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UBC Theses and Dissertations

Athleticism and its transfer to Canada 2001

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A T H L E T I C I S M A N D ITS T R A N S F E R T O C A N A D A By . P E T E R E V A N S A R M S T R O N G B .A . T h e Univers i ty of Br i t ish C o l u m b i a , 1964 L L . B . T h e Univers i ty of Br i t ish C o l u m b i a , 1968 A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S in T H E F A C U L T Y O F G R A D U A T E S T U D I E S Depa r tmen t of H is tory W e a c c e p t this thes is a s con fo rm ing to the requ i red s t a n d a r d T h e Univers i ty of Bri t ish C o l u m b i a A u g u s t 2001 © Pe te r E v a n s A r m s t r o n g , 2001 In p resen t ing this thes is in part ial ful f i lment of the requ i remen ts for a n a d v a n c e d deg ree at the Univers i ty of Br i t ish C o l u m b i a , I ag ree that the L ibrary sha l l m a k e it f reely ava i lab le for re fe rence a n d s tudy . I further ag ree that pe rm iss ion for ex tens i ve c o p y i n g of this thes is for scho la r l y p u r p o s e s may be granted by the h e a d of my depar tment or by his or her represen ta t i ves . It is unde rs tood that c o p y i n g or publ icat ion of this thes is for f inanc ia l ga in sha l l not be a l l owed without my writ ten p e r m i s s i o n . Pe te r E v a n s A rms t rong Depa r tmen t of H is tory T h e Univers i ty of Br i t ish C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a D a t e : A u g u s t 2 7 , 2001 Abstract: Th i s thes is e x a m i n e s the or ig ins of a th le t ic ism in E n g l a n d a n d its t ransfer to C a n a d a . Dur ing the c o u r s e of the n ineteenth century , the focus of the E n g l i s h pub l ic s c h o o l s c h a n g e d dramat ica l ly . At the start of the cen tu ry an E n g l i s h uppe r - c l ass s tudent 's le isure t ime w a s largely e m p l o y e d in roaming the coun t ry -s ide , t r e s p a s s i n g on ne ighbor ing es ta tes a n d p o a c h i n g . T e a c h e r s ' respons ib i l i t ies e n d e d at the c l a s s r o o m door . Seven ty - f i ve y e a r s later a n Eng l i sh publ ic schoo l s tudent 's life w a s f o c u s s e d on g a m e s a n d t e a m spor t s inc lud ing cr icket a n d the va r i ous t ypes of footba l l . T e a c h e r s now ran al l a s p e c t s of s c h o o l life wh ich w a s d e s i g n e d to instill the man ly , Ch r i s t i an , v i r tues wh ich wou ld enab le g radua tes to take their p roper p l a c e a s l eade rs in the Br i t ish Emp i re . A n d t eam spor ts we re a veh i c l e to a c h i e v e that e n d . T e a m spor ts s u c h a s cr icket a n d rugby, a n d the va r i ous inst i tut ions that p romoted t h e m , o c c u p i e d a cent ra l p l ace in u p p e r - c l a s s E n g l i s h life a n d b e c a m e in fused with what P r o f e s s o r M a n g a n refers to a s the ' g a m e s eth ic ' : the ideo logy of a th le t i c ism. W h e n the Br i t ish admin is t ra tors , so ld ie rs , a n d immigrants c a m e to C a n a d a they brought with t hem their love of g a m e s a n d this ' g a m e s eth ic ' that w a s modi f ied by C a n a d i a n expe r i ence . In E n g l a n d the 'ethic ' w a s f irmly en t renched a n d suppor ted by a un ique c l a s s a n d soc ia l s t ructure. B e c a u s e that s t ructure d id not ex is t in C a n a d a , the at tempts of ear ly Br i t ish C a n a d i a n s to instill the 'ethic ' in the new count ry we re p rob lemat i c a n d p l a y e d out in the conf l ic t be tween ama teu rs a n d p ro fess iona l s . A l t h o u g h an emerging working-class culture and an increasingly commercialized society challenged and eventually made the distinction between amateur and professional athletes irrelevant, belief in the 'games ethic' and in the instrumental value of team sports survived and continues to influence Canadian sport policy today. iii T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S Abs t rac t ii T a b l e of Con ten t s iv Introduction 1 D e v e l o p m e n t of the Spor t s Eth ic in Bri tain 1 2 T h e Spo r t s Eth ic in C a n a d a to 1909 2 8 C o n c l u s i o n 5 0 B ib l iography 5 3 iv T h e r e a d e r of t h e s e p a g e s s h o u l d not l o o k fo r d e t a i l e d d o c u m e n t a t i o n of eve ry wo rd . In t reat ing of the g e n e r a l p r o b l e m s of c u l t u r e o n e is c o n s t a n t l y o b l i g e d to u n d e r t a k e p r e d a t o r y i n c u r s i o n s into p r o v i n c e s not su f f i c ien t ly e x p l o r e d by the ra ide r h imsel f . T o fill in all the g a p s in my know ledge be fo re -hand w a s out of the q u e s t i o n for m e . I h a d to wri te now, or not at a l l . A n d I w a n t e d to wri te. J o h a n Hu iz inga , Homo Ludens, 1938 Introduct ion T h i s thes is is d iv ided into two sec t i ons . T h e first sec t ion d e s c r i b e s the cul tura l a n d soc ia l t ransformat ion that occu r red in the E n g l i s h pub l ic s c h o o l s dur ing the c o u r s e of the n ineteenth century a n d that led to, a n d w a s in turn just i f ied by, the ideo logy of a th le t ic ism. C h a r a c t e r i z i n g a n ideo logy a s a ph i l osophy with ambi t ion is an apt descr ip t ion of a th le t i c i sm. S o s u c c e s s f u l we re its p rose ly t i ze rs a n d s o pe rvas i ve their in f luence that later cr i t ics wou ld desc r i be a th le t ic ism a s the 'pub l ic s c h o o l cult ' , man i fes ta t ions of wh ich were the t endency for s c h o o l s to se lec t p re fec ts a n d hire t eache rs on the b a s i s of their athlet ic abi l i ty; for t e a c h e r s to o rgan i z e a n d part ic ipate in s tudents ' g a m e s ; a n d for admin is t ra to rs to en la rge the port ion of the cur r i cu lum d e v o t e d to a th le t ics . T h e huge ly inf luential E . N o r m a n G a r d i n e r (1864-1930) , a c h a m p i o n of a th le t i c ism, w a s e x p r e s s i n g what had b e c o m e conven t i ona l w i s d o m w h e n he s t r e s s e d the impor tance of g a m e s (as o p p o s e d to the gymnastics and athletics popular in continental Europe) in preparing boys 'to play the game' in the battle of life. Physical training is a valuable part of education and necessary in artificial conditions of life. But physical training is not sport, nor can it ever take the place of sport. There is no joy in it. It may develop the body and impart habits of discipline, but it cannot impart the higher qualities - courage, endurance, self-control, courtesy - qualities which are developed by our own games and by such manly sports as boxing and wrestl ing when conducted in the true spirit of manly rivalry for the pure joy of the contest; it cannot train boys 'to play the game' in the battle of life. 1 The pre-eminent scholar of athleticism, J . A. Mangan, summarizes its tenets as follows: Physical exercise was taken, considerably and compulsorily, in the sincere belief of many, however romantic, misplaced or myopic, that it was a highly effective means of inculcating valuable instrumental and impressive educational goals: physical and moral courage, loyalty and co-operat ion, the capaci ty to act fairly and take defeat wel l , the ability to both command and obey. 2 Central to athleticism was belief in the effectiveness of games as a structure to develop not only physical proficiency but also the much more important character traits: loyalty, courage, and a willingness to subordinate personal preferences for the common good. As a result of the perceived capacity of games to demonstrate moral worth as well as physical proficiency, physical ability by itself became a measure of moral 1 E. Norman Gardiner, Athletics of the Ancient World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1930) p. 98. Gardiner was the son of a rector, attended Malborough on scholarship, and obtained second class standing in the classics at Oxford in 1890. On his retirement in 1925, after more than 25 years as a master at Epsom College, he returned to Oxford, obtained a D.Litt,. and continued his research and prolific writing. Gardiner played rugby for Devonshire from 1887 to 1900. 2 J . A. Mangan, Athleticism in the Victorian and Edwardian Public School (London & New York: Falmer Press, 1986) p.9. worth . B o y s w h o were g o o d at g a m e s were 'better' than t h o s e w h o w e r e not. Par t ic ipat ion a n d s u c c e s s in g a m e s con fe r red soc ia l s ta tus . T h e s e c o n d sec t ion d e s c r i b e s the di f fusion of Br i t ish spor ts a n d g a m e s to C a n a d a by admin is t ra tors , so ld ie rs , a n d set t lers w h o brought a bel ief in their ins t rumenta l va lue . T h e prominent pos i t ions they he ld in C a n a d i a n soc ie ty , their e m p h a s i s on sport a n d the in f luence of the c l u b s a n d a s s o c i a t i o n s they es tab l i shed e n s u r e d that a d h e r e n c e to a th le t i c ism su rv i ved the f lood of non-Br i t i sh immigrants who ar r ived in C a n a d a after 1 8 9 0 . A l t hough ques t i oned by m a n y a n d th rea tened ove r the y e a r s by p ro fess iona l l e a g u e s , c o m m e r c i a l in terests, and e v e n g o v e r n m e n t s a n x i o u s to explo i t spor t to p romote nat ional unity or e v e n C a n a d a ' s in terests a b r o a d , the ideo logy of a th le t ic ism rema ins a potent fo rce in C a n a d i a n ath let ics. T h i s examina t i on of the d e v e l o p m e n t of the ideo logy of a th le t ic ism in Br i ta in a n d its d i f fusion to C a n a d a shou ld be of interest to s tuden ts of C a n a d i a n history a s wel l a s those hop ing to unders tand C a n a d i a n spor t po l icy . T h e role of sport in def in ing se l f - image , mascu l in i ty , a n d nat ional cha rac te r rece i ves cont inu ing examina t ion . A C a n a d i a n e x a m p l e is H o c k e y Night in C a n a d a : Spor t . Identities and Cul tura l Pol i t ics by R i c h a r d G r u n e a u a n d D a v i d W h i t s o n . 3 O n e c a n hope that this e s s a y will e n c o u r a g e o thers to ref lect upon the contr ibut ion of the le isure act iv i t ies c h a r a c t e r i z e d a s spor t to the d e v e l o p m e n t of C a n a d i a n not ions of mascu l in i t y (and feminini ty) a n d e x p r e s s i o n s of nat ional i ty. T h e last few y e a r s h a v e s e e n 3 Richard Gruneau and David Whitson Hockey Night in Canada: Sport. Identities and Cultural Politics (Toronto: Garamond Press, 1993). an explosion of interest in all aspects of sports' studies by academics in many disciplines - history, sociology, anthropology, and psychology - as sports are now seen as a contested site in the development of both the individual and society. This has led to the questioning and refuting of many long-cherished myths either by a re-examination of the historical record or by current research. A good example of the former was the belief that Greek sport most nearly approached the amateur ideal in the fourth century B.C. and started to deteriorate when the ideal was compromised with excessive competition and professionalism. This myth was central to athleticism as it was consistent with the emphasis on the study of the classics prevalent at the English public schools. David Young has shown that the ancient Olympic games were never amateur.4 Recent studies have questioned the cherished American belief that athletics provide a vehicle for social mobility; that hard work and ability, and not position or connections, were the keys to success in the American meritocracy.5 Some educators now question whether high-school sports facilitate social integration. Feminists argue that professional, highly publicized games such as football, basketball, and hockey perpetuate the misogynist glorification of the male body, as well as legitimate aggression and violence, to the detriment of women.6 And yet in spite of evidence that team sports fall far short of the ideal promoted by E. Norman Gardiner, Canadian parents continue to invest much time and money to 4 David C . Young, The Olympic Myth of Greek Amateur Athletics (Chicago: Ares Publishers, 1984) . 5 Steven A. Riess, "Professional Sports as an Avenue of Social Mobility in America: Some Myths and Realities" in Essays on Sport History and Sport Mythology (Arlington, Texas: Texas A & M University Press, 1990) pp.83-117. 6 Varda Burstyn, The Rites of Men: Manhood. Politics and the Culture of Sport (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999). ensure their children are involved in sport. A recent study (1993) indicated that in Coquitlam, Port Coquitlam, and Port Moody, British Columbia, almost one-half of children between the ages of 5 - 18 participated in community sports.7 Dyck reports the results of a survey in which parents indicated that the top five reasons for enrolling their children in community sports were:8 T o bui ld s e l f - e s t e em T o deve lop ski l ls T o make new f r i ends T o have f un T o i nc rease f i t ne s s Canadian sport administrators and government policy-makers have expectations of sport which would not appear strange to a Victorian schoolmaster and which far exceed the modest hopes of parents. After describing the difficulties faced by churches, schools, and parents in instilling values and ethics that have led to an erosion in the "moral development of Canadian youth", a 1992 Task Force on Federal Sport Policy concluded "...that sport is beginning to address this societal gap by accepting a leadership role in instilling values and ethics in Canadian youth." 9 As athleticism still has its adherents in the corridors of power in Canada it is important to understand its origins. What follows is an attempt to do so. 7 Noel Dyck, "Parents, Kids and Coaches: Constructing Sport and Childhood in Canada" Games. Sports and Cultures (Oxford & New York: Berg, 2000) p. 140. 8 Noel Dyck, p. 141. 9 Minister's Task Force on Federal Sport Policy, Sport: The Way Ahead: An Overview of the Task Force (Ottawa: Minister of State for Fitness and Amateur Sport and Minister of Supply and Services, 1992) p. 22 . Befo re e m b a r k i n g upon the pr imary d i s c u s s i o n , s o m e more gene ra l b a c k g r o u n d obse rva t i ons m a y offer a helpfu l f rame of re fe rence . T h e p l ace of spor ts a n d ath let ics in con tempora ry wes te rn soc i e t i es is s e c u r e . F r o m compet i t i ve p ro fess iona l spor ts to workou ts with a p e r s o n a l t ra iner; f rom g y m c l a s s to d iets to p last ic su rgery ; f rom bowl ing to badm in ton ; whe the r a s a par t ic ipant or a s a spec ta tor , phys i ca l act iv i t ies (or c o n v e r s a t i o n s about them) o c c u p y m u c h of our at tent ion. A n d a l though f rom t ime to t ime the e x c e s s e s of p ro fess iona l a th le tes both on a n d off the f ie lds of p lay ra ise ques t i ons about the psycho log i ca l a n d soc ie ta l benef i ts of compet i t i ve spor ts , the intr insic worth of p h y s i c a l act iv i ty is u n q u e s t i o n e d . Soc ie ta l p ressu re to be phys ica l l y act ive is unre len t ing . J o b s , bank loans , b u s i n e s s opportuni t ies, are all more readi ly ava i l ab le to t hose w h o a p p e a r phys ica l l y fit. But this o b s e s s i v e interest is of recent o r ig in . A s D e n n i s Bra i ls ford has s h o w n 1 0 , in wes te rn E u r o p e before the r e n a i s s a n c e , p leasurab le phys ica l activity w a s c o n s i d e r e d a s in a s al l h u m a n at tent ion w a s e x p e c t e d to be d i rec ted to heaven l y sa l va t i on . P h y s i c a l t raining cou ld be just i f ied only w h e n so ld ie rs we re n e e d e d for se rv i ce to the c h u r c h . Wh i l e dur ing the E l i zabe than e r a phys i ca l act ivi ty w a s e n c o u r a g e d b e c a u s e of R e n a i s s a n c e idea ls of h u m a n per fec t ion , the Pur i t ans , b e c a u s e of their unre lent ing f ocus on m a n ' s earth ly p u r p o s e , tu rned back the c lock and d e m a n d e d faith a n d hard work, a n d c o n d e m n e d g a m e s a s sinful p l e a s u r e s of the f lesh . T h e rat ional is ts, in their turn, whi le a c k n o w l e d g i n g m a n ' s humani ty , e m p h a s i z e d inte l lectual act iv i ty a n d largely ignored the body . Bra i ls ford ident i f ies the foundat ion of interest in phys i ca l act ivi ty wh ich swep t m u c h of cont inenta l E u r o p e at the e n d of the e igh teenth century a s romant ic na t iona l i sm. G e r m a n s , S c a n d i n a v i a n s , a n d m a n y o thers a t tempted to forge a link to their imag ined pas t g r e a t n e s s by devo t ing coun t l ess hours to phys i ca l e x e r c i s e s of al l sor ts , inc lud ing ca l i s then ics , h ik ing, a n d the mil itary e x e r c i s e s of the p a r a d e g round . T h e Br i t ish, however , were largely iso la ted f rom this romant ic e x e r c i s e a l though e c h o e s of its a p p e a l to emot ion a n d myth c a n be found in the ideo logy of a th le t ic ism born in the V ic tor ian a n d E d w a r d i a n pub l ic s c h o o l s . In G e r m a n y , in part icular, spor ts c l ubs we re often e s t a b l i s h e d by o rgan i za t i ons hop ing for a par t icu lar benef i t : by co rpo ra t i ons to e n c o u r a g e labour stabi l i ty; by pol i t ical par t ies s e e k i n g suppor te rs ; a n d by the mil i tary to d e v e l o p phys ica l s k i l l s . 1 1 Spor t w a s purposefu l a n d d e s i g n e d to a c h i e v e e c o n o m i c or pol i t ical e n d s . T h e g e n e s i s of o r g a n i z e d spor t w a s dif ferent in Br i ta in . Dur ing the e igh teenth a n d n ineteenth cen tur ies Br i ta in w a s t rans fo rmed . T h e comb ina t i on of the industr ia l revolut ion a n d the F r e n c h Revo lu t i on w e a k e n e d the hold of the l anded gentry, the c h u r c h , a n d the a r i s toc racy on Br i t ish soc ie ty . T h u s the power of the midd le a n d lower c l a s s e s i n c r e a s e d e v e n more than the i nc rease in their numbers might have permi t ted . It is es t ima ted that the popu la t ion of E u r o p e w a s 193 mi l l ion in 1800 a n d it had g rown to ove r 4 2 0 mi l l ion by 1900 . Dur ing the s a m e per iod the popula t ion of E n g l a n d a n d W a l e s i n c r e a s e d f rom 9 mi l l ion to 2 3 mi l l ion a n d by 1900 a lmos t 17 mil l ion l ived in c i t ies . A s the popu la t ion inc reas ing ly concen t ra ted in the rapidly e x p a n d i n g c i t ies , f r e e d o m f rom 1 0 Dennis Brailsford, Sport and Society (London: Routledge, 1969) . the restr ic t ions of rural life a n d urban i n d e p e n d e n c e e n c o u r a g e d the growth dur ing the n ineteenth century of m a n y n e w o rgan i za t i ons (c lubs , f raterni t ies, labour un ions) wh ich he lped to prov ide a des i r ed s e n s e of commun i t y . Spo r t s t e a m s and c lubs did the s a m e . T e a m spor ts in par t icu lar p rov ided a n important s e n s e of be long ing . Improved e c o n o m i c cond i t i ons , r is ing w a g e s , more f ree t ime, better t ranspor ta t ion ; al l fac i l i ta ted spor t ing act iv i ty, whe the r for p l a y e r s or spec ta to rs . W e a l t h a n d the ra i lways a l l owed t e a m s to c o m p e t e on a regular b a s i s , wh ich necess i t a ted ag reemen t on rules a n d regu la t ions . Wh i l e remain ing largely a ma le p reserve , the g a m e s t h e m s e l v e s we re t r a n s f o r m e d . 1 2 S i n c e the 1830s there h a s b e e n an exp los i ve d e v e l o p m e n t of spor ts , a n d desp i te revolut ions a n d two wor ld wa rs the interest in compet i t i ve spor ts con t i nues to i n c r e a s e . But why did the interest first e m e r g e in E n g l a n d ? W h a t were the spec i f i c charac te r i s t i cs in the st ructure a n d deve lopmen t of Eng l i sh soc ie ty wh ich a c c o u n t for the growth of the le isure act iv i t ies that are cha rac te r i zed a s o r g a n i z e d spo r t? B e c a u s e le isure act iv i t ies we re t rans fo rmed dur ing the s a m e per iod that the p r o c e s s of industr ia l izat ion t rans fo rmed the e c o n o m y of Br i ta in it is e a s y to c o n c l u d e , a s m a n y have d o n e , that the t ransformat ion in the s t ructure a n d o rgan iza t ion of the le isure act iv i t ies ca l l ed ' spor ts ' w a s c a u s e d by the industr ia l revolut ion. T h e c a u s a l link is cons is ten t with the eva lua t i on of 'work ' a s some th i ng of greater va lue than 'spor ts ' , but 1 1 Richard D. Mandell, "Modern Criticism of Sport" Essays on Sport History and Sport Mythology p. 124. 1 2 William J . Baker, Sports in the Western World (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982) pp. 114-17 . adop t ion of this a n a l y s i s p re judges the ques t ion a n d m a k e s it diff icult, if not i m p o s s i b l e , to unde rs tand the or ig ins of the exp los i ve interest in m a n y spor t ing act iv i t ies dur ing the n ineteenth century . T h e r e is e v i d e n c e to s u g g e s t that some th i ng more w a s invo lved . H o w e l s e c a n o n e a c c o u n t for the d e v e l o p m e n t a n d conso l ida t ion a n d a lmos t un ive rsa l a c c e p t a n c e of the ideo logy of a th le t ic ism w h i c h , by the last quar ter of the n ine teenth century , had b e c o m e the a dominant in f luence in Eng l i sh pub l ic s c h o o l s ? Norber t E l i a s 1 3 h a s a rgued that the v iolent a n d d i s o r g a n i z e d g a m e s a n d le isure act iv i t ies of the wo rk i ng -c l ass (in par t icu lar the p recu rso r s of the va r i ous fo rms of footbal l) we re gradua l ly b e c o m i n g l ess v io lent dur ing the n ine teenth cen tu ry a s the power of the mode rn s tate a n d the s c o p e of its leg is la t ive authori ty i n c r e a s e d . T o E l i a s , this 'c iv i l iz ing p r o c e s s ' c h a r a c t e r i z e d m a n y man i fes ta t ions of p re -modern c o n d u c t a s u n a c c e p t a b l e . Surpr i s ing ly rapidly, ref ined athlet ic act iv i t ies b e c a m e s o c i a l s ign i f iers b e y o n d the reach of the lower c l a s s e s . Th i s 'c iv i l iz ing p r o c e s s ' a rgumen t h a s recent ly b e e n cr i t ic ized by V a r d a Burs tyn , w h o s e e s the growth in ma le g a m e s a s part of more c o m p r e h e n s i v e ideo log ica l s t rugg le b e t w e e n m e n a n d w o m e n . S h e s u g g e s t s that a s the c h a n g e s spu r red by the industr ia l revolut ion d im in i shed the role a n d ef fect ive p o w e r of m e n in the h o m e a s m e n spen t eve r l ess t ime at h o m e , m e n turned to g a m e s to c rea te a ma le sanc tua ry . T h u s , the e x p a n s i o n a n d format ion of m a n y n e w boy ' s boa rd ing s c h o o l s dur ing the century is s e e n a s an at tempt to p rese rve ma le h e g e m o n y a n d the g a m e s t h e m s e l v e s a s a n e x e r c i s e in def in ing ma le ident i t ies. B e h i n d the growth of ma le spor ts w a s nos ta lg ia 1 3 Norbert Elias. The Civilizing Process (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982) for the g o o d o ld d a y s , a m e a n s of p reserv ing a n d legi t imat ing the e thos of m a s c u l i n i t y . 1 4 A l t h o u g h the soc io l og i ca l or ig ins of interest in compet i t i ve spo r t s m a y not be c lear ly unde rs tood , a n d a l though m a n y educa to rs now ques t i on whe the r compet i t i ve spor ts s h o u l d be e n c o u r a g e d at all in the publ ic s c h o o l s , ear ly in the twent ieth century their va lue w a s largely u n q u e s t i o n e d . 1 5 M a n y be l i eved that spor ts were part icular ly s u c c e s s f u l in mou ld ing charac te r ; i.e. in "deve lop ing phys i ca l a n d mora l c o u r a g e , loyal ty a n d co -ope ra t i on ; the capac i t y to act fairly a n d take de fea t we l l , the abi l i ty to both c o m m a n d a n d o b e y . " 1 6 It d id not matter too m u c h if the tradi t ional a c a d e m i c responsib i l i t ies were neg lec ted . A s T. L. Pap i l l on exp la i ned : Many a lad who leaves an English public school disgracefully ignorant of the rudiments of useful knowledge, who can speak no language but his own, and writes that imperfectly, to whom the noble literature of his country and the stirring history of his forefathers are almost a sealed book, and who has devoted a great part of his time and nearly all his thoughts to athletic sports, yet brings away with him something beyond all pr ice, a manly straightforward character, a scorn of lying and meanness, habits of obedience and command, and fearless courage. 1 7 1 4 Burstyn, Varda. The Rites of Men: Manhood. Politics, and the Culture of Sport. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999. 1 5 When hiring new teachers public school administrators in British Columbia are not permitted (in 2001) to ask applicants if they are able to contribute to extra-curricular sports programs. 1 6 Mangan, Athleticism, p. 9. 1 7 T. L. Papillon (1841-1926), quoted in Mangan, Athleticism, p. 9. -10- But the g a m e s n e e d e d to be taught a n d p l a y e d correc t ly to a c h i e v e the d e s i r e d result. Cyr i l N o r w o o d , w h o had b e e n H e a d m a s t e r of both H a r r o w a n d M a r l b o r o u g h , d e s c r i b e d the correct a p p r o a c h : They are these, that the game is to be played for the game's sake, and that it matters not a button whether it is won or lost, so long as both sides play their best: that no unfair advantage of any sort can ever be taken, and that within those rules no mercy is to be expected, or accepted, or shown by either side: that the lesson to be learned by each individual is the subordination of self in order that he may render his best service as the member of a team in which he relies upon all the rest, and all the rest rely upon him: that finally, never on any account must he show the white feather.1 8 Dur ing the Vic to r i an age , t eam g a m e s acqu i red a mora l s ign i f icance a s t ra ining for life a s hard work, commi tment , a n d de te rmina t ion w e r e prerequis i tes for s u c c e s s in spor ts as wel l a s life. T e a m spor ts , in part icular , were be l i eved to t each an addi t ional a n d e v e n more important l e s s o n ; that loyalty a n d a wi l l ingness to sacr i f ice individual g lory for g roup s u c c e s s w e r e e s sen t i a l for victory. A n d it w a s not o v e r l o o k e d that these w e r e useful attributes for efficient e m p l o y e e s in the n e w indus t r ies . But a b o v e al l the m a n l y sports , rugby in particular, were b e l i e v e d to instill the i l lusive 'character ' , often a s y n o n y m for 'manl iness ' ; an ideal w h i c h e n c o m p a s s e d the vir tues of de terminat ion a n d loyalty a n d a l so i nc luded se l f -d isc ip l ine , the wi l l ingness to control one ' s se l f ish des i r e s for the c o m m o n g o o d , with the ability to c o n q u e r fear a n d pa in . But h o w did t e a m spor t s c o m e to be s a d d l e d with s u c h weighty e x p e c t a t i o n s ? 1 8 Cyril Norwood, The English Tradition of Education (London: John Murray, 1929) pp. 108-9 . D e v e l o p m e n t of t h e S p o r t s E t h i c i n B r i t a i n At the start of the n ine teenth cen tu ry the spor t ing act iv i t ies of the Br i t ish upper c l a s s e s had b e e n largely restr ic ted to the f ie ld spor ts ; r id ing, fox -hunt ing , a n d f i sh ing . For very different r e a s o n s , the oppor tun i t ies of the lower c l a s s e s we re e v e n more l imited. F o r c e d to migrate to the g row ing c i t ies by the e n c l o s u r e s a n d lack of e c o n o m i c oppor tun i t ies in the v i l l ages , the n e w factory worke rs found it imposs ib le to con t inue with their t radi t ional ou tdoor spor ts a n d g a m e s . In add i t ion , the e v a n g e l i c a l m o v e m e n t , b e c a u s e of its s u s p i c i o n of all fo rms of recreat ion if not c lea r l y mora l l y cons t ruc t i ve a n d upl i f t ing, together with c o n c e r n for the strict o b s e r v a n c e of the S a b b a t h , further w e a k e n e d the c u s t o m s of t rad i t ional r e c r e a t i o n . 1 9 T h e p rob lem w a s c o m p o u n d e d by the restr ict ive labour d isc ip l ine i m p o s e d by the new industr ia l is ts; twe lve hour d a y s , with on ly S u n d a y s off, we re not u n c o m m o n . T h u s , dur ing the first half of the cen tu ry the le isure act iv i t ies of the u rban i zed wo rke rs w e r e large ly the va r i ous pub g a m e s ; bowls , quoi ts , a n d bi l l iards, a n d a new activity, p e d e s t r i a n i s m (walk ing races ) , wh ich thr ived in the c r o w d e d c i t i e s . 2 0 But e v e n at the publ ic s c h o o l s favored by the upper c l a s s e s oppor tun i t ies for g a m e s were l imi ted, notwi ths tand ing the we l l - known quo te at t r ibuted 1 9 Recreations popular with the common people that were criticized and restricted included anything that encouraged crowds to gather, such as the various types of football, boxing, and the blood sports: bull-baiting and bull-running, cock-fighting and throwing-at-cocks, badger-baiting, and dog-fighting. 2 0 Robert Malcolmson, Popular Recreations in English Society 1700-1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973) Chapter 6: The Undermining of Popular Recreations" -12- to Lo rd We l l i ng ton : "The batt le of Wate r loo w a s w o n on the p lay ing f ie lds of E t o n . " It is unl ike ly that We l l ing ton eve r m a d e the s ta tement , s i n c e it w a s attr ibuted to h im on ly in 1855 , three y e a r s after h is d e a t h . 2 1 W h e n the twe lve -year -o ld We l l i ng ton ar r ived at E ton in 1771 for a n un remarkab le th ree-year s tay, spor ts a n d g a m e s a n d p lay ing f ie lds w e r e a n un impor tant part of s c h o o l life. C l a s s r o o m t ime w a s a lmos t exc lus i ve l y t aken up with the s tudy of the c l a s s i c s , whi le dur ing the rest of the t ime the s tuden ts we re largely u n s u p e r v i s e d a n d o c c u p i e d t h e m s e l v e s rambl ing ove r the coun t r ys ide , f i sh ing , duck -hun t ing , a n d b i rd -watch ing . A n d ove r the next fifty y e a r s the a m u s e m e n t s of pub l ic s c h o o l b o y s c h a n g e d hard ly at a l l . A part icular ly v iv id descr ip t ion of life at R u g b y S c h o o l in the 1 8 3 0 s is found in T o m B r o w n ' s S c h o o l D a y s , pub l i shed in 1857 . A work of f ict ion by T h o m a s H u g h e s , h imsel f an O l d R u g b e i a n (1834-42) , it w a s in tended to prov ide g u i d a n c e to his e ight -year -o ld s o n but is ch ief ly known b e c a u s e it con ta ins o n e of the ear l ies t descr ip t ions of a rugby g a m e . Of g reater interest is the insight it p rov ides into the o rgan iza t ion of the s c h o o l , the h o u s e st ructure a n d the dominan t role p l ayed by the pre fec ts , the i nc reas ing impor tance of the c h a p e l in the life of the s c h o o l , a n d the a lmos t comp le te lack of interest s h o w n by the h e a d m a s t e r , the l egenda ry Dr. A r n o l d , in g a m e s of all sor ts . T h e most f requent en ter ta inment of T o m a n d his f r iends w a s ' tooz l ing ' ; c h a s i n g and kil l ing b i rds in the h e d g e r o w s . pp. 89-117. Races were popular and a source of gambling. In 1770, the winner of a race in Nottingham walked fifty miles in twelve hours. 2 1 Christopher Hibbert, Wellington: A Personal History (London: Harper Collins, 1998) p.5. The remark is likely evidence of the public school supporters claiming credit for the Duke's successes; and its origin lies in the remarks made by Dr. Keate, the headmaster of Eton, at a dinner with officers in Paris shortly after the battle of Waterloo when he congratulated them on their discipline which they had learned at Eton and to which he attributed the great victory. -13 - Such activities remained the chief occupations of upper-class school boys until well into the nineteenth century. But change, when it came, was both quick and comprehensive. The speed of the change was influenced by two factors that encouraged schools to imitate the prominent public schools and establish games programs of their own: the status and prominence of the great public schools; and the fact that proficiency in competitive sports had become an indicator of social position. The games were demonstrations of social exclusiveness. A revealing look into the public schools was provided by the work of the Clarendon Commission, 1861-1864. Established in response to a number of articles that appeared in Cornhill Magazine, Macmillan's Magazine, and the Edinburgh Review in 1860 and 1861, which accused the masters of Eton of greed 2 2 and misappropriating school funds, the Commission was to "inquire into the revenues and management of certain colleges and schools, and the studies pursued and the instruction given therein." The schools examined were Eton, Westminster, Winchester, Charterhouse, St. Paul's, Merchant Tailors', Harrow, Rugby, and Shrewsbury: schools which had 2,708 pupils in 1861. Although its broad mandate was to examine all aspects of the nine schools, the Commission's report and the subsequent Public School Acts enacted between 1864 and 1873 reformed the governance and finances - 14 - of the schools but did not change the curriculum. And by singling out these schools for special treatment the Commission enhanced their claim for elite status and encouraged other schools to imitate them. 2 3 Thus the separate and perceived superior status conferred by the Commission and confirmed by the legislation meant that the influence of the nine schools went largely unchallenged for many years, and that when changes were introduced at these 'great' public schools (such as sports' programs) they were quickly adopted by other schools. In addition, the Commission made explicit its approval of school sports: The cricket and football fields...are not merely places of amusement; they help to form some of the most valuable social qualities and manly virtues, and they hold, like the classroom and the boarding house, a distinct and important place in public school educat ion. 2 4 One of the criticisms leveled at the schools in the Commission hearings was that the classics, Greek and Latin, were taught too exclusively and that science, history, and modern languages were neglected. Although some of the reluctance on the part of the public schools to modernize the curriculum may be attributed to a conservative reaction to the horrors of the French Revolution and the further uprisings of 1848 that threatened the hereditary power of the British aristocracy, or to the aristocracy's unwillingness to be judged by their skills rather than by who they were, many of the public schools were legally obliged to teach the classics by the terms of their incorporating documents. As a result, at some schools 2 2 That financial mismanagement and corruption were not uncommon is not surprising. Until the 2 0 t h century school boarding houses were often owned by housemasters and run for profit. Shrosbree p. 148. 2 3 Shrosbree, p. 217 . 2 4 Quoted in James Walvin, The People's Game: The Social History of British Football p.38. - 15- over 80% of class time was devoted to their study.2 5 This adherence to the study of the classics is less surprising if one understands that it did provide a restricting qualification for membership in the ruling elite. As Shrosbree points out, proficiency in Greek and Latin was an ideal qualification because it could only be acquired by those with the financial resources to spend years studying at public schools. "The classics fulfilled the same sociological function in Victorian England as calligraphy in ancient China - a device to regulate entry into a governing elite."2 6 By the end of the nineteenth century proficiency in the games played at public schools, cricket and rugby, together with the correct, gentleman's attitude, had also become social signifiers and a point of entry into the governing elite. Clearly, it was becoming increasingly difficult for a school to thrive, or even survive, without an extensive games' program. It is impossible to examine the rise of athleticism in Britain during the nineteenth century without relying largely on the writings of J . A. Mangan and in particular Athleticism in the Victorian and Edwardian Public School, in which he traces the growth and consolidation of the ideology of athleticism in 'the independent, non-local, predominantly boarding school for the upper and middle classes'. Mangan examines in detail six public schools, one from each of six categories: Great Public Schools (Harrow), Denominational Schools (Stonyhurst), Proprietory Schools (Marlborough), Elevated Grammar Schools (Uppingham), Woodward Schools (Lancing), and Private Venture Schools (Loretto). Mangan discovered that, as late as 1851, a Marlborough school boy's diary noted 197 leisure entries of 2 5 Shrosbree, p.33. 2 6 Shrosbree, p. 59. - 1 6 - wh ich on ly 2 7 referred to g a m e s . In contrast , 70 ent r ies re la ted to coun t r ys ide e x c u r s i o n s . 2 7 But by the e n d of the century spor ts h a d s u p p l a n t e d the s tudy of the c l a s s i c s a s the mos t impor tant act iv i ty at a lmos t all the s c h o o l s . Dramat i c e v i d e n c e of the new p r o m i n e n c e of spor ts in s c h o o l life is p rov ided by the i nc rease in the a c r e a g e o w n e d or l e a s e d by va r i ous s c h o o l s for major g a m e s f rom 1845 to 1 9 0 0 . Approximate acreage owned or leased in 1845 and 1 9 0 0 2 8 1845 1900 Harrow 8 146 Marlborough 2 68 Uppingham 2 4 9 Lancing 0 14.5 Stonyhurst 2 30 Loretto 0 22 T h e story of how sport c a m e to p lay a cent ra l role in Br i t ish soc ie t y is not ent i rely c lear . T h e genera l l y a c c e p t e d exp lana t ion is p resen ted in this exce rp t f rom the E n c y c l o p e d i a Br i tann ica : The coming of the Industrial Revolution in the mid-eighteenth century and the later introduction of sports as a" regular extra-curricular activity in public schools by Thomas Arnold (c.1830) provided a spur which led to the great development of sport during the Victorian age of England. Dr. T h o m a s A r n o l d , who w a s h e a d m a s t e r of R u g b y f rom 1828 to 1 8 4 2 , wou ld h a v e b e e n a m a z e d to be g iven the credit for in t roducing spor ts a s a regu lar ex t ra-cur r icu lar ac t iv i ty . 2 9 W h e n Dr. A rno ld c a m e to R u g b y the s c h o o l w a s ruled by the boys , with the s t rong rul ing the w e a k . Indeed, the J . A. Mangan, pp. 19-20. J . A. Mangan, p.71. Jenny Macrory, Running With the Ball. (London: Collins Willow, 1991) p. 53 . - 1 7 - autocra t i c rule of the pre fec ts prec ip i ta ted a s tudent revolt in 1797 (which w a s que l led by the a rmy a n d read ing of the Riot Act ) a n d in 1822 w h e n the f ags de f ied both pre fec ts a n d mas te rs , wh ich led to the e x p u l s i o n or w i thdrawal of m a n y s t u d e n t s . 3 0 R u g b y w a s not un ique . By ron w a s a s c h o o l - b o y mut ineer at Har row in 1808 . W i n c h e s t e r e x p e r i e n c e d s ix upr i s ings b e t w e e n 1770 a n d 1818 ; the last be ing put d o w n by the mil i t ia with f i xed b a y o n e t s . 3 1 Wi th A rno ld ' s arr ival at R u g b y the s y s t e m w a s c h a n g e d in subt le but s igni f icant w a y s . Wh i l e tradi t ional ly the pre fec ts had b e e n c h o s e n by the b o y s on the bas i s of popular i ty , A r n o l d a f fec ted the appo in tmen t of p re fec ts direct ly respons ib le to h im w h o were c a p a b l e of prov id ing s o m e d e g r e e of mora l l eadersh ip a n d w h o a c k n o w l e d g e d that author i ty con fe r red responsib i l i ty . T h e prefect s y s t e m b e c a m e a m e a n s of soc ia l cont ro l . T h e c h a n g e s were ef fect ive in cu rb ing the e x c e s s e s of the sen io r b o y s , but A r n o l d m a d e no at tempt to interfere with the o rgan iza t i on of g a m e s or to br ing them under the cont ro l of the m a s t e r s or to m a k e them a n off icial part of the s c h o o l c u r r i c u l u m . 3 2 But , if not Dr. A r n o l d , what we re the factors wh ich led a lmos t all the pub l ic s c h o o l s to inst i tute c o m p r e h e n s i v e spor ts ' p r o g r a m s ? Wh i l e A rno ld ' s e m p h a s i s rema ined on the mora l deve lopmen t of h is s tuden ts , on ' god l i ness ' a n d ' good learn ing ' , it w a s apparen t to m a n y e d u c a t o r s that g a m e s , with appropr ia te o rgan iza t ion a n d g u i d a n c e , cou ld be a n act ivi ty that p romoted d isc ip l ine a n d the Chr i s t i an v i r tues, a s wel l a s prov id ing a n ideal a l ternat ive to running wi ld in the coun t rys ide . W h e n G . E . L . Co t ton left R u g b y to b e c o m e H e a d m a s t e r of M a l b o r o u g h in 1852 3 0 Jenny Macrory, p. 55 . 3 1 Walvin p. 32. -18- he made a conscious decision to introduce organized sports to control the students. 3 3 In a 'Circular to Parents' written within a year of his arrival, he outlined his plan to introduce organized games so that the boys would no longer spend their leisure time "...wandering about the country - some in bird nesting, or in damaging the property of neighbours, or other undesirable occupat ions." 3 4 Cotton's plan was successful , in part, because he departed from the Rugby School model and introduced a policy of staff involvement in all school games. The condition of Harrow was even more precarious when C . J . Vaughan became Headmaster in 1845 at the age of 28. Enrollment had dropped to 69, the boys were out of control, and the school faced the hostility of the local community. In a clear case of 'emulation for acceptance and survival', Vaughan introduced the prefectorial system employed at Rugby, leaving the boys in control of games, and within two years enrollment had cl imbed to 283 . 3 5 The pattern was repeated at Uppingham when Edward Thring became Headmaster in 1853. He introduced team sports and used his own money to purchase and build extensive sports facil i t ies. 3 6 But Thring was less concerned with using games as a vehicle for social control than with emphasizing his belief in the dual nature of the 'Graeco-Renaissance ' ideal of the whole man; i.e., intellect and body in harmony. In his case , Jenny Macrory, p.56. Jenny Macrory, p. 136. Quoted in J . A. Mangan, p.228. J . A. Mangan, pp.31-34 J . A. Mangan, p.47. - 1 9 - educa t i ona l theory, not e x p e d i e n c e , w a s the spu r to ac t ion . T h e mot ive w a s dif ferent, but the pract ica l effect w a s the s a m e . A dif ferent ideo logy insp i red H. H. A l m o n d w h e n he bought Loret to in 1862 a n d immed ia te ly in t roduced g y m n a s t i c s a n d t e a m spor t s w h i c h , he b e l i e v e d , p romo ted unse l f i shness . A l m o n d s t r e s s e d the impor tance of phys i ca l heal th for its own s a k e ; a phys io log ica l a rgument , a n d e m p h a s i z e d diet a n d exe rc i se , and e v e n proper c lo th ing, a s n e c e s s a r y for heal thy l iv ing. T h e in f luence of Darwin and Herber t S p e n c e r is c l ea r a s A l m o n d ded i ca ted his s c h o o l to ra is ing the ' f inest ' m e n . Games in which success depends on the united efforts of many, and which also foster courage and endurance, are the very life blood of the public school system. And all the more self-indulgent games or pursuits contain within themselves an element of danger to school patriotism and might, if they permanently injured the patriotic games, cause public schools to fail in their main object, which we take to be the production of a grand breed of men for the service of the British nat ion. 3 7 B y the late 1850 ' s the a d v a n t a g e s of a full g a m e s p rog ram w e r e readi ly apparen t a n d qu ick ly c o p i e d by other s c h o o l s . But p rese rv ing pub l ic o rder w a s not by itself suf f ic ient just i f icat ion for the c o n s i d e r a b l e expend i t u res a n d reorgan iza t ion of s c h o o l life requi red to in t roduce s u c h a p r o g r a m . T o the e v a n g e l i c a l s a n d the Pur i tans , spor ts and g a m e s cou ld be just i f ied on ly if they w e r e mora l ly cons t ruc t i ve a n d upli f t ing. A cohe ren t se t of a rgumen ts w a s requi red a n d it w a s quick ly p rov ided . In his s e r m o n s , G . E . L. Co t ton ar t icu la ted the concep t of the 'who le m a n ' w h o s e r v e d G o d by the d e v e l o p m e n t of phys i ca l abi l i t ies, " . . .no l ess sure ly than w h e n he knelt 3 7 H. H. Almond, from an editorial in the "Lorettonian" (17 June 1882). Quoted in J . A . Mangan, Athleticism, p.56. - 2 0 - in prayer." 3 8 In a sermon entitled 'The Image of God ' in 1856, E. C. Lowe of the Woodard school argued that physical education was important to ensure a manly presence, and, in turn, was important because external appearance was a "...sure index of the man within." 3 9 Introduction of games as a form of social control had become legitimated by educational rationales. And the value of games was recognized outside the public schools. The churches actively promoted association football (soccer) after the formation of the Football Association in 1863 in an attempt to "civilize naturally energetic and aggressive youth." 4 0 In 1885, of 112 football clubs in Liverpool, 85 had religious affiliation. The state schools established following the passing the Public School Acts between 1864 and 1873 also adopted association football. The publication of Charles Darwin's On The Origin of Species in 1857 provided a new and sinister justification for the emphasis on sports in the public schools. Simplified to 'the survival of the fittest', Darwin's theory provided an explanation for the conflict evident in all spheres of life and was easily adapted to explain the sociological and economic disparities so 3 8 J . A. Mangan, Athleticism, p.27. 3 9 J . A. Mangan, Athleticism, p.39. When an ethos, an ethic, is tied to a particular way of doing something, a change in behaviour necessarily brings the ethic into question. Such was the case when Almond at Loretto attempted to introduce a more expansive 'passing' game of rugby in the 1870s instead of the controlled forward 'dribbling' game. A s rugby in Scotland was considered of value because it created robust men with manly attributes, willing to sacrifice themselves loyally for the good of the team, passing the ball to avoid being tackled was considered cowardly. The contrast with the Welsh attitude was revealing. Because rugby in Wales was one of the factors which defined national identity, creative innovation and the exciting 'passing' game were accepted with enthusiasism. W. John Morgan & Geoffrey Nicholson, Report on Rugby pp. 49 -55 . 4 0 Daryl Adair, "Competing or Complementary Forces? The 'Civilizing' Process and the Commitment to Winning in Nineteenth Century English Rugby and Association Football" Canadian Journal of History of Sport 24:2. December 1993. p. 54. -21 - ev ident in V ic to r ian soc ie ty . A n d this ana l ys i s w a s compa t i b l e with A d a m Smi th ' s exp lana t ion in the W e a l t h of Na t ions of the p r o c e s s that led to the c rea t ion of wea l th . Smi th a r g u e d that pe rsona l e c o n o m i c d e c i s i o n s b a s e d on unfet tered sel f - in terest c rea ted wea l th a n d benef i ted soc ie t y a n d that e c o n o m i c d ispar i t ies were inev i tab le, n e c e s s a r y , a n d bene f i c ia l . But it w a s Herber t S p e n c e r , in part icular, by blurr ing the d i f fe rences b e t w e e n b io log ica l evolut ion a n d soc ia l deve lopmen t , w h o popu la r i zed this a n a l y s i s of soc ie t y a n d its comfor t ing just i f icat ion of inequal i ty . Wi th V ic to r ian con f i dence in the inevi table ma rch of c iv i l i za t ion, S p e n c e r app l i ed Darw in ' s b io log ica l ana lys i s of evolut ion to soc ia l re la t ions. T h u s , t hose w h o s u c c e e d e d in l i fe's s t ruggle a n d b e c a m e r ich, or better st i l l , b e c a m e m e m b e r s of the a r i s toc racy , we re worthy of respec t . S u c c e s s w a s e v i d e n c e of mora l wor th. C o n v e r s e l y , fai lure w a s conf i rmat ion of mora l i n a d e q u a c y . A n d , with the s a m e logic , athlet ic p ro f ic iency , or e v e n phys i ca l a p p e a r a n c e , w a s a l so e v i d e n c e of mora l worth. T h e mora l c o m p o n e n t of a th le t ic ism c h a n g e d s igni f icant ly dur ing the latter half of the n ineteenth century . M u s c u l a r Chr is t ian i ty , with its e m p h a s i s o n commi tmen t , loyalty, a n d integrity, e v o l v e d to inc lude the more secu la r , man ly v i r tues: st rength a n d ha rd iness . Wi th the c h a n g e c a m e a greater impor tance p l a c e d on v ictory. A n d by the e n d of the century , a th le t ic ism had incorpora ted an ar rogant bel ief in A n g l o - S a x o n super ior i ty . T h e r e is no sho r tage of mater ia l i l lustrat ing the racist c o m p o n e n t of a th le t i c i sm. - 2 2 - In T h e G a m e s Eth ic and Imper ia l ism (1988) 4 1 J . A . M a n g a n quo tes f rom two s o u r c e s wh ich demons t ra te this pre jud ice. T h e first is f rom F rede r i ck W i l l i am Far ra r ' s paper "Apt i tudes of R a c e s " p resen ted to the E thno log i ca l S o c i e t y in 1867 . It worth r emember i ng that Far ra r w a s a mas te r at Har row. H e wr i tes about the Neg ro : With keen senses, and singularly powerful physique, yet mainly owing to his sal ient animality, and with the cr imes of cruelty, laz iness, and superstit ion which...mark his native condition, he is not untameable like the Indian, but so mentally apathetic as to bow his shoulder to the yoke of race after race of Asiat ics and Europeans. Ever since civil ization has existed, he has been coterminous to, and even in contact with it from an unknown per iod. Yet this natural imitat iveness has given him no proficiency even in the mechanical a r t s . 4 2 T h e s e c o n d is f rom S i r F ranc i s Y o u n g h u s b a n d who w a s c o m m a n d e r of the Br i t ish exped i t i on to T ibet in 1 9 0 3 : No European can mix with non-Christian races without feeling his moral superiority over them. He feels from the first contact with them, that whatever may be their relative positions from an intellectual point of view, he is stronger morally than they are. And facts show that this feeling is a true one. It is not because we are any cleverer than the natives of India, because we have more brains or bigger heads than they have, that we rule India; but because we are stronger morally than they are. Our superiority over them is not due to mere sharpness of intellect, but to the higher moral nature to which we have attained in the development of the human race. 4 3 A notab le feature of V ic to r ian Br i ta in w a s the exp los ion of wr i t ing, part icular ly s e r m o n s , poetry a n d s o n g s , m a n y of wh ich we re pub l i shed in s c h o o l m a g a z i n e s , devo ted to the glor i f icat ion of spor ts a n d g a m e s . 4 1 J . A. Mangan, The Games Ethic and Imperialism (London: Frank Cass, 1 998) 4 2 Quoted in J . A. Mangan, The Games, pp.113-14. -23- M a n g a n c o n c l u d e s that the "verba l s y m b o l s of ideo log ica l c o m m i t m e n t " t ransmi t ted m e s s a g e s of " loyalty, mascu l in i ty , c h a u v i n i s m , a n d d e c e n c y . " 4 4 T h e l i terary f lower ing not on ly just i f ied a n d re f lec ted the i deo logy of a th le t i c ism, it he lped to c rea te it. A th le t i c i sm w a s s e e n a s the a n s w e r to m a n y different p r o b l e m s . T h e s c h o o l b o y s ' o b s e s s i v e interest in g a m e s e v e n p rov ided protect ion aga ins t fore ign ev i ls . A s one h e a d m a s t e r exp la i ned : Did you ever think what a priceless boon is the innocence of school games as a subject of conversat ion? You are perhaps bored by the incessant talk about matches and runs, and place kicks, and scrummages; you think games occupy a disproportionate share of the boy's mind. You may be thankful this is so. What do French boys talk abou t? 4 5 O n e c o n s e q u e n c e of the romant ic link fo rged be tween the g a m e s f ie ld a n d the batt lef ield w a s the en thus ias t i c r e s p o n s e of pub l ic s c h o o l b o y s a n d g radua tes to the outbreak of war in 1914. In a s e r m o n on J u l y 5, 1914 , E . W . Ho rnung , an O l d U p p i n g h a m i a n , e m p h a s i z e d g a m e s a s a m e t a p h o r for war . For here now 'we see through a glass darkly', so darkly that try as we will, we cannot see the score; so darkly that we can hardly see to play the game; but not so darkly that we are going to appeal against the light - nor so darkly that we cannot be sportsmen and glory in the difficulties we have to overcome. Who wants an easy victory? Who wants a life full of pitches to leg? Do you think the Great Scorer is going to give you four runs every time for those? I believe with all my heart and soul that in this splendidly difficult Game of Life it is just the cheap and easy tr iumph which will be written in water on the score sheet. And the way we played for our side, in the bad light, on the difficult pitch: the way we backed up 4 3 Sir Francis Younghusband, The Heart of a Continent Quoted by Mangan, The Games Ethic, p.115. 4 4 J . A. Mangan, Athleticism, p. 182. 4 5 J . M. Wilson, (Headmaster of Clifton) "Morality in Public Schools and its Relation to Religion" (1882) Quoted in J . A. Mangan, Athleticism, p. 190. -24- and ran the other man ' s runs;. . .sure ly, sure ly it is t h e se th ings a b o v e all that will count , when the innings is over, in the Pav i l ion of H e a v e n . 4 6 Moral lessons were taught through the language of games, which were an axiom for life as well as war. But the pervasive influence of athleticism did not go unchallenged. Even within the public school system, and particularly at Malborough, there were those who questioned its excesses and the antagonism towards intellectuals which it fostered. Another, and ultimately more successfu l , challenge was posed by the increased competition faced by public school graduates for the jobs which had traditionally been reserved for the sons of the gentry: medicine, law, and the military. By the last quarter of the nineteenth century the success of graduates from the recently established state schools, who had received at least some training in science and mathematics, demonstrated the need for the public schools to temper their emphasis on games and the study of the c lassics and, instead, teach the skills needed for success in a competitive industrial society. It was the prospering middle c lass, in particular, whose desire to increase their sons' chances for success had led to the establishing of so many public schools, who first became aware of the need for change. A more immediate threat to athleticism arose when those same entrepreneurs employed their competitive business practices in support of their local soccer and rugby teams. Athleticism discouraged too sharp a focus on victory as games should be played for their own sake and to instill values and ethics. Too much attention to victory would inevitably lead to professionalism and corruption: the excesses which had led, so the 4 6 Quoted in J . A. Mangan, Athleticism, p. 194. - 2 5 - V ic to r i ans e r roneous l y be l i eved , to the degrada t ion of a th le t ics in anc ien t G r e e c e . T h u s the s t rong res is tance to creat ing any formal l e a g u e st ructure to l ead to a c h a m p i o n s h i p wh i ch , it w a s be l i eved , wou ld i n c r e a s e compet i t i ve p r e s s u r e s a n d lead to e x c e s s e s . T h e n e w industr ia l is ts , howeve r , be l i eved that v ictory in g a m e s w a s a n appropr ia te goa l a n d s a w noth ing w rong with us ing their cons i de rab le sk i l ls a n d r e s o u r c e s to i n c r e a s e the c h a n c e s of s u c c e s s of their loca l t eams by acqu i r ing sk i l led a th le tes by pay ing e x p e n s e s a n d prov id ing them with j obs or b roken- t ime p a y m e n t s (payment of w a g e s for t ime spen t a w a y f rom work t ra in ing or compe t i ng ) . T h e s e p rac t i ces led to bitter d i spu tes invo lv ing s o c c e r a n d rugby. In a c o m p r o m i s e ag reemen t in 1885 the Footba l l A s s o c i a t i o n (soccer ) d e c i d e d to permit both ama teu r a n d p ro fess iona l t e a m s to c o m p e t e under the umbre l la of the A s s o c i a t i o n . T h e p ro fess iona l t e a m s qu ick ly s w a m p e d the amateu r t e a m s both on the p lay ing f ie ld a n d at the box off ice. T h e fai lure of the amateur s o c c e r t e a m s in f luenced the R u g b y Footba l l Un ion w h e n the s a m e i ssue a rose in the rugby g a m e 10 y e a r s later. T h i s t ime no c o m p r o m i s e w a s poss ib le a n d the nor thern c l ubs spli t f rom the R F U a n d fo rmed their own pro fess iona l R u g b y Footba l l L e a g u e . 4 7 T h e reso lu t ion of the d ispu tes in s o c c e r a n d , in part icular, rugby h a d the con t rad ic to ry effect of en t rench ing a th le t ic ism by conso l i da t i ng the author i ty a n d in f luence of the largely publ ic s c h o o l g radua tes w h o rema ined in contro l of the R F U . In addi t ion, it m a d e c lear ly ev ident the s o c i a l c o h e s i v e n e s s of a th le t ic ism's suppor te rs . It w a s no longer p o s s i b l e to d i s g u i s e the c l a s s s t rugg le inherent in the cont inu ing conf l ic t b e t w e e n 4 7 Tony Collins, Rugby's Great Split: Class. Culture and the Origins of Rugby League Football. Sport in the Global Society. Ed. J . A. Mangan. (London: Frank Cass, 1998) . Eric Dunning and Kenneth Sheard, Barbarians. Gentlemen and Players: A Sociological Study of the Development of Rugby Football. (Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1979) . -26- a m a t e u r i s m a n d p ro fess iona l i sm . A n d with the depar ture of the p ro fess iona l rugby c l ubs , t hose wh ich rema ined were cen te red in the sou th a n d a round L o n d o n a n d were cont ro l led by publ ic s c h o o l g radua tes in the t radi t ional o c c u p a t i o n s of the gentry w h o rema ined fervent in their a d h e r e n c e to a th le t ic ism. Wi th the cha l l enge p o s e d by p ro fess i ona l i sm de f l ec ted , the ideo logy of a th le t ic ism con t i nued to mot iva te the ve ry peop le w h o s e soc ia l pos i t ions or jobs - gove rnmen t se rv i ce a n d the mil i tary - e n s u r e d that their v i ews wou ld in f luence the d e v e l o p m e n t of sport in C a n a d a . -27- The Sports Eth ic in C a n a d a to 1909 In a s e m i n a l e s s a y ent i t led "They Taugh t the Wor ld to P lay " , S i r C h a r l e s T e n n y s o n 4 8 s h o w e d that ' a most important a c h i e v e m e n t 1 of V i c to r i an E n g l a n d w a s the di f fusion throughout the Emp i re a n d b e y o n d of bal l g a m e s - footbal l , cr icket , lawn tenn is , a n d golf. H e ident i f ied the cent ra l role in the p r o c e s s p layed by g radua tes of the 'publ ic ' s c h o o l s a n d e x a m i n e d the evo lu t ion of the g a m e s t h e m s e l v e s but ignored a mos t in terest ing a s p e c t of the en te rpr ise , the di f fusion of the u p p e r - c l a s s ideo logy of a th le t ic ism that c a m e with the g a m e s . S o m e g a m e s w e r e a c c e p t e d more en thus ias t ica l l y in cer ta in count r ies than in o thers e v e n after a l l o w a n c e s are m a d e for geog raphy a n d c l imate . T h i s ra i ses the ques t i on : why d id C a n a d a take up cr icket a n d rugby whi le o ther coun t r ies pre fer red s o c c e r : a matter of s o m e s ign i f i cance a s p layers of rugby a n d cr icket w e r e more l ikely to be l ieve in the ideo logy of a th le t ic ism than were s o c c e r p l a y e r s ? It h a s b e e n s u g g e s t e d by Haro ld Perk in that the initial popular i ty of the 'gen t leman ly ' spor ts of cr icket a n d rugby in C a n a d a a s wel l a s Aus t ra l i a , N e w Z e a l a n d , a n d S o u t h A f r i ca ref lected the c l a s s or ig ins of the admin is t ra to rs a n d mil i tary pe r sonne l sent to gove rn t hose par t icu lar c o l o n i e s . 4 9 T h e s e g radua tes of the Eng l i sh publ ic s c h o o l s natural ly 4 8 Sir Charles Tennyson, "They Taught the World to Play" Victorian Studies 2 (1958/59): 211 -222 . 4 9 Harold Perkin, "Teaching the Nations How to Play: Sport and Society in the British Empire and Commonwealth" The International Journal of the History of Sport 6:2 (September, 1989): 145-55 . - 2 8 - i n t roduced the g a m e s with wh ich they we re most fami l iar : c r icket a n d rugby. A l t hough initially popu la r at s o m e publ ic s c h o o l s , E ton in par t icu lar , s o c c e r had b e c o m e tainted in the m inds of m a n y publ ic s c h o o l g radua tes w h e n p ro fess iona l i sm w a s permit ted in 1885 . R u g b y , howeve r , r e m a i n e d true to the ama teu r idea l . In 1893 , w h e n the R u g b y Footba l l U n i o n w a s f a c e d with the ques t ion of whe ther or not to permit b roken- t ime p a y m e n t s , it re fused to c o m p r o m i s e , wh ich led twenty -one c l u b s to l eave the R F U a n d form the p ro fess iona l Nor thern Un ion . (The n a m e w a s c h a n g e d to the R u g b y Footba l l L e a g u e in 1922.) Pe rk in a r g u e s that a s the merchan ts a n d eng inee rs w h o ex tended Bri t ish c o m m e r c i a l in f luence to t h o s e par ts of the wor ld not under Br i ta in 's di rect admin is t ra t i ve contro l we re l ess l ikely to have a t tended a publ ic s c h o o l they w e r e more fami l iar with assoc ia t i on footbal l (soccer ) . A s wel l , s o c c e r w a s e a s i e r to learn a n d did not require spec ia l faci l i t ies. T h u s , s o c c e r b e c a m e the mos t popu la r spor t in coun t r ies that we re sub jec t to Br i t ish c o m m e r c i a l in f luence but not part of the Br i t ish Emp i re . In C a n a d a , howeve r , the pub l ic s c h o o l g radua tes sen t to admin is te r a n d protect the E m p i r e pre fer red cr icket a n d rugby a n d , in those a r e a s with a Br i t ish admin is t ra t ive p r e s e n c e or a mil itary ga r r i son , they we re s u c c e s s f u l in o rgan iz ing t e a m s . S ign i f icant ly , the first o v e r s e a s tour by a n E n g l i s h cr icket XI w a s in 1859 to C a n a d a , w h e n g a m e s were p l ayed in Mon t rea l a n d To ron to . In addi t ion to admin is t ra tors a n d mil itary of f icers, m a n y of w h o m w e r e pub l ic s c h o o l g radua tes , a d ispropor t ionate ly large n u m b e r of the Br i t ish immigran ts to C a n a d a dur ing the n ineteenth century we re a l so g radua tes of the pub l ic s c h o o l s . T h e lure of adventu re a n d the oppor tun i t ies -29- available in Canada , effectively advertised by the Canadian government and commercial interests, certainly encouraged British immigration to Canada . But possibly of greater importance during the latter part of the Victorian age was the changing position of the landed c lasses in Britain which provided an impetus for immigration. The expansion of elite public schools in Britain had been driven by the ambition and resources of the growing middle c lass who wanted the type of education previously enjoyed only by the aristocracy. It is estimated that the number of students attending public or grammar schools increased from about " . . .9,000 in the early 1840's to approximately 30,000 in the 1870 's . " 5 0 And yet the opportunities for the increased numbers of graduates trained in the c lassics and obsessed with games were continuing to dwindle. While the younger sons of the landed gentry had traditionally chosen medicine, the military, the church, or the law, an increased emphasis on ability instead of position and connections meant that many of them could not find jobs appropriate to their social position. While entry into the church remained an option, it was less attractive in a secular age and paid very poorly. The increased competition faced even by those who were able to pass competitive examinations and become doctors or lawyers meant that many remained without gainful employment. Even the option of a career in the civil service was restricted when competitive examinations were introduced in the 1850's. A s well, comfortable careers in the military became less certain when the practice of purchasing commissions was abolished in 1871 following the demonstrated incompetence of Lord Cardigan and other British officers during the 5 0 Patrick A. Dunae, Gentlemen Emigrants: From the British Public Schools to the Canadian Frontier (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1981) p. 53 . - 3 0 - Crimean War and the successes of the professional officers in Prussia's armies. 5 1 Immigration to Canada became a socially acceptable alternative and appealed to many public school graduates who helped to invigorate the already established British sporting tradition. The British army garrisons, in particular, with idle soldiers and ample resources, were inevitably centres of sporting activity and it would be difficult to exaggerate their importance in the development of sport in central Canada following the conquest in 1763, and continuing until almost all the troops were withdrawn in 1871 following the ratification of the Treaty of Washington by the United States Senate. A small number of naval and engineering personnel remained at Halifax and Esquimalt until 1906, although Canada did not take over the dockyards until the Royal Canadian Navy was formed in 1910. 5 2 Although the impact of the military garrisons in central Canada was of much greater significance for the future of sport in Canada for the reasons set out below, the naval bases had considerable local influence on the development of sport on both coasts. 5 3 It was surely no coincidence that rugby attracted an enthusiastic following in both the Maritimes and in British Columbia. 5 4 The numbers permanently stationed at the bases may have been small but 5 1 Dunae, p. 51 . 5 2 J . Mackay Hitsman, Safeguarding Canada 1763-1871 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968) p. 226 . 5 3 Derek A. Swain, "The Impact of the Royal Navy on the Development of Sport in British Columbia" Fourth Canadian Symposium on the History of Sport and Physical Education held at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver (June, 1979): 2-18. Ralph M. Davies, "A History of Rugby in Nova Scotia" Unpublished M.Sc. Thesis, Dalhousie University, 1979. 5 4 The influence of naval personnel in the development of many sports in Victoria is evident from the history of the James Bay Athletic Association. Lewis G. Madley, J B A A: The First 100 Years (Victoria: James Bay Athletic Association, 1986) . - 3 1 - w h e n e v e r sh i ps we re in port there w a s non-s top act ivi ty, p e r h a p s to m a k e up the quiet t imes w h e n the sh ips were at s e a . T h e nava l b a n d s p rov ided m u s i c for the d a n c e s that we re often he ld a b o a r d the s h i p s , a s wel l a s for the m a n y spor t ing even ts . H o r s e rac ing w a s a part icular favour i te . O v e r 2 ,000 p e o p l e turned out in 1859 to wa tch the races in V i c to r i a that w e r e part of the fest iv i t ies ce lebra t ing Q u e e n V ic to r ia ' s b i r thday. C r i cke t w a s the mos t popu la r t eam sport , hav ing b e e n in t roduced on the wes t c o a s t a s ear ly a s 1849 , whi le the first report of a footbal l g a m e (most l ikely rugby) in V ic to r ia a p p e a r e d in the Bri t ish Co lon i s t i n 1 8 6 8 : The game of foot-ball between the Town and Fleet Clubs ...resulted in an easy victory for the latter, who scored six to their opponents' two . 5 5 But the ga r r i sons of Br i t ish a rmy t roops s ta t ioned in cent ra l C a n a d a had the g rea tes t impact on the deve lopmen t of sport in C a n a d a . T h e n u m b e r of t roops f luc tuated w ide ly d e p e n d i n g upon the pol i t ical s i tuat ion in Nor th A m e r i c a a n d Br i t ish init iat ives e l s e w h e r e in the wor ld . T h u s , wh i le in 1 8 0 3 1220 t roops w e r e s ta t ioned in the Mar i t imes , with app rox ima te l y 2 0 0 0 in U p p e r a n d L o w e r C a n a d a , with the outbreak of war in 1812 the total t roop s t rength i n c r e a s e d to better than 3 0 , 0 0 0 . 5 6 F r o m that p e a k the n u m b e r d e c r e a s e d fo l lowing the outbreak of the C r i m e a n W a r in the 1 8 5 0 ' s . A t the start of the A m e r i c a n C iv i l W a r in 1861 the n u m b e r w a s 7 ,407 but qu ick ly i n c r e a s e d to 18 ,582 , a lmos t all of w h o m w e r e b a s e d in Mon t rea l , Q u e b e c , L o n d o n , Toronto , K ings ton , a n d Hami l ton . It w a s dur ing this per iod f rom the ear ly 1800 ' s until the t roops we re f inal ly w i thd rawn 5 5 The British Colonist. March 30, 1868. 5 6 All statistics relating to troop totals and deployment are from J . Mackay Hitsman, Safeguarding Canada 1763-1871 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968) . - 3 2 - in 1871 that the Br i t ish mil i tary h a d its g rea tes t impact on the d e v e l o p m e n t of spor t in C a n a d a . T h e cont ingent in the wes t c o a s t c o l o n i e s w a s insigni f icant . W h e n d i s b a n d e d in 1863 it c o n s i s t e d of 131 R o y a l E n g i n e e r s , of w h o m 130 rece ived land grants w h e n Br i ta in permi t ted them to set t le in the c o l o n y . 5 7 A l t h o u g h the direct par t ic ipat ion of the t roops in va r i ous spo r t s w a s necessa r i l y l oca l i zed a n d concen t ra ted in cent ra l C a n a d a a n d e n d e d w h e n they w e r e w i thd rawn, the impact of their act iv i t ies con t i nued . T h e mi l i tary 's in f luence w a s e n s u r e d by three fac tors : w h e n the t roops w e r e d i s b a n d e d s igni f icant numbers c h o s e to a c c e p t land grants a n d sett le in C a n a d a ; the po l ice a n d mil i t ia units fo rmed to ass i s t a n d eventua l l y rep lace the Br i t ish t roops (many of w h o m had s e r v e d in the Br i t ish a rmy before c o m i n g to C a n a d a 5 8 ) adop ted their t radi t ions; a n d the p rominen t s o c i a l pos i t ion of the Br i t ish of f icers g a v e their act iv i t ies a s o c i a l c a c h e t i r resist ib le to prominent a n d soc ia l l y ambi t ious C a n a d i a n s . Fur the rmore , a s the in f luence of the el i te ex tended geograph ica l l y with the e x p a n s i o n of the ra i lways a n d e c o n o m i c deve lopmen t , its op in ions a n d at t i tudes a c q u i r e d the s ta tus of conven t iona l w i s d o m in spor t ing c i r c les . A l t hough the t roops o rgan i zed a n d were act ive par t ic ipants in m a n y spor ts , inc lud ing r iding, fox hunt ing, ho rse rac ing , a n d t a n d e m r ides, their ma in f o c u s w a s cr icket , wh ich has been desc r i bed a s " . . . the major spor t in 5 7 Hitsman, 182 & 232 . 5 8 In her monologue on Sgt.-Major J . H. G. Bray, Ruth M. Daw notes that when he went west in 1873 as part of a contingent of 53 members of the NWMP he traveled with seven recruits from the same division of the British army. Ruth M. Daw, "Stg.-Major J . H. G . Bray, The Forgotten Horseman" Hugh A. Dempsey ed., Men in Scarlet (Calgary: McClelland & Stewart, 1974) pp.152-162. -33- Canada prior to Confederation."5 9 That officers' sporting interests were those of the English landed gentry and public school graduates is understandable as, before 1871, promotion within the prestigious calvary and infantry regiments was normally acquired by purchase. 6 0 Thus, British officers in North America were usually wealthy, conservative, and reasonably well educated. The influence of disbanded British troops who chose to remain in Canada, the utilization of sport as an element in the search for continuity and commitment to British traditions, and the interdependence between sporting activities and social status are all well illustrated by the history of the Woodstock Cricket Club. 6 1 (Woodstock became Blanchford Township, Oxford County, Ontario.) Established in the 1830's by retired British officers on half-pay whose status entitled them to sizeable land grants, Woodstock was an attempt by the Family Compact to counter the growing power of political reformers. The half-pay officers quickly formed a cricket club and built a spectator stand and club house, demonstrating the social position of the players and spectators by erecting of a high fence and by requiring both players and spectators to dress in expensive apparel beyond the reach of all but the landed gentry who alone had the economic means and the leisure time to indulge in two-day matches with elaborate lunches, dinners and dances. Largely successful, the club 5 9 Peter Lindsay, "The Impact of the Military Garrisons on the Development of Sport in British North America" Canadian Journal of History of Sport and Physical Education 1:1 (May, 1970): 33 . 6 0 Hitsman, viii. 6 1 This discussion of the Woodstock Cricket Club is based on the article by Nancy B. Bouchier, "Aristocrats and their Noble Sport: Woodstock Officers and Cricket during the Rebellion Era" Canadian Journal of the History of Sport 20:1 (1989): 16-31 . -34- fulf i l led its pu rpose of prov id ing a v e n u e for cr icket , wh ich loca l n e w s p a p e r s v i e w e d a s " . . . a g lor ious a n d man ly sport ca l cu la ted to improve charac te r , phys ique , a n d moral i ty, a n d to d raw C a n a d i a n co lon i s t s c l o s e r to the mothe r coun t r y . " 6 2 But the s u c c e s s of the c lub w a s shor t l i ved . W h e n the power of the l anded gentry w a s cur ta i led in 1849 with the m o v e to respons ib le gove rnmen t and the e lec t ion of loca l c o u n c i l s , interest in cr icket qu ick ly w a n e d . T h e arr ival of the G r e a t W e s t e r n R a i l w a y in 1853 init iated a n e w e c o n o m i c e r a a n d the popu la r iza t ion of b a s e b a l l e v e n though the el i te d id not a b a n d o n their commi tmen t to Br i t ish spo r t i ng t rad i t ions . T h e d i f fus ion of spor t a n d ath le t ic ism to the wes te rn pra i r ies w a s pro found ly in f luenced by a un iquely C a n a d i a n inst i tut ion, the Nor th W e s t M o u n t e d P o l i c e . W h e n the North W e s t Moun ted Po l i ce w a s fo rmed in 1873 to es tab l i sh law a n d order in the territory turned over to C a n a d a on ly three y e a r s ear l ier , few set t lers had m a d e the trek out w e s t . 6 3 W h e n set t lers b e g a n to arr ive fo l lowing the const ruc t ion of the C a n a d i a n P a c i f i c Ra i l r oad in the 1880s , they found an a l ready es tab l i shed po l ice p r e s e n c e . T h e first cont ingent of 150 po l i ce recrui ts had m a r c h e d wes t in 1 8 7 4 a n d h a d qu ick ly e s t a b l i s h e d a str ing of forts at the more impor tant fur t rad ing pos ts s u c h a s Fort M a c l e o d , Fort Ca lga ry , Fort W a l s h , a n d Fort E d m o n t o n . E v e n though the force rema ined sma l l (never e x c e e d i n g 1000 m e n before 1905) , it w a s ab le to mainta in law a n d order in a vas t territory; reconc i l e d e m a n d s for pub l ic order a n d indiv idual l iberty; a n d ga in the respec t of the Indians, all whi le remain ing cons is tent ly popular . T h e fo rce p l ayed the 6 2 Bouchier, 21 . -35 - role of a benevo len t dictator with unr iva l led p o w e r s (pol ice of f icers w e r e a l s o mag is t ra tes) but s e e m e d not to have a b u s e d its p o w e r s . 6 4 S o pe rvas i ve w a s the in f luence of the N W M P that it has b e e n c i ted a s the exp lana t ion for m a n y of the d i f fe rences be tween C a n a d i a n a n d A m e r i c a n soc ie ty . Tha t the force a l so had a n impact on the d e v e l o p m e n t of spor t a n d at t i tudes towards sport in wes te rn C a n a d a is not su rp r i s ing . A key factor in the s u c c e s s of the N W M P w a s the cha rac te r of its p e r s o n n e l . R. C . M a c l e o d desc r i bes a typical off icer a s be ing " . . . C a n a d i a n bo rn , d rawn f rom the govern ing elite of eas te rn C a n a d a . . . a n d cer ta in ly with mil i tary e x p e r i e n c e a n d t ra in ing . " 6 5 A l t hough over e ighty per cen t of the of f icers we re C a n a d i a n this did not t ranslate into a bel ief in the i d e a of a c l a s s l e s s frontier soc ie ty . T o the contrary, the of f icers c o n s i d e r e d t h e m s e l v e s to be an elite fo rce a n d in f luenced all f ace ts of front ier life b e c a u s e they were , a n d were expec ted to be , soc ia l l e a d e r s . 6 6 Indeed, the " P o l i c e w o r k e d z e a l o u s l y to e n s u r e that the y o u n g wes te rn c o m m u n i t i e s w e r e pat te rned soc ia l l y a n d pol i t ical ly after eas te rn C a n a d a . " 6 7 The i r le isure act iv i t ies ref lected this c l a s s b ias . Spo r t s equ ipmen t s u p p l i e d to the force inc luded cr icket , tenn is , a n d fenc ing pa raphe rna l i a a s wel l a s the 6 3 Paul H. Fudge, "The North West Mounted Police and Their Influence on Sport in Western Canada, 1873-1905" Journal of the West 22:1 (1983): 30 -36 . 6 4 R. C . Macleod, The NWMP and Law Enforcement 1873-1905 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976) p. x. 6 5 R. C . Macleod, p.74. 6 6 R. C . Macleod, p.79. Their influence persisted following retirement from the force as many stayed in the west and took up ranching. By 1880 ex-policemen comprised the principal element within the ranch community. D. H. Breen, "The Mounted Police and the Ranching Frontier" Hugh A. Dempsey ed., Men in Scarlet (Calgary: McClelland & Stewart, 1974) pp. 115-137 . 6 7 S. W. Horrall, "The March West" Hugh A. Dempsey ed., Men in Scarlet (Calgary: McClelland & Stewart, 1974) p. 25. - 3 6 - more usual footballs, baseballs, and boxing gloves. 6 8 Although largely Canadian-born, the interests and perspectives of the officers were very similar to those of graduates from the English public schools. Soon after their arrival the police introduced many different sports. Cricket was particularly popular with many settlements which formed teams to take on the police. So too was rugby. In 1890 cricket and rugby teams traveled from Regina to Winnipeg for a week of games. The following year Moosomin and Winnipeg sent rugby teams to compete in a tournament organized by the police at their training centre in Regina. 6 9 But the police did not restrict themselves to cricket and rugby. In 1895 a police team from Fort Saskatchewan traveled to Calgary to take part in the first hockey tournament in the west. By the time Alberta and Saskatchewan became provinces in 1905, sport was flourishing on the prairies. Whatever the primary reason, it is clear that the games of cricket and rugby and the doctrine of athleticism so dear to public school graduates made the journey to Canada. Indeed, athleticism remained so entrenched in the upper-class ethos (at least in Toronto) that in a 1929 speech to the Empire Club of Canada on "The Imperial Significance of Games", Reverend J . R. P. Slater was able to praise, without embarrassment, the 'correct' attitude to sporting contests: In the first place, we would rather lose a game than win it unfairly. In the second place, we would rather have respect to the spirit of the law than to its letter, in playing the game. In the third place, we would exact from ourselves and all associated with us a spirit of absolute obedience to the authorities set over us for the moment, never for a moment questioning the umpire. In the fourth place we would, so to speak, play the ball were it lies - an entirely admirable attitude 6 8 Macleod, p.87. 6 9 Fudge, 31-32 . -37- to have in respect to all life's difficulties. In the fifth place we would desire to be among that company who, having started either in a race or a game, go on if we can till we drop dead. In the sixth place we would hope that the spirit would be developed amongst us which is not so very greatly concerned for itself, so long as the side on which we are is success fu l . 7 0 Key to an appreciation of this fervour and of the importance of sport to a 'gentleman' is an understanding that sport was a symbolic elitist activity and a site for the display of social status; an opportunity to show that one was a gentleman. And the difficulty of defining who was a gentleman was no hindrance. You had to be one to know one. It was only when the common people began to take up sport that there was any challenge to the pre-eminent position of the social elite. The response of the elite was to define the distinction between the amateur 'gentleman' sportsman and the professional. But whereas in England the status of a 'gentleman' was supported by a social class that accepted without question the doctrine of athleticism, this was not the case in Canada where the doctrine lacked the social system necessary for its survival. In the first serious attempt to place the sports and games played in Canada in their social context, Nancy Howell and Maxwell L. Howell describe the leisure activities of the early Canadians before lake steamers and the railways made regional and national competitions possible. 7 1 In the early days, just as the new, challenging country rewarded those able to overcome extreme physical hardships, so early sport competitions such as paddling, portaging, and snowshoeing were also tests of masculinity. In 7 0 Quoted by J . A. Mangan, The Games Ethic and Imperialism (London: Frank Cass, 1 988) 52 -53 . 7 1 Nancy Howell & Maxwell L. Howell, Sports and Games in Canadian Life: 1700 to the present (Toronto: Macmillan, 1969). - 3 8 - the e x p a n d i n g urban cen t res of Mont rea l a n d Toron to fo l lowing the influx of conse rva t i ve Uni ted E m p i r e Loya l i s t s commi t t ed to main ta in ing Br i t i sh t radi t ions, it g radua l ly b e c a m e unaccep tab l e to define mascu l in i ty by frontier s t anda rds . C o m p e t i n g c o n c e p t s of mascul in i ty - frontier a n d urban - w e r e reflected in the spor ts c lubs (and compet i t ions) e s t a b l i s h e d in C a n a d a dur ing the nineteenth century. T h e conso l ida t ion of a pol i t ical o l i ga rchy together with insti tutional power under the cont ro l of m e n w h o were pr imari ly A n g l i c a n and conse rva t ive and anx ious to main ta in their t ies to Br i ta in leg i t imated spor t ing act ivi t ies s t ructured to main ta in Br i t i sh spor t ing tradit ions. T h u s cer ta in g a m e s a n d va r ious act ivi t ies w e r e v a l u e d b e c a u s e they demons t r a t ed a commi tmen t to Br i t i sh t radi t ions a n d cul ture . In part icular , the spor ts en joyed by the military ga r r i sons w e r e e x t e n s i o n s of Bri t ish culture, a n d therefore e n c o u r a g e d . Mor r i s Mott ha s d e s c r i b e d h o w a n d w h y the Bri t ish Pro tes tants w h o set t led in the n e w p rov ince of M a n i t o b a (by 1886 two-thirds of the 1 0 8 , 6 4 0 res iden t s w e r e Br i t i sh Protes tants ) r ep roduced what they be l i eved w e r e the best features of Bri t ish c iv i l iza t ion , one of w h i c h w a s 'manly ' s p o r t s . 7 2 T o Mott , the Br i t i sh Pro tes tan ts cons t i tu ted an ' agg res s ive a n d conf ident ' majority, that w a s a n x i o u s to demons t r a t e its commi tmen t to main ta in Br i t i sh spor t ing prac t ices a n d tradit ions. P l ay ing a n d o rgan iz ing g a m e s in a c c o r d a n c e with the rules, whether p romulga ted by the R u g b y Foo tba l l U n i o n in L o n d o n or the Mont rea l A m a t e u r Athle t ic A s s o c i a t i o n , w a s but one w a y to demons t r a t e that commi tmen t . 7 2 Morris Mott, "The British Protestant Pioneers and the Establishment of Manly Sports in Manitoba, 1870-1886" Journal of Sport History 7:3 (Winter, 1980): 25 -36 . -39- Nancy B. Bouchier takes it one step further and argues that middle-class men purposefully utilized sport in an attempt to establish their cultural hegemony. 7 3 And what mattered was the social context of the enterprise not what game was played. As the popularity of British games - rugby and cricket - gradually diminished other sports were redefined and employed as instruments of bourgeois hegemony. Dr. Bouchier demonstrates that in the Ontario towns of Ingersoll and Woodstock from 1871 to 1891 middle-class men were successful in redefining lacrosse as a sport for 'gentlemen' and a site to promote their social preferences. The success was temporary. As the popularity of lacrosse increased in the 1890s and winning games became ever more important concerns were expressed about ungentlemanly play and professionalism. Lacrosse, as had happened to baseball, gradually became incorporated into working- class culture. At the same time, middle-class sportsmen discouraged the rougher working-class sports such as boxing, wrestling, and activities such as barn-raising that often led to drinking and fighting. However, the urban gentry adopted certain of the 'frontier' sports, including lacrosse and snowshoeing, which led to the exclusion of natives from some competitions, often because of their superior ability. Racist sentiments are clearly revealed by a 1868 statement of a Montreal Snowshoe club 7 3 Nancy B. Bouchier, "Idealized Middle-Class Sport for a Young Nation: Lacrosse in Nineteenth-Century Ontario Towns, 1871-1891" Journal of Canadian Studies" 29:2 (Summer 1994): 89 -110 . -40- member: "sachems (Indians) seem to have an hereditary power of running that even their natural laziness and love of fire water cannot destroy." 7 4 In Canada , sport became a site of conflict largely because during the nineteenth century sporting competitions were social events of some significance where the social aspects were more important than the outcome of the competition. A s the century progressed more and more labourers became involved in athletics, and often were the victors, particularly in those sports related to their work. Not surprisingly, Indians were supreme in snowshoe races, as were boatmen in rowing competitions. This superiority would not have been of concern if determining the best athlete had been the aim of the competition. But as the social interaction was of paramount importance restrictions were created that excluded certain racial groups as well as those involved in certain occupations. Prior to confederation sporting activity in the urban centres of Montreal and Toronto reflected the social structure of colonial society and demonstrated the gulf that existed between the social elite, including military personnel and imperial administrators who tried to maintain their ties to Britain, and the general working c lass. Athletes were distinguished by social status, not by some arbitrary distinction between amateur and professional. That distinction arose later. Thus, so long as the social differentiation was visible, competition for prizes and competitions 7 4 Montreal Snowshoe Club 1868 Minute Book, p, 93. Quoted by Don Morrow, "The Knights of the Snowshoe: A Study of the Evolution of Sport in Nineteenth Century Montreal" Journal of Sport History 15:1 (Spring, 1998): 23 . -41 - including labourers and Indians were common. Typical were the 1862 annual races of the Montreal Snow Shoe Club: Indian Race of four mi les - open to all, for a purse of $20. Hurdle Race - over four hurdles, 3 '4" high, open to all, for a pr ize be l t One Mile Race - open to all, p r i ze a s i lver meda l Race of 150 Yards - in heat, open to all, pr ize a s i lver meda l Garrison Race of half a mi le - open to non - commi s s i oned of f icers and pr ivates - pr izes, 1 s t $5, 2 n d $4, 3 r d $2 Club Race of two mi les - open to membe r s only, pr ize a s i lver c u p Half-Mile Dash - open to all, pr ize a s i lver m e d a l 7 5 The social hierarchy was reflected in the prizes, with monetary prizes being awarded for victory only in the Indian Race and the Garrison Race . The most prestigious event, the Club Race, was open to members only. The One Mile Race, while 'open to all ', was intended to include only 'whites' from other clubs. But sometimes such conventions were ignored. At the Montreal Maple Leaf Snow-Shoe Club's competition in 1873 two Indians entered the two mile open race over the objections of the white competitors and Club off icers. 7 6 One of the Indians, Peter Thomas, won the race even though a white competitor cheated by starting early and the crowd tried to block the Indians. Police cleared the track. Interestingly, it seems that the white competitors and the crowd objected to including Indians in the race because of substantial bets on the outcome, while the Club officers were offended because of the breach of social convention. Clearly, informally enforced distinctions failed to protect the sensibil it ies of the social elite, particularly when 'gentlemen' did not emerge the 7 5 Don Morrow, "The Knights of the Snowshoe: A Study of the Evolution of Sport in Nineteenth Century Montreal" Journal of Sport History 15:1 (Spring, 1998): 13-14 . -42- victors. Social exclusivity needed to be explicit. The Montreal Pedestrian Club, incorporated in 1873, took no chances. The class and racial strictures of urban sporting activities are clearly illustrated by the definitions in the incorporating documents that restricted membership to amateurs, with 'amateurs' defined as: One who has never competed in any open competit ion or for public money, or for admission money, or with professionals for a prize, public money or admission money, nor has ever at any period of his life taught or assisted in the pursuit of Athletic exercises as a means of livelihood or is a labourer or an Indian. 7 7 By framing the restriction negatively (i.e. by prescribing what disqualified one from being an amateur), the definition encouraged constant arguments as to whether a particular provision had been breached. In addition, singling out 'labourers' and 'Indians' was an attempt to maintain social exclusivity with a particularly Canadian racial bias. So long as the participants had been members of the social elite it had not been necessary to establish criteria for participation. But when outsiders began to invade the playing fields, 'gentlemen' took action by excluding 'professionals' and in doing so created a class-based amateur code: a code that excluded growing segments of the population but which retained the support of educators and administrators and those anxious to retain their cultural ties to Britain in spite of the massive changes taking place in Canadian society. 7 6 Montreal Gazette. March 3, 1873. 7 7 Quoted by Don Morrow, "A Case-Study in Amateur Conflict: The Athletic War in Canada, 1906-08" British Journal of Sports History Vol.3:P September 1986, p. 174. -43 - But in the early days the distinction between an amateur and a professional was a matter of prime importance only in Montreal and Toronto. For most Canadians in rural and frontier regions, sports and games were only a diversion and an opportunity for social contact. In the years following confederation in 1867 western Canadian society changed rapidly with the construction of the railroads, the influx of settlers of various ethnic backgrounds, and the growth of industry. For the many settlers who remained isolated with little time for sport, their leisure time was often spent in celebration of the harvest or in visiting neighbours, singing, parlour games, or in various activities centred on the church. In the larger centres in western Canada the activities were much the same. W. L. Morton describes social life in Winnipeg during the 1890s: Picnics, socials and concerts were the staple. The only distinctive sports were canoeing and rowing, which flourished under the care of the Winnipeg Canoe Club, organized in 1883. The old Red River sport of horse racing was more highly organized, of course, and the races were a social event of the summer season. In February, 1894, the legislature was unable on one occasion to obtain a quorum because honourable members were at the bonspiel. Another ice sport, hockey, came into its own in the nineties, and at once rose to a primacy it was thereafter to maintain. 7 8 But in the urban areas of Montreal and Toronto societal changes were posing challenges to the c lass-based amateur code. In 1880's the increased involvement of outsiders and the widening player base in lacrosse and rowing brought attention to the need to distinguish between amateurs and professionals and led the National Lacrosse Associat ion (formed in 1867) to add the word 'amateur' to its name (which excluded Indian teams), and to the incorporation of the Canadian Associat ion of - 4 4 - Amateur Oarsmen. The desire for a national organization to control amateur sport, develop standardized rules, and organize national championships led (in 1884 at the instigation of the Montreal Amateur Athletic Association (MAAA) and some Toronto area clubs) to formation of the Amateur Athletic Association of Canada (AAAC). 7 9 The AAAC's definition of an amateur was a less overtly offensive attempt to guarantee social exclusivity than that of the Montreal Pedestrian Club in 1873. While it omitted any reference to particular groups, social exclusivity was guaranteed by its final sentence: An amateur is one who has never competed for a money prize or staked bet, or with or against any professional for any prize, or who has never taught, pursued or assisted in the practice of athletic exercises as a means of obtaining a livelihood. This rule does not interfere with the right of any club to refuse an entry to its own spor ts . 8 0 As the end of the nineteenth century approached the amateur code faced another challenge to which it finally succumbed over half a century later: the development of commercialized, professional sport. Although the abandonment of the amateur code was not formalized until the Amateur Athletic Union of Canada was dissolved in 1970, from the turn of the century economic forces and an increasingly commercial society slowly undermined support for the amateur ideal. In addition, and in spite of the new railroads linking Canada from east to west, it remained cheaper and faster for athletes to compete with rivals in the United States; for a 7 8 W. L. Morton, Manitoba: A History (University of Toronto Press, 1957) 265 . 7 9 Its name was changed to the Canadian Amateur Athletic Union in 1898. Its functions were taken over by the Amateur Athletic Union of Canada (AAUC) on its incorporation in 1909 - the first truly national organization in Canadian amateur sport. The A A U C was not dissolved until 1970. 8 0 Quoted by Morrow, p. 175. -45- Winnipeg team to travel to St. Paul rather than Montreal. The consequences for the development of Canadian sport were profound: influencing not just the choice of what game was played, baseball as opposed to cricket, football as opposed to rugby, but also the conflict between amateurism and professionalism. The United States example of commercialized, professional sport appealed to many Canadians not fully committed to maintaining British traditions. The constantly improving methods of transportation, which made it possible for athletes to travel more easily and less expensively and encouraged the rapid expansion of most sports, led to increasingly intense rivalries in many sports, particularly baseball, lacrosse, and hockey. Increased competition with greater emphasis on victory led to a desire for improved performance. Ambitious civic leaders were spurred to import athletes to improve their teams. And successful teams were profitable. The economic dilemma faced by clubs anxious to comply with the amateur code is illustrated by the history of the Montreal Lacrosse Club, formed in 1856, which had been one of the founding members of the MAAA and, from 1885 to 1893, had generated more than half of the Association's revenues. Lacrosse's contribution to revenues fell precipitously from a surplus of over $12,000 in 1893 to a deficit in 1900, and only started to rise when in 1906 the MAAA changed its rules to permit its lacrosse teams to play with and against professional players.8 1 These commercial pressures raised the question whether amateur athletes would be able to compete with or against professionals in team 8 1 Don Morrow, "The Powerhouse of Canadian Sport: The Montreal Amateur Athletic Association, Inception to 1909" Journal of Sport History 8:3 (Winter, 1981): 30 -31 . -46- sports while still retaining their amateur status. A power struggle between the Canadian Amateur Athletic Union (CAAU) of Toronto and the Amateur Athletic Federation of Canada (AAF of C) of Montreal ensued, lasting from 1906-1908. 8 2 The CAAU, which in 1907 claimed to represent 479 clubs emerged victorious. Within a year that number had increased to 900 clubs representing athletes from coast to coast. The crisis had been precipitated by a request from the National Amateur Lacrosse Union to the CAAU to allow amateurs (in lacrosse only) to compete with and against professionals without losing their amateur status. In 1905 the CAAU approved the exception for lacrosse but at their Annual General Meeting in October 1906 annulled the exception and reverted to a strict interpretation of the amateur rule. In the meantime (in April 1906) the MAAA directors had followed the CAAU lead and resolved to allow amateurs and professionals to compete, a move that was ratified by the MAAA membership in a 250 to 12 vote. The battle lines were firmly drawn, with the CAAU now having changed its mind and adhering to a strict application of the amateur code, while the MAAA permitted amateurs to compete with or against professionals without loosing their amateur status. The MAAA withdrew from the CAAU and formed the AAF of C in February 1907 to compete directly with the CAAU for national control of amateur sport. While the organizational expertise and energy of the C A A U , together with the predisposition of the many middle-class Canadians with British connections for the amateur ideal, may have allowed the CAAU to prevail over the AAF of C and assume control of amateur sport, the CAAU's victory was assured by the actions of the AAF 8 2 This summary of the 'Athletic War' is based on the account of Don Morrow, "A Case Study in Amateur Conflict: The Athletic War in Canada, 1906-1908" British Journal of - 4 7 - of C in response to a dispute over the selection of the Canadian team for the 1908 Olympic Games in London. At a meeting in late 1907 the two organizations had agreed to form a joint committee to resolve, without a right of further appeal, any disputes over the selection of athletes for the Games. But ten days before the start of the marathon, Leslie Boyd, the president of the MAAA, lodged a protest on behalf of the AAF of C against Tom Longboat, the acclaimed Indian distance runner who was a gold medal contender for Canada in the marathon, on the grounds that he was a professional athlete.8 3 As matters progressed it appeared that Boyd had been strongly influenced by the AAU of the United States which also lodged a protest against Longboat. The British Olympic Committee settled the matter, rejected the protests and declared Longboat eligible to compete, but the damage had been done. In the event, Longboat did not even finish the race. The AAF of C never recovered from the controversy as it was perceived as having broken the agreement to resolve disputes internally and as having sided with the United States against the interests of Canadian athletes. In contrast, the CAAU was perceived as being Longboat's greatest defender. Sport History 3:2 (September, 1986): 173-190. 8 3 Tom Longboat (1887-1949), an Onandaga, won the Boston marathon, in April 1907 , in record time. In November, 1907 the president of the A A U of the United States declared that Longboat was a professional, as "He has always been in the hands of a manager.. .he is taken from town to town...with bands and carriages and silk hats.. . .He ran all kinds of races at county fairs for money." T o protect Longboat's amateur status, his Toronto managers quickly installed him as proprietor of a cigar store. S . F. Wise and Douglas Fisher, Canada's Sporting Heroes. (Don Mills: Canada's Sports Hall of Fame, 1974) pp. 244 -46 . - 4 8 - The dispute had broad implications for the development of sport in Canada. Its resolution, and the preeminent position achieved by the CAAU, demonstrated the transfer of economic and political power from Montreal to Toronto, contributed to the extension of the power of the Toronto sport community to the whole of Canada, and, most significantly, re-established and enshrined the amateur code. In addition, the increasing interest in the Olympic movement and the formation of the Canadian Olympic Committee in 1913 entrenched the power of supporters of the amateur code. 8 4 With power to select participants and teams for Olympic competition the Canadian Olympic Committee's definition of an amateur could only be ignored by athletes at their peril. 8 4 The Canadian Olympic Committee was a sub-committee of the Amateur Athletic Union of Canada which had been formed in November, 1909 as a successor organization to the C A A U . -49- C o n c l u s i o n The British administrators, soldiers, and immigrants who came to Canada during the nineteenth century brought with them their love of games and the upper-class ideology of athleticism: a belief in the instrumental value of team sports as a means of inculcating important character traits - loyalty, physical and moral courage, together with a willingness to sacrifice personal goals for the common good. They had a profound influence on the development of sport in Canada that was far greater than their numbers warranted. This was the case whether or not they lived in the urban centres. Government administrators in centres across the country, British soldiers in central Canada, naval personnel on both coasts who often hosted Royal Navy ships, and the North West Mounted Police in western Canada, all demonstrated a commitment to maintaining British sporting traditions and introduced the games with which they were familiar. And their games, attitudes and beliefs were often adopted by Canadians whose traditions were not British because of the prominent role played in Canadian society by those with ties to Britain. They were, and were expected to be, social leaders. Their influence was crucial. While the political and business elites in Montreal and Toronto established the clubs and associations that set the rules for sporting competitions and national championships, their success in extending the scope of those organizations across Canada, together with the amateur code, was dependant on the acceptance or at least the acquiescence of Canadians in rural Canada. Many Canadians in those smaller centres were anxious to -50- mainta in their t ies to Br i ta in a n d were wi l l ing to r e c o g n i z e the author i ty of na t iona l spor t o rgan i za t i ons with os tens ib le t ies to the mother count ry . T h e in f luence of the ' g a m e s eth ic ' pers is ts to this day . A l a n Me tca l f e , the au thor of C a n a d a L e a r n s to P lay : T h e E m e r g e n c e of O r g a n i z e d Spor t . 1 8 0 7 - 1 9 1 4 who is c o n s i d e r e d by many to be C a n a d a ' s most a c c o m p l i s h e d spor ts h is tor ian, e x p r e s s e d h is con t inued bel ief in a m a t e u r i s m in 1995 : The true and lasting meaning of amateurism has been encapsulated in the idea of playing within 'the spirit and letter of the law.' The belief that no matter where or at what level sport is played, it should be performed in a manner that recognizes that victory is not the only thing. The way the game is played is important, and it is sometimes better to lose than to win. It has been a powerful ideology that has maintained its strength throughout the history of the A A U C (Amateur Athletic Union of Canada) and beyond. Often masked by rhetoric and used to forward other goals, the idea has remained the true hope for spor t . 8 5 C o n t e m p o r a r y con f i rmat ion of the con t i nued to c o m m i t m e n t to the ideo logy of a th le t ic ism a p p e a r s in the pos i t ion p a p e r s p r e p a r e d for the Nat iona l S u m m i t on Spor t he ld in O t tawa in Apr i l 2 0 0 1 , wh i ch w a s in tended to l ead to the adopt ion of a new C a n a d i a n Spor t P o l i c y . 8 6 A l though they do not expec t the new C a n a d i a n Spor t Po l i c y to be f ina l i zed until 2 0 0 2 , it will undoubted ly incorpora te the v i e w s e x p r e s s e d in 8 5 Alan Metcalfe, "The Meaning of Amateurism: A Case Study of Canadian Sport, 1884- 1970" Canadian Journal of History of Sport 26:2 December 1995, p. 46 . 8 6 The National Summit on Sport was the culmination of six regional conferences and numerous meetings held across Canada during the previous year, and was attended by the Federal, Provincial and Territorial Ministers responsible for sport together with approximately 600 major stakeholders of the Canadian sport system: athletes, coaches and administrators. -51 - the working document discussed at the Summit: "Toward a Canadian Sport Policy": Sport provides something at all levels of our society - individuals, communit ies, the nation. It is pervasive in Canadian life. Sport is considered an essential tool for nation building and can lead to the promotion of national identity, and enhancing our sense of community and ci t izenship. Through sport, individuals learn to volunteer and to accept a sense of responsibility for civil society. Sport is an important contributor to individual physical , socia l and character development. It can be a major influence for marginalized or under-represented groups and individuals at risk, and help them develop self-esteem and overcome personal and social dif f iculty. 8 7 Such expectations of sport would not have surprised a Victorian schoolmaster at one of the elite English public schools. Clearly, athleticism is a poorly understood, but nonetheless powerful, manifestation of the British presence that continues to influence Canadian society. 8 7 "Toward a Canadian Sport Policy" Background paper prepared for the National Summit on Sport (Ottawa: Government of Canada - Canadian Heritage, April 2001) p. 5. -52- B i b l i o g r a p h y Ada i r , Dary l . " C o m p e t i n g or C o m p l e m e n t a r y F o r c e s ? T h e 'C iv i l i z ing ' P r o c e s s a n d the C o m m i t m e n t to W inn ing in N ineteenth Cen tu ry E n g l i s h R u g b y a n d A s s o c i a t i o n Foo tba l l . " C a n a d i a n Jou rna l of H is tory of Spo r t 2 4 : 2 ( 1993 ) : 4 7 - 6 7 . B a k e r , W i l l i am J . Spo r t s in the W e s t e r n Wor l d . Spor t a n d Soc ie t y . E d s . Ben jam in G . R a d e r and R a n d y Rober ts . C h i c a g o , U S A : Univers i ty of Illinois P r e s s , 1 9 8 2 . B a r m a n , J e a n . G r o w i n g up Bri t ish in Bri t ish C o l u m b i a . V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a : Un ivers i ty of Br i t ish C o l u m b i a P r e s s , 1984. B o u c h i e r , N a n c y . " 'Ar is tocra ts ' a n d The i r 'Nob le Spor t ' : W o o d s t o c k Of f icers a n d Cr i cke t Dur ing the Rebe l l i on E r a . " C a n a d i a n Jou rna l of H is tory of Spo r t 20:1 (1989) : 1 6 - 3 1 . Bouch ie r , N a n c y B. " Ideal ized M i d d l e - C l a s s Spor t for a Y o u n g Na t ion : L a c r o s s e in N ine teen th -Cen tu ry Ontar io T o w n s , 1 8 7 1 - 1 8 9 1 . " J o u r n a l of C a n a d i a n S t u d i e s 29 .2 (1994) : 8 9 - 1 1 0 . Bra i l s fo rd , D e n n i s . Bri t ish Spor t : A S o c i a l History. C a m b r i d g e , U K : Lut terwor th P r e s s , 1 9 9 2 . Bra i l s fo rd , D e n n i s . Spor t a n d Soc ie t y : E l i zabe th to A n n e . L o n d o n , U K : R o u t l e d g e , 1 9 6 9 . B r o w n , D a v e . "The Nor thern C h a r a c t e r T h e m e a n d Spor t in N ine teen th - C e n t u r y C a n a d a . " C ^ n M a i i _ J j a u ^ ^ (1989) : 4 7 - 5 6 . B r o w n , D a v i d . "Preva i l i ng At t i tudes T o w a r d s Spor t , P h y s i c a l E x e r c i s e a n d S o c i e t y in the 1870s : Impress ions f rom C a n a d i a n Pe r iod i ca l s . " C a n a d i a n J o u r n a l of H is tory of Spor t 17 :2 (1986) : 5 8 - 7 0 . B r o w n , D a v i d W . "Ath le t ic ism in S e l e c t e d C a n a d i a n Pr iva te S c h o o l s for B o y s to 1918 . " P H D . Un ivers i ty of A lbe r ta , 1984 . - 5 3 - B r o w n , Dav id W . "Mi l i tar ism and C a n a d i a n Pr ivate Educa t i on : Ideal a n d P r a c t i c e , 1 8 6 1 - 1 9 1 8 . " C a n a d i a n J o u r n a l of H is tory of Spor t 17:1 (1986) : 4 6 - 5 9 . B r o w n , Dav id W . "Soc ia l Darw in i sm, Pr ivate S c h o o l i n g a n d Spor t in V ic to r ian a n d Edward i an C a n a d a . " P l e a s u r e . Profit. P r o s e l y t i s m : Br i t ish Cu l tu re a n d Spor t at H o m e a n d A b r o a d 1 7 0 0 - 1 9 1 4 . 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D a v i e s , R a l p h M . " A History of R u g b y in N o v a Sco t i a . " M . S c . Da lhous ie Un ive rs i t y , 1 9 7 9 . D o b b s , B r ian . E d w a r d i a n s at P l ay : Spor t 1890 -1914 . L o n d o n . U K : P e l h a m B o o k s , 1 9 7 3 . D u n a e , Pat r ick A . G e n t l e m e n Emig ran ts : F rom the Bri t ish Pub l i c S c h o o l s to the C a n a d i a n Front ier . V a n c o u v e r , C a n a d a : D o u g l a s & Mc ln ty re , 1 9 8 1 . Dunn ing , Er ic , a n d Kenne th S h e a r d . Barbar ians . G e n t l e m e n a n d P l a y e r s : A S o c i o l o g i c a l S tudy of the Deve lopmen t of R u g b y Foo tba l l . Ox fo rd , U K : Mar t in R o b e r t s o n , 1979 . Dyck , N o e l , e d . G a m e s . Spor t s and Cu l tu res . Ox fo rd , U K : B e r g , 2 0 0 0 . -54- E l i a s , Norber t . T h e Civ i l i z ing P r o c e s s . Or ig inal ly pub l i shed a s Uber den Prozess der Zivilisation a s two separa te v o l u m e s in 1939 by H a u s z u m Fa lker , B a s e l . T rans . E d m u n d Jephcot t . Er ic Dunn ing , J o h a n G o u d s b l o m a n d S t e p h e n Menne l l ed i ted this R e v i s e d e d . Ox fo rd , U K : B lackwe l l P u b l i s h e r s , 2 0 0 0 . F rey , J a m e s H. , a n d D. S tan ley E i t zen . "Spor t a n d Soc ie ty . " A n n u a l R e v i e w of S o c i o l o g y 17 (1991) : 5 0 3 - 2 2 . F u d g e , P a u l H . "The North W e s t Moun ted Po l i ce a n d The i r Inf luence on Spor t in W e s t e r n C a n a d a , 1 8 7 3 - 1 9 0 5 . " J o u r n a l of the W e s t 22(1) ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 3 0 - 3 6 . F u s s e l l , P a u l . T h e Grea t W a r and M o d e r n M e m o r y . L o n d o n , U K : Ox fo rd Un ivers i t y P r e s s , 1975 . Gard ine r , E . N o r m a n . Ath le t ics of the Anc ien t W o r l d . O x f o r d , U K : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1930 . 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