sgdet child det berry obi yesterday "The child ate the berry yesterday." not "The berry ate the child yesterday." (70) #?its P spi?qaiq i ? sk^ak i^malt t sp'isc'iit ?it- (n-t)-0-s P spPqafq i ? sk'wak'wimalt t sp'isc'iit eat-(n-t)-0-3sgdet berry det child obi yesterday "The berry ate the child yesterday." not "The child ate the berry yesterday." These findings contrast with those of N. Mattina (1994), two out of four of whose consultants accepted both VSO and VOS orders, as long as no ambiguity was created (71-72). (71) kt'antis i ? sp'ic'an Mary kt'a-n-t-0-is i ? sp'ic'an Mary cut-n-t-0-3sg det rope Mary "Mary cut the rope." (72) kt'antis Mary P sp'ic'an kt'a-n-t-0-is Mary P sp'ic'an cut-n-t-0-3sg Mary det rope "Mary cut the rope." 20 This variability may be either idiolectal or dialectal; for example, in the long Colville text in Mattina (1985) both VSO and VOS word orders are present. 2.3.6.3 Ordering of Oblique DP's It is possible to place a temporal adjunct DP in front of the predicate, as in (73-74). (73) t sp'rWrf t wikan P sqltmixw t sp'Psc'tf"t wik-(n-t)-0-an P sqltmixw obi yesterday saw-(n-t)-0-lsg det man "Yesterday I saw the man." (74) t sk'k'laxw kan k^alcncut t stiqw t sk'k'laxw kan k^al-cn- cutt s*iqw obi night I cook-mouth-refl obi meat "Last night I cooked some meat." N. Mattina (1994) reports that oblique marked passive agent DP's may also occur pre-predicatively as in (75). (75) P t sqaltmixw wikantam P tatwit (N. Mattina 1994, eg. 18c) P t sqaltmixw wika-n-t-am P tatw'it det obi man saw-n-t- passive det boy "The boy was seen by the man." Post-predicatively, oblique DP's, including both temporal adjuncts and passive agents, may be freely ordered with respect to direct DP's (76-80). (76) ?rfs P sk^ak i^malt P sp'iqaiq t sp'Psc'rft (77) ?iis P sk^ak i^malt t spVsc'iit P sp'iqaiq (78) ?iis t sp'Psc'tft i ? sk^ak i^malt P sp'iqaiq (79) wikantam P tatw'it i ? t sqaltmixw (80) wikantam P sqaltmixw i ? t tatw'it 2.3.7 Word Order Possibilities in Complex Structures So far, we have looked at word order in simple (mono-clausal) sentences. In this section, we will examine more complex structures formed by focusing a DP. For my consultants, by far the 21 most favoured strategy for focusing a DP is to form a cleft using the complementizer ki? Clefts are constructed by placing the focused DP in initial position followed by a clause introduced by Subject, object, and adjunct DP's may all be clefted as in examples (81-83) respectively. (81) i ? sk^k^imalt ki? ?tis i ? sppqatq t sp'isc'iit P sk^ak i^malt ki? ?tf-(n-t)- 0-s P spPqatq t sp'isc'tf t the child that eat-(n-t)-0-3sg det berry obi yesterday "It was the child that ate the berry yesterday." (82) P spi?qa*q ? i * s 1 sp'isc'rft P sk'w3k'wirn9it P spPqaf q ki ? ?i*-(n-t)-0- s t sp'isc'itt P sk'wak'wimalt det berry that eat-(n-t)-0-3sg obi yesterday the child "It was the berry that ate the child yesterday." (83) t sp'isc'rft kP ?ifs P spi?qafq i ? sk^ak i^malt t sp'isc'iit ki ? ?if-(n-t)- 0-s P spPqatq P sk^ak i^malt obi yesterday that eat-(n-t)-0-3sg det berry det child "It was yesterday that the child ate the berry." In contrast, the consultants rejected clefted structures using the determiner P, as shown in (84-86). (84) *P sk^ak i^malt P ?iis P spi'qatq t sp'isc'rft i ? sk^ak i^malt P ?it-(n-t)- 0-s P spi?qaiq t sp'isc'rft det child det eat-(n-t)-0-3sg det berry obi yesterday "It was the child that ate the berry yesterday." (85) *P spPqaiq P 7iis t sp'isc'rft P sk'w9k'wimalt P spPqaiq P ?i*-(n-t)- 0- s t sp'isc'rft P sk^ak i^malt det berry det eat-(n-t)-0-3sg obi yesterday the child "It was the berry that ate the child yesterday." (86) *t sp'isc'iit i ? ?its P spi?qaiq P sk^ak i^malt t sp'isc'iit P ?ii-(n-t)- 0- s P spi?qaf q P sk'w9k'wim3lt obi yesterday det eat-(n-t)-0-3sg det berry det child "It was the child that ate the berry yesterday." Notice that these cleft structures with kipal\ involve a fronted DP. In contrast, in clefts with P, the initial nominal invariably occurs without a determiner (see examples (35-37) in section 2.3.2). 22 These latter structures resemble ordinary cases of predicate nominals with a relative clause in argument position, as in (37) repeated here as (87). (87) s^Vcinam i ? wikantxw sfr'a'cinam i ? wik -n-t-0-xw deer det saw-n-t-0-2sg "A deer is what you saw." (88) kan a? cxwuy kana?c- xwuy I art dir-go "I am the one going." In order to cleft an object DP using ki?, the predicate must be nominalized, as shown in (89). (Note that when nominalized, intransitive predicates appear with possessor subjects.) (89) i ? spPqaiq ki? sc'iians i ? sk a^k'^ imalt t sp'isc'itt i ? spi?qatq ki ? sc' iian-(n-t)-0-s i ? sk^ak i^malt t sp'isc'tft det berry that nom-eat-(n-t)-0-3sposs. det child obi yesterday "The child ate the berry yesterday." I assume that nominalization in this structure induces a function changing operation which demotes the original subject to possessor, and promotes the original direct object to subject. Thus though (89) appears to involve object focus, in fact, it is a case of subject focus. This analysis follows that of Hukari (1977) for Coast Salish; see also Kroeber (1999 p. 313-315). Unusually in Salish, nominalization of this type is used in Okanagan where a direct object is being extracted; elsewhere, this strategy is typically employed for extraction of adjuncts or oblique objects. We shall see more examples of this nominalization strategy when we turn to wh-questions in Chapter 3. 23 Chapter 3 The Structure of Wh-questions in Okanagan 3.1 Previous Work on Wh-questions in Salish There is no published work explicitly devoted to wh-questions in Okanagan, though N. Mattina has kindly made available a copy of her field notes on the topic. Previous work on wh-questions in Salish is contained in Kroeber (1991, 1999) who takes a cross-Salishan perspective, Davis et al (1993), who focus on the Northern Interior Salish languages, and Jelinek (1998) who examines wh-clefts in the Lummi dialect of Straits Salish. There is a consensus that in Coast Salish and in Northern Interior Salish wh-questions take the form of clefts. However, no such consensus exists for the Southern Interior, partly because of the lack of work on the issue, and partly because the Southern Interior languages diverge significantly from the other branches of the family, for example with respect to the distribution and function of pronominal inflection (see Kroeber 1999, p. 223-226). In this chapter, I will describe the basic morphology and syntax of wh-questions in Okanagan. In 3.2,1 will focus on the morphological form of wh-words. In 3.3,1 will turn to the syntax, comparing three different potential analyses: a wh-in-situ analysis, a wh-movement analysis and a cleft analysis. 3.2 Morphology of Wh-words There are two basic forms for wh-words in Okanagan, one of which characterizes adjuncts (including locative, temporal, reason and manner expressions) and the other arguments (including subjects, objects, and oblique marked DP's). Adjunct wh-words are based on the morpheme 24 i-?hn, with locative prefixes added to form wh-words, as shown in Figure 8 (A. Mattina, 1973). Argument wh-words are based on the independent stems 'stim'-what, and 'swit'- who. Figure 9: Basic Morphology of Wh-words Question Words swit who sac'kinx why stim' what saxkinx what's the matter kVkin where ac'kin how la?kin where ta ck'a?kin how da?kin where from ac'kistxw how did you ta?kin where pan'kin when sk'a?kinx where is s.o. kinam where is s.o. k'a?kin mat where is s.o. which one As in other Salish languages, all wh-words in Okanagan may be used in two distinct ways: to form wh-questions, and as polarity sensitive indefinites. We will be focusing exclusively on the former usage. The syntax of wh-indefinites remains a topic for future research. 3.3 The Basic Syntax of Wh-questions In this section, we will be examining the syntax of Okanagan wh-questions in the light of three potential analyses: a wh-in-situ analysis as employed for languages such as Chinese, Japanese, and Korean (see Huang 1981); a wh-movement analysis as standardly proposed for languages like English (see Chomsky 1977); and a wh-cleft analysis as suggested for languages like Arabic, Indonesian, and Palauan by Cheng (1990). 3.3.1 The Wh-in-situ Analysis The wh-in-situ analysis makes the straightforward prediction that wh-phrases will occupy exactly the same positions as ordinary non-focused DPs with a question interpretation rather than an indefinite one. 25 Axe there positions where a wh-word is ungrammatical but an ordinary DP is grammatical? Yes: an ordinary object DP is grammatical in post-verbal position, as in example (90), but the corresponding wh-word in the same position is not, as in example (91)7. The wh-word cannot remain in-situ and be grammatical as shown in (91); instead it must be fronted, as seen in (92). (90) wikantxw i ? sJi'acinam wika-n-t-0-xw i ? sfc'acinam saw- n-t-0-2sg det deer "You saw a deer." (91) *wik9ntxw stim' *wika-n-t-0-xw stim' saw- n-t-0-2sg what "You saw what." (92) stim'i? wikantxw stim' i ? wikan-t-0-xw what det saw-n-t-0-2sg "What did you see?" Similarly, though as we have seen, a non-wh subject is perfectly grammatical in a pre-predicative position without the need for a following determiner, a wh- subject cannot occur in this position. Compare (93) and (95) with the ungrammatical example in (94): (93) Marykwuwiks Mary kwu wik-(n-t)-0-s Mary me wik-(n-t)-0-3sg "Mary saw me." (94) *switkwu wiks swit kwu wik-(n-t)-0-s who me saw-(n-t)-0-3sg "Who saw me?" (95) switi?kwu wiks swit i ? kwu wik-(n-t)-0-s who det me saw-(n-t)-0-3sg "Who saw me?" 7 As in English, an in-situ wh-phrase in Okanagan can be construed as an echo question, as in (i) below: (i) Mary wiks swit Mary wik-(n-t)-0-3sg who "Mary saw WHO?" 26 I conclude that an in-situ analysis is not viable for wh-questions in Okanagan. 3.3.2 The Wh-movement Analysis The second analysis that we will consider for wh-questions in Okanagan involves the process of wh-movement, as exemplified in analyses of European languages such as English, French, and Bulgarian. There are two basic types of wh-movement: either all the wh-phrases move to sentence initial position into SPEC of CP (as in Bulgarian) or only one moves into SPEC of CP (as in English). An example of multiple wh-movement in Bulgarian is given in (96) and an English example in (97) (96) koj kogo vizda (Rudin 1988, 472-473) who whom sees "Who saw who?" (97) Who saw what where? It is easy to show that Okanagan wh-questions do not resemble those of a multiple wh-movement language like Bulgarian. Two wh-phrases may not appear sentence initially, as shown in (98-99): (98) *swit sac'kinx ka? tca?ntixw swit sac'kinx ka? f- ca?-n-t-0-ixw who why that dir-hit-n-t-0-2sg "Who why did you hit?" (99) *t spankin k'a?kin ki? wiks t spankin k'a?kin ki9 wik-(n-t)-0-s obi when where that saw-(n-t)-0-3sg "When where did he see it?" In order to convey the meanings of sentences like (98-99), Okanagan coordinates the two wh-phrases with the conjunction uf, the coordinated wh-phrases appear in a h'?type cleft (see 2.3.7 above).8 8 Note that it is ungrammatical to coordinate two wh-phrases in SPEC CP in English. This constitutes an additional difference between English and Okanagan. (100) swit ui sac'kinx ka? ica?ntixw swit ut sac'kinx ka? i- ca?-n-t-0-ixw who and why that dir-hit-n-t-0-2sg "Who and why did you hit?" (101) t spankin ui k'a?kin ki? wiks t spankin ut k'a?kin ki? wik-(n-t)-0-s obi when and where that saw-(n-t)-0-3sg "t When and where did he see it?" It is much less easy to establish whether or not Okanagan has overt wh-movement like English, where one wh-phrase moves to clause initial position and any other wh-phrase remains in-situ. Unlike in languages of the Central (Coast) and Northern Interior branches of the Salish family, Southern Interior languages lack special subordinate subject pronoun morphology (see Kroeber 1999, p. 223-226). This means in Okanagan, it is impossible to tell simply by inspecting pronominal inflection whether wh-questions are mono-clausal, as we would expect under a wh-movement analysis, or bi-clausal, as we would expect under a cleft analysis. To be sure, it is impossible to produce wh-questions without an introductory particle, either the determiner i? or one of the complementizers ki? or ta?. This is shown in the questions in examples (102-103), see also (94) above. (102) *stim'wikantxw (N. Mattina, field notes) stim' wika-n-t-0-xw what saw- n-t-0-2sg "What did you see?" (103) stim' i ? wikantxw stim' i ? wik-an-t-0-xw what det saw-n-t-0-2sg "What did you see?" However, the obligatory presence of a determiner or complementizer is compatible with either a direct movement analysis or a cleft analysis, so it cannot be used as evidence either way. One possible argument for a direct movement analysis along the lines of English comes from 28 the distribution of wh-in-situ. Since a cleft analysis involves the base generation of a wh-predicate in initial position and movement is of an empty operator in an associated relative clause, we do not expect under the cleft analysis to find cases of wh-in-situ. On the other hand, under an English type direct movement analysis, we should find cases of wh-in-situ in multiple wh-questions. Since data on multiple wh-structures in Okanagan is complicated, I will defer discussion of this issue till Chapter 4.9 3.3.3 The Cleft Analysis In section 2.3.7 we saw two strategies for forming clefts in Okanagan. The first involved a predicate nominal with a relative clause in argument position, introduced by the determiner P. The second involved a clefted constituent DP followed by a clause introduced by kP. If wh-questions are identical to cleft structures, we should find wh-words occurring in exactly the same positions as clefted constituents. This prediction is largely borne out by the distribution of wh-words in Okanagan. The wh-words swit and stint' occur most frequently as predicate nominals followed by an Pclause. Example (104) shows the normal pattern of an object wh-question, with the wh-phrase stim' in predicate position, a relative clause introduced by an P determiner, and no special morphology on the embedded predicate. (104) swit i ? wiks swit i ? wik-(n-t)-0-s who that saw-(n-t)-0-3sg "Who did he see?" This is identical to the i? cleft strategy described in 2.3.7; see example (37), repeated below in (105) : 9 The existence of wh-in-situ in echo questions (see footnote 8) provides additional potential evidence along these 29 (105) sfcVcinam P wikntxw sfrVcinam i ? wik-n-t-0-xw deer det saw-n-t-0-2sg "What you saw was a deer." Example (106) below also shows an object wh-phrase in predicate position. (106) stim' Mary P wiks stim' Mary P wik-(n-t)-0-s what Mary that saw-(n-t)-0-3sg "What did Mary see?" This time however, we find the subject DP 'Mary' in a fronted position preceding the clause introduced by P. This is the preferred strategy for forming object wh-questions when both subject and object are animate. The fronted DP, which must correspond to the subject, disambiguates the question, which would otherwise be ambiguous between a subject and an object wh-question. Normally, the proclitic determiner /?may not be separated from the predicate it introduces by anything except another proclitic (for example, a subject pronominal) or a prefix. This accounts for the relative position of the subject DP "Mary" and the determiner: However, it remains an open question whether the DP has been syntactically extracted from the subordinate clause introduced by i'?or whether its position is prosodically conditioned. I leave this issue open for future research. (107) shows the standard way of forming a subject question with swit: (107) swit P wiks Mary swit P wik-(n-t)-0-s Mary who that saw-(n-t)-0-3sg Mary "Who saw Mary?" Again, the wh-word acts as a predicate with a subordinate clause introduced by P. This time the object DP 'Mary' remains in post-verbal position, as we would expect given that objects may not occupy pre-verbal positions in simple clauses in Okanagan (see section 2.3.6). lines. 30 (108) shows another common strategy for forming object wh-questions in Okanagan. (108) stim' ascwik10 stim' a- sc- wik what 2sgposs-perf-saw "What did you see?" Here the predicate of the relative clause introduced by r?has been nominalized. Adopting the analysis proposed in 2.3.7 (see example (89)), I assume that nominalization demotes the original subject to the status of a possessor, and promotes the original direct object to the status of subject. Hence, (86) actually involves subject extraction of a theme. Note that, unlike in non-wh-it/3 cleft structures (see 2.3.7) nominalization is not obligatory for the extraction of objects in wh-questions. This may constitute one significant difference between deleft and ki?cleft structures. It is worth emphasizing that the pattern shown in (104-06) resembles the syntax of ordinary nominal predicates, as shown in (109). (109) taras iskwist (Mattina 1996, 30) taras i- skwist Theresa lsgposs-name "Theresa is my name." It is also worth noting that wh-predicates may appear with ordinary subject pronominals, like any other nominal predicate, as shown in (110): (110) kwswit kw swit you who "Who are you?" See Jelinek (1998) for similar observations on Northern Straits Salish. If wh-phrases in questions with i ? determiners are ordinary nominal predicates, then we have evidence for a cleft analysis, since nominal predicates are generally assumed to be base generated rather than moved to initial position. 31 It appears to be ungrammatical to use an P cleft with an oblique marked nominal, as shown in (111-12), though judgements are somewhat variable here. (111) *t stim John i ? sp'antis Mary t stim John i ? sp'an-t-0-is Mary obi what John det hit-n-t-0-3s Mary "What did John hit Mary with?" (112) *t stim' P sp'ap' t stim' P s-p'-ap' obi what det hit-oocred "What did he get hit with?" The second type of cleft discussed in 2.3.7 above, the ki? cleft, is also commonly used to form wh-questions in Okanagan, more specifically those which involve adjunct extraction. Examples are given in (113-14): (113) kVkinkPwiks kVkin kP wik-(n-t)-0-s where comp saw-(n-t)-0-3sg "Where did he see it?" (114) pan'kin kP kw ?itan pan'kin ki ? kw ?ifan when comp you eat "When did you eat?" (115) sac'kinx kP kw xilam iti? sac'kinx ki ? kw xil- am iti9 why comp you dolike-intr that "Why did you do that?" (116) c'kin ki? kwu siwantxw c'kin ki ? kwu siwa-n-t-0-xw how comp me ask-n-t-0-2sg "How did you ask me?" Oblique marked DP's are also standardly questioned using a ki?-type cleft, as seen in (117-19): 1 0 Note that there is no determiner overtly present in this example. However, this is due to a morpho-phonological process whereby P is standardly deleted before the first and second person possessive pronouns in- and an-therefore I assume a determiner is underlyingly present. (117) t stim' ki? sp'antis t stim' ki ? sp'-an-t-O-is obi what comp hit-an-t-0-3sg "What did he hit it with?" (118) t stim John ki? sp'antis Mary t stim John ki? sp'-an-t-O-is Mary obi what John comp hit- n-t-0-3sg Mary "What did John hit Mary with?" (119) t stim' Id? sp'ap' t stim' ki? sp'ap' obi what comp hit-oocred "What did he get hit with?" It is also sometimes possible, though definitely dispreferred, to form questions with argument wh-words using a ki? cleft. Grammatical examples are given in (120-21); ungrammatical cases are given in (122-23). (120) swit ki? kwis i? pupa?kw swit ki ? kwi(n)-(n-t)-0-sg i ? pupa?kw who comp took- (n-t)-0-sg det book "Who took the book?" (121) swit ki? xwic'4txw i? sqlaw (N. Mattina field notes) swit ki ? xwic'-i-t-0-xw i? sqlaw' who comp give- i-t-0-2sg det money "Who did you give the money to?" (122) *switki?kwis (N. Mattina field notes) swit ki? kwi(n)-(n-t)-0-s who comp took-(nt)-0-3sg "Who took it?" (123) *swit ki? kwu a^cttis inkawap (N. Mattina field notes) swit ki ? kwu pac-i-t-0-is in- kawap who comp me tie-tt-0-3sg lsgposs-horse "Who tied my horse for me?" Note particularly the contrast between (120), which is ungrammatical, and (122) which is identical to (120) except for having an overt object and is fully grammatical. Here we seem to find a One Nominal Effect, where an object must be present post-verbally if the subject is fronted in a 33 ki?cleft. More work is clearly needed here. Finally, adjunct wh-questions may sometimes also be formed using the complementizer ta?, which is frequently shortened to id, as in (124): (124) kVkin Mary *9 xwuy kVkin Mary is xwuy where Mary comp go "Where did Mary go?" (lit. "Where is it that Mary went?") ta? also shows up in N. Mattina's field notes as the preferred way of questioning a possessor. Examples are given in (125-26): (125) swit ixi? ia ? kisisancV i ? '•acantis swit ixi? ia? ki- (i)sis9nc'a? i ? 9ac-an-t-0-is who that comp have-younger brother det tie-n-t-0-3sg "Whose younger brother tied it?" (lit: "Who is it that has a younger brother who tied it?" (126) swit axa? id? kikawap swit axa? ia? ki- kawap who this comp have-horse "Whose horse it this?" (lit: "Who is this who has a horse?" I have not reelicited examples of this type. This is another area for further research. 3.4 Conclusion In this chapter, I have compared three analyses of wh-questions to see which is most compatible with the Okanagan facts. I was able to eliminate the wh-in-situ analysis straightforwardly on the basis of a comparison between word order in non-wh and wh- sentences. However it is much more difficult to tell whether wh-questions in Okanagan are derived by direct wh-movement to SPEC of CP, as in English, or are base generated structured with a wh-word in predicate position and an associated relative clause containing empty operator movement, as argued for other Salish languages. There appears to be evidence - some of it conflicting - for 3 4 both analyses, as summarized in the following table. Figure 10: The Syntax of Wh-words within the Three Analyses Wh-in-situ Direct wh-movement Wh-cleft Wh may occur in argument position Yes Yes No Wh must occur in fronted position No Yes Yes Obligatory presence of complementizer/determiner No Yes Yes Wh word may occur with pronominal clitics No No Yes I conclude that though there is convincing evidence for some kind of A-bar movement in the derivation of wh-questions in Okanagan (and more evidence supporting this conclusion will be presented in Chapter 5), it is at this point unclear whether a direct movement analysis or a cleft analysis is most appropriate for Okanagan wh-questions. Furthermore, there is an asymmetry between j'^ type clefts and kiptype clefts: the former are overwhelmingly preferred for argument wh-questions, and the latter for adjunct wh-questions. The picture is further complicated by the existence of wh-questions with a ta? complementizer, which are used to extract possessors. The distribution of i?, ki? and ta?'m wh-questions is summarized in Figure (11) below. Figure 11: The Distribution of i ?, ki? and ia? in Wh-questions Argument wh Adjunct wh Possessor wh p Yes No ?? kP Yes Yes ?? \a? ?? ?? Yes Given that i? clefts seem to involve a nominal predicate (without a determiner) whereas ki clefts involve DP's (with an obligatory determiner) it seems plausible that both strategies are employed in Okanagan, but for different structures: direct movement is used to derive ki? 35 structures, and clefting to derive i? structures. Much less is known about ta?clefts: this is a topic for future work. 36 Chapter 4 Multiple Wh-questions in Okanagan 4.1 Multiple Wh-questions in Okanagan In this chapter, I will examine multiple wh-questions in Okanagan. It should be emphasized that the data here are highly variable both between speakers and sometimes even for a single speaker. Moreover, no speakers are comfortable with multiple wh-questions given in isolation since their interpretation is highly dependent on particular discourse contexts. It follows that the analysis and conclusions in this chapter are very preliminary and tentative. The chapter is organized as follows: in 4.2,1 will look at multiple wh-questions involving the argument wh-phrases swit and stim', and in 4.3,1 will turn to multiple Wh-questions involving adjunct wh-phrases. It is important to eliminate two potential sources of confusion before we begin. First of all, as pointed out in Chapter 2, wh-phrases may be interpreted as indefinites when in the scope of a polarity licenser such as a question particle as in (127) or negation as in (128): (127) uc stim' wikantxw (N. Mattina field notes) uc stim' wik-an-t-0-xw Qjpart what saw-n-t-0-2sg "Did you see anything?" (128) lut kan t'a ksxwuya?x kVkin lut kan t'a ks-xwuy-a?x k'a?kin neg I emph. irr-go -irr where "I am not going anywhere." In some cases, it also appears to be possible for a wh-in-situ to get an indefinite interpretation in multiple wh- structures. In particular, oblique marked wh-objects of middle intransitive and unergative verbs are interpreted as indefinites in multiple wh-structures, as can be seen in (129-37 30): (129) swit P wikam t stim' swit P wik-am t stim' who det saw-middle obi what "Who saw anything?" (130) pan'kin kP kw ?i*an t stim' pan'kin kP kw ?iian t stim' when that you eat obi what "When did you eat something?" These cases, though interesting in themselves, are not directly relevant to the aims of this chapter, which is exclusively concerned with multiple wh-questions. Second, in-situ wh-phrases in Okanagan may be interpreted emphatically as echo questions, as in English. An example was given in footnote 8 in Chapter 3; another is given below in (131): (131) kw ikskwnixtam t stim' kw i- ks-kwni-x-t-am t stim' you lsgposs-fut-get-x-t-mid obi what "Buy you what?!" (lit: "What am I going to buy for you?") 4.2 Multiple Wh-questions with Argument Wh-phrases It appears to be marginally possible to get non-echo multiple wh-questions with the argument wh-phrases swit and stim'. Speakers who accept these structures seem to prefer to nominalize the predicate when producing multiple wh-questions. compare (132) with (133) and (134) with (135): (132) swit i ? scwiks swit swit P sc- wik-(n-t)-0-s swit who det perf-saw-(n-t)-0-3sg who "Who saw who?" (lit: "Who was whose seeing?") (133) *swit P wiks swit swit P wik-(n-t)-0-s swit who det saw-(n-t)-0-3sg who "Who saw who?" 38 (134) stim' P scnaq s^ swit stim' i ? sc- naq'w-(n-t)-0-s swit what det perf-steal-(n-t)-0-3sg who "Who stole what?" (135) *stim'i? naq s^ swit stim' i ? naq^n-tJ-O-s swit what det steal-(n-t)0-3sg who "What stole who?" It is possible that nominalization here is used as a disambiguation strategy. When the predicate is nominalized the fronted wh-phrase is identified unambiguously as the object (see sections 2.3.7 and 3.3.3). However, note that nominalization is not absolutely obligatory in multiple wh-questions: the following sentence without nominalization was also accepted: (136) swit i ? wiks stim' swit P wik-(n-t)-0-s stim' who det saw-(n-t)-0-3sg what "Who saw what?" (lit: "Who is the one that saw what?") It is unclear whether any of these multiple wh-questions have the canonical pair-list interpretation associated with 'true' multiple wh-quantifiers in English. When I attempted to elicit a pair-list interpretation, my speakers volunteered reduplicated wh- forms, which are typically used in plural contexts. (137) suswit ascwkwik t sp'ankin su- swit a- sc- wk wik t spankin plred-swit 2sgposs.-perf-plred-saw obi. when "Who did you see when?" Notice that the verb wik "to see" is also reduplicated here, indicating distributivity. 4.3 Multiple Wh-questions with Adjunct Wh-phrases Multiple Wh-questions with an argument and an adjunct wh-phrase also appear to be possible for at least some speakers. Examples are given in (138-40): 39 (138) stim' asc'ifan k'a?kin stim' a sc'iian kVkin what 2sgposs-nom-eat where "What did you eat where?" (139) stim' P ?iiantxw kVkin stim' P ?if-an-t-0-xw kVkin what det eat-n-t-0-2sg where "What did you eat where?" (140) swit P wiks t spankin swit P wik-(n-t)-0-s t spankin who det saw-(n-t)-0-3sg obi when "Who saw it when?" (141) stim' ka? ica?ntixw sac'kinx stim' ka? f- ca?-n-t-0-ixw sac'kinx what comp dir-hit-n-t-0-2sg why "What did you hit why?" In these cases a relatively clear superiority-like effect emerges, as the preferred order of multiple wh-elements is for the argument wh-DP to be fronted and the adjunct wh-DP to be in-situ. Thus, compare (136-139) with the questionable examples in (142-144) (142) ?? k'a?kin kP kw ?rfan t stim'11 kVkin ki? kw ?ifan t stim' where comp you eat obi what "Where did you eat what?" (143) ??t span'kin ki? wiks swit t span'kin ki? wik-(n-t)-0-s swit obi when comp saw-(n-t)-0-3sg who "When did he see who?" (144) ??sac'kfnx ka? tca?ntixw t stim' sac'kinx ka? i- ca?-n-t-0-ixw t stim' how is it, what's the matter comp dir-hit-n-t-0-2sg obi what "How is it that you hit what or something?" "What's the matter that you hit what or something?" 1 1 ?tian is intransitive in this construction. Note, however that the superiority effect seen here is exactly the opposite of that which is standardly reported for English, where in multiple wh- cases with an argument and an adjunct, the adjunct typically fronts and the argument remains in-situ. This is shown in (145-147) (145) a. ??What did you eat where? b. Where did you eat what? (146) a. ??Who did he see when? b. When did he see who? (147) a. *What did you hit how? b. ??How did you hit what? The Superiority Condition is usually conceived as a constraint on the order of extracting, wh-elements in sentences containing more than one wh-element. The condition says that if A is superior to B then any movement affecting A must take place on a lower cycle than that affecting B. Superiority is a structural notion defined in terms of c-command as in the definition in (148) from Chomsky (1973): (148) XP is superior to YP if XP and YP are in the same D? and XP c-commands YP This means that if Okanagan prefers to move argument wh-phrases rather than adjunct wh-phrases in multiple wh-structures, but English prefrs to do the reverse, the relative structural positions of adjuncts and arguments in the two languages must also be reversed, with far reaching consequences for the analyses of clause structure in Okanagan. Obviously, this is an important area for future research. It does not appear to be possible to produce multiple wh-questions containing two or more adjunct wh- phrases. When such questions are elicited, speakers tend to produce coordinated structures such as those in (100-01), repeated below as (149-50) 41 (149) swit sac'kinx ka? ica?ntixw swit ut sac'kinx ka? i- ca?-n-t-0-ixw who and why comp dir-hit-n-t-0-2sg "Who and why did you hit?" (150) t spankin ui k'a?kin ki? wiks t spankin ul: k'a?kin ki? wik-(n-t)-0-s obi when and where comp saw-(n-t)-0-3sg "When and where did he see it?" The absence of multiple wh-questions with adjunct wh-phrases in-situ is a part of the larger generalization that adjunct wh-phrases are never found anywhere except in fronted positions in Okanagan. This suggests that a cleft analysis might be appropriate for adjuncts, whereas the presence of argumant wh-phrases in-situ in multiple wh-structures argues for a direct mvement analysis. This is puzzling, however, in the light of the data presented in Chapter 3, where a direct movement analysis appeared more promising for adjuncts in ki? clauses than for arguments in i? clauses. Clearly, further research is necessary to resolve this issue. 42 Chapter 5 Long Range Wh-questions and Island effects 5.1 Introduction In this chapter, I will examine long-range wh-questions and island constraints in Okanagan. I will concentrate on the following island effects: the Complex NP Constraint (CNPC), the Wh-Island Constraint, and the Adjunct Island Constraint, also known as the Condition on Extraction Domains (CED). First however, I will show in 5.2 that long-range wh- dependencies are indeed possible in Okanagan. 5.2 Long-range Wh-questions Long range extraction out of a complement clause is possible in Okanagan, as examples (151-161) show. Examples (151-154) show argument extraction and examples (155-161) show adjunct extraction. Note that in (157-161) the adjunct wh-phrase maybe interpreted as modifying either the main clause or the embedded clause. (151) stim' Paul P scwiks a? ck^ul'sts Sam/2 stim' Paul i ? sc -wik-(n-t)- 0- s a? c k^ ul'-s-t-O- s Sam what Paul det perf saw-(n-t)-0-3sg det cust- make-s-t-0-3sg Sam "What did Paul see Sam making?" (152) swit kw nstils Paul P scwiks a? ck^ul'sts P p'ina? swit kw nstils Paul P sc- wik- (n-t)-0-s a? c -k^ ul'-s-t-O-s P p'ina? who 2s think Paul det perf -saw-(n-f)-0-3sg det cust-make-s-t-0-3sg det basket "Who do you think Paul saw making a basket?" (153) swit P kwu cuntxw P k^ul's P p'ina? swit P kwu cu(n)-n-t-0-xw P k^ ul^ n-tJ-O-s P p'ina? who det me tell- n-t-0-2sg det made-(nt)-0-3sg det basket "Who did you tell me that fixed the basket?" 1 2 Note that the determiner is realized here and in (140) is a?rather than /'?due to a morphophonological rule: see 2.1.1 for details. 43 (154) stim' i? kwu cuntxwJohn i? sck^ul's stim' P kwu cu(n)-n-t-0-xw John P sc- k'wul'(n-t)-0-s what det me tell- n-t-0-2sg John det pperf-fix- (n-t)-0-3sg "What did you tell me John fixed?" (155) ?akin kw scutxjohn P p'ina? i? sck'wul's ?akin kw sc-(c)ut-x John P p'ina? P sc- k^ ul'hi-tJ-O-s which you perf-tell-imp John det basket det pperf-fix- (n-t)-0-3sg "Which basket did you say John fixed?" (156) ?akin i? sqaltmixw kwu cuntxw P p'ina? P sck^ul's ?akin P sqaltmixw k^i cu(n)-n-t-0-xw P p'ina? P sc- k^ ul^ n-tJ-O-s which det man me tell- n-t-0-2sg det basket det pperf-fix- (n-t)-0-3sg "Which man did you tell me fixed the basket?" (157) k'a?kin ki? kwu cuntxwJohn ta? k'wul's i? p'ina? k'a?kinki? kwu cu(n)-n-t-0-xw John ta? k^ ul^ n-tJ-O-s i? p'ina? where comp me tell- n-t-0-2sg John comp make-(nt)-0-3sg det basket "Where did you tell me John fixed the basket?" (158) t spankin ki? kwu cuntxwJohn ta? k^ul's i? p'ina? t spankin ki? kwu cu(n)-n-t-0-xwJohn ta? k'wul'(n-t)-0-s i? p'ina? obi when comp you tell- n-t-0-2sg John comp fix- (n-t)-0-3sg det basket "When did you tell me John fixed the basket?" (159) t span'kin ki? cuntsan cani k^ul's i? p'ina? t span'kin ki? cu(n)-n-t- s- an cani k^ul'- (n-t)-0-s i? p'ina? obi when comp tell- n-t-3s-ls John make-(n-t)-0-3sg det basket "When did I tell you John fixed the basket?" (160) c'kin' ki? kwu cuntxwJohn ta? sck^ul' i? p'ina? c'kin' ki? kwu cu(n)-n-t-0-xw John ta? sc- k^uf i? p'ina? how comp me tell- n-t-0-2sg John comp pperf-fix det basket "How did you tell me John fixed the basket?" (161) sac'kinx ki? kwu cuntxwJohn i? k^ul's i? p'ina? sac'kinx ki? kwu cu(n)-n-t-0-xw John i? k^ ul^ n-tJ-O-s i? p'ina? why comp me tell- n-t-0-2sg John det fix- (n-t)-0-3sg det basket "Why did you tell me John fixed the basket?" Note that the embedded predicate in these examples is frequently but not automatically nominalized: compare for example (160) with nominalization of the predicate sck^ul with (161) where the same predicate is not nominalized and surfaces as k^ul's. The difference cannot be due to the status of the wh-phrase, since in both cases an adjunct is being extracted. 44 5.3 The Complex Noun Phrase Constraint The Complex Noun Phrase Constraint (CNPC: Ross 1967) can be stated as in (162) (Culicover, 1995): (162) No element contained in a sentence dominated by an NP may be extracted from that NP. The English declarative sentences in (163) to (164) and the related questions in (165) to (167) illustrate this constraint. (162) I believe that Stefan saw something. (163) I believe the claim that Stefan saw something. (164) I know the man who saw something. (165) *What do you believe that Stefan saw ? (166) * What do you believe the claim that Stefan saw ? (167) *What do you know the man who saw ? The CNPC holds in Okanagan, as shown by the contrast between the examples in (168) which contains a relative clause, and (169) where the wh-word stim' has been extracted from inside a relative clause. (168) wikan P sq3ltmixw P sck^ul's i ? pina? wik-(n-t)-0-3n i ? sqaltmixw P sc- k^ ul^ n-tJ-O-s P p'ina9 saw-(n-t)-0-lsg det man det pperf-fix- (n-t)-0-3sg det basket "I saw [the man that fixed the basket]." (169) *stim' kP wik9ntxw P sqaltmixw P sck^uls'13 stim'kP wik3n-t-0-xw P sq3ltmixw P sc-k^ ul^ n-tJ-O-s what comp saw-n-t-0-2sg det man comp pperf-fix-(n-t)-0-3sg "What did you see [the man that fixed]?" The consultant commented: "You can't question what the man was fixing, if you want to question what the man was fixing then you need two sentences. You can say: 45 (170) wikan i? sqltmixw. stim' a? sck'wulsts? wik-(n-t)-0-an i? sqltmixw. stim' a? sc- k^ ul^ n-tJ-O-s-saw-(n-t)-0-lsg det man. what det perf-make-(n-t)-0-3sg "I saw the man. What is he fixing?" 5.4 The Wh-Island Constraint The Wh-Island Constraint states that: (171) A wh dependency cannot cross the boundary of a subordinate wh-question. This constraint is illustrated in the declarative sentence (172) and the related question in (173) (Borsley, 1991). (172) I wonder what he did to her. (173) *Who do you wonder what he did to ? Okanagan exhibits Wh-Island Effects as shown by the contrast between example (174), containing an embedded question, and examples (175-176) where a wh-phrase has been extracted from a wh-complement clause. (174) kwu siwntxw k'a?kin ki? k'wul's John P p'ina? kwu siw-n-t-0-xw k'a?kin ki? k'wul'(n-t)-0-s John i? p'ina? me ask-n-t-0-2sg where comp fix- (n-t)-0-3sg John det basket "You ask me where John fixed the basket." (175) *stim' ki? kwu siw3ntxw k'a?kin ki? k^ul's John? stim' ki? kwu siw-an-t-0-xw k'a?kin ki? k'wul'(n-t)-0-s John? what comp me ask- nt-0-2sg where comp fix- (n-t)-0-3sg John "What did you ask me where John fixed?" (176) *swit ki? kwu siwantx" k'a?kin ki? k^ul's i? p'ina? switki? kwu siw-an-t-0-xw k'a?kin ki? k l^'(n-t)-0-s i? p'ina? who comp me ask-n-t-0-2sg where comp fix- (n-t)-0-3sg det basket "Who did you ask me where fixed the basket?" The following sentences show that wh-island effects can also be detected with adjunct extraction. Though, as we saw in examples (159-161) adjuncts may be extracted from embedded complement 1 3 For one fluent speaker, this sentence is grammatical. 46 clauses, leading to an interpretation where the adjunct modifies the embedded predicate, this interpretation is impossible with a wh-complement clause, as shown in (167-169). (177) pn'kin ki? kwu siwantxw k'a?kin ki? k^ul's John i? p'ina9 pn'kinki? kwu siw-an-t-0-xw k'a?kin ki? k'wul'(n-t)-0-s John P p'ina? when comp me ask- n-t-0-2sg where comp fix- (n-t)-0-3sg John det basket "When did you ask me [where John fixed the basket]?" i.e. "When did you do the asking?" not "When did John fix the basket?" (178) sac'kinx ki? kwu siwantxw k'a?kin ki? k^ul'sjohn i? p'ina? sac'kinx ki? kwu siw-an-t-0-xw k'a?kin ki? k^ ul^ n-tJ-O-s John i? p'ina? why that you ask- n-t-0-2sg where comp fix- (n-t)-0-3sg John det basket "Why did you ask me [where John fixed the basket]?" i.e "Why did you do the asking?" not "Why did John fix the basket?" (179) c'kin ki kwu siwantxw k'a?kin ki? k^ul's i? p'ina? John c'kin ki kwu siw-an-t-0-xw k'a?kin ki? k'wul'(n-t)-0-s i? p'ina? John how comp me ask- n-t-0-2sg where comp fix- (n-t)-0-3sg det basket John "How did you ask me [where John fixed the basket]?" "How did you ask?" not "Where did John fix the basket?" (180) k'a?kin ki? kwu siwantxw p'nkin ki? k^ul'sjohn i? p'ina? k'a?kinki? kwu siw-an-t-0-xw p'nkin ki? k*uf(n-t)-0-s John i? p'ina? where comp me ask- n-t-0-2sg when comp fix- (n-t)-0-3sg John det basket "Where did you ask me [when John fixed the basket?" "Where did you ask me?" not "When did John fix the basket?" 5.5 Adjunct Islands The Adjunct Island Constraint states that: (181) A wh dependency cannot cross the boundary of an adverbial expression. This constraint is illustrated in (182) and (183) (Borsley, 1991). (182) He criticized Chomsky without reading Aspects. (183) *What did he criticize Chomsky without reading ? Okanagan exhibits Adjunct Island effects, as illustrated in the contrast between the grammatical examples in (184-86) containing adjunct clauses, and their ungrammatical counterparts in (187-89), where a wh-phrase has been extracted from the adjunct clause. 4 7 (184) John ta?li? "-imt afi? Mari m^ as P p'ina? John ta?li? '•imt afi? Mari m^ a- (n-t)-0-s i ? p'ina? John very angry because Mary broke-(n-t)-0-3sg det basket "John was angry because mary broke the basket." (185) John cam' ta?li? ''imt Mari ie m'-as P p'ina?s John John cam' ta'lf5 ''imt Mari ie m^ a- (n-t)-0-s P p'tna-'-s J O D n John may very angry Mary comp break-(n-t)-0-3sg det basket-3sgposs John "John may be angry if Mary broke John's basket." (186) Mari cam' ta?b? limt ta? k'wul's John P p'ina? Mari cam' ta?]P limt ta? k'wul'(n-t)-0-s John P p'ina? Mary may very happy comp fix- (n-t)-0-3sg John det basket "Mary may be happy when John fixes the basket." (187) *stim' ki? John i^mt aii? Mari m^ as stim' ki ? John '•imt a.iP Mari m a^- (n-t)-0-s what comp John angry because Mary broke-(n-t)-0-3sg "What was John angry because Mary broke?" (188) *s_m' kPJohn cam' '•imt Mari fa m5as *stim' kP John cam' '•imt Mari fa m a^- (n-t)-0-s what comp John may angry Mary comp break-(n-t)-0-3sg "What will John be angry if Mary broke?" (189) *stim' kP Mari cam' tall? limt ta? k'wul's John *stim'kf> Mari cam' ta?\P limt fa? k^ul-fn-tJ-O* John what comp Mary may very happy comp fix- (n-t)-0-3sg John "What will Mary be happy if John fixes?" 5.6 Conclusion In this chapter we have seen that Okanagan allows long distance wh-dependencies which are sensitive to standard island constraints. This shows that there is syntactic movement in Okanagan wh-questions, though the facts are consistent with either a simple wh-movement analysis where the wh-phrase itself moves, or a cleft analysis where the wh-phrase is base generated in a pre-predicative focus position and linked to a gap via empty operator movement in an associated relative clause. 48 Chapter 6 Conclusion 6.1 Introduction This thesis is the first work devoted specifically to the syntax of wh-questions in a Southern Interior Salish language. As such, it provides a descriptive foundation for future work on the syntax of Okanagan, as well as forming the basis for comparative investigation of wh-questions both within the Southern Interior branch of the Salish family and between the Southern Interior and other better known branches. In this brief concluding chapter, I will summarize the major findings of this thesis (6.2), indicate some of the more important implications of the research reported here (6.3), and suggest some directions for future research (6.4). 6.2 Summary of Findings After an introduction to the syntactic properties of Okanagan in Chapter 2, where I established the basic word patterns for clauses and described the distribution of determiners and complementizers in cleft constructions, the main findings of the thesis are contained in Chapters 3, 4, and 5. In Chapter 3,1 compared three potential analyses of wh-questions, each of which is independently attested in a cross-linguistic context. I showed that a wh-in-situ analysis was not viable for Okanagan on the basis of a comparison of word order possibilities in non-wh sentences and wh-questions. I then turned to the other two possible analyses, a wh-movement analysis along the lines of English, and a cleft analysis, as suggested for other Salish languages by Davis et al 49 (1993) and Kroeber (1991, 1999). Choosing between these analyses proved much more difficult: evidence exists both for and against each analysis, and I was unable to choose between them. In Chapter 4,1 examined multiple wh-questions in Okanagan. Though grammaticality judgements were highly variable, it appears possible for at least some speakers to produce multiple wh-questions with either two argument wh-phrases or an argument and an adjunct wh-phrase. The latter type of multiple wh-question showed an interesting type of reverse superiority effect: speakers consistently preferred to place the argument wh-phrase in pre-verbal position and the adjunct wh-phrase in post-verbal position. If this really is a superiority effect, it implies that the relative structural positions of adjuncts and arguments are the opposite of those found in English. In Chapter 5,1 turned to the investigation of long-range wh-dependencies. First of all, I established that such dependencies are indeed possible: as far as I know, this is the first time this has been demonstrated for Okanagan or indeed for any Southern Interior Salish language. I went on to show that long-range dependencies are sensitive to at least three standard island constraints: the Complex Noun Phrase Constraint, the Wh-Island Constraint and the Adjunct Island Constraint. 6.3 Implications Though I was unable to choose conclusively between a wh-movement and a wh-cleft analysis for wh-questions, in either case my research unequivocally establishes the existence of A-bar movement dependencies in Okanagan. This is particularly clearly demonstrated by the existence of long-range movement subject to island effects, as shown in Chapter 5. Moreover, the existence of adjunct/argument asymmetries, as shown in Chapter 4 by reverse superiority effects in multiple 50 wh-questions and in Chapter 5 by the existence of adjunct island effects, argues strongly that there must be a configurational basis for the argument/adjunct distinction, contrary to the claims of the Pronominal Argument Hypothesis (see e.g. Jelinek and Demers 1994 on Northern Straits Salish). Another important consequence of this work is the distinction between two types of focus structure in Okanagan. On the one hand, as in other Salish languages, a nominal predicate (including a wh-predicate based on the argument wh-words swit and stim') may occur with a relative clause introduced by the determiner i ?; on the other hand both adjunct and argument DP's (including wh-adjuncts) may occur in cleft structures introduced by one of the complementizers Jd?and ta?. Though this distinction corresponds in some ways to that between 'bare' and 'introduced' clefts in other Salish languages (see Kroeber 1999, pg. 370-373), the details of the introduced cleft construction in particular differ in significant ways from the rest of Salish. It remains to be seen how other Southern Interior languages behave in this respect. 6.4 Future Research Due to limitations of time and space, there are a number of issues that I have not been able to cover here, which merit further investigation. To start with, I have deliberately set aside wh-indefinites: a thorough investigation of their distribution and licensing is clearly warranted at this point. Another area which needs more work concerns the use of nominalization in wh- extraction contexts; I have not undertaken a systematic examination of its distribution in this thesis. In addition, more systematic elicitation is necessary to solidify the tentative conclusions reached here on multiple wh- structures: in particular it will be important in the future to elicit such complex structures in appropriate discourse contexts rather than in isolation. There are many other areas which I have not even begun to investigate, including cross-over effects, and other island effects; 51 it is my hope that the work reported in this thesis will serve as a basis for further and more extensive investigation of the syntax of Okanagan. 52 References Borsley, Robert D. Syntactic Theory: a unified approach. New York: E. Arnold, 1990. Cheng, Lisa. "On the Typology of Wh-Questions" Ph.D. Dissertation, MIT, 1990. Chomsky, Noam. "Condition on transformations." In A Festschrift for Morris Halle, eds. Anderson, S. and P. Kiparskey. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1973. 232-86. . The logical structure of linguistic theory. New York: Plenum, 1977. Culicover, Peter. Principles and Parameters: an introduction to syntactic theory. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991. Czaykowska-Higgins, Ewa and M. Dale Kinkade. Salish languages and linguistics: current ; theoretical and descriptive perspectives. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1998. Davis, Henry, Dwight Gardiner, and Lisa Matthewson. ".A comparative look at Wh-questions in Northern Interior Salish." Paper presented at the 28th International Conference on Salish and Neighbouring Languages, Seattle, August 19-21, 1993. En'owkin Centre. Class Notes. 1994 . "axa?kwu suknaqinxi?scq'aq'ay'tdt ta nqilxwcdn" Penticton BC, 1993. . "suknaqinx a?ks?a?um i? ta nqilxwc9n" Penticton BC, 1993. Gardiner, Dwight. "Topic and Focus in Shuswap." In Salish languages and linguistics: current theoretical and descriptive perspectives, Czaykowska-Higgins, Ewa and M. Dale Kinkade eds. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1998. 275-304. Gerdts, Donna. Object and Absolutive in Halkomelem Salish. New York: Garland Publishing, 1988. Hebert, Yvonne. "Transitivity in Nicola Lake Okanagan" PhD. Dissertation, University of British Columbia, 1982. Huang, James. "Logical Relations in Chinese and The Theory of Grammar.'" Ph.D. Dissertation, MIT, 1982. Jelinek, Eloise. "Wh-Clefts in Lummi." Paper presented at the 33rd International Conference on Salish and Neighbouring Languages, University of Washington, Seattle, August 5-7, 1998. Jelinek, Eloise, and Richard Demers. "Constraints on arguments in Lummi." Paper presented at the 20th International Conference on Salish and Neighbouring Languages, Vancouver, B.C., 1985. 53 Kroeber, Paul "Anti-passives and the differentiation of Progressive Aspect in Southern Interior Salish." Papers from the 22nd Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistics Society, Part 1, 1986. 75-89. - . "Comparative syntax of subordination in Salish" Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1991. . The Salish Language Family: Reconstructing Syntax. Lincoln Neb.: University of Nebraska Press, 1999. Mattina, Anthony Colville Grammatical Structure, PhD. Dissertation, University of Hawaii Working Papers in Linguistics 5:4, 1973. . "The Colville-Okanagan transitive system." International Journal of American Linguistics 48: 421-435, 1982. . The Golden Woman: The Colville Narrative of Peter J. Seymour. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1985. . Colville-Okanagan Dictionary. University of Montana Occasional Papers in Linguistics, 5. Missoula: University of Montana, 1987. . "Okanagan Aspect: a working paper." Paper presented at the 28th International Conference on Salish and Neighbouring Languages, 1993. 233-263. . "-tuft- and more on Okanagan transitive forms." Papers for the 29th International Conference on Salish and Neighbouring Languages, Salish and Kootenai College, Pablo MT, 1994. 204-231. Mattina, Nancy "Some lexical properties of Colville-Okanagan ditransitives." Papers for the 28th International Conference on Salish and Neighbouring Languages, University of Washington, Seattle, 1993. 265-284. . Aspect and Category in Okanagan Word Formation, PhD. Dissertation, Simon Fraser University, Vancouver BC, 1996. . Notes on Colville-Okanagan Word Order. Occasional Working Papers in Linguistics. Simon Fraser University Proceedings of the 10th North West Linguistic Conference. Feb 19-20, 1994. 93-102. . "roots, bases, stems in Colville-Okanagan." Papers for the 29th International Conference on Salish and Neighbouring Languages, Salish and Kootenai College, Pablo MT, 1994. 232-242. Ross, J. R. "Constraints on Variables in Syntax" Ph.D. Dissertation, MIT, 1967. Rudin, Catherine. "On Multiple Questions and Multiple Wh-fronting." Natural Language and 54 LinguisticTtheory. 6: 445-501, 1988. Watkins, Donald. "A description of the phonemes and position classes in the morphology of Head of the Lake Okanagan (Salish)." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Alberta, 1970. 55 APPENDIX 56 LANGUAGE AND CULTURE PLAN THEME TITLE: ACQUIRING INFORMATION UNIT DEVELOPER(S): Maxine Baptiste LANGUAGE: Okanagan GRADE LEVEL(S): 8_H APPROXIMATE TIME: 4-6 weeks INTRODUCTION TO THE UNIT: This unit is designed to be taught at the high school level or to adult learners where the students have some background in Okanagan grammar. Wh-questions are an integral part of Okanagan language speaking. Therefore the lessons in this unit should be introduced after the students have had some practice and experience with introductions and greetings as well as basic conversation and asking simple questions such as "Where is the bathroom?" These lessons can be taught using experiential methods where the student experiences real-life situations where questions and answers are warranted. TPR can also be used as well as the communicative method where the students make requests, ask questions and give preferences. Each lesson is designed with practice activities and follow-up activities so that the student is not doing paper work for the entire class but is taking an active part in his/her learning. PURPOSE AND THEME STATEMENT: To provide a basis of communication where students will have the ability to acquire information using question words and demonstratives within dialogue, through story and within actual situations and contexts. KEY CONCEPTS AND INTEGRATING IDEAS: Appropriate use of question words to gain information, to interact with peers as to preferences and interests, to participate in dialogue, and to use the determiner i?and the complementizer A/'? with the appropriate question word. ACTIVITIES AND LEARNING EXPERIENCES Objective: Through active communication of question answer forms, the student will become proficient in acquiring information. Setting the Stage: The introductory lessons will introduce the student to the basic use of the wh-words swit and stim', the determiner /?and the complementizer /a?and the demonstratives axa?this, ix/?that, iZr'that there, a7a?this here, akWower here, ik'li?ovQr there. The wh-words k'a?kin "where," pn'kin "when," ?akin "which," sgc'kinx "why," tla?kin "from where," with the complementizer A/?will be examined in succeeding lessons. Comprehensive Input: The students will use pattern phrases to acquire information about objects, location, time, manner preferences and needs. 57 Guided Practice: The student will expand their knowledge base by using the vocabulary associated with question phrases through oral practice, story board sequencing, engaging in question/answer dialogues. Practice Activity: the student will demonstrate concepts learned through basic conversation using common questions and answer phrases by role playing, and storytelling. Follow-up Activity: The student will demonstrate proficiency by participating in language use and reproduction of the question/answer structures amongst peers through small group dialogues, dialogue with elders/fluent speakers, acquiring and understanding information conveyed through story, having needs/wants met. ASSESSMENT STRATEGIES: Observation of the students' active class participation and active language use within a variety of settings, Observation of the students' ability to expand their knowledge base through practice and language use in a variety of formats. Observation of the students' ability to communicate using vocabulary and phrases learned. RESOURCES, TEXTS AND SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIALS: En'owkin Centre. 1994. En'owkin's Indian Language Book pupa?kw. n?awqn i ? sck^ul's i ? sc^ 'a^ 'ac ta nqilxwcan. Penticton, B.C. . 1994 Okanagan Indian Language Pronunciation Drills suknaqinx ia? ks?a?um i ? ta nqilxwcan. Penticton, B.C. . 1994 Okanagan Readings for the The En'owkin Centre & The Colville Language Preservation Program. kwu suknaqinx a cx?it i ? sc^V-'ac'tat. Penticton, B.C. . 1994 Okanagan Writings: Elders'Stories axa? i? kwu suknaqinx i ? scq'aq'ay'tat ta nqilxwc3n. Penticton, B.C. Anthony Mattina. 1987. Colville-Okanagan Dictionary. University of Montana Occasional Papers in Linguistics, 5. Missoula: University of Montana 58 FIRST LESSON PLAN TOPIC: ACQUIRING INFORMATION: stirri "what," and swit "who," with demonstratives GOAL OF WHOLE UNIT: To provide a basis of communication where students will have the ability to acquire information using question words within dialogue situations through story and within actual situations and contexts. The student, through role-playing will be able to communicate effectively by asking questions and responding to same using the Okanagan language. SET: Part 1 .stim7 "what," and swit "who," are used together with the demonstratives ('pointing words') axa'^ 'this," in?"that," "that there," _/_?"this here," akla?"o\ex here," ifr2P"over there." Table 1 : stim', swit, with demonstratives stim swit stim' ixi? stim' axa? stim' ilP stim' ala? stim' akla? stim' ik'li? What is that? What is this? What is that there? What is this here? What is this over here? What is that over there? swit ixi? swit axa? swit ili? swit ala? swit akla? swit ik'li? Who is that? Who is this? Who is that there? Who is this here? Who is this over here? Who is that over there? Table 2: Object list Clothing Kitchen Items Animals Stationary qVxan shoe fafaxw dress lasmist shirt lkapu coat qwacqan hat fuman spoon lp^ 'ot cup fkap pail nik'man knife snurislptan stove skamxist bear sfcVcinam deer kakwap dog st'am a^lt cow xw<ilxw fox q ay mm paper xwuknvmin eraser pupa?kw book t'ifman glue sq'ay'xix letter Method: • Each student will use the question words stirri' and swit with demonstratives using Table 1. 59 • Using TPR and the objects in the room, the teacher can hold up or point to items and • ask the question stim' axdp "What is this?" while also using the other demonstrative words as well. • Using TPR and the persons in the room, the teacher can point to different persons and ask the question swit _xa"?"Who is this?" while also using the other demonstrative words as well. Part 2: Answers • Using Table 2 along with the objects in the room or pictures of the objects listed here in Table 3, the student can answer axa? qa?xan "This is a shoe." Table 3: Answers ixi? q'a?xan That is a shoe. axa? q'a?xan This is a shoe. iii? That there is a ala? This here is a ik'li? That over there is a ak'la? This over here is a COMPREHENSIVE INPUT: Each student repeats the sentences above in Parts 1 and 2. • Practice demonstrative words with stim' "what" and swit "who." • Practice answering the questions in Table 1 with the objects in Table 2. • Find other objects in the Okanagan Dictionary to use in the question/answer sequences. • Using pictures in magazines, ask the questions stim' "what and swit "who." PRACTICE ACTIVITY: • Role play in pairs the question/answer dialogues with objects in the room. • Each student can demonstrate their knowledge by asking questions about items that belong to other students such as items of clothing or stationary. FOLLOW-UP ACTIVITY: • Play a proximity game where the students use the appropriate demonstrative and say "I see a , here, there, over there, etc. and ask "What is it?" 60 ASSESSMENT: • Video the role-playing of the students in pairs or groups. • Active participation, and willingness to exceed the activity to learn additional words or phrases. 61 SECOND LESSON PLAN TOPIC: ACQUIRING INFORMATION: k'a?kin "where," ?akin "which," with the determiner P GOAL OF WHOLE UNIT: To provide a basis of communication where students will have the ability to acquire information using question words within dialogue situations through story and within actual situations and contexts. The student, through role-playing will be able to communicate effectively by asking questions and responding to same using the Okanagan language. SET: Part 1: The Determiner P. In lesson one, we saw questions with demonstratives. In this lesson we will see questions with the determiner P. In Okanagan, P occurs before nouns, before adjectives, and before possessives. For example, in Okanagan you say: Plasmist "the shirt," and you also say Pkwri?Plasmist"the yellow the shirt" and Plasmists "the his shirt." In Okanagan, ypis used where the English language would use "the" or "a." Table 4 shows the differences between Okanagan and English determiners. Table 4: Okanagan Determiner P, English determiners "the" and "a" Okanagan P English "the" English "a" With nouns P lasmist the shirt The shirt A shirt With Adjective/noun sequence i ? kwrP P lasmist the yellow shirt *The yellow the shirt * A yellow a shirt Possessives i ? lasmists his shirt *The his shirt *A his shirt Table 5: Adjective List Colors Size kwri ? -yellow cax red qw<?ay blue yus purple piq white k'wak'wvuma? small (sg) silxwa? big (sg) C3cama?t small (pi.) p'isJtVt big (pi.) wisxan long 62 In Okanagan, the possessives in- "my" and an- "your" (sg.) are prefixes, that is, they are attached to the front of the possessed noun. The possessives -s "his/hers," -tot "our", -amp "your" (pi,) and -salx "their" are suffixes, that is, they are attached to the end of the possessed noun. Table 6: Okanagan Possessives Possessives Examples 1st person singular 2nd person singular 3rd person singular 1st person plural 2nd person plural 3 r d person plural in- my an- your (sg.) -s his/her -tat our -amp your -salx their inlasmist my shirt anlasmist your shirt P lasmists his shirt P lasmistat our shirt i ? lasmistamp your shirts P lasmistsalx their shirts Table 7: Determiner /pwith nouns, with adjectives and nouns and with possessives. Determiner P with nouns Determiner P with adjectives and nouns Determiner i ? with possessives P q'a?xan the shoe P tataxw the dress P lasmist the shirt i ? Ikapu the coat P qwacqan the hat P kwrP P q'a?xan the yellow shoe P kwri? i ? iaiaxw the yellow dress P kwri? P lasmist the yellow shirt i ? kwrP i ? Ikapu the yellow coat P kwri ? P qwacqan the yellow hat P kakwaps his dog P kakwaptat our dog P kakwapamp your dog (pi.) P kakwapsalx their dog Method: • Each student can choose objects or adjectives from Tables 2 and 5 and compile sentences using the determiner P. For example: P cax P qa?xan "the red shoe." or Psilxwa P q'a?xan "the big shoe." Each student can choose objects, or adjectives from Tables 2 and 5 and possessives from Table 6 and compile sentences using the determiner. For example: Psilxwa P'kakwap "the big dog." or Psilxwa P q'a?xans "his big shoe." Part 2: k'apkfn "where" and ?akin "which" with the determiner P The determiner Poccurs in questions with k'a?kin "where" and ?akin "which." Here are some examples using k'a?kin "where" and ?akin "which" with nouns, noun/adjective sequences and with possessives. 1) k'a?kin P qVxan Where is the shoe? 63 2) kVkin P kwri ? P qVxan Where is the yellow shoe? 3) k'a?kin inkakwap Where is my dog? 1) ?akin P q'a?xan Which shoe? 2) ?akin P kwvP P qVxan Which yellow shoe? 3) ?akin inkakwap Which one is my dog? Method: • Using the object list in table 2 and the words k'a?kin "where" and ?akm " which" formulate sentences similar to the ones in examples (1-6) above. Part 3: Practice with k'a?kin "where" and ?akin "which" in formulating sentences Answers to "where" or "which" can be formulated using demonstratives or adjective/noun sequences such as the following examples in Table 8: Table 8 Question/Answer sequences with demonstratives Question: k'a?kin P q'a?xan Where is the shoe? Answers ixP P q'a?xan axa? P qVxan ixP i ? kwri ? i ? q'a?xan ik'h? P q'a?xans That is the shoe. This is the shoe. That is the yellow shoe. This over here is his shoe. Table 9: k'a?kin "where" with nouns, with adjective/noun sequences and with possessives. kVkin "where" with nouns k'a?kin P q'a?xan kVkin P taf axw k'a?kin i ? lasmist kVkin P lkapu k,a?kin P qwacqan Where is the shoe? Where is the dress? Where is the shirt? Where is the coat? Where is the hat? kVkin "where" with adjectives and nouns k'a?kin P kwri ? P q'a?xan kVkin P kwri? P taf axw k'a?kin P kwri ? i ? lasmist k'a?kin P kwri ? P lkapu k'a^ Tdn i ? kwri? P qwacqan Where is the yellow shoe? Where is the yellow dress? Where is the yellow shirt? Where is the yellow coat? Where is the yellow hat? 64 kVkin "where" with possessives k'a?kin inkakwap k'a?kin ankakwap kVkin P kakwaps k'a?kin P kakwaptat k'a?kin P kakwapamp k'a?kin P kakwapsalx Where is my dog? Where is your dog? (sg) Where is his dog? Where is our dog? Where is your dog? (pi.) Where is their dog? Table 10: ?akin "which" with nouns, with adjective/noun sequences and with possessives. ?akin "which" with nouns ?akin P q'a?xan ?akin P iaiaxw ?akin P lasmist ?akin P Ikapu ?akin P qwacqan Which shoe? Which dress? Which shirt? Which coat? Which hat? ?akin "which" with adjectives and nouns ?akin P kwrP P q'a?xan ?akin P kwrP P ta*axw ?akin P kwrP P lasmist ?akin P kwrP P Ikapu ?akin P kwrP P qwacqan Which yellow shoe? Which yellow dress? Which yellow shirt? Which yellow coat? Which yellow hat? ?akin "which" with possessives ?akin inkakwap ?akin ankakwap ?akin P kakwaps ?akin P kakwaptat ?akin i ? kakwapamp ?akin i ? kakwapsalx Which one is my dog? Which one is your dog? (sg) Which one is his dog? Which one is our dog? Which one is your dog?(pl.) Which one is their dog? Method: • Each student will use the question words k'a?kin "where" and ?akin "which" with nouns, noun/adjective sequences, and with possessives using Table 9 and 10. • Using TPR and the objects in the room, the teacher can point to items and ask k'a?kin "where," for example ka?kin i? qa?xan "Where is the shoe?" • Using TPR and the objects in the room, the teacher can point to items and ask a?kin "which," for example a?kin P q'a?xan "Which shoe?" 65 • Using Table 2 along with the objects in the room or pictures of the objects listed here in Table 2, the student can answer axa? q'a?xan "This is a shoe." • Using Table 8 to formulate question/ answer sentences, the student can use k'a?kin "where" and ?akin "which" while using demonstratives such as i? q'a?xan "The shoe is over there." COMPREHENSIBLE INPUT: • Each student repeats the sentences in Parts 1-3 • Practice the question/answer sequences using the demonstratives, colors and adjectives. • Add size sequences to the objects in Table 2. Ask k'a?kin "where" and ?akin "which" PRACTICE ACTIVITY: • Role-play in pairs the question/answer dialogues with objects in the room or the clothing of the other students. • In pairs, the students can use pictures of objects in the room such as kitchen items and ask color and size. FOLLOW-UP ACTIVITY: • Play an "I spy" game where the students give clues about a number of items on a table of differing size and color and ask k'a?kin "where" and ?akin "which" The students can answer with demonstratives. • Tell a story and have the students ask k'a?kin "where" and ?akin "which" ASSESSMENT: • Video the role-playing of students in pairs or groups • Active participation and willingness to extend the activity to learn more words or phrases. • Ability of the students to gain information about color, size, and proximity. 66 THIRD LESSON PLAN TOPIC: ACQUIRING INFORMATION: swit "who" and stim "what" with the determiner j?and intransitive/transitive subject pronouns GOAL OF WHOLE UNIT: To provide a basis of communication where students will have the ability to acquire information using question words within dialogue situations through story and within actual situations and contexts. The student, through role-playing will be able to communicate effectively by asking questions and responding to same using the Okanagan language. SET. Part 1. swit "who" and stim "what" with the determiner i? The determiner i'?can also introduce verbs, unlike determiners in English. The determiner occurs before verbs. In lesson two, we saw "where" and "which" questions with the determiner P. In this lesson we will see "who" questions with the determiner P. Here are some examples using swit "who" with demonstratives, with noun/possessives, noun/adjective/possessive sequences as in the following examples in Table : 11 Table 11: swit "whose" with nouns, with adjective/noun sequences and with possessives. swit "who" with possessed nouns and demonstratives swit P qVxans ala? swit P faf axws ala? swit P lasmists ala? swit i ? Ikapus ala? swit P qwacqans ala? Whose shoe is this? Whose dress is this? Whose shirt is this? Whose coat is this? Whose hat is this? swit "who" with adjectives/nouns and demonstratives swit P kwrP P qVxans ala? swit P kwrP P iaf axws ala? swit P kwrP P lasmists ala? swit P kwrP P Ikapus ala? swit P kwrP P qwacqans ala9 Whose yellow shoe is this? Whose yellow dress is this? Whose yellow shirt is this? Whose yellow coat is this? Whose yellow hat is this? 67 Method: • Each student can use the possessive pronouns and ask about items in the room such as "Whose cup is this." • Using the object list in Table 2, and using noun/adjective sequences the students can ask: "Whose yellow shirt is this?" Part 2: Okanagan Intransitive Subject Pronouns. Okanagan has intransitive subject pronouns and transitive subject pronouns. The intransitive pronoun set occurs with verbs which do not need or do not occur with a direct object, such as ?itx "sleep," ?it3n "eat," xwa?xwist"walk," qw3lqwilt "talk," xwuy "go." Okanagan intransitive sentences have a subject and an intransitive verb. For example: 4) kan ?rian I eat. 5) kan ?itx I sleep. 6) kan xwa?xwist I walk. 7) kan xwuy I go. 8) kan qwalqwilt I talk. Table 12: Intransitive Subject Pronouns Intransitive Subject Pronouns kan I kw You (sg.) 0 He/She kwu We P You (pi.) -salx They With intransitive subject questions, the question word corresponds to the subject pronoun in the answer as is shown in Table 13: Table 13: Intransitive subject question/answer pairs Subject question swit "who" with demonstratives Subject answer swit i ? ?itan ala? Who ate here? swit i ? ?itx ala? Who slept here? swit i ? xwa?xwist ala? Who walked here? swit ? qwalqwilt ala? Who talked here? kan ?iian ala? I ate here? kan ?itx ala? I slept here? kan xwa?xwist ala? I walked here? kan qwalqwilt ala? I talked here? 68 Method: • Each student can practice using the intransitive pronouns with the intransitive verbs following the examples in sentences (1-5) using each verb in turn. • Each student can use the question/answer pairs in Table 13 to practice using the intransitive subject pronouns and the demonstratives Part 3: Transitive subject pronouns and objects To be a transitive verb means that the verb requires both an object and a subject. For example, in the English sentence "You ate the meat." the verb "ate" requires a subject "you" and a direct object "meat." In Okanagan, all transitive verbs have a suffixed transitive marker, as in ? tta„& w i ? siiqw "You ate the meat," where the transitive marker is in italics. The direct object is i ? stiqw. Transitive subject pronouns are suffixes. The subject in this sentence is -xw. The transitive subject markers are shown in Table 14. Table 14: Transitive Subject Markers Transitive Subject Markers -in I ' W IX You (sg.) is He/She im We *P You (pi.) isalx They With object questions, the question word at the front corresponds to the object in the answer as is shown in Table 15: Table 15: Transitive Subject Questions with Object Answers Transitive Subject Questions Object Answers stim' P scnaq s^ What did he steal? stim' P c?antis What did he hit? stim' P wikantxw What did you see? scnaq s^ P qVxan He stole the shoes, sap'ntis P pumin He hit the drim. wikantxw P sX.'a?cinam You saw a deer. From the above examples, you can see that it looks like the transitive pronouns are different. The difference is stress. Okanagan verbs mark stress (whether one vowel is pronounced louder than another vowel in the same word) on the verb. When it is a strong verb (has its vowel stressed), Okanagan marks the stress on the verb vowel. When the 69 verb is weak the vowel of the verb is not stressed. Stress is on the subject pronoun suffix (or other strong suffix). When the verb is strong, the transitive marker -n-t- does not occur in the first person singular, the third person singular, or the third person plural. Strong and weak verbs with transitive subject pronouns are shown in Table 16. Table 6: Strong and Weak Verbs with Transitive Subject Pronouns Transitive verb "to eat" a strong verb. The stress is on the verb. Transitive verb "to look for" a weak verb The stress is on the subject pronoun ?if an I eat. ?if antxw You eat. ?if s He/She eats. ?ifnt9m We eat. ?ifntap You eat. ?ifs9bc They eat. ?c'a??t'antin I looked for it. fcWantixw You looked for it. XVft'antis He/She looked for it. X.Vfc'antim We looked for it. fc'a^'antip You looked for it. fcVft.'antisglx They looked for it. Method: • The student can use the Okanagan Dictionary to find, other strong or weak verbs and add to their database of verbs. They can also compile sentences with the verbs that they find. • Each student can compile sentences using the transitive subject pronouns using Table 15 as a guide and using the object list in Table 2. • Practice the transitive answer sequences using objects in the room or pictures in magazines. COMPREHENSIBLE INPUT: • Each student can use the transitive subject pronouns with new verbs found in the Okanagan Dictionary. • Each new verb can be compiled with nouns, noun/adjective sequences, and with possessives. • Question words swit "who" and stim "what", k'a?kin "where" and ?akin "which" to form new sentences with the new verbs. PRACTICE ACTIVITY: • Tell a story to the class and answer questions swit "who," stim "what," k'a?kin 70 "where," and ?akin "which." • Compile a journal of new verbs and objects to practice compiling new sentences using demonstratives, adjectives, and colors. FOLLOW-UP ACTIVITY: • Play a shopping game where the students can ask about items in the "store." • Play a restaurant game where the students can come and order their favourite meal or item from the menu. • Have fluent speakers of elders come into the classroom to take part in the activities and to answer questions ASSESSMENT: • Willingness to take risks and to learn new words and use them • Active participation and willingness to extend their learning beyond the lessons presented here. • Willingness to dialogue with fluent speakers and elders. • Ability to present their questions to have their preferences met. 71 FOURTH LESSON PLAN TOPIC: ACQUIRING INFORMATION: The complementizers ki?and ia? GOAL OF WHOLE UNIT: To provide a basis of communication where students will have the ability to acquire information using question words within dialogue situations through story and within actual situations and contexts. The student, through role-playing will be able to communicate effectively by asking questions and responding to same using the Okanagan language. SET: Part 1 The complementizer ki? In lesson two and three, we saw "where," "which" and "who" questions with the determiner i?. In this lesson we will see questions with the complementizer ki?. A complementizer is an element that introduces a subordinate clause (a 'sentence within a sentence'). The wh-elements k'a?kin "where," pn'Jdn "when," ?akin "which," sac'kinx "why," tla?kin "from where" are adjunct question words. Adjuncts are phrases that add . additional information to the verb phrase. In English you can say "I went to the store yesterday." The word "yesterday" is the adjunct which adds the information "when" to the verb phrase "went to the store". Here are some other examples of adjunct phrases: 9) I went to the store in the mall. 10) I went to the store last night. 11) 1 went to the closest store. 12) I went to the store because I needed milk. 13) 1 went to the store from work. The adjuncts in the above sentences add information as to where, when, which, why, and from where the event denoted by the verb happened, respectively. When Okanagan uses adjuncts in sentences the complementizer ki?'is used. Here are some examples: 14) k'a?kin ki? ka?kicntxw anq'a?xan Where did you find your shoes? 72 15) pn'kinki? kw kicx When did you arrive 16) ?akin kr> cxwumntxw P xwi* Which way did you come? 17) sac'kinx kP kw cxwuy Why did you come? 18) da?kinki?kwcxwuy Where did you come from? These questions are translated "It is X where/when/which/why/from where. These types of sentences are called clefts. Clefts are sentences that put important information to the front of the sentence. For example, from an English sentence like "I went to the store yesterday." we can produce the following cleft sentences by fronting the subject, object or adjunct, respectively. 19) It was I who went to the store yesterday. 20) It was to the store that I went yesterday. 21) It was yesterday that I went to the store. The question words swit "who," and stim' "what" occur with either an i ? complementizer or a ki? complementizer. The interpretation is also cleft-like. 22) stim' P scnaq s^ What did he steal? 23) stim' P c?antis What did he hit? 24) stim' P wikantxw What did you see? 25) swit P xnumt Who is hurt? 26) stim' i ? c?antis Who did he hit? 27) swit P ckxan Who came along? 28) stim' ki? <acantixw What was it that you tied? 73 28)stim'ki?scnaq'ws What was it that he stole? 29) stim' kP c?antis What was it that he hit? 30) stim'ki?wikantxw What was it that you saw? 31) swit kP xnumt Who is it that is hurt? 32) stim' ki? c?antis What was it that he hit? 33) swit ki? ckxan Who was it that came along? With argument wh-elements swit and stim\ the complementizers i ?and ki?are interchangeable. In contrast, adjunct wh-elements such as k'a?km "where," pnkin "when," ?akin "which," sac fen* "why," tla?kin "from where" are not as the following examples show. 34) *k'a?kin P ka?kicntxw anq'a'xan Where did you find your shoes? 35) *pn'kinPkwkicx When did you arrive 36) *?akin P kw cxwuy How did you come? 37) *sac'kinxPkwcxwuy Why did you come? 38) W k i n P k w c x w u y Where did you come from? Method: • Each student can practice using the complementizer with the question words k'a?kin "where," pn'kin "when," ?akin "which," sac W'why ," tla?kin "from where" • Each student can practice the use of the complementizers i^and A/^ with the question words stim' "what" and swit "who." 74 • Each student can practice the question words with other objects in the room. • Role-play the question dialogues with items such as clothing and new verbs. Table 14: k'a?kin "where" with the complementizer h?and with nouns, £f'?with adjectives and nouns, and with possessives k,a?kin "where" with the complementizer ki? and with nouns k'a?kin ki? tiwntxw P q'a?xan kVkin kP tiwntxw P tataxw k'a?kin kP tiwntxw i ? lasmist k'a?kin kP tiwntxw P Ikapu k'a?kin ki? tiwntxw i ? qwacqan Where did you Where did you Where did you Where did you Where did you buy the shoes? buy the dress? buy the shirt? . buy the coat? buy the hat? k'a?kin "where" with the complementizer ki? and with adjectives and nouns k'a^ kin ka? niysntxw i ? kwri ? P q'a?xan kVkin ka? niysntxw P kwrP P *ataxw k'a?kin ka? niysntxw i ? kwri ? i ? lasmist k'a?kin ka? niysntxw P kwrP P Ikapu k'a?kin ka? niysntxw i ? kwri ? i ? qwacq9n Where did you buy the Where did you buy the Where did you buy the Where did you buy the Where did you buy the yellow shoes? yellow dress? yellow shirt? yellow coat? yellow hat? kVkin "where" with the complementizer ki? and with possessives kVkin ka? niysntxw inkakwap k'a?kin ka? niysntxw ankakwap k'a'kin ka? niysntxw i ? kakwaps k'a?kin ka? niysntxw P kakwaptat k'a?kin ka? niysntxw P kakwapamp k'a?kin ka? niysntxw P kakwapsalx Where did you buy my dog? Where did you buy my dog? (sg) Where did you buy his dog? Where did you buy our dog? Where did you buy your dog? (pi.) Where did you buy their dog? 75 Table 15: tla?kin "where from" with the complementizer h?and with nouns, ki? with adjectives and nouns, and with possessives tla?kin "where from" with the complementizer ki? and with nouns tla?kin kP tiwntxw P q'a?xan Where did you buy the shoes from? da?kin kP tiwntxw P iafaxw Where did you buy the dress from? da?kin kP tiwntxw P lasmist Where did you buy the shirt from? da?kin kP tiwntxw P lkapu Where did you buy the coat from? da?kin kP tiwntxw P qwacqan Where did you buy the hat from? da?kin "where from" with the complementizer kP and with adjectives and nouns da?kin ka? niysntxw P kwrP P q'a?xan Where did you buy the yellow shoes from? da?kin ka? niysntxw P kwrP P iaiaxw Where did you buy the yellow dress from? da?kin ka? niysntxw P kwrP P lasmist Where did you buy the yellow shirt from? da?kin ka? niysntxw P kwrP P lkapu Where did you buy the yellow coat from? da?kin ka? niysntxw P kwri ? P qwacq9n Where did you buy the yellow hat from? da?kin "where from" with the complementizer kP and with possessives da?kin ka? niysntxw inkakwap Where did you buy my dog from? da?kin ka? niysntxw ankakwap Where did you buy my dog from? (sg) da?kin ka? niysntxw P kakwaps Where did you buy his dog from? da?kin ka? niysntxw P kakwaptat Where did you buy our dog from? da?kin ka? niysntxw P kakwapamp Where did you buy your dog from? (pi.) da?kin ka? niysntxw P kakwapsaLx Where did you buy their dog from? 76 Table 16: pn'?kin "when" with the complementizer ki?and with nouns, Az'^ with adjectives and nouns, and with possessives pn'kin "when" with the complementizer ki? and with nouns pn'kin ki? tiwntxw P q'a?xan pn'kin kP tiwntxw P *9*axw pn'kin ki? tiwntxw i ? lasmist pn'kin ki? tiwntxw P lkapu pn'kin ki? tiwntxw P qwacqan When did you buy the shoes? When did you buy the dress? When did you buy the shirt? When did you buy the coat? When did you buy the hat? pn'kin "when" with the complementizer ki? and with adjectives and nouns pn'kin kP tiwntxw P kwrP P qVxan pn'kin kP tiwntxw P kwrP P *9*axw pn'kin ki? tiwntxw P kwrP P lasmist pn'kin kP tiwntxw P kwrP P lkapu pn'kin kP tiwntxw P kwrP P qwacqan When did you buy the yellow shoes? When did you buy the yellow dress? When did you buy the yellow shirt? When did you buy the yellow coat? When did you buy the yellow hat? pn'kin "when" with the complementizer ki? and with possessives pn'kin ki? tiwntxw inqVxan pn'kin ki? tiwntxw anq'a?xan pn'kin ki? tiwntxw P q'a?xans pn'kin ki? tiwntxw P q'a?xant9t pn'kin kP tiwntxw i ? q'a?xan9mp pn'kin ki? tiwntxw P q'a?xans9bc When did you buy my shoes? When did you buy your shoes? (sg.) When did you buy his shoes? When did you buy our shoes? When did you buy your shoes? (pi.) When did you buy their shoes? 77 Table 17: sac'^kinx "why" with the complementizer ki?<m& with nouns, ^with adjectives and nouns, and with possessives sac'kinx "why" with the complementizer kP and with nouns sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P qVxan Why did you buy the shoes? sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P faiaxw Why did you buy the dress? sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P lasmist Why did you buy the shirt? sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P lkapu Why did you buy the coat? sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P qwacqan Why did you buy the hat? sac'kinx "why" with the complementizer kP and with adjectives and nouns sac'kinx kP tiwntx* P kwrp P q'a?xan Why did you buy the yellow shoes? sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P kwri ? P iafaxw Why did you buy the yellow dress? sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P kwrp P lasmist Why did you buy the yellow shirt? sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P kwrp P lkapu Why did you buy the yellow coat? sac'kinx kP ttwntxw P kwrp P qwacqan Why did you buy the yellow hat? sac'kinx "why" with the complementizer kP and with possessives sac'kinx kP tiwntxw inq'a?xan Why did you buy my shoes? sac'kinx kP tiwntxw anqVxan Why did you buy your shoes? (sg.) sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P q'a?xans Why did you buy his shoes? sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P q'a?xantat Why did you buy our shoes? sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P qVxanamp Why did you buy your shoes? (pi.) sac'kinx kP tiwntxw P q'a?xansalx Why did you buy their shoes? Method: • Each student will use the question words k'a?kin "where," pn'kin "when," ?akin "which," sac'kinx "why," tla?kin "from where" with nouns, noun/adjective sequences, and with possessives. • The teacher can point around the room and ask each student k'a?kin "where," pn'kin "when," tla?kin "from where" and sac'kinx "why" they bought a particular item of clothing or stationary item. • The student can select verbs from the set of verbs in their journal and combine them with subject pronouns, complementizers and possessives to form sentence combinations. 78 Part 2: Complementizer ia? The complementizer fa^usually introduces adverbial clauses. Adverbial clauses are exactly what they sound like: subordinate clauses which act as adverbs. Just like other adverbs, adverbial clauses modify or add additional information to verb phrases. An adverbial clause tells such things as why, when, how and under what conditions an event occurs. English adverbial clauses begin with a subordinator such as when and while. For example: 1) "The boy started to walk when he was only ten months old." 2) "While he was still under a year old, the boy walked." 3) "When he was ten months old, the boy began to walk." Okanagan adverbial clauses: 4) kan c'ayxwt kan /a?cma?yam I get tired when I tell stories 5) isac'amttim i ? sq^sq^siya^s /apck'aw I am feeding his children while he is gone. 6) fap ikicx cuntxw mi kwu icqwalqwilsts When she comes back, tell her to call me back. Like i?, the complementizer fa ? can occur in clefts. However, it is more common to use the complementizers Pand ki?Xo cleft adjuncts. fa?also has the meaning "the one that is" as the following table shows. Table 8: Complementizer ta? Complementizer ia? "the one that is..." bd? ta q'a?xan axa? ta q'a?xan in? ia qVxan ala? ta q'a?xan ik'li9 ta q'a?xan ak'la9 ia qVxan That is the one that is a shoe. This is the one that is a shoe. That there is the one that is a shoe. This here is the one that is a shoe. That over there is the one that is a shoe. This over here is the one that is a shoe. Method: • Using TPR and the objects in the room, the teacher can hold up or point to items and ask the question stim' axa? "What is this?" The student can then answer 79 axa? ia q'a?xan "This is the one that is a shoe," as in Table 5, using the other demonstrative words as well. • The instructor gives the students sentences where they can focus or cleft the elements or information in turn following the English examples in (12-14). COMPREHENSIBLE INPUT: Each student repeats the sentences above in Parts 1 and 2. • Practice determiner/noun sequences, determiner/adjectives/noun sequences, • Practice determiner/possessive sequences • Add size adjectives such as silxwa "big", k^ak^yuma'"'small" to nouns. • Practice adverbial pronoun sentences using "when", "while," "where," and "if." • Practice relative pronoun sentences using "which," "that," and "who." • Practice complementizer verb sequences for both arguments and adjuncts to be able to differentiate between the two types of complementizers and the interpretations of clefts. • Add possessive sequences, size adjectives, color adjectives to complementizer verb sequences to form sentences. • Add subject pronouns to new verbs found from the Okanagan dictionary. Use these verbs to from sentences with complementizers, pronouns, and possessives. PRACTICE ACTIVITY: • Role-play in pairs the question/answer dialogues with objects in the room. • In pairs, each student can use pictures of objects such as clothing items and ask questions about color and size. • In pairs, each student can say a sentence and focus, or cleft different elements of the sentence. • Each student compiles a booklet of their own sentences using the verbs in these lessons as well as new ones found in the Okanagan dictionary. • Role play in pairs question/answer sequences using complementizers and subject pronouns. • Role play in pairs question/answer sequences using argument and adjunct wh-questions using the two complementizers. 80 • Compile paragraphs about a shopping trip, a movie or other activity and have the students ask who, what, when, why, where from about the story. FOLLOW-UP ACTIVITIES: • Play a proximity game where students use the appropriate demonstrative and say "I see a here, there, over there etc. and ask "What is it?" • Tell a story and have the participants focus different elements or important information from the story in cleft sentences. ASSESSMENT: • Video the students in their role-playing activities using the vocabulary of the lessons. • Active participation, and willingness to extend their learning to beyond the lessons presented here. • Willingness to take risks and to learn new words and use them. • Proficiency in speaking Okanagan. • Willingness to dialogue with fluent speakers and elders. 81 

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