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"In far Cathay" : images of China in The Boy's Own Paper, 1879-1914 Chen, Shih-wen 2001

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"IN FAR CATHAY": IMAGES OF CHINA IN THE BOY'S OWN PAPER, 1879-1914 by SHIH-WEN CHEN B.A., National Taiwan University, 1999 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of English) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April 2001 © Shih-Wen Chen, 2001  In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e h e a d o f my d e p a r t m e n t o r by h i s o r h e r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n .  Department The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Vancouver, Canada  Columbia  ii  Abstract This study discusses the representation China and the Chinese in relevant travel accounts, informational reports, adventure stories and illustrations published in The Boy's Own Paper (1879-1967) between the years 1879 and 1914. By examining the portrayal of China and the Chinese in The Boy's Own Paper, this thesis comments on the influential role of popular children's literature in the construction and perpetuation of racial stereotypes. Because racial stereotypes still persist in all areas of the media today, an understanding of the origins of these stereotypes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century can help one to understand and then confront existing racial issues in contemporary society that sometimes perpetuate seemingly outdated prejudices. Chapter One traces the history of children's publishing in the nineteenth century, comments on the emergence of children's periodicals, and provides background information on The Boy's Own Paper. Chapter Two focuses on The Boy's Own Paper travel writers' impressions of the China and analyzes the rhetorical strategies they use in order to present China as an inferior country. Chapter Three analyzes the ways in which The Boy's Own Paper authors construct the Chinese as a race by discussing authors' language and tone in their descriptions of the characteristics of the Chinese people, which can be divided into physical traits and traits of personality. Chapter Four examines the portrayal of contemporary events in Chinese history, such as the Taiping and Boxer Rebellions, opium, piracy, and other issues related to China. Chapter Five compares the representation of the Japanese and the Koreans with that of the Chinese and discusses reasons for the different approaches the authors take to the countries. Chapter Six examines illustrations pertaining to China and discuss the implications of including these images in The Boy's Own Paper. The conclusion summarizes the findings of the study and provides a brief outlook on the issue of racial stereotyping in contemporary children's literature and in the mass media.  iii  Table of Contents Abstract  11  List of Figures  iv  Acknowledgements  v  Introduction  1  Chapter One: The Development of Children's Periodicals and The Boy's Own Paper  12  Chapter Two: Travel Narratives in The Boy's Own Paper  33  Chapter Three: Characteristics of the Chinese  54  Chapter Four: China in the News: The Taiping Rebellion, Boxer Uprising, Opium, and Piracy in The Boy's Own Paper  81  Chapter Five: China, Japan, and Korea in The Boy's Own Paper. A Comparison  119  Chapter Six: Illustrations of China and the Chinese in The Boy's Own Paper  136  Conclusion  154  Works Cited  165  Appendix I: Illustrations  183  Appendix II: The Boy's Own Paper Volume Numbers and Dates  192  iv  List of Figures Figure  Page  1.  Leo Cheney. BOP 28:312  183  2.  "Joss, Hot Springs." BOP 32: 778  183  3.  "A Giant Marble Animal, Ming Tombs, China." BOP 32: 778  183  4.  "Statue of Statesman, Near Ming Tombs, China." BOP 32: 778  183  5.  "Entrance to Ming Tombs, China. Wonderful Echo in Tunnel." BOP 32: 779  184  6.  "Nan-Kuo Pass: The way they skid the waggons on coming down a mountain  184  pass." BOP 32: 779 7.  "Great Wall. Mr. Froelich, Y. M. C. A. Pekin." BOP 32: 781  184  8.  "A Sedan Chair." BOP 33: 826  184  9.  "A Restaurant and Inn." BOP 33: 827  185  10.  "A Rest House." BOP 33: 827  185  11.  "A Pagoda Standing at the Approach to the City." BOP 33: 827  185  12.  "A Native Church." BOP 33: 828  185  13.  "Young China." BOP 33: 829  186  14.  J. F. B. "Correspondence." BOP 29: 624  186  15.  Masthead. BOP 28 (Oct 28, 1905)  187  16.  Richardo Brook. BOP 35: x  187  17.  Moon Rise Villa. BOP 35: 471  188  18.  "China To-day: A Street in Canton." BOP 23  189  19.  "A Chinese Boat Race in Hong Kong." BOP 33: 337  190  20.  Kendall, Oswald. "Quon Main was smoking a large black cigar." BOP 32: 467  190  21.  "The Chinese Cook." BOP 34: 284  190  22.  Twidle, Arthur. " 'Too late, Bob turned to meet Sin Yen. The Chinaman's eyes  191  blazed evilly, and ... his left hand seized the Corporal's throat in a grip of iron' (See page 728)." BOP 36: 737  Acknowledgements I wish to express my deepest gratitude to Dr. Eva-Marie Kroller for her guidance throughout the writing of this thesis. Without her kind encouragement, invaluable suggestions, and full support, this project would not have been completed. I would also like to thank my other committee members, Dr. Jonathan Wisenthal and Dr. Maria Ng, for carefully reading over my thesis draft, sharing their insightful ideas, providing useful references, and offering helpful advice. Dr. Janet Giltrow kindly gave me suggestions for my thesis' introduction and I am grateful to her. I wish to thank the librarians at the University of British Columbia library and the National Library of Australia for their assistance in bringing up volumes of The Boy's Own Paper from their storage sites. Finally, I would like to dedicate this thesis to my beloved parents, Dr. Tung-jung Chen and Dr. Pi-fen Liu Chen, and to my sister, Hsiao-wen, for their continued love and support.  Chen  1  Introduction In vol. 28 of The Boy's Own Paper (1879-1967), there is an engraving (fig. 1) inserted into the space between the end of one story and the beginning of another (312). The words "The End" appear above the engraving. These words could either be used to signify the closure of the previous story, or be interpreted as the title of the picture. Leo Cheney's engraving shows the profile of a skinny Chinese man with an elongated neck and a big head standing in front of a table (or stool) preparing to kill an innocent-looking puppy. With one hand, he lifts up the puppy by its neck, in the other, he holds a huge scythe-like knife. Underneath his cap, a very long pigtail, adorned at the end with a ribbon, flows down his back, reaching past his knees. His narrow, slanted eyes appear even smaller in contrast to his big smile, which might suggest that he has been starving for so long that he, the stereotypical dog-and-cat-eating Chinese, is very eager to devour the dog. The adorable fat puppy stares pitifully at the readers, reminding them of their own pets and making them shudder at what will inevitably take place. This picture is just one of the many engravings in The Boy's Own Paper that reinforce the stereotypical notions held by Victorians of the Chinese: physically, they were distinctly different, with their ubiquitous queue, slanted eyes, and buck-teeth; psychologically, they were believed to be devious, cruel, and evil. In this study, I will examine images of China and the Chinese in The Boy's Own Paper and comment on the influential role of popular children's literature in the construction and perpetuation of racial stereotypes. By stereotype I refer to what Cinnirella defines as "a set of beliefs that associate attitudes, behaviours, and personality traits with members of a social category or group (37). Lambert and Klineberg define stereotyping as the "psychological process of overgeneralizing" (10). In other words, people rely on stereotypes to categorize others  Chen  2  without carefully examining their individual characteristics. Because racial stereotypes still persist in all areas of the media today, I believe that an understanding of the origins of these stereotypes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century can help one to understand and then confront existing racial issues in contemporary society that sometimes perpetuate seemingly outdated prejudices.  1  Since its first publication in 1879, The Boy's Own Paper has garnered the interest of readers and critics alike. In 1888, Edward Salmon, observing the growing popularity of 2  new forms of children's literature, decided to dedicate his efforts to finding out "what boys and girls read" (1). As Salmon explains in his book Juvenile Literature As It Is, The Boy's Own Paper was the most popular magazine among boys, and second favorite among girls, behind The Girl's Own Paper (14). Having nothing but the highest praise, Salmon comments that "The Boy's Own Paper is the only first-class journal of its kind which has forced its way into the slums as well as into the best homes.. .and its publication alone should entitle the Religious Tract Society to the gratitude of English parents" (185-186). Since 1888, there have been only two book-length studies of The Boy's Own Paper. Published about a decade after The Boy's Own Paper had stopped circulating (1967), both books offer an overview of the magazine. Philip Warner's The Best of British Pluck: The Boy's Own Paper (1976) and Jack Cox's Take a Cold Tub, 3  Sir!: The Story of'The Boy's Own Paper (1982) provide background information on the Religious Tract Society and the contributors to The Boy's Own Paper, summarize the changes that the magazine underwent during its eighty-eight years on the market, and compare it to some of its rival magazines. However, detailed analysis of the contents of The Boy's Own Paper is lacking.  Other critics who have published books or articles on nineteenth-century children's  Chen  3  literature, such as F. J. Harvey Darton, E.S. Turner, Martin Green, Gillian Avery, Patrick Howarth, Cornelia Meigs, Kirsten Drotner, Claudia Nelson, Diana Dixon, Robert MacDonald, John M. Mackenzie, P. W. Musgrave, J.S. Bratton, Sheila Egoff, Jeffery Richards, and Kimberly Reynolds, include The Boy's Own Paper in their discussions, as well as other popular magazines of the time, such as Chums (1892-1932), The Girl's Own Paper (1880-1956), Young England (1895-1937), and The Captain (1899-1924). Their research on The Boy's Own Paper has focused on topics such as evangelism, attitudes towards authority, issues of gender, the public school ideology (team sports, games, muscular Christianity, Boy Scouts, and so on), the genre of the adventure story, patriotism, and imperialism. While these works provide much insight on important issues, none includes in-depth analyses of the representation of Asians in The Boy's Own Paper. Although Philip Warner mentions the topic of foreigners in his discussion of adventure stories in The Boy's Own Paper, commenting that "Foreigners were given friendly—even if sometimes patronising—treatment" (10), he merely cites examples of the portrayal of the French, Germans, and Spaniards. Images of non-Europeans receive no attention. This thesis will fill the gap in previous research by focusing on the representation of one group of foreigners that Warner and others fail to mention: East Asians. Kathryn Castle's Britannia's Children: Reading Colonialism through Children's Books and Magazines (1996) examines the portrayal of Africans, Indians, and Chinese in British textbooks and children's periodicals. The book mentions The Boy's Own Paper when it discusses images of China in children's periodicals, but it gives mainly examples from Chums, The Girl's Own Paper, and The Captain. In "Boys' Literature and the Idea of Race: 1870-1900," Patrick A. Dunae briefly discusses the representation of the Chinese in Chums, Boys of Our Empire, and The Boy's Own Paper, but does not provide detailed  Chen  4  analysis of the images of China in The Boy's Own Paper. I will explore specifically the representations of East Asians such as the Japanese, Koreans, and Chinese in The Boy's Own Paper. Particular emphasis will be placed on the portrayal of China and the Chinese—images that appear most often in The Boy's Own Paper articles. Many sociologists, educators, and historians have pointed out that, as Mangan puts it, "the 'speech' of a culture, namely all forms of its language including poetry, song and prose, orders the experience of its members, shapes their view of reality and determines their actions" (Athleticism 181). It is generally accepted that children, in particular, are deeply influenced by what they read. Images of others, whether positive or negative, play a crucial role in shaping children's sense of self and their perceptions of others (see Milner; Klein). Studies of the influence of mass media have shown that they play an important role "in determining, or at least in reinforcing, the development of national stereotypes in individuals" (Lambert and Klineberg 5). As Jeffery Richards observes, popular literature reflects the prevalent attitudes and dominant ideologies of a society. It can be used as a form of "social control, directing the popular will towards certain viewpoints and attributes deemed desirable by those controlling the production of popular fiction, and as a mirror of widely-held popular views" (Imperialism 1). The Victorian period saw the beginnings of mass literature. Nineteenth-century magazine publishers were some of the first people to take advantage of technological improvements "that facilitated mass production and natural distribution" (Drotner 4). In order to maximize profits, these publishers adjusted their contents every month or every week to cater to consumers' tastes. Therefore, nineteenth-century periodicals are reliable indicators of Victorian culture and "hence constitute unique objects for studying literary change" (Drotner 4). The significance of Victorian children's literature, particularly periodicals  Chen  5  that were designed for a mass reading public of juveniles, cannot be overlooked because, during the nineteenth century, children under the age of fourteen "never formed less than one third of the total population" of Britain (Walvin 11). In discussing Victorian popular literature, it is useful to look at articles in The Boy's Own Paper (1879-1967) because the phenomenally popular periodical had a great influence on the British public: according to George Andrew Hutchison, the first principal editor of The Boy's Own Paper, around 4  600,000 readers had perused the magazine during its initial months on the market. In 1899, the Religious Tract Society announced that if all the copies sold were placed on the ground, they would cover the whole of Great Britain (Warner, Best 5). Furthermore, although The Boy's Own Paper was originally targeted towards boys between the ages of ten to fifteen, readers of both sexes and all ages eagerly embraced this magazine. The Boy's Own Paper is a prototype of Victorian children's literature, and therefore reflects the dominant ideologies of the period. In analyzing the contents of The Boy's Own Paper, one can gain a better insight into the nature of late Victorian and Edwardian culture. Thomas Richards observes that Victorians were obsessed with controlling knowledge and trying to order it in a systematic way, because a great deal of information was flowing in from various parts of the Empire (5). The Boy's Own Paper reflects this Victorian preoccupation with facts. Convinced that readers wanted to learn everything about the world, the editors of The Boy's Own Paper structured the periodical as "an emporium of knowledge" (MacDonald, Language 10). One caption in an early annual reveals the assumption that readers were hungry for knowledge: " 'If you please Mr. Editor, I want to know about everything'" (vol. 3: 264). In choosing to satiate readers with information, The Boy's Own Paper editors adhered to the nineteenth-century belief that "there was nothing that could not be known, described and hence owned," and that if  Chen  6  boys familiarized themselves with the facts of the world, they would be able to control it (MacDonald, Language 11; also see Bristow). Therefore, besides featuring fictional stories, The Boy's Own Paper provides readers with an array of information about the world. This world, however, is "defined according to a highly selective version of history and geography" (Bristow 40-41). A strongly patriotic tone resonates throughout the paper. Discussions of medals, flags, ships, and stamps encouraged readers to feel proud to be a member of the British Empire. Moreover, by comparing their lives with the situations of those living in faraway lands (what the paper perceived as lower forms of culture), readers were expected to be thankful for what they had and pity the less fortunate. Among these distant places, China was particularly interesting, because the country shared a unique relationship with Britain. Unlike India or Africa, China was not a formal colony of Britain (with the exception of Hong Kong). A few years before The Boy's Own Paper's 5  publication, China had just been opened to the British, and an increasing number of reports were being sent back to London. The wide range of information related to China in The Boy's Own Paper serves not only to entertain readers with exotic facts, but more importantly, to persuade them of the necessity of British rule over the country. In order to justify British imperial advances, the Chinese are constructed as ignorant people in need of help. This study will discuss the representation of China and the Chinese in relevant travel accounts, informational reports, adventure stories and illustrations published in The Boy's Own Paper (1879-1967) between the years 1879 (its initial publication date) and 1914. The tension between the British and the Chinese was particularly high during this 6  period because of conflicts over issues such as opium and piracy. I will explore these articles from three perspectives: historical, cultural, and literary. My analysis of the  Chen  7  representation of China and the Chinese has been influenced by Edward Said's Orientalism, in which he argues that ethnocentric Europeans "constructed" the East according to a set of fictions which masqueraded as an "array of seemingly objective and agreed-upon distinctions" (233). He points out that Orientalists formulated boundaries 7  between people of different cultures by stating that the distinctive differences between races, civilizations, and languages could not be eradicated, because there was no. escape from origins and the types these origins enabled..." (Said 233). Although Said does not analyze the representation of the Chinese, I believe his argument applies to the portrayal of East Asians. In my study, I also take into consideration what critics have written about 8  the concept of "race." As Lee argues, those in power naturalize and justify the construction of race by manipulating the language of science (2). As the disciplines of anthropology and ethnology burgeoned into respectable scientific studies during the nineteenth century, the notion of "race" was increasingly used as a method to distinguish and rank "types" of humans, "invariably placing the white, Anglo-Saxon male at the pinnacle of intellectual, moral and physical development" (Ryan 147). From discussions of race, there emerged a field of study known as "characterology," in which the "character" of a race, that is, the innate tendencies and traits of the race, were constructed and set forth (Boeckmann 3). As Lee puts it, "[r]ace is a mode of placing cultural meaning on the body" (2). The language and imagery of race permeated all aspects of Victorian culture, "where it was used variously as a measure of bodily difference and as a description of national identity" (Ryan 147). In Chapter One, I first trace the history of children's publishing in the nineteenth century, placing emphasis on the emergence of children's periodicals. Then, I provide information on the origins of The Boy's Own Paper, discuss its readership and circulation,  Chen  8  and give an overview of its contents and contributors. In Chapter Two to Four, I examine the articles about China and the Chinese, which range from travel accounts to adventure stories to non-fictional information articles about natural disasters, foreign animals, ships, fishing, weapons, and so on. When writers introduce a country, they generally begin by 9  giving information about its geography and then proceed to describe the inhabitants of the country. Therefore, I start by examining travel narratives in The Boy's Own Paper and later discuss the representation of the Chinese people. In Chapter Two, I first explore the history of Victorian and Edwardian travelers in China before examining The Boy's Own Paper travel writers' impressions of the country. I analyze the rhetorical strategies they use in describing the landscape, cities, transportation, and Chinese customs, such as colonialist discourse and gendered language that project stereotypical views onto China/Chinese as exotic, barbaric, inscrutable, cruel, weak, decadent, or xenophobic. I will also comment on the uses the articles make on science and mapping, because mapping was a crucial part of Empire-building, by which the British imaginatively possessed the territories of the world. The Boy's Own Paper authors strategically employed these scientific methods in their articles. Chapter Three focuses on the ways in which The Boy's Own Paper authors construct the Chinese as a race. I analyze the authors' language and tone in their descriptions of the characteristics of the Chinese people, which can be divided into physical traits and traits of personality. Turning from the general to the specific, I examine in Chapter Four the portrayal of major contemporary events in Chinese history. In Victorian Travelers and the Opening of China, 1842-1907, Susan Schoenbauer Thurin observes that as the Qing dynasty showed signs of decline, the image of China in the West also deteriorated. She also points out 10  that during the Boxer Rebellion (1899-1901), the image of China reached its nadir in  Chen  9  fiction such as M.P. Shiel's The Yellow Danger, which depicts China as decadent and dangerous (Thurin 5-6). In this chapter, I analyze the images of China in articles related to the Boxer Rebellion and the Taiping Rebellion to test Thurin's observations. Second, I consider how the authors addressed (or chose not to address) the sensitive issue of the opium trade in China. I will also discuss the portrayal of pirates and piracy in the China Seas and comment on other contemporary issues related to China. In Chapter Five, I turn to two other East Asian countries, Japan and Korea. I will compare and contrast the representation of the Japanese and the Koreans (who are briefly mentioned in The Boy's Own Paper) with that of the Chinese and discuss reasons for the different approaches to the countries. Chapter Six turns from textual descriptions to visual images. I focus on the role of illustrations (photographs and engravings) in The Boy's Own Paper, which accompanied many of the articles on East Asia. Because illustrations often leave a deeper impression on audiences than textual descriptions do, it is also important to consider the illustrations of China and the Chinese in The Boy's Own Paper. The monthly colour-plate pictures in The Boy's Own Paper were one of its most popular attractions, because they made the illustrations in the penny dreadfuls appear very shoddy in comparison. A fifteen-year-old boy wrote to Salmon in November of 1886, explaining that he "prefer[s] it [The Boy's Own Paper] to Young Folk's Paper, for one reason, that the illustrations are better..." (Salmon 19-20). I will examine the engravings and photographs of China and discuss the implications of including these images in The Boy's Own Paper. As critics have observed, articles published during the first twenty years (18791899) of The Boy's Own Paper differ from those published during the fifteen years before World War I, when "the ideology of the New Imperialism dominated much of British  Chen 10  political life" (MacDonald, "Reproducing" 522). Although researchers have commented on the significant increase in The Boy's Own Paper articles that dealt with British military feats after the Boer War, it is unclear whether there was any change in the representation of East Asians after the turn of the century. In the conclusion, I summarize the findings of the study, comment on the difference, if any, in representations of East Asians after the turn of the century, and provide a brief outlook on the issue of racial stereotyping in contemporary children's literature and in the mass media.  Chen 11  Notes See Barfoot for a collection of articles on stereotypes and stereotyping. Edward Salmon (1865-1955) was the editor of the United Empire magazine and wrote many articles about imperial subjects. Jack Cox (1915-1981) was the last editor of The Boy's Own Paper, who oversaw the magazine, from 1946-1967. George Andrew Hutchison (1841-1913), F.A.S., F.R.H.S., was ajournalist who had worked with religious organizations and edited The Boy's Own Paper until 1912. See Chapter One for more information on Hutchison. The various treaty ports that Britain controlled could be considered semi-colonies. According to Hobsbawm, August 1914 is "one of the most undeniable 'natural breaks' in history. It was felt to be the end of an ear at the time, and it is still felt to be so" (6). This method of construction was not limited to the West. The Chinese also employed methods of binary opposition, calling the Europeans "foreign devils," "red-haired barbarians," and other derogatory names. Some critics argue that Said's theory does not apply to East Asia because many countries in this region were not colonized. However, as Rey Chow points out, this kind of thinking "deemphasizes" the '"colonial situation'" and "The question ought... to be posed in exactly the opposite way: not how East Asia cannot be understood within the paradigm of Orientalism because it was not everywhere militarily occupied, but how, in spite of and perhaps because of the fact that it remained in many cases 'territorially independent,' it offers even better illustrations of how imperialism works—i.e., how imperialism as ideological domination succeeds best without physical coercion, without actually capturing the body and the land" (7-8).Many critics who discuss the representation of China and the Chinese, such as Zhang Longxi, Colin Mackerras, Susan Thurin, Robert G. Lee, and Adrian Hsia also make use of Said's theory of Orientalism. Since the object of The Boy's Own Paper was to combine instruction with delight, the non-fiction articles were written to inform and instruct readers about the practicalities of daily life. 1 use Pinyin romanization in this study. Place names and proper names that appear in The Boy's Own Paper articles will appear in their original form. 1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  9  10  Chen 12  Chapter One The Development of Children's Periodicals and The Boy's Own Paper Historians of children's literature generally agree that the eighteenth century is an important watershed in the development of publications for children in Britain. The educational theories of John Locke (1632-1704) and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778)  1  during this period influenced and shaped adults' attitudes towards children and childhood. In 1744, John Newbery (1713-1767), a shrewd businessman who was familiar with Locke and Rousseau's ideas and understood children's tastes, published what is considered the first true children's book. The motto of his revolutionary, work, A Little Pretty PocketBook, was "Delectando monemus: Instruction with Delight." Newbery was also the pioneering publisher of children's periodicals. First published in 1751, The Lilliputian Magazine: or the Young Gentleman and Lady's Golden Library being an Attempt to Mend the World, to render the Society of Man More Amiable & to establish the Plainness, Simplicity, Virtue and Wisdom of the Golden Age, so much Celebrated by the Poets and Historians is generally regarded as the first children's magazine (see Dawson, "Origins" 218; Drotner 19). Newbery's short-lived magazine, which contained adventure stories, songs, and riddles, inspired John Marshall's The Juvenile Magazine; or An Instructive and Entertaining Miscellany for Youth of Both Sexes, which was published in 1788 and ended in December of the same year (Dawson, "Origins" 219). Besides The Lilliputian Magazine and The Juvenile Magazine, a few other children's periodicals, such as Children's Magazine; or Monthly Repository of Instruction and Delight (1798-99) and Picture Magazine; or Monthly Exhibition for Young People (1800-01), were published in the late eighteenth century. Unfortunately, they all failed to attract a stable readership. Some Sunday School magazines emerged between 1820 to 1830, but it was not until the  Chen  13  mid-to-late nineteenth century that the children's magazine began to flourish.  2  Because of higher birth rates, a better standard of living, and more opportunities for education, the literacy rate among the youth of Britain rose considerably during the latter part of the nineteenth century (see Reynolds, Girls 5-27). By 1870, when Forster's Elementary Education Act ensured universal access to elementary education, mass juvenile literacy was rapidly becoming an established social phenomenon. Publishers, 3  observing this phenomenon, took this opportunity to market new forms of literature to the children of Britain. Technological developments in printing, engraving, and papermaking contributed to the development of children's periodicals, because these innovations made mass production and distribution of reading material much easier. As the British railway system expanded, more and more bookstalls and newsstands greeted travelers in the train stations of Great Britain, providing readers with convenient access to a wide variety of reading materials. Soon, the children's literature publishing industry was booming. Approximately 307 commercial British boy's magazines competed on the market between the years of 1880 and 1918 (Drotner 123). Not all of these magazines were endorsed by parents and teachers, however. A substantial number of the papers that proliferated after the 1850s were denounced by critics as "penny dreadfuls," nothing but worthless trash.  4  Penny Dreadfuls The term "penny dreadful" was widely used by the 1860s to refer to cheap and crude one-penny weekly papers and penny-part novels that often contained lurid woodcuts which did not coincide with the plot (see Egoff 19). Also known as "bloods," the "penny dreadfuls" contained sensational stories whose origins can be traced back to the gothic novel. Standard penny dreadfuls were usually eight or sixteen pages long (see  Chen 14  James and Smith xii). The authors that penned these formulaic melodramatic tales often wrote under alliterative pseudonyms such as "Ralph Rollington" or "Brenchley Beaumont." Their protagonists were criminal heroes who defied the law, killed without mercy, escaped, and triumphantly succeeded in whatever they did. Because of the gory details included in these stories, the papers were described as "blood-and-thunders" and "gallows literature." Attracted to the contents of these thrilling papers, millions of British working-class boys—grocery assistants, errand boys, and young clerks—eagerly consumed these tales week after week. This fervor for penny dreadfuls has been regarded as the first kind of mass reading (see Dunae; Carpenter). Teachers, clergymen, and journalists found it 5  abhorrent that this "garbage" was so popular among the young people. Not only were these stories lacking in originality, but even more appallingly, they were completely immoral. The implicit message of these "dreadfuls" taught boys that use of aggression was the most effective way to become rich. Critics objected to the coarse language, glorified crime, and disrespect towards authority exemplified in these stories. In 1888, journalist Edward Salmon described these "poisonous sheets" as "degrading and debilitating" (186). Warning the public of the disastrous effects of the penny dreadfuls on the youth of England, Salmon writes: "Some time ago, a youth was so maddened by reading one of the tales provided for his entertainment that he shot dead his father and brother" (qtd. in Dunae, "Penny" 125). As Dunae points out, the critics were not as worried about the degradation of middle-class boys as they were about the plight of the working-class boys ("Penny" 123). Middle-class boys, the critics assumed, only read the penny dreadfuls occasionally, while susceptible working-class boys immersed themselves in these stories. Because of the  Chen 15  continuing rise of the working-class population, critics felt that the importance of educating boys to become responsible citizens could not be ignored, for "the boy was now identified as a political danger to the nation" (Bristow 19). Critics believed that the working-class boys' misdemeanors might evolve into serious crime if they were fed tales that were completely void of reason or morality. Some believed that the penny dreadfuls were directly responsible for the rise in juvenile delinquencies. The publishers, on the 6  other hand, defended themselves by saying that they were merely responding to the demand of readers. Publishers of Penny Dreadfuls: Edwin J. Brett and the Emmetts The publishing houses of Edwin J. Brett and the Emmett brothers were representatives of the so-called "gutter press." In 1860, Edwin John Brett (1828-1895), a former engraver, became the manager of the infamous Newsagent's Publishing Company, which was known for producing violent penny serials such as The Wild Boys of London; or the Children of the Night. Eight years later, Brett left the company to open a new publishing house. Among the papers he published, Boys of England: A Young Gentleman's Journal of Sport, Travel, Fun and Instruction (1866-1899) was the most successful, initially selling around 150,000 copies per week, four times more than the sales of his earlier papers. By the early 1870s, the weekly circulation of Boys of England had reached 250,000 (see Dunae; James; Carpenter). Although Brett claimed that his "wild and wonderful'"papers were "healthy," "honest," and "pure," critics could see nothing positive about stories that glorified highwaymen, pirates, robbers, and other outlaws. Of these stories, the Jack Harkaway series (1871-1879) became one of the most popular serials in Britain. Invented by an unsuccessful lawyer writing under the pseudonym Bracebridge Hemyng (1841-1901), this character was so popular that  Chen 16  eventually most people referred to these the penny dreadfuls as the "Jack Harkaway" type of publication.  7  Brett's fiercest rivals were the Emmett brothers. The titles of George, Henry 8  Charlton, William Lawrence, and Robert Emmett's magazines bore striking resemblance to Brett's magazines: The Young Englishman (1867), The Young Briton (1869), and Sons of Britannia (1870). The extent of their rivalry became so heated that when Brett published Rovers of the Sea in 1872, the Emmetts responded immediately with Rover's Log. In the end, Brett emerged as the winner in this publication battle, for the Emmett brothers were forced out of business in 1875. Other popular publishers include Charles Fox (Boy's Standard), Samuel Clark, and John Allingham ("Ralph Rollington"). The War against the Penny Dreadfuls and the Religious Tract Society The war against the penny dreadfuls had begun with the publication of magazines such as Chatterbox (1866), edited by Reverend J. Erskine Clarke, who could no longer bear to see the debilitating dreadfuls contaminating the minds of children. Other publishers who crusaded against the "bloods" launched magazines such as Aunt Judy's Magazine for Young People (1866-1873), Good Words for the Young (1869-1877), and Little Folks (1871-1931). Although parents of middle-class children endorsed these magazines, their sermon-like contents failed to attract children away from the alluring tales of the penny dreadfuls. As Marjory Lang observes, the mid-Victorian period "witnessed the birth, and too often the death, of some of the highest quality literary magazines ever produced for children" (22-23). Even W. H. G. Kingston's Union Jack (1880-1883), which featured adventure stories by Kingston himself, G. A. Henty, and other well-known authors, merely survived for three years. The only magazine that successfully attracted readers away from the penny dreadfuls was The Boy's Own Paper  Chen 17  (1879-1967), published by the Religious Tract Society in 1879. The Religious Tract Society was founded in 1799 by Reverend George Burder (1751-1832), a Congregationalist minister from Coventry, and Dr. David Bogue (17501832), an Independent pastor and schoolmaster from Berkshire. During the early years, they published pamphlets, tracts, sermons, commentaries, books, and periodicals for adults. In 1803, an investigation of the children's literature industry revealed the significant lack of suitable literature for children. Eager to remedy the situation, the Society decided to devote their efforts to providing "good literature" for children. From 1814 onwards, the Society steadily published children's texts. Of the 4,363 different items in its 1850 catalogue, over 500 publications were children's materials (Dunae, "Origins" 125). Some of their earlier periodicals include Child's Companion and Juvenile Instructor (1823), The Visitor (1826), Leisure Hour (1852), Sunday at Home (1853), British Workman (1855), Cottager and Artisan (1861), and Child's Paper (1872). In 1878, Lord Shaftesbury delivered a grave address to the Religious Tract Society, 9  condemning the appalling influence of the pernicious penny dreadfuls on the youth of England. He compared the popularity of penny dreadfuls to an epidemic, creeping not only into the houses of the poor, but even penetrating into the mansions of upper-class families. Convinced that it was an urgent situation, the Society decided that they must take action against the weekly papers that threatened to train the youth of England into " 'reckless, dare-devil, lying, cruel, and generally contemptible characters'" (qtd. in Dunae, "Penny" 127). In summer of 1878, the Religious Tract Society approached some lay publishers, hoping to cooperate with them to produce a Christian magazine for children. Fearing that the strong evangelical tone of the magazine would repel potential readers, the publishers  Chen 18  rejected the offer. Thus, the Religious Tract Society decided to publish the periodical themselves. On August 20, 1878, George Andrew Hutchison (1841-1913) was asked to prepare a sample copy of the proposed periodical. Hutchison, an experienced printer and production manager, had been editing magazines such as Night and Day, The Sunday School World, The Toilers of the Deep, and The Baptist when he was called in by the Religious Tract Society. His job was not an easy one, for he had to balance the needs and desires of three groups of people. First, Hutchison wanted to adhere to the evangelical principles of the Society. However, he also had to keep in mind the demands of the potential readers, who were addicted to the sensational penny dreadfuls. Third, he needed the approval of parents and other critics. Over the next few months, he debated with the Society over the contents of the magazine, stressing the importance of toning down the religious aspects of the stories. Finally, they were able to reach an agreement, and production went under way. The Religious Tract Society now needed a name for their new periodical, and someone suggested that they could purchase the title of Samuel O. Beeton's Boy's Own Magazine (1855-1866), which was an excellent monthly magazine that had unfortunately lapsed five years earlier due to lack of readership. One of the reasons for its demise was the costly price (sixpence), which was much more than most boys' weekly wages. Acting upon this suggestion, the Society quickly acquired the title and replaced the word "Magazine" with "Paper." Although one of the Society's advisors was worried that some boys might find the title unappealing, his anxieties proved unwarranted, for The Boy's Own Paper was to become the longest-running periodical in the history of juvenile publishing. On November 16, 1878, Dr. James Macaulay (1817-1902), one of the senior  Chen 19  members of the Religious Tract Society, and editor of The Leisure Hour and Sunday at Home, was appointed as the supervising editor of the proposed magazine. Although he single-handedly designed the paper, Hutchison had to be content with the title of subeditor. Knowing that use of Religious Tract Society's name may keep potential readers away, the Society decided the imprint would read simply: "Conducted by the Editor of the Leisure Hour" (see Dunae, "Origins" 130-31). Macaulay may have been the supervising editor in name, but in reality, Hutchison was the one who faithfully conducted the magazine until 1912, a year before his death. Critics describe him as an ideal editor who 10  kept the standard high while insisting that the magazine must "appeal to boys and not their grandmothers" (Turner 89"; Cox 20). Harvey Darton praised Hutchison for his unobtrusive nature, describing him as "thorough, determined without dogmatism, always alive and keen, and, not a necessary corollary, equably sane" (299). Readership and Circulation Published by the Religious Tract Society on January 18, 1879 to provide "wholesome" Christian literature for children in an age where penny-dreadfuls permeated the market, the weekly one-penny-per-copy, sixteen-page The Boy's Own Paper featured didactic stories, travel narratives, schoolboy serials, articles about science and sports, competitions, correspondence between readers and the editor, and, most popular of all, adventure stories. Fiction accounted for about sixty percent of each issue. The contributors to The Boy's Own Paper sought to instill patriotism in their readers, encourage interest in travel and exploration in the service of the British Empire, and promote athleticism through their articles. The masthead of The Boy's Own Paper, designed by Edward Whymper, a Fellow of the Royal Society of Engravers, reveals the topics covered in the paper. Lying on the grass are a cricket ball and bat, a football,  Chen 20  marbles, and a fishing rod. The rest of the masthead features rabbits, a dog, and a stamp album. Three months after its debut on the market, more than 200,000 copies of The Boy's Own Paper were sold. In July 1879, Hutchison speculated that around 600,000 readers had perused the pages of The Boy's Own Paper during these initial months. By the late 1880s circulation figures reached over 500,000 a week (Dunae, "Origins" 133). According to Dunae, actual readership may have been as high as one and one quarter million, because the trade usually considered "that on average two or three boys read each copy" ("Origins" 133). Total circulation may have been higher because the number of weekly copies rose to 665,000 in later years. From its second year on the market, The Boy's Own Paper's circulation figures were higher than " 'all the other boy's journals put together'" (qtd. in Dunae, "Origins" 134). Edward Salmon attributes the popularity of The Boy's Own Paper to its combination of "instruction and amusement" and commends the writers for avoiding slang, sensational tales, and "blood and thunder" (17-18). On the paper's twentieth anniversary celebration, the editor announced that they had published 35,251,200 words and 17,472 illustrations (Warner, Best 5). The Boy's Own Paper was available in three formats: the weekly, the monthly, and the annual. Weeklies targeted schoolboys, clerks, and assistants, while the monthly bound issues appealed to families. Some families bought the paper in both formats—the weekly was read and given to friends or donated to libraries, while the monthly was kept for rereading. Subscribers from abroad usually ordered the monthly or the annuals (Cox 22). Boys who could not afford to buy The Boy's Own Paper also had the chance to read it, for the Society distributed copies of the paper to London Board schools and churches. The Boy's Own Paper frequently warned readers about the dangers of reading penny  Chen 21  dreadfuls and disclosed the shameful tactics of publishers of such "bloods." In "PennyDreadfuls" (vol. 5: 262), the editor cites readers who had found advertisements for penny dreadfuls stuck inside copies of The Boy's Own Paper. He denounces the retailers and the wholesale house that put them there and advises readers to protest to booksellers if it happens again. In "More Havoc by Baleful Serials" (vol. 18: 589), the author reports that under the influence of the penny dreadful, another boy has committed suicide. He quotes a man who works for penny dreadful publishers and who informs him that his employers treat the cheap weeklies as factory wholesale products, where quantity is more important than quality. They do not want high-class literature but "must have a thrilling blood-andthunder story for boys, and they care not how badly it is written. Plenty of strong incident, startling situations, hairbreadth escapes, following quickly one after the other, put into language full of strong adjectives" (vol. 18: 589). The author also admonishes "silly boys" for reading "this sorry stuff," when "the 'B.O.P' is within their reach at the same price, and is written and illustrated by the leading authors and artists of the age." He encourages every reader of the 'B.O.P.' to "make it still more widely known and circulated" (vol. 18: 589). By looking at the correspondence columns, one can gain additional insight into the readership of The Boy's Own Paper. According to Cox, Hutchison received approximately three to four hundred letters a week during the paper's first decade on the market (20). Hutchison's wife helped him with the letters, and sometimes answered them in her husband's name. Talbot Reed, Gordon Stables, and other staff members also provided answers to the numerous inquiries that ranged from health issues to coincollecting to suitable occupations. Readers firmly believed that the editor could provide 11  answers to the most esoteric questions. For example, he knew that "The Schio Liao is a  Chen 22  paste made in China, and consists offifty-fourparts of powdered lime, six parts of powdered alum, and forty parts of fresh blood, mixed up together in a homogeneous mass. It will fasten stone, porcelain, or any hard substance" (vol. 7: 47). Readers frequently 12  asked questions that had already been answered many times, and continued to ask for personal replies by mail, so the editor often had to remind them of the paper's strict policy on correspondence. Because there was little space, the columns only provided the 13  answers and did not publish the original questions. Often the replies were cryptic to all but the addressee, because it was hard to guess what the question was. Readers scrutinized the information provided in the paper, and wrote to the editor if there was a mistake. The Boy's Own Paper graciously accepted the corrections: E.S. Little—Thank you for your note regarding the paragraph on page 622 of last volume, which should read as you say, 'A Chinese tael is equal to ten mace, or a hundred conderin, or, in other words, three shillings; while a Japanese yen is equal to a hundred sen, or two shillings and twopence-half penny, which is the same value as a dollar, or a hundred cents. The tael is a Chinese ounce weight of silver...and the yen is a Japanese gold coin.' (vol. 23: 32) These correspondence columns show that British boys were not the only ones who read The Boy's Own Paper, girls and readers from all over the world, enjoyed their copies of "the good old B. O. P." A short notice in the "Our Note Book" section of the May 9, 1908 issue revealed that readers from the United States, Canada, South Africa, India, Australia, New Zealand, Singapore, Trinidad, Sweden, and Austria subscribed to The Boy's Own Paper (512). Although girls read The Boy's Own Paper, many were afraid that they were not part of the intended audience. The following excerpt in the correspondence  Chen  23  column of May 23, 1908 is just one example of girls who needed reassurance that they were valued readers: A.M.S (Melbourne).—Delighted to receive your letter, and you certainly need make no apology to us for being 'only a girl'! We are glad to know that you are but one of the many hundreds of girls who regularly read the 'BOP,' and even take part in its varied competitions. Pleased to hear how thoroughly the paper is appreciated in your district in Melbourne. (544) The editor often had to remind girl readers that the competitions "are open to all regular subscribers to the 'B.O.P,' quite irrespective of sex or nationality" (Correspondence January 16, 1909). Although The Girl's Own Paper was available to female readers, the contents of the paper, which revolved around domestic issues, was not as exciting as in The Boy's Own Paper. This may have been one of the reasons The Boy's Own Paper ]A  was popular among female readers. Even older women read The Boy's Own Paper, as a section of "Our Note Book" (April 2, 1910) reveals: We have amongst our "B.O.P." readers many girls, of all ages and in different parts of the world. One of these writes to us from Ireland: "I have been a reader of your splendid paper ever since I was a little girl (except for a short interval after my marriage) and am as enthusiastic an admirer as ever." (432) One of the popular features of the paper was the competition section. Initially, only subscribers under the age of sixteen were eligible to enter the competitions. After realizing that older readers were also interested in participating, the editor decided to split the competitions into three categories: a junior level for readers under sixteen, an intermediate group for those between sixteen and nineteen, and a senior class for readers aged nineteen to twenty-three. Although the senior competitions did not last very long,  Chen 24  there were still many older readers reading The Boy's Own Paper, especially overseas. Advertisements for perambulators, cloth, and furniture in The Boy's Own Paper indicate that mothers were also part of the readership. In fact, parents who intended to censor their children's reading materials often found themselves engrossed in the stories. The Boy's Own Paper: Contents and Authors Since the motto of The Boy's Own Paper, usually written on the first page of each issue, was "Quicquid agunt pueri nostri libelli farrago" ("Whatever boys do makes up the mixture of this little book"), it is not surprising that the magazine featured many schoolboy stories. Readers could easily identify with the characters in these stories, because they were realistically portrayed as boys with faults and shortcomings, not virtuous models of perfection. Talbot Baines Reed (1852-1893), who contributed stories to The Boy's Own Paper from 1879 to 1893, established the school-story formula with serials such as "The Fifth Form at St. Dominic's" (see Richards, Happiest). Reed's characters were similar to Tom Brown in Thomas Hughes' Tom Brown's Schooldays (1857), which charts the protagonist's progress towards becoming the ideal English gentleman, whose attributes include bravery, honesty, modesty, and faithfulness. As Hughes' book suggests, a good public-school education (provided by schools such as Rugby or Eton) was a fundamental basis for building good character—a prerequisite for becoming an ideal gentleman and a great imperial officer.  15  In addition to schoolboy stories, The Boy's Own Paper includes sports stories and reports on various cricket teams. "My First Football Match," the first story in the first issue of the paper, is an exemplary title. Other sports articles focus on, swimming, rugby, cricket, and soccer. The Religious Tract Society prescribed that.athletic sports should be a vital part of every British boy's life (see Mangan). Experts in variousfields(team  Chen 25  captains, medal winners, veteran players) wrote articles that included suggestions on how to improve sports skills. Novices could learn a certain sport by reading the detailed instructions provided in the paper. The Boy's Own Paper also contains many articles on hobbies. Stamp collecting, coin collecting, kite-making, pet rearing, and even taxidermy are some of the topics. As critics note, the Religious Tract Society originally planned to attract readers with entertaining stories that would satisfy readers' taste for excitement (see Dunae; Reynolds). After gaining a stable readership, the Religious Tract Society would then replace these adventure stories with overtly didactic Christian literature. However, the plan was never carried out. Observing the emerging popularity of Chums, Young England, and The Captain (all boys' magazines that openly promoted patriotism and military power through adventure stories set on the outskirts of the British Empire), Hutchison realized that the only way to compete with these sensational publications that were threatening to dominate the market was to provide equally exciting stories that would engage the attention of readers. He had some difficulty convincing the Religious Tract Society, who objected to the secular aspects of the paper, that keeping the stories was in the best interest of the magazine's financial well-being. However, the Society finally relented, because they depended on the revenues of The Boy's Own Paper to support the missions abroad. Along with the London Missionary Society (established 1795), the Religious Tract Society first sent missionaries to China in 1807, and subsequently established missions in India and Africa. With many of the Society's members working abroad, The Boy's Own Paper had access to material that could serve as exciting adventure stories set in exotic places (Dunae, "Origins" 125). Adventure stories were the most popular feature of The Boy's Own Paper (see  Chen 26  Dunae; Reynolds; Turner). A significant percentage of these stories takes place on sea, as is evident in titles such as "A Boating Adventure," "Escapes from Pirates," and "In Australian Waters." Tumultuous weather, collision of ships, and potential mutinies are some of the elements of such adventure stories. The well-known adventure writers G. A. Henty, R. M. Ballantyne, and W. H. G. Kingston were regular contributors to The Boy's Own Paper, as were Jules Verne, Conan Doyle, Charles Wilson, and Gordon Stables. Born in Edinburgh, Robert Michael Ballantyne (1825-1894) began his writing career at the age of thirty. His memories of working for the Hudson's Bay Company in Canada, traveling in Norway, and journeying through Africa provided ample material for his eighty books. According to Phillips, Ballantyne's The Coral Island (1857) stands out as the first adventure story in which teenagers are the main characters (36). In addition to expressing the colonial values of middle-class Christian men in his novels, Ballantyne also simplified the issues of Victorian Britain for his young audience, producing optimistic texts about the glory of the British Empire (see Hannabuss). Other writers who dedicated their efforts to producing thrilling adventure stories include G. A Henty and W. H. G. Kingston. William Henry Giles Kingston (1814-1880) wrote more than one hundred books for boys. His tone is more didactic than Ballantyne's, and his stories often focus on missionary heroes converting "heathen savages" in exotic lands. George Alfred Henty (1832-1902), a war correspondent for the London Standard, "wrote with pride of England and the expanding empire..." (Eaton 218). Henty's numerous novels (over seventy are boy's adventure stories) are more devoted to maintaining the image of England's status as the greatest empire in the world. His characters are agile, clever, and heroic (see Reynolds). Other popular writers include David Ker, who wrote many stories about 16  Chen 27  India, Captain Charles Gilson who wrote about Africa, and J. Claverdon Wood (see Warner, Best; Cox). Martin Green points out that in the late nineteenth century, straightforwardly didactic tales that warned children about the consequences of disobedience were gradually replaced by adventure stories, which characteristically infused excitement with romance. The children's literature of this period was mainly boys' literature that centred on stories about the frontiers of the British Empire. Nearly all the stories in The Boy's Own Paper are devoted to the imperial idea (see Dunae; Reynolds; Phillips; Drotner). The adventure stories characteristic of the magazine encouraged the British youth to be patriotic empire builders and contribute to sustaining the glory and power of the Empire. While the penny dreadfuls were attacked for being too violent, the killing of foreign people in The Boy's Own Paper stories "seems to have been perfectly acceptable in an imperial context" (Carpenter 43). Rival Magazines The Boy's Own Paper's rival paper, Chums (1892-1932), published by Cassell and Co., is most famous for serializing Robert Louis Stevenson's Treasure Island in 1894 (which was originally serialized in Young Folks). MacDonald summarizes the message of Chums as follows: "life was an adventure, war a game and an uncomplicated love of country stood above all" ("Reproducing" 535). Taking a more moderate position, The Boy's Own Paper was careful to praise patriotism in association with virtues such as brotherhood, manliness, and unselfish sacrifice (MacDonald, Language 101). Thus, although the fiction printed in The Boy's Own Paper may not necessarily have high literary merit, the combination of "acceptable morality, instruction, unimpeachable models, and extensive vocabulary" situated The Boy's Own Paper higher on the morality  Chen 28  scale than Chums (Reynolds 89). Not long after The Boy's Own Paper was launched, Alfred Harmsworth (18651922), believing that it was his responsibility to sweep out the harmful penny weeklies, decided to introduce a number of "healthy" papers into the market: Halfpenny  Marvel  (1893), Union Jack (1894), Pluck (1894) and The Boy's Friend (1895). In the first issue of the Halfpenny  Marvel,  Harmsworth includes the slogan: "'No more penny dreadfuls!  Those healthy stories of mystery adventure, etc., will kill them'" (qtd. in Turner 102). In an editorial, he claims that the penny dreadfuls are "responsible for" turning boys into robbers and highwaymen. In his conclusion, Harmsworth writes, " 'If we can rid the world of even one of these vile publications our efforts will not have been in vain' " (qtd. in Turner 102). Nearly every issue of these papers mentions the dangerous influence of the penny dreadful, but because many of Harmsworth's writers also wrote for the dreadfuls, most readers and critics could not distinguish his papers from the weeklies he was fighting against. To his consternation, Harmsworth found that critics also called his papers penny dreadfuls. He did, however, manage to defeat competitors such as E. J. Brett. Harmsworth's firm, renamed The Amalgamated Press at the turn of the century, is best known to have produced Gem (1907-1939) and Magnet (1908-1940), which became two of the most popular magazines in the early twentieth century. However, the stories in these papers were not very different from the formulaic pieces of the penny dreadfuls. George Orwell notes that one author wrote almost all the stories: Charles Hamilton (18761961) composed more than 5,000 stories, under 26 different pseudonyms such as Frank Richards, Martin Clifford, Owen Conquest, Ralph Redway, Winston Cardew and Hilda Richards (also see Turner 200-221).  17  Chen 29  Despite fierce competition, The Boy's Own Paper sales remained strong until World War I. Sales figures waned after 1914, and the Society decided to change it from a weekly to a monthly magazine. Faithful readers still bought The Boy's Own Paper throughout the years, even during the two world wars. Finally, because they could no longer obtain enough advertisements to gain revenue, Lutterworth Press (descendants of the Society) released the final issue of The Boy's Own Paper in 1967. In subsequent chapters, I discuss the articles related to China and the Chinese. Contributors to The Boy's Own Paper were often anonymous, and more than half of the authors who wrote about China did not identify themselves. Authors who did identify 18  themselves were usually either missionaries or sailors, but it is difficult to determine whether the authors have traveled to China or not. Therefore, it is impossible to pinpoint the distribution of authors in categories such as those who have never traveled to Asia, the so-called "globetrotters," or long-term foreign residents. One pattern can be observed, however: missionaries focus on describing boys' lives in China, navy officers (captains, lieutenants, colonels, commanders, and marines) recount encounters with pirates or opium smuggling, and travelers describe the landscape and customs of China. Although many authors punctuate their names with titles such as M.D., M.A., R.N., and F.R.G.S., only a few writers stress their credentials, stating the number of years they spent in China or how extensively they traveled in the country. Samuel Mossman, who "has resided several years in China, where he had opportunities daily of observing Chinese boys, under all phases of juvenile life" (83), and an anonymous writer, whose residence is in Tsou-Ping, share their experiences with boys in China. H. H. Fox, who works for the H. B. M. Consular Service in China, contributed "Chinese Boy Life." Stanley P. Smith of Shan-si, who has traveled to eleven of the eighteen provinces, speaks like an authority on the  Chen 30  Chinese land and culture. In the British Biographical Archive, only one of the contributors, Frederic H. Balfour, is classified as a sinologist. Several doctors (Dr. Gordon Stables, Dr. Arthur Stradling, Dr. W. T . Greene, Dr. P. A. Nightingale) and a professor (Prof. Marcus Dodds) also write about China and the Chinese. Considering that not much is known about the authors, it is difficult to judge the accuracy of the information, but Victorian readers probably did not read The Boy's Own Paper (hereafter BOP) with too critical a mind. For most readers, the reputation of the Religious Tract Society was enough to convince them of the validity of the articles.  Chen 31  Notes In Some Thoughts Concerning Education (1693), Locke argues for the need for "a sound mind in a sound body." He stresses the importance of character formation and advocates that a tutor should guide his student throughout the process of education. Rousseau's Emile (1762) also emphasizes the role of the devoted tutor who should supervise the student until the age of twenty. Rousseau disapproved of a child's early exposure to the negative attitudes and thoughts of the adult world. Both authors believed in the importance of rationality and morality. See Locke and Rousseau. See Egoff for a detailed history of children's periodicals. See Vincent for statistics. According to Turner, "The first 'penny dreadfuls' were not aimed at the juvenile market, but the scalp-tingling subject-matter readily seduced the young from their lukewarm loyalty to Robinson Crusoe...'" (18). Patrick A. Dunae points out that "of fourteen different categories listed in Publisher's Circular in 1882, publications for young people accounted for 19 per cent (the largest share) of the total market. Likewise, records of library borrowings in 1892-93 show that juvenile literature accounted for 18.36 per cent of the total number. Prose fiction (for adults) amounted to 61.2 per cent" (qtd. in Bristow 15). See Dunae, "Penny" for further discussion. See James 93-96 and Muir 111-112 for discussion on the Jack Harkaway stories. See Carpenter 21-29 for further discussion on the rivalry between Brett and the Emmetts. Anthony Ashley Cooper, 7 Earl of Shaftesbury (1801-1885) was a philanthropist, industrial reformer, patron of the Pure Literature Society, and leader of the evangelical movement within the Church of England. Editors who succeeded Hutchison include Arthur Lincoln Haydon (1912-1924), Geoffrey Richard Pocklington (1924-1933), George J. H. Northcroft (1933-1935), Robert Harding (1935-1942), Leonard Halls (1942-1946), and Jack Cox (1946-1967). See Cox for further discussion on the correspondence columns. It is unclear whether the editor's explanation is correct. In one correspondence column, the editor writes: "To All Readers: we would again remind our readers that the letters daily received by us are well-nigh overwhelming in number, and only those the answers to which would convey information useful to the boy public can receive answer in these columns. Also that no answer can appear in print in less than six weeks. Taking our general run of correspondents, we might class them as follows—(1) the sensible lad who really is in some quandary, and sees no way out of it except by appealing to his friend the Editor. (2) The boy who writes when his pet is sick. The obviously best plan for him is to consult where possible, a local vet. (3) The boy who asks questions that have been answered over and over again, such as the proper food for thrushes, rabbits or mice. Let him read back, or consult our Monthly Doings (4). The boys who encloses a stamp, and asks for a reply by post. It cannot be done. Lastly (5) The boy who writes for writing's sake. Now, we do not complain even of these, only they must not expect us to fill up valuable space in replying to them here" (vol. 15: 544). In later years, however, circulation figures for The Girl's Own Paper were higher than The Boy's Own Paper, "probably because of the range of its readership. . . G. O. P. was 1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  9  10  11  12  13  14  th  Chen 32  bought by young wives, working girls, and domestic servants as well as schoolgirls" (see Cox 77). See Castronovo; Mason for discussion on the image of the ideal English gentleman. For detailed information on nineteenth-century British public schools, see Chandos. Henty rarely wrote the books himself; he dictated the stories to his principal assistant, E. Petit Griffith (see Dunae, "Grub" 20). Tit-bits, published by George Newnes (1851-1910), was another popular magazine which, in 1891, sold about 500,000 copies a week (Reader 19). Almost all of the authors of the BOP were male. The only female contributor who wrote about China is Isabella Suart-Robson, who wrote about the travels of male explorers such as Sven Hedin. Women travelers and authors may have sent their manuscripts to The Girl's Own Paper. 15  16  17  18  Chen 33  Chapter Two Travel Narratives in The Boy's Own Paper Travelers to China can be traced back to the age of the Roman Empire, when merchants headed toward South China to establish trade relations. In the seventh century, the Nestorian Christians made their way into the country. Moslems and Arabs conducted business with the Chinese in the tenth century. Marco Polo and other Venetians arrived in the thirteenth century.' During the seventeenth century, when British traders established "permanent 'factories,' warehouses, artisan shops, and residences near Canton...the Western mythicizing of China as a land of luxury and exquisite cultural productions reached its zenith" (Thurin 4). After the first Opium War (1839-42), Hong Kong became a colony of Britain, and five treaty ports were opened to foreign residence and trade. The number of British travelers to China increased after the Treaty of Tientsin was signed in 1858, because foreigners were then given the right to travel in the interior of China, the Yangtze River was opened to foreign ships, and Christian missionaries were allowed to do mission work inside China. Many travelers were interested in conducting their own 2  ethnographic studies and outlining China's "national character, its idiosyncrasies, cultural attributes, attitudes, manners, and customs" (Thurin 17). Most of them dedicated their efforts to improving the country according Western notions of progress. Since most BOP travel narratives are written from the first-person point of view, the authors, by establishing a relationship of intimacy with the reader, could more easily influence the reader's perceptions. By selecting and ordering information, the narrative voice manipulates, to some extent, the responses of the reader (Hourihan 38). Some BOP writers choose to address the reader ("you") directly and frequently use phrases such as "we think," or "we feel" to stress the affinity between reader and writer. The juxtaposition  Chen 34  between "us [British]" and "them [Chinese]" is very clear in these narratives. In analyzing these works, I find it useful to consider the rhetorical modes discussed in David Spurr's The Rhetoric of Empire: Colonial Discourse in Journalism, Travel Writing, and Imperial Administration. Spurr first explains a rhetorical strategy he terms "Surveillance: Under Western Eyes." In travel narratives, the Western observer's descriptions of the territory indicate that he holds the privilege and power to survey the land and to gaze at the natives. In turn, the people, denied the right to speak or gaze, are obligated to show themselves, to let the observer view them. Some travelers aim to conduct a "scientific and comparative study of culture" (Thurin 193). Many BOP authors use this strategy in their travel narratives. For example, Manderson informs readers that wherever one travels in China, "something new and strange is being continually opened to the view; the quaint people, villages, cities, temples, monasteries, and field scenes are utterly unlike anything to be seen anywhere else" (824). He implies that he has the power to unveil the hidden secrets of China; everything opens for him to view. As Thurin notes, travelers often treat China as a museum specimen. Along their sightseeing tours, they strive to uncover unusual things, praise the picturesque landscape, and wonder at their exotic surroundings. Writers often situate themselves "either above or at the center of things, yet apart from them, so that the organization and classification of things takes place according to the writer's own system of value" (Spurr 16). Balfour, for example, asks readers to 3  imagine that they are in a balloon above Peking, which, in his opinion, is the best position to survey the land and gain a bird's-eye-view of the city. Up in the air, they can see "the exact shape of the queer old city, to say nothing of much that no European eye has hitherto ever gazed upon—the interior of the Palace walls, for instance" (Balfour 21). In using the word "queer" to describe the Peking, the author not only points out its  Chen 35  strangeness, he also suggests that it is abnormal. Balfour constructs himself as a pioneer: because of his position, he can see what others have not seen. Descending lower, Balfour chooses to obtain a panoramic view of the city from "the top of the Great Wall" (22). Similarly, Manderson and his friends climb to the top of the Nan Ling, where they have a magnificent view of the country to the north and south. To the south [they] looked on tropical China, to the north [they] saw the great Central Plain, the most fertile and the most thickly populated piece of land on the globe. From the hills on which [they] were standing sprang all the fine rivers that, wending their way northwards, at length join the mighty Yang Tze. (828) Standing above the land, they are empowered to appropriate whatever they see, as if they could possess everything in sight. These descriptions made from a promontory are characteristic of what Mary Louise Pratt calls the "Monarch of all I survey" (201). In trying to obtain a "systematic visual knowledge of non-Western cultures" (Spurr 25), writers often use what Johannes Fabian describes as "visualism"—ethnology's reliance on maps, charts, and tables, because "to 'visualize' a culture or society almost becomes synonymous for understanding it" (106). Balfour, seeking to give readers a concrete idea of Peking, provides a diagram of the outer city, front gate, Manchu, and imperial palace. In the process of mapping the place, he is imaginatively taking control over it. Mr. Landor, who travels to Tibet, "heroically" defies all risks and records a map of his route using "a scrap of bone for a pen and his own blood for ink" (Suart-Robson, "Traveller" 363). He also covers more than 12,500 square miles in his studies, and finds the two sources of the Brahmaputra River. The second rhetorical method of BOP authors falls into what Spurr calls "Appropriation: Inheriting the Earth." The appropriation of the earth is seen as a response  Chen 36  to the need for order, technology, and improvement. Colonizers saw the land as belonging to mankind, not to the people who live on it. It was thought that whoever had the ability and power to exploit the land had the freedom to appropriate the land for his own use (Spurr 31). Stanley Smith, who claims to have traveled in eleven of China's eighteen provinces, is saddened at the fact that "the good material there is there, but which is lost for want of development" (267). In Smith's opinion, the abundant resources in China are waiting for Westerners to come and extract them: "the treasures are there—apart from European help, they would remain, benefiting no one" (268). For example, the coal fields in China are ten times larger than Britain's, but the Chinese do not have efficient means of transporting the coal because of the poor road conditions. Smith appeals to two of the reasons colonialists frequently give for intervention: "that of nature, which calls for the wise use of its resources; that of humanity, which calls for universal betterment" (Spurr 34). BOP traveler writers also employ the strategies of "Aestheticization" and "Idealization." Constructing China as an "object of beauty, horror, pleasure, and pity" (Spurr 59), BOP authors emphasize the exotic nature of the Chinese by highlighting the grotesque tortures that they inflict on victims and the bizarre beliefs that they have about the universe. If BOP authors idealize any part of China, it is the landscape. Because many parts of England had been polluted and destroyed as a consequence of the industrial revolution, the idealization of the Chinese landscape is "in relation to Western culture itself [his emphasis]" (Spurr 128). Balfour enjoys traveling in the South, where one can lie in a boat and feast one's eyes upon "the strange, beautiful scenery" (110). He exclaims that the scenery near Hangchow is "lively," the landscape is "quaint" and "charming," the atmosphere is "pure, clear," and "bracing," and everything is "gloriously beautiful"  Chen 37  (Balfour 111). Two boys who travel to China enjoy "the scenery where the country was more mountainous and romantic... there was many a villa slumbering in the sunshine, or quiet wooded hillsides in which poor Cluny thought he would like to live for ever, free from all his care and worry" (Stables 675). Many critics (for example McClintock; Pratt) observe that descriptions of exotic landscapes are usually rendered in sexualized language. Words such as "penetration" and "virgin land" can often be found in the BOP narratives. The protagonist who travels to Tibet believes that it could be easily "penetrated," "since it possessed no gates, and was only surrounded by a ruined wall" (Suart-Robson, "Traveller" 362). When he succeeds in defeating the tyrants of Tibet, Mr. Landor continues to embrace "many pioneering journeys into districts no white man, and probably no native, had hitherto penetrated" (Suart-Robson, "Traveller" 792). Spurr observes that the rhetorical mode of "Debasement: Filth and Defilement" emerges in every form of writing throughout the colonial world. In these writings, misery and abjection are linked together. Because the Other is seen as defiled, fear of contamination is a recurrent theme in colonial discourse (Spurr 87). This rhetoric of filth and defilement occurs in nearly all of the BOP commentaries on China. Mackay observes that the Chinese live in "filthy den[s]," and a stench arises "from the filthy street" (165). Villages "are as dirty as pigsties," because all the buildings are "dirty," "bare," and "dark" (Balfour 22, 78, 110; Manderson). The scantily clad youths are so dirty that they have a layer of black dirt on their bodies. Balfour, repelled by the sight of thefilthyswarms of men, women, and children who gather around him, heartily exclaims that he is glad not to be related to them.  4  The Other is often seen as "absence, emptiness, nothingness, or death" (Spurr 92). Although BOP authors do not use these specific nouns to describe China, they resort to  Chen 38  other forms of "negative language" (Spurr 102). For example, the Chinese fail to "learn" to be "humble" after China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War (Smith 268). Other historical events such as the Taiping and Boxer Rebellions are portrayed in a very negative light. In the history of technology, the Chinese are not given credit for inventing things, but for stumbling upon them. Some authors even think that the Chinese lie about their inventions (Gibney 45). All travel accounts include detailed descriptions of the difficulties in traveling around China. BOP travel writers stress the difference between traveling in China and traveling in England, and warn readers that they must shed any expectations about traveling with ease because "the Chinese are utterly indifferent to all comfort" (Manderson 826). Balfour mentions that while one can travel at forty miles an hour in England, one's speed is reduced to only four miles an hour in China. Uncomfortable wooden carts are the most common means of transportation, and they must be ridden in a certain way if the traveler wants to avoid being bruised "black and blue" (Balfour 47). Those traveling in northern China can choose from three transportation options: donkey, springless cart, or mulelitter, all of which are inefficient and uncomfortable. An American marine has an exasperating experience of riding on a very thin and weak donkey, the only one available to him at the time: "There is one trick which a Chinese donkey will play when all else fails. He will trip and fall" (780). One needs money to travel, and Captain William Gill finds that in Peking and Northern China, '"lumps of silver' take the place of coins" (152). This currency turns out to be troublesome for him. Before one can set out 5  on a journey, there are negotiations to be made. According to another traveler, "A bargain is never struck, or a journey started, without much argument about wages, time, and weight of baggage. The coolies generally make enough noise to wake the dead, and if it  Chen 39  were any other place than China they would certainly be taken charge by a policeman for disturbing the peace" (Manderson 826).  6  The deplorable condition of the roads evokes complaints from all of the travelers, who warn readers that "roads," according to the Western definition of the word, do not exist in China. These narrow "roads" (at most no more than ten feet wide) have not been "deliberately constructed," and in the summer, "odours arise from the ill-paved streets, beneath which the city sewers run" (Manderson 826). Balfour cannot believe that "the idea of 'making' or macadamising a street never seems to have occurred to the Chinese. It is nobody's business, apparently nobody cares about it..." (48). Walking on the "socalled" roads is dangerous, because they are in such poor condition. Traveling on the roads is difficult, but sailing on the river is no better. One author traveling on the Yang-tze River points out that because "no survey had then been made of the river, and the estuary was full of sandbanks, navigation was very difficult" (Morrison 27). At dangerous places such as the Lang-shang Crossing, infamous for its quicksand, there "were no marks or buoys to guide [travelers]" (27). It is hard for readers to imagine what life is like in the cities of China, and Manderson asserts that someone who has not seen China with his own eyes "cannot hope to form any conception of the seething life that is crammed into its narrow circles" (826). The inns in China are usually dirty, dark, and old. A traveler has to endure "a dirty old shanty with brick floors—no light beyond that emitted from a think pith wick lying in a saucer of oil, food of the coarsest and greasiest description, and swarms of insects whose names are not generally mentioned in polite society" (Balfour 110). The authors give readers advice on traveling in China, recommending everyone to hire servants and boats for themselves, because they would not want to share a boat smelling of fish with other  Chen 40  Chinese travelers who smoke opium throughout the trip. As long as one has a private boat, nobody can hinder one from enjoying the "lively scenery," "charming landscape," and "gloriously beautiful" surroundings. Balfour comments that "China is a splendid country, and well worth a little trouble and discomfort to get a glimpse o f (111). Chinese Fascination with Bicycles and Cameras The Chinese living in the interior are fascinated by the "red-haired devils" who come into their isolated villages, but they are even more amused by and often terrified of the foreigners' equipment. In "With a 'Foot Cart' in Hunan: A Cyclist's Experiences in China" (vol. 34), Rev. J. A. S. Wilson describes how villagers in Hunan react to his bike, which, a rare object in China, is regarded as a strange and even terrifying object. Upon Wilson's arrival, the enthusiastic Chinese people act as if the emperor had come to bestow them a visit. "Jabbering and gesticulating" like "maniacs," the curious villagers cautiously line the streets watching Wilson's attempts to mount the bike. Not only does the crowd make it nearly impossible for Wilson to ride his bike, but to add to the difficulty, many blind beggars roam the streets (489). Several people reach out to test the bike: one "touches the handle bar, another wishes to ring the bell, a third tries to put on the brake, and a fourth feels the tyres" (489). Trying to avoid their curiosity, Wilson heads for the quiet country roads but the condition of these roads is worse than in the city, and he travels back to the city only to find that the crowd reappears and now demands rides from him. The children laugh and cry and the entire village is in an uproar over his machine. Manderson, who also travels to Hunan with his friends, is overwhelmed when the Chinese inspect their clothes, hats, and long beards. He is also surprised that they stare at his camera in wonder. The young Chinese are particularly fascinated by the foreigners. In  Chen 41  trying to take a photograph of the children, Manderson "had great trouble in keeping the subjects against the wall; they were certain we were bewitching them, and it was only for fear of what the foreign devils might do if they did not stay that we succeeded in snapping them" (829). Manderson knows that the children are afraid of foreigners and probably 7  heard many stories about the "foreign devils" from their parents, but he strategically uses this fear of "bewitchment" to capture the children on film. Experiences such as Manderson's are not rare, and travel writers frequently elaborate on such stories to illustrate the Chinese people's irrational fear of the unknown. As the narrator of "A Traveller in the Great Closed Land" writes: "Cowardice and cruelty usually go hand in hand, and we are not surprised to hear.. .that craven fear of the unknown and unusual is among the chief characteristics of the natives of Thibet [sic]" (Suart-Robson 362). Because of this "fear of the unknown," the Tibetans are afraid of cameras, and upon seeing Mr. Landor's Kodak, they fall prostrate, laying their arms on the ground in front of him. The Chinese are curious about the camera of one of Captain Gill's photographers, and "there is much humour in Captain Gill's descriptions of the wonder of the Chinese at the whole affair" (vol. 7: 152). The descriptions are not included in the BOP, but the passage in the first volume of Gill's The River of Golden Sand clearly exemplifies the general impression that the British had of the superstitious and hostile Chinese: When we returned home he told us that the people had thrown stones and bricks at the camera... . The Chinese people believe that foreigners make a juice out of children's eyes for photographic purposes; they say 'A man, or a dog, or a horse cannot see without eyes, how then can a machine? If it has not got eyes of its own, it must have the eyes of somebody else.' Their logic is unanswerable . . . . (272)  Chen 42  Chinese Cities BOP authors recount their travels to many cities, which were often described as "altogether strange and marvellous," and "so very, very foreign" (Stables 675). Among cities such as Amoy, Tientsin, Hong-Kong, Wei-Hai-Wei, Wei-chang, Hanyang, Hankow, and Shanghai, Peking, the capital of China, is one of the most frequently visited places. These writers evaluate the cities using their preconceived notions of what civilization entails. One author comments that the city of Peking is "fast becoming civilised—and even imports its wood for fuel from America..." (vol. 7: 152). Balfour describes Peking in intricate detail, allotting three sections of "Boy Life in the Flowery Land" to describing the city. He points out that many readers incorrectly assume that Peking is the largest and most populous city in the world, that even Nanking is larger. He also compares Peking with London so that readers may have an idea of how large the latter city is in comparison. Trying to help readers visualize Peking, which "lies upon the great dusty plain of Chihli," Balfour writes: Fancy a great, rolling, dusty, and uneven plain, dotted about here and there with clumps of low trees, villages which look picturesque enough from a distance, but are as dirty as pigsties upon closer inspection, a few large parks full of strange tent-like buildings.. .generally in a very broken and neglected state. (22) He dispels any favorable impressions readers may have by pointing out that the city may look beautiful from a distance, but that in reality, it is filthy and run-down. In his eyes, the houses are "squalid," the roads "neglected," and the wells "primitive-looking." Balfour frequently uses juxtaposition in his descriptions of the city to reinforce the idea that China is a country full of contradictions. For example, he describes paupers congregating on  Chen 43  Beggars Bridge to "exhibit their horribly diseased, half-naked bodies, and pester all passers-by for money" and juxtaposes this unpleasant scene with "a great park full of splendid trees, out of which, rising holding into the clear air, far above the clouds of dust which envelops the streets outside, shines the bright blue dome of the Temple of Heaven" ( 2 2 ) . Traveling through the streets of Peking, Balfour notices that "it is quite a common thing to see a large handsome shop-front.. .next door to some wretched broken-down shanty, the whole contents of which are scarcely worth five dollars" ( 4 7 ) . The "extraordinary" street and alley names of Peking heighten the city's bizarre appearance: The main streets are called by rather grand, high-flown titles, such as the Street of Everlasting Peace.. .Gate of Victory.. .but the residential alleys are not thought worthy of this sort of thing. So we have, instead, such extraordinary names as Elbow Lane, Dry Fish Land, Sheep-tail land, Needleand-Thread Lane.. .Hat Lane, Bag Lane, Money and Rice lane, and the Widow Wang's Slanting Street. ( 5 9 ) Although Balfour concedes that London has a "Milk Street" and "Bread Lane," he argues that these names are the exception. Balfour also criticizes what he regards as "quite ludicrously inappropriate" shop-names ( 5 9 ) . For example, he cannot understand why a butcher advertises his meat as "being sold at the 'Mutton-shop of Morning Twilight,'" and a charcoal vendor names "his very dirty little black shanty a 'Fountain of Beauty'" (59).  8  Although he has emphasized the negative aspects of Peking throughout his '  narrative, Balfour surprisingly concludes that Europeans will grow to like the place. To prove his point, he quotes a French gentleman who says that if he cannot live in Paris, he wants to live in Peking. The authors are eager to improve Peking, not necessarily because they care about  Chen 44  the Chinese people, but possibly to satisfy their desire to become god-like figures who can demonstrate their superior abilities. For example, one author thinks of piping pure water to Peking to "rid [the city] of cholera and all diseases arising from bad water." Both he and his friends are excited at the prospect of "becoming philanthropists, showering blessings on a miserable people" (vol. 32: 780). Although Peking does not resemble a great metropolis, which, according to Balfour, should be "smart, handsome, substantial, and imposing," it has the potential to become a "splendid city" if the government worked to improve it. Therefore, he calls Peking "the City of Magnificent Capabilities" (47). Balfour, like many other BOP authors, implies that since the Chinese cannot govern the city, the British should do it for them, so that the potential of Peking can be maximized. Descriptions of Shanghai are not as detailed as accounts of Peking. Most authors assume that "every 'B.O.P' boy knows that it [Shanghai] is situated on the left bank of the Yang-tze Kiang and that the European portion is divided into English, French, and American Towns" (Booth 136). Authors present positive as well as negative images of the city. According to one writer, in autumn, "Shanghai generally looks forward to a long spell of delightful weather, crisp, cool breezes, slightly cold nights, and days of the most glorious sunshine" (vol. 20: 553). On the other hand, the narrator of "In Chinese Waters" (vol. 16) observes that the "Shanghai streets are anything but eau-de-cologne; they smell high; all sorts of abominations in the way of food simmer under one's nose" (Patterson 817). Captain Gill, who traveled to China in 1876, expresses surprise at the "curious" Shanghai cart. The Chinese man who operates the vehicle uses his pigtail, which is tied onto the cart, to pull his passengers along (vol. 7:151). Travelers and Chinese F o o d  People have always been fascinated by foreign food, because they half believe that  Chen 45  "you are what you eat." Chinese food, in particular, has garnered the interests of many Westerners. According to Miller, before 1830, Westerners were amused and curious about the "the exotic ingredients in the cuisine and pharmacology," but afterwards became disgusted and suspicious of these foods: "Cats, dogs, and rats displaced such culinary delicacies as lizard eggs, peacock combs, and bird's-nest soup in the descriptions of the Chinese cuisine" (87). The Chinese were also thought to consume animals such as mice and rats—anything considered "filthy and disease-carrying and therefore dangerous and polluting" (Lee 38-39). While some BOP authors try to correct the existing misconceptions about Chinese food, others continue to flaunt the exotic. For example, Patterson says that "Celestial dainties" include "cats, dogs, rats, toads, snails, and slugs, dished up hodgepodge or dangling on a string" (817). He mistakenly eats kitten-andpuppy-pie on hisfirstday in Shanghai because he does not know its ingredients. In Canton, Tom sees "butchers selling appetising dainties such as rats and cats, vegetable hawkers, fishmongers with bowls of live fish—for, although the Chinaman prefers his eggs stale, he likes hisfishto be fresh" (Pontin, "Pirates" 722). T. C. H. asserts that in the populous "land of pigtails," everything that is edible must be eaten. Moreover, "much that our readers would say could not be eaten—is pressed into the service of man as food" ("Fishing" 821). He adds this comment to suggest that the Chinese people are forced to eat whatever is available, or else they would starve.  9  Balfour begins his section "Dinners and Dining" by dispelling misconceptions that Chinese eat rats, cats, or dogs (he suggests that the misunderstanding may be that the Chinese call a hare a "wild cat"). He explains that instead of eating rodents, the Chinese consume rice, millet, pork, mutton, sharkfin,sea-slug, soup, bread (bad to Western tastes), duck's blood, preserved eggs, plum wine, rose wine, and so on. One author explains that  Chen 46  although rice is "generally supposed to be the universal food of the Chinese," in the northern part of China, rice is "replaced by maize and oats" (vol.7: 152). Balfour makes a distinction between the commoner's diet and that of the emperor, which is comprised of eight "precious" foods: "bears' paws, deer's tail, ducks' tongues, torpedoes' roe, camels' hump, monkeys' lips, carp's tails, and ox's marrow" (93). At the beginning the narrative, readers are led to believe that Balfour is shying away from the exotic and disgusting, but he returns to it with this description of the monarch's diet. Just as they cannot decide on whether the Chinese actually eat cats and dogs, the authors cannot agree on whether the Chinese are good cooks. One traveler praises the food that his cook prepares, but tells readers that it tasted delicious because he was so hungry, not necessarily because the cook was talented. While sharing his story about a trip on a houseboat, another narrator adds parenthetically that "China boys are splendid cooks" (vol. 19: 488). Readers may be surprised to hear that, in Balfour's opinion, using chopsticks is more civilized than using knives and forks, because it is barbaric to carve up large chunks of meat in front of other people. The Chinese, on the other hand, have all their food sliced, prepared, and ready to eat when it is served at the table. Furthermore, Balfour asserts, "in all their cookery, and in much of their eating—you see, I only say 'much' here—the Chinese are fully as civilised as we are—in some respects even more so [his emphasis]" (78). Anticipating that readers will consider his views "very extraordinary," Balfour emphasizes that his statements are "nevertheless, undeniably true." However, he stresses the word "much," which implies that he still considers the Chinese as existing on a lower level of civilization. Regardless of the unsavory flavor of the Chinese tea, which is different from "the refined Ceylon variety we [British] generally use," "the drinker is expected to make plenty of noise to show his appreciation of the excellent quality of the  Chen 47  leaf provided" (Manderson 826-27). When Balfour's friend travels to Shantung, he throws away the tea that is offered to him because it is dirty and greasy. The Chinese people tell him that '"first, we wash your dishes with it [the water], which of course are very greasy; then we stir it round and round with our hands; and then we drink it'" (123). Because of their limited water supply, the Chinese people in Shantung may have had to reuse their water for other purposes. However, in relating his friend's story, Balfour gives readers the impression that everyone in China drinks greasy tea. Without a comfortable eating environment, even the most delicious food will not taste good. Although the eating-houses in China usually have a richly decorated exterior, "the interior is not very inviting to European eyes, for the floor is bare and dirty, the chairs are hard, and there is not cloth on the table" (Balfour 78). Moreover, there is no privacy, because the door is "thronged by a dozen dirty fellows, all staring at us as we ate, while the street dogs came in unhindered to pick up the greasy morsels dropped by the guests" (Balfour 92). Balfour often contradicts himself. Sometimes he defends the Chinese, while at other times he refutes his previous statements by providing repulsive examples of the Chinese way of life. Because travel writers often felt ambivalent towards China and the Chinese, they developed several methods to deal with these conflicting views, one of which "is to vitiate positive qualities with disclaimers" (Thurin 124-125). For example, BOP authors comment on the "brain power" of the Chinese, but immediately refute this positive quality by lamenting its underdevelopment. Although the Chinese invented gunpowder, the compass, and the printing press, the British have long since caught up with them and even left them behind. The Chinese may show some positive characteristics such as 10  patience, filial piety, and politeness, but their negative qualities outweigh the positive  Chen 48  ones. The writers find traveling in China disagreeable and charming at the same time: "... when you decide upon travelling in China you must make up your mind to do it for the sake of the novelty of the thing—for the curious sights you will meet with, and the beautiful scenery you will enjoy..." (Balfour 110).  Travelers, Statistics, and Miscellaneous Information BOP travelers are fond of providing statistics and miscellaneous information. For example, John Morrison informs readers that "Wei-chang and Hanyang are walled cities. They and Hankow were estimated by Abbe Hue to contain 6,000,000 inhabitants—no doubt an exaggeration, though the present computation of 1,600,000 gives an idea of their extent. The River Yangtze is one of the longest in the world, as it has a course of 2,900 miles from its source in Thibet to the sea" (27)." When an American marine arrives at the Great Wall, he recalls how his mind was "overshadowed by enormousness when our teachers told us that it [the Great Wall] was 1,500 miles long, and that six horsemen could ride abreast on it, and, as if fairly to crush us with its greatness, they added, 'It's the eighth wonder of the world'" (781). The amazing statistics related to the Great Wall are bound to leave a lasting impression on readers: it "was built in twenty years, and is said to have contents of 6,350,000,000 cubic feet. Its materials are enough to run a wall round the world six feet high and two feet thick" (vol. 10: 112). One author uses the story of the origin of the Wall (built by the Chinese to defend themselves from the Tartars) to warn readers to repent and confess their sins because, "among the creatures found on the earth, the greatest enemy to man is man, and more pains are taken by men to defend themselves from each other than to protect themselves from wild beasts of the field and forest" (vol. 2: 422). Cormorant fishing in China is one of the many memorable experiences that travelers  Chen 49  write about. T. C. H. summarizes what Mr. Fortune, who has the experience of catching fish on the Lun-ke River, writes about cormorants in his book Wanderings in China. The 12  web-footed, semi-amphibious cormorants are reportedly adept at catching fish. On occasion the bird may be lazy or playful, but as soon as the master, calling out loudly, strikes the water with a long bamboo stick, the cormorant immediately returns to its original position. Although he has heard about these docile animals, Mr. Fortune is skeptical about their abilities until he witnesses how they obey their masters' commands to dive into the water to catch fish. Fortune's attitude reflects the Victorian pragmatic spirit.  13  According to the BOP's data, "The population of the Chinese Empire, including Manchuria and Mongolia, does not exceed three hundred millions" (vol. 6: 688). Smith, a BOP travel writer, uses a fancier method of describing the population of China: some one has said that if every letter of the Bible represented a single soul, and you were to count all the letters of the Bible from Genesis to Revelation, you would have to count the whole Bible over eighty times before you would have reached a figure large enough to represent the number of souls in China. (267) American missionaries used similar Biblical analogies to emphasize the large number of unsaved pagan souls living in China (see Miller). In order to make the number less 14  abstract, they often used "devices such as asking the reader to imagine a single file of Chinese at six foot intervals girding the earth eighteen times. It would take forty-two years for such afileto march past a single point on earth—that is, forty-two years if the Celestials rested every Sabbath..." (Miller 75). The analogies help readers picture the large population of China and realize the immense task before the missionaries.  Chen 50  Yokoyama explains that writers often used Biblical tales to introduce readers to Asian countries because "images of the East in the minds of many Victorians had often been formed by illustrations of the Eastern world in children's editions of the Bible" (13). By using Biblical allusions, they were not only employing familiar concepts and images to help readers understand abstract ideas, but they were also stressing the heathenism of the Chinese.  15  China as Stagnant and Unchanging China is represented as a country living in the past, an immobile, passive, ancient civilization that has not prepared itself for the future. Although BOP authors stress the antiquity of Chinese civilization, there are discrepancies in their estimates of its actual length. According to some, it is as long as seven thousand years, while other statistics range from four thousand to two thousand years. Most authors probably exaggerate their numbers to illustrate China's lack of progression over the years. It is worth noting that the BOP does not state that China has afivethousand-year history, which, according to Chinese calculation, is the actual number of years Chinese culture has been in existence. As Thurin observes, "the more open or accessible China became to the West, the more insistently travelers described it as stagnant" (199). Because China is "unchanging and unchangeable," it holds "a mysterious attraction to the dweller in the west, and calls to him with a voice there is no resisting" (Nightingale 331). The Empress Dowager herself is the ultimate symbol of stagnation. As dictator of China, she is reputed to be resistant to all change and stubborn in her ways. In "What Do You Say to That for a Name!" (vol. 21: 191), the author ridicules Empress Dowager's fourteen-syllable name. According to the author, popular columns of the Court "Gazette" have to shorten her name to Tze-hsiyu k'ang or Tze-hsiyu. Englishmen drop even more letters and call her Tze-hsi, because  Chen 51  to give all the array of the names to which she is entitled is to write Tze-hsiyuk'ang-yi-chao-yu-chuang-ch'eng-shou-kung-ching-hsien-ch'ung-usi. This phalanx of letters uses up exactly half of the alphabet, and beats even Welsh or German at their best or worst! (vol. 21: 191) This BOP author not only criticizes the Chinese, but also manages to ridicule the Welsh and Germans into the bargain. The Dowager's long name symbolizes China's situation of being weighed down by traditions, unable to cast off the old customs in order to cultivate a good relationship with the British. Almost all of these travel experiences are rendered "as a journey forward in space but backward in time. As the men progress, they enter the dangerous zones of racial degeneration" (McClintock 242). Venturing into what McClintock terms "anachronistic space," the travelers discover primordial states of civilization. When Manderson begins his journey through China, he compares China to "the old Bible days. We felt that we had left behind the Occident and were in the Orient of the past" (826). T. C. H. describes China as being "as unprogressive as a pyramid" and a "living fossil of a country" ("Punishments" 78). According to Mackay, the Chinese may have been ahead of the British centuries ago, but presently, the British are "infinitely farther ahead of them in all points of real civilisation." He uses the fable of the tortoise and the hare to illustrate the reason the Chinese have fallen behind: "like the steady old tortoise, we have been slowly but surely creeping onward, while John Chinaman has, hare-like, curled his head under his pig-tail and gone to sleep; in fact, today he is not a bit more civilised then he was centuries and centuries ago" (166). The BOP credits Captain William Gill with being the first person to point out that "the chief reason of China's stagnation is the sifting out of all the talent by means of examination into the service of the State and leaving only the  Chen 52  mediocre and the ignorant to indulge in private enterprise" (vol. 7: 152). Although most BOP authors are pessimistic about China's ability to transform itself into a modern country, some authors, such as Manderson, believe that in "the age of Methuselah touching the age of Edison and Marconi—inactivity must give way to activity" (778). He optimistically predicts that "Old China will soon be a thing of the 16  past; the old cities, of which I have very pleasant recollections, will in a few years be fitted up with all the latest modern appliances. China is in the stage of transformation" (829).  Chen 53  Notes See Cameron; Hsia for detailed discussion on European travelers to China. The Treaty of Tientsin was signed after China's defeat in the second Opium War (185660). Frederic Henry Balfour, a sinologist, also wrote Waifs and Strays from the Far East; , Being a Series of Disconnected Essays on Matters Relating to China (1876) and Leaves from my Chinese Scrapbook (1887). See Chapter Three for more discussion on Chinese "dirtiness." William John Gill (1843-1882), who traveled to China, Tibet and Burma, recorded his observations in The River of Golden Sand: The Narrative of a Journey through China and Eastern Tibet to Burmah (1880). British travelers also had similar troubles in European countries such as Italy. See Chapter Six for more discussion on the photograph of the Chinese children. The Chinese believe that auspicious shop names will bring good business. One author makes the extreme claim that the native food is "poisonous" (Ajax 57). See Chapter Three for more discussion on this topic. The Yellow River, China's other famous river, is mentioned in two informational articles. "Colour of the Sea" (vol. 5) explains that because some oceans and rivers are not blue, they are named after the colour of the water. China's Yellow River is among the examples given (262). In "A Terrible Inundation" (vol. 11), "the great Yellow River inundation...in September 1887" is described as one of the worst floods in history (716). Robert Fortune (1813-1880), who, in 1843, traveled to China as Botanical Collector to the Horticultural Society of London, and eventually spent almost fifteen years there, wrote several books on China, including Three Years' Wanderings in the Northern Provinces of China (1847), A Residence Among the Chinese: Inland, on the Coast, and at Sea (1857), and^4 Journey to the Tea Countries of China (1852). M. Fitzgerald also touches upon this unique method of fishing in "Sports and Pastimes in Many Lands" (vol. 34). He repeats much of what T. C. H. has written, but adds that in order to prevent the cormorant from eating the fish, a ring is put around its neck. When the cormorant brings its catch to the master, it is generally rewarded with "a morsel of eels" (Fitzgerald 653). Authors who wrote about Japan often used Biblical metaphors too (see Yokoyama 13). Another example of Biblical imagery can be found in vol. 17, where the author compares a Chinese houseboat to Noah's Ark, saying that "the Chinese are often born, reared, and die on it" (122). Methuselah is the longest-living human in the Old Testament, whose life span as recorded in Genesis 5: 27 was 969 years. Guglielmo Marconi (1874-1937) was an Italian physicist who invented a successful system of radio telegraphy (1896) and won the Nobel Prize in 1909. 1  2  3  4  5  6 7  8  9  10  11  12  13  14 15  16  Chen 54  Chapter Three Characteristics of the Chinese In A Cycle of Cathay: The Chinese Vogue in England during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, William Appleton divides Europeans' impressions of China before 1800 into three phases. China was first cast as a wonderfully exotic "never-never-land" during the period from Marco Polo's thirteenth-century travels to the publication of The Travels of Sir John Mandeville in the sixteenth century. This phase was "followed by a more realistic phase in which the assets and liabilities of Chinese civilization were carefully weighed" (Miller 11). During the second half of seventeenth century, Jesuit missionaries such as Father Louis Le Comte, Jean Baptiste Du Halde, and Joseph Mailla idealized the Chinese, praising Confucianism and describing China as a rational, orderly country. Blue willow plates, typically featuring pagodas, bridges, pigtailed men, and footbound women, were the most ubiquitous household item during the Chinoiserie craze of the eighteenth century. This period of idealization came to an end around the middle 1  of the eighteenth century, however. Mackerras attributes the disappearance of positive images of the Chinese to the waning enthusiasm for Chinoiserie, the decline of the Qing dynasty, and the emergence of British imperialism (39). During the nineteenth century, "graceful Chinese Chippendale eventually gave way to vulgar curios" (Thurin 204). This 2  chapter examines popular nineteenth-century images of the Chinese as exemplified in the BOP. Nineteenth-century literature portrayed the Chinese as child-like, feeble-brained, cruel, corrupt, conceited, conservative, dirty, dishonest, ignorant, inaccurate, slow, shorttempered, unoriginal, xenophobic, never punctual, afraid to lose face, and prone to gambling (see Ch'en; Castle; Dawson; Mackerras; Miller). A missionary, C. Currie  Chen 55  Martin, describes China as '"the vilest and silliest among nations'" (qtd. in Ch'en 46). Influenced by Darwin's theory of evolution, most Westerners believed that "China had sunk to her present state of abject misery because of the inferiority of the Chinese race" (Ch'en 45). The Chinese people's unwillingness to accept Western values (particularly British ones) was attributed to the convolutions and prejudice of the "oriental mind'" (Castle 130). Missionaries, eager to denounce the evils of paganism and to extol the benefits of Christianity, illuminated the worst aspects of Chinese life in order to "exploit China as a didactic model" (Miller 77). They hoped that the public, after reading about the heathen Chinese, would realize the importance and urgency of supporting the missionary cause and donate more of their money, time, and energy towards saving the Chinese from their degradation. BOP articles reinforce the existing nineteenth-century stereotypes of the Chinese. In these articles, the Chinese are rarely referred to as "the Chinese." Instead, they are called "Celestials," "Chinamen," "John Chinamen," "Chinkeys," "pigtails," and "heathen Chinese." Of these words, "Chinaman" appears most often. One BOP author feels that 3  the phrase "heathen Chinese" does not reflect "prejudice and narrow-mindedness, but a sad and solemn fact" (Mackay 268). "Mandarin," "Mongol," or "Tartar" are also words used interchangeably to refer to the Chinese, although the Mongols and Tartars have different racial origins from the Chinese Han people. In fact, the Han people were hostile towards the Mongols and sought to differentiate themselves from their enemies. However, the BOP denied this diversity. According to one author, the Chinaman is "an interesting study" because "there is nothing like him in the whole world now, and a Chinaman is always a Chinaman and nothing but a Chinaman all the world over—as Chinese in Paris as he is in Pekin" (Stradling, "Chinaman" 34). All of the authors treat the Chinese as a  Chen 56  homogenous group, never stopping to distinguish their individual characteristics. As Hourihan points out, in order for the foreign group to be juxtaposed against the dominant group, the former group needs to be "be treated as homogeneous" so that their deviation from the "norm" (as defined by the dominant group) can be easily recognized (16). Because BOP authors wish to demonstrate that the Chinese are an inferior race, they present negative generalizations of the Chinese to illustrate the striking differences between the Chinese and the British. MacDonald explains why this use of binary opposition is so important: "If the imperial mission was designed to impose civilisation on a world of savagery, the first business of these (culturally constructed) categories was to express otherness. The superiority of Englishmen demanded the inferiority of foreigners . . . " (Language 32). BOP authors usually make sweeping generalizations about the physical features of the Chinese, and because physical qualities are seen as indexes of moral character, the authors then proceed to discuss their subjects' personality traits. Physical Features In her study of nineteenth-century British textbooks and periodicals, Kathryn Castle points out that compared to the Indians, the physical features of the Chinese are presented in a much less favorable light. According to her observations, the Chinese are usually portrayed as squinty-eyed, small-boned, and weak (154). Because Victorians assumed that "external, physical appearance was a key to internal, moral constitution," writers simply had to adhere to the following formula when describing the Chinese: "the more 'evil' a character was deemed to be, the more 'yellow' the skin, the longer the pigtail and the more drooping the moustache" (Castle 154; Ryan 180). Other critics also point out that the Chinese were presented as clumsy comic figures with slanting eyes, high cheekbones,  Chen 57  and buck-teeth. Men sported pigtails, while women tottered on their tiny bound feet. If they were not silly figures, they were usually shown to be disgusting or pitiable people (Ch'en 43; also see Lee). Most BOP authors agree that "among the nations of the world there is none which appears more utterly foreign to the Anglo-Saxon than the slant-eyed, pigtailed people of Pekin and Canton" (Mackay 166). BOP author David Ker's description of the "doll-faced, pig-tailed, narrow-eyed Chinamen" best summarizes the Western notion of the typical Chinese (83). With this stereotype firmly fixed in their minds, the authors find it difficult 4  to distinguish one Chinese person from another. It was a "common understanding" that Orientals were indistinguishable as individuals (Lee 5). To Westerners, the Chinese all don the same garb, possess similar features, and bear identical.statures (Lee 43). One BOP author attributes this "sameness" to the fact that they wore the same clothes, have "the same malign and yellow features, the spiky, uncut finger-nails, the pigtail curled up on the crown" (Popham 283). It is even difficult "to determine the age of a Chinaman from his personal appearance" (Greene 390). BOP authors usually start their descriptions of the Chinese by focusing on the eyes. Alexander Macdonald is the only author who meets "almond-eyed Celestials" in Malay (330); the other authors describe Chinese men as having narrow eyes. As mentioned above, the Victorians equated physical traits with certain ethical qualities. Therefore, 5  narrow eyes are thought to be natural indicators of the Chinese people's cunning personalities. For example, Chin-loo, the sampan man, has a "round placid face and a 6  pair of narrow, cunning eyes" (Pearson, "Treasure" 265). Dawtrey's villain stares at the protagonist with "narrow oblique eyes" and a look of "indescribable cunning" ("Vengeance" 37). Chao, the fraud doctor, has "wicked wrinkled eyes... and a face  Chen 58  exceedingly grave in order the better to hide its cunning . .." (Colbeck, "Wang" 631). Ah ling, a pirate, is "a sleek, round-faced Chinaman. He [has] very small eyes . . ." (Cox 632). Tibetan men's "slits of piercing eyes" betray their cunning and treacherous nature (SuartRobson, "Traveller" 362). Authors are also fond of using animal-like features in their descriptions in order to dehumanize the Chinese. For example, Ding-dong, a Chinese boy who provides 7  entertainment for the British naval officers, is described as having "a happy twinkle about the small eyelids, beneath which came a nose somewhat like that of a flattened pug, a complexion of shiny yellow, and a mouth always on the grin" (Popham 285). Quon Main, the evil opium smuggler, has a pug nose, which is described as "a flat nose of the true Mongolian type" (Kendall 37). Wang-lo, the evil leader of a secret society, has "pig's 8  eyes, and a pendent pigtail" (Russan and Boyle 402). The authors also equate "Celestials" with monkeys, which reflects the dominant ideology of social Darwinism. By comparing them to monkeys, authors suggest that the Chinese have not fully evolved and thus remain on a lower stage of evolution. For example, a P. O. Officer looks at "the sallow-faced Celestials" on board with contempt, comparing them to monkeys in the zoo (311). In another story, Ah ling, a Chinese villain, is called a "yellow-faced monkey" (Cox 650). Elsewhere, Ozanne likens the Chinese to "a pack of pariah dogs in an Arab village..." (43). As James Bryce points out, "physical repulsion exists only where there is a marked difference in physical aspect, and especially colour" (qtd. in Bolt 214). Because in the BOP, illustrations of the .Chinese are all presented in black and white, the authors must rely on written descriptions to stress the "yellowness" of the Chinese people's skin. In Adams's story, the Chinese coolies' "yellow faces and sleek, well-greased pigtails," gives  Chen 59  "them a weird look" (734). Ah Lung, a faithful servant, usually wears an "impassive yellow mask" (Hyatt 322). Ozanne describes "the yellow-faced natives" as shouting with "defiance and hatred" (43). An American marine imagines emperors of the Ming Dynasty in the Hot Springs "boil[ing] the garlic through their yellow hides" (779). The physical appearances of Chinese boys are described as different depending on whether they live in the North or South. Those from the tropical south are "generally of a slender figure, with tawny, yellowish complexions, and short in height" (Mossman 83). Although boys living north of Shanghai are "robust, frequently having red cheeks and whitish skins, and being tall as English or Scotch boys," they "all have black eyes and coarse black hair, typical features of the race" (Mossman 83). Perhaps because the climate of northern China is more similar to that of England, the author believes that Chinese boys of the North resemble British boys. Older Chinese men are portrayed as obese. For example, Yen Lung is a sixty-year-old whose "appearance was now spoiled by the fat which every Chinese gentleman thinks it indispensable to his personal dignity to cultivate? (Dawtrey, "Vengeance" 37). In this description, the author finds it absurd that Chinese gentlemen consider weight as proof of personal dignity and ridicules them for "cultivating" the fat. BOP authors do not address issues of gender in their stories. Whereas writers of travel narratives directed at adult audiences discuss the differences between Chinese men and Western men, employing the stereotype of the Chinese man as effeminate (see Thurin), such criteria are avoided in the BOP. BOP authors usually attach stock-epithets 9  such as "almond-eyed and black-haired" to their descriptions of Chinese women (Dawtrey, "Wild" 34). A Chinese woman may be "pleasant-looking," but the writers are careful to say that in "our Western eyes," a Chinese woman is never "beautiful." On the  Chen 60  surface, authors appear to praise the women, but by adding qualifying phrases such as "for a one of her race," they emphasize that the Chinese will never measure up to the British. For example, Nelly, the Chinese girl who saves Tom Hastings, "though fine and 10  buxom for one of her nationality," cannot be considered beautiful (Low 123). Li-Dah, another supporting character, is "unlike the Malay maidens, whose attire is often dirty." Whereas the Malay girls stain their teeth black, her teeth are "pearly white." While they make their lips and chins "brick-red" with penang juice, Li-Dah does not. Despite these nice features, "beautiful the Chinese maiden was not, as we understand the term—each race has its own standard—her face was too broad and too flat, her eyes too small and oblique. But she was decidedly good-looking, and very pleasing in her rich dress" (Russan and Boyle 403). Li-Dah, like other Chinese women, is not treated as an individual human being, but as an objet d'art. According to Russan and Doyle, even the Chinese men, described as "tyrants," regard their wives as objects on display: the Celestial loves to see his wife in rich attire, in fact, insists upon it whenever he can afford it. Her mission is to look as much like a butterfly as possible . . . She dresses her hair... When her lord comes home, he expects her to chat and look pleasant... (Russan and Boyle 485) Because of the increasing number of nineteenth-century women travelers who published their stories about China, the British became more aware of the issue of footbinding. The Girl's Own Paper includes many reports on the endeavors of women such as Mrs. i  Archibald Little and her anti-footbinding society, but the BOP does not mention this topic. Perhaps the editors felt that their male audience would not be interested in the subject. In order to justify their interference in Chinese affairs, the British needed to present the country as being disorderly, confused, and "up-side-down," in need of being turned  Chen 61  back to their normal side by the upright British. China is seen as an inversion of the natural or proper order, with everything in all the wrong places or positions. To emphasize that China is completely opposite of Britain, BOP authors often describe the country as the epitome of "topsy-turvy-ness": When John Chinaman is in trouble he dresses in white; when in perplexity he scratches his feet. Not his head but his stomach is regarded as the seat of his understanding. If you take off your hat to him you insult him, and you do him an honour by placing him on your left hand, not your right. (Mackay 166)" Besides being known as the land of "topsy-turvy-ness" and "the land of the willowpattern plate and bird's nest soup" (Gibney 45), China is also called "the land of pigtails" (T. C. H., "Fishing" 821; Patterson 817; Hyatt 504). Many travel writers saw the pigtail as "a fatal attachment to custom and the rejection of progress" (Thurin 116). BOP authors often treat pigtails as objects of ridicule. The pigtail does not merely function as a distinguishing feature of the Chinese; it is also constantly deployed to provide amusement for the readers. For example, Patterson comments that although the different dialectspeaking Chinese may not be able to communicate with each other through language, one form of communication appeals to all—pulling their opponent's pigtails as a sign of contempt (311). British sailors cannot resist "a sly tug at the tempting pigtail," and often pull the Chinese men's pigtails for fun (Popham 283). In England, boys fight by hitting the opponent's chest or punching the eye, but in China, boys chose to pull each other's pigtails until "the enemy knuckles under" (Fox 701). Thinking that readers would wonder if the Chinese boy's pigtail gets in his way while playing sports, Fox explains that a boy "would wind his pigtail round his head to get it out of the way, much as a Bluecoat boy does with his skirts in a similar fashion" (701). Descriptions of the Tibetans' long hair, 12  Chen 62  which is braided into pigtails and "ornamented with pieces of red cloth, circles of ivory, and silver coins" heighten the images of exoticism (Suart-Robson, "Traveller" 362). The most disrespectful comment about Chinese pigtails comes from Patterson, who jokes that the Chinese man "grow[s] his head and tail in the same place" (818).  13  The authors are fond of commenting on the "usefulness" of pigtails and the Chinese attachment to them. Captain Gill is astounded to witness Chinese coolies pulling Shanghai man-carts with their pigtails. Kite-loving Chinese attach kites to their pigtails so that their hands are free to do other work. The Chinese are so attached to their "carefully twisted" pigtails that losing them "is the greatest disgrace a Chinaman can suffer" (Mackay 165). T. C. H. even comments that the Chinese regard losing their pigtails as "an insult. . . worse than death itself ("Punishments" 78). When a British sailor cuts off a Chinese man's pigtail which has been entangled in the wheel of a vehicle, he not only does not receive thanks for saving the man's life, he is blamed for ruining his precious hair (vol. 7: 151). The author cannot comprehend why the Chinese value their queues so much, because the pigtail was originally a symbol of servitude inflicted on the Chinese by the Mandarins. These authors do not acknowledge the fact that the Chinese people believe in the teachings of the Classic of Filial Piety (Xiao-jing ^ M ) , which states that "Our bodies—to every hair and bit of skin—are received by us from our parents, and we must not presume to injure or wound them. This is the beginning of filial piety (Ji-flilJpf ' ^ £ 5 £ S ' ^ I £ ! x i § ' # £ # p t i 2 ) (Sacred Books 465). Because of this belief, the Chinese feared losing their pigtails. In the eyes of BOP authors, China is the dirtiest place on earth. This attitude reflects the Victorians' obsession with the "cult of cleanliness" (McClintock 207-231). As this cult swept through England, sanitation and personal hygiene "became hallmarks of a  Chen 63  civilized society" (Thurin 190). Societies that did not prioritize the importance of cleanliness were seen as inferior. Nineteenth-century advertisements for Pears' soap reveal much about the British fear of dirt and disease and their preoccupation with hygiene, purity, and cleanliness. The summer and Christmas numbers of the BOP always included Pears' soap advertisements. Missionaries who write about Chinese boys are appalled to find that they do not engage in the daily rituals of bathing. Balfour begins his discussion of the Chinese people by stating that "they are not very clean to begin with" (59). The sight of dirty coolies increases a P. O. Officer's disgust with the Chinese, whom he describes as a "loathsome set of human beings" (311). Even the Buddhist priests are filthy: one character witnesses "a number of fat, dirty priests, with heads close shaven, prostrating themselves..." (Cox 649). When Balfour describes the citizens of Peking, he first points out a bespectacled man of letters that is "filthy and neglected." Nearby, the Buddhist monks in yellow robes are "quite as dirty as the scholar... not learned as he is..." (Balfour 60).  14  Closely related to the Victorians' fear of dirt is the taboo topic of body odour. The ultimate characteristic that sets the Chinese apart from the British is their repulsive smell. One BOP author cannot bear the "invariable. . .odour so peculiar to the race [Chinese]" (Popham 283). Another author claims that "owing to their thickness. . .Chinese smells are incapable of being analysed." As Yokoyama points out, Victorian travelers often described China as "foul and fusty" or "strong-smelling" (52).  15  Personality Traits In the 1842 edition of Encyclopedia Britannica, a "Chinaman" is described as cold, cunning and distrustful; always ready to take advantage of those he has to deal with; extremely covetous and deceitful; quarrelsome, vindictive, but  Chen 64  timid and dastardly. A Chinaman in office is a strange compound of insolence and meanness. All ranks and conditions have a total disregard for truth" (qtd. in Miller 83).  16  The Chinese, reputed to be masters of secrecy and deceit, are frequently cast as the evil enemy in invasion stories. Castle observes that the character who covets world domination is usually oriental (148; see Lee). "Cunning" and "crafty" are the two adjectives that are most often used to describe the Chinese in the BOP (see Cox 632; Pearson, "Terrible" 295; Pearson, "Treasure" 265; Dawtrey, "Vengeance" 37). Even their method of snaring ducks can be used to prove the Chinamen's "ingenuity and wiliness" which "form a staple part" of their character (T. C. H., "Strange" 766). Somerville Gibney believes the Chinese are "guilsome [sic] people" by nature, a fact that recent events have "proved up to the hilt," but he does not explain what recent events he is referring to (45). Because guile is believed to be inherent in the Chinese national character, the Chinese have "provided the Western world" with puzzles such as Chinese rings, puzzles, boxes, and fireworks. However, he suspects that not all of them are "veritable productions," because China "may be only credited to be the nation by inventors in search of taking a title" (Gibney 45). However, the Chinese Bars (which can be used in performing magic tricks) that he teaches readers to make is "a true production of China, for the model from which I copied my specimen was purchased in China Town, San Francisco California" (Gibney 45). Needless to say, he does not question whether the things sold in Chinatown are genuine products of China. In the early nineteenth century, John Barrow published his Travels in China (1804), in which he describes the Chinese laws as being so cruel that they " 'exclude and obliterate every notion of the dignity of human nature'" (qtd. in Mackerras 41). BOP  Chen 65  authors in the late nineteenth century continue to endorse his views in their articles. Mackay's assessment of the Chinese reflects the stereotypical notion of Chinese cruelty: "The brutality of John Chinaman to his fellow man is renowned. No nation on the face of God's earth, with any pretence to civilization has ever arrived at the grades of torture to which the Chinaman has for centuries been accustomed" (166). Before the narrators and 17  protagonists of the stories even come into contact with the Chinese, they have heard many stories about the terrible tortures inflicted on innocent people. According to Low, "the cruelty to their captives... always distinguishes the Chinese..." (122). Most of the characters remember stories of the "fiendish tortures" that "the Chinese practise upon their prisoners" (Ozanne 43; Ajax 57). For example, Tom Vaughan is told that "Lychee— or cutting in ten thousand pieces—was the fate meted out by the Mandarin commanders to all spies captured . . . " (Dawtrey, "Vengeance" 39). Such stories date back to the sixteenth century, when Galeotto Perera, a Spaniard, recorded the tortures that Chinese people inflicted on their prisoners. Although terrible punishments were also a common feature in European culture during his time and even continued until the nineteenth century, readers are later "informed that torture was a Chinese specialty, and it was proof of the intrinsic Chinese cowardice and cruelty" (Hsia 8). Whoever falls into the hands of a Chinese, Hyatt warns, will not "die a merciful death'" (504). T. C. H, who writes about peculiar punishments in China, remarks that "the Chinese are adepts in the art of cruelty, and the methods adopted by them of maltreating the poor human body as punishments for real or fancied offences are legion" (251). Mainton, the protagonist of "Fallen Among Celestials. A Very Strange Story," witnesses his wife being burned to death by inexorable Chinese who accuse him of something he did not do. The innocence of a suspect is not "of much consequence in such matters in the  Chen 66  Flowery Land." As Mackay puts it, "their criminals when tried never plead 'guilty,' but are always put up to the torture till they do confess" (166). Convicts are forced to march the streets bearing a cangue (a broad heavy wooden frame worn round the neck). Not allowed to eat, drink, or speak, they faint under the burden of the heavy wooden frame and almost perish from hunger. T. C. H. also describes another extreme form of cruelty, in which "the victim is suspended by his pigtail from the top of a strong bamboo cage, his torture being increased by the fact of his toes being just permitted to touch the ground, but without affording him any support" ("Punishments" 251). Dawtrey reminds readers that in China, thieves are often sentenced to death, and people do not look on the deed as "a civilised man would, as a murder" ("Wild" 32). In addition to being notorious for their cruelty, the Chinese are noted to be superstitious people who are easily duped. Everywhere in China, one can see pagodas, which are "monuments of the Buddhistic and Taoistic superstition that [have] permeated the whole national life of the Chinese, making the people a prey to the greed and trickery of the necromancer and the geomancer" (Manderson 827). In order to appease the gods of wind and water, the Chinese people erect pagodas "to keep the wind from becoming too strong and destroying their crops, or to prevent the river from rising above its banks" (Pontin, "Pirates" 739). Failing to acknowledge their own elaborate Victorian funeral customs, authors describe the Chinese as excessively sensitive about the topic of death. The White Cloud 18  Mountain in Canton is considered "the Chinese holy of holies, whither the dead bodies are sent from all parts of the world. Frequently fifteen hundred corpses will arrive there in one day. The steamboat company charges forty dollars for the passage of a live Chinaman, and one hundred and sixty dollars for a dead one" (vol. 7: 480). Deceased relatives and  Chen 67  friends must be buried on steep hillsides so that they may be able to "rest unmolested by evil spirits" (Pontin, "Pirates" 739). Friends must prepare a small silver coin to put inside the deceased person's mouth as "passage money" (Popham 285). A child must be taught to "revere the ancestral tablets, and to burn incense to the spirits of his forefathers" and go to a temple to "burn his paper money, and offer his joss-sticks, and solicit the old priest's intercession" (Colbeck, "Wang" 631). The Chinaman dreads being beheaded, because he is afraid of "appearing in the next world without his head" (T. C. H., "Punishments" 251). In the Chinese world-view, humans are surrounded by evil spirits. Two boys who sneak onto an old war junk to "take back" a British ensign are amused when the superstitious Wang Lo tells them (in typical broken English) that '"Too much evil spirit on board the old piecee war-junk . . . . Last night the watchman hear strange noise in cabin, He makee look see, and tellible demon come up thlough deck. Watchman he blave man, makee fight long time with demon; but demon too stlong, thlow him ovahboard. All tings vanish out of.cabin'" (Pearson, "Strange" 24). When a boy is born, the fearful Chinese parents give him an ill-sounding "milk name" in order to keep the evil gods away. In the same vein, "the Mongol is superstitious and never calls the wolf a 'wolf; 'he calls him a 'dog'" (vol. 6: 526). BOP authors, convinced of the power of science to explain all phenomena, deplore the failure of the superstitious Chinese to believe the Jesuits' explanation for the cause of the eclipse. When the Chinese see an eclipse, they still gather in the streets, sound their gongs, and beat their drums to "frighten away the dragon" and "save the sun and moon from being devoured" (Smith 267). To add to the foolishness, the Chinese "have chosen the dragon swallowing the sun as their national emblem, and have it stamped on their stamps, painted on their office walls, and blazoned on their flags" (Smith 267). The  Chen 68  authors find it ludicrous that the Chinese allow superstitions to dictate their lives. In addition to criticizing the Chinese for their superstitions, the authors frequently condemn their insatiable greed. In "A Day with the Snipe in North China," Lieut. Tenison comments on the Chinese peasants' attachment to money. When he accidentally hits two Chinese on a hunting trip, they howl and roar at the top of their lungs, but upon receiving twopence-halfpenny as compensation, they immediately quiet down and look content. In David Ker's opinion, there are only two types of Chinese: robbers and cowards. Many authors believe that these negative qualities are innate: "By nature he [the Chinaman] is indolent, an arrant liar, and an inveterate thief (Mackay 165). Stradling, a medical doctor, relies on scientific rhetoric to support his view that the Chinese are "such.. .inveterate, incurable pilferer[s], that I have sometimes thought that theirs must be genuine kleptomania, a passion for misappropriation which amounts to a form of insanity" ("Chinaman" 34). He supports his view by giving some examples of their dishonesty. In Guiana, Chinese coolies steal silver from the whitemen who ask them to make jewelry out of it. When accused, they plead their innocence "with shrill volubility and an aspect of injured earnestness in the widely dilated eyes" (Stradling, "Chinaman" 35). Stradling provides many other examples and concludes with the old saying that a "Chinaman will make a fortune out of what you consign to the dust-bin" ("Chinaman" 35). Even when the narrator is a straw hat, not a person, the writer does miss the opportunity to speak ill of the Chinese: ".. . the 'heathen Chinee' packs up the bundles with the best plaits outside, like some people pack strawberries. 'But,' said my manufacturer with a laugh, 'we are up to John Chinaman's little tricks now, and we buy on the inside ... so the trick does John Chinaman no good'" (Holmes 15). Because the Victorians had so much faith in science, BOP authors evaluated foreign  Chen 69  countries by their relationship to this branch of knowledge. Gordon Stables, one of the BOP's favorite authors, observes that "the Chinese are far behind us in the arts and 19  sciences" (675). However, most BOP authors admitted that, centuries ago, the Chinese may have been geniuses at inventing useful machines and tools, but because they were forced to rigid conformity, they had declined into "a degenerate state, which left them with the intelligence to conquer science but with a concern about how they might use this power" (Castle 155-56). One writer is skeptical about the claims that the Chinese make 20  about their science and technology: "Chinese are fond of claiming their [ancestors'] prior knowledge of Western science, as instanced by the fact of their taking credit for the invention of gunpowder, discovery of the mariner's compass and the art of printing" (Kopsch 170). Some authors dismissed the significance of these inventions, claiming that the Chinese did not understand the "scientific rationale" behind their own innovations. Writers supported this argument by pointing out that instead of using gunpowder for guns, the Chinese merely used it for firecrackers. Others thought that the Chinese accidentally stumbled upon these inventions, and that these therefore do not qualify as true discoveries. W. W. Wood, author of Sketches of China, even believed that these inventions were imported from the West and "predated to satisfy the needs of Chinese vanity" (Miller 34). BOP authors criticize everything that is unscientific about China. Chinese classics such as the "Thousand Character Poem" are disparaged for being of little scientific value (Balfour 141). Chinese philosophers who read these books cannot compare with Western scholars because they are "ignorant of science and [think] the earth is square and heaven is round..." (Balfour 142). However, Balfour is optimistic that the Chinese will soon improve because "the Empress-Mother has decreed the mathematics shall form one of the subjects at the public examinations, and there are hundreds of scientific books now in  Chen 70  course of translation..." (142). The Africans, on the other hand, seem to be beyond hope, because the "typical negro" has a brain that "weighs 35 as against 45 (of Caucasian)," and "there is no growth in intelligence once manhood is reached" (vol. 7: 351). The measuring of the African brain is exemplary of the Victorian frenzy for phrenology (see Ryan 147). Whereas evil Chinese villains are portrayed as "cunning" and "crafty," the other Chinese are described as stupid, clumsy, and lazy. Hertz, the orchid-gathering German, whom the BOP authors stereotypically characterize as speaking with a strong accent, comments that the Chinese are "as stupid as pigs," and are "wanting in brain-vision. He ish short-sighted—you oondershtand? He gannot lok into de future beyond a certain point..." (Russan and Boyle 551). In choosing to use a German character to criticize the Chinese, the authors try to prove that Britons are not the only people who believe that the Chinese are dim-witted. Russan and Boyle also use the opportunity to mock German accents. When an American marine tries to communicate with Chinese villagers, they merely "[shake] their heads and [look] stupid" (779). Bunbury is a bit more polite, but also insinuates that the Chinese are lazy when he says that "The Chinaman has an infinite capacity for sleep, and his idea of a holiday is to sit in the house, or, better still, to go to bed" (727). The Chinese are slow: "No Chinaman, especially a mandarin, can be hurried up" (vol. 19: 488). According to Russan and Boyle, "no being upon two legs is more clumsy than a Chinaman" (698). The opium smuggler in "The Cruise of the 'Manzanita'," eager to help light up the cabin when the stock arrives, "held it so clumsily as to be of little service..." (Kendall 501). Hertz, always ready to criticize the Chinese, concludes that the Chinese are certainly "de greatest blunderers on eart..." (Russan and Boyle 552). BOP authors often employ the rhetorical mode of what David Spurr terms  Chen 71  "Insubstantialization" (142). In their view, everything in China is insubstantial, mysterious, unpredictable, and out of focus. Most Westerners find it hard to discern the body language of the Chinese and therefore describe them as calm, expressionless, and inscrutable (see Thurin 126; Castle). According to Russan and Boyle, "The Chinaman is an adept at concealing his feelings; his heavy, impassive features aid him" (471). Quon Main, an opium smuggler, remains unruffled in the midst of conflict, his "yellow face was as calm and expressionless as ever" (Kendall 516). Quon Main and his friend seemed "totally unmoved...and presented the same expressionless Oriental countenances, without a trace of.excitement or perturbation" (Kendall 516). Chin-loo, who tricks a group of boys to dig up a treasure for him, "wore the same placid, inscrutable look that never seemed to change, whatever happened. There was not the slightest trace of excitement..." (Pearson, "Treasure" 266). Wang-lo is "a big, burly Celestial, clad in ... a jacket that revealed a vast expanse of naked yellow chest; with heavy, impassive, pockmarked features—no index whatever of his character" (Russan and Boyle 402). A nameless Chinese, who observes two other Chinese being hit by bullets, is "entirely unmoved" and has a "detached air of the most profound indifference" (Tenison 411). Balfour, one of the characters in "Chinese Vengeance," becomes very agitated and hot-tempered when talking to Yen, an evil Chinese, who remains calm throughout their conversation. Sometimes, however, even the Chinese are not able to contain their excitement, as one of Hyatt's characters observes: "As he spoke of it, the Chinaman's voice shook with excitement. All his oriental calm seemed to leave him" (413). The Chinese spend their time and money on things that seem worthless to the BOP authors. In "Some Wonderful Carvings," P. H. Johnson comments that while Indian art pieces are "distinguished not only but minuteness of detail, but also by artistic beauty,"  Chen 72  Chinese carvings "seem merely to strive after complication of workmanship" (676). Instead of praising the Chinese people for "carving patterns so minute to be scarcely visible and yet perfect in every detail," Johnson implies that it is wasteful to devote so much time to carving elaborate artwork: Unsatisfied . . . the Chinese workman seems to have sighed for still more intricate tasks, and a fulfillment of his longings was certainly obtained by the Chinaman who first conceived and successfully carried out the idea of carving a solid sphere of ivory into two, three, or more concentric spheres, without dividing the outermost one. (676, 678) Similarly self-indulgent is the palate of the Chinese. In "A 'Beche-de-mer'-ing Incident" (vol. 30), John Gaggin comments on the extravagant prices of some types of fish that the Chinese consider "very invigorating and sustaining food" (24). Trepang soup, a Chinese delicacy, is an essential part of every feast. Gaggin has heard of "eight shillings a pint being charged for the soup . . . but the rich 'Johns,' as we call the Chinese in the colonies pay on demand. The fish is worth in China from 501 to 2001 the ton..." (24). From his tone, readers can infer that Gaggin thinks it is decadent to pay such exorbitant prices for the fish. The Chinese are seen as people who are unduly proud of their civilization and unwilling to accept other cultures. Smith blames the Chinese officials for their "arrogant pride," arguing that because of their insolence, they refuse to "submit and demean themselves to have intercourse with foreigners, whom they call 'barbarians'" (268). He also criticizes the selfish officials for "indoctrinating] the people with the idea that China is practically the only civilised nation, and that outside countries are permitted to exist on condition they pay yearly tribute to China!" (Smith 268).  Chen 73  The Chinese Language Westerners often attributed the complexity of the Chinese language to the developmental stagnation of China, seeing it as a hindrance to their progress. Frank Goodnow, an American expert on constitutional law, believed that "the cumbersomeness of the language actually retarded the Chinese mind" (Ch'en 46). Miller argues that missionaries used their knowledge of the Chinese language to give examples of the perversity of the Chinese mentality (70). Reverend Doolittle was so frustrated with the language that he suggested that the devil invented it " 'to prevent the prevalence of Christianity in a country where he has so many zealous and able subjects'" (qtd. in Miller 70). BOP authors are not as extreme as Doolittle is, but they stress the differences ) between English and Chinese and illustrate how Chinese tones hinder rather than further communication. Many authors provide anecdotes to illustrate the many misunderstandings that can occur with the different tones. Mackay recounts events that took place at the British embassy at Hong-Kong, where the interpreter for English refused to translate what he believed was an offensive remark. He thought the Chinese called the English "devils," while they actually complimented the English for being "brave men." In another incident, thirsty travelers asked for water but were served hot-boiled dumplings. Balfour gives many examples of the four (or five) different tones for each sound, warning readers that "these tones must be carefully learnt and adhered to, if we are not to make very funny blunders, and find ourselves laughed at instead of understood" (14). The authors see the different Chinese dialects as another vice of the Chinese language because they cause confusion among the Chinese who do not know how to write. Because the country has many different dialects,  Chen 74  a Northern Chinaman may not make himself understood by a Southern Chinaman as long as he endeavours to explain himself by word of mouth; but the instant he writes he is intelligible, for the sign means the same thing to both, although the sound given to it may be as different as Light-hearted Carter is from jolly Waggoner, (vol. 6: 302)  21  Balfour writes that ".. .it is a fact that when Chinamen from different parts of the empire meet together they are sometimes actually forced to converse with each other in pidginEnglish..." (15). The BOP editor also answers questions about the Chinese language. In one reply, he explains that characters do not indicate letters but ideas; and each character is complete with a sound of its own. For instance, there is a symbol standing for nu [tt] which means a woman, and another standing for chau [flr] a broom, and these two combined stand for fu  which means wife, that is the woman who uses the  broom, (vol. 16: 16) BOP correspondence columns provide a few answers to questions about the Chinese language, but Balfour is the only one who allots a section of his article to introducing the Chinese language in detail. He believes that he is the only person who can reveal the truth about Chinese, asserting that what other people have written is wrong. First, he explains that it is a monosyllabic language, which consists of about "50,000 words, 420 sounds, and each word is represented by a single symbol or 'character,' which cannot be divided into letters, for the very cogent reason that Chinese has no alphabet" (Balfour 14). He concludes his section on language by commenting, "Truly the Chinese are a wonderful race, and in no instance is their topsy-turvyness more strangely apparent than in their  Chen 75  language" (Balfour 15). Pidgin English In all of the BOP stories, the Chinese who were not educated at the mission schools are portrayed as not being capable of speaking anything other than Pidgin English, which Low describes as "an indescribable kind of jargon, by means of which intercourse is carried on between the natives in the coast towns and foreigners—or rather our countrymen, for to any other nationality 'pidgeon' [sic] would be as unintelligible as Sanscrit" (122). When imitating the Pidgin English of the Chinese to create a comic effect, the authors adhere to the pattern of exchanging the 'r's for 'l's. John Lin's speech is a typical example of how the Chinese speak: '"we just Hive Canton, massa,' he said. 'You and Mass Jelly dless and havem bleckfast while I go gettum chails'" (Pontin, "Pirates" 722). Even Jose, a Chinese man who has spent many years in Goa (where he "had picked up the Portuguese title") cannot correct the "tendency of his race to turn the r into /" (vol. 16: 619). "Damning with Faint Praise" Despite the long list of vices, some authors manage to find one or two positive attributes among the Chinese, but they usually qualify their praise by adding negative afterthoughts. For example, the Chinese are "wonderful runners," but the Turehumari Indians of Mexico are "more than a match for them, because what the Chinese coolie does for duty the Indian does for sport" (vol. 32: 463). If the character is one of the faithful servants, they are often described as having "a pleasant face," but considered "good-looking" only compared to other "Chinamen" (Russan and Boyle 370). One BOP 22  contributor admits that the Chinese have "plenty of brain power," but blames their system of education, "which is so faulty," for the country's stagnation (Smith 267-68). Smith  Chen 76  laments the fact that the "good brains" are undeveloped: "Apart from the influence which foreigners have brought to bear upon some of the scholars of China in the last century, the Chinese are what we should call uneducated" (267). In addition to having "brain power," the Chinese are known to be hardworking people. Ch'en makes a similar observation, pointing out that nearly "all Western writers... acclaimed Chinese industriousness" (47). In the BOP, Dawtrey comments that "a Chinese coolie seldom leaves his labour till too dark to see longer, and the eight hour movement hasn't yet got foothold in the Celestial empire" ("Wild" 34). Rev. Hardy explains that Chinese boys do not have as much time 23  for play as British boys do because they are given more work: "with literally a premature air of gravity about them, they totter along with burdens too heavy for them, the very youngest gathering fuel and collecting manure" (100). The boys must labour over their books, spending days and months to prepare for the government official exam. Essaywriting is a crucial part of the exam. One author complains that these essays are written "in such high-flown, stilted language, that it may be said the only object seems to be to represent ideas and thoughts, which are in themselves not particularly deep, in the most difficult way" (Smith 268). Smith condemns this type of writing, encouraging the Chinese to emulate the precision and clarity of the English language, where ideas are expressed, not concealed. Although the authors acknowledge the diligence of Chinese scholars, they are still branded as ignorant, because they are not familiar with Shakespeare, Milton, or Newton, and do not learn practical subjects such as geography or mathematics. Moreover, they think "the earth is square and heaven is round" (Balfour 142; Smith 268). The Chinese are not even aware that China is much closer to England than to the moon. Among the authors, Dr. Gordon Stables is the only one who admits that the portrayal of China in British textbooks is inaccurate. His characters travel to China for  Chen 77  two months and "banish" their previous impressions of China: They found that the real Chinese are not so puny nor so easily knocked out as they had imagined; that there are some splendid fellows in the country; that instead of being silly they are calm, dignified, even noble-looking, and that, contrary to British belief, they positively have a reason for all they do, and some sense in all they say; and that their dress, which looks awkward and baggy to us, is rather fetching when you get used to it, that the men are not always running about with their queer hats on their heads, and big, ugly knives like scythe-blades, in search of foreign devils to slay! On the contrary, that they are mostly good-natured, easy-minded, and pleasant; that many of the children are sweetly pretty; that the maidens are merry and bonnie, and as fond of a bit of fun as an English girl, and that the women are matronly and extremely fond of their offspring. They found the men industrious, too, in an easy-going, celestial kind of way, and the tradespeople not half such big rogues as represented. (Stables 675) In this passage, Stables replaces one stereotype with another. Although he is trying to present a more positive description of the Chinese, he reiterates negative stereotypes ("puny," "silly," "awkward clothes," "ugly knives," "rogues"). He only admits that the Chinese are "mostly" good-natured and "industrious" "in a celestial kind of way," which suggests that they do not measure up to British standards. According to Cox, Dr. Stables was one of the most popular authors of the BOP, highly revered for his knowledge and wisdom. The correspondence columns often contain letters from readers who thanked him, praised him, and sought his advice. His regular column in the BOP, "Doings for the Month," listed many activities for readers to engage in. Therefore, his views may well  Chen 78  have carried more clout than those of some of the other authors. However, as this passage is only one small part of Stables's long adventure story, readers may have skimmed over it to get to the exciting action sequences. Considering the numerous other articles that perpetuated the negative aspects of the Chinese people, readers probably did not greatly change their ideas after reading Stables's story. As Mackerras puts it, when Europeans describe the Chinese, "the list of virtues is quite short, of vices long . . . even the virtues tend to dwindle into weaknesses, for it seems that after all this is a people which does not change, even over centuries" (56).  Chen 79  Notes See Raymond Dawson for a comprehensive analysis of European conceptions of China and the Chinese throughout the centuries. Also see Hsia for essays on the British vision of China in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. However, traces of the Chinoiserie craze can be found in the BOP. The editor concocts a story in a correspondence column in vol. 5 in response to a question about the story of the willow plate, which is probably a family possession. This is the Editor's answer: "Willow Plate—The mandarin had a daughter, who fell in love with his secretary, who lived on the island at the top of the plate. The father overheard them whispering under the orange-tree, and forbade their marriage. The lovers eloped and hid in the gardener's cottage and then escaped in a boat to the island. The mandarin pursued them, and would have flogged them to death, when lo! They were transformed into the pair of turtle-doves you see in the sky. The mandarin with his whip, and the secretary and his bride, with the distaff, are on the bridge, the two-storey house is the mandarin's, inside the fence there is an orange-tree, also peach tree. The willow is at the end of the bridge, the gardener's cottage has the worse garden around it" (vol. 5: 336). According to the Oxford English Dictionary, "Celestial" was first used in the 1820s to refer to the Chinese, because the "Celestial Empire" is a translation of one of the native names for China. In 1854, "Chinaman" was first used to refer to a native of China by Ralph Waldo Emerson in the following quotation: "The disgust of California has not been able to drive nor kick the Chinaman back to the home." "Chinky" (Chinkie, Chink) was first used in 1879 by W. J. Barry in Up & Down: "When we arrived, the first Chinese war with Britain had broken out, and there was every appearance of plenty of fun to be shortly had with the Chinkies." David Ker (1842-1914) was a frequent contributor to the BOP. He was a correspondent for the New York Times and war correspondent for the Daily Telegraph. The Victorians firmly believed in phrenology, a "scientific" theory that proposed to measure the shape of a person's skull to discover the nature of a person's character. They also relied on physiognomy, "the reading of'character' in physical features (particularly of the face)" to make judgements on the morality of foreign people (Ryan 147). Captain William Gill expresses this view in the second volume of The River of Golden Sand: "To judge of a Chinaman's character, we must look with the eyes of a Chinaman. . ." (40). Popham explains that the Chinese boy "went by the name of Ding-dong owing to his having announced that he could speak French (ding-dong being foc'sle French for 'dites done')" (285). According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the word "celestial" can also be "Jocularly applied to a 'pug' nose, which turns up at the tip." See Lane for detailed discussion. Tom Hastings did not bother to ask her name, so he named her Nelly. Although similar reversals are found in Europe, the authors conveniently overlook this fact. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, a blue-coat boy is "A scholar of a charity school wearing the almoner's blue coat. Of these schools there are many in England; the most noted being Christ's Hospital in London, whose uniform is a long dark blue gown fastened at the waist with a belt, and bright yellow stockings." Also see Chapter Six for discussion on the pigtail motif in BOP engravings. Chinese dirtiness was also often compared to the squalor of the London slums (Ryan 1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  9  10 11  12  13  14  Chen 80  166). See Douglas for a detailed analysis of the concepts of pollution and taboo. ' For discussion on other encyclopedia entries on China, see Mackerras 53-56. In Western Images of China, Mackerras observes that during the nineteenth century, Westerners provided graphic descriptions of Chinese torture and evoked the image of the Chinese as being "obtuse-nerved" and "insensible to suffering." The dominant impression of the Chinese at the time was that they did not feel "the same degree of pain" as the Westerners do (55). See Jalland for discussion on death in the Victorian family. Gordon Stables (1840-1910) was a medical doctor who had served with the Royal Navy for ten years. He wrote approximately one hundred adventure stories for children, had regular columns in the BOP, and answered numerous medical inquiries from British readers. See Warner, Best; Cox; Dunae for more information. John Stuart Mill uses the Chinese as an example of the ill effects of conformity in On Liberty. The author fails to make the connection between the diversity of the Chinese dialects and that of the British, and the challenges posed by both. These Chinese servants either sacrifice their lives for their beloved white masters (Wang T'ien Pin), save them from danger (Wo-Sing, Sam Fu, John Lin), or provide amusement (Ding-dong). They are called "boys" regardless of their age. Thurin points out that many travelers felt "compelled to explain why they call their servants '"boy"' (118), but the BOP authors use the word without feeling that they have to explain. Rev. Edward John Hardy (1849-1920), M.A., graduated from Trinity College, Dublin in 1871 and was chaplain to the forces since 1887. He wrote John Chinaman at Home; Sketches of Men, Manners and Things in China (1905) and The Unvarying East, Modern Scenes and Ancient Scriptures (1912). 15  6  17  18  19  20  21  22  23  Chen 81  Chapter Four China in the News: The Taiping Rebellion, Boxer Uprising, Opium, Piracy and The Boy's Own Paper Many nineteenth-century children's periodicals portrayed contemporary events that reflected Britain's political or economic interests in different regions (Castle 151). This chapter focuses on how the BOP portrayed some of the important historical events of nineteenth-century China. First, I discuss depictions of the two massive uprisings that served as catalysts to the demise of the Qing dynasty: the Taiping Rebellion (1850-1864) and the Boxer Uprising (1899-1901). Next, I turn to issues of opium and opium smuggling, which were central concerns for both the Chinese and the British. Piracy in the China Seas, a severe problem that plagued the treaty ports and their vicinities, is the third topic of discussion. In all three sections, I start by providing some historical background before analyzing the relevant works in the BOP. Finally, I briefly examine other reports on recent events in China, such as the introduction of the new postal system and the design of the new Chinese flag. The Taiping Rebellion and Boxer Uprising The late Qing dynasty, characterized by political instability, was marked by two major peasant uprisings which reflected the anger of the disillusioned public: the Taiping Rebellion (1850-64) and the Boxer Uprising (1899-1901). The Boxer Rebellion and other recent events in Chinese history were "all firmly fixed in the British popular imagination" during the late nineteenth century (Bickers 23). In all aspects of British popular culture (children's literature, thrillers, plays, romances), China and the Chinese were present "to such an extent that those pleading for improvements in relations between Chinese and ' Britons routinely joked about the fact" (Bickers 23). Many writers took advantage of the  Chen 82  Boxer and Taiping Rebellions to demonstrate the alleged ignorance, xenophobia, and cruelty of the Chinese people.. The BOP authors were no exception. The notoriety of the rebellions provided ample material for exciting stories featuring British heroes defeating Chinese villains. The Taiping Rebellion (1850-64) started in Guangxi (JUS), an area infested with secret societies, pirates, and opium traffickers, under the leadership of Hong Xiuquan ($£ ^ ^ ) (1814-64), who claimed to be the brother of Jesus Christ. During the 1840s, Chinese peasants suffered from the aftermath of several natural disasters. Severe famines in 1849 and 1850 ignited Hong's decision to establish a "heavenly kingdom of great peace" (Taiping Tien Guo  ^^^S)-  After adopting the title of Tien Wang  (^3£  Heavenly King) in 1851, Hong, gathering a large following (more than 1,000,000), captured Nanking in 1853, claiming it as the capital city of the kingdom. The Rebellion quickly spread and eventually raged in seventeen provinces. In 1860, the Qing government, unable to handle the situation, sought the help of the "Ever-Victorious Army" led by the British General Charles Gordon to quell the Taiping rebels. Four years later, Nanking fell and Hong committed suicide. The BOP on the Taiping Rebellion Not long after his untimely death in Khartoum, General Charles Gordon was eulogized in the BOP. "Chinese Gordon" (vol. 6) focuses on the accomplished life of 1  Charles Gordon (1833-85), who acted as commander of the Imperialist forces during the Taiping Rebellion. Under his rigorous training, the Sunkiang force (3,500-4,000 men) became known as the "Ever Victorious Army." Despite the General's accomplishments, the author exaggerates Gordon's importance in China, claiming that he "rescued the Chinese Empire from extinction . . ." (vol. 6: 487). Because the BOP editors sought to  Chen 83  showcase heroes for their readers to emulate, they exalted Gordon to disproportionate heights. The author comments that China had never had a general "whose actions were dictated by no thought of self-enrichment, and whose word could be relied on . . ." (vol. 6: 487). In order to aid in his canonization, many legends about General Gordon, who was regarded as a Christian martyr and loyal soldier, began circulating after his death. Instead of carrying weapons, Gordon used a bamboo walking cane, which came to be known as his wand of victory. In times of danger, he calmly lit a cigar while giving out orders. Not only did Gordon prove to be a great military man, he displayed his generosity by refusing rewards for helping China against the Taiping rebels. Readers are given the impression that General Gordon succeeds in defeating the Taipings and returning peace to the land without much effort. The BOP's lavish praise of General Gordon reflects how "the powerful Victorian machine of mass communication" constructed Gordon into a popular hero (Reader 50). Because he "asserted British authority over races as diverse as the Chinese and the Arabs, and he asserted it by force of character rather than by material power," biographies of Gordon became popular school prizes. Every teacher wanted his students to admire Gordon's courage, strength, manliness, chivalry, and puritan spirit: qualities that were typical of the adventure story heroes of the time (Reader 50).  A Blasphemy: The Violence and Cruelty of the "So-Called" Christians When news of the Taiping soldiersfirstreached England, the British could not decide whether to support or condemn them. Some believed that the Taipings were real Christians who should be encouraged, while others disagreed, arguing that the conversion of the Chinese was "too fantastic to be true" (Miller 117). BOP authors, writing with the advantage of hindsight, denounce Hong and his followers. For example, Morrison criticizes Hong Xiuquan, the Taiping leader, for assuming the title of "Elder brother (i.e.  Chen  84  of Christ)" and reveals that Hong's "so-called conversion to Christianity showed itself in ruthless rapine and slaughter" (27). At Chin-Kiang, Morrison overhears "the few 2  fugitives who escaped from the awful sack of Soochow by the Tai-Pings [tell] their tales of horror" (27). In "A River of Fire: A Tale of Youthful Folly and Chinese Perfidy" (vol. 16), the narrator recounts a terrible encounter with the devious Taipings in Amoy. Twenty-two year-old Farley, third lieutenant of the clipper Gordon Castle, is waiting at sea when he meets Harry Balfour, who solicits him to help purchase a steamboat to transport ammunition for the Taipings to Penchuia. Naively, Farley accepts. At their prearranged meeting place, the Taipings send an English sailor to examine the weapons. When they are preparing to leave after obtaining the silver, Balfour's wife suddenly arrives to inform them that they are caught in a trap. Yeh, the Taiping leader, hoping to confiscate the money, was planning to betray them to the government officials. Farley and his friends find a way to escape, but in the chaos, one of the Chinese is burned to death. Farley, shocked at the death, regrets taking part in this event, because he feels sorry for the dead man's poor wife mourning the loss of her husband. Farley's story serves as a warning to BOP readers not to jump too eagerly into situations like Farley's without anticipating the results. Effects of the Taiping Rebellion: Images of Ruin and Desolation All of the travel narratives and stories related to the Taiping Rebellion describe how the rebels destroyed the beautiful Chinese landscape. The authors frequently juxtapose the fertility of the unscathed land to the barrenness of the earth after the Taiping soldiers stormed through the provinces. To give readers an idea of the massive destruction caused by the Rebellion, one author quotes an article in the Times, according to which "savage  Chen 85  brigands" had taken hold of "the richest and most fertile districts of China." "Their cruelty and riot" was apparent throughout the silk districts, and "the great historical cities of Hangchow and Soochow were becoming desolate ruins in their possession" (vol. 6: 487). In "A Trip Up the Yang-tze Kiang" (vol. 20), John Morrison confirms that all the places "which had been overrun by the Taiping rebels" invariably became scenes of "ruin and desolation" (27). All the way up to Nanking and beyond, "the same aspect of ruin and desolation prevailed," and "not a living thing, not even a cultivated field, was to be seen" (Morrison 27). Wu-hu, which had been "well occupied and fertile" in the hands of the Imperialists, fell to the same fate when the Taipings raided the city some months later (Morrison 27). As the Taiping rebels marched ahead, they left behind nothing but devastation and dilapidation. The Taiping rebels are portrayed as reckless, impulsive, and uncontrollable people who need civilizing. The narrator of "A Ticklish Trip in a Chinese House-boat" (vol. 19) witnesses similar scenes during the midst of the Taiping Rebellion in 1859-61 (488). Confined to the foreign settlement of Shanghai as the Rebellion rages on, the narrator hears of the destruction at Foochow, "where a city reported to contain nearly two million people was given over to fire and sword and the 'tender mercies' of a set of the most bloodthirsty scoundrels, until in a few days there was hardly a living creature left." To shock readers even more, the author describes the canals as being "choked with dead bodies," and "village after village, and town after town" are "in flames" (vol. 19: 488). Witnessing the mayhem, the Governor of Shanghai could only resort to drastic measures, ordering "bunches of human heads to be hung up in all conspicuous places" in order to strike "terror into the hearts of the Taipings" (vol. 19: 488). Because the narrator cannot bear to look at these "ghastly objects, in all stages of decay," he cannot go out for exercise (vol.  Chen  86  19: 488). When he and his friend feel that they can no longer bear their confinement, they decide to take a trip to the hills in his houseboat. General Gordon has led his "Ever Victorious Army" into the area, so the Taipings dare not be hostile to foreigners for the time being. On their way up the river, they find the cities burned and the surrounding country, (prior to the Rebellion, one of the "finest and most cultivated" areas), "practically a jungle" (vol. 19: 488). The next day they are sickened to find that dead bodies are lying about the ruins of what used to be a pretty village. BOP authors associate the Taiping Rebellion with fire, bloodshed, destruction, desolation, and ruin. Devastated to see the wasteland, they lament the annihilation of beautiful cities. By providing vivid and shocking descriptions of the atrocious deeds of the Taipings, they create animosity in their readers toward the Chinese people. The reports on the Taiping Rebellion are part of 3  the authors' strategy to demonstrate the need for British reign over China. Although the Taiping Rebellion lasted much longer than the Boxer Uprising and had a higher death toll, the BOP places more emphasis on the latter event. Because the Taiping Rebellion erupted twenty years before the BOP was first published, the BOP authors were probably not as interested in writing about it. By contrast, the Boxer Uprising exploded when the BOP was at the height of its publication. Furthermore, the xenophobic Boxers targeted foreigners, and the British missionaries, many of them supported by the Religious Tract Society, suffered terribly from the Boxer attacks during this time. A mysterious aura surrounded the Boxers, whose superstitious strengthening rituals provided BOP authors with a great deal of emotional material to exploit. The Boxer Uprising (1899-1901) After China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese war (1894-95), most Chinese, who had 4  long been weary of foreigners, blamed the Westerners for China's wretched condition,  Chen  87  and a wave of xenophobia spread throughout the country. In 1898 a series of natural calamities, including the flooding of the Yellow River, led the impoverished Chinese to believe that nature was retaliating against interference from aggressive foreigners. The Yi-he-quan, (jl^nip, "Harmonic Heavenly Fisters"), a group who believed that through certain boxing rituals they could be made immune to bullets, first appeared in about 1808. The initial purpose of this Anti-Qing society, called the "Boxers" by Westerners, was to restore the Ming dynasty. In the 1890s, they turned into an anti-foreign group, trying to eradicate all foreigners and Chinese Christians. The Qing government called on the Boxers to support their efforts against the foreigners in June 1900 and gave them a semi-official title, the Yi-he-tuan (fi^nllll, "Righteous and Harmonious Militia"). By 1899 the Boxers were openly attacking and killing foreigners and Chinese Christians in Northern China, especially in Peking. However, they failed to oust the foreigners, and on August 14, 1900, an international troop stopped the rebellion. In 1901, the Qing government signed the Boxer Protocol, in which "China agreed to pay the equivalent of 67 pounds million in reparations over the next forty years and to the punishment of officials deemed guilty of causing the rising, including death sentences" (Dillon 31). T h e BOP on the Boxer U p r i s i n g  Although nineteenth-century British textbooks mentioned the Boxer Rebellion, they did not provide sufficient information for the students to understand the reasons behind the attack on foreigners in China because the authors were convinced that  " 'contempt  and hatred of foreign influence'" was the only explanation needed (Castle 128). Similarly, the BOP authors do not trace the origins of the Boxer Rebellion, but set their stories in the midst of the uprising. These stories are much longer than the works related to the Taiping  Chen 88  Rebellion. Of the stories related to the Boxer Rebellion, two are written by Rev. Alfred Colbeck: "Wang T'ien Pin: The Story of the Boxer Rising" (vol. 24) and "Dodging the Boxers: A True Story of Desperate Days" (vol. 34). The former story takes place in the 5  Shan-si hills and vicinity. One day, Wang T'ien Pin is severely injured by a bull. Mr. Chao, a fraud doctor, informs the Pins that Wang is possessed by an evil spirit. Anxious for his son, Mr. Pin seeks advice from a Buddhist priest, who tells him to go to "a skillful foreign devil in Ping-Yang who has made some marvellous cures—a great physician he is, connected with the preachers of the Jesus doctrine . . ." (Colbeck, "Wang" 632). Mr. Pin is hesitant at first, because he has heard rumors that the foreign doctor's medicine comes from the bones of little boys like Wang, but he is reassured that the doctor is "full of love" and will not charge medical fees. Under Dr. Cyril Deane's care, Wang fully recovers, and has accepted the gospel. He stays in Ping-Yang to learn medicine, and becomes "brothers" with little Cyril Junior. Unfortunately, their peaceful life is disturbed when the Boxers start to destroy nearby Missions. They arrive in Ping-Yang, practice their "strengthening" exercises, and claim to be able to resist weapons. The Boxers have already murdered many native Christians, "wreak[ing] their utmost vengeance upon them [Chinese Christians], because they were known to be in sympathy with the foreign devils, and sharers in their beliefs" (Colbeck, "Wang" 677). Inflamed by anti-foreign propaganda, they are now preparing to attack the missionaries. When a new mandarin arrives, he is reluctant to protect the Deanes. As a result they plan to flee to Hankow. Wang suggests the Buddhist priest's temple as a hideout, but Chao finds them. He prepares to betray them to the bloodthirsty mob that is eagerly waiting to torture the "foreign devils." Dr. and Mrs. Deane are taken down the hill for a spectacular trial. Wang takes Cyril and hides, but he is attacked by Chao's friends,  Chen 89  made prisoner, and questioned by the Boxers. When he firmly refuses to give up the doctrine of Jesus, he is beheaded! Dr. and Mrs. Deane return to fetch their boy and grieve over the loss of Wang, a martyr who stood up for his belief. Colbeck claims that his second story is based on fact. "Dodging the Boxers: A True Story of Desperate Days" focuses on the adventures of eighteen-year-old Li. His father, who had almost been murdered in a conflict over a land dispute, is recovering under the care of Dr. Macinder. Li's father originally befriended the missionary because he wanted help in the prosecution of his interminable lawsuit. He thought that the mandarin would listen to the missionaries, put pressure on the authorities at the yamen, and obtain a speedy settlement. However, the missionaries refused to assist him. Angrily, he severed 6  all ties with them. As a result, Li withdrew from the mission school, because "filial obedience is almost everything to a young Chinaman, especially if he happens to be an only son" (Colbeck, "Dodging" 343). The Boxer Rebellion erupts, and many of Dr. Macinder's patients flee after hearing wild stories—"stories contorted, exaggerated, hideous caricatures of the reality, the counterparts in recital of those fearsome pictures that appeal so forcibly to the Chinese imagination" (Colbeck, "Dodging" 343). The author suggests that instead of rationally analyzing the situation, the Chinese people, prone to sensationalism, choose to dismiss the truth, preferring to let their wild imaginations dictate their actions. Despite the dangerous situation, Li, disguising himself as a peddler, volunteers to carry messages asking for help to the Viceroy at Tientsin. Six days later, he comes face to face with the dreaded Harmonic Heavenly Fisters, most of whom are young men, praticising their strange rituals: "they swayed their bodies violently to and fro, until, in sheer exhaustion, they fell to the ground. Some were hypnotised. Some foamed at the mouth and emitted frightful  Chen 90  groans. Some were the subjects of apparently demoniacal possession" (Colbeck, "Dodging" 359). The descriptions of the Boxers are undoubtedly familiar to readers: these Boxers resemble people who have given their souls to demonic spirits. They act as if possessed by the devil or under the influence of witchcraft. Black magic takes hold of their bodies, and they are unable to control themselves. The Boxers try to recruit Li, asking him to help exterminate the foreign foes and recover the strength and glory of the Middle Kingdom. When he refuses, they guess that he is one of the "Jesu men." They try to cut his throat to see if his eyelids would flutter, but Li succeeds in disclosing nothing. Although Li manages to enter the barred walls of Tientsin, his nine-day ordeal ends in failure when he is told that there are no troops to escort the missionaries. On his way back, the Boxers badger him again and suspiciously search his bag. When he finally returns, Li is devastated to find the city empty, the walls torn down, the hospital destroyed, and buildings burnt to the ground. The narrator suggests that the mandarin may have "connived at the destruction—conveniently close his eyes in order afterwards to 'save his face' if the rising should not be successful and investigations had to be made" (Colbeck, "Dodging" 391). The narrator stereotypically believes that all Chinese are preoccupied with "saving face" and reinforces the western idea that the Chinese would rather watch their countrymen die than to "lose face." Colbeck brands the Chinese as selfish people without moral backbone. Dr. Macinder finally finds Li and treats his wound, telling him that his father has been killed by the Boxers because he did not deny that he was a "Jesu man." On their way toward the dry bed of the Hwang ho (Yellow River), where they hope to be picked up by European or Japanese boats, Li and Dr. Macinder are caught by the Boxers, who proclaim that they are in control of the land and demand Li's life in exchange for the doctor's  Chen 91  freedom. As Li is preparing to surrender, Dr. Macinder, a real boxer in his earlier days, hits the Boxer and saves Li. Colbeck's two stories reflect a similar formula. In both stories, the missionaries are kind medical doctors who mentor the Chinese boys and adopt them into the family. Wang and Li, both brave, devout, and self-sacrificing, are larger-than-life heroes. Although Colbeck describes them as filial sons, they seem to forget their families, choosing to serve the foreigners. In both stories, the Chinese boy sets aside his personal desires and risks everything for his missionary friends. Colbeck portrays the missionaries as innocent victims of the xenophobic Boxers—demon-possessed people who ignorantly believed they could defend themselves against foreign weapons. To illustrate the demonic qualities of the Boxers, Colbeck uses emotive language and repeatedly describes the rituals they use to strengthen themselves. The Boxers are depicted as full of hatred for the foreigners and unable to tolerate anyone who tries to stop them. They cause chaos and commotion, despair and distress. Wishing to kill not only the foreigners, the Boxers also murder Chinese Christians and anyone who sympathizes with the enemies. Crucial to the plots are the Chinese villains (Mr. Chao and Li's father's enemy) who cooperate with the Boxers to avenge their personal resentments. Nowhere in his texts does Colbeck explain why the Boxers have become antagonistic towards the foreigners. In these stories, the Chinese people's lives are considered not as valuable as those of westerners, because the missionaries always survive, while the loyal Chinese die (Wang and Li's father). In the 7  end, the Boxers are not entirely defeated but temporarily pacified. The Boxer Rebellion is also mentioned in "A 'B.O.P.' Talk about China" (vol. 23) by Stanley Smith, "Pindlebury's Pirate" (vol. 25) by Alec G. Pearson, "Jiu-Jitsu: Japanese Physical Training" (vol. 29) by R. Scotland Liddell, and "A Chat about Straw Hats" by F.  Chen 92  M. Holmes (SUMMER 1901). Holmes' narrator, a straw hat, comments that "in June 1900" when "the troubles in China were becoming very serious," the straw prices rose considerably (15). Pindlebury, Pearson's protagonist, intended to join an exploration to Mongolia, but it was canceled because of the Boxer Rebellion. Liddell, who advocates Japanese physical training, focuses on the Japanese involvement in the Rebellion. He claims that "in the Boxer campaign in 1900, ... the Japanese soldiers were so indefatigable that they were fresh and fit long after the other soldiers in the combined forces had tired" (156), Smith's comment on the Boxer Uprising summarizes the attitudes of most BOP authors: there is no doubt that this present 'Boxer' movement, guided and directed by a small clique of Manchus, blind with rage, hatred, prejudice, and ignorance, has its roots in that same arrogance and pride which have, more than any other cause, brought China to its present pitiable condition. (268) The author attributes the troubles in China to the inhabitants' "arrogance" and "pride." Secret Societies Both the Taiping Rebellion and the Boxer Uprising stemmed from secret societies. Although the BOP does not devote whole articles to the topic, secret societies are introduced in "The Orchid Seekers" (vol. 14), when the protagonists find them in Malaya. Ludwig Hertz, a German who is very knowledgeable about the ceremonies of the secret societies (he knows about the Secret Society from his friend Gustav Schlegel, the 8  Chinese interpreter for the Dutch Government, who has been studying the Tien-ti Hue), tells the boys that the Tien-ti Hue (fctfyi^) is similar to the Freemason organization. Among the other societies (such as the Ko Lao) that commit terrible crimes against the British, the Wu-Wei Keaou (White Lily) is the most ruthless. In China, people are  Chen 93  sentenced to death if they are found to be in the Tien-ti Hue. Although many people were caught and beheaded in Canton, secret societies continue to flourish. Wo-Sing, the Chinese servant who was forced to work for the secret societies, agrees with everything Hertz says, confirming that the secret societies are as brutal and horrible as readers imagine them to be, possibly even more so. Opium and China Opium was one of the most sensitive and controversial issues in nineteenth-century British-Chinese relationships. According to Milligan, the "dynamics of empire" should be considered in any discussion about opium in the Orient, "for opium was deeply implicated in British colonial activities in the East" (5). Milligan argues that British impressions of the Orient, "including fear, desire, guilt, titillation—are paralleled, mediated, and represented metaphorically by attitudes toward opium" (7). He points out that the British were simultaneously attracted to and repulsed by opium (7). Although opium had been introduced to China in the late sixth or early seventh century, opium smoking did not become popular until the seventeenth century. The Yong-zheng (0JE) emperor was so startled at the increasing population of opium addicts that he prohibited the domestic sale of opium (except as a medicine) and opium-smoking in 1729. However, with the increase in trade relations with the West, the number of opium imports accelerated. By 1767, about one thousand chests of opium arrived in China per year, as compared with two hundred chests earlier in the century. Despite another prohibition edict in 1796, the opium problem grew worse. After the Jia-qing (MM) emperor prohibited the importation of opium in 1799, it became contraband, and opium smuggling became an organized project. Despite the decree, most government officials rarely made any efforts to stop the illegal activities, because they themselves were involved in the clandestine  Chen 94  projects, taking bribes from smugglers (Booth 120). According to Lodwick, "by 1830 the amount of opium entering China was 16,877 chests. The amount had grown to 20,619 by 1838, just before the Opium War of 1839-42" (1). Although the origin of the opium poppy in China is unclear, it is generally believed that its cultivation began in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth centuries. Precious acres of farmland in provinces such as Yunnan were converted into poppy fields in the late 1880s, and as a result food shortage (which, in some cases, led to starvation) soon became a problem. However, most opium addicts preferred the opium grown in India to Chinese opium. Therefore, there was a large demand for imported opium. Throughout the late nineteenth century, opium was the most important import to China, only surpassed by cotton imports in 1890. The East India Company secretly smuggled Indian opium into China and the profits were used to fund the Company's other ventures, such as funding the government of India and balancing the trade deficit of tea, silk, and porcelain.  9  Although it was the British who monopolized the opium market in Asia, the common impression among the British was that Chinese opium masters were monopolizing the opium market in London (Milligan 13). In the 1830s, it was estimated that there were four million opium addicts (usually men between the ages of twenty andfifty-five)in China (Booth 128). Opium advocates argued that because the Chinese were built differently from Caucasians, they needed opium to sustain life. Lacking sufficient medical knowledge, many Britons thought that the use of opium in China was analogous to alcohol use in the West, and failed to realize the disastrous effects of opium addiction. Some Britons even believed that smoking tobacco was more harmful than smoking opium, and argued that because the antiseptic qualities of opium smoke protected the Chinese men's lungs, they were immune to  Chen  95  bronchial diseases (Booth 154). Social Darwinists used Chinese opium addiction to support their theory that the Chinese were an inferior race (Lodwick 30). Although Christian anti-opium societies tried to educate the British public about the dangers of opium, they failed to gain wide support. However, propagandistic journals such as Friend of China, which was published by the Anglo-Oriental Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade, "seem to have reached a sizable middle-class audience and to have done much to shape popular perceptions of Britain's relationships with opium and the Orient" (Milligan 21).  10  Opium in the BOP  Cunning opium smugglers, sinister opium-den owners, skeletal opium addicts— these images were firmly impressed on the minds of most British readers during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries." The editors of the BOP, in consideration of their young readers, leavened the seriousness of the topic by incorporating the theme of opium smuggling into another gripping adventure tale in which the hero succeeds in stopping the greedy smugglers from bringing the noxious drug into countries such as the United States, Australia, or England. None of these stories focuses oh opium being 12  brought into China, possibly because the British wanted to cover up their own opiumsmuggling operations by highlighting the evil deeds of rapacious Chinese merchants who aimed to sell the drug in other countries. These opium-smuggling stories caused readers to fear that their own culture might be contaminated with it. Readers were led to believe that the Chinese immigrants were social pollutants who brought opium with them wherever they went; but in reality, most had never taken opium back in China. They were introduced to the drug abroad, and became addicted after they took it to relieve pain, forget homesickness, and repress sexual desires (Booth 177-78). Although all the opium  Chen 96  smokers in the BOP are Chinese, authors object to them smoking opium outside of China. The opium addicts appear either on a coolie ship, in San Francisco, or in Australia. BOP authors rarely use the term "Opium War" in their works, choosing instead to refer to "the last war against China," the "Chinese War," or the "Anglo-Chinese war." In avoiding the term "Opium War," the authors try to steer readers' attention away from Britain's controversial position in opium exports. All the readers needed to know was that, in the war against China, the British won. In fact, BOP authors did not even acknowledge the fact that there were two Opium Wars. They do not provide historical background to the 13  Opium Wars, nor do they mention the "linkage between the opium trade and missionaries in the various treaties made with China" in any of the BOP stories (Thurin 199; Miller 72). For example, in vol. 11, W. J. Gordon discusses the origins and meaning of the China Medal, which commemorates the success of the Opium War of 1840-42. In the original 14  design, Gordon explains, the medal depicted the Chinese signing a treaty on a table-cloth, whereon the British lion was shown, making things uncomfortable for the dragon.. .and the whole space occupied by the triumphant lion and the wormlike gruesome dragon. So dreadful was the dragon, however, that it even hurt the Chinaman's feelings, and out of consideration for them the medal was withdrawn and the existing one substituted. ("Medals" 79) In this passage, the author ridicules the Chinese. The use of the word "even" suggests that the Chinese, usually insensitive and expressionless, felt so ashamed of their loss in the war that they could not bear to see their beloved dragon which, in Chinese culture, symbolized perpetual strength and power, being defeated by the British lion. Because the British had transformed the dragon into the form of a pitiful, worm-like creature, all the splendor associated with the legendary animal had been erased. On the new medal, the  Chen 97  Queen's head appears on one side, and a palm-tree, a capstan, a trophy of weapons, and the arms of England are shown on the other. While Gordon seems to be compassionate towards the feelings of the Chinese, the fact that he lingers over the original design suggests that he is gloating over the British victory. He too fails to explain the historical background of the war and does not mention the contents of the unfair treaty. Conveniently, Gordon avoids any discussion on the disastrous effects of opium on addicts. In "Boy Life in the Flowery Land," Balfour warns travelers never to board a boat with other Chinese passengers, because he had to suffer the experience of traveling with a dozen Chinese who were "in full enjoyment of their intoxicating opium-pipes, evidently quite in their element" (110). Oblivious to the influence of the "sickening" fumes on the other travelers, the inconsiderate Chinese continue to smoke. Unsympathetic, Balfour regards the smokers as a nuisance and never considers saving them from their addiction. The narrator of "A Brush with Pirates in the China Sea" has a very bad impression of the opium-smoking Chinese: ".. . never before had I been shipmates with such a dirty, loathsome set of human beings as my present freight. The majority were gambling at 'Fantan,' and the remainder . . . smoking opium" (311). In "A Celestial Cruise; or, Some Queer Memories of the Chinese War of 1860," the narrator witnesses the opium-smoking rituals of the Chinese coolies, who all carry dirty pieces of luggage that generally contain "a piece of broken looking-glass (imagine the Celestial vanity!), chopsticks, opium pipe, rug, jacket, pantaloons, and a small mat" onto the boat (Popham 283). The author criticizes the passengers for being proud of their ugly appearances. They are so vain that although they cannot obtain a real piece of lookingglass, they are content with using a broken one. The narrator refers to the process of  Chen 98  opium smoking as "an interesting and elaborate business, requiring some amount of preparation" (Popham 283). The "peculiar-looking" opium pipe is similar to "a small inkbottle with a stem, and, when it was lit, a few puffs seemed to suffice the smoker, who afterwards fell asleep, or relapsed for some time into a kind of stupor" (Popham 283). Sometimes the coolies cannot get enough food because, in the scramble for rice, the bucket spills. They can only satisfy their hunger by smoking opium. The narrator does not express any sympathy towards the hungry Chinese, nor does he feel sorry about the squalor in which they must live on the boat. His shows obvious contempt for the Chinese, calling them "dirty," "vain," and "cruel." In other words, the opium addiction confirms already existing stereotypes about lack of cleanliness. Three BOP adventure stories address the issue of opium smuggling. "Bella of Barnia: A Story of Present-day Smuggling" (vol. 28) begins in New South Wales, where fourteen-year-old Tom accidentally stumbles across jars of opium at a place near the ocean called "picture rocks." Having seen the same "black, molasses-like contents at 15  Wing On's store... and.. .numbers of Chinese fishermen smoking it in Port Stephens," he immediately recognizes the opium (Becke 376). Tom also discovers that Peter Sheehan, his father's friend, has left something in the vicinity. Anxious about Peter's connection to the opium, Tom decides to keep quiet about the affair. On his way home, he sees Bella Carey crying at the sight of a ship. Tom suspects that there is something wrong at the Carey house, but does not dare to ask Bella what is wrong. Bella later questions him about what he had seen at "picture rocks." He tells her about the opium jars and asks if Peter Sheehan is a smuggler. Bella swears him into secrecy, telling him that they are selling the opium to Chinese merchants, but because the police are getting suspicious, they have decided to discontinue the smuggling.  Chen 99  That night, Sergeant Smalley comes to their house and Bella almost breaks down with fear. Smalley does not suspect anything, but his subordinate does. They let him search the house, but he finds nothing. Months later, Tom hears from the Careys who write from San Francisco telling him that they are well. The moral of this story is very clear: the readers are urged not to break the law. If they do, they will suffer from guilty conscience, as Bella did. They may be able to elude conviction, but they cannot escape their own conscience. The Careys are lucky that they were not caught, but Becke warns readers that it was a close call. Edward C. Adams's "The Opium Smugglers. A Tale of Burton of the Queensland Police" (vol. 36) also takes place in Australia. Bob Burton hears rumors of opium smuggling operations around " 'Sin Yen's place up at Dugong Creek. There's a gold mine there, and the Chinkies work it'" (Adams 734). After observing the port for two days, Burton and his friends spot a ship called the "Mandarin" sailing in. They overhear Sin Yen, a huge man with an evil grin, say " 'Velly well,... me havee the stuff all leady same time Fliday. We gettee stuff asho'tomollow. Yo' come same time, eh?'" (Adams 735). BOP authors characteristically assume that Pidgin English is the only language the Chinese know how to speak, and imitate the dialogue by following the convention of converting the "rs" for the "Is." This garbled language heightens the comic effect of the story. As in other stories, narrators use the derogatory term "Chinkies" to refer to Chinese coolies. In Burton's eyes, the Chinese coolies, who either carry "an ugly curved knife" or a revolver on their waists, look "villainous." The curved knife is another stereotypical image of Chinese villains. In his efforts to stop the smugglers, Bob falls into the hands of Sin Yen, but, like the typical hero in an adventure story, he instantly devises a plan to escape and successfully catches the smugglers, who, in addition to opium, have been  Chen 100  smuggling petroleum and blasting powder into the country. The longest story about opium-smuggling, "The Cruise of the 'Manzanita'" (vol. 32), consists of six installments published over a period of six weeks. Harlands, the narrator, works for the erratic Mr. Prendergast. One day in June, Mr. Prendergast notifies Harlands that they are setting off on an exciting adventure on the "Manzanita." He is dumbfounded to find that Mr. Prendergast has invited two guests. These upper-class Chinamen, who speak English without accents, are "as different from the ordinary Chinese coolies that is to be found throughout California as chalk is from cheese" (Kendall 457). Harlands is not looking forward to the trip because he knows that the Chinese way of life is "very different," and to be shut up in the small yacht with them for a couple of weeks would "be as distasteful to the white man as it would be to the yellow" (Kendall 457). Harlands emphasizes the difference in skin color to suggest how the Chinese men's dispositions differ from those of the British. The Chinese men, wearing robes made from embroidered silk, look very out of place on the yacht. Harlands suspects that there is something going on, because Mr. Prendergast who, "like most Westerners, had a hearty contempt for coloured races," surprisingly treats the Chinese as "perfect equals" (Kendall 457). Although Harlands admits that once "one disregarded the essential differences of colour, countenance, and clothes, they struck one as remarkably fine specimens of humanity," his statement will be proved wrong as the plot unravels (Kendall 457). At sea, Mr. Prendergast confesses to Harlands that he is in some financial trouble and may die soon, but their conversation is interrupted by one of the Chinese, Quon Main: He was an odd figure, and somehow very incongruous. He wore a silk coat, richly embroidered, and, like all better-class Chinamen, his pigtail was not  Chen 101  wound round his head, but streamed out freely in the wind. It was very long, and the black hair was plaited up with various coloured silks, making it still longer. He was smoking a large black cigar, and on his head he wore a little fur cap crammed down to his ears. His silk skirt flapped and crackled in the wind, exposing the dark blue trousers that were tied tightly round the ankles about his white silk socks. An odd figure, no doubt, but he gave on the impression of being as hard as nails, and no kind of fool. (Kendall 467-68) The author builds up the suspense by implying that Quon Main is a shadowy character. His pigtail is longer than most Chinese men's queues, and it flows freely in the wind, signifying that Quon Main is not an upright person. With a large black cigar hanging from his mouth, Quon Main seems to be anticipating something to happen (see fig. 20). His attire may resemble that of a rich man, but the trousers tied to his ankles ruin his dignified look. Finally, the author points out that Quon Main is fierce and hard, and very smart and calculating. One day Quon Main falls overboard and when he is rescued, Harlands notices he has a revolver at his hip. Then Harlands finds a large amount of money on board, confirming his suspicions that the Chinese are involved in criminal activity. Eleven days later, they land on an island near Mexico, using the directions given by Mr. Prendergast, who is obviously on the lookout for some well-known landmark and knows the exact course through the kelp. They anchor there for a week but the others do not fish. Harlands becomes convinced that they are waiting for someone. Plans to sail away the next morning are hindered when a storm hits. Harlands and his boss enjoy watching the two Chinese men look confused and nervous about the storm. "Muffled exclamations came from the cabin, and in a moment both Chinamen stood in the cockpit, the hot scorching  Chen 102  wind ... bellying out their silk clothes, giving them an odd and grotesque appearance in the strong lights and shadows from the open cabin hatch" (Kendall 484). The narrator makes fun of the Chinese for not being able to adapt to stormy weather. Although the men may look refined and confident before the storm broke out, they reveal their effeminate side when they encounter strong winds. Later they hear a gunshot from a nearby boat and as Mr. Prendergast tells the boatmen that he has a doctor on board, they transfer a man onto the yacht. Harlands notices that the guests begin conversing excitedly in Chinese, whereas they had previously only used English. The sick man looks horrible: ".. .from his inmovableness, as much as from the dead white pallor of his face that was only partially revealed, he looked more dead than alive" (Kendall 501). Harlands is surprised to see the Chinese men, who "had never lifted a hand for anyone," carrying the man's luggage aboard (Kendall 501). There are "several white canvas sacks and a big wooden chest, all of which they carried below with a quickness and ease..." (Kendall 501). Suddenly, Harlands hears Mr. Prendergast's voice rise shrilly, '"You said twenty-five thousand dollars, and twenty-five thousand it's got to be, and no nonsense. No, siree\ Money down on the table, or I'll sling you and your stuff over the side!'" (Kendall 501). A gunshot splits the air. Harlands thinks that his boss has shot one of the Chinese, but the reverse is true. Aiming his revolver at Harlands, Quon Main orders him to return to the island. Harlands thinks of a clever plan to "flick" the Chinamen into the sea, and later discovers that the "sick man" is actually a dummy made of opium, which the Chinese were planning to smuggle into San Francisco. He also saves Mr. Prendergast, who has been shot in the head, and gives him opium—"the most powerful drug there is—to relieve the pain" (Kendall 534). Having learned his lesson, Mr. Prendergast decides to throw the opium (worth sixty thousand  Chen 103  dollars) overboard and tells Harlands that honesty is the best policy. The Chinese characters in these stories are either evil, violent opium smugglers (Quon Main and Sin Yen), or nameless, useless opium addicts. The authors do not provide detailed descriptions of what opium looks like. The only two who do describe it give contradictory information regarding the appearance of opium: Adams compares it to black molasses, while Kendall describes it as pale-white. Few authors comment in detail 16  on its effects on smokers, except that it causes them to fall asleep. Chinese coolies are stereotypically characterized as opium smokers who spend most of their time consuming the drug. Authors suggest that opium smuggling (always linked to violence) is a lucrative business, but should be avoided. The heroes of these stories easily defeat the opium smugglers, preventing the Western countries from being contaminated by the Chinese drug. The authors imply that the opium was to be sold to Chinese men, and do not seem to be worried about the possibility that Westerners could themselves be potential addicts.  17  Although many religious organizations took part in the crusade against opium in China, the Religious Tract Society does not seem to have supported the anti-opium movement or endorsed the opinion of Dr. Thomas Arnold, who criticized the opium trade as being '"so wicked as to be a national sin of the greatest possible magnitude'" (qtd. in Booth 136). Nor did they seem to be influenced by the 7 Earl of Shaftesbury, a fervent th  anti-opium crusader, who took part in the meetings of the Religious Tract Society. Lord Shaftesbury "had introduced a Parliamentary motion stating the opium trade and monopoly were 'utterly inconsistent with the honour and duties of a Christian kingdom'" (Booth 152). Judging from their articles, none of the BOP authors was an anti-opium advocate, because they do not encourage readers to pity the opium addicts. The opium addiction of the Chinese is regarded as an unchangeable reality. According to Lodwick,  Chen 104  missionary doctors presented evidence of the harmful effects of opium at the International Opium Conferences in 1909 and 1911-12. As a result, various nations cooperated in trying to control opium and its derivatives (Lodwick 3). The BOP's  most famous medical  authority, Dr. Gordon Stables, did not write about opium in any of his columns, possibly because he was a former opium addict and did not want his secret to be revealed. Perhaps the editors thought that the issue of opium was too sensitive to touch upon. Chinese Piracy and the BOP Piracy in the China seas can be traced back to the sixteenth century. The pirates were usually impoverished fishermen who turned to piracy as a temporary survival strategy. Because the scope of their activities was relatively small, their ability to cause severe damage was limited (Murray 1). In Pirates of the South China Coast,  1790-1810,  Dian Murray notes that sailors, merchants, porters, peddlers, and grasscutters also engaged in acts of piracy during the late eighteenth century (23). At the time, the Chinese government did not regard piracy as a serious problem. In 1793, the Qian-long (f2IH) emperor observed: "In Kwangtung there are no urgent affairs. On several occasions Fuk'ang-an has searched out and arrested the pirates so that they have gradually withdrawn and not a trace of them remains" (qtd. in Murray 1). The Emperor's assertions proved to be too optimistic. Piracy became an increasing problem in the nineteenth century, as numerous commercial ships arriving at the busy Chinese ports were attacked and robbed. Neither the Chinese nor the British could ignore the problem any longer. Under Chinese law, "persons guilty of 'committing piracies on the high seas'" were beheaded, and their heads were put on public display. However, this severe punishment failed to achieve its intended effect. Incidents of piracy not only continued, but multiplied. Chinese officials did not know (or did not observe) that in international law, the definition of a pirate is  Chen 105  'one who, without legal authority from any state, attacks a ship with intention to appropriate what belongs to it.' He is therefore 'denied the protection of the flag which he may carry and is treated as an outlaw, whom any nation in the interest of all may capture and punish.' (Fox 85) The British, who were indifferent to the pirate problem for the first twelve years after the opening of China, realized the gravity of the situation only during the Opium War, when pirates became outrageously daring in their exploits. Catching pirates was not an easy task, however, because the British had the right to try and punish pirates within three miles of the coast of Hong Kong, but not along the rivers and coast of China. This area restriction made it difficult for the British authorities to stop piracy effectively. In addition, they had to consider the possibility that innocent men may be falsely accused by their enemies. British naval officers may also have exaggerated the facts because they were tempted by the lucrative rewards offered for capturing pirates. Most BOP authors who wrote about piracy were members of the British Royal Navy, and their names were often followed by titles such as F. R. G. S. (Fellow of the Royal Geographic Society). They were undoubtedly familiar with Robert Louis Stevenson's famous pirate story Treasure Island (1883) as well as the countless exchanges of sea yarns on board. Stevenson's tale may have inspired them to compose equally exciting stories based on their experiences at sea. The BOP, which often featured stories of this nature, was possibly thefirstplace to which they sent their stories. The publication of the stories must have been beneficial to both parties, because the BOP editors hoped the stories would entice readers to sign up for the navy to serve the Empire. They also used these stories to express outrage at the trouble the Chinese pirates were causing the British.  Chen 106  Moreover, these stories not only glorified the British hero, they reinforced the stereotype of the cunning, greedy, murderous Chinese. Although the pirates are a threat in these stories, all of the protagonists succeed in defeating them without much effort. It is worth noting that these pirate encounters usually took place more than twenty years before the authors wrote about them. Because these authors were looking back on events of their youth, the accuracy of their memories is questionable. Some of the stories may even have been completely fabricated. The length of the BOP pirate stories varies considerably. Short pieces such as "Pirates in the China Seas" (vol. 3), which reports that the Hong Kong area is infested with pirates, do not provide detailed information about the nature of piracy. Similarly, Capt. F. W. Bennett, who relates his experiences of twenty-three years ago in "A Dash with Chinese Pirates" (vol. 10), merely emphasizes the cruelty of the "murderous" pirates. In "A Brush with Pirates in the China Sea" (vol. 16), the narrator shares the story of how he defeated pirates on board a ship heading for Singapore. On the third day of the trip, an English-speaking Chinese boy secretly warns the narrator that there are pirates on board who plan to seize the ship and murder the ship's company off the Lu Hu islands. As the ship approaches the islands, the narrator and his friends kill the pirates before they have a chance to attack. "A Talk with an Old Salt" (vol. 20) records an interview with a veteran seaman. A narrow escape from pirates in the China Seas is just one of the many thrilling experiences he can relate after twenty-four years at sea. On the way to Peking to purchase tea, he spots three or four men waving for help on a Chinese craft. Just as he is about to agree to tow them along, he hears the captain shout, "full speed ahead." The boatmen turn out to be "murderous, cut-throat" pirates attempting to hook them in to plunder their ship (vol. 20: 394). In all these accounts, the authors do not go into detail about the nature of  Chen 107  the pirates' cruelty or give examples of the terrible crimes these pirates committed. Instead, they resort to stock-epithets that reinforce the conventional impression of pirates. Patrick Booth is one of the few authors who describe how Chinese pirates rob ships. According to Booth, they usually attack at night because it increases their chances 18  of success, but instead of explaining the victorious operations, he emphasizes their many failed attempts. In one unsuccessful case, a terrible fate "befell the prisoners," and "from that day forward piracy was much more cautiously carried on in the China Seas" (Booth, "Yarns" 56). Another example of "pirates being caught in their own snare" occurred while he was in the East, and the capture was "due to a miscalculation on the part of the rogues themselves" (Booth, "Yarns" 56). The pirates disguise themselves and board a boat, "brutally" murdering two Chinese merchants who showed signs of resistance, but in the end, "the rogues were made prisoners and carried back to Hong-Kong, where they were tried for piracy on the high seas" (Booth, "Yarns" 56). Unlike R. L. Stevenson's ambiguous treatment of Long John Silver, Booth's use of the word "rogues" clearly indicates his contempt for the pirates. By stressing the fact that these pirates ultimately paid the price for their wrongdoing, he attributes no glory to the trade. In "Tom Hastings," Lieutenant C. R. Low, a former member of the Indian Navy, reminisces about events that happened thirty years ago.' Throughout his story, Low 9  evokes the tropes of traditional adventure stories. Traveling along the passage from Whampoa to Canton, the H.M.S. Thunderbolt defends itself against a pirate ship. Tom Hastings, one of his crew, is captured and held for ransom. Tom's spirits fall when he finds out that the pirates are taking him inland to be detained as prisoner because, having been in the China War of 1842, he knows "what fearful sufferings the Chinese inflicted on their captives" (Low 122). As he is being transported, people "flocked out to see him, 20  Chen 108  and great was the amazement at the proportions of the 'foreigner,' or the 'foreign devil,' that was now in their midst" (Low 122). The Chinese are portrayed as curious, ignorant people who have never seen a foreigner. Gawking at Tom's stature, they treat him as if he were a supernatural being. Fortunately, the daughter of the family in charge of his custody falls in love with "the heroic-looking white stranger" (Low 123). Communicating by a secret "eye" code, they devise a plan to escape. She saves him, but he heartlessly abandons her when he returns to England. This story contains all the elements of a typical adventure story: the ideal British hero, the cruel villains, and the native lover. Tom is "heroic-looking": "tall," "handsome," and "authentic." When the Chinese women see him, they are "lost in admiration," while the children "gazed on him at a respectful distance with awe on their countenances" (Low 122). The self-sacrificing Chinese girl, who remains nameless until Tom simply calls her "Nelly," is conveniently placed as an agent to help the hero escape at all costs, only to be cast aside once her function is lost. According to Ruppel, "the instability of white/nonwhite romances is a very common trope of late-nineteenth century colonialist fiction. In colonialist stories, the white man always leaves, and the non-white woman often knows he will" (2). In this story, however, the Chinese woman naively believes that Tom will bring her to England and is shocked to be deserted by him. "Caught and Caged" (vol. 6) focuses on the threatening aspects of being imprisoned by pirates. The author emphasizes the inhumanity of the Chinese, describing in detail the tortures prisoners had to endure. Lieutenant Desmond, the narrator, tells his friend Jack about being captured by pirates in 1860, when the British and the Chinese "were not on the best of terms" (Cox 631). As Desmond explores the fields near Shanghai, he stumbles across a cemetery. Too busy inspecting the tombs, Desmond falls into the hands of pirates,  Chen 109  who lead him to the interior of a large tomb where a dozen villainous-looking Chinamen greet him. They demand that he give them his money. When he refuses, Ah ling, the small-eyed leader, threatens to "cut off [his] head, chop, chop!'" (Cox 631). Although the pirate's comment is meant to sound threatening, the author deliberately makes Ah ling's language sound childish. Desmond cannot tell whether Ah ling is looking at him because he had "a habit of blinking . . . every minute," but "fancied [Ah ling] was slyly taking stock of [his] head, no doubt calculating what it would fetch" (Cox 631). They lead him to the town of Tung-ling-chu, where the curious villagers crowd around to survey the "red-headed" barbarian (Cox 632). Desmond spends the night in a Joss temple, where he sees " . . . an enormous idol with great saucer eyes, surrounded by a host of smaller deities painted in various colours and more or less ugly" (Cox 632) and ".. .a most hideous black image, who rejoiced in six arms and an equal number of legs. . ." (Cox 649). The author describes these idols as repulsive-looking figures that do not deserve to be worshipped. By pointing out that the image is black, he connects the idol with the devil or black magic. Desmond cannot sleep with these grotesque statues looming over him. After being bitten by rats, being locked in a cage for four days, and stabbed by onlookers, Desmond is finally saved by his captain. One author uses his story to protest against bribe-taking Chinese officials who tolerate the pirates. In "A Terrible Experience: The Story of an Adventure in the China Sea" (vol. 17), Clayton tells his friend Neville that he believes that the Chinese are "considerably [his emphasis] behind their age," because they allow pirates to roam free and even live in villages near the sea. Neville argues that pirates only attack their own countrymen. Having encountered pirates in Hong Kong two years ago, Clayton disagrees. On their way to Shanghai, Clayton and his friend Gregory encounter pirates near the  Chen 110  Pescadores, a group of islands in the Fo-Kien strait. That night, Clayton hears a wild cry from Gregory and finds the deck '"crowded with Chinamen—villainous-looking ruffians they were too—but my comrade was nowhere to be seen'"(Pearson, "Terrible" 295). Before he can intervene, Clayton is shot and rendered unconscious. When he wakes up, it is pitch dark and he finds himself half immersed in water, imprisoned in the capsized yacht. Although he manages to get to safety, he does not know whether his friend is alive or dead. Reunited with Gregory two months later, Clayton finds out that his friend was saved after being thrown overboard by the Chinese. In conclusion, Clayton says, "'. . . the Chinese naval authorities would take no steps in the matter. In fact, I know that some of the mandarins receive a subsidy from the heads of the pirate villages, to keep their eyes and ears shut'" (Pearson, "Terrible" 296). In this story, the Chinese government is portrayed as incapable and corrupt. The author implies that the British should be allowed to take over the situation. "The River Pirates: A Chinese Missionary's Story" attempts to demonstrate the superiority of the foreigner. The narrator tells readers that although tigers and other wild beasts roam along some parts of the river banks, "it is not the four-legged tiger who is to be most feared. It is the two-legged one, in the shape of the river pirate" (vol. 30: 779). Although the narrator knows that they are approaching pirates, he wants to push forward. The Chinese boatmen long to run to shore to save their skin, but the narrator's friend, an old campaigner in the American Civil War, decides to put up a fight. They stand in full view so that the pirates can see they are foreigners. Knowing that the pirates possessed guns, the two missionaries carry long poles, which they hope could pass for "strange and wonderful foreign weapons" (vol. 30: 779). Just when they were pondering what to do, "the miracle happened" (vol. 30: 780): the pirates left. The narrator speculates that  Chen 111  These fellows had probably never stopped a boat containing foreigners in their lives. Perhaps some of them had never seen a foreigner. The sight of two of them standing with apparent careless indifference on ... the boat was full of possible menace. Perhaps they posssessed [sic] new and terrible engines of destruction which would annihilate them in a twinkling! (vol. 30: 780) He is delighted to find himself so powerful and rejoices at the fact that the Chinese pirates are easily fooled by foreigners. "Among Chinese Pirates" (vol. 34) is one of the most fanciful pirate stories in the BOP. Tom and Jerry decide to take a trip to Canton along the West River while they are waiting for their parents to come back to Hong Kong. On the ship, the captain keeps the Chinese passengers under hatches and examines all their baggage, because previously, twenty-six pirates had disguised themselves as passengers and nearly robbed the whole boat. The pirates were captured and "taken back to Canton and relieved of their heads— the old lady included" (Pontin, "Pirates" 738). In narrating the incident, the author's tone remains nonchalant, although the severe punishment of decapitation was horrible and cruel. Furthermore, by mentioning the fact that an old woman involved in the crime did not receive a reduced sentence, but was treated just as brutally as the men, Pontin reinforces the stereotypical view of the unrelenting cruelty of the Chinese. The next day, Jerry and Tom are caught by pirates and held hostage. The blindfolded boys overhear the pirates' plan to kill them after taking the ransom money. Jerry daringly demands the Chinese listen to his needs, and surprisingly they follow his orders. Sam Fu, the boy who helps him, secretly tells him that he used to work for an English master, but was abducted by the pirates and forced to work for them. After learning about the 21  pirates' plans, the boys use Morse code to write a S.O.S. note to their friends and are  Chen 112  successfully rescued. Grateful for Sam Fu's help in their escape, Tom's father arranges for Sam to work for them, and he has served them "with devotion ever since" (Pontin, "Pirates" 803). This story is full of problematic characters and plot development. If the Chinese pirates are truly evil, they would not take orders from an insolent boy. Tom and Jerry escape too easily, and the character of Sam Fu is too good to be true. In all of the stories, the authors emphasize the reality of pirates in China. A missionary informs readers that".. .pirates are an everyday reality in China, especially on the great rivers which are the real roads of China, the highways by which the people communicate with one another, and up and down which millions of tons of produce of all kinds pass" (vol. 30: 779). Patrick Booth explains that the pirates of the China Seas had become so daring that they actually "lay in wait within no great distance of the harbours and plundered ships as they came out" ("Yarns" 55). Tom, who thinks that pirates only exist in stories, becomes very excited when people warn him about the possibility of meeting pirates on their trip. '"That might apply to most countries,'" a friend tells him, '"but China is still infested with them. A few years ago a pirate band attacked and captured one of the steamers of the line you will travel by, and after killing the passengers and crew . . . they beached and set fire to her'" (Pontin, "Pirates" 722). The authors are angry because the naval authorities in Hong Kong were "in an extremely unpleasant position" because "no Chinaman would give evidence against them [the pirates]" (Booth, "Yarns" 55). Pirate or not? Although the majority of the BOP pirate articles discuss actual incidents of piracy in China, they also include cautionary tales about imaginative boys who are so eager for pirate adventure that they jump to conclusions with disastrous results. However, the  Chen 113  purpose of these stories may not be so much to frighten the readers as to provide entertainment because, in reality, the situation would have been much more dangerous. "Pindlebury's Pirate" (vol. 25) is a good example of a light-hearted story with a moral. Pindlebury, a young lad on board a ship docked at Amoy, points out a suspicious-looking Chinese junk to his friends. After talking to "Confucius," their washerman, Pindlebury is convinced that it is a pirate ship. Afraid that readers would believe that Pindlebury was talking to "the shade of the great Chinese philosopher," the narrator explains that the washerman's real name was Yen How, "but [they] had rechristened him Confucius, on account of the superlative expression of wisdom on his benign features" (Pearson, "Pirate" 58). Harmless Chinese servants are often described as having "benign" features to emphasize their harmlessness, and Pearson uses the same stereotypical adjective to portray the washerman. Always ready for a good adventure, Pindlebury suggests that they stop the pirates, although he knows that pirates dare not attack a foreign ship. They spy on the ship, jump onto the junk, and capture a "pirate." Brander, the only boy who speaks Pidgin English, acts as the interpreter, "with power to carry on the negotiations with the captured celestial" (Pearson, "Pirate" 59). To their dismay and annoyance, the confused Chinese man keeps screaming incomprehensible words at them. Getting tired of this lack of communication, Brander proposes that they let the boat go adrift to make it difficult for the pirates to get into mischief. However, the boys discover that they have made a grave mistake, because the "fierce-looking" chief is actually a "pilot," not a "pirate." The misunderstanding stems from the fact that "the average Chinaman cannot pronounce the harsh consonant 'r,' but transposes it to the liquid '1'" (Pearson, "Pirate" 58). Chung-Yao, the pilot ("pirate chief), turns out to be "one of the best Chinamen we had ever met" and becomes affectionately known as "Pindlebury's Pirate" (Pearson, "Pirate" 59). Even  Chen 114  though the boys know the Chinese men's real names, they still prefer to give them nicknames. While nicknames can sometimes be a sign of affection, the pilot and washerman, who are older than the boys, are belittled. "The Treasure of Chin-loo," also by Alec G. Pearson, begins on the Cleopatra in Shanghai, where a group of apprentices are waiting for orders. As Milligan, Selby, Rockwell, and "tubby" Price are talking, Chin-loo, the sampan man "with . . . narrow, cunning eyes" walks into the room (Pearson, "Treasure" 265). He asks the boys to help dig up a pirate's treasure chest with 2000 said coins buried on an island near the mouth of the Yang-tse River. Upon hearing the news, the boys want to report to an official but Chin-loo convinces them that they will not get any reward if they do, because the official will keep the money for himself. The boys think that "the story of Chin-loo was plausible, and his remarks bore the stamp of worldly wisdom—of the Chinese sort" (Pearson, "Treasure" 266). The author is careful to modify his comment about the wisdom of the Chin-loo because he does not want to elevate the Chinese to the level of the British. The boys accompany Chin-loo to the island, and start to dig with all their strength, but Chinloo merely commands them from the side. After finding the silver, they have a feast to celebrate. Meanwhile, Chin-loo secretly takes the boat and leaves them stranded on the island, but the boat capsizes. Chin-loo is caught and sent to prison. He turns out to be a thief who buried the loot and wanted to get to it before his friends did. After this embarrassing incident, the boys are reprimanded and teased as the "Pirates of Tung-sha." Unlike Jim in Treasure Island, the boys do not retrieve any gold. Other Recent Events "The 'B.O.P.' Stamp Collector," one of the regular columns of the paper, discusses Chinese stamps in vol. 30 and vol. 34. Fred W. Burgess comments that in recent years,  Chen 115  China experienced "great and sweeping changes," and that the "ancient civilisation of that country has been turned upside down" (734). One of the changes occurred in 1878, when the Chinese were introduced to postal systems with the founding of the Chinese Imperial Post. Burgess recommends collecting the local stamps of China. Early stamps feature the dragon, "that mythical animal which has figured for thousands of years on carvings, paintings, china, and everything that belongs to China" (734). According to an "expert," the dragon has "the head of a camel, the horns of a deer, the eyes of a rabbit, the ears of a cow, the neck of a snake, the body of a frog, the scales of a carp, the claws of a hawk, and the palms of a tiger" (Burgess 734). His description of the dragon differs from 22  traditional Western images of the creature and hence heightens its exotic nature. Burgess also praises the local stamps that feature "quaint," "beautiful" engravings of temples. He then proceeds to describe the twelve stamps in his illustrations. J. W. H. Heslop praises the French for being considerate to the Chinese when they issue stamps for the French settlement in China. Because the Chinese do not understand Arabic numerals, the French decide to provide Chinese numerical signs on the stamps. Heslop reminds readers that the British have done the same favor to those living in Hong Kong, because in "this colony Chinese are numerous, and the figures by which the English boy tabulates and arranges his specimens are unintelligible to the Celestial; he is guided solely by the strokes and dashes that appear in the border of the stamp" (461). Although a number of Chinese traders understand European numerals ("such knowledge is an essential element in their business"), the majority of the populationfindthat "the figures are meaningless" (Heslop 461). In claiming that "the knowledge of figures is practically universal—save, presumably, with the Chinese and a few other races," Heslop confirms the view that the Chinese have not progressed to a higher stage of civilization  Chen 116  (462). "The Colonial Coins of the British Empire" (vol. 29) also mentions Hong Kong. H. Alexander Parsons explains the history of the colony: "[it] was taken from the Chinese by Captain Eliott in 1839, and formally ceded to Great Britain in 1841. In 1864 the colony decided to establish a local mint to coin a British dollar. . ." (445). Many critics observe that the subjugated people are often depicted as devoid of adult intellectual and emotional powers. Travelers often use this assumption as a device to speak for and interpret another group of people (see Thurin). In discussing the flags of the world, the BOP mentions that China needed the help of the British to make up their minds about their flag: China, after experimenting for ages with every shape and form, fringed and unfringed, and trying a regular round of dragons—blue, green, and yellow— has at last drifted into simplicity, and is now flying the very effective red flag with the yellow ball, suggested, it is said, by Sir Robert Hart, who has done so many other things for China's improvement.  23  (vol. 21:43) The BOP suggests that British ideas are better, because it is foolish for the Chinese to put a complicated dragon on a flag. From the British point of view, the simple red flag is most "effective." This view indicates that they value effectiveness above everything. The author of this passage implies that because the Chinese cannot make a decision about a simple flag design, the British are obliged to provide help. If the British need to assist the Chinese in relatively simple matters such as flag design, they feel entitled to make decisions about more important and complicated matters. Although the Chinese do not necessarily solicit these suggestions for improvements, the British are determined to offer them.  Chen 117  Notes In 1884 the British government sent Gordon to Sudan to evacuate Egyptian forces from Khartoum, which was threatened by Sudanese rebels. He was killed on January 26, 1885, when the rebels broke into the city. News of his death surprised the British public, who immediately remembered him as a martyred warrior-saint (see MacDonald, Language 8388). Hong believed he was the younger brother of Jesus. Also see John Dawtrey's "The Death Feud. A Story of Chinese Vengeance" (vol. 18), where he includes a brief flashback to the Taiping Rebellion. The Sino-Japanese war started as a dispute between Japan and China over Korea. As the Japanese grew stronger after their successful westernization, they ambitiously demanded Korea to open up to foreign trade. The Japanese vowed to take over Korea, which had been China's important client state, and the conflict over the territory expanded into a war on August 1, 1894. Rev. Alfred Colbeck (1858-?) is the author of.4 Summer's Cruise in the Waters of Greece, Turkey, and Russia (1887), The Fall of the Staincliffes (1890), Scarlea Grange, or, A Luddite 's Daughter (1893), and other books for young readers. In the British Biographical Archive, his occupation is given as "travel writer." The missionaries were often asked to handle situations similar to that of Li's father (see Bickers). The worthlessness of Chinese lives is exemplified in "Among the Blacks; or Stranger than Fiction" (vol. 7). In 1858, "Saint-Paul," a French vessel with many Chinese emigrants on board, was shipwrecked on a cannibal island. Because there were not enough boats for everyone to leave the island, "the unfortunate Chinese were consequently abandoned... . The natives of the archipelago did not belie their reputation. They soon discovered the Chinese and made them prisoners, and then proceeded to feed upon them. In the most deliberate manner they killed off the Celestials two at a time, and out of the three hundred and fifty no less than three hundred and thirty-four had burnished forth the cannibal banquet when the sixteen survivors were discovered by a passing vessel, and rescued from their horrible fate" (vol. 7: 30). Gustav (Gustaaf) Schlegel (1840-1903), the author of Thian ti hwui. The Hung-league, or Heaven-earth-league, a Secret Society with the Chinese in China and India (1866), worked in China and Java for the Dutch government and wrote extensively on Chinese society. Booth explains how the system worked: "the East India Company produced opium under monopoly and sold the chests at auction in Calcutta. Private buyers shipped the chests to China in country-firm vessels. In Whampoa or Macau, agency houses received and sold them, with the Chinese purchasers smuggling the opium into China. They paid for it in silver bullion or coin which the agencies paid into the company's Chinese office in return for bills of exchange payable at banks in India or London" (114). The Society was founded in 1874 by a Quaker named Joseph Grundy Alexander, who asked the 7 Earl of Shaftesbuy to act as its president (Booth 153). Sax Rohmer's (1883-1959) stories about Dr. Fu Manchu, who was an opium addict determined to dominate the world, were very popular in the early twentieth century. As Castle points out, "the 'Romantic' image of opium as a stimulus to creative activity popularised by De Quincey and others, clearly had no place in advice for the lateVictorian schoolchild" (136). The first Opium War took place from 1839-42, the second, 1856-60. 1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  9  10  Ih  11  12  13  Chen 118  The first Opium War lasted from 1839-42. The author of this story is an Australian named Louis Becke (George Lewis Becke) (1855-1913), who published 30 books (mostly adventure stories) based on his travels in the South Sea Islands and experience working for the notoriously cold-blooded "Bully" Hayes. By Reef and Palm (1894), The Ebbing of the Tide (1896) and The Adventures of Louis Blake (1909) are three of his most famous books. He frequently contributed adventure stories to British and American Presses. When opium is first harvested, "it is a cloudy, white, fairly mobile substance, but on contact with air it oxidises, turning into a dark-brown, viscous substance, sticky to the touch with a distinctive, delicate perfume" (Booth 5-6). Cooked opium (smoking opium) is a thick, brown paste (Booth 7). According to Booth, Victorians regarded opium intake as normal as alcohol-drinking or tobacco-smoking. Opium was "primarily purchased by the poor and lower classes, contemporary studies showing the deeper the poverty, the greater the desire to buy opium" (Booth 63). As Booth points out, "Between 1831 and 1859, domestic consumption in Britain increased at an average rate of 2.4 per cent per annum. Imports rose from approximately 91,000 pounds (41,300 kilograms) in 1830 to 280,000 pounds (127,000 kilograms) in 1860: re-exported opium went from 41,000 pounds (18,600 kilograms) to 151,000 pounds (68,500 kilograms) in the same period, more than half being sold in America" (51). Famous opium users include Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Thomas De Quincey, and Wilkie Collins. They started taking opium for medicinal purposes, but later became addicted to the drug. Women who were prescribed laudanum to calm their nerves often became addicted, even passing the addiction on to their babies. Rev. Patrick Booth wrote many sermons and is the author of An Essay on the Existence and Attributes of God (1855). Charles Rathbone Low (1837-?) was a Fellow of the Royal Geographic Society and served in the Indian Navy from 1853-1863. He contributed stories, memoirs, and geographical articles to various periodicals. His works include Tales of Old Ocean (1869), The Great Battles of the British Navy (1872), and Adventures of Joshua Hawsepipe Marine: A Tale (1868). Since the sixteenth century, travelers such as Galetotto Perera reported how the Chinese tortured their prisoners (see Hsia 8-10). After looting the ships, pirates usually imprisoned the crew members, forcing them to work as slaves on board the ship (Murray 24-25). The dragon in Western literature is a "legendary monster usually conceived as a huge, bat-winged, fire-breathing, scaly lizard or snake with a barbed tail. The belief in these creatures apparently arose without the slightest knowledge on the part of the ancients of the gigantic, prehistoric, dragon-like reptiles. In Greece the word drakon, from which the English word was derived, was used originally for any large serpent, and the dragon of mythology, whatever shape it later assumed, remained essentially a snake" (Britannica.com). Also see Hoult for discussion on dragons and symbolism. Sir Robert Hart (1835-1911), who worked in China for forty-nine years during the Qing dynasty, directed the Chinese customs bureau (see Hu 10-13). 14 15  16  17  18  19  20  21  22  23  Chen 119  Chapter Five China, Japan, and Korea in The Boy's Own Paper: A Comparison Before American Commodore M. C. Perry (1794-1858) forced Japan out of its long isolation in 1853-54, this East Asian country was little known among western nations.' However, as Japan began its westernization (1868-1912), it grew stronger and stronger. During the late nineteenth century, the Japanese, who believed that the Chinese occupation of Korea was a hazard to the safety of East Asia, vowed to make Korea stronger under Japanese rule, so that they could be better protected against western powers. In 1894, the Sino-Japanese war erupted. A year later, Japan emerged victorious, and became recognized as a major force in East Asia. That same year, Japan was able to revise the unequal treaties that were formerly forced upon them. Furthermore, they defeated Russia in the Russo-Japanese war (1904-05), forcing the British to recognize the strength of their army and pay more attention to this new power. In response to this 2  changing relationship between Britain and Japan, the BOP published a surge of reports on Japan around the turn of the century. In the BOP, representations of the Japanese provide a striking contrast to the images of the Chinese. As Yokoyama observes, because of Japan's remoteness, British authors felt free to use the country in any kind of argument (87). Because they felt discouraged at the lack of progress in their dealings with the Chinese and were annoyed by China's unwillingness to become westernized, these authors tended to use Japan's successful modernization to provide a sharp contrast to the Chinese: "the [Chinese] were described as a people in hell whereas the [Japanese] were treated like those in heaven" (Yokoyama 44). Because the Japanese were eager to become westernized, BOP authors praise their willingness and ability to imitate the British. In fact, Japan could almost be seen as a 3  Chen 120  mirror image of Britain, as an idealized self-image (Yokoyama 61; Zatlin 24). As one critic observes, "the terms used for appreciating the Japanese were in fact those household words used among upper classes in Britain in perceiving each other" (Yokoyama 59). For example, the British commented on the "civility," "courtesy," and "good breeding" of the Japanese people (Yokoyama 59). When comparing Japan with China, BOP authors favor the former: China and Japan are next-door neighbours, but whilst the first-named country is as unprogressive as a pyramid, the latter has, since it was opened to the commerce of the world.. .imitated, at any rate as far as the surface is concerned, in a most surprising manner the civilisation of Christian lands. (T. C. H., "Punishments" 78) In placing Japan above China, British authors reflect the Victorian notion that societies should be evaluated according to signs of "progress" and "degree of advancement" as defined by social Darwinists (Miller 149; Spurr 65). It should be noted, however, that T. C. H. points out that the Japanese have done a good job imitating the British "on the surface," but wonders how much they have really changed. Despite this reservation, the Japanese are upheld as superior to China. According to Kathryn Castle, history textbooks favored Japan over China not only because of the former country's westernization, but also because of for its economic potential (129). Americans held a similar view of Japan's modernization, enthusiastically praising the country's efforts to improve itself. From the mid-nineteenth century onwards, it was commonly thought that the Japanese were the "most progressive people of the mongolian race" (Miller 150). Alexander Knox (181891), who wrote for The Times in the 1850s, expresses a similar view: '"amidst Asiatics the Japanese stand supreme'" (qtd. in Yokoyama 8). They were careful to stress that although  Chen 121  the Japanese were incomparable to the other Asians, they were still inferior to the Europeans. However, they praised the Japanese government because it was regarded "as a useful counterbalance to the 'regressive' regimes in China and Russia..." (Castle 129). When Japan decided to attack China in 1872, this action was interpreted as "the ultimate proof of Japan's progressive spirit" (Miller 149). As a country that demonstrated its potential to become a strong empire, Japan's relationship with Britain differed from the usual relationship between colonizer and colonized. This changing relationship can be observed as one traces Japan's role in the European World Fairs. Since 1862, Japan had been a major exhibitor in the fairs "but it was only after 1905 that empire was a properly discernable [sic] feature." At the Japan-British Exhibition of 1910 in London, the full "weight of her [Japan's] imperial pride was brought to bear" (Greenhalgh 74). The large Japanese Imperial Army display blatantly boasted of the country's strong military force and the Official Guide to the Japanese Colonial Palace describes their display as "what they have accomplished in their colonies and in Formosa, Korea and Manchuria" (qtd. in Greenhalgh 74). BOP authors praise the westernization of Japan and introduce readers to topics such as Japanese sports, etiquette, festivals, language, and arts. While the BOP editors did not choose to include anything written by Chinese or Korean authors, they did print the works of Japanese writers such as Sada Kato and included photographs of Japanese festivities and sports provided by Japanese professors. In vol. 29, they even featured the transcript of a speech delivered at St. Olave's grammar school by Baron Kikuchi, the Japanese Minister of Education. Japan rocketed onto the international scene with victories in the wars against China and Russia. Many BOP authors comment on Japan's growing military power. For  Chen 122  example, Lieutenant-Colonel Field describes in "Into the Jaws of Death" (vol. 28) how Japan defeated Russia with their "terrible Shimose powder ... utilised by men of the extraordinary acuteness" (13). To illustrate the destructive power of the Shimose powder, Field provides a picture of a Russian ship that has exploded from the impact of the powder. The British, witnessing the strength of the Japanese, found it propitious to form an alliance with the country in 1902, and even learn from her, because No country ... has sprung into importance in so short a time as Japan. Formerly a land of little or no importance, it now ranks amongst the chief nations of the earth. Japan got lessons from Western nations, and now the relations are reversed, because, instead of Japan learning from the Western countries, the Western people are taught by the Japanese. (Liddell 155) Eager to encourage readers to emulate the Japanese, BOP authors point out the similarities between Britain and Japan. Both countries hope for "universal peace" and 4  wish to promote "the cause of civijsation and humanity" (vol. 29: 766). British chivalric codes of honor are synonymous with the Japanese Samurai's code of honor. Kikuchi, the Japanese Minister of Education, exhorts the British youth to "maintain the supremacy of England" and to love "truth, justice, and courage" (vol. 29: 766). The BOP authors are among the many nineteenth-century British authors who stressed the affinity between Europe and Japan (see Yokoyama). Some tried to prove that the Japanese were descendants of Israel, and therefore shared the same ancestral roots as the Europeans.  5  Those who believed this theory, attacked the Chinese even more vehemently and juxtaposed the two countries in their writing. For example, "Aytoun described the Chinese, in contrast to the friendly Japanese, as 'dogmatic' people who had an 'obstinate antipathy to strangers'" (Yokoyama 52).  Chen 123  Japanese society, described by BOP authors as one of the most polite in the world, provides a good model for British boys. Although many British boys are genteel and courteous, one BOP author writes, "the average English-speaking person is hopelessly beaten as claimant for first place amongst the 'Perfect Patterns of Politeness' by his ally, the happy little Jap" (Bradshaw 280). Bradshaw urges his readers to refine their manners, because the British must not be surpassed by the Japanese, who show "the utmost courtesy and politeness" in "speech, correspondence, and general behaviour" (280).  6  Whereas they praise the Japanese for their politeness, BOP authors ridicule Chinese etiquette, complaining that it is exaggerated and sometimes hypocritical. Balfour reveals his low opinion of the Chinese eating etiquette by providing an anecdote about all the trouble he had to go through to have dinner with his Chinese friends, who were overly polite. He also includes a mock dinner conversation between four Chinese men, in which they argue over the seating arrangement, who eats first, who drinks wine, and who pays the bill. Ironically, despite the elaborate etiquette (which he finds "oppressive"), the Chinese behave " very badly at table" because they "throw bones and scraps about the floor; they do not use table-napkins, but wipe their hands and faces upon steaming dusters dipped into boiling water and then wrung out" (Balfour 92).  7  In order to maintain Britain's superiority, BOP authors are careful not to elevate Japan to the same level as the British. Although BOP authors laud the process of westernization in Japan, they remind readers that Japan has much to learn. For example, in a passage titled "Always Polite" (vol. 35), the author compliments the Japanese for becoming westernized "in a remarkable manner during the last half century," but points out that they do not enjoy freedom of speech and a free press. He also satirizes their excessive politeness:  Chen 124  The nation, however, has developed a remarkable degree of politeness in official orders.... The order, when it arrives, will read somewhat as follows: 'Deign honourably to cease honourably publishing august paper. Honourable editor, honourable publisher, honourable chief printer, deign honourably to enter august jail.' The honourable editor with his honourable co-workers bows low before the messenger of the Censor, acknowledging the honour of the august notification, and then they accompany him to the honourable jail. Centuries of breeding under Japanese etiquette have rendered it impossible to show annoyance, (vol. 25: 16) By repeating the word "honourable" ten times in his imitation of the Japanese order, the author ridicules the Japanese etiquette. His tone suggests that the Japanese are overly excessive in their courtesy, while the British know how to balance politeness with practicality. The BOP authors constantly reinforce the idea that without the help of western countries such as Britain, the Japanese would still be struggling in their backwardness. In some aspects, Japan still needs "civilizing," for their art "partakes to a very large extent of the grotesque" (T. C. H., "Punishments" 78). To illustrate his point, T. 8  C. H. describes a picture of an execution in which "the decapitated Jap" has an "abnormally long neck" and the executioner carries a "gigantic knife" ("Punishments" 78). T. C. H. also points out the need for improvement in Japanese naval architecture: "The Japanese, except so far as they have imitated Europeans in the construction of their vessels, are a long way behind most of the nations of the earth in their knowledge of naval architecture" ("Craft" 827). Because late nineteenth-century Britons became increasingly 9  concerned with the potential Japanese threat, T. C. H. probably includes this comment to reassure readers that the Japanese will not be able to invade Britain because their inferior  Chen 125  battleships will not survive under attack. Famous Figures: Will Adams and Yoshida Torajiro The BOP features two biographical sketches of important people in Japanese history: one focuses on an Englishman named Will Adams, the other on Yoshida Torajiro, a Japanese hero. William Adams (1564-1620), the first Englishman to visit Japan, arrived there in 1600. Yokoyama observes that during the American expedition to Japan in the 1850s, there was a resurgence of interest in Adams because the British wanted to stress that they had arrived in the country first (17). BOP authors, feeling that the Americans were competing to colonize Japan, want to remind readers of Britain's status as the . strongest empire in the world by claiming that Will Adams arrived there long before the Americans. In "Will Adams the Pilot" (vol. 18), Kinder writes that the Japanese admire and revere Will Adams, bestowing luxuries on him to thank him for building ships for the emperor and treating them kindly. Although Will Adams came from "humble origins," the Japanese created him a Lord, calling him Anjin-Sama, and giving him land and servants to assist in keeping up his position. They still hold his memory in great respect, and I have myself seen his tomb and that of his Japanese wife, which are carefully tended by the Japanese. (Kinder 167) Adams is presented as a key leader in the modernization of Japan. Kinder leads readers to believe that the Japanese regarded him as a god-like figure who had come to improve the country. Adams recorded his impressions of Japan in Memorials of the Empire of Japon [sic].7M the XVI andXVII Centuries, which became the basis of future accounts of the country. For example, Captain Sherard Osborn (1822-75), writing for Blackwood's Magazine in 1858, repeated Adams' observations: the Japanese are '"good of nature,  Chen 126  courteous above measure, and valiant in war'" (qtd. in Yokoyama 26). In "Yoshida Torajiro: A Japanese Pioneer" (vol. 29), the author describes how Torajiro had the "foresight" to "envision" a new and improved Japan with the acquisition of western weapons and knowledge. Longing to examine the foreigners' superior firearms, he defies the law that forbids Japanese to travel abroad and tries to steal aboard an American ship. Torajiro almost succeeds, but is caught and sent to jail. Although he dies without carrying out his plan of going abroad, his final speech motivates many people to carry out his dream. The author attributes the power of present-day Japan to Torajiro's pioneering spirit: "the rapid growth and development of Japan is the greatest wonder of the present day. Who shall say how much of this new strength and power is due to the shabby little schoolmaster—the man of stout heart and burning words—Yoshida Torajiro?" (vol. 29: 7). In commending Torajiro, he implies that it is worth sacrificing one's life to learn the secrets of the westerners. Sports and Pastimes in Japan and China Victorian middle-class boys engaged in rugby, cricket, and other sports so highly recommended by public school educators, who believed that enthusiasm for team sports was an important element in training British boys to become future empire builders. In the age when the Scouts Movement was in vogue, and the notion of Muscular Christianity dominated the minds of the British public, it is not surprising that "Jiu-Jitsu" (sometimes spelled "Ju-jitsu"), the ancient art of the Samurai, would be widely reported on in the BOP. With photographs obtained from Japanese professors, BOP authors explain the different movements of Jiu-Jitsu and teach readers to master the steps of "one of the most perfect, if not the most perfect system of physical development and self-defense in the world" (Liddell 155). Liddell claims that because they practiced Jiu-Jitsu, the Japanese  Chen 127  soldiers were able to defeat the Russians and the Chinese Boxer rebels. Admiral 10  Kamimura advocates that all young men should devote their time to learning Jiu-Jitsu, because it '"not only develops a man's physical power and agility, but it also tends to make him resourceful in meeting all kinds of emergencies and surprises... . The indirect benefit will be great in all walks of life'" (qtd. in vol. 28: 448). Readers' increasing interest in Jiu-Jitsu can be observed in the BOP correspondence columns. In reply to the request for books on the subject, the editor writes: "Two of the best books on the subject are 'The Game of Ju-jitsu,' by Taro Miyake and Yukio Tani, which costs five shillings, and 'Jiu-jitsu,' by Captain H. H. Skinner, which costs half a crown" (vol. 28: 688). Besides Jiu-Jitsu, Japanese polo, fencing, kite-flying, mountain-climbing, mikoshi (sport involving the carrying of a miniature shrine), nekki (played with sticks), and other sports are described in the BOP (see vol. 34: 652-55). Sedate games such as "Go-Ban" ("Its name is of Japanese origin: 'go' is 'five,' and 'ban' means 'board'") are featured in the regular chess column (Meyer 417). BOP authors describe the Japanese as happy, robust people who pursue healthy physical activities. They present a completely opposite image of the Chinese. Because physical pursuits were considered vital to the development of character, BOP authors evaluated the strength of other countries by observing their devotion to physical activities. The Chinese people do not fare well when measured by these standards. One author comments that Chinese boys rarely engage in team sports, preferring "boring" individual games such as shuttlecock and Chinese chess over rugby. Mossman laments that the Chinese do not have anything that resembles "our fine old English game of cricket" (99). To his horror, Chinese boys take real crickets, set them to fight each other, and place bets on the insect they think will win. Hardy also disapproves of the Chinese boys' gambling  Chen 128  habits: "The Chinese are a nation of gamblers, and they begin the bad habit when very young" (100). BOP authors agree that Chinese children are particularly fond of kite-flying: it is "not only a fashion, but a passion" (vol. 13: 26). However, the authors think that the Chinese are too obsessed with this hobby. The author of "Boys in China" provides the following anecdote: [someone] saw a Chinaman standing quite still, with his pigtail standing straight up in the air. He came nearer to see what it meant, and found the man very busy using his fingers doing something, and as he wanted to fly his kite at the same time, tied the string to his pigtail, which did as well as his hands. (Fox 64) Mossman gives a similar example of "a Chinaman engaged at his daily occupation with a kite flying, tied to his chair by the string, and there it will remain, provided the wind be steady, the whole day" (83). In "Kite-Cutting in Hong Kong" (vol. 17), G. F. L., who lived in the colony as a child, introduces readers to the game of "Kite-Cutting." He recommends this game, which is popular among Chinese children, but emphasizes that it is "unsportsmanlike" to cut the big beautiful Chinese kites, "as the large kits are defenseless, and probably cost great trouble to make..." (124). Although W. J. Gordon admits that "China is a great kite-flying country," he reminds readers that it is "not necessarily the oldest" ("Kites" 715). Japan outshines China in this respect, for it "has the credit of producing the biggest kite on record." The kite was so big that it could carry a human being (the thief who attempted to steal the golden fish from the castle of Nagoya) (Gordon, "Kites" 716)."  Chen 129  Japanese Boys and Chinese Boys: A Comparison The BOP introduces two Japanese children's festivals to their young readers. "The Boy's Day in Japan" (vol. 35) explains the century-old custom of celebrating "O Sekku" (the boys' festival) each year on thefifthof May. It is one of the most exciting holidays for children, especially boys, because on this special day, they receive gifts from their fathers, mothers, and sisters, who also decorate the house and bake rice cakes. Every household with a boy (or boys) displays paper carp on its flagpole: one fish for each son. The youngest son is represented by the biggestfish,and the paper carp are graded according to the age of the boys in that household. It is a proud father who on the day of O Sekku can look above his ridgepole and see seven or eight paperfishswimming against the wind. (vol. 35: 528)  12  "The day of Yokkaichi," another national festival, is a time of "great rejoicing and festivity" (vol. 25: 736). On that day, boys and girls form a procession through their city. The boys drag a man-made whale along the streets, and the girls pretend to be fishers in the boat. To give readers a concrete idea of what the parade looks like, the author appends a black-and-white photograph, provided by Professor Ksakamoto of Yamada, to the passage. Sada Kato, a Japanese writer, informs readers that Japanese is a complex language with two different alphabets, "katakana" and "hirakana." In addition to the alphabets, Japanese children have to learn thousands of characters imported from the Chinese language. Although they are also required to learn English, they find it much easier than their native language, which is so complicated that "no machine could be made for typing such complex characters as Japanese" (Kato 482). There are eight articles about Chinese boys in the BOP. Two of the authors  Chen 130  introduce the three names that correspond to the three stages of a Chinese man's life. Parents give their newborn babies a "milk name." Typical names include: "Little Stupid," "Vagabond," "Flea," "Dirt" (Hardy 99) or "great dog, or little dog, or ugly dog or cat" (vol. 34: 64). These derogatory names are supposed to deceive the evil spirits who might want to steal the baby boy. At the age of six or seven, the boy enrolls in school, where the schoolmaster gives him a student name, or a "book name," such as "Radiant-brightness, Virtuous-strength, Harmonious-fragrance, Heavenly-courage, Correct-reckoning" (vol. 34: 64), "Promising Study," and "Entering virtue" (Hardy 99). As adults, they choose a name that will be used for the rest of their lives.  13  All the authors are incredulous of the fact that from a young age, Chinese boys are trained in the ancient classics of Confucius, Mencius, and other authors. For example, Wang T'ien Ping walks down the hill from his house to Ping-Yang, where he is "instructed in the Chinese characters, and introduced by constant repetition to some of the sayings of the great sage Confucius..." (Colbeck, "Wang" 631). The authors are amused to hear students shouting out their lessons ("shouting during the learning of repetition is the rule throughout China"), which must be repeated until fully memorized. According to Bunbury, if a village has two or more schools, a father sends his son to the school "where [the] most noise is made" (727). Testing procedures are also eye-opening: instead of facing the schoolmaster, the pupil turns his back on him, faces his classmates, then recites the lesson without looking at the book in his teacher's hand. This is called "backing a lesson" ( f f ) . Fox speculates that "perhaps this attitude is considered convenient in case his memory needs jogging with the—you know what I mean!" (702). The Japanese children in the BOP are portrayed as happy, normal people who enjoy the same festivities as the British. They live in healthy families with parents who adore  Chen 131  them and treat them kindly. Chinese families in the BOP, if mentioned at all, are presented as problematic or dysfunctional because the Chinese often leave their relatives to serve their foreign missionary friends. The Japanese children have time to relax and rest, while the Chinese children do not, because they are forced to memorize their lessons, cram for exams, and bear burdens that are too heavy for them. Moreover, according to Mossman, they are under constant danger of being kidnapped, because kidnapping boys is a common crime in China (99). Korea in the BOP There are only a few reports on Korea (spelled "Corea") in the BOP, possibly 14  because the land was first occupied by the Chinese, and then taken over by the Japanese (1895-1945). Because the Korean ruler Taewon'gun fiercely objected to the opening of his country in the 1860s, Britain did not have close contact with the place until after 1882, when the United States first signed a treaty of commerce with Korea. Missionaries were possibly the only westerners with first-hand knowledge of the land. The first time Corea is mentioned in vol. 7, it is described as the forbidden land of Eastern Asia, which until very recently was known only to the civilised world by name, and by a few meagre reports received from Japanese and Chinese sources. Our readers will perhaps recollect the confusion that arose when a treaty opening up certain ports to foreigners was, a short time since, forced upon the inhabitants. A revolt took place, the Queen was killed, and for a time general anarchy prevailed. (T. C. H., "Craft" 827) This paragraph conveys the idea that Corea is a place of chaos and violence, desperately in need of help from the Western world. After winning the Russo-Japanese war in 1905, Japan forced the Korean emperor to  Chen 132  sign a treaty that made Korea its protectorate. In "The 'B. O. P.' Stamp Collector" of the 1905-06 BOP annual, Melville observes that Japan has issued a new stamp "to commemorate the taking over by the Imperial Japanese Post of the postal service of Corea. The design combines the chrysanthemum as the emblem of Japan with the plum-blossom of Corea, and two carrier pigeons represent the postal service" (144). War correspondent Fred A. McKenzie pays "A High Tribute to Korean Christian Boys" in vol. 27. "Six or eight Korean boys" act as messengers for him, sometimes traveling more than three hundred miles, encountering "great difficulties" on the way. McKenzie is happy to report that "they never failed for want of honesty and thoroughness" (320). Not only do they fulfill their duties faithfully, they also demonstrate their devotion to God by studying the Bible and singing hymns every Sunday. McKenzie suggests that because the Korean boys have converted, they are able to handle the job honestly and courageously. "The First Korean Typewriter" (vol. 35) describes Korea's technological advancement. According to the author, the inventors of the Korean typewriter had to overcome many difficulties to produce the machine, but they finally succeeded. Five hundred years ago, "the great King Sei-jong" invented the Korean alphabet. Korean is built upon purely phonetic principles, the language is based upon one of the simplest and most perfect linguistic systems known.. .The whole system of Korean writing is made from the combination of three elements: one line, one dot and one circle  But here are other practical difficulties. Each of these  letters has two or three different positions, and enough other characters are used to overcrowd the keyboard of the average machine. All these difficulties however, have been surmounted and the Korean typewriter is now a fact. (608)  Chen 133  Korea, like Japan and China, is measured against the western ruler of "progress." Therefore, Korean Christian boys are commended for their diligence and faith. The Korean typewriter, a symbol of scientific advancement, also deserves to be praised. Because Korea is a colony of Japan, and possibly does not have much value in terms of natural resources or geographic position, BOP authors do not spend much time writing about it and can afford to adopt a more indifferent tone than in their dealings with China or Japan. Koreans occupy a marginal position in the BOP. The Japanese, however, are frequently contrasted with the Chinese. They are seen as a race to be praised and admired, while the Chinese are looked upon in contempt and disgust. A series of juxtapositions serve to heighten the difference between the two countries: Japan is civilized, China is not; Japan is clean and orderly, China is filthy and chaotic; the Japanese are polite and upright, the Chinese are dishonest and cruel; the Japanese are associated with high taste, the Chinese are given to vile debasement; Japan is "the paradise of children" (Johnson 678), China is notorious for infanticide. The British are eager to form an alliance with Japan, 15  but work to take over China. BOP reports on Japan rarely stress the negative aspects of the country. Whereas evil Chinese characters abound in the BOP adventure stories, only one Japanese villain appears in the tales. In "A Fight with the Hunhuses" (vol. 29), a Japanese spy wears a wig with a pigtail to disguise himself as a Chinese man. Throughout the BOP, Japan is represented in a positive light, and can be seen as almost an equal. A boy's life in Japan is strikingly similar to boy life in England, because they share the same games and sports. British boys befriend Japanese children (Chaplin 57), but treat Chinese boys as servants. If the Chinese had embraced the western influence and presence in China, the portrayal of China and the Chinese would have been very different.  Chen 134  Notes ' In 1853, Commodore Perry followed the orders of U.S. president Millard Fillmore to go to Japan in an attempt to induce the Japanese government to establish diplomatic relations with the United States. He led a naval expedition to Japan and demanded that someone from the government accept the letter from the President of the United States requesting a treaty. Although the Japanese stalled for time, their military force was not strong enough to defend themselves. In February 1854, Perry returned and on March 31 concluded the first treaty between the two countries (Encyclopedia Britannica). The Official Guide explains that "Korea, of course, is not, strictly speaking, a Japanese possession, but there is such a strong affinity of interests...that this attempt to portray Japan as a colonizing power would not be complete if Korea were not represented...Formosa...is, of course, a possession of Japan in every sense of the word, and secured by her in 1895 as a fruit of the Chinese War...the natives were savages, ...whom the Chinese has been unable to subdue. It was naturally with no little misgiving that Japan assumed control over the new possession and started to colonize it'" (qtd. in Greenhalgh 74-75). However, Yokoyama observes that although British writers had advocated Western civilization in Japan, they were very critical of the Japanese imitation of the West. They chose to distance themselves from the Japanese, positioning themselves high above the imitating country (137). The official guide for the Japan-British Exhibition in 1910 describes the similarities between the Japanese and the British: "One curious similarity runs through the whole, that is, the striking similitude between Japs and our own people. This resemblance manifests itself in manner, physical stamp and shape of head. To anyone acquainted with the principles of phrenology the resemblance is very marked. This last point is indicated by the large proportion of the brain in front and above the ear. The structural conditions are distinctive indications of considerable mental power, and are emphasised by the portraits of some of the most highly place representatives. Taken as a whole, they constitute a good augury for the growth of sympathy between east and west" (qtd. in Greenhalgh 96-97). According to Engelbert Kaempfer, the Japanese were descended originally from the lost people of Babylon. This idea became increasingly popular towards the late 1850s and was endorsed by many popular magazines. For example, in June 1857, Blackwood's Magazine published an article by William Aytoun that was based on a report by Lieutenant A. W. Habersham of Perry's Expedition. Aytoun was struck by the similarity between the Japanese and the Jewish people on the issues related to money and traffic (a double prejudice). He wrote: '"Surely Japan must have been originally peopled from the lost tribes of Israel, for no other race could have devised a scheme so eminently subtle and successful.' The information that the Japanese behaved like Jewish people enabled Aytoun to connect them with the Judaic-Christian background of European civilisation" (Yokoyama 51). 1  3  4  5  Yokohama observes that many British writers felt a sense of competition with the Japanese about good manners (61). Elsewhere, the BOP gives another example of Chinese etiquette: a speaker must refer to his "cheap surname," "humble country," and "wasted years" but ask for the other person's 6  7  Chen 135  "honourable name," "precious country of origin" and "exalted age." Sir Rutherford Alcock (1809-97) also observed this grotesque characteristic of Japanese art (see Yokohama 81). In the same article, T. C. H. comments on the methods used by the Chinese to control the "clumsy" bamboo-made boats: "the Chinese worked them with a sort of rake or very wide hoe, with which the man at the head pulls the water towards him, whilst his companion at the stern pushes it away" ("Craft" 107). Contrary to calling Chinese crafts "clumsy," George Pontin describes them as "useful" and well-suited for "sailing close to the wind" (11). Rev. Robert Liddell (1808-1888) published 25 books, including The Seven Deadly Sins. Other informational articles related to Chinese kites are: "Annamese Kites" (vol. 12) and "Description of Chinese Man-kite" (vol. 34). In "The Japanese Boy at Home," Sada Kato explains that the "carp in Japan become very strong fish, which struggle and swim successfully against remarkably strong streams...The paper 'koi' [carp] represents the parents' desire that when the boy is placed in the stream of life, and has to fight his own battle, he will struggle as bravely as does the 'koi,' until he becomes a successful man" (482). See Moule for more discussion. It is said that after Japan took over Corea, they decided to exchange the "C" for "K" so that alphabetically, Japan would appear before Korea. Despite their positive depiction by BOP authors, the Japanese did have their social problems, which the British failed to observe. For example, beggars were asked to hide themselves when the visitors came into the villages and women were forced to clean the streets beforehand (see Yokoyama). 8  9  10  11  12  13  14  15  Chen 136  Chapter Six Illustrations of China and the Chinese in The Boy's Own Paper This chapter focuses on the images of the Chinese as portrayed in BOP engravings and photographs. First, I discuss the photographs of China and the Chinese and then examine the engravings of the Chinese. I look for exaggerated physical traits such as distortions, including diminutiveness and dehumanizing animal features. I will also comment on recurrent characteristics such as suggestions of childlike countenances, frowning faces, and lowered heads. Photographs In Picturing Empire: Photography and Visualization in the British Empire, James R. Ryan points out that Victorians regarded photographs as visual "facts." Photographs played an important role within the "imperial archive," which, according to Thomas Richards, is "a fantasy of knowledge collected and united in the service of state and Empire" (6). An important part of the enterprise was the study of different human "types." Victorians relied on photography as an accurate way of documenting people of different races (Ryan 146). Photographs of foreigners were often accompanied by detailed descriptions, suggesting the particular ways of "reading the image as a map of physical and, by association, moral character" (156). For example, Victorian photographer John Thomson (1837-1921) used his photographs of the Chinese "as the basis of evaluating their physical and moral character (163). In the BOP, authors included many photographs of China and the Chinese in their travel narratives in order to shape readers' perceptions of the Chinese and convince them that the world is controllable and at their disposal. BOP travelers usually carry a camera to China to photograph the people and the landscape. With a camera in hand, a person feels empowered, because "to photograph is  Chen 137  to appropriate the thing photographed" (Sontag 4). Venturing into unfamiliar territory such as China, the BOP travelers, unsure of the dangers that lie ahead, take photographs to claim the space. In a sense, the camera serves as a kind of weapon for the travelers. The Chinese were infamous for their fear of the camera, believing that the camera "could see through the landscape, and that the photographic process involved the use of eyes stolen from children" (Ryan 143). After hearing many explorers report incidents where the camera intimidated the foreigners they encountered, BOP travelers feel more confident holding their cameras because they know that the Chinese are afraid of the foreign equipment. Photographs are markers of authenticity. Therefore, many travel writers often supplement their texts with photographs to add validity to their narratives. During the late nineteenth century, the scientific value of photographs was particularly high, because the Victorians thought photography was "a perfect marriage between science and art: a mechanical means of allowing nature to copy herself with total accuracy and intricate exactitude" (Ryan 17). Victorians also valued photographs because they gave information. Readers who might want to verify the truth of the BOP authors' claims can consult the photographs, which provide evidence that the authors actually walked along the Great Wall, traveled to interior China, and visited the Ming Tombs. In the late nineteenth century, photographs were believed to hold a "a mission, a moral purpose, which was to relate the truth" (Green-Lewis 4). Therefore, the inclusion of photographs in the BOP led readers to believe that they were seeing the real China. However, photographs are not neutral in their depiction of the world. Just like paintings, they are interpretations of the world and hence never neutral or objective, because it is impossible for photographers to escape the influences of their culture (Sontag 6-7; Green-Lewis 5; Barthes 199).  Chen 138  According to Ryan, Victorian "photographs—composed, reproduced, circulated and arranged for consumption within particular social circles in Britain—reveal as much about the imaginative landscapes of imperial culture as they do about the physical spaces or people pictured within their frame" (19-20). Readers' perceptions of the Chinese are shaped by the BOP photographs, which have been carefully selected to convey the message that the Chinese are inferior to the British. BOP travel writers knew that readers had probably never seen photographs of China, and so they wanted to provide pictures that would be novel and shocking. The writer strategically arranged his photographs throughout the text to attract readers' attention. In "From Pekin to the Great Wall" (vol. 32), the author provides several photographs of strange objects and buildings that he observed during his travels. As Ryan points out, photographs are not simply visual images, but are "frequently framed by linguistic messages in the forms of titles, captions, and accompanying text" (19). Therefore, in discussing photographs of China and the Chinese, one should consider how the captions and text affects the readers' perceptions of the photograph. On thefirstpage of "From Pekin to the Great Wall," there are three large photographs with the following captions: "Joss, Hot Springs," "A Giant Marble Animal, Ming Tombs, China," and "Statue of Statesman, Near Ming Tombs, China." The latter two captions include the word "China," while thefirstdoes not, which may be simply a sign of negligence on the author's part. Of the three pictures, the photograph of the Joss, which is the largest and appears first, probably attracts the most attention, because it is the most complicated (see fig. 2). Standingfirmlyupright, the black-faced joss wears an elaborate headpiece and a heavy armor with a monstrous object protruding from his stomach area. The wide-eyed monster's head is larger than that of the god. Behind the joss, the ornate wallpaper  Chen 139  features a dragon flying through swirls of clouds. Readers who want to learn more about the joss will have to continue reading until the next page, where the author provides a description of the joss-houses, which are described as being "inseparable" from a Chinese village. Skeptical of the supernatural ability of these idols, the author comments that "the josses (gods) are the acme of all things ugly. If measured by their ability to horrify and disgust, they might be suspected of power to move mountains" (Marine 779). The author's wry comment represents the typical attitude of British travelers who encounter such gods on their journeys: the Chinese are too superstitious if they believe that such a hideous object could solve their problems. Travelers such as Manderson probably only exploit the partial facts they have about the joss-houses and do not research the meaning of each item in the temple. For example, the author does not provide an explanation of the pot filled with sand in front of the joss, which is placed there for worshippers to stick their incense after they have finished praying. The next photograph presents a colossal lion-like creature on a pedestal, which, according to the caption, is made of marble (see fig. 3). The round eyes of the fierce-looking animal, accompanied by the slightly-opened mouth, create a frighteningly grotesque effect. As with the previous title, this caption does not explain the function of this marble animal, and curious readers will have to continue reading to find more information, which does not appear until several pages later. As the author prepares to enter the Ming Tombs, he passes marble animals that serve as guards. Besides the lion, other creatures such as horses and elephants are also made of "solid marble, chiselled out of the near-by mountains, quite three times as large as natural size" (Marine 781). As the author trudges by the monuments, "glancing at them through a mist of sweat," he is too tired and hungry to marvel at these grand objects and inwardly wishes "every one of those old Emperors who had caused all this magnificence a bad time"  Chen 140  (Marine 781). Despite including the photograph called "statue of statesman," the author declines to describe the serious, Confucius-like figure, possibly because he expects readers to infer that it is one of the statues of the "six civil officers" that guard the tomb along with the marble animals (see fig. 4). On the second page of his travel narrative, the author provides two more photographs. One is taken before he enters the Ming Tombs, with the caption "Entrance to Ming Tombs, China. Wonderful Echo in Tunnel" (see fig. 5). Because of the caption, readers wonder about the echo, which, according to the author, is a result of the "strange acoustic properties of the building." This tunnel was designed "to warn priests of the approach of intruders," so even the entrance of a fly does not escape notice (781). Although he commends the construction of the Chinese railway, the author criticizes the poor quality of the traditional means of transportation. To explain the nature of his complaint, he asks readers to refer to "the illustration on page 779" which "shows how a brake is adjusted during the descent of the Pass" (Marine 781). The caption reads: "Nan-Kuo Pass: The way they skid the waggons on coming down a mountain pass" (see fig. 6). Pictures of the Great Wall comprise the last two photographs in the travel narrative. In the second photograph, one can see the profile of a man ("Mr. Froelich, Y. M. C. A. Pekin") standing on the steep side of the wall, looking toward the horizon (see fig. 7). Mr. Froelich's pose can be interpreted in different ways. Standing on top of the Great Wall looking down on China, he gains what Mary Louise Pratt calls the "monarch-of-all-I" perspective of the land. Like a king, he surveys the landscape and symbolically claims it for himself. He may also be glancing at the horizon and searching for hope in China's future, or contemplating man's insignificance compared to nature. Perhaps he is reflecting on his previous efforts to reach the Great Wall, looking at all of the roads he has traveled. There are six photographs in Manderson's "Crossing the Nan Ling" (vol. 33): "A  Chen 141  Sedan Chair," "A Rest House," "A Restaurant and Inn," "A Pagoda Standing at the Approach to the City," "A Native Church," and "Young China." Except for the photograph of the pagoda, all of the pictures have people in them, although they are not the main focus. In "Young China," however, children are the photographed subjects. In this travel narrative, it is easier to find the explanations for the pictures because the text is situated closer to the images. For example, the uncomfortable sedan chairs that Manderson complains of are shown infigure8. From the picture, readers can see that no upholstered seats are attached to the wooden frame of the chair. It looks small, shaky, and shabby. In the photograph of the inn and restaurant, there is a crowd of people lined up under a roof (see fig. 9). Because the photographer probably wanted to capture the architectural structure of the building, the people appear very small. Therefore, it is hard to see the expressions on their faces. However, one immediately notices the leader of the expedition, wearing a tropical white suit and hat, standing in front of the group. He stands out from the crowd because not only is he taller, his white uniform makes him appear immaculate in contrast to the dirty natives. The hut-like inn looks worn down and coincides with the author's descriptions of the horrible inconveniences he experienced while staying there. Similarly, the picture of the rest-house focuses on the exterior of the building rather than on the people standing in the doorway of the dark and cramped structure that does not seem to serve as a comfortable resting-place (see fig. 10). During the Chinoiserie craze of the eighteenth century, pagodas, which were often drawn oh willow plates, became associated with China. However, the photograph of a pagoda in figure 11 is provided to illustrate the superstitious nature of the Chinese. Manderson 1  probably included the photograph of a native church to display the missionaries' successful efforts in spreading the gospel and to give readers hope that the Chinese can be  Chen 142  saved (see fig. 12). In this photograph, the two explorers with their white hats tower over the person (perhaps a Chinese child) standing between them. At first glance, there seem to be only three people in the picture. However, if one looks closely at the far-left side of the photograph, one will notice a person holding a baby. This Chinese person is half cut off from the picture. The baby, however, seems to be staring curiously at the white men posed in the doorway. It is not clear whether the photographer intended to include these two figures in the photograph. "Young China" is the only photograph of Chinese children in the BOP (see fig. 13). In this photograph, readers are confronted with five bare-foot, dirty, malnourished children lined up against a brick wall. Two of the children are half-naked. Some of them glance sideways at their companions or up at the sky, others squint unhappily at the camera. Considering the relatively long exposure time, it is not surprising that their expressions are stiff. It is difficult to determine the gender of these children. Judging from their hairstyles, I think there are four boys and one girl (the only child without the half-shaved head). The girl, standing in the centre, pushes her hands against the wall behind her, looking as if she is bracing herself for something terrible to happen. Standing against the wall, the children bear striking resemblance to people who are being lined up for execution or for mug-shots. They probably felt that way. Obviously uncomfortable at being the centre of unexplained attention, these children are even more frightened of being "bewitched by the camera" (Manderson 829).  2  Engravings The engravings of the Chinese in the BOP can be divided into two categories: caricatures that serve to reinforce the stereotypical idea of the Chinese as narrow-eyed, pigtailed, comical characters, and adventure-story engravings that heighten the image of sinister, devious, and violent Chinese villains. When westerners, who initially had a  Chen 143  superficial understanding of China, first started to illustrate the Chinese, they portrayed their subjects as curious but harmless people. They tried to represent the Chinese physiognomy on paper without resorting to "malicious caricature" (Choy et al. 21). Perhaps because information was scarce, the engravings were frequently inaccurate. For example, there were errors in the rendition of Chinese writing. Chinese characters would be "'drawn' nonsensically" instead of carefully reproduced (Choy et al. 21). However, as the relationship between the Chinese and the westerners deteriorated, the engravings gradually turned into spiteful political cartoons (Choy et al. 21). Caricatures Caricatures are usually political commentaries on contemporary events that express dissatisfaction. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, "caricature" is defined as "Grotesque or ludicrous representation of persons or things by exaggeration of their most characteristic and striking features." People are amused by caricatures because "on either a conscious or unconscious level, we tend to find artistic disfigurement sadistically entertaining, and we are often compelled to laugh, sometimes against our will" (Rivers 20). Using the technique of distortion, which is the most "prevalent of the fundamental techniques of caricature," the illustrator will either exaggerate, disfigure, or overly simplify the subject's features (Rivers 9). Illustrators also use techniques such as "simplification" and "anamorphosis"—leaving things out or altering size and distance (Rivers 47). For example, if one wanted to emphasize the eyes, one could choose to either enlarge them or erase the mouth, nose and ears. In addition, "the size of the eyes can be made to appear to change depending on how far away from them the eyebrows are placed" (Rivers 47). The other facial features are simplified or fade into the background. Many examples of caricatures can be found in the BOP, particularly after 1900,  Chen 144  when there was a significant increase in caricatures of the Chinese. In his studies of 3  western caricature, Rivers observes that the deformation of the nose is the most common characteristic of distortion, followed by the oversized head. Instead of distorting the noses or heads of the Chinese people, however, the BOP illustrators usually distort their eyes and hair by shrinking the eyes into narrow slits and lengthening the pigtails. The pigtails usually serve to form letters of the alphabet in the masthead of correspondence columns. Other times they are used for comic effect, when the illustrators draw Chinese men pulling their companion's pigtails. One correspondence column features two Chinese men, with pigtails flying up, hopping along as they hold a sign that says "correspondence" (vol. 16: 176). In another volume, fourteen Chinese heads are lined up in a row, and each person's pigtail assumes the shape of each of the letters in the word "correspondence" (vol. 20: 768). In vol. 25, one correspondence column depicts two Chinese men standing at opposite ends, with their long pigtails tied together like a tightrope (128). Fourteen lanterns with the letters "c," "o," "r," "r," "e," "s," "p," "o," "n," "d," "e," "n," "c," and "e" hang down from the pigtail-rope. A more complicated masthead appears in a correspondence column in vol. 29 (624). In this engraving (drawn by J. F. B.), a Chinese man, who looks like a government official, wears a traditional gown with the Chinese word Mai (^—a surname) and holds a fan in one hand (see fig. 14). His other hand gestures to the letters above him, which are made from his pigtail. His pigtail resembles a pen that has written the word "correspondence" in cursive. On the bottom right-hand side of the picture, a dragon pops out of a grotesque-looking man's open head. The monstrous man's huge ears protrude and his mouth is opened wide, showing a few fang-like teeth. He almost looks like a carved pumpkin. It is not clear whether the man is conjuring up the dragon out of the horrible head. On the left-hand side, three books with the letters "B,"  Chen 145  "O," and "P" stand on a desk next to an incense stand. As the incense burns, swirls of smoke mingle with the fumes coming out of the monster's head and the dragon's mouth. Astrological designs such as moons and stars embellish the edge of the table. This engraving is an amalgamation of the objects characteristically associated with China: a Chinese man with a long pigtail, a dragon, incense, and a monster-like creature. One is not sure whether the illustrator intended to create an atmosphere of horror or comedy in the picture. Considering that J. F. B. was drawing during the period in which Art Nouveau (1890-1910) was in vogue, the swirls of smoke and the lettering of the word "correspondence" are probably poor imitations of the Art Nouveau style, which was inspired by linear patterns of Japanese prints (ukiyo-e). Artists influenced by this style 4  usually employ motifs such as vine tendrils, flower stalks, insect wings, or other sinuous objects into their works. Instead of creating a graceful work of art, however, J. F. B.'s work engages in the grotesque. Throughout the BOP, the illustrators display variants of the same pigtail motif. In vol. 23 there are two pictures of the Chinese: one is located in a correspondence column, where under the title "One Glimpse of the B.O.P. makes the Whole World Kin," a Chinese man with long pigtail is pictured reading the BOP (624). Elsewhere, to fill up the empty space at the end of a story, the editors inserted an engraving of four silly-looking Chinese boys mechanically pulling each other's pigtails while prancing in front of a large Chinese fan (vol. 23: 663). In the next volume, one correspondence column features a caricature of a man, sitting in a sedan chair held up by two Chinese peasants, reading in the BOP. Included in the picture is a sign that reads "B. O. Pekin in China," accompanied by other undecipherable characters (vol. 24: 512). Similarly, in a later correspondence column, a bald Chinese monk is absorbed in his copy of the BOP (576). In back of him,  Chen 146  the illustrator has drawn some Oriental buildings and letters that are meant to resemble Chinese characters. Vol. 28 has the most pictures of Chinese with pigtails in one annual (see pages 752, 312, 219). In all of these engravings, the facial features of the Chinese are distorted to create a comic effect, but the emphasis is placed on the versatile pigtail, which can be manipulated to serve many purposes. Although pigtails were abolished after Dr. Sun Yet-Sen's revolution of 1911, the BOP never reports on the overthrowing of the Qing dynasty, let alone the disappearance of pigtails. Without the pigtails to distinguish the Chinese, the BOP would lose a favorite object of ridicule. Historians have observed that before the twentieth century, there was "nonchalant confusion between the countries of the East" in Europe (Appleton 91-92). The BOP engravings often include a mixture of Japanese and Chinese characteristics, making it difficult to tell whether the picture is depicting the Chinese or the Japanese (see fig. 15). For example, the masthead for the October 28, 1905 issue (vol. 28) portrays three halfbald Asians wearing what seem to be Japanese kimonos. However, all of them have pigtails, which indicates that they are Chinese because, before the westernization of Japan, all Japanese men tied their hair into buns on top of their heads. The man on the left is drawn in profile, holding a copy of the BOP and smiling contentedly. Next to him, a man faces forward, also wearing a huge grin. His mouth and eyes are disproportionate: a curved line represents his mouth, while his small eyes are squinting so much that one cannot see his eyeballs and his eyebrows are slanted at forty-five degree angles. Behind this man lie two small buildings that resemble pagodas, but one is unable to discern whether the buildings are Chinese or Japanese. The man on the right-hand side is carrying a stick on his shoulder that has two lanterns tied to each end. One has the letter "B," the other "P." It is difficult to distinguish whether the lanterns are Japanese or Chinese. His  Chen 147  sleeve has the letter "O" on it. Another example of the "B.O.P." lantern motif can be found in vol. 35 (page x) (see fig. 16). Under the title 'list of coloured plates,' Ricardo Brook has drawn a short, stout Chinese man (or boy) holding a long bamboo on his shoulder with two lanterns hanging on either end of the stick. It is impossible to identify the person's age, and this vagueness reflects the Victorian tendency to describe foreigners as childlike. His face cannot be seen, because his head is turned in the other direction: one can only see his bald scalp with a ring of hair around it and a pigtail coming down his back. The head is supposed to represent the letter "O" so that the whole picture forms the word "B.O.P." The figure's fingernails, long and sharp, reflect the stereotypical image of Chinese men as effeminate and decadent. On the upper right-hand side of the picture, there is a rectangular sign (or a dialogue bubble) that says "B.O.P. Muchee Good!" The illustrator's initial purpose is to praise the BOP, but he also takes the opportunity to mock the Chinese people's Pidgin English. Although it is true that the Chinese often carried these bamboo sticks, they usually used them to transport heavy cargo, not lanterns. In vol. 35, a framed engraving of a Chinese man reading the BOP appears in the middle of a story called "The Son of an Anarchist" (471). At first glance, it seems that this image is placed there to supplement the text, but the story is actually completely unrelated to the Chinese (see fig. 17). The explanatory poem at the bottom of the picture resembles a schoolyard chant: A picturesque heathen Chinee, Built his house in the top of a tree. 'By moonlight,' he said, 'Before going to bed 'I will read through my new "B.O.P."'  Chen 148  N.B. No longer a heathen is he. (vol. 35: 471) This is another picture that overtly announces the power of the BOP to convert the Chinese. A sign with the words "Moon Rise Villa" hangs from the left wall of the hut. A half-risen sun emerges from the bottom of the banner, where there are some unidentifiable characters scribbled onto the sign. The tree, full of leaves and mandarin oranges, is deformed, with a very thin trunk that could not possibly support the villa. There is a huge crescent moon in the background, lower than the house. On the right-hand side there are two banners hanging from the limbs of the tree. One says "B.O.P," the other has some unidentifiable characters. The man, wearing a wide-brimmed hat, is half leaning out of the window of his tiny villa. Unlike the other caricatures of the Chinese, his eyebrows are not slanted, although his eyes are still small. A rope-ladder hanging from the left-hand side of the villa completes the picture. This picture may appeal to British children who are familiar with the experience of reading in tree houses, but it is an inaccurate portrayal of the Chinese, who did not build tree houses for their children. Throughout the BOP, illustrators depict foreigners reading the paper and being overjoyed at its arrival (see vol. 30, XMAS 1888), but considering that the paper targeted members of the British Empire, these pictures do not make much sense. Furthermore, because the religious content of the magazine was deliberately toned down, it is unlikely that a Chinese person, even if he could read English, would accept Christianity after reading the BOP. There are two full-page black-and-white engravings of the Chinese in the BOP. The first sketch (vol. 23) depicts a busy street in Canton (see fig. 18). As the caption "China To-day: A Street in Canton" suggests, this slice-of-life sketch is intended to represent the entire Chinese society. It is likely that the illustrator drew this picture by consulting a 5  Chen 149  photograph, because it resembles a photograph of Wellington Street in Hong Kong (see Warner, Hong Kong 32). According to John Warner, in the period between 1842 and 1892, an increasing number of engravings of Hong Kong were based on photographs (Illustrated 8). This BOP engraving seems to be one of them. Rows of lanterns in all shapes and sizes decorate the street, which suggests that there might be a festival happening. Numerous shop signs vie for attention as they protrude above the narrow street, almost blocking the sky. Among these signs, only three accurately form understandable Chinese characters. Two signs on the upper right-hand side are legible: "tHj5.fi" sells leather luggage bags, but the " ^ X J T " " sign does not identify what the store is selling. In the middle of the picture there is a large sign hanging between the two sides of the street with the big word "wine" (jff) written on it. In drawing all of the other signs, the illustrator merely tries to replicate Chinese characters by scrawling some letters onto the signs. The impression of exoticism, which has been established by the complicated Chinese characters, is furthered by the depiction of different people milling around the street, creating an atmosphere of excitement and rush. To achieve the realistic quality of the picture, the people are drawn facing different angles. However, the illustrator deliberately accents their bare foreheads and long pigtails, making both features very conspicuous. On the right-hand side, there is a tall man with a long queue draped over his shoulder, wearing a garment that resembles an official's uniform. He seems to be blowing a long pipe, which resembles an opium pipe, but could also be a musical instrument. If it was meant to be an opium pipe, the illustrator apparently did not know that the Chinese smoke opium in a reclining position, not standing up. There is no story or informational article that accompanies the engraving. Perhaps the illustrator was an ethnographer who completed this picture as a practice sketch.  Chen 150  The other picture, also unaccompanied by any written text, seems to illustrate a story about a British navy officer trying to escape from angry Chinese men who are following him on horses. One Chinese man is riding just behind the Briton, with his pigtail flying in the air and a whip in his hand, charging forward with all his strength. The other Chinese and Britons lag behind, and one of them falls off his horse. The setting of the picture suggests that the story takes place in the interior part of China, because the dirt roads are very wide and only a few shops line the street. In the background, the illustrator depicts spectators running out of the shops to witness the horse-chase. A half-page painting in vol. 33, drawn by A. D. McCormick, features some Chinese men in a narrow boat (see fig. 19). According to the caption, this is the third picture in the series of engravings called "Sports in Out-of-the-way Places" and depicts "A Chinese Boat Race in Hong Kong" (337). The savage-looking Chinese seem to be trying to save their tilting boat from overturning. One man, in an awkward posture, has already lost his balance and falls into the water. In the distance one can see another boat making its way past the boat in the foreground.  Engravings in Adventure Stories The engravings in a story are very important because "by selecting key points of the action, conveying a sense of suspense and progress, and in drawing our sympathies towards the central character... [they] are thus a central part of the unified discourse of the story" (Sillars 79). In discussing engravings, one must pay attention to their position in the story, because they are used to control the pace of the narrative and add suspense. If they are placed before the plot twist, they lure readers to read on. If the story is written from thefirst-personpoint-of-view, the engravings serve to make readers see through the eyes of the narrator, "deepening the identification which the intended readers will feel  Chen 151  with the figure" (Sillars 91). In "A Celestial Cruise; Or Some Queer Memories of the Chinese War of 1860" (vol. 34), the author provides a self-illustrated picture of Ling-ting, the Chinese cook who steals the British chefs two "pretty little puppies" (named "Grouse and Ptarmingan"), skins them, and grills the meat (see fig. 21). When the British cook smells the aroma of barbecued meat, he enviously tries to figure out where Ling-ting acquired the food. Needless to say, when he finds out that Ling-ting has murdered his dogs, the infuriated British cook, who "had least love for the foreign passengers," almost kills the Chinese man (Popham 284). In the picture, the illustrator depicts Lung-ting glancing furtively out the window as he is grilling the meat. Smoke drifts out the window and imaginative readers can almost smell the tantalizing food. The cook looks almost bald, but at least in this picture, one can see his eyeballs, unlike in the other typical engravings of the Chinese. In "The Opium Smugglers: A Tale of Burton of the Queensland Police" (vol. 36) there are several pictures of violent fighting scenes drawn by Arthur Twidle, which usually appear one page ahead of the written plot development. This positioning creates suspense and entices readers to read ahead. Exciting excerpts from the story serve as captions. For example, one caption reads, " 'With a roar Connor seized a broken branch, and sprang to his companion's aid (Seepage 736)"' (Adams 735). In these detailed engravings, which depict the action of the story, the Chinese villains look fierce and strong. Because the villains are engaged in action, their braided pigtails, which flow behind them, almost come to life, slithering like snakes. The man on the far-left grimaces as he falls back wounded, writhing in pain after being hit by a bullet. The white man who fired the shot is wearing a hat that shades half of his face and hides his eyes. Although the  Chen 152  Chinese carry sharp knives, they cannot compete against the white men who have pistols and a huge stick. Another picture (fig. 22) shows a tall muscular Chinese man (Sin Yen) grabbing the Corporal's throat with one hand, and preparing to stab him with a long knife. The caption explains the thrilling scene: " 'Too late, Bob turned to meet Sin Yen. The Chinaman's eyes blazed evilly, and ... his left hand seized the Corporal's throat in a grip of iron' (See page 728)" (Adams 737). Sin Yen's bulging eyes and flaring teeth heighten his grotesque appearance. Although the Corporal has a gun in his hand, it is clutched at the wrong end, so he cannot shoot. The illustrator successfully captures the exciting moments in the story. Compared to the other engravings in the BOP, Twidle's drawings are much more realistic and carefully done, although he still exploits conventional images of Chinese villains to achieve the overall effect. Although the BOP claimed not to be a political magazine and declined to comment on current political affairs (a reader who suggested some commentary was reprimanded for attempting to cause conflict among readers), it used images of the Chinese as propaganda. As critics point out, westerners tried to justify white supremacy by presenting "the Chinese in a subhuman and immoral manner" (Choy et al. 102). The BOP authors try to demonstrate the alleged cultural inferiority of the Chinese by including demeaning illustrations. Because their facial expressions are always distorted, the Chinese never look peaceful or pleasant. The engravings of the evil-looking villains stir up feelings of fear and hatred toward them.  Chen 153  Notes See section on personality traits in Chapter Three. Also see section on Chinese people's fear of the camera in Chapter Two. The increase in caricatures may be seen as a reaction against the Chinese after the Boxer Rebellion (1899-1901). It may also reflect the change in the editorial policies of the BOP because, after 1900, a regular joke column was featured in each issue. "Art Nouveau is characterized by its use of a long, sinuous, organic line and was employed most often in architecture, interior design, jewelry and glass design, posters, and illustration. It was a deliberate attempt to create a new style, free of the imitative historicism that dominated much of 19th-century art and design" (Britannica.com). Also see Zatlin. This type of illustration could also be found of London's East End. Photographers such as John Thomson sought to " 'present the true types of the London Poor'" and compared them to "Oriental tribes." Both China and the East End of London became "areas of darkness, danger and the 'unknown,' to be explored and subjected to scrutiny (see Ryan 173-80). 1  2  3  4  5  Chen 154  Conclusion  In 1926, Mr. Ellis, father of Canadian award-winning children's writer Sarah Ellis, first encountered a Chinese man. Mr. Ellis was fourteen years old when he and his family emigrated from London to Canada. On the way to Saskatchewan, they stopped at a Chinese restaurant in Winnipeg. He was apprehensive about eating there, because his associated the Chinese with pigtails, knives, and assassins, "information" he had obtained by reading periodicals such as Magnet and The Boy's Own Paper. Surprised to see that the Chinese cook did not have a pigtail, he was still worried about the knife in the cook's hands. However, his fears were allayed when he realized that the knife was being used to cut blueberry pie, which was also a novelty. Stories such as Sarah Ellis's reveal the influence of children's periodicals on shaping young readers' perception of foreigners. Nineteenth-century British school textbooks provided little information about China. The British youth mainly gained their impressions of the Chinese from popular periodicals of the time (Castle 156). One of these magazines was the BOP, which featured many works related to China and the Chinese. Although the wide range of material was presented in a disjointed and unsystematic way, readers were expected to digest the information, because remembering details was a defining feature of imperial boyhood . (Bristow 43). In "How to Become a Student Interpreter in China, Japan, and Siam" (vol. 16), the author points out the importance of serving as a student interpreter for the British Consul: he "has an important future before him, for the consul is in those busy Eastern ports a guardian of English commercial interests, a dispense of law, justice, and hospitality, and above all, he is a representative of that sovereign lady on whose 'empire the sun never sets'" (F. R. R. 207). This short passage reveals the prevalent attitudes of Victorian society: boys must be "guardians" of British interests, bring law and order to the  Chen 155  East, and represent the glorious British Empire. Like the passage mentioned above, all of the works that I have examined reflect the confidence of the British at the height of its imperial power. During the period from 1879 to 1914, fear of the Yellow Peril did not exist in the world of the BOP. Convinced of their natural superiority over the Chinese, BOP authors observe China through what Mary Louise Pratt calls "imperial eyes," and feel fully justified in passing judgments on everything. Their "rulers" for comparison, that is, their criteria for judgment, were based 1  on British concepts of progress and advancement. In the BOP, the Chinese do not merely inhabit China. Chinese characters appear in stories about Malaya, Singapore, Australia, and the United States. Because colonies such as Malaya and Australia are more accessible to the British, authors do not necessarily have to travel to China to come into contact with Chinese people. However, BOP authors treat the Chinese living in China and overseas Chinese as the same type of people, failing to take into account how geographic distance, climate, and culture affect the Chinese living in these different regions. Based on ethnocentric attitudes towards race, authors usually classify the Chinese into two categories. Villains such as opium smugglers, pirates, Boxers, and Taiping rebels are all shaped from the same mold, making it difficult to distinguish one enemy from another, because stock-epithets all portray them as immoral, cunning, stealthy figures who speak amusing Pidgin English and obstruct the heroes' paths. Non-threatening Chinese are described as loyal, childlike, dim-witted, or silly. The tone adopted is almost always condescending and arrogant, although there are a few dissenting views. But while some authors may refute what they believe are 2  misconceptions of the Chinese, they remain simplistic in their assertions, merely replacing negative images with other stereotypes. However well-intentioned they may be,  Chen 156  the overall effect remains the same: they do not treat the Chinese as individuals. Although critics observe that travelers to China frequently display ambivalent feelings towards the country, BOP authors are not faced with this dilemma (see Thurin; Miller). Perhaps they do not want to confuse their young readers with seemingly contradictory views. Instead, they treat their subjects as a homogenized group and reinforce the existing stereotypes of the Chinese as a xenophobic, superstitious, and cruel people. Rather than focusing on encounters with individuals in China, BOP travelers stress the fertility of the vast agricultural lands and the potential value of China's material resources, contemplating all the possibilities for improvement if the British were in control, because the Chinese society is believed to be incapable of progress without the help of the British. British economic interests in China, such as the opium trade, are of central concern to most authors. However, the BOP had to be careful when treading on this sensitive ground because the morality and validity of Britain's opium policy was under dispute. Authors often avoid this controversial issue by remaining silent, possibly the reason for the lack of articles related to opium in the BOP. However, BOP authors agree unanimously that the Chinese pirates must be stopped. In sharp contrast to the portrayal of the Chinese, the representation of the Japanese is mostly positive. Because the authors used the Victorian notion of progress to evaluate Asian countries, the Japanese, who eagerly embraced westernization, fared well. The Japanese proved to be a perfect counterexample to the Chinese and authors readily evoke the country in many of the articles to attack the Chinese. However, authors also had to take into consideration the fact that the Japanese were fast becoming a strong country and might pose a threat to the British Empire. Hence, they insinuate that the Japanese are still inferior to the British, and parody Japanese etiquette.  Chen 157  In the study of popular Victorian attitudes towards the Chinese, the BOP provides a rich source. As a periodical, the BOP was accessible to readers because it was less expensive than books and was often passed from one person to another or available in schools or churches where the paper was distributed. The BOP's success has often been attributed to its first editor, G. A. Hutchison, who responded to the prevailing tastes of the British public and altered editorial policies to create a more appealing publication. Thus, the BOP serves as a good indicator of the tendencies and preoccupations of British society during the time of its publication. The influence of the BOP was not limited to Great Britain. People from all parts of the Empire subscribed to the magazine, and it was often the only material they had to read. Therefore, it shaped the minds of readers around the world. In disseminating stereotypical images of China and the Chinese, the BOP reflected the dominant ideology of British superiority. In 1963, the BOP was taken over by Purnells Publishing, who doubled the paper's size and price. Four years later, the release of volume 89 marked the end of the BOP. Unfortunately, I was unable to access the last few volumes of the BOP to compare the images of the Chinese to those published in the early issues of the BOP. Examining volumes 61 (1938-39) and 62 (1939-40), the last issues available to me, I first noticed the difference in layout. Perhaps because the editors did not receive as many articles as in previous years, they were forced to divide each page into two columns instead of the usual three. Furthermore, the size of the page is smaller, possibly due to paper shortages during the interwar years. Schoolboy stories remain popular, as well as "how-to-make" columns. Half-page correspondence columns appear sporadically. Technologies such as radio transmission, submarines, aircrafts, television, and so on, receive much more attention than before. Perhaps the urgency of the war fueled writers to teach young  Chen 158  readers about the importance of these technologies. As a serialized article in vol. 62 indicates, the Japanese art of "jiu-jitsu" continues to be a popular topic. "Notes from Oversea," a regular column, prints letters from around the world, including China and Japan. For example, Robert Loo explains that Chinese children receive red packets on Chinese New Year's Day (vol. 62) and N. Nanporia writes from Kobe about "Taking Tea in Japan," (vol. 62). Another contributor describes "Spring-cleaning in Japan" (vol. 62). "In Japan To-day" (vol. 61) informs readers of Japanese modernization, as exemplified in the preference for western clothes over kimonos, the disappearance of jinrickshaws ("man-strength-carriage"), the increasing number of wireless stations, and the elevators in the department stores (Yamamura 253). "China's sorrow," which explains the uncontrollable flooding of the Yellow River, is an excerpt from O. M. Green's Discovering China. The tone of these short passages about China and Japan is fairly objective and positive. However, the author of "The Banana" (vol. 61) ridicules the Japanese by relating a story of a Japanese undergraduate student who writes an essay about the "Banana," which is filled with grammatical and typographical mistakes and absurd similes. For example: " 'The banana are great remarkable fruit. He are constructed in the same architectural style as the honourable sausage'" (Bryce 279). The word "honourable," which authors usually associate with Japanese politeness, appears many times in the essay. It is surprising that the number of adventure stories set in faraway lands, which were formerly one of the attractions of the paper, have decreased. However, there is one story, "Lamasery of the Lost" (vol. 61), which continues to characterize Asians as devious characters. Dick and Bill, who travel to Tibet, meet an "almond-eyed" lama who, speaking in a monotonous tone, leads them into a smoke-filled room, tricks them into  Chen 159  staring at a "ring which glistened on his outstretched, claw-like finger," and hypnotizes them (Trease 497). In describing the lama's fingers as "claw-like," the author dehumanizes him. When the boys wake up, the lama boasts that he has played this game "with Chinese war-lords and Nepalese princes . . . . With Russian nobles in the old days . . ." (Trease 498). However, Dick and Bill, typical young British heroes, outwit the lama and use parachutes to escape from their prison thousands of feet above ground. It can be inferred that despite the decreasing number of stories about Asians, the stories that do appear are similar to the one mentioned above, in which racial stereotypes abound. Copies of the BOP from the 1930s can rarely be found today. However, The Adventures ofTintin: The Blue Lotus, which was published in 1934-5, is still read widely and can be found in many bookstores. In this adventure story set in China, Belgian cartoonist Herge readily evokes stereotypical images of East Asians. As the "historical note" reveals, the story is set in 1931, when Japanese troops occupied parts of China. Tintin's adventures are based on events such as the blowing-up of the South Manchurian railway, which led to Japanese invasions of China and ultimately to Japan's resignation from the League of Nations in 1933. Because Herge regarded the Japanese as the enemies, he constructed a story in which Tintin successfully defeats the Japanese villain. The Chinese in the story are presented as allies, and Tintin tries to dispel European misconceptions of the Chinese. After saving Chang Chong-chen from the river, Tintin tells the Chinese boy that lots of Europeans still believe that all Chinese are cunning and cruel and wear pigtails, are always inventing tortures, and eating rotten eggs and swallows nests . . . The same stupid Europeans are quite convinced that all Chinese have tiny feet, and even now little girls suffer agonies with bandages . . . designed  Chen 160  to prevent their feet developing normally. They're even convinced that Chinese rivers are full of unwanted babies, thrown in when they are born. ,  (Herge 43)  Most of the stereotypes in the above passage have also appeared in the BOP. Despite the fact that Herge criticizes "stupid Europeans" for believing in such false images, he bases his entire story upon stereotypical images of East Asians. For example, the villains are buck-toothed. In particular, Mitsuhirato, the Japanese enemy, has squinty small eyes, an ugly pug nose, and large buck-teeth. When his evil plot fails, Mitsuhirato, keeping with the Japanese tradition, commits hara-kiri. Tintin's Chinese friend, the long-bearded wise philosopher, resembles Confucius. His son, who, because of a poisonous shot, has become temporarily insane, carries a long knife and tries to cut off people's heads so that they will "find the way" and "know the truth" (Herge 13, 16, 57). Furthermore, the title of the book, The Blue Lotus, refers to the opium den that serves as the site of illegal activities. Although contemporary publishers are aware of political correctness and multiculturalism, they still produce books such as Amy Tan's The Chinese Siamese Cats (1994), which has come under attack for disseminating ethnic stereotypes. Reviewers have criticized that the story "suffers from wordiness and inaccuracy in regard to Chinese customs and language" (Sun 71) and that the illustrator, Gretchen Schields, who has collaborated with Tan on other books, clutters the "garish" illustrations with cliche Chinese images such as dragons, lions, caged birds, monkeys, and "of course, human figures with stereotypical features" (Ma 207; see also Sun 71). Furthermore, Schields 3  depicts the villain in the story, the foolish Magistrate, as a typically obese Chinese official with long fingernails. The thin Reader of Rules, who must submissively follow the selfish  Chen 161  Magistrate's orders, not only wears a traditional blue garment but from underneath his skullcap, a long queue trails down his back, almost touching the ground. In addition, he holds a yellow pouch wherever he goes. Readers are not informed about the contents of the bag, but Ma speculates that "this is an allusion to tobacco (or opium?) pouches, as many Chinese smoked the pipe or the water pipe at the time. If indeed the pouch is implied to contain opium, Schields regrettably preserves a long-standing image of the depraved, opium-addicted Chinese" (210). In the story, both the Chinese people and the Siamese cats characteristically have slanted eyes.  4  Ma also points out two Disney-produced movies that exploit similar stereotypes: The Aristocats (1967) and The Lady and the Tramp (1955). In the former, a buck-toothed Siamese cat sings, in monosyllabic tones, a "Chopsticks" song about food traditionally associated with the Chinese: " 'Shanghai Hong Kong Egg Foo Yong / Fortune cookie always wrong'" (qtd. in Ma 215). The latter movie also features buck-toothed Siamese cats who, as their slanted-eyes reveal, are sly and plotting. They sing a song that parodies the Chinese language, with lyrics that overuse the "e" sound, "which arises from the assumption that the Chinese tend to end sentences with 'e'. . . . The lyrics also suffer from unidiomatic expressions and a loss of be-verbs, all alleged characteristics of Chinese pidgin English" (Ma 215-216). Ma argues that these images of Siamese cats, which are meant to represent Asia in general, have been concocted for Western taste and consumption. Children's materials are not the only places where racial stereotypes still exist, in other media, newspapers included, Orientalist rhetoric frequently appears in reports related to Asia. For example, during the Asian economic crisis, the rhetoric of contamination exemplified itself in many newspaper titles: "Warding Off the Asian Flu"  Chen 162  (The Hamilton Spectator 1998), "Markets Fall as Asian Flu Sweeps Globe" (The Hamilton Spectator 1997) and "Asian 'Flu' Infects Oil and Gas Shares" (Calgary Herald 1997) to name a few. During the campaign fundraising scandal of the Clinton administration, when the president was accused of accepting donations from Asians in exchange for policy favours, the March 1997 cover of National Review featured Bill Clinton, Hillary Rodham Clinton, and Al Gore, "all in yellowface" (Lee 1). In the cartoon, both Clintons are portrayed as buck-toothed and squinty-eyed. The pigtailed president wears a "coolie" hat and serves coffee. The first lady, "outfitted as a Maoist Red Guard, brandishes a 'Little Red Book,' while the vice president, robed as Buddhist priest, beatifically proffers a begging bowl already stuffed with money" (Lee 1). As Lee points out, the editors of the National Review simplified the complexity of the situation and chose to focus on the Asian and Asian American contributors (1). That same year, when Chinese Premier Jiang Zemin visited the United States, "the New York Times characterized Chinese culture as 'insular, self-satisfied' and describes the '[Confucian] teachings of obedience, social ritual and respect for elders [as] clashing with more modern notions of flexibility and directness'" (Fasion qtd. in Kroller 272-73). In an article in The Toronto Sun, a resident of Orlando, Florida, writes that unlike Toronto, the city does not have an Asian mall, but we can get hold of duck eggs preserved in mud and tea, shark fin soup and crunchy jellyfish in an area called Little Saigon. Asian people were the first to discover astronomy, divination and the silky bathrobe so we know they're smarter than we are, so we suppose you throw those yucky things in merely to discourage us Westerners from actually going to the Orient. (Langley C13) In announcing that she can buy "yucky" things such as "duck eggs preserved in mud and  Chen 163  tea, shark fin soup, and crunchy jellyfish," Langley perpetuates the stereotypical idea that Asians eat exotic and unappetizing food. Furthermore, she reduces the significance of Asian scientific discoveries by crediting the Asians for discovering "astronomy, divination, and the silky bathrobe," instead of pointing out that the Chinese invented the printing press, gunpowder, and paper. She also irreverently describes a Buddha statue located in Florida's Splendid China (a theme park/museum) as "a fabulously garish thing . . . a big-bellied jungle gym with alarmingly large nipples painted the color of Hershey's kisses" (C13). European images of the Chinese have been the subject of numerous studies. Here I have examined the Victorian image of the Chinese as exemplified in the BOP. As one of the most popular children's magazines of the nineteenth century, the BOP played a pivotal role in shaping Victorian readers' attitude towards the Chinese. However, the problem continues to exist even today. The influence of the mass media today is stronger than ever. Although blatant stereotypes of the Chinese are usually avoided, residues of the stereotypical image of the Chinese as exemplified in the BOP still exist.  Chen 164  Notes Thurin reminds readers that "However exploitative the travelers' viewing of China may be at times, it is given piquancy by the Chinese ability to return it by 'occidentalizing' the foreigner. The Chinese were expert at a kind of reciprocal gaze and travelers often found themselves surrounded by curiosity-seeking crowds....There is a certain irony in the outsiders who are making use of a country and its people as spectacle, recreation, and object of exploration or cultural research being themselves objectified in this way" (194). See Mackerras for discussion on opposing views on China in the nineteenth century. See Ma for discussion on the relationship between Tan and Schields and the reasons why Tan, who is Chinese American, would agree to use Schield's stereotypical illustrations. Amy Tan's book has been adapted into an animated television series called "Sagwa, The Chinese Siamese Cat," which will be aired on PBS KIDS in fall 2001. Forty half-hour episodes will be produced by CineGroupe in association with the Children's Television Workshop and IF/X Productions. Tan and Schields will serve as creative consultants. The producers plan to distribute the series worldwide. 1  2 3  4  Chen 165  Works Cited Primary Sources: The Boy's Own Paper. London: R.T.S.-Lutterworth, 1879-1914. Adams, Edward C. "The Opium Smugglers. A Tale of Burton of the Queensland Police." BOP 36: 734-38. Ajax. "The Crimean Baby. A True Tale." BOP XMAS 1901: 56-58. "Always Polite." BOP 35: 16. American Marine. "From Pekin to the Great Wall." BOP 32: 778-782. "Among the Blacks; or Stranger than Fiction" BOP 7: 30. "Among the Mongols." BOP 6: 519, 525-26. "An Anglo-Chinese Challenge." BOP 28: 527. "Annamese Kites." BOP 12: 477. "At a Chinese School" BOP 35: 384. Balfour, Frederic H. "Boy Life in the Flowery Land." BOP 12: 14-15, 21-22, 47-48, 5960, 78, 92-93, 110-11, 123-24, 141-42. Barker, Ronald W. "A Scene in Rangoon." BOP 29: 15. Becke, Louis. "Bella of Barnia: A Story of Present-day Smuggling." BOP 28: 375-78, 391-94,404-05,421-22,437-38. Bennett, F. W. "A Dash with Chinese Pirates." BOP 10: 782-83. "The Best Runners in the World" BOP 32: 463. Booth, Patrick. "A Soldier Who Would be a Sailor, and Other Sea Yarns: Chapter III." BOP 25: 135-38. —. "Some True Pirate Yarns." BOP SUMMER 1899: 55-56.  Chen 166  "The 'B.O.P' in Japan and Russia." BOP 26: 544. "The Boy's Day in Japan." BOP 35: 528. "Boys In China." BOP 34: 64. "The 'Boy's Own' Flags and Funnels." BOP 21:15, 43, 59, 94-95. Bradshaw, Percy V. "The Most Polite People in the World." BOP 29: 280-82. —. "Odd Occupations." BOP 30: 9-11. Brindle, Ernest. "A Fight with Hunhuses." BOP 29: 388-90. Bryce, B. "The Banana." BOP 61: 279. Bunbury, G. A. "Chinese Boys and Their Ways." BOP 27: 727. Burgess, Fred. "The 'B.O.P' Stamp Collector. No. 2—The Chinese Empire." BOP 34: 734-35. Carnegie-Cheales, J. A. "Butterflying at Home and Abroad." BOP 24: 666-67. Carter, J. A. "A Stamp Post-Card, and How to Make It." BOP 32: 555-57. Carvalho, C. N. "Van Tromp and I: A True Story of Plantation Life." BOP 13: 742-22. Chaplin, Harry. "Japanese Ink-floating." BOP XMAS 1910: 57-58. "The Chinese." BOP 7: 151, 471, 480, 716, 798. "Chinese Gordon." BOP 6: 487-88. Colbeck, Alfred. "Dodging the Boxers. A True Story of Desperate Days." BOP 34: 34244, 359-62, 373-75, 390-92, 404-06. —. "Wang T'ien Pin: The Story of the Boxer Rising." BOP 24: 631-32, 643-45, 661-63, 676-79. "Colour of the Sea." BOP 5: 262. Conolly, F. V. "Japanese Wrestling." BOP 27: 284-86.  Chen 167  Cox, James. "Caught and Caged." BOP 6: 630-32, 649-50. Dawtrey, John. "The Death Feud. A Story of Chinese Vengeance." BOP 18: 8-10, 23-26, 37-39, 55-56, 70-72, 87. —. "A Wild Night's Work. A Story of Chinese Waters." BOP XMAS 1895: 32-36. "Description of Chinese Man-kite." BOP 34: 45-46. Draper, Hastings. "The Kanaka: A Story of North Queensland." BOP XMAS 1911: 6263. "Empire Builders." BOP 27: 528. "Fishing in Foreign Waters." BOP 7: 796-98. Field, C. "Into the Jaws of Death." BOP 28: 12-13. "The First Korean Typewriter." BOP 35: 608. Fitzgerald, M. 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Sillars, Stuart. Visualisation in Popular Fiction 1860-1960: Graphic Narratives, Fictional Images. London: Routledge, 1995. Sontag, Susan. On Photography. New York: Anchor, 1977. Spurr, David. The Rhetoric of Empire: Colonial Discourse in Journalism, Travel Writing, and Imperial Administration. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1993. Sun, Chyng Feng. Rev. of The Chinese Siamese Cats, by Amy Tan. The Horn Book Guide to Children's and Young Adult Literature 6.1 (1995): 71. Tan, Amy. The Chinese Siamese Cats. Illus. Gretchen Schields. New York: Macmillan, 1994. Thurin, Susan Schoenbauer. Victorian Travelers and the Opening of China, 1842-1907. Athens, OH: Ohio UP, 1999. Turner, E. S. Boys Will Be Boys: The Story of Sweeney Todd, Deadwood Dick, Sexton Blake, Billy Bunter, Dick Barton, et al. London: Joseph, 1948. Vincent, David. Literacy and Popular Culture: England, 1750-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. Walvin, James. A Child's World: A Social History of English Childhood, 1880-1914. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1982. Warner, John. Hong Kong Illustrated: Views and News, 1840-1890. Hong Kong: Warner, 1981. —. 100 Years Ago: A Picture Story of Hong Kong in 1870. Hong Kong: Warner, 1970.  Chen 182  Warner, Philip. The Best of British Pluck: The Boy's Own Paper. London: Macdonald, 1976. Yokoyama, Toshio. Japan in the Victorian Mind: A Study of Stereotyped Images of a Nation, 1850-80. London: Macmillan, 1987. Zatlin, Linda Gertner. Beardsley, Japonisme, and the Perversion of the Victorian Ideal. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997. Zhang, Longxi. Mighty Opposites: From Dichotomies to Differences in the Comparative Study of China. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1998.  C h e n 183  Chen 184  Chen 185  Fig. 9  Fig.  10  A Native Church  Chen 186  Fig. 13  Young China.  Fig. 14  Chen 187  Fig. 15  Fig. 17  J\ P r c x u R M a t n e H E A T H E N C H I M E * . fiOIW H t S H O U S I IN I H E M P O r A T R E S " B Y T H E M O O N U G n i , ' H E 3/VXD, "BfijpORB  .OTNG  TO  S£J>  "I W I L L KPAB TKBpCGH. M y >EF.W " f l O £>"" MO LONGEST A HEATHEN IS M E . r-71 rm •  Chen 189  Chen 190  The Chinese Coolt.  Chen 191  Chen 192  Appendix II: The Boy's Own Paper Volume Numbers and Dates Vol.1 1879 Vol.2 1879-80 Vol.3 1880-81 Vol.4 1881-82 Vol.5 1882-83 Vol.6 1883-84 Vol.7 1884-85 Vol.8 1885-86 Vol.9 1886-87 Vol.10 1887-88 Vol.11 1888-89 Vol.12 1889-90 Vol.13 1890-91 Vol.14 1891-92 Vol.15 1892-93 Vol.16 1893-94 Vol.17 1894-95 Vol.18 1895-96 Vol.19 1896-97 Vol.20 1897-98 Vol.21 1898-99 Vol.22 1899-1900 Vol.23 1900-01 Vol.24 1901-02 Vol.25 1902-03 Vol.26 1903-04 Vol.27 1904-05 Vol.28 1905-06 Vol.29 1906-07 Vol.30 1907-08 Vol.31 1908-09 Vol.32 1909-10 Vol.33 1910-11 Vol.34 1911-12 Vol.35 1912-13 Vol.36 1913-14  


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