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The history of charitable giving along the Shikoku pilgrimage route Moreton, David C. 2001

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THE HISTORY OF C H A R I T A B L E GIVING A L O N G THE SHIKOKU PILGRIMAGE ROUTE by DAVID C. M O R E T O N B.A. The University of British Columbia 1995 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE D E G R E E OF M A S T E R OF ARTS in THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES D E P A R T M E N T OF ASIAN STUDIES We accept this thesis as conforming to the requited standard^ THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A May 2001 © David C. Moreton, 2001 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of _ The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada D a t e - l M o R f > £ , A y ; M A P C M ^1fZDQ\ ABSTRACT An Examination of Charitable Giving along the Shikoku Pilgrimage Route by David C. Moreton Thesis Supervisor: Dr. Nam-lin Hur The following thesis examines the extensive history of charitable giving along the eighty-eight temple pilgrimage route around the island of Shikoku, Japan. The founder of this route, believed by common tradition, is Kukai, (posthumous name, Kobo Daishi 774-835), who established the Shingon sect in Japan, emphasizing that all people could achieve the 'attainment of Buddhahood in this life' {sokushin jobutsu). To achieve this Buddhahood, one must participate in the Six Perfections, the first being, 'to give', that is through charitable giving. Since the time of Kobo Daishi, there has been a custom of giving to religious figures such as monks or pilgrims in Japan. The Shikoku pilgrimage, unlike other pilgrimage routes, offers a unique perspective for a study in charitable giving for at least two reasons. First, Kobo Daishi has traditionally held a strong influence on the people who have participated as donors of charity, especially on the local people within Shikoku. Secondly, the isolation of Shikoku has allowed this pilgrimage route to preserve its original religious nature for much longer than other areas. As a result, the custom of giving remains unusually prevalent to this day. Through the use of numerous primary sources written by both Japanese and foreign authors who offer their firsthand accounts of charitable giving, from the Tokugawa period (1600-1868) until the mid-twentieth century, I will argue that this custom of giving along the Shikoku route was a wide spread phenomenon that was Ill evident in a variety of forms. It will become evident that the concept of giving in Shikoku has had a strong tie with religion, specifically with the teachings and legends of Kobo Daishi. To provide evidence for this, and to examine other reasons for people's participation in charitable giving, I will explore the origins of this custom in Japan, explain the motives for giving, and highlight the numerous ways in which people throughout Japan have provided charity to Shikoku pilgrims for such an extensive period of time. CONTENTS Abstract Table of Contents Acknowledgement INTRODUCTION Kobo Daishi as Founder Growing Popularity in the Modern Period Examination of Charitable Giving Source Materials CHAPTER ONE- Charitable Giving Part A : History and Development of charitable giving Part B: Why give charity? Part C: When to give charity? Part D: Who gave charity? Part E: Who received charity? CHAPTER TWO - Housing Part I: Temples Part II: People's Homes Part IU:Other facilities CHAPTER THREE - What to follow 55 Part I: Permanent fixtures Part II: Guides Part IH: Books CHAPTER FOUR - Other charitable services Part I: Miscellaneous Charitable Services - 7 parts Part II: Taking care of the sick and dying CONCLUSION J Bibliography ..! Appendix 1. Map of Shikoku pilgrimage route and the temple names 2. Picture of ten-night bridge 3. Pictures of path markers 1 < 4. Picture of haircut as seen in Jippensha Ikku's Kanenowaraji 1 5. Picture of 'charity group' as seen by Jippensha Ikku b 6. Tatsueji Charity Group Purpose and Plan 1925 1 7. Menu of a Zenkonyado 1928 1 8. Exhortation to Pilgrims 1971 1 V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I feel like a pilgrim who has just successfully completed the pilgrimage route around the island of Shikoku. I am both happy and sad that this journey is over. M y life during this trip has been like the four stages within the Shikoku route, that of, awakening, discipline, enlightenment and Nirvana. When I reached the point between discipline and enlightenment, I was ready to give up, but due to the assistance, support and kindness of so many people, I have been able to successfully complete this project. First of all, I would like to express my gratitude to Rhea and Glenn Boyes. They have been a source of constant support and encouragement. To Glenn: Words cannot express how thankful I am for your guidance and advice. I will always be in your debt. Secondly, I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Nam-lin Hur whose door has literally always been open for consultation. Thank you for your time. Thirdly, I say thank you to the many people who have given up of their time to help me obtain relevant documents or to correspond and discuss with me this research topic. Some of these people include: the staff in the InterLibrary Loan Office at U B C , Susan Tennant, Fione MacGregor, David Turkington, Kevin Seperic, Prof. Hiroshi Shimazaki, Prof. Ian Reader and Don Weiss. From Japan, Mr. Kimura at the Shikoku Henro Exhibition, Prof. Koiichi Osada, the wife of Ninsho Miyazaki, Eitoku Kiyoyoshi, Prof. Shinno Toshikazu and Kaori Nishimura. To Monika Dix and Geert Dieghre, thank you for your help with translating Alfred Bohner's work. Finally, I wish to express my appreciation to Fumiko who gave me the courage to commence this journey, and who continuously offered support throughout my struggles so that I could successfully complete it. 1 INTRODUCTION Kobo Daishi as Founder Kukai or Kobo Daishi (774-835) is considered to be "the single most popular Buddhist saint in medieval [Japanese] society."1 He is accredited with such accomplishments as performing numerous miracles, inventing kana (the Japanese phonetic orthography), and creating the first school open to all social classes, as well as establishing the Shikoku pilgrimage route. Despite these feats his early life was quite simple. In 774, he was born near the temple, Zentsuji (no. 75 on the Shikoku pilgrimage route) to a noble clan, the house of Saeki, and spent his childhood years in Shikoku. At the age of eighteen, he joined the State College (daigaku) in Kyoto, but became disillusioned with the Confucian education that he was receiving and dropped out at the age of twenty-four to engage in Buddhist training. Before quitting the college, he had, through some circumstance, met an unknown monk who had introduced him to Esoteric Buddhist texts and sparked Kukai's interest in becoming a monk. Until Kukai left for China in 804 little is known about his activities during this seven-year period. It is assumed that he acted as a wandering ascetic pursuing further religious training. In 804, the Japanese court chose Kukai to go to China as a student monk, and with this opportunity, he was able to study under the leadership of the Seventh Patriarch of Esoteric Buddhism, Hui-kuo (746-805). Kukai was personally trained by Hui-kuo in "the most essential yet secret aspects of Esoteric Buddhism" and " i n the mantras, Sanskrit hymns, the mudras and visualization of the sacred symbols."2 However, this was only to 1 Ryuichi Abe. The Weaving of Mantra. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999) 2. 2 Ibid. 123,125. 2 last for two years because Hui-kuo's health deteriorated and in 805, he passed away. Before his death, he told Kukai to return to his country and spread the teachings of what would become Shingon Buddhism. Thus, after only two years in China, Kukai returned to Japan. From 806 until his own death in 835, Kukai worked diligently to establish this new faith and spread its teachings.3 His achievements were well known throughout the country and in 921 Emperor Daigo (r. 897-930) bestowed on him the posthumous title of Kobo Daishi ( ^ f e ^ f f i ) or 'Great Master of Spreading the Dharma', by which he is best known. One of the major achievements attributed to Kobo Daishi is the founding of the Shikoku pilgrimage route, although there is no concrete evidence for whether or not he actually traveled around the entire island. What is known is that between the ages of eighteen and thirty-one, he traveled to such places in Shikoku as Ishizuri, Cape Muroto and Mt. Tairyu to participate in ascetic training. He also conducted public works by leading the people in rebuilding the dam at Mannoike (Kagawa Prefecture). One legend has it that Kobo Daishi walked the Shikoku route in 815 at the age of forty-two. This seems unlikely due to the fact that in the same year, he is said to have launched a new initiative to spread Esoteric Buddhism from Takanosanji, his monastic headquarters located in the northwest Kyoto. Ryuichi Abe argues that in the spring of that year Kukai sent a letter to Buddhist leaders asking for their cooperation in copying and circulating thirty-five books of scripture chosen from amongst the writings he had brought back from 3 According to Yoshito Hakeda, "Kukai had not died but has merely entered into eternal samadhi and was still quite alive on Mt. Koya as a saviour to all suffering people..." Yoshito Hakeda. Kukai: Major Works. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1972) 60. 3 China 4 Perhaps Kukai traveled around Shikoku during another season, other than spring. During the years of 809- 816, he had maintained a close relationship with Emperor Saga (r. 809 - 823; 786 - 842) by frequently exchanging letters of which the contents show that Saga had asked Kukai "to produce calligraphic works, to engage in exchanges of poems, and to submit to the court samples of poetry and calligraphy, textbooks on poetics and calligraphic technique and other related works Kukai had acquired while in China." 5 None of these letters, however, make any mention of him making a trip to Shikoku during that period. It is clear that by 815, Kukai was extremely busy with promoting Shingon Buddhism, writing materials, fulfilling the Emperor's requests and training his increasing number of disciples that make it impossible for him to have walked the route around that period. Thus, it is unlikely that he could be the first person and founder of the Shikoku route, even though that this traditional view has come down through the centuries. There are some other theories offering conjectures to who really was the first person to walk the route. One possibility is contained in a book about the Shikoku pilgrimage published in 1690: It is not known by whose hand or at what time the eighty-eight places of the Shikoku pilgrimage route were established. One theory says that, after the death of the Daishi, a person called Shinzei, (800-860), a monk living on Mt Koya and a disciple of the Daishi, began the pilgrimage by following in the Daishi's footsteps. It is because of this that people started to do the pilgrimage.6 4 Abe 46. 5 Abe 43. 6 Iyoshi Dankai.ed. Shikoku Henroki shu. . "Shikoku Henro Kudokuki" (Matsuyama: Aoba Tosho, 1994) 213. 4 The author suggests that it was Shinzei, a disciple of Kobo Daishi, who was the first person to walk the route in its entirety. It is claimed that he followed the Daishi's footsteps, yet there is no clear evidence of him walking around the present-day circuit. Perhaps he only visited those places where Kobo Daishi had been in training, where he was born or where he had conducted public works. Yet even this theory is questionable because there is no reference in Shinzei's biography of him traveling to Shikoku. Another theory regarding the first person or founder of the route, based on a legend from the ninth century, is of a man called Emon Saburo, who is said to have walked the pilgrimage route in search of Kobo Daishi. Since the earliest days of the Tokugawa period, the inaccessibility of Shikoku and difficulty of traveling were two main factors that restricted pilgrimages to priests or aristocracy. Unlike the common people of the region, only these types of people would have the freedom of time, freedom from obligations and sufficient money to undertake such a journey. Was it one of these early priests or aristocrats who 'founded' the route, or can this honor be attributed to the common people who began to appear as pilgrims between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries?7 The earliest proof o f pilgrims on the route comes from graffiti at Temple no. 69, Kannonji that is dated from 1347. (Toshiyuki Shiraaki. Junrei- Sanpai YogoJiten. (Osaka: Shobo, 1994) 17) There is a inscription on a small temple bell from 1471 on the Jizodo (Jizo shrine) in the village o f Motokawa in Tosa. It is heavily damaged and partially readable. However, the inscription records that it was a group of two men and two women, representatives of a Buddhist community, who were traveling at this time. There is also some scribbling on the temple, Jodoji (no. 49), dating from 1525, 1527,1528, 1531,1540 and at Kokubunji (no. 80) in 1528 (Shimazaki Tanaka Hiroshi. unpublished Phd. dissertation Pilgrim Places- a study of the 88 sacred precincts of the Shikoku pilgrimage of Japan. 1975. 48.) 5 It is clear that the origins and founder of the route cannot be positively determined.8 Growing Popularity in the Modern Period The possibility of pilgrims to travel around Shikoku improved dramatically with social changes concerning travel in general and the distribution of guidebooks about the Shikoku pilgrimage route during the Genroku period (1688-1704). Although books had been written about the Shikoku pilgrimage as early as 1638 and 1653, it was not until the period between 1687 and 1690 that any informative document on the route was published in large quantities. Increasingly, more people came to have access to such books and could use the information contained within to help them prepare for the journey around Shikoku. Three books written during the Genroku period on the Shikoku pilgrimage became so popular that they went through numerous reprints during the eighteenth century.9 The availability of such guidebooks, combined with the Bakufu's relaxed travel restrictions, allowed the Shikoku pilgrimage route to experience its first boom in popularity during the Genroku period (1688-1704). While exact numbers are not known for this first peak, there are specific numbers available for later periods. For example, during the next peak in numbers (1756-1780), records from the Tosa domain (Kochi prefecture) dated 1764 indicate that 200 to 300 people from outside the domain were passing through daily between February and July (fiilBM5&—M <£ 9 ±iM S 0 8 For excellent studies in English into the life and teachings of Kukai QKobo Daishi) see Joseph Kitagawa. Kobo Daishi and Shingon Buddhism (unpublished PhD dissertation) University of Chicago, 1951; Yoshito S. Hakeda. Kukai: Major Works. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974); Ryuichi Abe. The Weaving of Mantra. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999) , 6 ( n ~ ^ H I " A t> BX 9 $ f^). 1 0 Extrapolation of this data could mean that 30,000 to 40,000 people made the pilgrimage in one year but estimating annual figures based on the data is hazardous because of the seasonal nature of the pilgrimage; for example, another source puts the annual number of pilgrims in the area of 10,000 to 20,000.11 The third peak in the number of pilgrims in Shikoku occurred during the Bunsei-Bunka era (1804-1830), which Nathalie Kouame calls the 'Golden Age of the Shikoku Pilgrimage', but there are no specific references to the numbers of pilgrims. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the number of pilgrims continued to increase dramatically. For example, a former head monk of Temple 19, Tatsueji T F ) indicated that approximately 300 to 500 pilgrims visited his temple every day between March and May of 1894.13 This figure if multiplied by ninety days suggests that between 27,000 and 45,000 pilgrims passed through Tatsueji for that three-month period. A reference from the Taisho period (1912-1926), by the head priest of Temple 77, Doryuji (iff P^TF) , notes that on a busy day about 1000 pilgrims visited the temple.14 Alfred Bohner who walked the route in 1907, and published his book about various aspects of the pilgrimage twenty years later, determined that there were 30,000 pilgrims 9 see Introduction p. 8 (Source Materials) for the explanations of these earliest guidebooks. 1 0 Takashi Maeda. Junrei no Shakaigaku. (Osaka: Naniwa Printing, 1972) 108. 1 1 Constantine Nomikos Vaporis. Breaking Barriers- Travel and the State in Early Modern Japan. (Cambridge: Havard University Press, 1994) 247. 1 2 Nathale Kouame used the phrase 'Golden Age of the Pilgrimage' in her "Shikoku's Local Authorities and Henro during the Golden Age of the Pilgrimage." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies Fall 1997. p.413-425. Studies of the numbers along the Shikoku and Saikoku routes have been examined by Takashi Maeda in Junrei no Shakaigaku (Osaka: Naniwa Printing, 1972) 1 3 Maeda. 108. 1 4 Ibid. 126. 7 on the route with one-third of the participants coming from outside Shikoku. 1 5 Since then the most recent data estimates the numbers of pilgrims to be over 100,000 annually, traveling by bus, taxi, car, motorcycle, bicycle and even by helicopter!16 Examination of Charitable Giving The Shikoku route (like other pilgrimage routes to Ise Shrine, Saikoku, Kanto, and Chichibu) provides excellent examples of what the local people did to support and assist the travelers on their demanding journey.17 Although the number of pilgrims traveling around Shikoku never reached the millions of pilgrims seen along the roads to Ise Shrine during the eighteenth century, Shikoku provides a unique perspective on charitable giving because this custom has not dissipated as it has along so many of the other routes. The ongoing strength of charitable giving in Shikoku may be a result of the fact that as other pilgrimage routes became more popular, with increased numbers of pilgrims needing food, housing and other services to survive, businesses arose more quickly to accommodate these travelers' needs. Such communities began to offer charitable giving less, and instead the same services were increasingly offered for profit. This trend towards commercialization also occurred in Shikoku but at a slower rate and to a much lesser degree. Shikoku's isolation, as well as the length and difficulty of its route 1 5 Alfred Bohner. Wallfahrt zu Zweien die 88 Heiligen Statten von Shikoku. (Tokyo: Druck van Gebauer Schwetchke AG Halle, 1931) 132. 16 Gendai Shakai to Shikoku Henromichi. Study by Waseda University. 1994 p.37. 1 7 Pilgrimages are a popular destination amongst the Japanese. The National Dictionary of Pilgrimage of Spiritual Places highlights 282 routes in Japan that involves over 7750 spiritual places! (Daihorinkaku Henshubu ed. Zenkoku Reijo Junpai Jiten. Tokyo: Daihonrinkaku, 1997) 8 and the strong religious beliefs of the people has played an important role in preserving the religious focus of the Shikoku route, including the custom of charitable giving. This thesis examines the Shikoku pilgrimage over the last four hundred years, from the earliest days of the Tokugawa period until the mid-twentieth century, and investigates firsthand accounts from both Japanese and foreign documents of people who either witnessed or experienced the various forms of charity provided to pilgrims in Shikoku. This study will examine the pre-modern process of almsgiving in Shikoku, describing and accounting for the development of a pilgrimage infrastructure or support system that, initially voluntary and informal in basis, gradually took on a more formal structure. The first chapter is a brief history of charitable giving, first within Japan and then within Shikoku. Focusing on the Shikoku pilgrimage, an attempt will be made to answer such questions as: who gave the charity, who received it, and why was such a custom carried out? One consequence that can be noted regarding this selfless action of giving is that with time, as the degree of charity increased, the number of people who took advantage of such a service also increased. An undesirable percentage of pilgrims apparently had marginal interest in the religious nature of the pilgrimage route, and, instead used the charity of others as a means to sustain their own personal existence. Thus part of chapter one will also examine the response of the local people and local authorities to such pilgrims who were apparently seen as being disruptive and causing trouble. Chapter two begins a three-part study of the various forms of charity available for free, or at a minimal cost, that have been observed since the Tokugawa period. These 9 amenities have been organized into the following categories: temples, private homes, and other places, with each main group including sub-categories such as 'road-side temples' (ekiroji), 'Inns to accumulate merit' (zenkonyado), 'Pilgrim Inns' (henroya or henroyado), and huts. Further development of the motives as to why such accommodation was offered will also be examined. Chapter three is the second part of the forms of charitable giving along the Shikoku route. This chapter will offer descriptions of such aids as lanterns, path markers, guidebooks and tour guides that were provided so that the pilgrims could safely achieve their goal of completing the pilgrimage without getting lost, without making a mistake in pilgrim etiquette and with the necessary information enabling them to prepare for and survive the journey. Finally Chapter four concludes the examination begun in Chapter two, by focusing on the forms of goods and services provided willingly for the benefit and support of the pilgrims including food and tea being offered, personal assistance, free transportation and other services. The evidence offered through Chapters two through four supports the hypothesis that the custom of charitable giving was extremely widespread and took many forms. Moreover, this action of giving was not only voluntary, but was also at times a very well organized and formalized action. Although earlier pilgrims suffered due to restrictions and regulations implemented by local governments to control or limit 'undesirable' pilgrims, or due to social changes such as war, famines or other natural disasters, pilgrims would still for the most part be assured of receiving charity while traveling along the Shikoku pilgrimage route. The reasons for such charitable behaviour are many: showing sympathy to pilgrims for their difficult journey, family tradition, remembering one's 10 ancestors, or participating vicariously in the pilgrimage. As the numbers of pilgrims increased over time, those who had successfully completed the route were keenly aware how much assistance was necessary to make the journey around Shikoku and they also began to actively participate in the role of charitable givers. Probably one of the strongest motives for giving was rooted in the strong faith of the people in Kobo Daishi and their belief in the concept of 'do good and get rewarded or do evil and receive a punishment' (kanzen choaku WW-W&k). The numerous legends and tales that emerged over time became imbedded in the minds of the people and seemed to direct their actions. People also showed kindness to receive merit, an intangible reward that allowed them to achieve Buddhahood in this life (sokushin jobutsu ! P # ^ S c f A ) , and tangibly, a name-slip (osamefuda ^ f i f e ^ L ) to protect them and ensure that they would have a good, safe and rewarding life while on this earth and a good rebirth for the next life. Source Materials Since the beginning of the Tokugawa period, the Shikoku pilgrimage route has been a popular topic for many books, articles and other scholarly works in the Japanese language, but it is only since the twentieth century that some works on this route began to appear in Western languages. Within this thesis, there will be references to both Japanese and Western language sources, especially to diaries, travel records or guidebooks written by Japanese and foreign authors who have participated as pilgrims and have experienced first hand the custom of charitable giving. 11 In each chapter, different forms of charitable giving are highlighted. This will be presented by surveying the history of giving in Shikoku during the past four hundred years. It will become evident that this custom has endured for an extensive period of time with its origins based firmly on faith in Kobo Daishi. It is unfortunate that there is a lack of pilgrim diaries from the Tokugawa era largely because when a pilgrim died, the travel diary was buried with the deceased. Thus most of the books remaining today are those that were produced for wide publication to promote the pilgrimage for the general public. The observations of non-pilgrims will also be examined to highlight such aspects as who embarked on pilgrimages, what pilgrims wore, the road conditions, and the response of common people to the pilgrims. The first books on the pilgrimage emerged during the seventeenth century. The earliest one available is from 1638, entitled, Kusho Hoshind Shikoku Reijo Ojungyoki ( ^ t t f e i S f f l S f t U f P f T f E ) compiled by Kemmyo of Sugozan and based on the three-month pilgrim experience of the Daitakuji imperial prince, Kusho Hoshino (1572-1650). In 1653, the priest ChSzen (1612-1680) wrote the Shikoku Henro Nikki (E9 HTSS! 0 IS). Between 1687-1690 came the three most popular of the earliest books on the pilgrimage, which were produced for the general public. The first and third were written by Yuben Shinnen (d. 1691) and the second, on request of Shinnen, was written by a Mt. Koya priest named Jakuhon (1631-?). These books are: Shikoku Henro Michishirube (mW8&8rWaM 1687), Shikoku Henro Reijdki ( E S ^ M S i f B 1689), and Shikoku Henro Kudokuki (E3 H I l l L ^ ^ l E 1690). One foreign observer from the Genroku period (1688-1704), whose comments will be helpful for this study, was Englebert Kaempfer. He visited Japan for two years between 1690-1692 as a physician 12 to the Dutch East India Company at Nagasaki. During his sojourn, he actively collected detailed information about all aspects of Japan and recorded his observations while traveling from Nagasaki to Edo. During the eighteenth century, the people prospered between times of famine. The Kyoho (1716-1736) and Tenmei (1781-1789) famines destroyed many lands and , decreased the amount of food available. The only book available for this study is the Shikoku Henro Nakagata Oboe Nikki ( H S S S g rpJJ% 0 IB 1747) written by Saeki Fujihei, about whom little is known. However, the observations of the Dutchman Charles Peter Thunberg who visited Japan in 1775 will add interesting details to the concept of travel during that time. He, like Kaempfer, worked for the Dutch East India Company as a physician, lived on the island of Dejima and had the opportunity to accompany the Dutch ambassador on his journey to the imperial court in Edo. For this study, there are several sources used from the early nineteenth century. One is the Shikoku Henro Meisho Zue ( E H 3 1 S § ^ PjfM£ author unkown) from 1800 and another is the Shikoku Jumpai Nikki (03 MMW P IB) 1819 by Arai Raisuke (unknown). Other references are from a non-pilgrim, Jippensha Ikku, who traveled around Shikoku in 1821. In his book, the Kcmenowaraji (4kM^E. 1821), he offers descriptions of when and what he received as charity despite not being a pilgrim, as well as the activities of charity groups. The observations of Franz Siebold from 1823-29, who was also a medical officer and lived on Dejima, are helpful in realizing the popularity of pilgrimages during this time. Numerous guidebooks from the twentieth century provide useful information. The ones used in this study are the Shikoku Hachijuhakkasho Reijd Annaiki (03 HH A + A 13 jj BfSSI^trtfE 1908), Shikoku Reijd Hachijihakkasho Henro Hitori Annai (03 U l l t S I A + A * B f f f l S S S l 9 | g r t 1910),5/r/itoifci//?e/yoi4nwa/fc(lff l f lS^r*3lS 1911) and S/H*O*I/ flewo £>ogyo Jvww (03 III 38 i & l ^ f t — A 1920). These four books offer substantial descriptions of the history of each temple, distances, nearest post offices and other factual information. They differ from the individualized day-to-day travel diary of Takamure Itsue (1894- 1964) who walked the route in 1918. After completing her journey, she published the events of the trip in a series of articles in a newspaper in Kyushu. These articles were compiled after her death into the book, Musume Junreiki ( M ^ I L f f i 1979) . Other books that she wrote relating her pilgrim experiences are Ohenro (WM$& 1938) and Henro to Jinsei t A £ 1939). In 1907, Alfred Bohner, who was a teacher in Matsuyama, walked the route and wrote about his experience and the history of the pilgrimage route in his book 'The Pilgrimage Route of Eighty-Eight Holy Stations of Shikoku' (Wallfahrt zu Zweien die 88 Heiligen Statten von Shikoku). In his books, he often quotes from another guidebook, the Shikoku Jumpaiki (03 S ^ f f f B ) from 1903. The author of this book was Kan Kikutaro (who also went by the name, Shikokuzaru), a professor at an agricultural school in Matsuyama. A different type of primary source material is the Kinsei Tosa Henro Shiryo (xQrlfeih^SjJ^iJ^) published in 1966. This is a compilation of documents from the entire Tokugawa period that mostly highlight the laws and measures taken against 'non-desirable' pilgrims. Another document from the twentieth century is 'The Spiritual Tales of the Temple, Tatsueji' (Tatsueji Reigenki A L T X ^ F M ^ I E ) from 1926. This document records the aims and goals of a charity group that operated out of Tatsueji every year during the busy spring 'charity-giving' season. 15 C H A P T E R O N E : Charitable Giving PART A : History and Development The act of charitable giving has a long history not only in Japan, but also in other Asian countries. Perhaps the most well-known and earliest story of someone receiving gifts of charity in Asia is of the Japanese priest Ennin (794-864) who traveled to China and stayed for ten years (838-847). In his record he offers a firsthand account of the frequency of the custom of charitable giving. For example, he states that along all the major roads of China there were private homes and stores catering to travelers, or at least prepared to take them in or feed them on demand; and that along the route leading to the holy center of Mt.Wu-tei, there was a well-organized system of religious hostels whose owners welcomed any passersby, offered free lodging and, if there was any food available, offered it as well. Ennin's diary also includes the account of a man who had become a believer and had long been preparing meager meals, which he offered to traveling monks, regardless of their number.1 When and how did the custom commence in Japan, what form did the charity take, what was given, to whom were such gifts given and why did people participate, in such a selfless action? The purpose of this chapter is to present a short history of charitable giving in Japan, focusing first on early efforts to provide charitable service and good works, examining the situation along the pilgrimage route to Ise and finally, looking at the Shikoku pilgrimage route. 1 Edwin O. Reischauer. Ennin's Travels in T'ang China. (New York: Ronald Press Co., 1955) 148. 16 Kobo Daishi (774-835) before going to China is believed to have participated in ascetic training in various places in Shikoku. One of these was Mt. Tairyu, which would make him one of the earliest people to involve himself in mountainous training. People who did such were called 'mountain practitioners' or yamabushi, a group that eventually banded together to form the 'religious movement' called Shugendd. It is interesting that this religious group incorporated many of the ideas and practices of esoteric Buddhism, brought into Japan by Kobo Daishi. 2 Within the early religious movement of Shugendo, there were various types of ascetics, many of whom roamed the country, conducted religious training and participated in charitable works for the public. The members of Shugendo included "unofficial monks (ubasoku MUl l) , peripatetic holy men (hijiri M), pilgrimage guides (sendatsu 5fcjil), blind musicians, exorcists, hermits and others." During the Middle Ages various religious figures engaged in charitable actions. One example is Chogen (1121-1206) who studied Shingon doctrine and made pilgrimages to sacred mountains throughout Japan. While traveling the country, he promoted public works and the religious merit of building temples, erecting statutes and holding services.4 Eizon (1201-1290), a priest who had studied esoteric teachings on Mount Koya and at Daigo-ji, was well liked amongst the nobility. He also worked among members of the outcast class and journeyed throughout Japan preaching. It is said 2 Edwin Bernbaum. Sacred Mountains of the World. (San Francisco: Sierra Club Book, 1990.) 70. 3 Paul Swanson. "Shugendo and Yoshino-Kumano Pilgrimage." Monumenta Nipponica. vol.36, no.l Spring 1981 56. 4 Yusen Kashiwahara and Koyu Sonoda. Shapers of Japanese Buddhism (Tokyo: Kosei Printing, 1994) 264. 17 that in his travels among the common people, he built bridges, established hostels for travelers and clinics for the i l l , as well as distributed food and money to the poor.5 His disciple Ninsho (1217-1303) also participated in similar activities for public welfare, working hard at helping the poor and homeless by building two centers to care for the i l l and needy.6 These individuals worked to improve the condition of those less fortunate, but over time common people as individuals or groups became involved in offering charitable deeds such as free lodging, food and services. The best example of the history of charitable giving, outside Shikoku, is the pilgrimage to Ise Shrine, the shrine dedicated to Amaterasu, the Sun Goddess and mythological foundress of Japan. This route was popular for most of the Tokugawa period, so much so that that between one to five million pilgrims crowded the highways and roads leading to Ise during the peak years. As early as 1585, a Catholic missionary, Luis Frois, observed the popularity of Ise as a popular travel destination. "As a pilgrimage destination from among the various countries of Japan, most gather to Ise Shrine where the extent of the numbers of people are so many that make it impossible to believe. The people, who do such, are not only low class common people, but they are also noble men and women." He indicates that representatives of all types of common people were seen along its path. Another foreigner, Franz von Siebold who was in Japan between 1823 and 1829, mentioned the importance of everyone doing the pilgrimage to Ise at least once in his or her lifetime. He wrote, "To make this pilgrimage to Isye [sic] at 5 Taiko Yamazaki. Shingon: Japanese Esoteric Buddhism. (London: Sambhala Publishing) 50. 6 Kashiwahara (1994) 269. 7 Tsunezo Shinjo. Shomin to Tabi no Rekishi. (T5kyo: Nihon Hoso Shuppan) 45. 18 least once is imperatively incumbent upon man, woman and child of every rank and it might almost be said of every religion."8 Acceptance of charity allowed people to survive while traveling to such sites as Ise Shrine or a pilgrimage route. One of the earliest examples of charitable giving along the road to Ise Shrine occurred during the first peak year of 1705 when many storeowners actively participated in giving because by doing so, they could become involved vicariously in the pilgrimage and feel the passion and excitement of the pilgrims.9 Some sixty years later, during the second peak year of 1771, "Almsgivers, outnumbering the pilgrims in some places by as many as seven to one, stood by the roadside to drop gifts into the pilgrim's outstretched hands and that charitable giving (segyo Jfefx) became both more generous and more highly organized."10 Some of these individuals banded together to form charity groups. For example, in the mid-eighteenth century, the 'Confraternity of the Sacred Dance'group, which consisted of rich families from Kyoto, provided aid along the route to Ise. They donated a number of items: umbrellas, raincoats, sandals, money, paper, fans and various kinds of goods to the passerby. The people in this charitable group also provided tobacco, dried seaweed, fish, tea, beans, rice, bamboo or reed hats, noodles, lanterns, miso soup and even bags to carry the gifts away in . 1 1 Other groups "also included a wide variety of 8 Phillip Franz Siebold. Manners and Customs of the Japanese in the nineteenth century. (New York: Harper, 1973 reprint 1841) 240. 9 Michio Aoki. ed. Ikki Seikatsu Bunka Shiso. Vol. 4. "Okagemairi to Ee ja nai ka." (Tokyo: Tokyo University Shuppankai, 1981.) 322. 1 0 Winston Davis. "Pilgrimage and World Renewal: A Study of Religion and Social Values in Tokugawa Japan- Part 1" History of Religion. 23-2 (1984) 104. 1 1 Ibid. 19 services, haircuts, hot baths, rides on horseback, in boats or palanquins and lodging for the night."1 2 During the third peak of 1805, an estimated five million people participated and the scale of giving intensified with even some local governments becoming involved in charitable giving. For example, in Awa (Tokushima prefecture) the local daimyo donated 3,000 koku of rice to pilgrims in Osaka and provided 150 palanquins for their use. While some governments were providing support, there were indications that some local authorities were not always pleased with so many people leaving their lands to pursue such 'leisurely' activities. As a result, some local governments tried to implement travel restrictions, such as allowing only those of a certain economic wealth to be issued travel passports, determining when and where one could travel, who was allowed to travel, and the number of days one could travel.1 4 However, despite such measures, the numbers of pilgrims only increased. There are certain reasons why the government did not take a more forceful stance. One was out of fear. The authorities may have been fearful of people's reactions if prohibited from being able to travel. The seemingly supportive attitude toward pilgrimage travel in some areas acted as a guard against any possible insurrection, keeping the people happy and pacified.1 5 The other reason was also based in fear because 1 2 Winston Davis. "Pilgrimage and World Renewal: A Study of Religion and Social Values in Tokugawa Japan- Part 1" History of Religion. 23:2 (1984) 104. 1 3 Winston Davis. "Pilgrimage and World Renewal: A Study of Religion and Social Values in Tokugawa Japan- Part 2" History of Religion. 23:3 (1984) 207. 1 4 For detailed ways on how the local governments attempted to control pilgrimage travel, see Vaporis. Breaking Barriers, p 198-216. ' 5 Vaporis. Breaking Barriers. 204. 20 the authorities held some degree of belief in the spiritual belief of'karmic retribution.' Therefore, if one prohibited so-called religious figures from making a spiritual journey, one would be subject to a punishment. The Shikoku pilgrimage and its strong ties with the legends of Kobo Daishi demonstrate the official acceptance of prevalent beliefs. Shikoku History The word 'charitable giving' has been identified using a variety of different words, including segyd (Jfgfl) ,fuse (MM) , kanjin ( t f r i i ) -> kisha or hosha However, in Shikoku, the concept is most commonly known by the word settai (Scftf) . 1 6 According to one Japanese language dictionary ( 0 ^ S f p A§$ j& ) , settai has three principle meanings: 1) to entertain guests; 2) to give to monks or to give meals to pilgrims and the poor at a temple, and 3) in general, to give meals or tea. In Shikoku, settai is best described by the second definition. Shimazaki (Tanaka) Hiroshi, for example, adds that settai "refers to the practice of giving goods, money and accommodation to pilgrims in the belief that such actions will gain merit for the donor."1 7 In Japan this custom seems to have originated earlier in other pilgrimage routes, such as the Saikoku route, or Ise Shrine before appearing in Shikoku. The question that needs to be addressed is, did this custom transfer from the other pilgrimage routes such as the Ise 1 6 Maeda Takashi argues that the difference between and (both of which are read as settai) is that the former means to entertain a guest, while the latter is one kind of gift (fuse) namely moncha (gate-tea). Alfred Bohner argues that the word 'settai' is actually made up of the words 'se' meaning 'gift' and 'tai' meaning 'to wait'. 1 7 Hiroshi Tanaka. Pilgrim Places- a study of the eighty-eight sacred precincts of the Shikoku pilgrimage of Japan, (unpublished Phd dissertation. Simon Fraser University, 1975) 49. 21 Shrine or thirty-three temple Saikoku route, or did it begin in Shikoku in some other form? Although Buddhism teaches the importance of giving alms to monks, Takeda Akira, the author of several books on the Shikoku pilgrimage route, has proposed one theory on the origins of settai in Shikoku. He suggests that the original form ofsettai began at shrines far away from any roads or pilgrims paths. These shrines were known by different names such as: yotsuashido ( E S o y o t s u d d (53 daishido ('IKW'SL), ujidd ( f t ^ ) or jizodo (MWL^L) and they were small structures having a grass-thatched or tiled roof supported by four pillars. Inside each shrine was a figure that determined the different names. For example, a Jizodo had a jizd statue, an Ujidd had a clan's guardian god and a Daishido was where a statue of Kobo Daishi would be enshrined. It is unclear which deity was enshrined within & yotsudd ox yotsuashido; however, it is most likely they contained a guardian god as those shrines were sometimes called ujidd. As the number of legends about Kobo Daishi increased some of the non-daishido shrines, despite predating Kobo Daishi, began to forgo their original names.18 One reason for this change may have been because of efforts by Shingon priests from Mt. Koya in the Tokugawa era to expand their sect in Shikoku. In any case, the original or newly named daishido (also called odd) fulfilled two different roles, one for the benefit of a deity, and the second for the needs of the people. The first role is apparent in that these shrines were a place where gifts were laid out for the enshrined Kobo Daishi. For Sachiko Misawa Kanai. "Development of the Kobo Daishi Cult and beliefs in Japan and their connection with the Shikoku pilgrimage." Young East. Vol. 6. Issue 2 (Spring 1980): 25. 22 example, a reference in the Shikoku Henro Meisho Zue (1800) states: "At the hut there is also settai (gifts) where Kobo Daishi is enshrined" (Mi&W&h V , ^ c S P ^ S ) . 1 9 The second role was that "the Odo or Daishido acted as a gathering places for the villagers to conduct religious rites such as funeral and memorial rites."2 0 However it appears that, for example in Tosa ( Kochi prefecture), there were many odd which were called chadd (tea building) whose main function was to provide tea, but also red bean rice (sekihan), and other foods.21 At an odd, it is apparent that food and tea were not being presented to a statue of a deity, but to humans. This change implies a shift over time in the recipient of settai, yet does not prove that people stopped offering gifts to deities. PART B: WHY GIVE? Faith in Kobo Daishi (W&AMitP) Kobo Daishi (774-835), the 'founder' of the Shikoku pilgrimage route and of Shingon Buddhism in Japan, is one of the most respected and popular Buddhist masters of Japan. Consequently during his life, but more especially after his 'death', Kobo Daishi's fame grew with thousand of folktales emerging about his life. Within these tales there is a frequent recurring theme of rewards and punishments (kanzen choaku WlWM H ) . The message of such tales emphasized that if one did a good deed, one would be rewarded and protected or, vice versa, that i f one did an evil deed, one would suffer some kind of punishment. This theme is closely connected to the belief in karma - that result is 1 9 Iyoshi Dankai. ed. Shikoku Henroki shu. "Shikoku Henro Meisho Zue." (Matsuyama: Aoba Tosho, 1994) 261. 20Kanai(1980) 23. 23 determined by one's action and that an evil action is susceptible to 'karmic retribution.' These beliefs proved effective in encouraging the people to show kindness and provide charity to pilgrims.2 2 In Shinnen's book, Shikoku Henro Kudokuki (E9 S J S ^ 5 ( J ® I E 1690), there are twenty-seven tales based on the themes of kanzen choaku and karmic retribution. Two examples of 'good' results because of a person's belief or good action are Tale Six and Twenty-three. Tale Six states "There was a fire in the village, but only one house was left unscathed. Everyone was suspicious, but the couple had been strong believers who lent lodging to pilgrims and fed them. For this reason, people say that they were protected by Kobo Daishi." 2 3 Tale Twenty-Three tells of a man who was sick and who wanted, but was unable, to do the pilgrimage. Instead, he persistently performed deeds such as providing lodging and showing hospitality to pilgrims. As a result, one day, he was suddenly cured of his sickness and could finally achieve his long awaited goal of participating as a pilgrim. On the other hand, there are also many stories focusing on uncharitable people and the punishment they received. In regards to the Shikoku pilgrimage, the best known of these stories is that of Emon Saburo (^"lif P^HSR dates unknown), whose story is recorded in three books on the pilgrimage: Chozen's Henro Nikki (1653), Jakuhon's Reijoki (1689) and Shinnen's Kudokuki (1690). Chozen's account is the longest of the 2 2 Similar tales are found in the Nihon Ryoiki of Kyokai compiled in the ninth century. The English translation is Miraculous Stories from the Japanese Buddhist Tradition. Kyoyo Nakamura. trans. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973) 2 3 Iyoshi Dankai. ed.. Shikoku Henroki shu. "Shikoku Henro Kudokuki." (Matsuyama: Aoba Tosho, 1994) 218. 2 4 Ibid. 229. 24 three, but Shinnen notes that Emon walked the route twenty-one times in search of Kobo Daishi, and Jakuhon states that Emon's eight children were all sons. It is, however, the moral message that should be noted. Emon is not thought of highly by the authors of the early books. Chozen described Emon by stating, "that there was no one as wicked as he was under the heavens, someone who was so acrimonious and unkind" (JfcTMM/MW^-X^'MMl^J 3a -til).2 5 Jakuhon says that Emon was greedy, had no morals and had no respect for the gods (-kGkl&Ml:tt, # { A f t 9 ).2 6 In the story, one day a priest approached Emon (actually, the priest was Kobo Daishi in disguise) and begged for alms. Emon refused to give him anything and sent him away. The next day, the priest returned and did the same, but Emon acted in the same way. On the third day, Emon lost his temper, struck the monk with a broom and smashed the monk's begging bowl into eight pieces. Surprisingly, even Emon was shocked at the severity of his own actions and he ran home where he found that his children were acting as if they were crazy. Then he realized that the priest must have been Kobo Daishi and that he had treated him very wickedly (o-f ' i J t k t b ^ ^ 9 , m^WfcfaMz. L T . . . ).2 7 As a result of his selfish behaviour, his 'karmic retribution' was that his eight children died over the next eight days. Feeling remorseful and wanting to seek forgiveness from Kobo Daishi, Emon embarked on the pilgrimage to find him. After twenty-one treks around Shikoku, he fell with exhaustion "Shikoku Henro Nikki." 45. "Shikoku Henro Reijoji." 195 "Shikoku Henro Nikki." 45. Iyoshi Dankai. ed. Iyoshi Dankai. ed. Iyoshi Dankai. ed. 25 near Temple 12, Shosanji. Kobo Daishi appeared, forgave Emon and allowed him to be 28 reborn as a human again, thus nullifying any negative karma that Emon had incurred. The punishment in the Emon Saburo and other stories of those who do not give willingly to a monk may seem overly severe. However, as seen in the case of Emon's fate, one can nullify one's bad karma, and by giving to pilgrims, not only achieve happier rebirths, but 29 obtain good health, luck and wealth while in this world. There is also a folktale involving Kobo Daishi directly that has specific connection to the Shikoku pilgrimage route and the concept of offering free lodging. It recounts a day when Kobo Daishi was traveling the route, arriving in a village in the evening and looking for a place to stay. No one offered him accommodation so, as an unfortunate consequence, he had to spend the night under a bridge (known as the Ten-night Bridge today). The account of this incident, documented around 1638, describes how long that night felt to him as he suffered in the bitter cold. If you go a little further, you will reach Tokuno temple where there is a bridge that has had its name changed from Miyano Bridge to the Ten Night's bridge. In the days when Kobo Daishi was walking the route, he came to this place requesting a place to stay, however, there was no one who would lend him such. At that bridge, he stayed throughout the darkness of night. When the people heard the story that Kobo Daishi had suffered through the night with the cold winds penetrating his skin and where it had felt like ten nights, they shortly thereafter changed the name, placed an altar there and placed incense that would never die out throughout night or day. This became a place well known amongst all people.30 2 8 Iyoshi Dankai. ed. "Shikoku Henro Nikki." 45. 29 Winston Davis. "Pilgrimage and World Renewal: A Study of religion and social values in Tokugawa Japan- Part 1". History of Religion^ 23-2. (1984) 97-116. 3 0 Iyoshi Dankai. ed. Shikoku Henroki shu. "Kuseihoshino Shikoku Reijo Ojungyoki." (Matsuyama: Aoba Tosho, 1994)20. 26 mxmr,xm<^n, mviz^ttfrx, M&mi£v>mz.gz>iz, The reaction of the villagers when they became aware of what had happened demonstrates their feelings of guilt for allowing him to suffer so much because of the lack of accommodation.31 As a result, it seems that progressively more people offered their homes to pilgrims because the 'unknown pilgrim' could be Kobo Daishi himself, and to refuse him accommodation would make one liable to a karmic punishment. The giving of settai became more and more an integral part of the religious beliefs of the people related to the Shikoku pilgrimage route. Even in the twentieth century, when Oliver Statler, author of Japanese Pilgrimage, asked the charity groups (settaiko) why they provided such benefits to total strangers without any fee, they replied with a variety of responses, the most frequent being that the pilgrim might, in fact, be the still-living great saint Kukai traveling incognito - an ancient belief associated with this particular pilgrimage. To provide for the great saint would be an unusual opportunity to perform an act of piety.3 2 People also gave to obtain merit for themselves and the accumulation of merit would determine the degree to which one would be spared any misfortune. People 3 1 see Appendix 2. NOTE: Even today while the bridge has changed to a concrete form, I found in my visit to this place on a very windy February afternoon that I could easily imagine what it might have been like to stay under that bridge for a whole night. Honestly, I just wanted to get back to the car! Interestingly, I found under the bridge, an altar with different carvings and statues of Kobo Daishi. One particular statue even lies in a bed covered with quilts that obviously modern-day villagers have placed over him for warmth! 3 2 William LaFleur. "Points of Departure: Comments on Religious Pilgrimage in Sri Lanka and Japan." Journal of Asian Studies. Vol. XXXVIII no.2 (February 1979): 274. 27 sought to obtain such an intangible gift after they provided some form of charity to a pilgrim traveling through Shikoku. The emphasis on karma, the obtaining of merit and the theme of rewards and punishments changed people's attitude toward pilgrims and as a result, they participated more in charitable giving. Sachiko Kanai suggests that, "People in the old days were not really very charitable, but as the Daishi legends grew and wishing to accumulate merit for oneself, one's family and relatives or even one's 33 community, the custom of settai grew and became important in the Daishi belief." Osamefuda People gave goods and services to pilgrims to obtain intangible rewards such as merit and to receive a tangible reward of a name-slip from a pilgrim. These name-slips called 'osamefuda' (fflftL) have a long history throughout Japan. According to the Japanese Buddhism Dictionary, they became popular between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries with the oldest physical examples coming from the Bando 33-temple route (%x.M) dating from 1340 and another from the Saikoku (MS) route from 1479.34 From the Shikoku pilgrimage route, the earliest known osamefuda are a wooden one from 1640 and a copper one from 1650.35 However, the earliest reference to osamefuda being used by a pilgrim is recorded in the Chozen's Henro Nikki (1653). Chozen describes the actions of Emon Saburo when he went in search of Kobo Daishi around the Shikoku " Kanai (1980) 25. 3 4 Yoshio Imaizumi ed. Nihon Bukkydshi Jiten. (TSkyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan) 733. 3 5 Bohner (1927) 32. The 1650 fuda was on a shrine at Temple no. 53 Emmyoji in the village of Wake in Matsuyama. 28 route. He says that Emon at Temple 12, Shosanji: "At that time, I hung a fuda at the mountain of Shosan of Awa province" ( & B 3 W J & / B M l U / t i ^ ^ X ) . 3 6 Pilgrims usually carried with them many name-slips (osamefuda) to give away to donors of charity and to place at each temple. In 1687, Shinnen gave instructions on how to prepare both the name-slip and the container used to carry them. First of all, the osamefuda case should be 6x18 cm in size and one should write on one side the date and the saying, 'Dedication of two walking together in Shikoku' (Hond Shikoku naka Henro Dogyo ninin IfSlr*! 29 HI 4^ R i f f — A ) . 3 7 Then on the other side of the box should be written, T put my faith in Daishi' (Namu Daishi Hensho Kongo A S f i S B p ^ l ' J ) along with your name and the place where you are from. 3 8 A guidebook dated from 1908 gives instructions on how to prepare osamefuda by stating: "The osamefuda is to be divided into six and the date, your name and address written on it. It is good to carry a lot with you because when you receive lodging at a person's home (zenkonyado) or other kinds of settai, you must give one name-slip away" ( I r t t L t t ^ l f t A o ^ K c t t ( { 5 J ^ 3 6 Iyoshi Dankai. ed. Shikoku Henroki shu "Shikoku Henro Nikki." (Matsuyama: Aoba Tosho, 1994) 46. 3 7 NOTE: the word 'dogyo ninin' is another key concept seen in many pilgrimage routes in Japan. For example, along the Kannon routes, if one is traveling as a pair, one writes 'Two walking together' {dogyo ninin), if one is traveling in a group of three, one writes, 'Three walking together' (dogyo sannin). However, in Shikoku, it is always 'dogyo ninin' which means that 'one is walking with Kobo Daishi.' 3 8 Iyoshi Dankai. ed. Shikoku Henroki shu. "Shikoku Henro Michishirube." (Matsuyama: Aoba Tosho, 1994)71. 3 9 Yasumori Chiku. Shikoku Hachijuhakkasho Reijd Annaiki. (Kyoto: Rokudai Shinposha, 1908) 11. NOTE: Fuda were made from hanshi (one type of Japanese paper) measuring 35cm in width X 25cm in length that was folded and cut into six (5-5 cm W X 25cm L) slips. (Bohner p.78) 29 These name-slips served not only as a tangible receipt of the giving and receiving relationship between donor and pilgrim, but they also had a more significant meaning for the pilgrims themselves. On a name slip, along with the name of the pilgrim, prayers were also inscribed and at each religious site, a pilgrim would offer one at the main shrine and Daishido. Ian Reader adds that osamefuda are "perhaps more commonly [used] still, as a means of communicating the pilgrim's presence to the various entities enshrined at the sites. As such they are deposited in the special boxes set out for this purpose at each pilgrimage site, as a gesture of veneration and as a means of transmitting the pilgrim's requests to Kobo Daishi and the Buddhas."4 0 Thus the name-slips were a part of the belief system in Kobo Daishi. Pilgrims believed that by writing prayers and other requests on a name-slip and offering it at a temple, their wish or prayer might come true due to the benevolence and power of Kob5 Daishi. Not only might prayers come true, but also osamefuda were thought to have special powers. Oliver Statler offers some examples of these beliefs from the twentieth century. He found that a common use for the name-slips was as a protective amulet. In 1971, he noticed people from a charity group collecting osamefuda while they operated at Temple One, Ryozenji. "The name-slips they receive from pilgrims are carried home and distributed to the households who gave charity. Families treasure them as powerful talismans against misfortune."41 Statler continues with another account in which a family was protected by the osamefuda. "Later in our pilgrimage we hear of a family who have traditionally offered settai at a ferry crossing. About fifty years ago a terrible 4 0 Ian Reader "Pilgrimage as a Cult: The Shikoku Pilgrimage as a Window on Japanese Religion." Religion in Japan- Arrows to Heaven and Earth. (England: Cambridge University Press, 1996) 273. 4 1 Oliver Statler. Japanese Pilgrimage. (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1983) 184. 30 fire swept the town. That family's house was in the middle of it but on a straw rope they tied the hundreds of name-slips they had received that year from henro and strung them around their house; it was saved."4 2 The belief in the power of the osamefuda received from a Shikoku pilgrim is strong and it seems that the more charitable one was, the more name slips one would collect, and thus the greater possibility of being spared from sickness or disaster. For example, some families strove to collect numerous name-slips and store them in a straw bag, which would be hung from the ceiling and act as a protective amulet. However, i f a family could not gather a lot, a few were hung in the entrance way of the house for protection from fire and evil spirits.43 People throughout Japan, including Shikoku, believed in the protective power of the osamefuda and attempted to collect as many as possible. The collecting of osamefuda and the belief in its power has continued until the present today, yet more than quantity, people seem more interested in collecting a gold-colored nameslip, which a pilgrim uses after fifty completions of the route around Shikoku. PART C: When to give charity? The day of Kobo Daishi's demise influenced when most people gave settai. He is said to have died on the twenty-first day of the third month in 835. As a result, the twenty-first has become a 'special day' (ennichi W. B ) or 'memorial day' (kijitsu W*< 0 ) of commemoration of his 'death' during which people participate in fairs and markets 4 2 Oliver Statler. Japanese Pilgrimage. (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1983) 184. 4 3 Eiki Hoshino, "Shikoku henro in okeru settai no imi." Shukyo Kenkyii. 47:2 (Jan. 1974): 85. 31 and in giving charity.44 The records of Shikoku pilgrims record that most of their settai were received around this date, which in the modern era has been set as March 21st. One example from Shikoku Jumpai Nikki is found on March 21,1819 where the author writes near Temple 84, Yashimaji ( S i o # ) : "Today, there was settai at twelve places of such things as sandals, head shaves and money for food" (4" 0 Bf^f {X fc> b £ > # F ) . 4 5 Four days later, he records receiving even more gifts and writes: "On March 25 th, there were a number of people who came out to give settai, and there were twenty-eight places that I received settai in one day" —+3x 0 Z l v ^ ^ ^ Z l { ± 5 ^ A ^ i U — 0 r + A # FJf4r5# / L H ^ ) . 4 6 Another reference comes from a different travel diary from 1833. Here the pilgrim is said to have received settai a total of seventy-one times during the entire journey, yet received it mostly on March 21 s t when it was eleven times.47 Another reference, while not specifically identifying the amount of settai received, does further demonstrate the abundance of settai given around March 21. "We received settai at many places for example settai of head shaves that were very good" # n \h$fctl PJffl iX^W&~X nm<D^M&)4* [emphasis mine] It would appear Note: Thus the twenty-first of each month is Kobo Daishi's ennichi (special day) when fairs and markets such as the one at Kyoto's Toji temple are held. From Prof. Ian Reader: The twenty-first of the third month of the old calendar is when Iyo Oshima in the Inland Sea has its henro ichi (pilgrimage market) a 3-day even when the little huts on the island's 88 stage route are manned, when locals give out settai and when thousand of people come from all over to participate. Because the old calendar differs from the current one, the dates vary each year. (Email: November 2000) 4 5 Kiyoshi Hiroe. Kinsei Tosa Henro Shiryd. "Shikoku Jumpai Nikki." (Kochi: Tosa Minzoku Gakkai, 1966) 96. 4 6 Ibid. 98. 4 7 Eitoku Kiyoyoshi, Henrobito Reiden. ( Niihama: Okada Kobunto, 1999) 216. 4 8 Kiyoshi Hiroe. "Shikoku Jumpai Nikki." 102. 32 that most settai was received during the spring season and giving was most prevalent around the twenty-first of March, the 'memorial day' of Kobo Daishi. As a result, it is during the spring season that most people participated as pilgrims along the Shikoku route. PART D: WHO G A V E Spontaneous Activities by Individuals As previously seen, in the case of the pilgrimage to Ise, people first acted by themselves in giving charity. The same is true for Shikoku. One can find frequent references in the travel diaries and other documents identifying by name those who freely provided food, lodging or other services. One of the earliest examples of an individual's name being mentioned for offering food and lodging as settai is found in the Shikoku Henro Nakagata Oboe Nikki (1747) where it states: "On the same day [the eighth] it rained, and we stayed [at the house of] Yoheiemon, were fed and were indebted for staying two nights and for being given such things as cooked food." (— | R J A 0 9 > x , s - z m ^ - m . r . / ^ ^ m m m m ± = i m ^ nm^mmrm. ).49 The various types of lodging facilities that were made available will be examined in greater detail in Chapter two. Other individuals would not provide lodging, but only food that they would give to the pilgrims from a fixed spot near a temple, or give to the pilgrims as they walked along the route. One example comes from fieldwork research during the early 1970s of Kagawa Kenshi 9. "Shikoku Henro Nakagata Oboe Nikki." (Kagawa: Shikoku Shimbunsha, 1987) 33 Maeda Takashi who found an eighty-five-year old lady who providing rice to pilgrims. She began this charitable service in 1921 in front Temple 18, Onzanji, apparently felt that it was her duty to do so, and that i f she did not she might suffer from some misfortune or retribution. For that reason, if she was unable to carry out this daily activity, she made sure that another family member would do it on her behalf.50 Other families who did not have the time to give hand-to-hand would provide settai from a box placed in front of their house. This container was called a 'donation box' or kanjinbako (W)i&M) and inside was an amount of rice, beans or barley that a pilgrim could take. Some houses had a fixed amount that they would put in it each day, so it was up to the pilgrim to wake up early and walk around to the various houses and collect these goods, to ensure an adequate supply of food for that day.5 1 Semi-institutionalized activities by Confraternities/ Groups As more individuals and families started to participate in charitable giving, they joined together to make village charity groups or confraternities. Some early references of pilgrims in Shikoku receiving settai from a village charity group come from the nineteenth century. For example, in the Shikoku Henro Meisho Zue (1800), "At the entrance of the village of Oka, there was settai of hattaiko [ground barley]. Also, at the village of Yamada, there was settai hattaiko" (^f 9 WftXnfcK&OWfe^ 9 . LU m^titpJf'hA^(DW^h <9 .. .). 5 2 Furthermore, the author of the Shikoku Junrei Tdchu 5 0 Takashi Maeda. Junrei no Shakaigaku. (Osaka: Naniwa Printing, 1972) 226. 5 1 Ibid. 52 The village of Oka became part of Yamaminami district, which in 1871 had 440 houses and 1,689 people. The village of Yamada in 1801 had 247 homes with 1,011 people. 34 kiroku (1833) wrote: "On the way to the village of Bekku, we received settai of rice from Tadanoumi in the Toyoda of Aki . From Otomyo of Imabari [we received] settai of fried rice and in the same area from the village to Tokushige settai of fried rice" (Ell1t't£'f\f\ #). 5 3 Some villages choose to give objects of charity other than food. For example, in one area of Tokushima, it was common for locals to give money; another gave a small amount of rice. In Kochi, a lot of homes gave tissue paper (chirigami) or paper for shoji doors while yet another area gave potatoes.54 There were two types of 'charity groups' or settaiko (^#f#) operating in Shikoku. One came from across the Inland Sea from such places, as Wakayama, Osaka, Okayama, Hiroshima and Kyushu. The other consisted of people within Shikoku. Both of these groups shared the same base of operation for distributing their goods that is from a temple with which they had arranged a reciprocal agreement. The group provided charity to pilgrims from a 'charity building' (settaisho ^ # F f ) located on the temple grounds, which, in many cases, had been built by the charity group themselves. The temple then allowed the members of these groups to stay, at no cost, at the temple for the duration of their charitable-giving activities. Oliver Statler, in 1971, writes of the activities of one charity group that had traveled from the Wakayama Prefecture. Bekku is part of Ochigun (Imabari han) and in 1871 had 96 homes and a population of 420. The village of Toyoda (now Mishima city in Ehime) in 1868 had 45 houses and a population of 229. The village of Tokushige (part of Imabari city), in 1871 had 52 homes and a population of 190. lMaeda(1972) 225. 35 ... At Number One [Temple] we were greeted with an outpouring of settai. Within minutes we were clutching tissues and handkerchiefs and caramels. As soon as we entered the gate, we were saluted by a beaming group of white-haired men and women; they were giving each pilgrim an orange, a coin, and wishes for a 'good pilgrimage.' ... They crossed the same strait I had from the K i i Peninsula. (Wakayama) The priest's wife told me that they come every year on the same date, as the traditional season for pilgrimage begins, and take up residence in their own building, which years ago they constructed just inside the temple gate.55 About one hundred and fifty years before Statler, there were charity groups that carried out the same sort of activities. For example, in 1821, Jippensha Ikku, in his book Kanenowaraji describes the actions of a charity group that involved people from within Shikoku (see Appendix #5). Another charity group similar in function to that observed by Jippensha and Statler is the 'The Tatsueji Temple Charity Group' (Tatsueji Zenkonkai ^ y l ^ f l M f i ^ ) that operated out of Temple 19, Tatsueji. The document, 'The Spiritual Tales of Tatsueji' (Tatsueji Reigenki 37-Tl#lI i lSB) from 1925 identifies the aims and purposes of this group. This charity group provided such goods as free postage handling, free temple stamps, food and other necessary items for daily life. The author of this document provides the motive for this group's activities in that "the act of giving charity is something taught to us by Kobo Daishi over one thousand years ago and those that do so should give to the pilgrims as i f intending to give to Kobo Daishi" (see Appendix 6).5 6 5 5 Statler (1983) 183. 5 6 Rinsui Hashizume. Tatsueji Reigenki. (Tokushima: Matsuo Printing, 1925) 24. 36 Institutionalized Activities and Reaction of the Local Authorities The groups most organized and formalized, more so than those observed by Jippensha and Statler, were the local and national authorities. Their actions, however, were mostly geared toward regulating and controlling pilgrims although, in some cases, assistance was provided. These opposing actions have puzzled scholars and it is easy to focus on the former. For example, during the Tokugawa period, it became increasingly easier for anyone to embark on a journey. A nation-wide highway system was created, the economy continued to grow, people prospered, farmers were allowed to travel during the non-busy times, the numbers of confraternity groups offering help increased, and the practice of alms-giving played a role in the popularity of travel. However, travelers were still forced by the government to carry a 'travel passport' or drai tegata (ttJfe^F1^) on which was stamped such things as their name, destination and length of trip. When a person arrived at a border crossing (sekisho Mffi) their documents were checked and, if things were not in order, that person would not be allowed to pass through. In fact, authorities in some domains strove to control the number of pilgrims entering their lands because they believed that "those desirous of becoming pilgrims were threatening the stable order of human society." In Shikoku, the strictest domain was Tosa (Kochi prefecture) where, by 1663, the local authorities were forbidding pilgrims to enter or leave the domain except at two authorized places. Then in the eighteenth century, the local authorities made pilgrims follow a set route, allowed them to stay only one night in CO any one place, and prescribed the number of days allowed to cross the domain. By the 5 7 Carmen Blacker. "The Religious Traveller in the Edo Period." Modern Asian Studies 18,4 (1984) 605. 5 8 Blacker (1984) 604. 37 nineteenth century, an article appeared in the Tosa Newspaper (1876) calling for the entire abolition of pilgrims (henro j f iS§). The reasons given were: 1) it was believed pilgrims would transmit disease, 2) the outbreak of thefts, 3) not knowing what to do with sick pilgrims, 4) the belief that something bad will happen unless you give food or other things to someone when they come begging, and 5) pilgrims are standing in front of stores and thus, disturbing businesses.59 Such behaviour seen in Tosa could have arisen from the anti-Buddhist movement that began after the Meiji Restoration (1868). Despite such restrictive and prohibitive measures, the local authorities were not entirely without compassion. Nathalie Kouame in her 1997 article argues that while there were various restrictions placed upon the pilgrims such as the numbers of days they could spend in each domain, or what roads they could travel on, i f the aims and activities of the pilgrim were of a religious nature they were tolerated and supported by the authorities.60 Constantine Vaporis provides a possible reason as to why pilgrims were tolerated by stating "sekisho or bansho guards were reluctant to prevent legitimate pilgrims without permits from completing their ritual act because of its sacred nature and the fear of bringing harm unto themselves."61 It seems that, to some degree, the authorities believed in karmic retribution and 'tolerated and supported' pilgrims. In Chapter four, part two, Kiyoshi Hiroe. Kinsei Tosa Henro Shiryo. (Kochi: Tosa Minzoku Gakkai, 1966) 14-15. 6 0 Nathalie Kouame. "Shikoku's Local Authorities and Henro during the Golden Age of the Pilgrimage." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies. Fall 1997. Nathalie Kouame's unpublished PhD dissertation "Le Pelerinage de Shikoku Pendant L'Epoque D'Edo." Institut National Des Langues Ed Civilization Orientales (1997) discusses extensively the laws relating to pilgrims and demonstrates that there was a lot of emphasis in them on caring for pilgrims. 6 1 Vaporis 177. 38 the ways in which the local authorities assisted pilgrims who were sick or who had died will be examined in detail. P A R T E : W H O R E C E I V E D C H A R I T Y ? People who embarked as pilgrims to Shikoku came from all classes of society. There were people of nobility, religious figures, samurai and common people who traveled, perhaps to escape the pressures of their everyday lives, to explore new places, or for some religious purpose. However, pilgrims can be divided into two basic groups: those with religious or honest intentions and those without. The former category includes those, many of them women, who walked the Shikoku route in hope that a prayer would come true, that one would be healed, or for some other personal reason. In fact, one reason why so many women participated in the Shikoku pilgrimage was that, for Shikoku women, it was a requirement before getting married.62 People in Shikoku believed that, if a woman completed the pilgrimage, Kobo Daishi would act as a 'Connecting God' (musubi no kami 1^Xf-(DW) to ensure that she would be 'connected' to a good partner in marriage. This belief and custom seems to have been most popular in Awa and continued as late as the early twentieth century. The latter category of 'non-religious' or 'non-desirable' pilgrims who also benefited from receiving settai included those such as, "runaways, low ranking samurai, people pretending to be Koya 'holy men' (hijiri) and trying to sell things, those with leprosy, those who had been expelled from home to lessen the numbers of mouths to feed, Shimazaki (1975) quoting from Akira Takeda 'Shikokuji' 89. Bohner 116. 39 and thieves and beggars."64 Even as early as 1690, such 'fake' pilgrims (nise henro $ I M $&) or 'professional' pilgrims or 'working pilgrims' (shokugyo henro I s l H S ^ ) began to appear more predominantly on the roads. In 1690, Kaempfer noticed this phenomenon when traveling to the Ise Shrine: There are also a number of slippery customers who pretend that they are on this pilgrimage (Ise Mairi), and for as long as they are doing well spend most of the year on the road begging. Others manage to perform this pilgrimage in a rather theatrical and amusing fashion, to more successfully attract people's attention and money. 6 5 He also adds a description of the situation along the Saikoku thirty-three-pilgrimage route. "Some [pilgrims] like this pious vagabond life so much that they have no desire to earn their living by any other occupation but spend their time traveling the country in a never-ending pilgrimage."6 6 This latter group caused trouble not only for the local people, but also for the authorities. However, in Shikoku, any type of pilgrim could receive charity without bias, mostly from the local people and to some degree from the local governments. The authorities appeared to be more concerned with applying pressure to 'non-desirable' pilgrims through restrictions and control measures. For example, the Tosa provincial government during the Meiji (1868-1912) and Taisho (1912-1926) periods used the police to round up (henro gari ) all the sick, professional and begging pilgrims 64Ninsho Miyazaki. Shikoku Henro. (Osaka: Toki Shobo, 1985) 175. 6 5 Bodart-Bailey Beatrice M. ed. Kaempfer's Japan: Tokugawa Culture Observed. (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999)275. 6 6 Ibid. 40 and banish them from the domain.6 7 Such restrictive actions do not prove, however, that the authorities did not provide any form of charity, assistance or support to the pilgrims. In fact, the local authorities did help by providing lodging and foods, escorting such people back to their villages or giving them a proper burial if they died. Details of such actions are recorded in the Kiyoshi Hiroe. Kinsei Tosa Henro Shiryd. (Kochi: Tosa Minzoku Gakkai, 1966) 6 8 This topic of how the pilgrims were sandwiched between the populace who treated them with hospitality and cordiality and the government who treated them through exclusion and regulations is discussed in Eiki Hoshino. "Kihi to Kogu- Shikoku henrosha no tachiba." Bukkyo Minzoku no Rydiki. (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai, 1978) 167-183. 41 C H A P T E R 2- A C C O M M O D A T I O N S Pilgrims in Shikoku have had a wide range of places available for accommodation with many of them provided as settai. Some facilities cost money, but in many cases something was provided for free. Some local people acted out of compassion or sympathy while others acted out their belief in the importance of charitable giving and the concept of rewards and punishments. This chapter wil l discuss the various types of accommodations that were provided, the degree to which they were offered for free, and the reasons for the charitable actions of some of the owners. To do so, the topic of accommodation will be divided into three main categories: Temples, Houses and Lodges. PART 1: TEMPLES Ek i ro j i The earliest available example of free accommodation for travelers is found in the concept of 'road-side temples' (Ekiroji). In the year 1598, Hachisuka Iemasa ($&MlX.W.$k 1558- 1638)1 the lord of Awa province instituted a plan to ensure that eight temples were available for travelers to lodge at on the major roads leading out of Awa domain (Tokushima prefecture).2 This system existed only in Awa and does not seem to be found elsewhere in Japan. The first article of the edict reads as follows: 1 NOTE: Eldest son of Hachisuka Masakatsu (1526-1586) and born in Hachisuka village in Owari (Aichi prefecture. He served with Oda Nobunaga and fought under Hideyoshi Toyotomi. In 1582, he defeated Mitsuhide Azechi in the Honnoji Incident (1582) during which Nobunaga was assassinated. In 1585, he was made Lord of Awa with a fief of 173,000 koku and lived in Tokushima Castle. In the Battle of Sekigahara (1600), he refused the invitation of Mistunari Ishida, a warlord of the Toyotomi camp and sided with Ieyasu Tokugawa. 2 These temples were Nagataniji (-JI^TF) „ Suiunji ( S ) S (which later became Anrakuji This was Temple no. 6 on the Shikoku route), Fukuoji (iS^fe^X Nagarakuji (5:^#)^ Aoshokuji (#fe#)^ Umetaniji {W^\ Tokoshiji ( f i f ® a n d Entonji ( R ® # ) „ 42 The matter of these temples: The article to cause the construction of lodgings for travelers coming and leaving is something very important as a form of charity. Not just, namely for pilgrims, but namely for those who have left home, samurai and farmers, but all those wanting a place to stay with the setting of the sun, you should feed them with a meal.3 Having ordered that such temples be constructed for the benefit of all travelers and that lodging and a meal should be provided, the lord ensured that his people fulfill this mandate by providing them with financial support ( kanjinbun MMft ) to the amount of ten koku each.4 This edict also demonstrates that the Hachisuka family wished to put into action a protection policy (hogo seisaku '{%W:$kM) for the pilgrims. During that time it appeared that at some facilities owners were taking advantage of poor pilgrims by stealing their property. These new designated temples would allow travelers to go about their journey knowing that they had a safe and secure place to stay, and consequently making it much easier to travel through Awa during the seventeenth century. However, while the original intentions might have been for the benefit of travelers, there were another possible reasons for their creation and operation. These temples designated as "ekiroji' were close to the eight castles in Awa, which guarded and watched the nearby border crossings that led to the other provinces. It is possible that "Ekiroji were built to maintain strict control over the public peace and military affairs. From 3 Ninsho Miyazaki, Henro- Sono kokoro to rekishi. (_T6ky5: Shogakkan, 1974) 145. 4 Yoshihiro Kondo, Shikoku Henro. (Tokyo: Ofusha ,1971) 203. and http://www.toku-moc,go,jp/douro/isizue/isisue.html 43 these temples it was possible for paid spies to watch the activities of both travelers and nearby residents."5 Some fifty years after their creation, Chozen records an unfortunate experience at Entonji ( R i|S#) , an Ekiroji near Temple 23 at the border of Awa and Tosa. He wrote: "Here is a temple called henroyado which the lord had helped erect and when I went for accommodation, the priest treated me unkindly, said it was impossible to stay and kicked me out" (CI r izX^T X V M S & M t T ^ f f c *9 0 '&Xm&fet£tl&, ty± X t>^ < S H S T i t I ^ tti i~)6 One possible explanation for the temple priest's non-compliance with the original intent of Ekiroji and for his inhospitality could be due to the increase of 'fake' pilgrims. Not only were priests being unreceptive to pilgrims, but also government officials were delivering stricter regulations against pilgrims. For example, after the Genroku period (1688-1704), it was declared by officials that no lodging should be provided for just one pilgrim or traveler and this could be why Chozen was refused. In fact, one official determined that lodging should only be given to those traveling pilgrims with a travel passport (orai tegata H^k^Jfr)7 which meant those without such a document would most likely have to spend the night outside. 5 Mayumi Banzai. A pUgrimage to the 88 Temples in Shikoku Island. (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1973) 165. The Japanese authors told Susan Tennant, co-author of the book Awa Henro, that the eight temples that became Ekiroji were mainly for the purposes of spying. However such information was not allowed to be published in the book. (Email: Oct 12, 2000) 6 Iyoshi Dankai. ed. Shikoku Henroki shu. "Shikoku Henro Nikki." (Matsuyama: Aoba Tosho, 1994) 27. 7 Wakako Yamamoto. Shikoku Henro noMinshushi (Tokyo: Kyodo Printing, 1995) 125. 44 Other Temple Facilities The experience of Chozen is an unfortunate one, but there were numerous other temples that were willingly provided as free accommodation. In fact, Chozen later records several instances of spending the night at a temple in his journey. For example, close to the Ekiroji that refused lodging, he writes at Temple 20, Kakurinji ( H # # ) , "That evening, we stayed one night at the Buddhist hall of a family of the temple" ^ # ' | y | i | l - | ^ ) . 8 Much later at Temple 60, Yokomineji (^fl##), he says, "That night, we stayed at that temple" ( ^ ^ ^ j t t # { 3 H t X).9 These references demonstrate that there were other buildings within a temple's grounds in which a pilgrim might have stayed. These have been identified by names as the "overnight building" (otsuyadd &M&i3L) or "sitting in retreatment building" (okomorido jo f t *9 ^! ) . 1 0 The otsuyadd is said to be, "the building in which traditionally, pilgrims spent the night free of charge, though food and bath were not provided. It is perhaps the building of simplest construction within the compound."11 In fact, there seems to be little difference between otsuyadd and okomorido. At other places food as well as accommodation was provided. For example at Temple 41 Ryukoji (ti3f;#) there is a small hut with tatami mats, bedding and a place to make meals. Sometimes neighboring people would leave food in the hut as a form of charity. 8 Iyoshi Dankai ed. "Shikoku Henro Nikki." 25. 9 Ibid. 50. 1 0 Sachiko Kanai. "Development of the Kobo Daishi Cult and beliefs in Japan and their connection with the Shikoku pilgrimage." Young East. Vol. 6. Issue 2 (Spring 1980) 12-37. 11 Hiroshi Tanaka, "Geographic Expression of Buddhist Pilgrim Places on Shikoku Island." The Canadian Geographer xio.21. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977) 110-130. 45 By the twentieth century, the number of temples offering free lodging greatly decreased. The evolution of many, from charitable hospitality to a money charging business can be seen in the operation of the temple 19, Tatsueji. One document from 1925 called the "The Spiritual Tales of the Temple Tatsueji" {Tatsueji Reigenki iLW$? ftifcfE) explains about the "Charity Group" (zenkonkai HMS^) that operated out of the temple providing many charitable services for travelers. One of their activities was the provision of accommodation to a limited number of people at the temple as a free place of lodging. As part of the explanation they provide concerning their goals, they state that their activities are charitable and that they expect no money as payment. However, in a contradiction of their charitable statements, a chart is presented with the prices of services available. It notes that the guest is not obliged to pay such, but if the guest were to give a donation of gratitude for a charitable service bestowed, a monetary gift of around the price on the chart would be most appreciated.12 This document demonstrates that the temple grounds or the temples themselves were originally established as a free place for travelers to stay, the temples began to ask for donations in the early twentieth century. This in turn has evolved into a compulsory payment at all temples today (see Appendix 6). Henroya (M^M) Another form of lodging facility provided willingly for pilgrims was a 'pilgrim hut' or henroya. While exact details of these structures are not clear, it is apparent that they have a religious connection. Chozen makes four references to this type of 1 2 Rinsui Hashizume. Tatsueji Reigenki. (Tokushima: Matsuo Printing, 1925) 25-26. 4 6 accommodation and in two cases, it seems that a henroya was a temple or shrine. When Chozen was near Temple 23, Yakuoji (IPIEETF) he recorded: "Here is a temple called henroya which the lord had helped erect" (Z Z ZlX^f 3 ]} h T#fe 9 ).13 He also added later on while still in the vicinity of Temple 23: "Crossing from here, at the Daishidd (Kobo Daishi sanctuary) of None there is a henroya" '(Jk J Wt *0 7~ SFtS / Affr h T'M'^M.tE "9 ).1 4 Other references to henroya made by Chozen, however, seem to place them near the mountains. He recorded near Temple 65 Sankakuji (H^|#): "And to the mountains of the north, there is a henroya" (Xlt J UJ V — S ^ M ^ 9 ).15 He later added this reference near Temple 69 , Kannonji ( I I B 1 ^ ) : "Leaving the temple and going north for three ri (12km), we stayed the night at a henroya at the edge of the valley" (^iLT^fcmfT ^ H S , W£ / WM^M-^X).16 These examples offer a possible explanation as to where or what henroya were but do not present any detailed evidence to their structure or history. However, it appears that they have existed since the beginning of the Tokugawa period and could have been connected with a temple in some way. Approximately forty years after Chozen's travel diary, in the postscript to Shinnen's Shikoku Kudokuki, Jakuhon explains that it was Shinnen who first began constructing henroya and told of his reasons for constructing them. It is recorded that, "within Shikoku there were many difficult places with nowhere for the henro to lodge, 1 3 Iyoshi Dankai ed. "Shikoku Henro Nikki." 27. 1 4 Ibid. 28. 1 5 Ibid. 51. . 1 6 Ibid. 53. 47 Shinnen realized this and built a henroya to relieve some of the hardships [felt by the pilgrims]" (EII <D 5 hfcX, f§*LA?g& < H i ^ B f h V 0 f i & J t £ H*L S &r A £ n ^ £r -^"f #> L- tf).17 The most famous of these henroya is called the 'Shinnen hermitage' (Shinnen-an itltsM) and is found between Temple 37, Iwamotoji ( : " # a n d Temple 38, Kongofukuji ( # i ' J t l § T F ) in Kochi prefecture. Although it is not known exactly when Shinnen built this particular hermitage one clue comes from the 1638 book on the Shikoku pilgrimage route where the author Kusho Hoshino states: "The road splits at Shinnen-an, running to the left and right of the hermitage" ( { s^ f e c D fc6\ mtl%%<DffihV).18 About one hundred years after his death, pilgrims were still using this hermitage as a place to stay as seen in the Shikoku Henro Meisho Zue (1800). A pilgrim records on the seventeenth day of his journey staying at one of these places. "We stayed the night at that place called Ichinose village, where there was a 'Shinnen hermitage" (—7 jltljff—T—It, jftglfHit&Jt&# X>).19 In 1991, Ian Reader states that when he visited this place, it was deserted and although local people clearly did just enough to make sure it did not fall down, it was not in good shape. Some years later, he learned that a young man (maybe a priest) was living in it, taking care of the facility and inviting pilgrims to stay the night. 1 7 Iyoshi Dankai ed. "Shikoku Henro Kudokuki." 230. 1 8 Ibid. 19. 1 9 According to the Kanpo Kyocho (1741-1744), the village of Ichinose has 26 houses and a population of 111 people. (Nihon Rekishi Chimei Taikei: Kochiken no Chimei. (Tokyo: Heibonsha 1979) 564.) 20 Email: Professor Ian Reader (Oct 12, 2000) For a picture of the Shinnen hermitage, see Kiyoyoshi (1999) 72. 48 PART 2: People's homes The local people of Shikoku also took an active role in offering their homes as free accommodation. Whether they did so out of sympathy to pilgrims making such a difficulty journey or out of fear of a possible punishment is not clear. However, their actions formed most of the charitable support system that has been present throughout the history of the Shikoku pilgrimage. The earliest references are found in Chozen's record where he describes people's homes using the words, 'minka' (S^ ) or 'minya.' (S JH) . For example, near Temple 22, Byodoji (^HFTF) he records: "Crossing this, we stayed at a person's house near the water" (H 7 W. 9 T M 53 7 KM—— ! t^). 2 1 On another occasion, he states: "From here, we went over the hill and stayed the night at the house of a person called Takekazu" (^3 U X I T ' ^ I T ^ h SBf / —$f 7-) 22 Another word 'yado' is also used to describe people's homes. In the Shikoku Henro Michishirube (E3 SMS^M^I^I 1687), the word 'yado' is used on five occasions with one reference occurring near Temple 40, Kanjizaiji ( H Iii where Shinnen mentions,"The man called Shobei who dyed kimonos of that village lent out his home" (ft - /vM&gtWtsfr'f') 23 In Shinnen's Shikoku Kudokuki of 1690, there are also references to homes (yado) being offered. For example, "There were many people of all ages who wanted to do good. It could be seen that they were doing such things as lending out their homes (yado) and giving semi" ( i f i^^SU LT#Sr f l^ "^ '5 AJofS L Q 2 1 Iyoshi Dankai. Shikoku Henroki shu. "Shikoku Henro Nikki." (Matsuyama: Aoba Tosho, 1994) 27. 2 2 Ibid. 36. 2 3 Iyoshi Dankai. ed. "Shikoku Henro Michishirube." 95. 49 JLUff [ § f i# (D5b^7Js :A^ ^bteb-?b%% c £ ) . 2 4 The different words for people's homes used by Chozen and Shinnen demonstrate that people were offering their homes as a form of settai to pilgrims as early as the seventeenth century. Unfortunately, little is known as to what actual services besides lodging were provided within these homes. Chozen does provide some evidence that such places were being provided free of charge: That night we stayed at the place of Imanishi Densuke of Uwajima Honcho 3-chome. The benevolence was from a man of about sixty, who in prayer for life after death, lent out his place at no cost for those on the pilgrimage.25 The homes of the people who purposefully and gratuitously lent out their homes were also identified by another term. These homes were called 'zenkonyado' (f^JSfif) where the term 'good deeds' (zenkon HNS) is a Buddhist term, according to the Dictionary of Buddhism, and means 'good action which should invite ease of fortune.' Thus a 'house of good deeds' (zenkonyado) would be a place where, through the owner's good action to a traveler, one would obtain good fortune and merit. On 'special days' (ennichi H 0 ) or on the 'memorial day' (kijitsu Mt> 0 ) of a family member, the owner of a home would go out to the pilgrim path and invite a pilgrim to stay the night.26 2 4 Iyoshi Dankai. ed. "Shikoku Henro Kudokuki." 229. 2 5 Iyoshi Dankai. ed. "Shikoku Henro Nikki." 40. 26 Ennichi is a day held to have a special connection with certain Shinto or Buddhist deities. It was believed that those who participated in religious services on such a day, they would receive special divine favors or acquire merit. {Japan- An Illustrated Encyclopedia. Toky5: Kodansha, 1993. 563) 50 Even as late as the twentieth century, there are references to pilgrims being invited to stay at a zenkonyado. Takamure Itsue (1894 -1964) at the age of twenty-six in 1918 embarked on the pilgrimage to escape the ostracism that she had suffered from people at school and her workplace. In her memoirs, she recounts several experiences of her early life in Kumamoto prefecture. She tells of the times of when she was blamed for seeking notoriety despite giving to an orphanage anonymously, being deemed an undesirable student because she spent a lot of time in the library reading philosophy, or that her thoughts regarding Japan's annexation of Korea in 1910 differed from the 'norm.' So she decided to go to Shikoku and on June 4, 1918, she left Kumamoto and began her trip by crossing the island of Kyushu. It was during this time that she met an elderly man who gave her lodging and who dreamed that she was an incarnation of the Kannon and decided to accompany her. They traveled together throughout Shikoku and in her books Takamure records the many places they stayed at, including zenkonyado. For example, in one entry, she states that from "Ryukoji to the next temple Kanjisaiji (no.40), there is thirteen ri (52km) after [the temple not consisting of one of the eighty-eight (bangai)] Ryukoin. That day, we received charity (settai) in the form of zenkonyado at Uwajima" ( f f i # # 3 & ^ & < f t * U ^ g £ £ X i t , &&WtU*&X -f-HJto ^ t f > B f i £ ^ p & i ; : # f e ^ ^ # £ g l 7 f c ) 1 1 In many cases, Takamure explains in explicit detail the deplorable conditions of the lodging facilities they stayed at, but she never apparently complained about a zenkonyado. Itsue Takamure. Ohenro. (T5kyo: Chuokoronsha, 1987) 51. Bangai is a temple not officially part of the eighty-eight, but can be included as part of the Shikoku pilgrimage route. At present, there are twenty temples that claim bangai status. 51 Despite the apparent abundance of the zenkonyado and other free lodging places between the seventeenth and twentieth century when the pilgrimage became more and more popular and easier to participate in, the number of homes being offered slowly decreased. They were replaced by facilities that charged money or were reluctant to lodge visitors. Takamure relates another experience in 1918 in which she was coming down the mountain from the temple 20, Kakurinji ( t § # # ) and since it was getting dark, she asked someone in the village if there was a place to stay. She was told there was a zenkonyado and after finishing her chants, she visited the farmer's house. The friendly looking elderly man said, "Lately the police have been getting picky about those who stay at zenkonyado and will give a penalty of detainment for those that do, so I am very sorry, but do you mind sleeping in the storage hut?" 2 8 Some thirty years later, another pilgrim, Araki Tetsunobu also experienced the disappearance of this type of accommodation. Nowhere in his journal does he mention the word, zenkonyado, nor does he speak of people inviting him in to stay the night. However, he does refer to one experience when he missed the last bus and someone asked around the village and he was able to stay at someone's house for the night. He notes that the willingness of people to offer charitable accommodation is slowly decreasing in Shikoku. Before the twentieth century, it can be assumed that those homes, which were offered to pilgrims on a 'special day' or on someone's memorial day, can be considered a zenkonyado. The owner of such a home, by providing this service would guarantee that the guest received a comfortable and free place to stay, but more importantly, the owner Takamure (1979) 181. 52 could be assured of receiving merit by being charitable to an unknown traveler, who — — 29 "might be, in fact, the still-living great Saint Kukai (Kobo Daishi) traveling incognito." PART 3: OTHER HOUSING FACILITIES Kichinyado If a pilgrim could not find free accommodation at a temple, henroya or at a person's home, there were other facilities available that cost money, but gave some part of the stay as settai. Notable among these were the 'Wooden Money Lodges' (kichinyado / fclt i lf) whose origins are described as being derived, "from the fact that in older times the guest of such a hostel brought his own rice or cereal along, which he gave to the landlord or landlady; as payment for the used fire wood he had to pay a certain amount and for this he also got some tea with/on his rice and some vegetables to go with it; the overnight stay itself however was free."3 0 It seems that a kichinyado offered free food along with free accommodation, yet Alfred Bohner in 1927 describes these places as not being a very luxurious place to stay despite the extras. He comments, "extras are mostly only some slices of pickled radish or eggplant, onion or salted prunes, cucumber slices with onions in vinegar are already considered as a delicacy and at best we are given a soup with a few pieces of tofu in it, some onions and some beans." Bohner also criticized the bedding, noting, "the futons are those that are called sembeifuton (rice cracker futon), namely futons which [have] became thin and hard, like the Japanese 2 9 William LaFleur, "Points of Departure: Comments on Religious Pilgrimage in Sri Lanka and Japan." Journal of Asian Studies^ vol. XXXVJJI no.2 (February 1979) 271-281. 3 0 Bohner 106. 3 1 Ibid. 53 biscuits, from all the generations of guests who have slept on it . " 3 2 He adds that the futons are too short for even a Japanese and full of ticks. He regrets that "the Japanese who love hygiene must consider it an insult to the body to have to stay for weeks in such dirty hostels, as an humiliation they suffer willingly for the Daishi's sake." 3 3 Bohner seems to complain more than compliment these facilities, yet he does not discredit the worth of their existence. The bedding and food provided at a kichinyado might not have been of the greatest quality, but these places provided a traveler a sheltered place to stay with food where as Bohner says, "one can enjoy the peace of night." 3 4 Other similar paid accommodation facilities were 'pilgrim inns' or henroyado in which Takamure Itsue stayed. Takamure offers some idea of the costs involved and food provided, when she wrote: " T o stay at a henroyado costs at least eight sen, but for a good one it costs twenty-five sen and they will cook any amount of rice. The food (okazu) to go with the rice is free, along with soup with a picked plum. We always got the master to cook us six cups of rice each" (M^^it, ?B <9 &Mi&AB;X\ X V ^(DfrZL-t^.^ 60 o o V ^ O ' b / ^ ' r a - f o ^ V ^ T ^ o / c i 5 ~ C f c 5 ) . 3 5 It is apparent from the experiences of Bohner and Takamure in the early twentieth century that such paid accommodations as kichinyado and henroyado provided some of their services as charity. If the pilgrim had neither a zenkonyado or other free place to stay, nor money to afford a kichinyado or otherwise, there were still other options. Such 'facilities' 3 2 Bohner 106. 3 3 Ibid. 3 4 Ibid. 54 consisted of barns, huts or other buildings that might be in a cemetery, or other remote place. However, these facilities do not demonstrate the charity of the local people, but of the creativity and ingenuity of the pilgrims in their search for a sheltered location to spend the night. Sometimes huts or other buildings, however, were used to house sick pilgrims who were taken care and fed by the villagers. Takamure(1987) 83. 55 CHAPTER 3: WHAT TO FOLLOW PART 1: Permanent fixtures - lanterns and path markers For assistance to pilgrims traveling throughout Shikoku, aids such as lanterns and path markers were erected. The common people constructed lanterns, which are called "all night light stand" (joyato ^ ^jfcT) in which a torch was set up. Usually these 'light stands' were situated along the roadside to illuminate the path leading to a temple or shrine, or placed at the entrance of the village for protection, allowing any strangers to be scrutinized.1 Path markers also helped in guiding pilgrims with the earliest existence of one in Shikoku said to be on a natural rock located in Matsuyama city in Ehime Prefecture dated 1685. However, these markers were not limited to Shikoku. One foreigner, Charles Thunberg, in 1776 observed while traveling from Dejima to Edo, "mile posts are set up everywhere, which not only indicate the distance, but also by means of inscription, point out the road. Similar posts are also found on the crossroads that the traveler in this country cannot easily lose his way." 2 This section will focus on the lives and selfless efforts of men who worked to erect path markers during different periods as a form of settai for the pilgrims in Shikoku. Along the Shikoku pilgrimage route, there were four such men who erected markers between the seventeenth and twentieth century. Their names are Shinnen Yuben ( f t d . June 1691), Takeda Tokuemon (ffcffl^HfP 1 d.1814),, Shoren (W>M), and Nakatsuka Mohei (^WfagM 1845-1922) . (An example of a Shinnen and Nakatsuka marker's can be seen in Appendix 3). These men realized the importance of 1 Vaporis. (1994) 45 and Kanai (1980) 27. 2 Thunberg 108. 56 such a physical form of support to aid travelers and worked voluntarily, willingly and diligently to provide such. The earliest contribution was provided by Yuben Shinnen, best known as the author or co-author of the first three books on the Shikoku pilgrimage: Shikoku Henro Michishirube, Kudokuki and Reijoki. Although most of his personal life is unknown, it is known that he lived in an area of present day Osaka, walked the route more than ten times, but less than twenty times, erected henroya and placed more than two hundred path markers ( f f ^ t t . . . M I L - t i - 5 * Z l - h # ^ ^ S : - < 19 0 X M ^ * gth&tdte < L T \ ^(DXm^ti^tsfm^m^^^^^^^))3 In the Shikoku Henrei Doshinan Zoho Dasei (W SS^UHtrf j ^ i l l l A $ c ) of 1767 it notes that Shinnen's sponsor (for the Shikoku Henro Michishirube) was a man named Noguchi from Osaka and that Shinnen's motive for placing such path markers was to prevent people from getting lost. Shinnen raised these path markers with indicators on both the east and west sides and when, through time, the markings became hard to see, the nearest village would rewrite the letters as a favor to the pilgrim. (-\ MtLOj&'t Cl£je£&:JofS # ^ (D^BMAMlt<9o ¥ 8 *&XX^&hft(b&ffi&<Djzm&fc%t>tz. <9 <D#® In the early 1800s, Takeda Tokuemon and Shoren created many path markers. Takeda was from Iyo province (Ehime) and focused his efforts between 1794 and 1807. 3 Iyoshi Dankai ed. "Shikoku Henro Kudokuki." 230. 4 Iyoshi Dankai. ed. "Shikoku Henro Michishirube." 71. 57 Between 1781 and 1792, he lost one son and four daughters and, in his grief, devoted himself to Buddhism and began to participate in the Shikoku pilgrimage three times a year. His first stone marker is from 1794 and on all of them is etched a statue of Kobo Daishi, showing that one was walking the route with the beloved founder (part of the 'Two walking together' (dogyd ninin IKiTT—A) belief), and the distance to the next temple.5 Some years later, between 1804 and 1818, Shoren created and placed markers mainly in the province of Awa (Tokushima). His intent for such a service is inscribed in his stones, which state: cShinen saiken ganshu Shoren' (|^#Ilff ZE^Jtll). This means that his plan was to reconstruct those path markers made by Shinnen, which had deteriorated over the past two hundred years. Not only had Shinnen's markers faded but in many cases, the route had changed and new markers were necessary to direct the pilgrims. Shoren's goal was to have one thousand markers around Shikoku, each inscribed with a statue of Kobo Daishi, but this was never to be achieved. Shoren's markers differed from Takeda's in that they did not indicate any distances and that they contained the pointing finger of a hand indicating the direction in which to proceed. Nakatsuka Mohei (1845- 1893) could be considered the most famous person of the Shikoku route because he completed the journey an incredible 280 times. His life changed forever when his father died in 1858 and his eldest brother, who was twelve years his senior, took over the family estate, took care of Mohei and acted as the senior 5 It is believed that a pilgrim travels with Kobo Daishi. The stick that one use is believed to be Kobo Daishi and must be treated with the utmost respect and upon arrival at a lodging facility, before one washes one's feet, the stick must washed first. 58 member of the family in all matters including marriage. As a result, Oliver Statler claims that: It was over marriage for Mohei that a bitter quarrel developed between the brothers. Mohei fell in love with a village girl, a match his brother would not permit; perhaps the girl's family was not considered worthy. Mohei turned to energetic dissipation, spending night and day in the town's red light district. Just as suddenly - as we do not know who or what prompted him - he forsook these pleasures and headed for Shikoku to become a henro. He vowed that he would never return home alive. 6 However, there is one conjecture as to who prompted him to become a pilgrim. It is probable that during his visits to the red light district (yiikaku he met a woman there called Yanagii (JJP^F) who told him about Kobo Daishi and Shikoku pilgrims.7 And so, in 1866 at the age of 22, Mohei left home, never to return again and began his life as a Shikoku pilgrim. Each year, he made numerous trips around Shikoku and in 1882 traveled around the Saikoku route three times during which he acted as 'ascetic' (gydja fr#) and 'guide' (sendatsu ^fcilt).8 In the same year, he also published a guidebook called Shikoku Reijo RyakuEngi Dochuki Taisei (ESM^B&^IB^^fSA^c). But it was not until 1886, after twenty years of doing the pilgrimage route and after his eighty-eighth completed trip, he "resolved to erect stone guideposts to help henro find their way." 9 Nakatsuka was fortunate to have received support from all ranks of society - large amounts from rich patrons and small amounts from poor commoners. These monetary contributions were 6 Statler (1983) 285. 7 Toshiyuki Shiraki. Junrei- Sanpai YogoJiten. (Osaka: Toki Shobo, 1994) 93. 8 Shinno Toshikazu and Tatsuo Hagiwara ed. Hijiri toMinshu. ( Tokyo: Meisho Publishing, 1986) 102. 9 NOTE: A chart of the location and time of the post markers erected by Nakatsuka is contained in Henrobito Reiden (241). According to Kiyoyoshi Eitoku, Mohei erected 237 such guideposts. 59 used to help pay for his large guideposts which measured over a meter high. On each of these stones were inscribed the sponsor, distances and directions signified by the character for left or right. For thirty-six years until his death in 1922, Mohei carried out this selfless service and as a result of his continuous efforts he was welcomed all along the pilgrim path and people called him a living Buddha. 1 0 P A R T 2: People - sendatsu Present day pilgrims can travel with ease along the modern roads with a guidebook and map in hand and work themselves around the route without a lot of worries. In the Tokugawa period, however, this was not the case and pilgrims relied not only on path markers but also on the charitable actions of 'tour guides.' These guides are called sendatsu /sendachi and this can have three meanings: 1) "someone who has gone ahead and progressed further along the path of knowledge."11 2) a leader, or 3) a guide. These definitions correspond exactly to the role of sendatsu as seen on Kumano Mountain, an important part in the Shugendo religion. In the book, Kumano Shugen, three roles are given for sendatsu: one, they provided information on lodging, ferries, border checkpoints and road directions for travelers; two, they worked as teachers in such things as prayer and worship at sacred places; and three, they were in charge of teaching manners for being on the road. Sendatsu also delivered gifts to the poor who were able to visit a temple, and gathered rice to give to the priests at Kumano Mountain, but mainly 1 0 Statler. 286. 1 1 Ian Reader, "Sendatsu and the Development of Contemporary Japanese Pilgrimage." Nissan Occasional Series 17. (1993)8 60 were involved in works of charity.13 In the nineteenth century, Franz von Siebold observed sendatsu on his trip to Ise Shrine. He states: "Upon reaching the hallowed shrine, every pilgrim applies to a priest to guide him through the course of devotional exercises that he has come so far to perform."1 4 This concurs with roles of the Kumano sendatsu whom Toshikazu Shinno describes, ".. . [they] took on a practical and organizational mediating role between the site and pilgrim, providing lodgings and means of getting services there."15 Shikoku presents an interesting case for sendatsu because, unlike the Ise or Kumano pilgrimage routes, it was mainly individuals or small groups that visited the Shikoku route. One of earliest references to sendatsu is found in the Shikoku Henro Nikki (1653) where the Chozen records near Temple 12, Shosanji: "From the group often of us who traveled together, two monme of white silver were given to the guiding priest, who acted as a sendatsu and led us on our pilgrimage to the top of the mountain" (IlIfTifc + A y ^ 3 y? i^y f i - e in -^@3t -> , m^%mv"yv-\h±.^mi^)}6 At a later time, near Temple 21, Tairyuji he adds the following two references: 1) "This from olden times, we gave two momme of white silver to the guiding priest. He came out with a torch prepared and acted as a sendatsu, guiding us to a secret place" (M: h ~& 1 2 Hitoshi Miyake. Kumano Shugen. (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1992) 120. 1 3 Ibid., 127. 1 4 Franz von Siebold. Manners and Customs of the Japanese in the nineteenth century. 0New York: Harper, 1841) 1 5 Reader (1983) 10. 1 6 Iyoshi Dankai. ed. "Shikoku Henro Nikki." 24. 61 i ^ i r x ^ B f K ^ ^ I L ^ ) ; 2) "The sendatsu with twenty-nine priests, put pine into the fire, sang with loud voices the song of benevolent salvation and went in to the depths of the cave" ( 3 f e ^ # r . 7 L A { i * ¥ — i & r . ' X J W r W & ; W ^ M P — W r K / H ^ A ) . 1 7 These above examples not only provide evidence for the existence of sendatsu in the seventeenth century along the Shikoku route, but also indicate some of the roles that they filled. In the first two examples above, the sendatsu seem to be acting as a guide, while in the third example, they provide an example to the faithful of religious practice in action. While it does seem that the sendatsu from these examples were paid a nominal fee for their services, without their assistance the pilgrims clearly would not have been able to find their way up the mountain nor into the secret place. Today, in Shikoku, the role of sendatsu has become institutionalized. This occurred in 1965 with the creation of the Reijokai or 'Association of Sacred Places' whose purpose was to do such things as: coordinate the activities between the temples, attempt to regulate and promote the pilgrimage and work on increasing the number of pilgrims. They also established a formal sendatsu system with rank, rules, duties and a handbook for sendatsu. Today there is a seven rank hierarchy with requirements laid out for necessary advancement and the role of sendatsu continues strongly.18 The most recent data (December, 1998) show that there are about 7,000 sendatsu divided amongst the seven ranks in Shikoku. 1 7 Iyoshi Dankai ed. "Shikoku Henro Nikki." 26. 1 8 NOTE: for a detailed explanation of the sendatsu system in Shikoku today, see Ian Reader (1993) "Sendatsu and the Development of Contemporary Japanese Pilgrimage." Nissan Occasional Papers, 1993; http://www.kushima.com/henro/index.html. 62 PART 3: Books - guidebooks As travel became increasingly popular during the Tokugawa period, more and more books were published describing famous places or trips that other people had taken. "As people traveled further and further away from the security of home, wayfarers were in need of information to assist them on their journey and travel diaries and guidebooks filled this need."1 9 A traveler who had a guidebook could learn of the history and description of famous places, or receive advice on how to prepare for a trip, what to take, what to expect or how to act while on the journey. One of the best examples of such a book from the Tokugawa period is the 'Precautions for Travelers' (Ryokd Ydjinshu W^T M'ij'M), written by Yasumi Roan in 1810. It is considered to be "the first and only work as far as is known whose explicit purpose was to provide travelers with extensive counsel. It offers advice on practically all aspects of travel." 2 0 In Shikoku, there are references to guidebooks being handed out as settai, with some of the earliest references coming from the twentieth century. In 1903, Kan Kikutaro states in Shikoku Jumpaiki, "one unique manner of settai [in Shikoku] which stands alone in the whole world is the promise of one of the new pilgrim guidebooks to everybody who wants it... ." 2 1 Another example from 1911 is recorded in the Preface of the 'Guidebook to the Sacred Sites of Shikoku' (Shikoku Reijd Annaiki E9 S S ^ f t IE): Constatine Nomikos Vaporis. "Caveat Viator: Advice to Travelers in the Edo Period" trans, of Yasumi Roan's 1810 Ryoko Yojinshu (Precautions for Travelers). MonumentaNipponica 44:4 (1989) 463. 2 0 Constantine Nomikos Vaporis. Breaking Barriers- Travel and the State in Early Modern Japan. (Cambridge: Havard University Press, 1994) 235. 2 1 Bohner. 157. 63 Every year more than 50,000 copies of this book are published and are given away as charity to those people who conduct a pilgrimage on Shikoku. Those who receive numerous copies from various places send them home in packages, and as a memorial of the Shikoku pilgrimage and send them to their friends and relatives to recommend the Shikoku pilgrimage. 2 $cm<Dff-^mm±mk vxmvmmmw&wifrx < fcts^\ There are no references to free guidebooks being given out earlier than the twentieth century. However, those books that could be purchased also contained valuable information that enabled pilgrims to prepare for and to complete the Shikoku pilgrimage route. One of earliest examples of advice provided comes from the Michishirube (1689) in which Shinnen highlights what a pilgrim should bring on the trip. He includes such items as: a sack, bowl, hat, walking stick, mat, cloth for protecting one's feet, half sandals, and anything else one would like to take. The book also contains instructions regarding what to do upon arriving at a temple and how to prepare name slips. He also provides practical information in the form of explicit directions. For example, he explains that when coming from Settsu Osaka to.Tokushima by ship, one should ask for guidance from Kanzaemon of the Naniwaya in Edobori. The distance to Tokushima is 38 ri (150km) and the cost of the boat is two white silver monme. (—\ ^ J f l A P i x ; ^ b @ J § + A l x fpIt 6 I S — O n c e arriving in Shikoku, the traveler can also read instructions in order to successfully reach some of the more difficult places. Hirota Miyoshi. Shikoku Reijd Aimaiki. (Tokushima: Suzue Gentaro, 1911) Preface. 64 Likewise, advice is given in much later books such as the 1819 book 'Shikoku Pilgrimage Diary' (Shikoku Jumpai Nikki E9 H 3 ^ # 0 I B ) written by Arai Raisuke. On the last page, he has listed six recommendations to ensure a safe and successful journey: 1) Don't pay the boat fare or unnecessary guidance at a river crossing until you have crossed the river (J I \B V X foMmZ&lZ.tf^toMft) 11 frb W. <9 ^ I f c * ) . 2) You shouldn't get even a bit mad if some unfavorable comment is made, for example with those you are traveling with at a road side inn ti&tpmttmfflmm. ^ j * s f ? r * t i ^ > L t ) i u t F » ) . 3) Don't use the roads after dark (the setting of the sun) ( 0 I l i l ^ f M ) . 4) Eat and drink, in other words, make sure you get enough meals m-kmzmx^-r&it) . 5) Be wary of those you must share the room with while you are sleeping 6) Count and check your important possessions, such as walking stick, hat, baggage, sandals, and money, at resting stations and when you set out in the morning The first and fifth points warn a pilgrim of others who try to deceive or steal. To prevent theft or loss of goods, one should follow item six. Item two emphasizes the importance of remaining calm and not letting anger control one's emotions. This ideal is based on a Buddhist belief that anger is a great fault and could lead to bad karma. Number three is a Kiyoshi Hiroe. Kinsei Tosa Henro Shiryo. "Shikoku Jumpai Nikki." (Kochi: Tosa Minzoku Gakkai, 1966) 111. 65 recommendation for safety so that pilgrims can avoid becoming lost in the dark, to sleep outside where they could become prey to thieves. Number four stresses the importance of eating properly while journeying around Shikoku, most likely to prevent a pilgrim from being becoming weak or sick. In the twentieth century, the number of guidebooks increased. While the degree to which authors were being charitable by publishing and distributing such books can be questioned, they continued to provide much needed advice. For example, the 'Guidebook to the 88 Sacred Sites of Shikoku' (Shikoku hachijuhakkasho Reijd Annaiki B HA-HA is J3rrM3§lir*9fE) from 1908 includes a section called, 'How to Prepare for Traveling' (M^ffiM?) ^ t) where costs and equipment needed are described. It explains that the expense of lodging, food, sandals, boats, stamp book, etc. might be less during the busy spring season when one can receive as gifts such things as sandals, food, lodging and money. The pilgrims were advised: to have a box (which is hung around one's neck) to put the name-slips in ( I f t f e f L I t ) ; to prepare name-slips; and to carry many of these slips and to give them to someone when you receive a gift of charity ( ^ 5 .(DtZty). The author adds that a pilgrim should have a walking stick of good yet light wood that will become something holding the power of Kobo Daishi, which should be washed (first) upon arrival at the place of lodging OfetfcfcH ^ Tfc X L Q Itfi jo 66 U) . 2 4 There is also a list of such things as tea bowls, chopsticks, gloves, sandals and a pack that one is recommended to take. Other words of advice pertain to actions more than equipment. For example, the author suggests not to hurry along the path or else you will get lost; to walk slowly up mountain roads; to pray when one wakes up; to make use of boats and trains to assist in one's journey; to arrive at a place of lodging early and to leave early in the morning. He adds that if one waits until dark to look for a place to stay, it will be very difficult to find one and that, i f one is traveling in a large group, each person should pay any cost separately as to avoid any hard feelings. Pilgrims should also not eat meat and not get mad if someone is unkind at the stamp building ($1*11111 < A ) . The author later describes appropriate behaviour at a temple. He states that while it is only natural to speed up one's pace when the next temple can be seen, it is not good to do so for one should visit a site with a calmed heart, and that after washing the hands, go and pray in front of the Buddha. Advice provided during the last thirty years is similar to that noted above. For example, when Oliver Statler embarked on the pilgrimage in 1971, he received a pamphlet from Temple 1, entitled Exhortations for Pilgrims to the Sacred Places of Shikoku, in which pilgrims are advised of certain things, which are very similar to those seen in previous guidebooks: • He [the pilgrim] should let no thought of anger rise in him. • Do not get too far from one's baggage if there is a crowd • Pocketbook, money and the like should under no circumstances be put down or shown to others. • Those who set out together should assist one another lovingly and obligingly. Yasumori Chiku. Shikoku Hachijuhakkasho Reijd Annaiki (Kyoto: Rokudai Shinposha Insatsubu, 1908) 8-10. 67 • Be wary of bad people who want to cheat you • Don't write your name and address clearly on the name slip because numerous people fall victim to swindling through the mail. • Don't push yourself. Find an inn while it is still light. • A hasty journey with a heart full of business does not lead to piety. 25 • Get the help of the temple priest if you are having some troubles. (* The entire text can be seen in Appendix 8) The most recent example of a book full of practical advice for pilgrims is due to the efforts of Miyazaki Tateki who developed a 2-volume guidebook called the Shikoku Henro Hitori ArukiDogyoNinin (E3SSif£t> t *9 WffHA). These books have now become the standard texts to read, take and follow if one is preparing to walk the Shikoku pilgrimage route. Volume 1 outlines ways on how to prepare for the trip with the latter part containing information about each temple, and Volume 2 is an extremely detailed map of the entire route with a list of places to stay and the contact information for each in the Appendix. Miyazaki has included information regarding such things as: how to prevent theft; how to reserve rooms; how to properly prepare for the trip; how to wrap sore feet; etiquette at the temples. He also includes a section on the do's and don'ts of the pilgrimage and presents commandments that should be obeyed while being a pilgrim. Oliver Statler. Japanese Pilgrimage. (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1983) 182. 68 Chapter 4: Other charitable services People from inside and outside Shikoku provided many other charitable services to pilgrims. These services included presenting food and drink, giving haircuts and medicine and numerous other charitable acts. The first section in this chapter will examine seven miscellaneous services and the second section will examine the ways in which the sick and dying were assisted by the local people and the authorities. PART 1: Miscellaneous Charitable Services Part A: Sandals The outfit worn by pilgrims was unique in that it set pilgrims apart from the common person. Kaempfer in 1690 offers a description as to their attire. "They [Pilgrims] carry a rolled-up straw mat on their backs as a cover at night, have a walking stick in their hand, and a water ladle tucked into their belt, with which they collect alms, baring their heads in European fashion. They wear a wide-brimmed traveling hat made of plaited split reed...."' However, he makes no reference to what the pilgrims wore on their feet. In 1775, Charles Peter Thunberg, who was a surgeon for the Dutch East Indies Company and stayed at Dejima for one year, provided such details. During his stay, he recorded his observations of many matters regarding the Japanese and their way of life including footwear. There is nothing that a traveler wears out so fast as shoes. They are made of rice straw and platted and by no means strong... on the roads, it is not unusual to see travelers who carry with them one or more pairs of shoes, to put on when those that are in use fall to pieces.... Old worn-out shoes are found lying everywhere... and they last one or two days of routine wear.2 1 Bodart-Bailey. 118. 2 Charles Peter Thunberg. Travels in Europe, Africa and Asia. (London, 1795) Vol. 3. 152. 69 In 1879, a Christian missionary made similar observations. On a trip to Mt. Fuji, Julie Carrother writes, "the way was strewn with cast off sandals - the waraji, a very cheap style of shoe worn by coolies, describes one. They wear out quickly on Fuji ." 3 From these descriptions, one might assume that the pilgrims in Shikoku would wear the same type of footwear. This is not the case. Oliver Statler learned about the footwear used by Shikoku pilgrims used when he visited Shikoku in 1971. He was told that "[Shikoku] henro did not wear regular sandals; they wore half sandals that barely covered the foot. They were cheaper, which was important, but also one slipped into them; so there were no strings to be tied and untied, dirtying the hands and making one unclean when one wanted to enter a temple hall. Henro usually carried extra pairs, for they were of course fragile."4 These 'half-sandals' oxashinaka ( M ^ ) , were on average 15-19 cm in length and have a long history in Japan, with the first pictorial proof of their existence from 1293 or 1309 and the first reference in a document about them occurring between 1394-1427. Ashinaka also seemed to be convenient when running and were used between the Kamakura and Sengoku periods in times of battle.5 Even Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582) is known for possessing such a pair, not worn but fastened to his waist. He gave this pair away as a reward to Kanematsu Masayoshi (also known as Masayoshi Shiro ^ ^ f f l ^ S 1542-1627) who returned with the 3 Julie D. Carrothers. The Sunrise Kingdom or Life and Scenes in Japan and Woman's Work for Women There. (Philadelphia, Presbyterian Board of Education, 1879) 150. 4 Statler (1983) 212. 5 Kingo Imai. Edo no Tabi Fuzoku- Doc/riigi o chushin ni^ (Tokyo: Ozorasha, 1997) 140. 70 head of the enemy to show Nobunaga, but whose feet had been dirtied from the blood.6 v By the Edo period, the popularity of ashinaka had spread to the common people, such as farmers, who were also now wearing them. There were many other qualities, which made ashinaka so appealing for such a long period of time. They were easy to make (took approximately thirty minutes); easy to put on and take off; light for walking and running; did not splash up mud; did not come off in rivers and did not hurt one's feet.7 However, for Shikoku pilgrims these ashinaka had a meaning more significant than any practical use they provided for the pilgrims. A n early reference to 'half-sandals' being given as charity is found near the beginning of Shinnen's Shikoku Henro Michishirube ( H S®S§iifll^l 1687): "In the village of Noi , there was a Kannon shrine. In this village, lemon, during the period of Enpo (1673-81), [a man] gave out 'half sandals' (ashinaka) and lent out lodging" (SP^ N t^A 9 ^ l/^lsL These ashinaka were also given the name of 'Sandals that could ward off snakes' (Mamushi yoke zori $$>^\)~~I$-W) and were believed to have been invented by Kobo Daishi. Such sandals would protect one's feet from being bitten by poisonous snakes (mamushi) or insects when traveling through the mountains. There were other beliefs that ashinaka would ward off bad spirits and protect one from fever and sicknesses such 6 Tsuneichi Miyamoto ed. Tabi no Minzoku toRekishi. Vol 6. Hakimono toNorimono. (Tokyo:Yasaka Shobo, 1987)43. /Mitsutoshi Takayanagi. Sengoku Jinmei Jiten. (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1962) 76. 7 Miyamoto (Vol. 1)47. 8 Iyoshi Dankai ed. "Shikoku Henro Michishirube." 96. 71 as whooping cough.9 Many people wore ashinaka because they believed that Kobo Daishi had worn them when he walked the pilgrimage. However, in other instances, instead of wearing them, people would make a miniature pair and carry them it seems when going on pilgrimages as a remembrance of Kobo Daishi. Thus not only did these sandals have numerous practical advantages, they were closely connected to the belief in legendary figure of Kobo Daishi. Over time, people stopped wearing ashinaka and began to wear full-length sandals. It is difficult to determine exactly when the switch occurred, but pictures of pilgrims from different eras offer some clue and it is clear that by the Bunsei period (1804-1830) ashinaka were no longer used. This is further evidenced by an example in a travel record from 1819 which states that there were people who came from Bingo to gave money and sandals (waraji) (ff# X <9 :rS#^5r$3 A # U ffcHfc <5 V>fi^> b C #F -^ ) . 1 0 p r o m m e twentieth century, further evidence of the disuse of 'half-sandals' and the need for new sandals is contained in Alfred Bohner's book on the pilgrimage. Here he includes a picture of two pilgrims from Hokkaido buying full-length sandals at an unmanned vendor along the route. The picture shows the store where, next to a row of hanging sandals stands a bamboo pipe, on which the price of five sen is written. The pilgrims would take a pair of sandals, put the money into the pipe, discard the old sandals, put on the new ones and continue on their journey.11 9 Miyamoto (vol. 1) 48. 1 0 Kiyoshi Hiroe. Kinsei Tosa Henro Shiryo. "Shikoku Jumpai Nikki." (Kochi: Tosa Minzoku Gakkai, 1966) 101. 1 1 Bohner, 1928. p. 160 (Diagram 62) 72 Part B: Foot care People wearing sandals, whether full-length or half-size and with or without the supposed protection of Kobo Daishi, still suffered from foot sores and blisters. It is obvious that with the fragility of straw sandals and the distance that one must walk to complete the Shikoku pilgrimage, daily foot care was a necessity for all travelers. Even with the best of footwear, the 1400-kilometer journey will make one's feet sore. One early example is from a 1747 travel diary of a pilgrim who walked with three others around Shikoku. After about three weeks, the entry reads: "On the eighteenth day of the same month, because Kosan said that his foot hurt, we stayed at that place until seven. But because of the difficulty of continuing with the severe pain, we split up and he said he would stay where he is" ( l ^ + A 0 A M ^ > 9 , m-MMSi&M^ IHEJffc-b . . . ) , 1 2 The people of Shikoku took pity upon such pilgrims and not only offered sandals, but also provided free foot care. In a document from 1928, there is an example of medicine being prepared and administered to a pilgrim who had blisters. Giving food and a bath to a pilgrim was considered usual, but for those pilgrims who were troubled by such things as boils (or blisters) on their journey, home-made medicines (nostrum) were made, put on for them to help it heal. In fact, the grandmother of the Miyamoto family who ran a zenkonyado explains how she prepared such medicine. First, if was necessary to knead soba flour and kiwaza flour with vinegar. Then one had to rub together a 12 Kagawa Kenshi 9. "Shikoku Henro Nakagata Oboe Nikki." O^gawa: Rokudai Shinposha Insatsubu, 1987) 869. 73 Japanese cedar tree bud and a wild plant (dbako) and then knead them together using vinegar. These two mixtures were combined to make the medicine. But before the medicine was put on, oil was first rubbed on the infected area.14 It is apparent that a charitable service for the benefit of the pilgrims' feet was provided so that their journey would more enjoyable and less painful. Part C: Haircuts The head of a pilgrim was another part of the body that was taken care of by people as a form of settai in Shikoku. In this case, haircuts were the most common way and have a long history. A pilgrim in 1747 writes in one entry: "We arrived at lunchtime at the house of Hideemon of the village Takakan, who let us stay the night and gave us, a head shave and paper" ( i % ^ t T ^ # P t ! m ^ S B # ^ r # ^ , - * & t f c , fr^ £ ^ ^ f t f B l ) . 1 5 In the Shikoku Jumpai Nikki (1819), there are numerous references to head shaving, including one that states: "We went to the village of Nue (near Temple 19, Tatsueji) and there was settai, and when asked we received a head shave" ( & ^ | t — t ? W^XMiX^m^^bX^h P)!^). 1 6 Fourteen years later, a similar reference is found in Shikoku Junrei Tochu kiroku (1833), where a pilgrim indicates: "From the village of Yamachi of Nokan district of Matsuyama domain, we received charity of a " Hitsuoka Goshi Kenkyukai ed. Settai to Zenkonyado. (Hitsuoka G5shi Kenkyukai, 1987) 28. 1 4 Ibid. 1 5 Fujihei. 868. 1 6 Raisuke. 106. The village of Nue (/Sri) in 1877 had 366 houses and 1,633 people. 74 meal and a head shave" (*& M%MRrjfP f-U iftft «t 9 IS, £ ft^#).1 7 Even in the early twentieth century there are similar examples, but now the 'head shaves' of olden times have changed to haircuts and hair care for both men and women. The 1903 travel diary entitled 'The Record of the Pilgrimage of Shikoku' (Shikoku Junpaiki) describes a situation with men and women receiving some form of hair care. On the porches of farmer houses one can see female pilgrims with their hair undone, while a girl or woman is kneeling down behind them to oil their hair and bind it together. On the other side there is provisional barber's room, where the men are having their hair cut and their beards shaved. 1 8 What would be the motives of the people to offer such a service? First of all, the 'head shave' called sakayaki (M ft) or hitaitsuki (M Wd of the Tokugawa period was considered among the common people to be a sign of adulthood and consisted of a male's front hair being shaved off up to the center of the head in a half moon shape (See Appendix 4). However, a head shave could also have been important for two reasons: 1) as a form of tonsure (indicating separation from this world, non-attachment - as with a Buddhist's priest's tonsure, or 2) because of lice and other infestations picked up in pilgrims' lodges and the like. Bohner discusses this later reason in his book. In one section, he complains about the deplorable conditions at a kichinyado and adds the commentary of a student from around the early twentieth century. This student who stayed the night at such a place said, "There comes the louse, the flea and the tick to bite." Such a reality could make anyone unwilling to stay at such a place and clearly Bohner felt the same way because the advice that he received from one pilgrim said, Eitoku Kiyoyoshi. Shikoku Henro Kenkyu. No. 3. (1993) 69. Bohner 107. 75 seemingly to reassure him, that "No one has ever died from a louse."1 9 In other words, while conditions at kichinyado were not the best, it is possible to put up with such pests! Part D: Tea The provision of tea to travelers has been a custom in Japan for over seven hundred years. Although the origins of giving tea are unclear, there is as early as 1296 a reference of people giving tea to priests. However, it is not until the Muromachi period (1372-1573) that the serving oftea was provided to the common people. Towards the latter half of the sixteenth century, this custom was first seen in Kyoto where pilgrims, who came to visit a temple, were given tea. As time passed, increasingly more tea buildings (chaya) were observed around temples or shrines and the drinking of tea 20 became popular. Shinjo Tsunezo proposes that along the Saikoku pilgrimage route during the Muromachi period, eighty to ninety percent of the 'tea business stores' (chaten ^JE) were not asking pilgrims to pay.21 The popularity of drinking tea increased over time and by the late seventeenth century, it seems that, "a traveler rarely drinks anything else, tea is served in all inns, taverns, roadside food stalls, in many huts set up in the fields and mountains."22 In Shikoku this custom was also popular. There are frequent references throughout the documents used in this study to tea being served and given to pilgrims 1 9 Bohner 107. 2 0 Yasunari Maruyama. Kinsei Shukueki no Kisoteki Kenkyu. (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1975) 1107. 2 1 Shinjo (1971) 178. 2 2 Beatrice M. Bodart-Bailey, Kaempfer's Japan: Tokugawa Japan Observed (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999)269. 76 who, for the most part, drank it at teahouses. An early example is in the Shikoku Henro Michishirube (1687), records of eight examples of 'tea places' that provided tea to pilgrims. That record adds that between Temple 59 and 60, there were six 'tea houses' ( i i T / ^ ^ M i V ^ f f ^ t o ).23 Much later in the MeishoZue (1800), there are eighteen references to 'tea houses' that used the Japanese words of chaya C^M) and chadd (^!s0 to describe them. Some of these'tea places', however, seemed to be more of a business than a charitable service as seen in an example from Shikoku Jumpai Nikki (1819): "I went to the 'tea store' in the city below the castle, asked for a snack to go with the tea and ate it there" ( ^ T f T T ^ ^ c M t P o t f £3i ^ L 7 c < It is apparent that these 'tea houses' were common throughout Shikoku and, at times, were concentrated in a certain area. One hundred years later in 1909, Alfred Bohner also noticed the frequency of receiving tea and other goods as settai. He states: Settai in Shikoku as it happens does not only consist of giving tea. There are temples where every pilgrim gets treated with tea. In Awa, between Temple 21 and 22 where a lot of tea is being planted, one can be treated with tea in every house in the village of Asabi, which stretches out during a half an hour walk. People take pilgrims in for a tea break. But this is only a small amount of the offerings a pilgrim can receive.25 [emphasis mine] Once again it is evident that this area had a high number of 'tea houses'; however, these buildings had other uses such as a place to stay, a place to eat a meal and a place of rest. Examples for each of these functions are found in the Meisho Zue. The pilgrim writes 2 3 The village of Shin is derived from the name of Shinichi (0f rfT), which in 1825 had 37 houses, and a population of 158. 2 4 Kiyoshi Hiroe. Shikoku Henro Tosa Shiryd. "Shikoku Jumpai Nikki." 105. 2 5 Bohner 95. 77 that near Temples 20 and 22, "At the tea shrine there is always settai, and when the sun sent, we stayed at this shrine" ( I f * f t t S # t , 0 M<V&?^$fc^ b$)Z> ),and "we spent the night at the teahouse in front of the gate" (r^fff^S^T —lit). Later, near Temples 23 and 24, he states: "At Hamanaka there is a tea store and at this place, we had a meal" (fe^C&^Jg^, iftBrf ^ T ^ ^ i H " ) . Then between Temples 38 and 39, "At the teahouse of the village of Ikugawa, we rested" (W\H^M.^Xifc%i).26 Thus pilgrims benefited from receiving tea along their journey, but also had tea buildings available where they could rest or have a meal. PartE: FOOD Not only was tea provided in many instances, food as well was offered as settai. Evidence of this can be seen as early as 1690 where, in the Shikoku Henro Kudokuki, Shinnen admonishes the people to give lodging and food to the poor and the pilgrims. "At this place is a pilgrim inn, where one should feed those who are poor" jttBf ^Xm$LAlm& t "9 U C N ^ / £ < 5 h&fcXEbitt^ htel-bX)21 One type of food provided was called mugikogashi (ground barley). During the Bunka period (1804-1818), it seems that there were people selling this food in Edo. During the summer, it was mixed with cold water and drunk, or sugar was added and it was eaten. However, unlike Edo, where such food was sold, people in Shikoku in certain villages in 1800 gave it away for free to pilgrims. Iyoshi Dankai ed. "Shikoku Henro Meisho Zue." 237,241,256. Iyoshi Dankai ed. "Shikoku Henro Kudokuki." 225. 78 The traveler Jippensha Ikku who traveled around Shikoku in 1821 provides further detail as to the types of food given. He offers one of the earliest and most explicit account of the kinds of food given as settai. On numerous occasions he states that he received such foods as chameshi (tea rice), mugikogashi/hattaiko (ground barley), kowameshi (boiled pounded rice with red beans), mochikome (pounded rice), miso, umeboshi (pickled plum), tofu soup, red bean rice, seaweed, and fried vegetables with meat. One of his examples occurred near Temple 12, Shosanji C^U-ITF) where he various forms of charity available: From Shosanji on the way to Ichinomiya, there is charity and places where you can receive such things as grounded barley, meat and vegetables boiled in soya sauce, pickled plums and miso. You can also get a head shave. At the village of Hirono and Nyuta, there is a teahouse with two trees and at the place called Kawai, you can stay the night at a 'free lodge' called Iheida.28 This example demonstrates the extent of charitable giving during the early nineteenth century. People could receive free food, a 'haircut' or a free place to stay. In 1883, another example of food charity is recorded in the Shikoku Jumpai Dochuki. The Kishu Charity Group at Temple 23 is said to have given pilgrims a meal that consisted of rice, hijiki, chilled tofu, umeboshi and tea. An example of a meal being provided can be seen in a menu of a zenkonyado from the early twentieth century, which highlights the foods provided to pilgrims who stayed at the inn. However, at the bottom of the menu The village of Ichinomiya in 1822 had 285 homes with a population of 1,328. Hirono village in 1813 had 548 homes and 2,400 people and Nyuta village in 1891 had 491 homes and a population of 2,175. Kiyoyoshi. (1999)216. 79 there is a note that states that many of the prepared goods were given away as settai (see Appendix 7). Part F: Transportation For most of the pilgrimage route, walking was the main form of transportation. However, in some places it was necessary to use boats to cross rivers or i f one became sick, to use rickshaws or palanquins. Once again the local people had an opportunity to offer such services for free or at some discount. One of the earliest references to rickshaws is from the book, Shikoku Naka Tomoni Koya Dochuki (MMtP^^MW^.tPtS) where the unknown author states in 1884 near Temple 83: "On March 3 r d, after worshipping at Ichinomiya temple of Narigo village, from Sakata village to Takamatsu there was a free service given of a [ride in a] rickshaw made of pine tree" ( 3 \ 3 M 4 0 i 9 Sfflfcr X <9 3a A T : (DlfeM (WW) h "9 ).3 0 Even fifty years later, in 1927, Bohner adds that there are still some rickshaw people in Awa province who carry old or weak pilgrims. Boats were also made available and an early example is recorded in the Shikoku Henro Michishirube (1687), where it states: "At the village of Kawaru, there is marker stone and when you go over the mountain a little bit, there is a pull boat. This was made and left for the pilgrims to use by those of Nenezaki village" (#*£? <5 j^\ L- <5 L f^Ef $> *9 ^ Kiyoshi Hiroe. Kinsei Tosa Henro Shityo. "Shikoku Naka Tomoni Koya Dochuki." 79. 80 < ).31 In the twentieth century, there is another reference to boats in the Shikoku Reijd Annaiki (1911) where the author informs pilgrims that they can get a boat ride to avoid walking a lengthy steep path when they travel from Temple 40, Kanjizaiji to the next temple. He includes the boat fees, but adds that sometime in the past, the price was half price for pilgrims. "To the next temple is twelve ri [48km], but on the way there, there are two difficult places on a steep path. (From Kaizuka, the steamboat is sixty sen, and from Fukaura, the boat is about forty sen, but at one time, Shikoku henro could ride for half price...)" ^ ^ { ^ ^ J g a ^ i t ^ l l ^ S 2 * B f & 9 (H. Part G: Post Office Services In the twentieth century, the temples took on yet another role in assisting pilgrims. With the development of the postal system, temples were now taking on the responsibility similar to a mini-post office where letters and packages could be picked up. One of the earliest references to this is found in a 1908 guidebook on the Shikoku pilgrimage where the author writes about the temples and their role in receiving and distributing post office materials to pilgrims as they passed through. "Temples would accept money orders sent by families for pilgrims, plus keep letters and other forms of correspondence until the pilgrim arrived at that temple." 3 1 Iyoshi Dankai ed. "Shikoku Henro Michishirube." 92. 3 2 Hirota. (1911) 106. 3 3 Chiku. 14-15. 81 A similar example is found in the book The Spiritual Tales of Tatsueji where it indicates that the charity group provided such services as: sending out notices to family and friends to each hometown about the safety of each pilgrim who comes to worship; providing stamps for postcards and the temple stamp for free, holding packages, letters or telegrams to be picked up by the pilgrim at a later date (see Appendix 6). 3 4 Part 2: Taking Care of the Sick and Dying. The unexpected perils of travel throughout the Tokugawa period did not help the pilgrims in Shikoku who were sick or became sick while on their journey. In some cases, they died. Pilgrims, who collapsed from sickness part way through their trek around the island of Shikoku, were called 'fall on their way' pilgrims or yukidaore henro (iT^ffilfrh This section will examine the treatment that these sick and dying pilgrims received from the local people. However, more important to study is the reaction of the domain and local authorities who seemed to have, in many cases, little regard for pilgrims and no interest in assisting them by providing settai. The Shikoku pilgrimage route has never been an easy journey for anyone to accomplish. Today almost all pilgrims can enjoy nutritious food, air-conditioned and comfortable modes of transportation and an abundance of available medical facilities i f they became i l l . However, pilgrims during the Tokugawa period did not have such luxuries available to them. Most walked the route alone, in fragile straw sandals, exposed to the elements and in constant need of food to eat and a place to stay for the Hashizume. 24. 82 night. Such conditions resulted in them suffering from such illnesses as rheumatism, dysentery, malaria, typhoid fever, beriberi, palsy, lumbago and sunstroke, forcing many 35 to stop part way and wait - for recovery or death. In Shikoku, there were also many pilgrims with leprosy. Such people seemed to have been attracted for many reasons: they had been ostracized from 'normal' society and were trying to find a place to escape; they could receive and live off of contributions oi settai; they believed that perhaps they would be cured of their disease. In fact, in the Shikoku Henro Kudokuki from 1690, one of the tales tell of a leper being cured by becoming a pilgrim: Tale 13: In the place called Itsumi in Izumi Province [modern-day Osaka area], there was a man suffering from leprosy that he was unable to keep company with other people. This caused him grave distress, and so he set out traveling for a year with a priest called Unkai and went on the Shikoku pilgrimage. After fourteen or fifteen days of pilgrimaging, a miraculous omen occurred, and from that time on his condition got better until, when he returned [to his home] all the signs of leprosy had disappeared, and everyone marveled at the divine power of the Daishi. 36 As the pilgrimage increased in popularity, it seemed that the numbers of sick pilgrims also increased and the local people and authorities were unsure of what to do, especially in the case of those who were living off the charity of others. However, the national Wakako Yamamoto. Shikoku Henro Minshushi. (Tokyo: Kyodo Printing, 1995) 174. 3 6 English translation from Ian Reader. "Legends, Miracles and Faith in Kobo Daishi and the Shikoku Pilgrimage." Religions of Japan in Practice. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1999)368. Japanese version from Iyoshi Dankai ed. Shikoku Henroki shu. "Shikoku Henro Kudokuki." 223. 83 government had instituted certain measures that needed to be fulfilled before one embarked on a journey. This informed the local governments, in some cases, of what to do with a 'yukidaore' traveler. The information on the required travel passport written by the household temple or village official contained a lot of vital data. For example, it included the traveler's name, destination, the issuing authority, and most importantly, instructions and requests to the local people or government if that person were to become sick or die. These requests asked the border, city and village official for benevolent care should the bearer(s) fall i l l or die on the road. Officials were to do such things as notify the traveler's next of kin, administer adequate medical care, and in the case of death, give the bearer a proper burial. 3 7 A n example of the contents of a travel passport of someone who applied to become a Shikoku pilgrim is dated 1776 from Niihama city, Ehime Prefecture. June 25, 1776 - To the various domain officials at border crossings and to the various lodging facility owners. From the village official, Shosuke, of Miyoshi Junichi city of A k i Province 1. The person called Katsuzo is recognized as a citizen of Junichi city of A k i province. I tell you that this person wil l depart as a Shikoku henro and I ask you that you let him pass with no difference amongst all border crossings. If by any chance, you are asked to provide lodging, please kindly allow that lodging be given. And also, if he were to die of sickness while in some country, that you take care of and bury him appropriate to the place. And that from this person, you will not ask for documents, but that this one passport ( f j|T^ j f t sute-orai) will be sufficient.38 [emphasis mine] The document asks for passage through border crossings, to provide lodging if requested and to bury this person if he were to die while participating as a Shikoku henro. 3 7 Constantine Nomikos Vaporis, Breaking Barriers - Travel and the State in Early Modern Japan. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994) 144. 3 8 Provided to me by Eitoku Kiyoyoshi (Feb. 2000). 84 In Shikoku, all pilgrims were given the same treatment, with or without a travel passport, perhaps because of the willingness to be charitable to a 'religious figure' that might affect one's life. This has been evident from tales as early as the seventeenth century in the Shikoku Henro Kudokuki. Other examples from during the Tokugawa period are evident in the Kinsei Tosa Henro Shiryo where yukidaore pilgrims were given rice, allowed to stay in a henroya or escorted back to their village. To be more precise, i f a 'fallen' pilgrim was spotted along the route, that person was taken to the village official, allowed to rest and sleep in a 'person's house' ( K f ^ minka) or hut, and provided with food with all of the costs covered by the village. 3 9 Huts used for sick pilgrims were situated away from the village in order not to disturb the everyday life of the villagers. People would then take turns in providing care and meals with this system of rotating support called mawari yashinai ( 0 ^ i l l / ' 1 ) . If recovery was apparent, that pilgrim could continue the journey. However, i f the situation worsened, the pilgrim could be repatriated (mura okuri ^ i H t D) to their home province with the assistance of local authorities. Or if a pilgrim died, that pilgrim was provided with a proper burial. In Shikoku Henro Minshushi, Yamamoto highlights many specific examples of pilgrims who were provided with help if they were sick or with burials when they died. In one case, in 1831, the cost of burying the pilgrim was forty-one hachi bun silver monme (IS 4 1 %)V jfr) , a great cost for just one village, so the district official ( A / i E i t ) ordered that the cost be split amongst twenty-one villages.4 0 Wakako Yamamoto. Shikoku Henro no Minshushi. (Tokyo: Kyodo Printing, 1995) 175. Yamamoto. 177. 85 In most cases, the authorities obeyed the requests written on a travel passport or provided some form of assistance for a sick or dead pilgrim who didn't have a passport. However, Nathalie Kouame argues that: ... they [the authorities] were just following the rules for common travelers that had been established by the Tokugawa Bakufu since the end of the seventeenth century... and although the authorities did seek to regulate the pilgrims closely and to prescribe unruly elements, they also provided a system of support for those in need who followed the regulations.41 It is evident from the actions of the authorities that they, along with the local people, did provide various forms of assistance as part of a support system to pilgrims who were sick, or who became sick or who died while traveling along the Shikoku pilgrimage route during the Tokugawa period. 4 1 Kouame (1997) 423. 86 CONCLUSION This thesis has examined the history of charitable giving along the Shikoku pilgrimage route in Japan and the reasons for participation in this selfless activity for such a long period of time. Although the custom had a long history throughout Japan, it eventually faded away in other areas due to the increasing modernization and commercialization of the pilgrimage routes. Only in Shikoku has there been continuation of the custom in a manner that reflects its original form. This can be attributed to Shikoku's inaccessibility and to the strong religious culture of the local people who venerated Kobo Daishi. The power of Kobo Daishi, and the tales and legends that were formed about him, permeated all levels of society in Shikoku. The legends, which focused on themes such as rewards and punishments or cause and effect, influenced the charitable behaviour of the local people. They were certain that their actions would determine the consequences that came to them, whether good or bad. In Shinnen's Kudokuki (5b$§fE), many tales reinforced the message that a person who participated in charitable giving was ensured a reward of some sort and would not experience misfortune. Famous stories like that of Emon Saburo demonstrate the importance of treating a pilgrim kindly, who could be the Daishi in disguise, to avoid any 'karmic retribution' from the venerated founder of the pilgrimage route. In Chapter One, the answers to the questions of who gave charity, who received charity, and why participate in charitable giving were presented. For each question, there were a variety of answers. For example, those who gave were individuals often acting spontaneously, groups of individuals acting in a semi-institutionalized fashion and the 87 local authorities who were extremely institutionalized. The people who received charity consisted of men and women, further divided into categories including honest, sick, professional and 'non-desirable' pilgrims. As a result of the increasing numbers of 'non-desirable' pilgrims, who seemed to flock to Shikoku because of the opportunity to live off the charity of others, the local people and authorities attempted to control and extradite such people through restrictions and regulations. However, such measures seemed to have little effect. Most importantly for the examination of charitable giving, it is imperative to examine the motives or reasons why people engaged in such activities. This thesis has shown that the belief in merit or the obtaining of merit (kudoku was one of the most important factors to the people. Having merit would allow someone a good life here on earth, and a happy rebirth in the next life for oneself and one's family. And while such an intangible reward was sought after, having a tangible token of their kindness was also treasured. This was the name-slip, or osamefuda, of a pilgrim. In Shikoku, these were distributed by pilgrims to the donors of charity or left at temples and shrines. The osamefuda seen along the Shikoku pilgrimage route were given away freely and were not the type bought from priests. These name-slips were believed to be protective amulets, which would protect one's family and home from any disaster or misfortune. Some people even attempted to collect large numbers of them to put into a straw ball and hang from the ceiling of their homes. Obtaining a fuda from a pilgrim was believed to be the same as receiving a gift from the Daishi, and thus one would be protected by his benevolent grace. 88 The following three chapters dealt with the forms of charity given to pilgrims in Shikoku. Chapter Two looked at different types of housing - some that were entirely free and some that were only partially free. Pilgrims could stay at buildings on the grounds of a temple, a person's home or some other form of lodging. The earliest of such accommodation was the Ekiroji that originated just before 1600. Even today, places to lodge are offered for free, but their numbers have drastically decreased since the Tokugawa period. Owners of such facilities now charge money to ensure their economic survival and building upkeep. Throughout the past four hundred years, people who have offered accommodation for free have had their homes called a 'good-deeds inn' or zenkonyado. This meant that the owner of such a house would obtain 'good-deeds', or in other words, merit, an aspect of the Daishi faith. Another connection to Daishi was the period during which most people offered their homes to pilgrims. This phenomenon is seen most during the spring months of March and April , which has always been the peak pilgrimage season, because Kobo Daishi is said to have passed away on the twenty-first day of the third month, which has become March 21 s t in the modern day. People celebrated the Daishi's 'special day' (ennichi) on this date. People also opened their homes on 'memorial days' of someone who had passed away. Such action shows that the custom of charitable giving was closely connected with a belief in Kobo Daishi. In other cases, people provided places to stay out of concern or sympathy for the pilgrims who had to suffer while traveling the 1,400 kilometers through Shikoku. Chapter Three examined objects that pilgrims used to help themselves get safely around the pilgrimage route. First of all, there were lanterns and path markers along the 89 streets and the pilgrim path. In the case of the path markers, there were four men who are most well known for having placed such objects during the Tokugawa period. Then there have been the 'guides,' or sendatsu, seen as early as the Middle Ages in other areas of Japan, but later in Shikoku because the emphasis of the Shikoku route was more on traveling as individuals than in groups. However, these guides did exist and their function has grown to be an organized institution today with various ranks and qualifications needed to move up within the hierarchy. They have played an important role not only by guiding, but also by sharing the tales of Kobo Daishi, and by promoting the religious aspects of the pilgrimage. Finally, the importance of guidebooks was highlighted and the fact that many of these books were given away for free to other people. In these books, the authors provided details on the origins of each temple, shared legends, told of personal experiences, but also provided important practical advice for potential pilgrims. The authors were certainly under no obligation to provide details such as these, but clearly their charitable action helped in making the Shikoku pilgrimage more popular and helped by guiding pilgrims before and during their trip. In the final chapter, other forms of charitable giving were discussed. The first section testifies to the wide range of forms that charity took. For example, footwear, footcare, haircuts, the giving of food and tea, transportation and post offices services. The second section dealt with the ways in which the local people or authorities treated pilgrims who were sick or who had died. The behaviour of the authorities does at times seem to contradict their restrictive actions in attempting to prohibit, control, round up or expel pilgrims. However, pilgrims even in this desperate situation could be assured that, 90 i f sick, they would be treated with free food and lodging, and if they died would be given a proper burial. The motives of the Shikoku people, both at the local and authoritative level, along with those from areas such as Wakayama, Okayama, Kyushu were also examined in this study. It appears that the reasons for charitable giving are many, with plausible explanations including: 1) to give an offering to Kobo Daishi; 2) to remember one's ancestors on an ennichi, or kijitsu); 3) to participate vicariously in the pilgrimage or 4) to show sympathy towards the hard religious training of the pilgrim.1 Others reasons include: to receive merit, to assist the Daishi in disguise and to avoid bad karma. The custom of charitable giving has lasted in many forms over the past four hundred years in Shikoku with people from inside Shikoku and those traveling from across the Inland Sea to take part in it every year. Today such activity can still be seen and read about in the many travel diaries of modern day pilgrims. However, it must be remembered that this great phenomenon, still continuing in some forms today, was more prevalent during the Tokugawa period. The custom has continued longer in Shikoku than anywhere else in Japan because of the local people's strong faith in Kobo Daishi. It is from his Buddhist teachings that settai has grown, continued and has helped to preserve the religious nature of the Shikoku pilgrimage route for such a long period of time. 1 Hoshino (1978) 177; Maeda (1972) 222; Baba (1999) 91 Prospects for Further Studies The amount of materials and scholarly studies on different aspects of the Shikoku pilgrimage route are severely lacking in the English language, so the number of different new studies that could be conducted by a Western scholar on this topic are seemingly numberless. Such studies could include further examination into the history of charitable giving (settai) based on further fieldwork or smaller topics such as: Shinnen's hermitage, lodging facilities, foreigners along the Shikoku route, women and children on the route are all worth researching. Furthermore, a closer look into the origins, development, history and motives of the local people and charity groups that served the pilgrims would be another interesting study. The contribution of this thesis towards the study of the Shikoku pilgrimage route is that one can understand the great influence Kobo Daishi has had on the people within Shikoku or those from such distant places as Kyushu, Wakayama, Okayama or Hiroshima to be so charitable for so long. The stories about him or others who have suffered for not being kind have been effective in encouraging people to be charitable. However, the Buddhist concepts of obtaining merit, ofuda or Buddhahood in this life were also influential in their actions. In the present day, charitable giving continues but with modernization and commercialization, the route is changing, walking pilgrims are disappearing and temples have to deal with bus after bus of pilgrims during the busy season. What will happen to the Shikoku pilgrimage route and the custom of giving? Wil l it fade out eventually as it did along other routes or will the influence of the legends of Kobo Daishi continue to influence the people? Such questions make for other appealing research themes. 92 REFERENCES Primary Source Material: IYOSHI, Dankai f f * i ^ f ^ , ed. 1994 Shikoku henroki shu E9 B ® S&fE^lo Matsuyama: Aoba Tosho. Contains: 1) 1638 Kushohoshino Shikoku Reijo Ojungyoki ^ ' l 4 f e f l £ E I S M W P f r f f i 2) 1653 Shikoku Henro Nikki E9 S M S S 012 3) 1687 Shikoku Henro Michishirube ESfflE&jHf^ 4) 1689 Shikoku Henro Reijoki K S i i l L S ^ I E 5) 1690 Shikoku Henro Kudokuki El S M f t ^ f & l E 6) 1800 Shikoku Henro MeishoZue E U M M B f HI^ A R A I Raisuke f t 1819 "Shikoku Jumpai N i k k i " (E9 BMW 0 IE) Kinsei Tosa Henro Shiryd. p88-l 10. CHTKU Yasumori £ o A ^ £ 1908 Shikoku Hachijuhakkasho Reijo Annaiki (El S A + A * Bf l l ^ ^ ^ l E ) Kyoto: Rokudai Shinposha Insatsubu. FUJIHEI Saeki >&&M£M 1747 "Shikoku Henro Nakagata Oboe N i k k i " (El U S % *P 0 IE) Kagawa Kenshi 9. Kagawa: Shikoku Shimbunsha, 1987 p.867-876. HASHIZUME Rinsui WiWW® 1926 Tatsueji Reigenki (ST-fc^MI&lE) Tokushima: Matsuo Printing. HIROE Kiyoshi j £ ? I t f 1966 Kinsei Tosa Henro Shiryd (j£t±!:±feMS§5^f) Kochi: Tosa Minzoku Gakkai. JIPPENSHA I K K U . ~Hg#—7L 1821 Kanenowaraji (4£ J ^ $ £ ) 1979 Jippensha Ikku Zenshu. ( - T * M # — T L ^ H ) Tokyo: Nihon Tosho Center. K O N O M U R A Shosuke iitttflHlfr 1910 Shikoku Reijo Hachijihakkasho Henro Hitori Annai (El MMMA+A # Bf®S§ $19 ^ f t ) Osaka: Kineido 0 MIYOSHI Hirota H0H>fc 1920 'Shikoku Henro Dogyo ninin (El HMS§ IP3f l—A) Osaka: Shimura Kineido. 1911 Shikoku Reijo Annaiki (El S I t i l l i r t f E ) Tokushima: Suzue Gentaro 93 Secondary Source Material: Dictionaries 1999 IMAIZUMI Yoshio. Nihon Bukkyoshi Jiten. ( 0 ^{LWn^M^) Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. 1997 DATHORINKAKU. ed. Zenkoku Reijd Jumpai Jiten. Tokyo: Daihorinkaku Henshubu. 1994 SHJJRAAKI Toshiyuki ed. Junrei- Sampai Yogo Jiten. ffif&S&fc) Osaka: Shobo. 1993 Japan: An Illustrated Encyclopedia. Tokyo: Kodansha. 1981 T A K E U C H I Rizo f t f * l I £ . Kadokawa Nihon Chimei Daijiten. (M) I! 0 * i f t ^ Tokyo: Tsubokawa Shoten. 1979 Nihon Rekishi Chimei Taikei ( 0 ^M£.M% VfW) Tokyo: Heibonsha 1979. 1976 NIHON DAJITEN K A N K O K A I ed. Nihon Kokugo Daijiten. ( 0 if f S M X ^ M ) Tokyo: Shogakkan. 1972 A Dictionary of Buddhism. New York: Scribner. 1962 T A K A Y A N A G I Mitsutoshi. Sengoku Jinmei Jiten. (i||IIA£ rJ^ A) Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. Books AOKI Michio ed. 1981 Ikki Seikatsu Bunka Shiso. Vol 4. Tokyo: Tokyo University Shuppankai. B A B A Junko. 2000 "Maintenance and Change of Tradition: Settai Practice in the Shikoku Pilgrimage. http://mvw.aaU.ufl.edq/SJS/Baba.html (March 23,2000) B E R N B A U M Edwin 1990 Sacred Mountains of the World. San Francisco: Sierra Club Book. B L A C K E R Carmen 1984 "The Religious Traveler in the Edo Period." Modern Asian Studies. 18:4. BODART-BAILEY Beatrice M . ed. 1999 Kaempfer's Japan: Tokugawa Culture Observed. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. 94 BOHNER Alfred 1931 Wallfahrt zu Zweien die 88 Heiligen Statten von Shikoku. Tokyo: Druck van Gebauer Schwetschke A G Halle. CARROTHERS Julie D 1879 The Sunrise Kingdom or Life and Scenes in Japan and Women's Work for Women There. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Education. DAVIS Winston 1984 Pilgrimage and World Renewal: A Study of religion and social values in Tokugawa Japan- Part 2. History of Religion. 23:3. pp. 197-221. 1984 Pilgrimage and World Renewal: A Study of religion and social values in Tokugawa Japan- Part 1. History of Religion. 23:2. pp. 97-116. H A K E D A Yoshito S. trans. 1972 Kukai: Major Works. New York: Columbia University Press. HENRO M I C H I H O Z O N K Y O R Y O K U K A I ( ^ 5 ^ f & ^ T J ^ ) , ed. 1991 Shikoku henro hitori aruki dogyoninin (£9 t ^ # f^ l fT—A) Matsuyama: Henro Hozon Kyoryokukai. HITSUOKA GOSHI K E N K Y U K A I 1987 Settai to Zenkonyado. (WW t HMKlii) Hitsuoka Goshi Kenkyukai. HOSHINO Eiki MMMM 1983 The historical significance of pilgrimages with special reference to the Shikoku Pilgrimage. In Young East. Vol.9 Issue 3, Summer, pp. 3-14. 1978 "Kih i to Kogu- Shikoku henrosha no tachiba." Bukkyo Minzoku no Ryoiki. ( { A l f c K ^ f t ^ f S ) Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai. 1974 "Shikoku henro in okeru settai no imi . " Shukyo Kenkyu. (m$ffl9u) 47:2 IMALKingo. 1997 Edo no TabiFuzoku- Tochugi o chiishin ni. ( W^tDMM,®—itcpBH4:tP'C>{^) Tokyo: Osorasha. K A N A I Sachiko Misawa 1980 "Development of the Kobo Daishi Cult and beliefs in Japan and their connection with the Shikoku pilgrimage." Young East, vol 6. issue 2 (Spring): pp. 12-37. K A S H I W A H A R A Yusen and Koyu Sonoda 1994 Shapers of Japanese Buddhism. Gaynor Sekimori. trans. Tokyo: Kosei Publishing 95 KIYOYOSHJ, Eitoku # f t ^ 3 § ® 1999 Henrobito Reiden. (jHi& A^MH) Niihama: Okada Kobunto. K O N D O Yoshihiro iGMBSk ed. 1973 Shikoku Reijoki shu. (EBftlHfB^ft) Tokyo: Benshisha. 1971 Shikoku henro. Tokyo: Ofusha. K O U A M E Nathalie 1997 "Shikoku's Local Authorities and Henro during the Golden Age of the Pilgrimage." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 1997 24/3-4 L A F L E U R William 1979 "Points of Departure: Comments on Religious Pilgrimage in Sri Lanka and Japan." Journal of Asian Studies, vol. XXXVII I no.2 (February): 271-281. M A E D A Takashi HIJ ffl i £ 1972 Junrei no Shakaigaku (MIL Osaka: Naniwa Printing. M A R U Y A M A Yasunari 1975 Kinsei Shukueki no kisoteki Kenkyu. (jfitfcltlK<DSlif&IJr%) Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. MIYAKEHitoshi 1992 Kumano Shugen. (MWl&Hfe) Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. M I Y A M O T O Tsuneichi. Hr^S~% ed. 1987 Tabi no Minzoku to Rekishi vol. 1- Nihon no Yado. (JfcCDEM t M$.~ 0 ?5) Tokyo: Yasaka Shobo. 1987 Tabi no Minzoku to Rekishi Vol. 6. Hakimono to Norimono. Tokyo: Yasaka Shobo. M I Y A Z A K I Ninsho I ^ J & J H 1977 Chozen: Shikoku Henro Nikki. (*f#—B S ® 0 IB) Tokyo: Daito Shuppan. 1974 Henro- Sono kokoro to rekishi. ( ® € : 'b t Tokyo: Shogakkan. M I Y A Z A K I Tateki. 'gi^M^M 1990 Shikoku Henro Hitori Aruki Dogyo Ninin. ( K S ® ^ — A ^ § Wfj—A) Matsuyama: Henro michi Hozon Kyoryokukai. 96 NISFJTBATA Sakae W # f f £ ^ X . 1964 Shikoku hachijuhakkasho henroki. (IS@A+A#B?3ij&iE) Tokyo: Kokko Printing. NI SHI Y A M A Matsunosuke. 1997 Edo Culture: daily life and diversions in urban Japan, 1600-1868. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. READER Ian 1999 "Legends, Miracles and Faith in Kobo Daishi and the Shikoku Pilgrimage." Religions in Japan in Practice, pp.360- 369. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. 1993 "Sendatsu and the Development of Contemporary Japanese Pilgrimage." Nissan Occasional Series 17. REIN JJ 1884 Japan: Travel and Researches. New York: A C Armstrong and Son. REISCHAUSER Edwin 1955 Ennin 's Travels in T'ang China. New York: Ronald Press Co. SWANSON, Paul 1981 "Shugendo and Yoshino-Kumano Pilgrimage." Monumenta Nipponica. vol.36, no. 1 Spring 1981 p.56-84. SIEBOLD Phillip Franz 1973 Manners and Customs of the Japanese in the nineteenth century. New York: Harper, (reprint of 1841 edition) SHINJO Tsunezo f f ^ ^ H 1971 Shomin to Tabi no Rekishi. (JEfcg; t l © I i ) Tokyo: Nihon Hoso Shuppan. 1964 Shaji Sankei no Shakai keizaishiteki Kenkyu, (tfc##ittf)&#gS^5&#J#25) Tokyo: Hanawa Shobo, 1964. SH1NNO Toshikazu i t ^ f l f t l ed. 1996 Seiseki Junrei. ($LW$M%L) Tokyo: Yuzankaku Shuppan. 1991 Nihon Yugyd Shukydron. ( 0 ^ i S t T^ i f c l r a ) Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. SHINNO Toshikazu and Tatsuo Hagiwara ed. 1986 Hijiri to Minshu. ( H t RM) Tokyo: Meisho Publishing. 97 SHJ3LAKI Toshiyuki ed. 1994 Junrei, Sampai Yogo Jiten. (jgtfL • ##JBH & 3 £ & ) Osaka: Toki Shobo. STARR Frederick 1916 An American on the Tokaidd. Tokyo: Dainihonsho. STATLER Oliver 1983 Japanese Pilgrimage. New York: William Morrow and Co. T A K A M U R E Itsue iHlfcfefct 1987 Ohenro. (3oMS&) Tokyo: ChuoKoronsha. 1979 Musume Junrei Ki. (Mi^LfE) Tokyo: Asahi Sensho. T A N A K A Hiroshi. ffl^E 1977 Geographic Expression of Buddhist Pilgrim Places on Shikoku Island. The Canadian Geographer, no.21. pp. 110-130.Toronto: University of Toronto Press. T A K E D A Akira. & ffl m 1979 Junrei to Henro. ( t MS§) Tokyo: Sanseido. 1969 Junrei no Minzoku. (M%L<DB:M) Tokyo: Iwasaki Bijutsu Co. TANIGUCHI Hiroyuki. ^ P t > 6 ^ § 1997 Densho to iuIshihumi-Henro to iuShukyo. (fcM £ V ^ •? #—JBJ& t VN 5 7j?Wt.) Tokyo. Kanrin Shobo. THUNBERG Charles Peter. 1785 Travels in Europe, Africa and Asia between 1770-1779. 4vol. London. T O T M A N Conrad 1993 Early Modern Japan. Los Angeles: University of California Press. VAPORIS Constantine Nomikos 1994 Breaking Barriers- Travel and the State in Early Modern Japan. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1989 "Caveat Viator: Advice to Travelers in the Edo Period" trans, of Yasumi Roan's 1810 Ryoko Yojinshu (Precautions for Travelers). Monumenta Nipponica AAA Y A M A M O T O Wakako U l ^ M l ^ 1995 Shikoku Henro no Minshushi (ffl S M S § <D 5&) Tokyo: Kyodo Printing. Y A M A Z A K I Taiko 1988 Shingon- Japanese Esoteric Buddhism. Richard and Cythia Peteson trans. London: Sambhala Publishing. 98 APPENDIX 1 Map of the Shikoku pilgrimage route and the 88 temple names. KAGAWA 1. Ryozenji 23. Yakuoji 45. Iwayaji 67. Daikoji 2. Gokurakuji 24. Hotsumisakiji 46. Joruriji 68. Jinnein 3. Konzenji 25. Shinshoji 47. Yasakaji 69. Kannonji 4. Dainichiji 26. Kongochoji 48. Sairinji 70. Motoyamaji 5. Jizoji 27. Konomineji 49. J5doji 71. Iyadaniji 6. Anrakuji 28. Dainichji 50. Ffantaji 72. Mandaraji 7. JQrakuji 29, Kokubunji 51. Ishiteji 73. Jusshaji 8. Kumadaniji 30. Zenrakuji 52. Taisanji 74. Koyamaji 9. Horinji 31. Chikurinji 53. Enmyoji 75. Zentsuji 10. Kirihataji 32. Zenjibuji 54. Enmeiji 76. Konzoji 11. Fujiidera 33. Sekkeiji 55. Nankoji 77. Doryuji 12. Shozanji 34. Tanemaji 56. Taisanji 78. Goshoji 13. Dainichiji 35 Kiyotakiji 57. Eifukuji 79. Tennoji 14. Jorakuji 36. Shoryuji 58. Senyuji 80. Kokubunji 15. Kokubunji 37. Iwamotoji 59. Kokubunji 81. Shiromineji 16. Kannonji 38. Kongofukuji 60. Yokomineji 82. Negoroji 17. Idoji 39 Enkoji 61. Koonji 83. Ichinomiyaji 18. Onzanji 40 Kanjizaiji 62. Hojuji 84. Yashimaji 19. Tatsueji 41 Ryukoji 63. Kisshoji 85. Yakuriji 20. Kakurinji 42 Butsumokuji 64. Maegamiji 86. Jidoji 21. Tairyuji 43 Meisekiji 65. Sankakuji 87. Nagaoji 22. Byodoji 44 Taihoji 66. Unpenji 88. Okuboji 99 APPENDIX 2 100 APPENDIX 3 Pictures of path markers 101 APPENDIX 4 Picture of haircut as seen in Jippensha Ikku's Kanenowaraji (1821) 102 APPEND IX 5 Picture of a charity group as seen by Jippensha Ikku (1821) •r\«<Vj" ' -O •^ T^ V' v ^ W C ' tr "Of i r 103 APPENDIX 6 The Purpose and Plan of the Tatsueji Zenkon (Charity) Group. (Translated from Tatsueji Reigenki 1925) 1. The Tatsueji Zenkon Group is a charitable group that gives complete preference to those doing the Shikoku pilgrimage. This group survey what is best suited for the pilgrims and gives such necessary items to them. 2. The Tatsueji Zenkon Group is a charitable group, so there are no costs such as membership fees. We ask for all 'good' men and women to be willing to help and participate in the kind service of giving charitable donations such as items and money, so that you can obtain good fortune. 3. Those people who are traveling around Shikoku and have received charity, of course, can also obtain good fortune. Those who serve Kobo Daishi are walking with him as they journey and this becomes the foremost reason to give charity. The act of giving charity is something taught to us by Kobo Daishi over one thousand years ago and those that do so should give to the pilgrim as i f intending to give to Kobo Daishi. 4. The Tatsueji Zenkon Group gives out charity in five places. a) The First place of charity is the 'office of communication.' Here notices are sent out to family and friends in each hometown about the safety of each pilgrim who comes to worship. Stamps for postcards are all given for free. In the case of packages that have been sent to pilgrims or telegrams or letters, they are taken care of carefully so that others will not know and then are passed to that pilgrim. b) The second place of charity is the 'stamp office.' Here the fee for stamping the book is provided at no cost. (At present, because it is limited to a donation, it cannot be provided entirely for free, however, in the future with your service, I hope that we can provide this completely without charge.) c) The third and fourth places of charity are the 'place of charitable donations of items.' Here, such various things necessary for daily life are given to the pilgrim. They include rice, paper, towels, candy, incense, potatoes, and beans. d) The fifth place of charity is the 'places of tea' where hot tea is provided, but in the case of the guest hall, a free night's lodging is provided to a limited number. The above is the outline of our group at the present time, but in the future, through your services, I know it will grow more and will improve. 104 5. Because the Tatsueji Zenkon Group is a charity group there are no 'fixed' charges for services provided. However, there is an approximate chart of service and their prices. The 'ideal donation amount' for the item received is entirely up to your discretion. I T E M for 1 person for 10 people for 100 people Calligraphy work 3 sen 30 sen 3 yen Stamp Book (1) 5 sen 50 sen 5 yen Towel 15 sen 1 yen 50 sen 15 yen Zenkonyado Stay 50 sen 5 yen 50 yen 105 APPENDIX 7 Menu of a Zenkonyado-1928 from the Miyamoto family's Zenkonyado book Main dish: Barley Rice Barazushi Fried Tofu Koya Tofu Sliced Daikon Fried broad beans that have been soaked and left in water into which plain tasting boiled things are put in. Sidedish: Ken's Mamba (Fried Tofu, Tofu, namako, Hyakka) Boiled Bamboo Shoots Cut and Dried Boiled Daikon Boiled namako (fish) and seaweed Beans in Soya Sauce Boiled Taro Seasonal Vegetable is the main River Shrimp boiled in miso (After boiling river shrimp pull off the head and boil in homemade miso) Tofu Soup Somen Soup Uchikomi Soup Dumpling Soup (Grind the smashed rice, add a little mochi rice, make dumplings, make ingredients of soup into which other things like daikon and taro are put in.) You can also eat the dumpling by dusting them with soybean flour or grounded browned barley flour. From the menu like this above, some of the dishes were picked out and given as charity. 106 APPENDIX 8 - Exhortation for Pilgrims to the Sacred Places of Shikoku received by Oliver Statler in 1971 as recorded in Japanese Pilgrimage (p. 181) The pilgrim is not to veil his body in impurity or harbor evil thoughts in his soul; he should enter upon the penitential journey with a cleansed body and a pure heart. In whatever difficulties and disagreeable situations he may find himself, he should let no thought of anger rise in him. He should take care, that he might attain the fulfillment of his vow. Arriving at a temple, one should first perform one's devotions with a quiet heart, then complete the written offering without haste, not getting too far from one's baggage if there is a crowd, but being careful, since mistakes are easily made even without evil intent. Pocketbook, money and the like should under no circumstances be put down or shown to others. Those who set out together should assist one another lovingly and obligingly. If they meet a weak pilgrim or one trouble by illness, they should spend themselves in caring for him; that is charity after the Buddha's heart. In the choice of companion met along the way one must be cautious; one must consider that there are times when it is pleasant to have a comrade to talk with, but there are also occasions when.one's faith in a companion is betrayed. For there are bad people who have the most honest appearances; they approach and pretend that they want to point out a shorter way, to deliver efficacious prayers, or to teach a secret magic; they end by forcibly taking money or even violating women. Such people are to be found here and there upon the roads of Shikoku: those who wear pilgrim garb to hunt for their livelihood. It is not necessary that other people pray for one; he who merely follows the Daishi with his whole heart can have his prayer granted. Also one should not write name and address too clearly on one's pilgrim staff, nameslips, and the like, since every year numerous people fall victim to swindling through the mails. The rule of setting out early and putting up early is as good for today as it was for earlier times. Where one is invited to spend the night one will surely not be dealt with badly: one should therefore turn in, even if the sun is still high. If one tries to go on a little farther, the way often stretches out; before one realizes it, it is late and one does not know where to stay. Ascetic training in the form of standing before the gates of strangers and asking for alms is to be performed every day at about twenty-one houses, following the examples set by the Daishi. To do so is very good practice toward forming a pious nature. One should not think that one does it in order to receive money or other things; he who makes that this goal is only a beggar and his piety is degraded... In the spring there are settai, gifts from the hands of pious people or free sojourn in their homes. If such favors are bestowed on one, they should be accepted in the most thankful spirit and one's name-slip given in return. A hasty journey with a heart full of business does not lead to piety. One is only brought to shame by it. Without other intention or thought, calmly and without haste, with "Namu Daishi Henjo Kongo" upon one's lips - that is how make the true pilgrimage. Namu Daishi Henjo Kongo Postscript: Whoever upon the pilgrimage experiences spiritual disturbances or has other cares should turn with confidence to the priests of the pilgrimage temples. 


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