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Heinrich Boll's early prose : a discourse of war-damaged bodies Reimchen, Margaret Helen 2000

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HEINRICH BOLL'S EARLY PROSE: A DISCOURSE OF WAR-DAMAGED BODIES by MARGARET HELEN REIMCHEN  B.F. A., The University of Alberta, 1969 Dipl.Ed., The University of Western Ontario, 1970 M. A., The University of British Columbia, 1992 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Germanic Studies) We accept this thesis as conforming to the Required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March 2000  © Margaret Helen Reimchen  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department  or  by  his or  her  representatives.  It  is  understood that  copying or  publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date  DE-6 (2/88)  /  11  ABSTRACT Using insights drawnfromresearch in a variety of disciplines into theories of the body, this dissertation investigates Heinrich Boll's (1917-1985) early prose (1936-1955) as a discourse of war damaged bodies. The "new" texts discussed appeared in Germany between 1982 and 1995. The thesis represents the first attempt to analyse Boll's workfromthe perspective of the human body. Chapter I briefly outlines the influence sociology has had for a better understanding of the role of the human body in society. This chapter demonstrates that the body can be fruitfully used both as a critical tool and as an interpretative device in discussing literary texts. An elucidation of the methodology and theoretical approach used concludes the chapter. The thesis explores Boll's use of the body not only as aspects of the narrative and also for its ethical implication. According to him, an author's temporality ("Zeitlichkeit") is the first thing to be communicated before embarking on an analysis or interpretation of his work. Chapter II investigates the "Aryan/Nazi" body and refers to other contemporary body discourses. Chapter III, investigating the "Writer's" body, provides insights into Boll's biography. Both chapters shed considerable light on Germany's cultural, social, internal, and external political situation. Chapter IV describes the soldier's 'closed,' "disciplined" body as portrayed in texts such as Das Vermachtnis. Colonel Bressen, a key character in Wo warst du. Adam?, epitomises the "mirroring" body in Chapter V. More "Schein" than "Sein," it reflects an intentionally internalised and acquired "habitus." In Chapter VI, Boll's war story "Der blasse Hund," provides a striking example of a "dominating" body which seeks to preserve its power and to control its fears through committing violent acts against its helpless victims. In contrast, however, a "communicative" body such as Kate Bogner's in Und sagte kein einziges Wort, examined in Chapter VII, is 'open' and caring. Throughout his early prose, Boll's careful use of body language reveals the multi-layered nature of reality. Chapter VIII summarises the thesis and presents its major findings upon which further critical work on the significance of the human body in Boll's later writings might be based.  iii T A B L E OF CONTENTS Abstract  ii  Preface  v  Acknowledgements Chapter I. Introduction The Emergence of the Body in Sociology The Response of Social Theorists to Feminist Issues Foucault's Influence on Sociologists Social Theories of the Body Critical Theory and Interpretation of Literary Text Body Language in Literature: Toward a Critical Framework Applying Body Theories to Boll's Early Prose The Structure of the Thesis Chapter II. The Aryan/Nazi Body Hitler's Drive to Reconstitute Germany's "Body" Defining German Identity in the Third Reich Origin of The Aryan/Nazi body Nietzsche and the Body Body Culture/Cults and the Question of Beauty, Health, and Racial Purity The Nazi View of Women in Life, Art, and Science The Disease/Race Connection Duelling, Masculinity, Blood, and Honour in the Third Reich "Cultural," Sport and Propaganda Films Aimed at "Shaping" the German Body The "New" Breed of German Chapter III. The Writer's Body: Auto/Biographical Aspects Boll's Family Background Early Signs of Rejection of Nazism Reaction to the Reign of Terror Begins The Young Citizen Considers his "Volk" New Angles on Women The Soldier Avoiding the War War Letters The Writer Emerges Chapter IV. The Disciplined Body The "Making" of a Disciplined German Soldier The General: Wo warst du. Adam? The General: "Der General stand auf einem H i i g e l . . . " The Colonel: Wo warst du. Adam? The First Lieutenant: Wo warst du. Adam? The Captain: Wo warst du. Adam?  vii 1 2 5 6 6 8 9 12 15 19 19 21 22 23 24 29 31 32 34 37 39 40 42 44 46 48 51 54 55 57 60 60 65 69 72 73 74  iv The Sergeant Major: Wo warst du. Adam? The Foot Soldier, Feinhals: Wo warst du Adam? "Die Verwundung" Das Vermachtnis  75 76 78 84  f  Chapter V . The Mirroring Body  91  Appearance and Reality What's in a Nose? "Todesursache, Hakennase" Der Zug war piinktlich Shattering Colonel Bressen's Mirroring Body and his "Scheinwelt"  91 94 96 97  Chapter VI. The Dominating Body  109  "Der Fluchtling:" Joseph "Der blasse Hund:" Theodor Herold The SS-Elite Organisation: The Black Order Ilona and Filskeit: The Good, the Bad, the Beautiful, and the Ugly Der Engel schwieg. Fischer vs. Gompertz: The Abuse of Power in the Family Chapter VII. The Communicative Body The "Zartlichkeit" / "Gebundenheit" Motif "Der blasse Hund" "Die Brennenden" Und sagte kein einziges Wort The Hand Motif in Boll's Early Prose The Heideggerian Hand "Mit diesen Handen" Der Zug war piinktlich Und sagte kein einziges Wort Haus ohne Hilter Das Brot der friihen Jahre  110 112 115 119 128 132  ,  138 138 140 143 146 146 149 150 151 153 156  Chapter VIII. Conclusion  163  Selected Bibliography  168  V  PREFACE A comment made by the British Boll scholar Frank Finlay also holds true for me. He writes: "Many students of German have, like the present author, made their first association with German literature through the works of Heinrich Boll" (Finlay, Rationality 240). Twelve years ago, I spent much of two years in an isolated gold mining operation run by my husband in the Costa Rican jungle. Armed with barely more than a beginner's command of the German language and vocabulary, I slowly made my way through Heinrich Boll's short novel Der Zug war piinktlich. a text that I had come across when on a trip to Austria. The themes dealt with in this text and other early writings motivated me to later write a dissertation on Heinrich Boll. It was a goal that would require me to find out more about Germany's literature, people, culture, and role in the Second World War and in the restoration years. Heinrich Boll, of course, is still a towering, internationally recognised figure in post-war German literature. Two recent comments clearly illuminate Boll's literary influence. On January 5, 2000, an interview entitled: "Nenapodobuj muy osud" ["Do not imitate my Fate"] appeared in the Cultural Political Weekly, Literarni noviny. It was a talk with the well-known Czech writer, Alexandr Kliment (1929-) conducted by Jakub Patocka. In it, the writer said that he had been influenced by Chekhov, Camus and Boll. In remembering when Boll's novel Und sagte kein einziges Wort appeared in Prague in 1960, Alexandr Kliment described it as being: "uzasna vec" ["a magnificent work"]. Boll's name is also mentioned in a January 22,2000, newspaper article in The Vancouver Sun written by the European columnist Stan Persky. In his review of My Century by Gtinter Grass, Persky writes that the author, after hearing that he had won the 1999 Nobel Prize for literature, "[...] wondered what Heinrich would have thought." According to Persky, Grass modestly answered his own question by saying: "I think he would have approved" (Persky, "Reflections" 23). Grass, according to Persky, was clearly referring to his old friend and colleague Heinrich Boll, the last German writer to win the Nobel Prize (1972) before Grass. Almost a decade and a half after his death, the resonance of Boll's literary voice in Germany is undeniable. In addition, his international following also continues to identify his prose as a valued part of the canon. The posthumous publication of several of his early works, especially of his novel Der Engel schwieg (1992), has done much to keep his memory and his convictions alive. Moreover, the devastating ethnic cleansing and wars that dominated the last decade, and continue on into the new century, have also made his writings into an integral part of the contemporary literary scene. Describing the efforts of an international community of scholars who are currently engaged in making Boll's writings even more available to present day and future readers provides a good preface with which to contextualise my dissertation which investigates his early works. In 1996, six international editors were chosen by the Heinrich Boll Archive in Cologne to participate in bringing out, over the next twelve years, a new edition of Boll's collected works, with commentary, in twenty-five volumes. The editors are James H. Reid, and Frank Finlay from England; Arpad Bernath from Hungary; Viktor Boll, Karl Heiner Busse, Herbert Hoven, 1  2  1  Kliment, "Nenapodobuj muj osud" 7.  2  Robert C. Conard, e-mail to the author, Dec. 11, 1996.  vi a n d H a n s J o a c h i m B e r n h a r d from G e r m a n y ; a n d R o b e r t C. C o n a r d from the U n i t e d States o f America. In addition, special editors w i l l likely be chosen for special volumes. I f f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t c o n t i n u e s f o r t h e project, t h e p l a n w o u l d b e t o p u b l i s h t h e first t w o v o l u m e s b y 2 0 0 0 . H o w e v e r , d u e to H o l t z b r i n k ' s take o v e r o f the p u b l i s h i n g firm K i e p e n h e u e r & W i t s c h , the o p e n i n g o f s u b s c r i p t i o n s to the G r o f i e K d l n e r k o m m e n t i e r t e A u s g a b e . s c h e d u l e d d u r i n g the D e c e m b e r 1998 m e e t i n g o f the e d i t o r i a l b o a r d i n C o l o g n e , h a d to b e p o s t p o n e d u n t i l M a r c h . D u r i n g the m e e t i n g , h o w e v e r , i m p e n d i n g c o n t r a c t d e t a i l s w e r e d e f i n e d . I n a d d i t i o n , m o s t o f the w o r k a n d i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r the n e w e d i t i o n o f t w e n t y - f o u r v o l u m e s , three v o l u m e s o f i n t e r v i e w s , a n d o n e v o l u m e f o r the register, w e r e a s s i g n e d . A f t e r s u c c e s s f u l n e g o t i a t i o n s b e t w e e n the " E r b e n " a n d the p u b l i s h e r s , c o n t r a c t s h a v e f i n a l l y b e e n s i g n e d , a n d p l a n n i n g f o r the n e w e d i t i o n c o n t i n u e s . I f a l l g o e s w e l l , three v o l u m e s should appear by B o l l ' s birthday on D e c e m b e r 17,2000. A new B o l l biography and long-awaited c o l l e c t i o n o f w a r letters, a l l e d i t e d b y H e i n r i c h V o r m w e g , as w e l l as a v o l u m e o f e s s a y s w r i t t e n b y the e d i t o r are a l s o e x p e c t e d to a p p e a r at that time. T h e B o l l e d i t o r i a l b o a r d i s s c h e d u l e d to m e e t a g a i n i n M a y 2 0 0 0 . H i s t o r y has s h o w n that m a n y o f the i s s u e s that B o l l p a s s i o n a t e l y supported i n his writings, for example, the preservation o f h u m a n dignity and the undisputed right o f e a c h a n d e v e r y i n d i v i d u a l to s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n , r e m a i n i m p o r t a n t t o p i c s o f d i s c u s s i o n e v e n today. It i s essential, therefore, that s c h o l a r s h i p i n t o h i s p r o d i g i o u s w r i t i n g s c o n t i n u e o n a l l levels. I n today's g l o b a l s o c i e t y , B o l l ' s v o i c e i s t o o i m p o r t a n t to b e a l l o w e d to f a l l silent. 3  4  5  6  7  3  Robert C. Conard, e-mail to the author, Dec. 19, 1996.  4  Robert C. Conard, e-mail to the author, Mar.  5  Robert C. Conard, e-mail to the author, Dec. 16, 1998.  6  Robert C. Conard, e-mail to the author, Nov. 8, 1999.  7  Robert C. Conard, e-mail to the author, Mar.  24, 1997.  29, 2000.  Vll  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Peter Stenberg and my two committee members Dr. Karl Zaenker and Dr. Marketa Goetz-Stankiewicz for their support, direction, and valuable advice regarding my dissertation. I would especially like to thank Dr. Marketa GoetzStankiewicz for her careful editing and encouragement throughout the writing process. Thanks also to Dr. Klaus Petersen whose useful insights helped me to focus on an important aspect of my thesis topic. I am also indebted to the staff of Interlibrary Loans at the University of British Columbia for supplying me several texts essential for my research. I would also like to express my gratitude to the University of British Columbia for supporting me with scholarships and fellowships. I would like to extend my deepest appreciation to numerous friends and colleagues in North and Central America, and in Europe, especially to Frau Ute Cziharz and Frau Doktor Annemarie Illsinger of Austria, to Frau Dagmar Gerstenberger of Germany, and to Dr. Sander Gilman, without whose friendship and assistance this study could not have been written. I would also like to thank my brother-in-law Dr. Carl Urion of the University of Alberta, Canada, for generously giving of his time to help me with the technical aspects of formatting the thesis, especially the bibliography. I am sincerely grateful to my husband Ted, for his continuous support, understanding, and encouragement, and to my sons Peter and Jeffrey, for their assistance in computer matters.  1 CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION It was a cold November day, and the year was 1945. Germany was a defeated and devastated country. Heinrich Boll (1917-1985), the soldier, had survived the carnage and deprivation of the Second World War. It is ironic that on that same day he barely escaped being pushed off the slippery Deutz bridge into the Rhine by an English tank. Now as a civilian, Heinrich Boll held his wife close and wept as he surveyed the scene before him. Cologne, the city of his birth, lay in ruins (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 77). In the closing months of the catastrophic international conflict, Boll had deserted the German army. However, the extreme danger that had marked his life as a deserter caused him once again to put on his hated soldier's uniform, and shortly thereafter he was captured by the allies. Although his body had been damaged, his spirit had remained strong and full of hope. In fact, his sense of what it meant to be human seemed intact. After enduring several humiliating months in various POW camps, he was released back into society. Clinging desperately to one of his few remaining possessions, his loving family, the sick, hungry, and exhausted Boll was finally heading home. Boll's main desire now seemed to be to get well and write about all that he had seen and experienced during the Nazi regime, the war, and its aftermath. All toofreshin his mind were the unspeakable human degradation and suffering. For Boll, the returning soldier, the utter devastation of his country, and the horrific and often fatal injuries visited upon his fellow German citizens by the war, were almost impossible to fully understand. Nor did the end of the war bring much relief to the collective suffering of the people. They still had to forage, almost like animals, for food and shelter among the piles of smouldering rubble and twisted metal. As his health improved, Boll devoted himself to writing about the Second World War and the restoration of a defeated country and people. Through his writings, Boll was able to bring literature's awareness of these events to a peak. In 1972, the German post-war writer and four times wounded war veteran, Heinrich Boll, was awarded the Nobel Prize for his contribution to German literature. My thesis will investigate the presence and significance of the body in Boll's early prose. It is an aspect of his writings that, in my opinion, has neither been fully recognised nor investigated by critics. For me, Boll's literary oeuvre is a discourse of war-damaged bodies. His work, viewedfromthis perspective, reveals moments when the goodness of human nature during and in the aftermath of the pervasive inhumanity of Hitler's National Socialist regime still manages to survive. In his writings, Boll seeks to strengthen our understanding of, and our belief in, human dignity, even in the midst of widespread brutality and atrocities perpetrated by the Nazis in the darkest, most tragic period in modern German history. From his work, therefore, emerges his unswerving conviction that it is the undisputed right of each individual to live in peace, love, and harmony in a fair and just society. However, neither Boll the writer nor the human body as a literary theme can be discussed in a vacuum. The challenge, therefore, is to find a theoretical approach for my dissertation that would be productive for identifying and interpreting the roles of the body in Boll's literature. Within the last few decades the body has become a major and expanding theme in literary discourses. However, apartfromthe two published studies that deal with the treatment of 8  See, for example, works such as: Sigrid Weigel, Bilder des kulturellen Gedachtnisses: Beitrage zur Gegenwartsliteratur (Diilmen-Hiddingsel: tende, 1994). Helena Michie, The Flesh Made Word: Female Figures and Women's Bodies (New York: Oxford UP, 1987). Burkhardt Krause, ed., Fremdkbrper - Fremde Korper 8  scatology in Boll's works, and a few others that briefly explore his use of the senses, all of which only treat the physical body indirectly, Boll's prose has been conspicuously excluded from the current discourse of the body. Similarly, although many other disciplines had long since recognised the importance of the body for a better understanding of their discourses, sociology did not do so until more recently. According to the French social scientist, Jean Starobinski: "[...] the most fruitful generalisations are those arising from fairly precise studies of limited topics" ("Bodily Sensation" 353). With these thoughts in mind, I have limited myself in the present study to the topic of the damaged body and Boll's use of body language in his early works. In addition, the generalisations regarding the social sciences that I have arrived at and expressed in my argument have all been been made after careful consideration and have been based on extensive reading that goes beyond my bibliography. Works that I found most useful I have integrated into my argument. In recent years, the growing awareness of the body in sociology has led to the development of social theories of the body. Since some literature and sociology focus on human beings and society, it seems logical to develop a critical approach to literary interpretation that was informed by aspects of social theories of the body. As a result, my methodology evolves out of sociological theories of the body. In investigating a selection of Boll's early writings, I will argue that they show the development of Boll's awareness of the role of the human body in German society before, during, and after the war. Boll's prose, in helping to define what it means to be human in more bodily terms, increases our awareness of the "damaged" bodies that surround us. I will also argue that as Boll became more and more aware of the Nazis' callous misuse of the human body, he began to feel the pressing need for a new ethics of the body in modern society. In my opinion, this is what he sets out to do and successfully accomplishes in his writings. Although this may at first seem out of place in a literary study, a brief review of the body in sociology will in fact provide many important insights for an investigation of the important role that the body plays in Boll's early literary oeuvre, a role that, until now, has gone unnoticed. 9  10  11  The Emergence of the Body in Sociology In the past decade and a half, writers such as Feher, Frank, O'Neill, and Turner have demonstrated a profound interest in a sociology of the body. Their social theories of the body have been shaped by the theoretical perspectives of thinkers and researchers such as Foucault, Nietzsche, Elias, Douglas, Mauss, Bourdieu, Baudrillard, Goffman, as well as Bynum, HeritierAuge, Martin and other feminist theorists, some of whom will be discussed below. The body's  KSrperfremde: Kultur - und literaturgeschichtliche Studien zum Korperthema (Stuttgart: Helfant, 1992). Lindsey Tucker, Stephen and Bloom at Life's Feast: Alimentary Symbolism and the Creative Process in James Joyce's "Ulysses" (Columbus: Ohio State UP, 1984). Anthony Purdy, ed., Literature and The Body (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1992). Jae Num Lee, Swift and Scatological Satire (Albuquerque: U of New Mexico P, 1971). 9  10  See Rollfinke 1986, 1993. See, for example, Prodaniuk 1979; and Beckert 1970.  See Bryan S. Turner, Regulating Bodies: Essays in Medical Sociology (London: Routledge, 1992), and his article "Recent Developments in the Theory of the Body." The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory, edited by Mike Featherstone, Mike Hepworth, and Bryan S. Turner (London: Sage, 1991) 1-35. 11  3 importance for sociology has therefore been stimulated, first and foremost, by the body studies of other disciplines. With the progressive development of the discipline of anthropology along philosophical, and especially cultural lines of thought, the role of the body became more and more privileged. Although cultural discourses now play a significant role in both anthropology and sociology, it was anthropology and not sociology that first established a theory of the body. Beginning with pre-modern societies, the body's surface has always acted as a type of bulletin board for displaying important social messages: "Status markers and insignia on the body have indicated diverse aspects of age, sex and prestige" (Knauft, "Bodily Images" 200). Also, as the sociologist John O'Neill notes, practices such as "body painting, scarification, adornment,... covering and concealing various bodily parts" help to make "the way people appear constituent features of social reality." In his opinion, "a good deal of the information we need in order to be properly oriented in the social settings in which we find ourselves is visually available in the form of body advertisements" (O'Neill, Five Bodies 24). Sociology, in its formative years, focused more on the economic production of goods than on the "making" of bodies. Unlike anthropology, sociology did not at first seek to understand the relationship between human beings, nature and culture. It ignored the role of the body in history and focused instead on how societies engaged in history and on what conditions caused changes to occur in social systems. With the development of an anthropology of knowledge came the use of the body as a means of symbolically classifying human beings. In fact, it is the body's great potential for classification that has made it the most frequently encountered metaphorical and natural source of order and disorder in both social and political systems world-wide. For anthropologists like Mary Douglas, body orifices are important "natural symbols" since they point to the entering into, and the departure from society (Natural Symbols 11-18). Other important human classificatory features are the body processes that produce several types of fluids and excretions. Beginning with the scholarship of Emile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss the idea of the body as a method of classification began to emerge. It would later be continued through the notable work of Durkheim's student, Robert Hertz. "In contemporary societies," Bryan S. Turner notes: "Righthandedness is associated with worthiness, dexterity, rectitude and beauty. In general, the hand is the basis of many ideas which embrace value judgements: handy; handsome; handicap; handful; high-handed. Traditionally a bargain (a hand-sale) was always sealed by a handshake" (Regulating Bodies 109-110). Over the centuries, right-handedness came to symbolise human values and human moral superiority. In addition, the hand's connection with gesture and communication, for example with speech and thought, assumed great importance in many societies. According to the social psychologist, George H. Mead, for whom the hand is a pivotal aspect in a human being's ability to think and communicate, "Speech and the hand go along together in the development of the social human being" (Mind. Self and Society 237). My study will a narrow aspect of Martin Heidegger's extensive life's work, namely, his thoughts on the "hand." The hand as a motif in Boll's early writings will be discussed below in Chapter VII. However, suffice to say at this 12  13  See the works of the anthropologist Mary Douglas (Purity and Danger 1966; Natural Symbols 1978) that showcases the body as a symbolic system. 12  The right side of the body was culturally classified to distinguish between good and evil. For example, while Christ sat on the right-hand of God, evil spirits were relegated to the left side. 13  4 point that for Heidegger, the hand, gesture, and speech work together to help define a thinking human being. Even in antiquity the hand, with its potential to communicate varying degrees of meaning and emotions, was recognised as an organ of speech: As to the hands, without the aid of which all delivery would be deficient and weak, it can scarcely be told of what a variety of motions they are susceptible, since they almost equal in expression the powers of language itself; [...] With our hands we ask, promise, call persons to us and send them away, threaten, supplicate, intimate dislike or fear; with our hands we signify joy, grief, doubt, acknowledgement, penitence, and indicate measure, quantity, number and time. Have not our hands the power of exciting, of restraining, of beseeching, of testifying approbation, admiration, and shame? Do they not, in pointing out places and persons, discharge the duty of adverbs and pronouns? So that amidst the great diversity of tongues pervading all nations and people, the language of the hands appear to be a language common to all men. (Quintilian Institutio oratoria XI. 3.85-7) The hand, with its unique capabilities, is an important aspect of man's mental and physical capacities that clearly separates human beingsfromanimals. For the sociologist Georg Simmel, however, the face is also an important area of the human body since it symbolises spirituality and personality. In his essay "The Aesthetic Significance of the Face" (1959), Georg Simmel suggests that the unity lying within the face reveals its "aesthetic." For this reason, its harmonious proportions may easily be destroyed if any hint of disfigurement is present in the face. This aspect of the face will be discussed below in relation to one of Boll's characters. These theoretical thoughts on the connection between the hand, eye, and language are important for human communication to occur successfully. In contrast, however, sociology of knowledge used social stratification rather than the body to classify society into classes. This was achieved by interpreting metaphoric realities of social life in terms of spatial metaphors of rank. More recently, feminist theory made social classification more and more visible and understandable. Consequently, sociologists finally began to recognise that how the body was seen in social space dictated its social status. Thus via the influence of anthropological and other discourses, a sociology of the body emerged in which the interrelatedness of nature, society, and culture was finally acknowledged and investigated. In Bryan S. Turner's opinion, the "recent social, cultural and technological changes have made the body central to modern politics, because the conventional boundaries between the natural and the social are constantly eroded and changed" (Regulating Bodies 61). Philosophical and religious traditions have long been aware of the importance of human corporeality. Nietzsche's views on the body provided fertile ground in which the mainly German tradition of philosophical anthropology could take hold. In Regulating Bodies. Bryan S. Turner suggests that Nietzsche considered human beings as incomplete animals who needed cultural training and social institutions for their completion, protection and assurance of social continuity. Turner also argues that Nietzsche rejected the German view that stability and serenity were the most important values handed downfromantiquity. For him, Nietzsche believed that aesthetic experience was not the result of reasoning but rather of the body's unrestrained response to eroticism and sensuality. In Turner's opinion, Nietzsche believed that the emergence of a healthy German society was only possible if the principles of Dionysus (irrationality) and Apollo  5  (rationality) were successfully united (Regulating Bodies 38-40). Nietzsche's views on the body will be discussed further in the following chapter. The civilised, cultured human being is shaped by bodily constraints, both selfadministered and externally imposed by other individuals and the institutions they represent. French social theory treated the body as a symbol of protest against all that was rational and regulated. For example, the writings of Georges Bataille (1897-1962) on eroticism not only expressed a glorification of human sensuality, transgression, and excess, but also a protest against work and regulations. For the contemporary French theorist Pierre Bourdieu, whose implicit sociology of the body grew out of his interest in habitus and practice, the taste and values of a person's class were reflected in his habitus. Through the internalisation and natural demonstration of taste, the body became a form of natural and physical "capital" with which class, distinction, and power could be "purchased." The sense of "the body" that this study focuses on is its potential to be many different things, in other words, its ambiguous qualitity. The human body became the surface on which the cultural practices of diverse social classes were inscribed. The German sociologist, Norbert Elias (1897-1990), also understood that, with the passing of time, body techniques changed in order to keep up with the inevitable changes in social manners and etiquette. In his sociological studies of the civilisation process, Elias recognised that a person's habitus required the internalisation of broad social processes. However, he also noted that for the most favourable development of human beings in society, both controls and the expression of human emotions were essential (Elias, Civilising I). Generally speaking, however, Western thought has maintained the body/soul, and nature/culture dichotomies. With the growing interest in the body, a great variety of books have appeared. Nonetheless, the recent privileging of the body in social theory has also been influenced by important social changes signalled by the unprecedented post-war explosion of consumer culture, the influence of postmodernism on the arts, the feminist movement, and what Foucault terms "bio-politics" and "bio-power." Moreover, as sexuality became more openly expressed, a newly emerging general cult of the body expanded to meet the needs of a more and more consumer oriented society. 14  15  16  The Response of Social Theorists to Feminist Issues As mentioned above, changes in gender relations during the past decades made social theorists more sensitive to feminist issues. For example, "constructionist" feminists like Rosemarie Tong (Feminist Thought 1989), Adrienne Rich ("Compulsory" 1980), Jean Bethke Elshtain (Public Man. Private Woman 1981), and Donna Haraway ("Manifesto" 1990) believed that gender differences were socially constructed and therefore should be erased to allow equality between the sexes. Gillian Rose, a social and cultural geographer and feminist, writes that the 17  14  This theme is developed by Pierre Bourdieu in his text La distinction: critique sociale du jugement (1979).  15  See Turner, "Regulating Bodies" 32.  For Foucault, the seventeenth century ushered in the development of power over life in two basic forms, namely, the body as a machine (i.e. harnessing the body's power through disciplines leads to an anatomo-politics of the human body) and regulations of the population (i.e. supervision and regulation of the body via controls). Together they gave rise to a bio-politics of the population. The emergence of the age of "bio-power" is, therefore, stamped with a flood of techniques for not only making bodies subservient but also for regulating populations. See Foucault "Right of Death" 262. 16  17  For "constructionist" feminists, bodies are socially and culturally constructed.  6 main cause of "women's oppression is the ideological construction of femininity as domestic, caring, relational and maternal, because of the labour this identity makes such women perform in the family." She goes on to say that "essentialist" feminists like Jane Gallop (Thinking 1988) "suggest that to deny the body is to echo the masculinist repression of the bodily" (Rose, "Notes" 1995: 73-74). The feminist, Rosi Braidotti, also suggests that the recent advances in medical and reproductive technology, herald "the final chapter in a long history of fantasy of self-generation by and for the men themselves." For her, as soon as "reproduction becomes the pure result of mental efforts, the appropriation of the feminine is complete" (Braidotti, "Mothers" 71). These factors place an enormous ethical, political, andfinancialstrain on individuals and social institutions. However, Elliot and Mandell insist that for "radical feminists, the state is an instrument ensuring male control of women's sexuality" ("Feminist Theories" 16). 18  19  Foucault's Influence on Sociologists Foucault's philosophical and genealogical writings on power and knowledge, during the 1970s, including his discourses of the body and sexuality, have all had a profound influence on the development of a sociology of the body. With its wide ranging social and political ideas, Foucault's work has demonstrated that power over life and death could be traced in society, that is, in institutions such as the military, churches, schools, hospitals, factories, as well as in family households. The present study will focus mainly on Foucault's concept of discipline and power relations. According to Foucault, three basic tools: hierarchical observation, a process of normalisation, and examinations, ensure the successful implementation of disciplinary power. Foucault's concept of disciplinary technology showed how the standardised use of drills, body training, and actions, in a controlled space like that of Bentham's panopticon, produced a "docile" body. Discipline also resultedfromthe careful examination and recording of details. Not only did such seemingly insignificant details provide the perfect political tool for controlling human beings in schools, barracks, hospitals, and work places, they also gave birth to "the man of modern humanism" (Foucault, "Docile" 185). For Foucault, therefore, the body was the institutionalised product of "a network of writing," in other words, power was derivedfromthe accumulation of documentary details, rather than of the phenomenological tradition of the body as a lived experience. 20  21  Social Theories of the Body John O'Neill's lament of 1985 that: "We are no longer reflected in our work, our institutions, or our environment... people ... today must think systems and structures without  For the basis of Rose's understanding of the difference between constructionist and essentialist feminism, see her note 23 re. D. Fuss. 18  While most feminist reject psychoanalytic theory, interest in it is growing. According to Elliot and Mandell, even though "psychoanalytic" feminists may also be occupied with "the deconstruction of myths about women's nature and the construction of theory by and about women, ... [They are also particularly concerned with a] particular kind of inquiry into the nature and functioning of women's oppression, an inquiry that engages us in a rethinking of what it means to be a gendered subject. The aim is to develop a critique of gendered subjectivity which produces a hierarchy of masculine over feminine subjects, a hierarchy in which women are made subordinate" (Elliot and Mandell "Feminist Theories" 19). 19  2 0  See Foucault "Docile Bodies" 179-187, and Foucault "Panopticism" 206-213.  21  See Foucault "The Means of Correct Training." 201.  7  embodied subjects," is alarming (Five Bodies 26-27). In this regard, the social theories of the body put forward by sociologists such as Bryan S. Turner, Michel Feher, and Arthur W. Frank offer valuable insights. The term "human embodiment" technically refers to humanity as an evolutionary species being. Humans are warm-blooded mammals with specific needs for survival in this world. Human beings participate in basic social processes from the moment of their conception through their development and eventual death that require familiar social practices and rituals such as christenings, weddings, funerals, and wakes. Every human action involves human corporeality that is reflected, for example, in his birth, suffering, pain, joy, death (Turner, Regulating Bodies 35-36). For Bryan Turner, therefore, the bodily nature of human beings is evidenced by the daily need to eat, eliminate, and sleep, as well as to be clean, tidy, and clothed. Re-stating Hobbes's concept of order, Bryan Turner calls this care of the body a form of "government of the body." Society too has obligations to meet if it is to establish and maintain social order among the bodies that comprise it. It must reproduce populations in time and regulate bodies in space. In addition, it must restrain the 'interior' body (via disciplines that control sexuality, desire, passion and need, for the sake of social organisation and stability), and represent the 'exterior' body in social space (i.e., in relation to personality and identity). Michel Feher's presentation of the history of the human body introduces a historical and pragmatic approach that is not only directional, i.e., vertical, and horizontal, but one that is also influenced by the age-old notion of organ and function , Whether functioning as metaphors or as organic models, the question to be answered is: does our understanding of organs, bodily substances, and fluids imply or challenge the body's function in society? Michel Feher's three22  23  24  25  26  The work of Bryan Turner, a Professor of Sociology, is a much needed contribution to the exciting fledgling area of study known as the sociology of the body. His aim is to eventually achieve a synthesis of medical sociology and the sociology of the religion that would provide new insights into the disciplines of sociology, philosophy and feminist theory. 2 2  As Michel Feher, the editor of the three volume work Fragments declares in its introduction, "the history of the body is not so much the history of its representations as of its modes of construction" (11). It is this interpretation of the body that is important for sociologists working on the sociology of the body. 2 3  Arthur W. Frank is a Professor of Sociology. In his 1991 article "For a Sociology of the Body: An Analytical Review," Frank incorporates the literature he compiled in his previous article "Bringing Bodies Back In: A Decade Review" (1990) .Now, however, he discusses, as he puts it, "the literature within a theoretical framework which is both original and analytical, presented as complementary to Turner's (1984) typology [of the body]" ("Sociology" 24  37). 25  See Turner Body and Society 1984: 2.  The essays in Fragments not only document where life and thought intersect, but also produce a sketch of the contemporary body. According to Feher, however, each of the three parts pursues a definite research method: 26  The first approach can be called vertical since what is explored here is the human body's relationship to the divine, to the bestial and to the machines that imitate or simulate it. The second approach covers the various junctures between the body's "outside" and "inside" [and is] ... a "psychosomatic" approach, studying the manifestation - or production - of the soul and the expression of the emotions through the body's attitudes, and, on another level, the speculations inspired by cenesthesia, pain and death. Finally, the third approach, ... brings into play the classical opposition between organ and function by showing how a certain organ or bodily substance can be used to justify or challenge the way human society functions and, reciprocally, how a certain political or social function tends to make the body of the person filling that function the organ of a larger body the social body or the universe as a whole. (Fragments Part Three 11)  8 part approach suggests that the body is a hermeneutic process whose polarities (e.g., superhuman/sub-human; internal/external; mind/body; male/female) are never fixed. Expanding on Bryan Turner's and Michel Feher's insights, Arthur W. Frank, whose typology of the body emergesfromthat of Turner's, argues that the body's "visibility" is both the cause and effect of its own social actions. In fact, he locates what he calls '"the body'" in "the intersection of an equilateral triangle the points of which are institutions, discourses, and corporeality" ("Sociology" 49). While discourses provide guidelines for social practices, institutions provide the context and location for these activities. These observations become the basis for his creative approach to a theoretical typology of the body. It is one which showcases four styles of body usage in action: the disciplined body, the mirroring body, the dominating body, and the communicative body. For him, the actions of human beings not only dictate these body styles but also prescribe their social environment. Neither can be explained without reference to the other. However, before I turn my attention to the literary component of my theoretical approach to the body in literature, I would like to refer to another comment by John O'Neill. It is one that reminds me of my own discomfort with abstract theories that either completely erase or marginalize the social, living human body. John O'Neill pondered if literary systems were doing the work of artists who must now use, "the official language which subordinates social life to bureaucratic systems" (Five Bodies 27). The fact is, however, that discourse and institutions cannot exist without the recognition and actions of the "whole," living human body. An understanding of Helmuth Plessner's differentiation between the meaning of the German words "der Leib" and "der Korper" will make it easier to recognise the body as it exists in its various forms in the world. While "Leib" describes the body as interior, living, animated, subjective and experiential, "Korper" indicates the body as exterior, objective, and institutionalised. The ambiguity of the human body is reflected, therefore, in its potential to be both objective and subjective, social and natural, or personal and impersonal. Influenced by Cartesian dualism, sociologists, with few exceptions, that is, until recently, have not approached the human body as both "Leib" and "Korper." For them the body had been seen as "Korper," that is, as an impersonal object to be measured with the use of codes, numbers, lines, signs, and indexes, or worse yet, simply as a corpse. This, then, is an important point of departure for a literary analysis based on the body. A critical interpretation would have to recognise the body as an integrated whole, that is, as both a subjective, lived, shared experience and as an alienated object constructed through documented details and training. 27  Critical Theory and Interpretation of Literary Text An interdisciplinaryframeworkis essential for dealing with the body. Sociology offers important classifications of the body that can be adapted for a study and analysis of the body in literary texts.My search for a compatible theoretical and methodological approach to interpreting the body in literature, and in particular in the early works of Heinrich Boll, has brought me to consider systems or codes that make it possible for human beings to see events or entities as signs bearing meaning. Since codes are elements of human culture, they are also governed by biological and physical constraints. Generic codes and language not only produce and interpret the literary text but work together to shape and control the "natural" human body. In other words, they help to uncover the "invisible" codes that affect our perception and behaviour in everyday See H. Plessner's, Gesammelte Schriften VIII Conditio humana (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1983) 136-217.  9  life, and to shape a critical methodology for analysing the literary text. The meaning of a text is therefore never established solely by the writer, or for that matter, the reader. As cultural beings, both present an uneven blend of public and private, and of conscious and unconscious components. Taken together, however, they can provide a secure base upon which to establish textual interpretation. Body Language in Literature: Toward a Critical Framework Another recent approach to the interpretation of the literary text, to which my study is indebted, is Barbara Korte's timely study of body language in literature. Her research is enhanced by her adaptation of aspects of Robert Scholes's semiotic approach to literary studies. In fact, for her, body language in literature is profoundly informed by conscious and unconscious codes and conventions. Barbara Korte defines body language as "non-verbal behaviour (movements and postures, facial expression, glances and eye contact, automatic reactions, spatial and touching behaviour) which is 'meaningful' in both natural and fictional communication" (Body Language 3-4). In other words, all non-verbal behaviour displayed by fictional characters that can be decoded by a receiver, whether consciously or unconsciously, intentionally or unintentionally, can be defined, in her opinion, as non-verbal communication (NVC) or body language. A basic competence in NVC, therefore, facilitates the interpretation of literary body language. According to Barbara Korte, the growing interest in body language since the sixties (reflected in popular handbooks, literature, theatre, art exhibits, health clubs, ever-increasing cosmetic surgery, organ transplants, artificial reproductive technology, etc.) explains the re-birth of the body in many areas of everyday life and academic fields of study (Body Language 4). Aside from its topicality, the body's presence in literature emerges as an important signifying system. Both the writer and the reader must, therefore, acquire the necessary competence to make use of such a system. As Barbara Korte further argues: "Contrary to its occurrence in real life, non-verbal behaviour in literature is always 'significant': it is integral to the text's artistic design even when it cannot be read as a sign with a clearly defined meaning" (Body Language 5). Many works dealing with the presence, significance, and use of body language in literature and the arts which began in the eighteenth century are related to contemporary NVC research. Studies of gesture in narrative literature, such as Karl Sittl's Die Gebarden der Griechen und Romer (1890) began in Germany and were profoundly influenced by cultural history. They complemented the cultural gestures of the Greeks and Romans, and of Medieval Europeans being compiled concurrently in folklore, folk psychology, and comparative linguistics. When the emotions of literary characters are expressed through body language, they reveal more clearly their importance to the portrayal of etiquette and ceremony in medieval society. In more recent times, namely, prior to the Second World War, a racist ideology marked various German studies on cultural aspects of body language. 28  29  In fact, the interdisciplinary NVC research of psychology, sociology, anthropology, and linguistics has opened up more detailed categories for interpreting natural body language than had been the case in the research carried out in rhetoric or expression psychology. With the collapse of Germany in 1945 the marked decrease in German studies of literary body language The emphasis is mine. See Korte, Body Language 18ff.  1 0  was due, of course, to a direct reaction to the racist writings produced before and especially during the Third Reich. As the disciplines of sociology and social psychology continued to develop in the seventies, modern NVC research in North America and Britain also began to carve out its own terminology. A decade later, however, NVC terminology began to gain acceptance in German literary criticism, thereby gradually displacing its former dependence on the traditional and rather vague usage of "gesture" and "posture." All the same, NVC research into human interaction has inspired several useful approaches for a fruitful investigation of body language in literature. Although body language had previously been studied mainly as an expression of feeling, NVC research now highlights the importance of non-verbal interaction between characters in a fictional text. Previously unrecognised forms of NVC have now moved outfromunder the vague term "gesture" into the sights and the awareness of the literary critic. It could even be argued that the recognition of the role of haptic (touching behaviour such as kissing, embracing, caressing, hand holding, hitting etc., that suggest body movement and physical closeness) and proxemic (a general decoding of human use, perception, and conception of space, especially spatial conduct) behaviour is useful for interpreting certain literary works.. With the increasing awareness of fictional space, proxemics has become recognised for its interpretative potential in literary criticism, especially regarding the interpersonal relationships dealt with in the respective texts. The analysis of literary body language, grounded on ordinary non-verbal competence, demands specific categories. NVC classification systems, while useful, need to be adapted for literary interpretation and criticism. In social life, the majority of human interaction and communication occurs non-verbally. NVC research has also benefited enormously from sociological and social-psychological studies. These have shown the role of non-verbal behaviour in human interaction is potentially multi-layered. In literature, the non-verbal behaviour described by the author enables the reader to arrive at conclusions regarding the thoughts, feelings, personal characteristics, and attitudes of the characters in a fictional text. Their social status and the social roles they perform are not only revealed but offer insights into the power relations that exist between them. Even the slightest hint of attraction and repulsion between fictional characters are revealed through an author's description of their non-verbal behaviour. Verbal utterances are also regulated by NVC. In fact, the verbal message can be contradicted, complemented, or even substituted by the reaction of the observer of the speaker's body language. Korte has provided a useful classificationframeworkfor recognising NVC forms and roles of body language in literature. In relation to the situation in which it takes place, these forms of body language also require what Korte calls a special "functional class" indicative of its literary effectiveness. The aim of defining various classes of NVC in the literary text is significant because of its ability to intensify meaning and to convey messages. Moreover, if Marcel Mauss is correct, "techniques of the body," such as the learned everyday actions of walking, standing, sitting, or eating, are culture-specific. Korte also includes touching, spatial relationships, and body movements (gestures such as nodding, raising a hand, waving an arm, 30  31  32  See, for example, Margaret Atwood's Utopian novel The Handmaid's Tale (1987) in which the lack of touch is portrayed as unbearable and isolating. 3 0  See Barbara Korte's critical review of several novels that make use of haptics and proxemics (Body Language in Literature 65-77). Also see Moshe Barasch's study of body language in Giotto's paintings. 31  3 2  See Marcel Mauss, "Body Techniques." Sociology and Psychology: Essays (London: Routledge, 1979 [1936]).  11  and practical actions such as body techniques), body postures, facial expression, eye behaviour, and automatic physiological and physio-chemical reactions such as trembling, involuntary change of skin colour, perspiring etc. in this form of bodily activity. The "functional" classification embraces bodily activities that Korte defines as displays of emotion, "externalizers," "illustrators," "emblems," and "regulators." These two categories of ordinary non-verbal competence, namely, form and role classifications, especially in conjunction with situational frame conditions such as conscious/unconscious, intentional/unintentional, speech, etc., are indispensable tools for understanding the role, meaning, and effect of the way an author describes the body language of his or her characters. Korte complements these two categories which are heavily dependent on the ordinary non-verbal competence of the reader, with an open catalogue of questions. These questions help to provide a more satisfactory and balanced interpretation of the body's presence in the narrative text. Barbara Korte identifies three areas with questions that deal with the presentation, and the literary functions and effects of body language in the narrative text. Two other areas dealing with the writer's concept of body language, in relation to genre, author, and period, as well as the three mentioned above, will now be briefly summarised. Firstly, Korte asks: What is the frequency and distribution of body language within the text? What is the semantic content, and the semantic clarity or vagueness of the non-verbal signified? What is the distinctiveness of the non-verbal signifier? Secondly, how is an example of body language "filtered" through language and narrative transmission. Is it foregrounded via linguistic means, narrative mode, the structure of narrative transmission, or visual perspectivization? Thirdly, what role does body language as an element in the action, as an indication of mental states, as an indication of interpersonal relationships, as a means of character definition and identification, authentication, or dramatisation, play in the constitution of fictional reality? Is the body used as an image, or in the development of a theme? Does body language in the narrative text, in the process of narrative transmission, establish contrasts or correspondences among characters? Does it establish textual coherence, or perhaps a technical and/or structural function? Is body language intended to achieve a particular effect in the reader? Fourthly, is the use of body language determined by a specific concept? Fifthly, to what extent is the use of body language determined by genre, author, or period? Korte's critical framework focuses, therefore, on the usefulness of body language not only as a signifying system for the literary text, but also as a means of enhancing, in a myriad of ways, its meaning and effects. It fills a need since previous analyses of this sort have not been completely successful in relating body language to literature. 33  Korte's critical approach serves as a much needed efficacious tool for critical literary analysis. Moreover, it reveals body language and its meaning in literature by opening up and describing an area of the literary narrative which may have previously been neglected. Body language, once decoded, has the potential to provide new insights into familiar texts. These new insights may even contradict the meanings transmitted in words and other signalling systems within the narrative. It is this potential that makes it a very promising theoretical approach for interpreting the role and significance of war-damaged bodies in Boll's early writings. The question before me now is two-pronged: Can a social theory of the body be fruitfully applied to Boll's early writings? If so, will it, with the use of body language as an analytical tool provide deeper insights into these works? Korte, Body Language  39-55.  12 Applying Body Theories to Boll's Early Prose Almost every scholar since Boll delivered his 1964 "Frankfurter Vorlesungen," has referred to what he termed his "Asthetik des Humanen." My own studies confirm that almost every aspect of Boll's early writings, including his "Asthetik des Humanen" is, first and foremost, based on the contemporary discourses of the body and of its "language." Many of Boll's early works that I will analyse are either set in, or have flashbacks to the Nazi era and the immediate post-war decade. I will also try to explain why Boll's references to the human body are often in direct contrast to those promulgated by Hitler and the Nazis. Many people have asked me, rather quizzically, if Boll wrote about the body or for that matter, much about the Jews. My answer is an unequivocal yes to both these questions. For me, the human body as both a subjective, "lived," shared experience, and as an alienated object is ever present in Boll's writings. He appears to have presented his views on the body for close analysis on almost every page of his prose. Yet, very few critics have either recognised them or found them worthy of an extensive discussion. How is this possible? Perhaps, in the light of the German people's weariness of Nazi body propaganda, Boll's attempt to present his views on the subjective, lived human body was at times too subtle. What is indisputable, however, is that Boll's concept of the body and what it means to be human is a complete rejection of that promoted by the Nazis. 34  More than three decades after the war, in a 1977 interview with the journalist Hans-Peter Riese, Boll himself suggests that his views on what it truly means to be human is still waiting to be discovered among the words of his narrative prose: "[...] egal was [ich schreibe] [...] mein Selbstverstandnis ist ausgedruckt [...] und ich habe den Eindruck, dafj man da einen Humanismusbegriff herausfinden kann" (Bdll/Riese, "Schriftsteller" 15). Earlier, in a 1972 interview with Marcus Ronner of Zurich's Die Weltwoche. Boll had also admitted: "Ich setze immer zuviel voraus; es widerstrebt mir, [...] das Selbstverstandliche auszudriicken, und dadurch entstehen sehr viele MiBverstandnisse" (Interviews 218). It is possible, therefore, that Boll may have taken the underlying importance of the human body in his work for granted, expecting that his readers with a little imagination would recognise it. If so, has the body been too well hidden? In my opinion, however, the opposite is true. Boll's attention to all aspects of the lived human body is so obvious that it has effectively escaped detection. Whichever proves to be the correct explanation, the role of the body in Boll's work is too important to ignore. Perhaps Boll did not see the need to continually spell out the role of the body in Nazi ideology. However, for readers today, more than six and a half decades after Hitler seized power, the multi-faceted contemporary discussions of the ideal German/Aryan body may not be so obvious. Of course, all forms of Expressionist art depicting the "open" imperfect body were in complete contrast to the Nazi writings on the "closed" perfect body. This will be more fully developed in the next chapter. If, in fact, the discourse of the body, and therefore his views on humanity, seemed to Boll simply too obvious to have to "spell them out," then the task before me is to reveal them and their importance for a better understanding of his works. The most effective tool for this task must provide interpretations to the numerous bodily signs and codes in his narratives. It is for this reason that I will employ the theory of literary body language as an indispensable analytical tool.  For example, the first question was put to me by Dr. Dieter Wellershoff, Boll's editor in the seventies, at his home in Cologne, during an interview which he kindly granted me on August 13. 1996. 34  13  Boll and his family were very politically aware and defiant in their stance against Hitler and his regime of terror. For example, Boll recounts that even when his mother was warned in 1940, in the midst of the victory and splendour of the Third Reich, to tone down her negative rhetoric, she continued to defiantly fight with her eyes: "Sie sprach nur noch mit Blikken [sic], und ihre grofien, dunklen Augen sprachen wohl noch deutlicher als ihr Mund" (Briefe aus 55). IAnother example of the profound importance of body language for Boll goes back to his school days. Boll writes: "Wenn da einer sein erbarmliches Griechisch oder Latein einmal - was selten vorkam - mit seiner Uniform ausgleichen wollte, blickte mich der Studienrat Bauer an (ich hatte ihn von Sexta bis Oberprima) - es bedurfte keiner Ausdrucklichkeit zwischen uns; er war ein Demokrat, Humanist, keineswegs kriegsversessen" (Was soil 64). In these two examples taken from his personal life and experiences, Boll shows that he fully recognised the potential of nonverbal behaviour to speak volumes, and he would introduce many such incidents of NVC into his prose. This obvious reliance on body language to convey the "real" story beneath illusory words, actions, and events shows why it is so important to locate and then analyse it in Boll's work. Not to do so, may be to miss half if not the whole story. His intense feelings about the war, the Nazi regime, and the suffering and injustice they brought upon human beings are all present in his early writings. Following Nietzsche, Hugo von Hofmannsthal advises that one must hide the intensity: "Aber wo?" he asks, "An der Oberflache!" (qtd. in H. Hoffmann 65). Boll, too, has long since been aware of this old adage. In his 1974 review of Carl Amery's Das Konigsprojekt. Boll writes: "Was las ich doch vor knapp vierzig Jahren bei Chesterton und fand es im Konigsprojekt als Zitat wieder? 'Wo verbirgt der Weise ein Blatt? Im Walde'" (Man mufl 157). This again drives home the importance of Boll's at times too well "concealed" use of body language in his writings . The decision to deal with Heinrich Boll's early fictional work opened up the opportunity for me to take advantage of "new" works which, although written in the forties and early fifties, were finally published only in the eighties and nineties. Another advantage is the opportunity to understand better why these posthumous works were not published when they were first written. More than just the fact that they treat the topic of the Second World War, these works present Boll's perhaps more outspoken views regarding Hitler, the Nazis, the Jews, anti-Semitism, acts of treason, insubordination, cruelty, desertion and cowardice. In addition, such works also focus on the destroyed and damaged bodies left in the aftermath of the war. With the German currency reform of 1948, Germany was on theriseagain, economically, industrially, and socially. The Nuremberg War-Crimes Trials were over and the "denazification" program was in full swing. It is therefore understandable that relatively few Germans wanted to remember or to be reminded about how it had been back then in the Third Reich. Using what he called his "X-ray" eyes, Boll reported what he saw during that infamous era. The reader must also make the effort to look beneath the surface of events and "superficial" descriptions of individuals in his texts in order to arrive at the reality Boll is trying to convey. The sign posts are everywhere. To read and interpret them, we must pay close attention to the "bodies," whole or damaged, that appear with great frequency on the pages of his texts. It is a task that will be made easier if we first familiarise ourselves with the political and social atmosphere that pervaded the period before, during and after the Third Reich. Heinrich Boll, even as late as 1985, expressed similar sentiments in an interview with Herbert Hoven: Mir fallt auf, dafi die meisten einen Autor, ob der Goethe heiBt oder Fontane oder ein Gegenwartsautor ist, nicht aus der Zeit heraus kommentieren, in der er seine  14 Biicher geschrieben hat. Die Zuriickversetzung in der Zeit der Entstehung, in die politische, gesellschaftliche, weltpolitische und innenpolitische Situation geschieht sehr selten. Die Zeitlichkeit eines Autors [...] mtiBte aber das Erste sein, das man zu vermitteln versucht, bevor man anfangt ihn auszulegen, zu interpretieren. ("InLeserbriefen" 111) For Boll, it was of the utmost importance to understand the contemporary environment in which the author writes. The ubiquitous presence and pall of the Third Reich and its consequences fill the author's writings, especially his earlier works, some of which were only first published from the Boll archive in the last two decades. Boll's comment in a written interview published in the Kolner Stadt-Anzeiger (May 08. 1985), in which he declared that most of his contemporary writers avoided writing about the touchy subject of the National Socialist era, while perhaps a little exaggerated is still important: Die Tatsache, daB die Konzentrationslager, Hitler und alles, was mit diesem Namen verbindet, kaum oder nur selten zum literarischen "Stoff' wurden, laflt sich einfach begriinden: gegen die Dokumentationen - etwa Kogons "SS-Staat" und andere Schriften - hatte eine "fiktive" Beschaftigung mit diesem "Stoff nur lacherlich ausfallen konnen. ("Herausforderung" 10) In fact, Boll's review of Edgar Hilsenrath's Der Nazi und der Friseur (1977) registers his amazement at, and approval of finding an author with the courage and the ability to realistically portray the horror of that era in his fiction: Das Gruselspiel war ja kein Spiel, es ist durch Hilsenrath wirklich geworden, und es hat sie ja wohl doch gegeben - oder? - diese Nazis, die getan haben, wovon keiner gewufit, was keiner gewollt, und wenn man alles vergessen sollte: die Goldzahne und die, die sie einmal getragen haben, vergiBt man nicht, wenn Schultz-Finkelstein da im Wald der sechs Millionen spazieren geht. ("Hans im Gliick" 79) As Boll remarks: "Wahrscheinlich ist es gut, daB Hilsenraths Buch erst jetzt erscheint, wo die Versachlichung der Nazizeit an so vielen Sachen vorbeisieht" ("Hans im Gliick" 78). Timing, according to Boll, is often everything. With regard to familiar texts and his more recently appearing unpublished earlier works, perhaps now is the ideal time to revisit that painful era with, if you will,fresh,scrutinising, "X-ray" eyes. It is essential, therefore, in order to achieve a fair analysis of Boll's own writings, that the author and his early prose be carefully studied in the context of the Third Reich and the restoration years. The contemporary discourse of the body provides a fascinating point of departure for such an investigation of Boll's early prose as a discourse of war-damaged bodies. This is particularly important since, as Anne Geddes Bailey declares: "Fascism defines beauty in terms of strength rather thanfragility,under fascism, for example, the human body became beautiful, not in juxtaposition to violence which crippled it, but through genetic and racial purification." 35  The last few years have seen agreements struck to return stolen art works, to open up records, and to "unfreeze" bank accounts of Jews in Swiss financial institutions. On 14 December 1999, after a year of negotiations, an agreement between surviving victims and German industry and government has finally been reached to compensate survivors in the amount of 5.2 billion dollars for their slave labour for the Nazi war machine in factories, and labour and concentration camps. For more details on the agreement, see 3 5  15  She further argues: "Representations of violence which reveal beauty in crippled and broken forms evoke an emotional, human response. In contrast, violence in fascism was used, literally and figuratively, to 'cleanse' humanity of the crippled and broken, in order to make an abstract and metaphoric perfection real" (Bailey, Aesthetics of Fascism 9). The discussion of Heinrich Boll's early prose, in the present study, will be based on selections made from the following list of works which includes their date of publication and date of origin. They are: Der Zug war punktlich (1949). Wanderer kornmst du nach Spa ... : Erzahlungen (1950; 1947-1950), Wo warst du. Adam? (1951), Und sagte kein einziges Wort (1953), Haus ohne Hiiter (1954); Das Brot des friihen Jahre (1955), Das Vermachtnis (1982; 1949); Die Verwundung und andere Erzahlungen (1983; 1947 -1951), "Der General stand auf einem Hiigel ..." (1991; 1946), "Mit diesen Handen" (1992; 1947), Der Engel schwieg (1992; 1949-1951), and Der blasse Hund: Erzahlungen (1995; 1936/37 - 1950-51). I have chosen these texts since they all deal either directly or indirectly with Nazism and Boll's reaction to it. The Structure of the Thesis The thesis will consist of eight chapters. Chapter I introduces the present study. Although freely borrowing from my research on sociological theories of the body, I will not be bound by them. The underlying theoretical premise of my study will be the recognition of the role of institutions, discourses and the nature of the physical body in "shaping" and/or re-forming the human body. Chapter II, which showcases the Aryan/Nazi body, will provide a brief historical look at the classical concept of beauty with its inherent dignity of all men, and its wilful distortion by the National Socialist regime which culminated in devastating warfare, and human atrocities perpetrated in Auschwitz and other concentration/death camps. Chapter III will focus on Boll's early biography, especially as it unfolds during the Third Reich and reflects or rejects the contemporary discourses on the body. In addition, I will adapt the four categories: disciplined, mirroring, dominating, and communicative used by the sociologist Arthur W. Frank in his typology of the body in action, as convenient titles for Chapters IV through VII of my thesis. Each of these chapters, with the help of the theoretical tool of body language, will analyse selected works and characters drawn from Boll's early prose (i.e., his writings up to 1955). It is a process that will be aimed at identifying the indicated body type and revealing its importance for Boll's views on humanity. Chapter VIII will summarise the findings of the dissertation and point to future areas of study and scholarship. Chapter II, "The Aryan/Nazi Body," will provide both a diachronic and synchronic general survey of the discourses of the body from the Classical period through the collapse of the Third Reich and up to the mid-fifties in restoration Germany. Investigated from several perspectives, a rich tapestry of the contemporary narrative discourse of the body will emerge that will serve as an indispensable foundation for an analysis of the role of the body in Boll's writings. These perspectives will shed light on the various discourses on the human body in the first half of the twentieth century by reflecting changes in the political systems, as well as those that followed the Industrial Revolution and its aftermath, the labour movements, and the job market, the economy, financial institutions, issues of health, culture, and education, the predominance of science, (especially biology and genetics) and the military. 36  In addition, the National Socialist's revival of duelling, the impact of wars, the growing women's movement, various art forms (sculpture, and architecture; literature, and films), sports, See Frank "Sociology of the Body" 54 ff.  16 sport cults, the 1936 Berlin Olympic Games, the nature of propaganda, and perhaps most importantly, the Nazi "Schdnheitsideal" which embraces all of the preceding, will be reviewed. Although none of these can be discussed at great length, it is hoped that a sense of the times, that is, in which Heinrich Boll lived as a student, soldier and citizen, and its effect on him and his contemporary society will emerge and inform his writings. All these streams of body discourses eventually empty into the insatiable, fanatic desire for the perfect Aryan body and the Nazis' claim of the birth of a superior race which, at the same time, denounced everything else as unworthy of life. In addition, relevant aspects of Boll's biography will be discussed in Chapter III in the light of this, as well as its role in shaping his own view of humanity. This is essential since during the first thirty-two years of his life, Boll witnessed Germany's ruling government changefroma monarchy to a republic, to a totalitarian dictatorship, to occupations by the allies, and finally to a divided Germany. In this regard, the concept of the body politic, that is, of the body as metaphor and metonym, will provide relevant insights for my discussion of the political and societal milieu which form the backdrop for Boll's early works. In Chapter IV, "Disciplined Bodies," I will focus on the disciplined body of the German soldier in the Second World War. I will also search out the submissive, "docile" bodies demanded by Hitler and his military personnel. My research and analysis will also investigate the theme of disciplinefromthe perspective of Boll, both as narrator and soldier. The soldier's disciplined body is of necessity one which eitherfreely,or through coercion, submits itself to the will and orders of another who is a representative of an institution. The bodies of soldiers, sports figures (both professional and amateur), workers, students, religious enthusiasts, entertainers, all shaped and re-shaped through the rigorous practice of specific body regimes and drills, whether self-inflicted or inflicted on them by others, are just some examples of disciplined, controlled bodies. Foucault's theoretical writings on the disciplined body will be a useful analytical tool. According to Foucault: "Discipline 'makes' individuals; it is the specific technique of a power that regards individuals both as objects and as instruments of its exercise" ("Means of Correct Training" 188). In addition to the strict body regimes, however, individuals are also subjugated through the power of writing. As he explains: To be looked at, observed, described in detail, [...] was [once] a privilege ... part of the rituals of his power. The disciplinary methods reversed this relation, lowered the threshold of describable individuality, and made of this description a means of control and a method of domination. It is no longer a monument for future memory, but a document for possible use. [...] This turning of real lives into writing is no longer a procedure of heroization; it functions as a procedure of objectification and subjection. (Foucault, "Means of Correct Training" 203-204) The three works I plan to investigate in Chapter IV are Boll's Wo warst du. Adam?. Das Vermachtnis. and "Der General stand auf einem Hugel..." . By focusing on the disciplined body of the soldier and Boll's use of body language, I expect to reveal Boll's emphasis on the importance of the role of the body and his sustained demand for the dignity of human beings under any circumstances. During Hitler's rule, the everyday existence of German citizens became highly orchestrated. Through his use of propaganda and the staging of numerous festivals and sporting events Hitler skilfully created an artificial world that looked extraordinarily real to Germans from  17  all walks of life. The "mirroring" bodies discussed in Chapter V are reflections of this deceptive world of make believe. For example, Colonel Bressen, a character in Boll's war novel Wo warst du. Adam?, displays many of the characteristics that this study associates with the mirroring body, particularly those based on what Bourdieu calls habitus. In other words, the Colonel's physical appearance and behaviour reflect the tastes and values of the class to which he aspires. However, it is a class that only exists in the "Scheinwelt" of the Third Reich. It simply does not exist in his contemporary world. The Colonel assures himself of satisfaction by "seeing" his desires already fulfilled in everything he observes and does. His mirroring body is therefore a closed, self-centred body. Boll's treatment of body language, especially noses, in Wo warst du. Adam? and "Todesursache: Hakennase" reveals that the Nazis' understanding of the "perfect" Aryan body is more often a case of "Schein" rather than "Sein." The "new man," that is, the Aryan representative of the noble northern race of peoples that the Nazis tried to create, is also a fiction. It was this image of an elite race that increasingly came to dominate the German world of economics and politics. In the decades leading up to and including the duration of the Third Reich, those who believed in this racial ideology showed nothing but contempt for mankind. In this regime, nakedness became an outward symbol of the god-like superiority and "Schonheitsideal" that must be aimed for, and for which, real, living men had to sacrifice their bodies. In a macabre twist of fate, the political history of the body is here intricately tied to the intellectual history of the body. The focus of Chapter VI will be on "Dominating Bodies." For example, in an effort to quell their fears and retain their personal sense of supremacy dominating individuals in B5ll's Der blasse Hund. Wo warst du. Adam?, and Der Engel schwieg exert their will on others through the use of force and/or violence. In his writings, Heinrich Boll's choice of narrative themes are: "Ehe, die Familie, Freundschaft, Religion, das Essen, die Kleidung, das Geld, die Arbeit, die Zeit, [...] die Liebe" ("Frankfurter" 73). These themes demonstrate the importance of community and communication for him and his fellow Germans in a world shattered by the war. In ChapterVII, I will identify and investigate "Communicative Bodies" in terms of discourses, institutions, and the physical nature of the body. In contrast to the closed, dissociated, "disciplined" and "mirroring" bodies, and the negatively associated dominating body, the "communicative" body is positive, open, and willing to associate and share itself with others. As Boll comments: "Ich gehe von der Voraussetzung aus, daC Sprache, Liebe, Gebundenheit den Menschen zum Menschen machen, da!3 sie den Menschen zu sich selbst, zu anderen, zu Gott in Beziehung setzen [...]" ("Frankfurter" 33). For him: "Die Deutschen [...] warten auf Gebundenheit, finden aber nur Gesellschaft, kein Vertrauen" ("Frankfurter" 35). In this series of lectures at the University of Frankfurt, Boll clearly makes the distinction between the words "Gebundenheit," i.e., an experience of a sense of community and belonging, and "Gesellschaft," i.e., a form of sociality that is more contractual than physical in nature. For Frank Finlay, any consideration of Boll's legacy for contemporary literature must recognise that he: always eschews the lofty detachment of the ivory tower; all his utterances emanate from a sense of co-responsibility for the fate of the society to which he belongs. Boll, [...] uses the term Gebundenheit to refer to his being involved, committed, tied to the historical events of his generation. [...] Boll's own biography is of particular importance in this context. (Rationality 236-237) An understanding of this difference between his use of the words "Gesellschaft" and "Gebundenheit," therefore, is important for a better understanding of the pre-war, war, and postwar era that Boll captures in his writings.  18 Communicative bodies share lived experiences and refuse to be contained within either artificial or real boundaries. Moreover, because they need recognition in one form or another, regardless of their current condition, they remain open to all possibilities, and have the right to be flexible and spontaneous. Among the Boll texts to be consulted will be "Die Brennenden," "Der blasse Hund," "Mit diesen Handen," Der Zug war piinktlich. Und sagte kein einziges Wort. Haus ohne Hiiter. and Das Brot desfrtihenJahres. In these works, the communicative nature of Boll's characters is revealed through his use of literary body language, and the motifs of "Zartlichkeit'V'Gebundenheit" and of the hand. This chapter provides a good opportunity to reflect upon the centrality of the hand in Boll's writing, an aspect which has not yet been fully recognised or explored by many Boll scholars. In Chapter VIII, I will summarise the findings of my thesis and suggest directions for further research stemmingfromthe work begun here. The aim of my dissertation, therefore, is to bring Boll's writings into the current discourse of the body. In fact, in Boll's early prose we can trace the changing fortunes of the supposedly new, perfect, beautiful, and inviolable human beings that the Nazis tried at all costs to create and to present to the German nation and to the world. Boll also portrays their horribly mutilated bodies as they lie wounded, dying or dead in their own blood, or rather in "Fiihrerblut." In his writings, Boll often depicts his fellow German soldiers as starving, thirsty, filthy, covered in lice and excrement, and foul smelling in trenches and in field campaigns. In addition, Boll describes their mutilated, suffering, and lonely bodies lying in field hospitals, and also as cowards and deserters fleeingfromthe enemy and their own military police. His images are a far cryfromthose spewed out by the tireless Nazi propaganda machine. When the Third Reich bubble finally burst at the end of the war, civilians and soldiers who survived the carnage, returned home without fanfare and glory to widespread devastation. Boll reached out to his fellow Germans, with their physically and/or mentally damaged bodies, with deep compassion, love, and understanding. In the face of the cruel taunts and mistreatment at the hands of the allies in a POW camp, Boll, the "Rheinlander/Kdlner," considered himself for the first time "Deutscher.'The significance of my work lies in recognising the importance of the body images in early Boll. His ability to to criticise his fellow Germans not only emphasises his ambiguous relationship with them but also allows him to show his deep affection for his fellow men. 37  Walter Buch (the Supreme NSDAP Judge) used this term in his September 1938 speech in which he denounced what he called the squandering of the Fuhrer's blood precisely at a time when Germany's entire future was dependent on every good and healthy drop (see Ute Frevert Ehrenmanner chapter 7, n. 102). 3 7  19  CHAPTER II. T H E ARYAN/NAZI BODY  Die Summe der gesunden Korper konstituiert den gesunden Volkskdrper, ein Politikum der obersten NS-Kategorie (Hilmar Hoffmann)  Die heutige Zeit arbeitet an einem neuen Menschentyp, ungeheure Anstrengungen werden ... vollbracht, um das Volk zu heben, um unsere Manner, Knaben, Jiinglinge, die Mddchen und Frauen gesiinder und damit kraftvoller und schoner zu gestalten. (Adolf Hitler)  The "myth" of the Aryan/Nazi body is a compelling tale. It is one that begins with sublime ideals of beauty and the dignity of man in the German Classical Period, only to degenerate into unspeakable acts of man's inhumanity to man in the Third Reich. But it is precisely this story, with all its twists and turns, as well as all its high and low points, that becomes both background and thematic material for Heinrich Boll's early prose. It is a tale, therefore, that must be told. The story of the Aryan/Nazi body is the culmination of the discourses of the body of many disciplines and institutions that range from the sublime to the ridiculous. Although this chapter aims to provide a comprehensive look at the concept of this body, one that could simultaneously engender both fascination and violence, it can in no measure presume to be exhaustive in its scope. A brief introduction of Hitler's interpretation of the body politic will lead off the discussion. A concise, historical review of relevant body discourses, gleaned from analyses of selected portions of relevant speeches, writings, and Nazi sport films, will help to define a physical and mental image of the Aryan/Nazi body. In addition, it will facilitate a better understanding of Boll's early prose as a discourse of war-damaged bodies. Hitler's Drive to Reconstitute Germany's "Body" Chapter IPs first epigraph, "Die Summe der gesunden Korper konstituiert den gesunden Volkskorper, ein Politikum der obersten NS-Kategorie," will be a useful point of departure for a discussion of how Hitler and his part members viewed the role of the individual body in relation to the body politics of a new, whole Germany. For the Nazis, therefore, the most important political issue was that all healthy bodies of the new state should collectively constitute the healthy national body. In the national propaganda of a twentieth century Germany ruled by Hitler's National Socialist regime, the concept of the body of the individual was therefore represented as being synonymous with Germany's body. Individuals constituted the body of the German warrior state. In fact, the German writer, Klaus Theweleit, suggested that almost every written description of Germany's political situation after the First World War depicted Germany as a 38  39  In Mein Kampf. Hitler referred to Germany as a "German warrior" under attack in the First World War on all sides by its enemies: "Fast vier Jahre lang war man gegen den deutschen Recken angerannt und konnte ihn nicht zum Sturze bringen; [...] Manfiirchteteihn [...] denn endlich muBte ja doch der russische Riese in der Uberzahl seiner Menschen Sieger bleiben, Deutschland aber an Verblutung niederbrechen" (214-215). Hitler and others blamed the eventual defeat of the German warrior on a stab in the back administered by revolutionaries, Jews and striking women on the home front. 38  The East Prussian bom writer and publicist, Klaus Theweleit (1942-),firstburst onto the public scene with his publication of his two volume work Mannerphantasien 1/2 (1980). It is still considered to be a classic about the fascist consciousness per se. 3 9  20 dismembered body that had to be made whole once again (Das Land 19). Hitler, who felt that he had the political mandate and the foolproof plan to accomplish this job, embraced Richard Walther Darre's "Blut und Boden" policy. This policy, specifically aimed as it was at creating a pure-blooded, healthy racial breed of superior German/Aryans, required an unprecedented, ruthless program of land expansion at the expense of other nations and peoples. After seizing power in 1933, Hitler, with the use of intimidation and force, methodically set about the monumental task of reconstructing and "healing" the German body. After a successful plebiscite, the Saar region was officially turned over to the Third Reich on March 1, 1935. On September 29,1938, the Third Reich, in agreement with the Czech government, acquired 10,000 square miles of Sudetenland, and thereby immediately increased its population by three and a half million. On March 12, 1938, through annexation, Austria became a part of the Third Reich, and on March 15, 1939, military forces of the Third Reich occupied the Czech part of Czechoslovakia. Bohemia and Moravia were then declared German protectorates. By 1941, Hitler's expansion plan was well underway. Germany had successively subjugated Poland, Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, France, Yugoslavia, and Greece. Klaus Theweleit summed up Hitler's drive to heal and reassemble Germany's dismembered body in this way: 40  41  Osterreich muBte "angeschlossen" werden, angenaht, und nun los auf den Osten, Bdhmen, die Tschechoslowakei, Polen ... Kdrper-Protektorate, beherrscht von "Schutz-Staffeln" ... Deutschland beginnt seinen schutzenden Krieg ... der Korper Grofideutschland war nicht mehr zu stoppen in seinem heilbringenden Wachstum, [...] immer groBer, starker, unverletzlicher wurde damit auch der einzelne eigene Korper, die "individuelle" groBdeutsche soldatische Eiche, ein Fels von einem Kdrperballon. (Das Land 19-20) According to Klaus Theweleit, because of the Nazis' "Unverletzlichkeitsphantasie" propaganda, millions upon millions of Germans allowed themselves to be driven into the Second World War conflict (Das Land 20). However, the beautiful "Schein" of invulnerability soon became the horrific "Sein" of the vulnerable flesh and blood of members of Hitler's "super-race" as they lay injured, mutilated and rotting on battlefields and in towns and villages reduced to rubble. Hitler, in soundly rejecting the Weimar democratic system of government, proposed a folkish state that would be completely free of the parliamentary principle of majority rule. He proposed instead a state in which the "Personlichkeitsprinzip" would take precedence. For him, "der volkische Staat" should only have advisory bodies standing at the side of the elected leader Richard Walther Darre, a close friend of Himmler from his student days in the League of Artamanen, was the proponent of "Blut und Boden" (blood and soil) mysticism. As the author of several publications on biological determinism which gained him the reputation as an expert in "human breeding," he eventually became the head of the "SS Rasse und Siedlungs Hauptamt" in 1931. Dane glorified German farmers as the remnant of the true Nordic race, seeing them as the future source of Germany's racial elite (See Ziegler, Aristocracy 52-53. See also Jensen, "Blut und Boden" 399-400.). 40  Hitler expressed himself in this regard in Mein Kampf as follows: "Was in der Geschichte nutzbringend germanisiert wurde, war der Boden, den unsere Vorfahren mit dem Schwert erwarben und mit deutschen Bauern besiedelten. Soweit sie dabei unserem Volkskorper fremdes Blut zufuhrten, wirkten sie mit an jener unseligen Zersplirterung unseres inneren Wesens, die sich in dem - leider vielfach sogar noch gepriesenen - deutschen Uberindividualismus auswirkt" (430). It was Hitler's intention, therefore, to right these wrongs through the vigorous implementation of R.W.Darre's racial policy of "Blut und Boden," one that would purify the German race and restore lost land, add new land, and also create more space in which the "new" race could flourish. 41  21  to do his bidding. That all decision-making was to be the exclusive privilege of the responsible leader was based upon Hitler's understanding of the Prussian army's winning principle: "Autoritat jedes Fuhrers nach unten und Verantwortlichkeit nach oben" (Kampf 501). Moreover, Hitler demanded that the National Socialist movement immediately reflect these ideas within its own organisation and also be prepared to place the perfected body of the state at its service. In other words, the body politic, with Hitler as the head and everyone else serving him, expected complete authority and blind obediencefromits "subjects." Hitler's suicide was the final straw that broke the back of the German "Leviathan" whose disintegration had long since been underway. After its unconditional surrender, Germany's "master race body" was again dismembered, first into sectors and zones, and then, in 1949, into the two large political blocks of West (Federal Republic of Germany) and East (German Democratic Republic) Germany. Unification would not officially occur until 1990. Defining German Identity in the Third Reich In his book Extreme Mittellage: Eine Reise durch das deutsche Nationalgefuhl (1990), the German writer Peter Schneider cynically explained how Romanian or Russian Germans could prove their German identity. His pertinent comments are uncomfortable reminders of the race and body discourses of the Third Reich. For example, Peter Schneider writes: Eine Freundin aus Rumanien, die fliefiend Deutsch spricht und mehrfach als Dissidentin verhaftet worden war, konnte den zustandigen deutschen Beamten nicht von ihrem Deutschtum iiberzeugen. In hellem Zornfragtesie, ob sie sich etwa darauf berufen musse, da!3 ihr Vater der SS angehdrte und ihr Onkel als Mitglied der SS gefallen sei. Ein solcher Nachweis ware hilfreich, erhielt sie kiihl zur Antwort, Die Nazi-Vergangenheit eines Verwandten, die man in jedem anderen Land der Welt lieber verschweigen wurde, ist offenbar in der Bundesrepublik immer noch fur Privilegien gut. (Mittellage 163-164) Hitler, himself, made his views on "Deutschtum" very clear. It is obvious that he clearly believed that a Germanisation process based on linguistic integration would be catastrophic. In Mein Kampf which became the "Nazi Bible," Hitler scoffed: [E]infremdrassigesVolk, in deutscher Sprache seinefremdenGedanken ausdriickend, die Hohe und Wurde unseres eigenen Volkstums durch seine eigene Minderwertigkeit kompromittierend. Wie entsetzlich [...], daB das deutsch mauschelnde Judentum [. . .] infolge der Unkenntnis vieler Amerikaner auf unser deutsches Konto geschrieben wird! Es wird aber doch niemand einfallen, in der rein auBerlichen Tatsache, daB diese verlauste Volkerwanderung aus dem Osten meistens deutsch spricht, den Beweis fur ihre deutsche Abstammung und Volkszugehorigkeit zu erblicken. (430) In the light of Hitler's comments, therefore, being able to speak German was no proof of citizenship. What then determined a person's claim to his or her "Deutschtum?" In Hitler's regime, a subject, a status only acquired by birth, was not automatically a German citizen. The "Volksstaat" or people's state reserved therightto determine the race and nationality of every subject. According to Hitler, the "Staatsbiirgerrecht" could only be solemnly bestowed upon a male German subject after he had been racially educated and had had his blood purity (as an Aryan) confirmed, and had also completed his physical education and his  22 compulsory military service. In the case of Peter Schneider's female friend, if her father had indeed been an SS man then her "Deutschtum" had to be acknowledged. In Hitler's Third Reich, the German SS man was unquestionably a proven German citizen. Chapter VI of this study will provide a more thorough discussion of the demanded racial purity of the SS man, and his role in Hitler's new German state. 42  43  Origin of The Aryan/Nazi body The Aryan/Nazi body has a fascinating history, one that is well documented in many sources. For the present study, however, especially informative and rich in well-documented sources is Klaus Wolbert's Die Nackten und die Toten des "Dritten Reiches" (1982). His historical and political insights into the nude sculptures of the Third Reich provide a useful introduction to the German brand of fascism. Klaus Wolbert's research shows how the classical body ideal historically becomes altered and appropriated by the National Socialist regime. The eighteenth-century German classical archaeologist and art historian J. J. Winckelmann, in contemplating "new" directions for architecture and sculptures, called for the imitation of the Greek standard of beauty. In an era in which intellectuals, the nobility, and emerging upper classes yearned for a return to Hellas, the recently excavated Roman copies of Greek sculptures and art had instilled in him a sense of simple nobility and subdued majesty. J.J. Winckelmann rejected late Baroque and Rococo sculptures as being too sensuous. For him, although beauty was received through the senses, it was only through reason that it became recognised and understood. In tracing the reaction of other eighteenth-century German intellectuals to the Greek ideal of beauty, Klaus Wolbert pointed out that in Laokoon (1766), Lessing also argued that nothing surpasses the beauty of the naked human form. In addition, he noted that although Goethe acknowledged the dignity of human beings as incontestable, he also favoured an autonomous image of humanity. Schiller, according to Klaus Wolbert, understood the concept of "Schonheit" to be the means by which the sensual man arrived at form and thinking. In the classical aesthetic, beauty and nudity were synonymous (Nackten 121-128). Also writing in that era, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, the naked human body was no longer a condition of the classical ideal. Rather, arms, hands, and the position of the legs, to the exclusion of the organs necessary for the maintenance of the body, e.g. the "Verdauung," were all that were needed to convey spirituality. Moreover, for him, naked sculptures have no claim to a higher sense of beauty, or for that matter, to a greater sense of moral freedom and purity.  4 2  See Kampf 490-491.  In May, 1999, Germany's new laws on citizenship was passed in the Lower House by 365 to 184 votes. The law will allow immigrant children to hold dual nationality till the age of twenty-three at which time they must decide which passport they will keep. According to a BBC's Berlin correspondent, Caroline Wyatt, the new law "should help counter racism and help integration, giving the children of immigrants a real stake in Germany's future." She also notes that for its supporters, especially for the two million members of Germany's Turkish community, the law which will come into effect from January 2000 is "a big step forward in accepting that Germany has become a multi-cultural society." (See Caroline Wyatt, [Berlin] "New Laws on German Citizenship." BBC News: Europe. 07 May 1999: n.pag. Online. Internet. 03 Nov. 1999. In addition, it is also available FTP: Under Germany's current citizenship law, dating back to 1913, children bom to foreigners in Germany are not eligible to become German citizens. This status can only be acquired according to the "jus sanguinis" (blood law). At the moment, foreigners may apply for a German passport only after living in Germany for over 12 years. However, they must then agree to give up their present citizenship. 4 3  23 Members of the upper classes used these figures, but often in a "kitschified" way. However, desiring that their social status project a sense of higher purpose, the ruling classes of the last five decades of the nineteenth century began to decorate their institutions with sculptured, symbolic figures of godly ideals in Hellenistic settings (Wolbert, Nackten 128-134). Beginning in the eighteenth century, theriseof the gymnastics movement had reawakened interest in the ancient ideal of beauty. The "Korperkultur" movement of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, like the gymnastics movement, was also based on the naked human body. According to Klaus Wolbert, in 1931, Karl Simon, an author close to the George Circle, argued that the cultural shift to Classicism heralded the start of a "mannliches Zeitalter" of active, naked, male bodies. Karl Simon saw nakedness as a male affair that presented itself, from an aesthetic point of view, in heroic themes that dealt with weapons, war, battle, and blood. Although the original classical humanist content was ignored, its inherent sense of superiority, powerful genius and heroic nature were still emphasised. Wolbert, however, suggests that although contemporary literature after 1933 continued to discuss nude sculptures in terms of the art theories of German Classicism and Idealism, it did so without referring to the original classical ideal and all that that entailed (Nackten 148-150). The Nazis and their literature, however, clearly considered the great male body to be "dignified." Nietzsche and the Body Beginning in the eighteenth century, however, the Industrial Revolution provided great wealth and comfort to many members of the emerging upper classes. Both in the city and in the country, however, many industrial workers became physically harmed and deformed in their respective work environments. Their damaged bodies, therefore, failed to meet the high standards of the "new" aesthetic body ideal. Consequently, the "inferior" man soon became associated with ugliness, and the "superior" man with the ideal of beauty. The Nazis twisted the concepts and ideals of the German philosopher, Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900), regarding the beautiful, victorious and agreeable human body to suit their purposes. However, the idea of "inferiority," especially with regard to Slavs and the Jews, was already in the ideology. All these factors would later have devastating consequences for millions of "inferior" people under the Third Reich regime's brand of fascism. Nietzsche's role in the story of both the renewal of the body and the aesthetic of the body, according to Klaus Wolbert, was that of a powerful transformer. He lashed out at his contemporaries who despised the body. For him, it was imperative that they learn to recognise the importance of the entire casuistry of egoism, and the seemingly trivial details of nourishment, place, climate, and relaxation. Nietzsche's observations served as inspiration for generations of "Kdrperkult-Anhanger," life reformers, light and fresh air activists, vegetarians, physical fitness advocates etc. His body aesthetics, and his views on the "Ubermensch" which, however, eventually drifted into the irrational, all stem from this "new" way of thinking. For Klaus Wolbert, Nietzsche's writings called for total physical vigour and a transfigured body, and registered his abhorrence for the social illnesses of his time: decadence, nihilism, and cultural decline. Yet, in spite of his views on the human condition, and his recognition that man's intellectual ability was firmly bound to the earthly and to reality, 44  Other thinkers before him had already voiced their observations on the theme of man's naked animalistic existence. Nietzsche borrowed, for example, Schopenhauer's idea that man was not a winged angel's head without a body. 4 4  24 Nietzsche remained an idealist. Happiness of the people took second place to his desire for a genius derived from a higher cultural-spiritual and bodily development. In addition, he rejected the human characteristics that seemed to hint at the weaknesses of the "Great." For Nietzsche, therefore, only a full blown "Korper-Asthetik" mirrored in radiant, corporeal splendour could possibly lead to human perfection (Wolbert, Nackten 152-154). Like many others before him, Nietzsche could not imagine a beautiful soul in a misshapen body. For him, man's intellect, will, soul, strength, reason, and inspiration, were all functions of his human body. Through Zarathustra he declared: "Leib bin ich und Seele ... Ich gehe nicht euren Weg, ihr Verachter des Leibes! Hir seid mir keine Bracken zum TJbermenschen!" (Nietzsche, Zarathustra 27, 29). For Nietzsche, both the body and the mind are essential for the well-being of the whole human being. According to Klaus Wolbert, Nietzsche's interest went beyond the exterior forms of Greek art and sculpture. For him, the inner body was just as important as the external body: "[Nietzsche] wollte das Stromen und Rauschen unter der Haut... die anbrandenden Wogen des 'Willens zur Macht,' welche das Muskelrelief von innen her mit drangender Explosivkraft ausfullen" (Nackten 156). However, Nietzsche's vision of a superman, one whose most decisive characteristic must be egoism, was an aesthetic fiction. It was a vision that was too heavily burdened by excessive physical and mental power to be within the reach of mortal human beings (Wolbert, Nackten 157-158). Around and after the turn of the century, Nietzsche's views on the body influenced in varying degrees the work of sculptors such as Johannes Bossard, Max Klinger, Georg Kolbes, Josef Thorak, and Arno Breker. Several of their male statues will be briefly discussed below. The writings of the George Circle, a group of writers who ardently believed in their own intellectual superiority and in the inferiority and ugliness of the "masses," also seemed to indicate the presence of Nietzsche's ideas in educated circles. Klaus Wolbert maintained that Nietzsche's discourses of the body do, in fact, contain the seeds of the Nazi aesthetic of the body: 45  Doch dal3 in seinem Werk Gedanken zusammenfafit wurden, die aus der hoffartigen Distanzierung gegenuber dem Sozialismus erst ihre radikale Form erhielten, dafi diese inhumanen Gedanken als Gemeingut elitarer Bildungszirkel sich ausbreiteten und schliefilich auch zum Bewufitsein der Faschisten iiber Mensch und Kunst beitrugen, kann nicht im Ernst geleugnet werden. Es wird nicht behauptet, dafi bei Nietzsche selbst dieser Geist den Faschismus bereits beinhaltet hatte, dessen Genese hatte keine geistigen, sondern konkrete soziookonomische Griinde, aber in solchem Geist hat er sich geaufiert. (Nackten 159) In contrast to the George Circle, the National Socialist regime embraced the masses/Allegedly constituted from healthy, beautiful, pure-blooded, obedient Aryan individuals who could easily be subjugated, the masses were an indispensable tool of the Third Reich. Of course, the Nazis did not really tolerate "ugliness." Rather, they simply rid the state of anyone who did not meet their standards of health, corporeal beauty, and intellect. Body Culture/Cults and the Question of Beauty, Health, and Racial Purity In a broad sense, the many forms of body culture that sprang up in Germany in the decades before and after the First World War were cultish in nature and aimed at solving the  These sculptors who emphasised masculinity in their works either offered their services to the Third Reich or were mentioned in National Socialist literature as forerunners. 45  25  mysteries of health. These body culture groups practised an alternative, improved life style through the adoption of health therapies that offered greater harmony in life, body, soul, and existence. Problems regarding sexual prudery, musty and damaging clothing conventions, artificial foods, and a lack of proper upbringing had never before been dealt with by the social community at large. The body cults wanted to escape the ills of a progressive civilisation as exemplified by technology, the big city, conflicts of economic competition, and other social pressures by going back to what was considered a more natural way of life. Allotment gardens, artist colonies, nature healing, hiking, youth movements, vegetarianism, air, light, and sun worship, and the flourishing of nudist culture pointed to the growing desire to go back to nature. Corsets and potbellies were also understood as negative signs of city life and of "deformed" human bodies. Beginning around the turn of the century, and gaining greater momentum in the twenties, other groups practised total body movement activities such as gymnastics, dance, and rhythmic exercises. They promised cures for bodies sufferingfromthe ill effects of modern civilisation through muscle training, breathing, posture and agility exercises. Nudity, however, was optional. The common denominator in all of these groups was an aggressive German national, "vdlkisch," and racist content. Body culture, in all of its forms, not only provided the union with the elemental, it also marked the turn to the forces of "Blut und Boden," and the racist ideal of "Schdnheit." Any deviationfromthis beauty norm was classified as a sign of social inferiority. Male and female workers whose bodies were marked and physically damaged by accidents or illnesses, either due to their jobs or to their living conditions, were seen as inferior, servile, bowed, and "ugly" (Wolbert, Nackten 172-173). Body culture would eventually come to signify more than simply active physical training and strength. An aesthetic, mythical ideal of beauty, as well as specific physical characteristics were openly sought after. In fact, anything that was culturally valuable was automatically credited to the Aryan race. As Hitler himself claimed: 46  47  Was wir heute an menschlicher Kultur, an Ergebnissen von Kunst, Wissenschaft und Technik vor uns sehen, ist nahezu ausschliefilich schopferisches Produkt des Ariers.... Er ist der Prometheus der Menschheit, aus dessen lichter Stirne der gdttliche Funke des Genius zu alien Zeiten hervorsprang, immer von neuen jenes Feuer entziindend, das als Erkenntnis die Nacht der schweigenden Geheimnisse aufhellte und den Menschen so den Weg zum Beherrscher der anderen Wesen dieser Erde emporsteigen lieB. Man schalte inn aus - und tiefe Dunkelheit wird vielleicht schon nach wenigen Jahrtausenden sich abermals auf die Erde senken, die menschliche Kultur wurde vergehen und die Welt verdden. (Kampf 317-318)  In the first decades of the twentieth century, German magazines like Die Schonheit. and Kraft und Schonheit: Zeitschrift fur vemiinftige Leibeszucht celebrated the naked, healthy, beautiful body, and promoted the light, air and sun culture based on nudity. 4 6  For Hitler, clothing fashions for Germany's youth must further the aims of the state: "Gerade bei der Jugend muB audi die Kleidung in den Dienst der Erziehung gestellt werde. ... Nicht die Eitelkeit muB herangezogen werden, auf schone Kleider, die sich nicht jeder kaufen kann, sondem die Eitelkeit auf einen schonen, wohlgeformten Korper, den jeder mithelfen kann zu bilden. ... Das Madchen soli seinen Ritter kennenlernen. ... Auch dies ist im Interesse der Nation, daB sich die schonsten Korper finden und so mithelfen, dem Volkstum neue Schonheit zu schenken" (Kampf 457-458). 47  26 This concept of superiority was mirrored and perpetuated, for example, in the nude statues of Prometheus produced by several Nazi sculptors such as Josef Thorak and Amo Breker. In the majority of German discourses of the body in the period leading up to, and including the Third Reich, the Aryan was presented as the artistic ideal of all times, the symbol of everything superior, noble, and moral. For Hitler, the adjective "northern" also included the peoples of America and Europe. However, some inhabitants of supposedly "northern" countries could more accurately be described as swarthy, "pyknisch" types. Therefore, in seeking to strictly define who was truly a German, the Nazis needed to be far more specific, indeed "scientific," in defining an Aryan. This was very important for the exclusionary racial policies of Hitler and his followers who saw themselves as members of a superior Aryan race. Hans Suren, an important propagandist of German gymnastics and of an explicit national racist culture for the young NSDAP and its ideology, vigorously promoted the views and doctrines of Richard Walther Darre, Adolf Hitler, and Alfred Rosenberg. Following these Nazi "literary" writers, Hans Suren also strongly believed that blood was a symbol of genetic make-up and of the beauty of the northern people (Mensch und Sonne 131). For him, therefore, the northern idea of nudity was the foundation of racial breeding and the myth of race: "Bei der Nordischen Rasse gait der nackte Leib als vornehmstes Erziehungsmittel und diente als Ansporn beim Streben nach denkbar hochstem Rassenideal" (Suren, Mensch und Sonne 91). The outdoor activities offered by Hans Suren's "Korperschule" and "Schwunggymnastik" program promised not only to toughen the bodies of his followers, including "working people," but also to give them back their strength and beauty. His aim was also to instil in them a fighting spirit and readiness for battle. It was Suren's intention, therefore, that "Nacktheit" become, as it were, a substitute for alcohol, cigarettes, and the other sensuous pleasures of the body that allegedly drained away the energy of the "Volk." Nude statues, especially bronze statues, became the models for the physically trained body and vice-versa. As Hans Suren explained: "Der braune Leib - gleich einer Statue von 48  49  50  In 1993, the former GDR two-time Olympic champion ice skater, Katarina Witt, voiced her comments about the Nazi statues of Amo Breker: "So groB, so iiberformt, so stramm, sind sie keine echten Menschen, keine Athleten. ... So wie die Breker-Figuren sind wir nicht. Eher sehen wir die langste Zeit unseres Lebens aus, wie die sogenannten entarteten Kiinstler den Menschen sahen" ("Stellungnahmen" 206). To her, Breker's statues, which celebrate intellectual superiority, seemed to emit something threatening and violent. In her opinion, artists in the Third Reich created undamaged, imperious statues against which to contrast the downgraded, humiliated, and broken people in the "old" German state. The ice skater seemed convinced that there was something inhuman about glorifying the undamaged human: "Der Mensch mit all seinen Schwachen und auch Beschadigungen ist doch viel wirklicher als sein glattes, makelloses Ideal, dem etwas Monstroses anhaftet Der Fetisch von der Jugendlichkeit durchtrainierter, idealistischer Korper dient in einer Welt voller Beschadigungen als Zuflucht." For her, therefore, the contradictions that exist in harmony need to be revealed in order to give people the courage to live with their weaknesses and imperfections ("Stellungnahmen" 207). We might draw here a parallel to Boll, whose aesthetic of the human is present in all aspects of his life and work, and who also recognised and insisted in acknowledging the beauty and value that exists even in damaged bodies. , 0  4 9  As put forward in Odal. a "Blut und Boden" magazine.  Alfred Rosenberg, bom in 1893 in Estonia was the editor of the fledgling Nazi Party newspaper Volkischer Beobachter. drew on the racist ideas of the Englishman, Houston Stewart Chamberlain and on a fabricated nineteenth century protocol dealing with a supposed Jewish plot for world domination. In Der Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts: Eine Wertung der seelisch-geistigen Gestaltenkampfe unserer Zeit (Munich, 1934), Rosenberg tediously explored the racial purity of Germans. Rosenberg's anti-Semitism and desire fed Hitler's own violent prejudices of "Nordic" conquests. He was executed as a war criminal in Niirnberg in 1946. 50  27 Bronze - bannt das Auge zu reiner Bewunderung und begeistert zu dem Entschlufi, alles daran zu setzen, um gleiche Schonheit zu erringen'YMensch und Sonne 172). For him: "Die Nordische Freikdrperkultur kann und wird nur die Elite des deutschen Volkes aufhehmen" (85-86). Suren called on men and womenfromall sectors of society to be partners in a new Germanic era: "Schadet nicht eurem nordischen Blut und eurer rassischen Art! Seid unbeugsam im Willen, doch seelenfein in Ritterlichkeit und Edelmut! Ihr konnt es, wenn ihr wollt - ihr Manner und Madchen -, denn ihr seid Nordischer Rasse. Der Arier vollbringt alles was er will!" (Mensch und Sonne 151). In full agreement with the contemporary "Blut und Boden" ideology, Hans Suren exhorted both men and women to keep in mind Richard Walther Darre's three-pronged definition of "Schonheit" when they chose a marriage partner: "Blut," "Gesundheit," and "Tauglichkeit" (Mensch und Sonne 127 ff). The Nazis used this definition to evaluate and select those who would be suitable for populating the "new" German Empire that they wanted to create. In essence, it was a "perception" that was physical, moral and obliquely political. Germans were expected to be healthy, to keep their blood pure by refraining from procreating with non-Aryans (especially Jews), to be fit, and to be ready to sacrifice themselves for the good of the community and/or state. For the Nazis, these three characteristics guarantied that a man would be able to defend his property and his country against all enemies. This definition of beauty also ensured that a woman would be both mentally and physically capable of being a wife, and mother of perfect, healthy Aryans. She would be the source of soldiers for Hitler's coming wars of expansion. In a pseudo-lyrical way, the contemporary Nazi writer, Hans F. K. Giinther, summed up the image of the ideal German as a Nazi, and as a member of the Aryan, northern races, as follows: 51  Nicht nur der begabteste, auch der schonste Mensch ist der Mensch nordischer Rasse. Da steht die schlanke Gestalt des Marines aufgerichtet zu siegreichem Ausdruck des Knochen- und Muskelbaus, zu herrlichen AusmaB der breiten, kraftigen Schultern, der weiten Brust und der schmalgefestigten Huften. Da bliiht der Wuchs des Weibes auf mit schmalen gerundeten Schultern und breiter geschwungenen Huften, abef immer in Schlankheit zu holdester Anmut. Beim Manne das harter geschnittene Gesicht, beim Weibe das zarte Gesicht, bei beiden die leuchtend-durchblutete Haut, die blonden Haare, die hellen siegreichen Augen, bei beiden die vollendete Bewegung eines vollendeten Leibes! (Ritter 181) However, this ideal of beauty and perfection which was more often than not more Utopian than real, gave rise to ironic jingles. The anti-Semite, Alfred Rosenberg, explained the apparent inconsistency by arguing that these surmised features of a new, yet ancient type of human being were those of a racial northern ideal of beauty which rightfully belonged to Germans. It therefore 52  Hitler spells out what differentiates the Aryan from Jew: "Der Selbsterhaltungstrieb hat bei ihn [dem Arier] die edelste Form erreicht, indem er das eigene Ich dem Leben der Gesamtheit willig unterordnet und, wenn die Stunde es erfordert, auch zum Opfer bringt" (Kampf 326). However, according to Hitler the reverse is true of the Jew: "Der Aufopferungswille im jiidischen Volke geht iiber den nackten Selbsterhaltungstrieb des einzelnen nicht hinaus" (Kampf 330). 51  "Wie sieht der ideale Deutsche aus? / Blond wie Hitler, / groB wie Goebbels, / schlank wie Goring und / keusch wie Rohm" (qtd. in H. Hoffmann 129). 5 2  28 was an ideal that had to be aimed for through a stringent breeding program (Rosenberg, Mythus 531,596). It is ironic that in his scientific publication in Zeitschrift fur Tierpsychologie (1943) the Vienna-born scientist Konrad Lorenz chose to illustrate the superior Aryan body with Arno Breker's statue of Dionysus (1940). The statue's exaggerated proportions gave him no cause for concern. Instead, they enhanced his "scientific" findings. Lorenz writes: Abb. 11 [Brekers "Dionysus"] zeigt eine das MaJ3 des wirklich moglichen Verhaltnisses zwischen breiten Schultern und schmalen Huften gewaltig ubertreibende Plastik, die dennoch durchaus harmonisch wirkt. ("Die angeborenen Formen" 289) Lorenz's inability to illustrate his article with a flesh and blood image appears to demonstrate that the racial ideal of the beautiful Aryan - Nazi body was completely unrealistic. Sander Gilman, in his book Making the Body Beautiful (1999), under the caption "The scale of the female body,"includes a remarkable photograph of eight numbered and racially identified naked women with an inscription which in part reads: "Die Unterschiede in dem Korperbau (dem Wuchs) verschiedener Rassen. (Nach Photographien.) [.. .]." What is interesting for me is that No. 5 and No. 8 appear to be photographs of statues: "Griechische Idealfigur,' and "Madchen aus Wien," respectively. The other six, however, appear to be photographs of "real" women, three from three different African countries, and one each from Samoa, Australia, Borneo. The ideal Aryan body seems incapable of being "produced" in flesh and bones. It was Hitler's ambition to create the perfect German Aryan body. However, he too, would have to resort to statues to fulfil his dreams of a beautiful master race. The nudist movement was banned in March 1933 and the "Freikorperkultur," like all other associations and clubs, was brought under the complete control of the NSDAP. The nude culture club, with fewer than 1000 members, now became known as the "Bund fur deutsche Leibeszucht" and was brought into step with the organised orientation of all aspects of the Nazi state. Clearly, the Third Reich wanted no eccentrics. Members now pledged loyalty to the Party ideology, and swore to contribute in the creation of a great, strong and healthy Germany. What first began in the middle class sector as "Korperkultur," now became the Third Reich's practice of "Leibeszucht" whose goals were very specific: 53  54  Enge Verbindung und Liebe zur Natur - naturgemaBe Lebensweise - Vertiefung der Heimatliebe - Pflege von Kameradschaft und Gemeinschaftsgeist - Pflege alles ArtgemafJen wie Volkslied, Volkstanz, Musik u.a. - Ertuchtigung und Abhartung des Korpers - Erziehung zur Ausdauer und kampferischem Einsatz Erhohung der Lebensfreude und aller Gottesschopfung - Hinfuhren vom Oberflachlichen zum Wesentlichen - Bildung eines starken, freien, aufrechten und edlen Menschentums. (Sahr, "Daseinsberechtigung" 78)  Sander Gilman references the illustration as follows: "The scale of the female body.From Heinrich Ploss and Max Barthel, Das Weib in der Natur- und Volkerkunde, 9 ed., 2 vols. (Leipzig: Th. Grieben, 1908). (Chicago: private collection)" (Gilman Beautiful xiv). 53  th  54  See Gilman Beautiful 223.  29 These goals became the blueprint, as it were, for all National Socialist organizations, and were meant to shape and create the new Aryan body and Nazi state. In the Third Reich, therefore, beauty became a political tool with which to exclude and destroy the anomalous: "Die Schonheit, welche urspriinglich als eine humanistisch positive Bestimmung in der idealen Nacktheit zur sinnlichen Anschauung kam, hatte nun allein die Funktion, das durch sie als haBlich relativierte reale Leben zu negieren" (Wolbert, Nackten 241). Purity became the catchword that would spell life or death for millions when its character was perverted into this deadly ideology. The Nurnberg Racial Laws (1935) were designed to protect German blood and honour. Therefore, those who could not provide proof of Aryan ancestors were sent off to labour and/or death camps since they were considered inferior and unworthy of survival 55  The Nazi View of Women in Life, Art, and Science The Nazis tolerated no counter image of their "new human being." For example, the depiction of tortured, imperfect human bodies created by Expressionist artists was denounced as degenerate art. The works of artists like Kathe Kollwitz, Ernst Barlach, and Emil Nolde were used as counter images to the unbroken, smooth, undamaged, and therefore "beautiful" appearance of the Nazi depictions of "synthetic" Aryan bodies. The idealised inner lifelessness of Nazi female statues displayed no semblance of decadent eroticism and individuality. Eroticism was only to be aimed at procreation, not at the sheer pleasure of it. Konrad Lorenz's remarks concerning the aesthetic "Beziehungsschemata" of the female body in this regard, are also notable: 56  Sehen wir von den Merkmalen ab, die im Schdnheitsideal beider Geschlechter iibereinstimmen (Skelettlange, gerade, lange Beine, Schadelbasislange usw.), so sind fast alle am angeborenen Schema des weiblichen Idealskdrpers beteiligten auslosenden Merkmale unmittelbare Indikatoren der hormonalen Geschlechtsfunktionen und damit der tatsachlichen Fortpflanzungsfahigkeit des als schon empfundenen Individuums. (Lorenz, "Die angeborenen Formen" 288) The role of women in the Third Reich was therefore clearly reflected in every aspect of German society. Writing almost four decades later, Susan Sontag's comment on this aspect of the fascist ideal appear to confirm Konrad's views of the role women played in the Third Reich. According to Sontag, Hitler's regime sought to create "a society in which women are merely breeders and helpers, excludedfromall ceremonial functions, and represent a threat to the integrity and strength of men" (Sontag, "Fascinating" 90). Udo Pini, in his book Leibeskult und Liebeskitsch: Erotik. vividly exposed how the "Herrenmenschen" and their double moral standards encouraged artists in the Third Reich to portray women in fascist allegories of humility and subjugation while supposedly praising their beauty. Following Udo Pini's discussion, Hilmar Hoffmann further explained: 57  After 1933, all clubs and associations had been forced to follow the NSDAP "Gleichschaltung" policies. Those who refused were forced to disband. In this way, Hitler had complete control over all institutions and discourses, and was therefore able to orchestrate the training and indoctrination of all of his "loyal" subjects. 55  56  Synthetic, since for many people it was an unrealistic, artificial goal.  57  Udo Pini's photo-journalistic book is a study of Germany's body cult and its artistic portrayal.  30 Die idealisierten Frauenstatuen seien durch die monumentale Leblosigkeit ihrer "naturlichen" Posen aller dekadenten Erotik und subversiven Individualitat enthoben. Das "verkameradschaftlichte" und aufgenordete deutsche Frauenbild sollte dem sinnenfreudigen, ausschweifenden Weiberbild der Weimarer Republik widersprechen, das mit seiner entsittlichenden Liberalitat und seinen chaotisierenden Emanzipationsbemiihungen der Gesellschaft den Keim des moralischen Zerfalls eingepflanzt habe. (Mythos 105) In addition, for Hilmar Hoffmann, the National Socialist propaganda machine exploited what it saw as negative examples of women depicted in degenerate and decadent art by contrasting them with its own positive examples of the pure German wife and mother. In other words, Nazi art works were ideologically determined. The naked statues of gods, goddesses, Titans and other representative figures of the mythological, fictional world reinforced the Nazis' belief that they were members of the chosen Aryan races. As a result of its ideology, the imaginary ideal world of the National Socialist regime abounded in nude statues symbolising fertility, and eroticism (e.g., Breker's "Flora," "Eos," "Psyche," "Anmut," "Dionysus," and "Wager"); the god of light and death, Apollo (e.g., Breker's "Apollo-Gespann") and the Titans (e.g., Breker's "Prometheus"). Other statues favoured by the regime were ones that proclaimed and represented an imitation of the ideal world of the Ancients. These also illustrated key themes of Nazi ideology, like fertility, heroic stances, camaraderie, and expressions of strong will. Similarly, many female statues illustrated the explicitly biological and sexual role assigned to women. They were entitled, for example, "Hingebung," "Erbliihen," "Erwachen," "Keuschheit, " "Zuneigung," "Entfaltung," "Erwartung," "Hingabe," "Auserwahlte," "Huterin." In 1981, the Historical Museum in Frankfurt mounted a documentary exhibition of women in which artistic images were used. In it, Nazi images were consciously used to epitomise the "NS-Frauenideal:" "als vom Mann erwahlte Schonheit, als gebarende Natur, als Huterin von Heim und Herd" (H. Hoffmann, Mvthos 177). After the war started, male statues mainly depicting victory and war were also named in the spirit of Nazi mythology: Breker's "Der Sieger," "Kiinder," "Der Herold," "Entschlossener," "Berufung," "Bereitschaft;" Thorak's ""Fahnentrager," "Schwerttrager," Kolbe's "GroBer Kampfer," Wamper's "Ehrenmal"(Wolbert, Nackten 56-57). The male and female viewers were expected to recognize the role of the German male in the new state, namely, as the protector of the Fatherland. A Nazi analysis of Adolf Wamper's statue "Genius des Sieges" (1940) praised it in glowing terms for its presentation of the Nazi body as being: 58  59  [E]ine noch im Faltenwurf fast stahlstarre gereckte Gestalt mit machtig ausladender Bewegung von der den Boden berahrenden Zehenspitze bis in die in eine unsichtbare Wolke vorstoBende Schwertspitze, jeder Muskel der Wade, des Schenkels, des Leibes, des Amies genau durchgebildet und gesteigert durch die Darstellung der Bander und Sehnen - das Ganze ein Ruf, ein Anruf, ein mitreiBender Befehl, der in metallener Harte den Sieg nicht nur verkiindet,  In his diary entry for March 03, 1939, Goebbels recorded his emotional response upon seeing the Parthenon: "Auf der Akropolis. Oh, diese erschutternde Schau! Die Wiege der arischen Kultur" (Die Tagebiicher von Joseph Goebbels. vol. 3 (Munich, 1987) 586. 58  5 9  See, for example, Josef Thorak's "Kameradschaft" (1936-1937).  31 sondern schon enthalt... Wenn man den aus der Schulter sich reckenden rechten Arm, die wie einen (sic!) Panzer wirkende Brust, den gedrungenen und doch hoch aufschieBenden Hals anschaut, so drangt sich die genaue Zeichnung fast schmerzhaft deutlich auf. [...] Man wird es aus der Feme betrachten, und es wird wirken, wie der Sieg des strahlenden deutschen Geistes iiber die dumpfe Erde des Ostens. (Tank, Plastik 83) First honoured in the Third Reich's sports arenas, these "perfect" bodies later became victims of the regime that spawned them on the battlefields of Europe. Ironically, while millions of "ideal" living human bodies fell in the carnage of the Second World War, most of the naked Nazi statues survived intact. As Klaus Wolbert puts it: "[...] niemals zuvor konnten einige wenige fur die Durchsetzung ihrer egoistischen Ziele sich der lebendigen Korper so vieler Menschen bemachtigen" (Nackten 7). Basically dedicated to death and sacrifice, the mortal bodies of human beings were superimposed by the Nazis with larger than life, stone and bronze bodies of immortal statues. Clearly, as Susan Sontag remarks: "Fascist art glorifies surrender, it exalts mindlessness, it glamorises death" (Sontag, "Fascinating" 91). The Disease/Race Connection During the Third Reich, the imagery of disease was used in a telling way. The Nazis dubbed anyone who was racially mixed as being a syphilitic. Hitler frequently employed the metaphors of syphilis and cancer, diseases that were considered as life-threatening unless excised, to describe the Jews in Germany and Europe. In 1919, in his first vitriolic political attack on the Jews, Hitler used another pathological metaphor, that of tuberculosis: "[Des Juden] Macht ist die Macht des Geldes, das sich in Form des Zinses in seinen Handen miihe- und endlos vermehrt, ... Sein Wirken wird in seinen Folgen zur Rassentuberkulose der Volker." However, as Susan Sontag points out: "The use of cancer in political discourse encourages fatalism and justifies 'severe' measures - as well as strongly reinforcing the widespread notion that the disease is necessarily fatal" (Illness 84). Clearly, for Sontag: "The imagery of cancer for the Nazis prescribes 'radical' treatment, in contrast to the 'soft' treatment thought appropriate for TB [tuberculosis] - the difference between sanatoria (that is, exile) and surgery (that is, crematoria)" (Illness 83-84). Hitler continued to express his deep concerns for the rapidly worsening "health" of Germany's beleaguered national body in strong pathological terms: 60  Parallel der politischen, sittlichen und moralischen Verseuchung des Volkes lief schon seit vielen Jahren eine nicht minder entsetzliche gesundheitliche Vergiftung des Volkskdrpers. Die Syphilis begann besonders in den GroBstadten immer mehr zu grassieren, wahrend die Tuberkulose gleichmaBig fast im ganzen Lande ihre Todesemtehielt. (K5mpf269) For Hitler, therefore, the "Jewification" of Germany's spiritual life was the cause of the weakening and destruction of the national body. According to Sander Gilman, "the generalriskof the Jews as the carriers of syphilis and the generalised fear that such disease would undermine the strength of the body politic," was also a much discussed topic in the literature of the nineteenth century (Jew's Body 96). For him, "it is Jewishness which is the central category of'racial' difference [...] [at] the turn of the century" See Sander Gilman The Jew's Body 96 ff.  32 (Jew's Body 96). The increasing invisibility of Jews in Germany made their association "with socially stigmatising diseases which bore specific visible 'signs and symptoms' especially appropriate" (Gilman, Jew's Body 97). As mentioned above, Susan Sontag described cancer as a political metaphor for expressing fatalism and for the justification of atrocious acts against fellow human beings deemed a danger to the "new" German society (Illness 84). It is a mentality that also existed in scientific discourse. Konrad Lorenz's observations in this regard are chilling: [Die] biologische Leistung der asthetischen und ethischen Beziehungsschemata des Menschen ist also die eines Richters, der zwischen gut und bose, zwischen gesund und krank zu entscheiden hat. Gleich dem Chirurgen, der bei Entfernung einer wuchernden Krebsgeschwulst mit einiger Willkur und 'Ungerechtigkeit' irgendwo durch seinen Schnitt die scharfe Grenze zwischen zu Entfernendem und zu Erhaltendem zieht, ja sogar bewuBt lieber gesundes Gewebe mit entfernt als krankes stehen lafit, so muB sich auch apriorische Werturteil zur Festlegung einer Grenzlinie, eines Umschlagpunktes zwischen plus und minus entschlieBen. ("Die angeborenen Formen" 309) Konrad Lorenz appeared to believe that any human being who did not meet the state prescribed standard of beauty should be excised like a cancerous tumor. In his pursuit of beauty, Konrad Lorenz's scientific views technically supported the murder of innocents. While one's "beauty" was viewed as the key to health and success in life, another's "ugliness" was automatically interpreted as symptoms of a fatal disease which had to be cut out. Duelling, Masculinity, Blood, and Honour in the Third Reich Ute Frevert's research into the historical discourses of the body in relation to duelling provided some interesting facts that may also help to define the Aryan/Nazi body. She argued that on account of its masculine image, duelling was held in high esteem by students, officers, professors, civil servants, and other academics. For many men, typical male characteristics of courage, strength of will, cold-bloodedness, decisiveness, self-control, independence, and the desire for freedom found their full expression in duelling. The common consensus was that as long as men continued to duel they would remain real men, and bring honour to their sex. Ute Frevert also observed that at the turn of the century, while women were still expected to be content to look after their husbands and children in the home, men were expected to find their place of honour in society through their public activities (Ehrenmanner 267-268). Nazi interest in duelling was closely tied to the desire to build and maintain its own tradition of honour, masculine characteristics, and even more importantly, its own gender politics. Duelling by its very nature is a blood "sport." The building blocks that emerged from the virile symbolism in the social convention of duelling helped to shape the intensive efforts of Nazi ideologists to devise a strong, military, masculine image. This male image was then set up in opposition to a crassly stylised, modest, and domestic feminine image. For the Nazis, only men who were prepared to make the ultimate sacrifice for their country or for their personal or family honour, could be considered as "real" men. As Hitler himself commented: "Wer leben will, der kampfe also, und wer nicht streiten will in dieser Welt des ewigen Ringens, verdient das Leben nicht" (Kmripf 257).  33 In this male-oriented system, it became imperative and exceedingly popular to display visual insignias of heroic masculinity both on one's physical body and on the uniform that adorned that body. For the dueller, his "damaged," scarred face was his visible sign of honour, bravery, courage, and dependability. According to Ute Frevert: "Anerkannt und verpflichtend war das Duell im 'Dritten Reich' nicht nur fur Studenten, SA- und SS-Manner, sondern auch fur die Offiziere der wieder aufgerusteten Wehrmacht" (Frevert, Ehrenmanner 320). This was possible since duelling under the National Socialist regime was not restricted by any form of social grading. Hitler, himself, was undecided about the value of resurrecting the custom of duelling. In fact, after the 1937 death of his most prominent war correspondent for the Vdlkischer Beobachter "Rittmeister a. D." and "SS-Hauptsturmfiihrer" Roland Strunk, he ruled that no duel could take place without his permission (Frevert, Ehrenmanner 322-323). By the start of the Second World War, duelling, in spite of its virile symbolism, had virtually ceased to exist. However, its bloody legacy lived on: "Ubrig blieb das hohle Pathos einer Blut- und Mannlichkeitsmystik, die sich in den Gewaltexzessen des NS-Terrors und Vernichtungskrieges jedoch sehr viel direkter und wirkungsvoller ausleben konnte als in der steifen Fdrmlichkeit eines Duells" (Frevert Ehrenmanner 325). The goal of the German soldier, however, wasfirstand foremost to maintain an unblemished body, since invulnerability was stressed as a characteristic of the Nazi body. Only if a soldier's body had been damaged while defending the fatherland would it be honoured. The ideal, uniformed body of the Nazi soldier was decorated with medals, crosses, braid, and other forms of insignia that told the story of their bravery. Military decorations were visual proof that the German soldier was a man whose character and personality were housed in the disciplined Aryan body. In the eyes of the Nazis, the manly activities and the ingrained sense of blood and honour of the army and the duellingfraternitiesseparated the irrational, weak, and feminine from the strong and masculine image of humanity. Competitive sports also played an important role in defining the Aryan/Nazi body. According to the political scientist Peter Reichel, sport mobilised the masses. From the twenties onwards, particularly among the younger generation, health and vitality began to assume great significance. The intoxication of speed and the spectacle of competition added further impetus to the sports movement which often created national heroes of the victors overnight (Schein 255256). Under the influence of the NSDAP, sport became unavoidably commercialised and politicised: "Sport wurde hier folglich als eine Art Vorschule der Nation verstanden, als Instrument zur 'volkischen Gesundung' und zur Erneuerung der 'Wehrkraft,' also als vormilitarische Ausbildung" (Reichel, Schein 256). 61  The new Nazi state believed that it "possessed" the body of every German (male and female), and that it was its duty to train it to be submissive. In this regard, Hitler was adamant: "Die kdrperliche Ertuchtigung ist daher im volkischen Staat nicht eine Sache des einzelnen, auch nicht eine Angelegenheit, die in erster Linie die Eltern angeht,..." (Kampf 453). During the Third Reich, therefore, Nazi sport and sport politics increasingly became synonymous with the primacy of a politically and militarily trained and fearless body.  Above all, scars ("Schmisse") marked the dueller as worthy of satisfaction ("satisfaktionsfahig"), and as an equal. A duelling scar was eagerly sought after since it brought its bearer in from the margins and into an exclusive fold of society. Special treatment of the duel wound ensured the best quality scarring (Gilman Jew's Body 181-183). 61  34 Hitler described what he expected of the youth of his day in a conversation with Hermann Rauschning: [... ] Meine Padagogik ist hart. Das Schwache muB weggehammert werden. [...] Eine gewalttatige, herrische, unerschrockene, grausame Jugend will ich. [...] Schmerzen muB sie ertragen. Es darf nichts Schwaches und Zartliches an ihr sein. [.. .]Stark und schon will ich meine Jugend. [...] Ich will eine athletische Jugend. Das ist das Erste und das Wichtigste. [...] Ich will keine intellektuelle Erziehung. Mit Wissen verderbe ich mir die Jugend. ... Aber Beherrschung miissen sie lernen. Sie sollen mir in den schwierigsten Proben die Todesfurcht besiegen lernen. Das ist die Stufe der heroischen Jugend. Aus ihr wachst die Stufe [...] des schaffenden Menschen, des Gottmenschen.(qtd. in Wolbert: 70) 62  As the body became more and more of a political issue, gymnastics became less of an individual sport and more of a synchronised muscular activity. As discussed above, an ideology of racist norms, mainly in the form of visual and external physical beauty was already present at the turn of the century. Considered then, as they are even today, ideal body measurements for shoulders, breasts and hips were closely tied to the Nazi concept of northern "Schonheit." Body measurements therefore dictated whether a particular limb or even the entire body should either be accepted or rejected by the state, or for that matter, by the individual. In the extreme, the Nazis sat in judgement as to who should live and who should die. At the 1935 Party convention, Hitler's description of Germany's future "new man" left no doubt as to his expectations. For him, they must be: "Flink wie Windhunde, zah wie Leder und hart wie Kruppstahl" (Hitler. Kampf 392). With the 1936 Berlin Olympic Games, the Nazi military and racial aspirations became inextricably interwoven. Those who did not fit the ideal image were cynically considered, in crass Nazi terminology, to be "lebensunwertes Menschenmaterial." "Cultural," Sport and Propaganda Films Aimed at "Shaping" the German Body As early as 1925, the "auspicious" year in which Hitler's Mein Kampf appeared, a documentary film Wege zu Kraft und Schonheit: Die antiken Griechen und die modernen Zeiten was made. It appeared to embrace both Nazi racial ideology and the contemporary body culture, and would later turn out to be the forerunner of Leni Riefenstahl's NSDAP propaganda documentaries. The film, directed by Nicholas Kaufmann and Wilhelm Prager, took "Turnvater Jahn's" reinstitution of the Latin motto: "Mens sana in corpore sano" (a healthy mind in a healthy body), and his dream of a fully integrated mind and body, and made it a highly aesthetic project. In it they sought to promote a new and "correct" life style that could be subsumed under the rubric "Korperkultur," and which could be ideologized and directed at the national body. 63  6 2  See also Rauschning, Hitler Speaks 247.  Friedrich Ludwig Jahn (1778-1852) was a pedagogical reformer and fervent nationalist who known as the "father of gymnastics," or "Turnvater," and founder of the "Turnverein" (gymnastic club) movement. In 1811 he opened his first "Turnverein" in Berlin. Following Germany's humiliating defeat by Napoleon, Jahn promoted gymnastics as a means of boosting the morale of his fellow countrymen. He argued for a renewal of the ancient Teutonic civilisation and a sentimental glorification of the German people. Jahn was a vocal democrat and a rugged eccentric. In 1819 his activities were curtailed, his gymnasium closed and he was detained for six years. Upon his acquittal, he received the Iron Cross (1840) and in 1848 was elected to the German national parliament. 63  35 The following excerptfromthe summary which accompanied the film's premiere revealed and supported the contemporary body discourses in the Weimar "Systemzeit:"  64  65  Dieser Kulturfilm will in unserem Zeitalter [...] aufrufen zur Pflege des Leibes und will zeigen, wie wichtig fur jeden die Erhaltung und Durchbildung eines gesunden Korpers ist. [...] Vor dem Kriege wurde fast allein durch die militarische Erziehung unsere mannliche Jugend korperlich durchgebildet, der weiblichen Jugend ermangelte eine solche Durchbildung leider vdllig. [...] Die Wege zu diesem Ziel will uns dieser Film zeigen. Kraft ist hier gleichbedeutend mit Schonheit. Diesen Ansatzen moderner Kdrperkultur, [...] wird vergleichsweise die Kdrperkultur der Antike an die Seite gestellt. (Reichsfilmblatt 36) Thefilm'svivid contrast of the neglected body of the crooked-backed bookworm with the wellformed body of the physically trained athlete clearly was a reflection of Hitler's own opinions on the subject. Prior to 1933, suchfilmswere known simply as culturalfilms.However, after 1935, the Nazi sportfilmsof Leni Riefenstahl, Hans Wustemann, and Gdsta Nordhaus and others directly promoted the regime's ideology with regard to the body. Thefilmsand documentaries with their larger than life images of youthful, well-trained male and female naked bodies actively involved in sports of all types, were screened throughout Germany. The cinema became Germany's watchful "eye" with which to supervise and mould its captive viewers. The administrative arm of the Nazi state reached deep into the lives of the German people forcing them to adapt themselves to a prescribed, exaggerated shaping of their bodies and personal life styles. It was for this reason that cultural and fascist sportfilms,and all other spheres of public activities, came under the propaganda of a Foucauldian "bio-politics." Documentaryfilmsin the Third Reich, according to Hilmar Hoffmann, which were usually shown prior to feature films, fall roughly into the following categories. Their ideological codes are obvious: 66  Fuhrermythos, Deutschtum, Brauchtum, Blut und Boden, Erntedank, Deutscher Wald, Volksgesundheit, Sport, Kunst, Kultur und 'Kraft durch Freude,' Reichsparteitage, Erfolge der Partei, die verschiedenen NS-Organisationen, Hitlerjugend, Bund Deutscher MSdel, vormilitarische Ausbildung, Rushing, der deutsche Soldat in Frieden, Mandver, Krieg, 'Volk ohne Raum.' Weltfeinde, Volksfeinde, Antisemitismus, Erbkrankheiten, Euthanasie, spate Siege uber Versailles, Hitlers Feldziige, NS-Totenkult (55)  64  Excerpt from Reichsfilmblatt. Berlin, 12 (1925): 36.  A liberal democratic concept promoted in the Weimar Republic, which recognised that everyone could do what he liked with his own body. However, when Hitler seized power in 1933, he dissolved the Republic and set up a totalitarian government of the Third Reich in which the bodies of his "subjects" all belonged to him, and therefore to the state. 65  Hitler, like many others before him, noted: "Ein verfaulter Korper wird durch einen strahlenden Geist nicht im geringsten asthetischer gemacht, ja, es lieBe sich hochste Geistesbildung gar nicht rechtfertigen, wenn ihre Trager gleichzeitig korperlich verkommene und verkruppelte, im Charakter willensschwache, schwankende und feige Subjekte waren. Was das griechische Schonheitsideal unsterblich sein laBt, ist die wundervolle Verbindung herrlichster korperlicher Schonheit mit strahlendem Geist und edelster Seele" (Kampf 453). 6 6  36 Hoffmann maintained that in each and every one of these instances, the sanctioned way of life in the new state, as well as its counter image, was presented to the German people. Bombarded with images of the erect, beautiful, healthy, quasi-divine image of the Aryan, they were expected to keep in mind the opposing stereotyped image of the stooped, flat-footed, long-nosed, cultural, "non-athletic," diseased Jew, and other "deviants." The Nazi government, like any modern totalitarian regime, claimed to look after the people's welfare in the sense of taking their concerns upon itself. In this way, it gained complete control and power over every aspect of their lives, essentially robbing them of their personal independence and human dignity. Leni Riefenstahl's Olympia. was the official film of the XI Olympic Games, Berlin 1936. It consisted of two parts, "Fest der Volker" and "Fest der Schonheit." The "Prologue" was made later and served as an introduction to Part I. The completed film was premiered on Hitler's birthday in 1938. Leni Riefenstahl's personal comments about the film throw some light on how Nazi propaganda defined the Aryan/Nazi body: Alles war schon: die Olympische Idee, der Fackellaufer, das Stadion - und die Athleten: [...] Als die Finnen im 10.000-Meter-Lauf den Japaner Murakoso zermurbten, als sie wie eine zu einem Block geschmolzene Mannschaft in unheimlichem Rhythmus Mann fur Mann uberrundeten, waren sie das vollendete Symbol einer ebenso stark geistigen wie korperlichen Schonheit. (qtd. in H. Hoffmann MyJhos 147) 67  For Leni Riefenstahl, the Berlin Olympic Games, especially the bodies of the athletes, were "schon."Like her films, Leni Riefenstahl's words continued to advance the Nazi racial, cultural, and physical body ideology. For her, the German and Finnish athletes obviously symbolised the raw power and beauty of the superior northern Aryan races. Her portrayal of the block movement of the Finnish team was also a quasi-symbol of the Nazi masses in which no eccentric behaviour was ever to be tolerated. However, in spite of the years of hard training of the Germans, and the impressive victory of the Finns, it was the star performance of the American track and field athletes that stole the show. Jesse Owens and his four gold medals particularly seemed to knock the wind out of the Nazi dignitaries and their dream of Aryan superiority. In the film, however, Leni Riefenstahl focused on Jesse Owens' well-tuned, powerful body. To her, he was neither an African American nor a member of a minority nor inferior race. Rather, Leni Riefenstahl and all the other Germans who rose to their feet as one to applaud Jesse Owens' Olympic record, probably saw him as a man with a distinctive profile, an exceptional phenomenon, and an aberration of nature which, even among non-Aryans, was possible. This "exception to the rule" theory was so successful that Jesse Owens himself felt more welcome in Hitler's Germany than in the land of apartheid, South Africa (H. Hoffmann, Mythos 118). In the opening scenes of Part II of her Olympic film, Leni Riefenstahl contrasted closeups of nature, and of male athletes whose beautiful, steel-hard, nude bodies seemed more sculpted than alive. As the sweat beaded up on their muscular bodies from the steam of the Finnish sauna, Riefenstahl turned her viewers into unwitting voyeurs of the almost homoerotically-charged scene. According to Hilmar Hoffmann, even the radio announcers seemed filled with ecstasy as they reported live the success of the German athletes: "Die Radioreporter  According to Hilmar Hoffmann, Leni Riefenstahl made this comment in her introduction to Schonheit im Olympischen Kampf. Berlin: n.p., 1937. N.pag. 67  37 [...] belfern im Jargon von Kriegsberichterstattern; auch in anderen Passagen mochten sie mit verbalem Muskelspiel zu den Siegern gehoren" (Mythos 150-151). While Leni Riefenstahl's film images also captured, for example, Jesse Owens' face muscles and his unshakeable physical and mental concentration, the German sport commentators filled their vocabulary with militant words and phrases like "decisive struggle," "victory," and "great battle" to characterise the successes of the German athletes (Hoffmann Mythos 150-151). Riefenstahl's cameras also captured Hitler's body language which mirrored his fluctuating expressions of great exuberance, nervousness, or disgust, depending on the fortunes of his athletes. Indeed, the cameras also caught Hitler leaving the stadium to avoid having to congratulate Jessie Owens. The "New" Breed of German In summary, therefore, in the Third Reich each German man, woman, and child was expected to be an awe-inspiring member of the Aryan, northern races. Like the Aryan, Germans should be the most talented and beautiful human beings. German males should be characterised by their tall, erect stature, slender build, and elongated heads. Their bone and muscle structure should exude an expression of victory, success, and superiority, and their shoulders should be wide and powerful with broad chests and narrow firm hips. German women should also possess a slender figure, small rounded shoulders, wide hips, and fair beauty. While the man's facial features should be hard and sharply delineated, the woman's should be soft. Both should have skin that is well supplied with "pure" blood, blond hair, and triumphant blue eyes. Male and females should display the smooth and harmonious movements of their perfect bodies. For the Nazis, therefore, the ideal German body, like that of the Aryan, should mirror health, strength, and a well-developed, beautiful and well-proportioned, erect body. Above all, however, the blood coursing through the ideal German body must be pure. For the National Socialists, therefore, the German male must always be convinced of his superiority, invulnerability, and of his own strength. His noble character traits must include loyalty, spirit of sacrifice, and discretion. In addition, the "perfect" German should reflect the Greek ideal of beauty which for the Nazis is founded on the harmonious blend of a splendid physical beauty and prowess, a sharp mind, and a noble soul. All of these physical, mental and ideological characteristics are based on a healthy body and mind. While the German male's task must be to defend his family and the fatherland, the ideal German woman must dedicate herself to being a future mother. As Irmgard Weyrather explained: "Das Nationalsozialistische Frauenbild war im Grande kein Frauen-, sondern ein Mutterbild" (Muttertag und Mutterkreuz 9). For eugenicists of the Third Reich, the human body was only the temporary husk of the human essence: " [D]ie geehrten Mutter wurden [im Nazi-Mutterkult] nicht nur als Frauen, die Kinder geboren hatten, angesprochen, sondern gleichzeitig als Tragerinnen des 'Erbstroms' oder 'Bluts' der 'deutschen Rasse'" (Weyrather, Muttertag 13). Nazi propaganda promoted the "holiness" of this valuable blood in pseudo-religious slogans such as: '"Heilig soil uns sein jede Mutter deutschen Blutes'" (Weyrather, Muttertag 14). During the Hitler dictatorship, however, not all Germans allowed themselves to be swallowed up in the mindless behaviour of the masses. One such individual was Heinrich Boll whose last four years of high school (1933-1937), compulsory duty in the Labour Service (1938), and participation in the Second World War (1939-1945) coincided with the birth, duration, and demise of Hitler's Third Reich. Never a member of the Nazi Party, Boll refused, whenever possible, to be caught up in the mass hysteria of their fascist regime. After his return to civilian life, and in his capacity as a German war veteran and post-war writer, Heinrich Boll set out to  38 publicly denounce the NSDAP's complete disregard for the rights of the individual, and to provide a more realistic portrayal of the beauty and dignity of the human body in his writings. The aim of this second chapter has been to discuss the individual Nazi body and its relationship both to the body of the nation and to that of the masses. According to Klaus Theweleit the term "masses" clearly has two opposing definitions: "Die gefeierte Masse ist immer eine formierte, in Dammsysteme gegossene. Ein Fuhrer ragt aus ihr heraus. Die verachtete erscheint dagegen immer unter den Attributen des Fliissigen, Schleimigen, Wimmelnden" (Mannerphantasien 2: 8; ch.3). Boll, for whom the idea of the individual was indispensable, detested the Nazi hordes. They seemed to be everywhere: first in the streets of Cologne and later on the battlefields of Europe. By celebrating the masses and not the individual as the measure of humanity the Nazis lost touch with the classical idea of humanity which they allegedly aspired to. In the third chapter, particular attention will be paid to the exploration of fundamental differences between the racist theories of the Nazis and Heinrich Boll's perception and experience of his own body and what it truly means to be human. In this regard, Boll's health and bodily structure as a school boy, young adult, soldier, deserter, a POW, and finally as a civilian in post-war occupied Germany, will be discussed. What is the connection, if any, between Boll's health problems and his obvious disgust for the cultish male atmosphere that surrounded the Nazis and their athletic organisations? Keeping these questions in mind, a close study of Heinrich Boll's biography will provide important insights into his early writings and his philosophy of life, a view which completely rejected everything about Hitler's male-oriented, racist regime.  39 CHAPTER III. T H E WRITER'S BODY: AUTO/BIOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS  Korperbeschaffenheit: Breit und grofi, doch wenig leistungsjahig, durch haufiges Kranksein vom Turnen auf Grun eines arztlichen Attestes befreit und in seiner korperlichen Ausbildung stark gehemmt.[.. .]. Charakter: Schwerbliitig, vertraglich, vielleicht nicht energisch genug. Fiigt sich anscheinend mit Gelassenheit in seine durftigen Verhaltnisse, die er durch eigenes Verdienen zu bessern sucht.f. . .J (Kollegium des Kaiser WilhelmGymnasiums) Ich glaube [. ..] die Autobiographic eines Autors verbirgt sich in seinem Gesamtwerk. (Heinrich Boll)  Although Boll's physique is described in this chapter's first epigraph as being broad and tall, his frequent illnesses prevented him from participating in sporting activities, severely stymieing his physical training and education. In it he is also described as having a needy but "[gjeordnetes Familienleben," and of being "gut begabt." Although Boll's academic progress is deemed to be satisfactory, according to the report, his successes could be even greater: "Dafl sie nicht durchweg gut sind, ist wohl auf Krankheit und haufiges Fehlen zuruckzufuhren." Illness is again listed as the reason for him not being "organisiert." Boll's character is then described as follows: "Charakter: Schwerbliitig, vertraglich, vielleicht nicht energisch genug. Fiigt sich anscheinend mit Gelassenheit in seine durftigen Verhaltnisse, die er durch eigenes Verdienen zu bessern sucht." These characteristics show him to be well-adjusted, serious, and sociable in spite of his family's limited financial resources. The school assessment finally suggests that Boll is well suited for a career in publishing due to his deep appreciation of literature. These documented details remind us of Foucault's definition of the body as the institutionalised product of "a network of writing" which is designed to provide the school with power over an individual. An examination of Boll's auto/biography, in the light of the various contemporary discourses of the body previously discussed, will provide valuable insights into both the man himself and his fictional work. In addition, such an approach will benefit from an analysis of the theme of damaged bodies in Boll's early writings. Boll's disclaimer in Was soli aus dem Jungen bloB werden? (1981), an autobiographical account of his school days (1933-1937), clearly states his negative feelings about the Nazis and all that they stood for: 68  69  Meine uniiberwindliche (und bis heute unuberwundene) Abneigung gegen die Nazis war kein Widerstand, sie widerstanden mir, waren mir widerwartig auf alien Ebenen meiner Existenz; bewuBt und instinktiv, asthetisch und politisch, bis heute habe ich keine unterhaltende, erst recht keine asthetische Dimension an den Nazis und ihrer Zeit entdecken konnen, und das macht mich grausen bei gewissen Film- und Theaterinszenierungen. In die HJ konnte ich einfach nicht gehen und ging nicht rein, und das war's. (Jungen 8-9; ch. 1) The National Socialist Party's irrational love affair with the perfect, beautiful human body is completely rejected by Boll. For this reason, his writings seem to focus on the physically and  The general physical assessment of the sixth Form student Heinrich Boll, as provided by his high school's administration records, is published in Viktor Boll, ed., Heinrich Boll und Koln (Cologne: Emons, 1990) 49. 68  6 9  See Foucault, "Means of Correct Training" 201.  40 mentally damaged "imperfect" bodies of his fellow Germans, as well as on the beauty that exists even in these and other imperfections. Boll's rejection of the Nazis and their regime will be investigated as a complete negation of a Nazi aesthetic and politics of the body. In Was soil aus dem Jungen blofi werden? Boll provided several examples of his distrust and repudiation of anything that smacked of Nazism. In every instance, the body that the Nazis tried to "create" had been shaped and trained by what the sociologist Arthur W. Frank identifies as "institutions, discourses, and corporeality" ("Sociology of the Body" 49). Boll, however, in keeping with Helmuth Plessener's thoughts on the human body, refused when- and wherever possible to allow his own "Korper" and "Leib" to be either regulated or disciplined by any discourses or institutions that reflected the Nazi ideology. Even when he could not fully escape the institution of school, "Reichsarbeitsdienst," or the army, Boll tried to remain distancedfromthe Nazi propaganda and rhetoric that for him seemed to be completely aimed at trying to rob him of his human dignity. Boll's Family Background In his informative book Boll und Kdln. Viktor Boll described the only documented fact about the prehistory of Boll's family as being "ein topographisches Faktum" (7). According to him, the original family home had been built in 1720 in Xanten on the Lower Rhine by Boll's father's Catholic family. Originallyfromthe British Isles, they chose to emmigrate rather than subject themselves to the state religion of Henry VIII. They had apparently travelled as "Schiffszimmerleute" from Holland up the Rhine. However, seeming to prefer city life, and being so farfromthe ocean, they became cabinet-makers. Boll's ancestors on his mother's side were farmers and brewers whose family fortunes, depending on the generation, fluctuated between wealth and impoverishment. Boll's grandfather, Heinrich, who was born in 1829 in Xanten, became a cabinetmaker by trade and moved to Essen in 1850 where one of his sons, Viktor, was born in 1870. Viktor, the future father of Heinrich Boll, the writer, moved to Koln in 1896. In 1906, Viktor married for the second time. His new wife, Maria HermannsfromDiiren, bore him six children. The youngest, Heinrich Boll, born on December 21,1917, was destined to earn the 1972 Nobel Prize for Literature. Viktor Boll's business flourished even beyond World War I. In fact, in 1923 Boll's father constructed a large house for his family at number 49 Kreuznach Street in what was still at that time the country-like suburb of Raderberg. The house was located directly opposite from Vorgebirgspark where the young Heinrich spent a great part of his childhood. Viktor often took his children to the museums and there explained to them the development of painting. Boll would later admit to his interviewer, Rene Wintzen, that not only these museum visits and Kdln's special architecture but also: "[A]ll das was ich auf der StraBe gesehen, gerochen, gehdrt habe, hat mich beeinfluBt" (Erinnerung 32). An important aspect of young Heinrich's life experience in the Raderberg neighbourhood was the existence of two social classes. While Boll and his family belonged to the bourgeois, that is, "better" or upper class people, the "red" socialists workers were seen by their professional neighbours as being members of the lower class. However, Boll's family were tolerant and brought their children up to respect all people regardless of their social status. In fact, according to Boll: 70  Viktor Boll is the author's nephew and the head of the Heinrich Boll Archive in Cologne.  41 Ich habe nie, bis heute nicht begriffen, was an den besseren Leuten besser gewesen ware oder hatte sein konnen. Mich zog's immer in die Siedlung, die wie unsere neu gebaut war, in der Arbeiter, Partei- Gewerkschaftssekretare wohnten; dort gab es die meisten Kinder und die besten Spielgenossen, [...] Meine Eltern [...] waren nie auf den Gedanken gekommen, zu tun, was die Professoren, Prokuristen, Architekten, Bankdirektoren taten: die verboten ihren Kindern, mit den "Roten" zu spielen. ("Raderberg" 119-120) In 1930, the Boll family's economic situation changed radically. The crash of the 1929 Stock Market had far-reaching repercussions. Unable to pay his guarantee at a small bank for handworkers, Boll's father was forced to sell the family home. With this act, Boll's secure childhood years came to an abrupt end. This was truly a socially, materially defining, and unforgettable moment in the life of the young Heinrich Boll. According to him: "Die Ursache meiner Rebellion hing mit der total undefinierbaren gesellschaftlichen Stellung zusammen, in der wir uns befanden: wirtschaftliche Schwierigkeiten der krassesten Art, hatten sie uns nur deklassiert oder klassenlos gemacht?" In addition, as Boll writes: "[D]as Wort "biirgerlich" war eins unserer klassischen Schimpfworte geworden; die Elemente jener drei Klassen, zu deren keiner wir recht gehorten, hatten uns das, was man "biirgerliches" [...] Christentum nennt, absolut unertraglich gemacht (Jungen 26-27; ch. 4). When the family moved back to the city, life became a deadly serious matter for many Germans: Es war nicht ganz, aber fast ganz aus mit dem Spielen. Es wurde ernster. Schwierigkeiten. Wechsel- und Pfandhaus- und Gerichtsvollzieherjahre, [...] SchieBereien auf der StraBe. [..•.] Spater lasen wir in der Zeitung, daB einer, mit dem wir drauBen oft 'gepohlt' hatten, von seinem Vater erschlagen worden war: er war Kommunist, radikal, bitter, intelligent - sein Vater Sozialist. (Boll, "Raderberg" 123) This anxiety indirectly helped to preserve Boll's relationship with his family: "Ich glaube zwar, [...] diese Wirtschaftliche Krise in ihrer krassesten Form, hat mir den wahrscheinlich ublichen oder normalen Bruch mit den Eltern erspart. [...] Es war ein richtiger Clan, der [...] eine gewisse Arroganz entwickelte, die mich [...] inzwischen auch literarisch beschaftigt" (Boll, "Drei" 365). With each subsequent move that the family had to make the court bailiff and the beggars seemed to have no difficulty finding their "new" doorstep. His mother turned no one away. Her resolve to uphold the dignity of all human beings was strictly against the current Nazi race ideology. Despite the family's chronic shortage of money and the resulting moves, Boll still managed to thrive intellectually and physically. This was mainly due to the loving, caring, and liberal relationship that the family enjoyed. At home Boll enjoyed the freedom of speech denied or ill-advised on the outside. In his household, all signs of authoritarian conduct, including that of the church, were frowned upon. As Boll emphatically told his interviewer: "Ich habe mich nie tyrannisiert gefuhlt" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 42). There were no tyrannical displays or power struggles at home. Moreover, Boll credited his father with instilling in him and his siblings a hatred of war: "Er hat uns auch ganz bewuBt anti-preuBisch und anti-militarisch erzogen. [...] Also, mein Vater hat dieses Fronterlebnis ... nie gehabt und uns auch nicht davon erzahlen konnen" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 127). His father's ability to simulate a "Blinddarmentzundung" fortunately kept him out of the  42 frontlines. Boll's mother's fearless use of body language not only expressed her obvious hatred of Hitler and his murderous regime but also influenced her son's attitude to war. Early Signs of Rejection of Nazism Boll's writings suggest that the preservation of humane values was still possible in any environment. In his autobiographical account of his schooldays, Boll remarked that his teacher, Bauer, clearly signalled his refusal to be intimidated by a uniformed student with his body language: "Es bedurfte keiner Ausdriicklichkeit zwischen uns" (Jungen 64; ch. 9). In addition, through Bauer, Boll became acquainted with Juvenal whose satirical writings were noticeably topical. To him: "[Bauer] war ein Demokrat, Humanist, keineswegs kriegsversessen, wies uns auf das auch Aktuell-Parodistische der griechischen Komodie hin [. . .]" (Boll, Jungen 64; ch. 9). Boll credits his German teacher Schmitz with preparing him for his future career as an editor and literary critic. Schmitz, who wanted his students to acquire skills in condensing the works of wordy authors, assigned them the daunting task of reducing four pages of Hitler's Mein Kampf to one and a half to two pages. According to Boll: 71  Ich las also "Mein Kampf genau - und auch diese Lektiire erhdhte meinen Respekt vor den Nazis nicht um den Bruchteil eines Millimeters. Immerhin verdanke ich dem Autor Adolf Hitler ein paar Zweien in Deutsch, die ich gut gebrauchen konnte, verdanke ich ihm auch - und hatte damit in der Schule auch furs Leben gelernt - moglicherweise eine gewisse Eignung zum Lektor und Neigung zur Kiirze. (Jungen 57; ch. 8) Although Boll admitted that he forgot most of the German literature he read in school, his compulsory reading of Hitler's Mein Kampf remainedfreshin his mind. Boll's early writings clearly reflect his opposition to the racist, body ideology expounded by Hitler in his notorious book. In fact, Boll's prose, especially his early writings, could be interpreted as being a complete repudiation of all that Hitler and his regime stood for. Boll's understanding of faith, love, and charity, as well as his strong views on human rights, and the dignity of all human beings, unlike those of Hitler's, were all based on traditional Christian values. However, in Hitler's opinion: "[E]s gibt nur ein heiligstes Menschenrecht, und [eine] [...] heiligste Verpflichtung, namlich: daftir zu sorgen, daB das Blut rein erhalten bleibt, um durch die Bewahrung des besten Menschentums die Moglichkeit einer edleren Entwicklung dieser Wesen zu geben" (Hitler Kampf 444: vol. 2, ch. 2). Later, Boll would discuss his own theory of the aesthetic of the humane in his Frankfurter Vorlesungen (1964) in which he elevated "Abfall" to a symbol of the highest worth. However, the present study will show that for decades already Boll had been living and formulating his ideas of human dignity, a common humanity, and the right of each individual to self-determination, ideas that are present in even his earliest writings. Hitler even went so far as to expect the two Christian churches to encourage parents to adopt a poor, but healthy orphan child if they were at risk of giving birth themselves to a sick child who, in his opinion, would only bring unhappiness and suffering on himself and the rest of the world. In fact, for Hitler: "Was das griechische Schdnheitsideal unsterblich sein lafit, ist die wundervolle Verbindung herrlichster kdrperlicher Schonheit mit strahlendem Geist und edelster 71  Boll managed to hang on to his second-hand copy past the war, never sacrificing it to the black market.  43 Seele" (Kampf 453: vol. 2, ch. 2). The German ideal of beauty, therefore, had to be based on that of the Greeks. Boll, however, in soundly rejecting this ideology, treated these topics with great compassion and understanding in works such as Und sagte kein einziges Wort. Der blasse Hund. and "Todesursache: Hakennase." Boll's writings are fundamentally concerned with damaged bodies, a theme he presents time and again in many variations. In 1933, at a time of widespread hunger in Germany, the sixteen-year-old Boll lay in bed, a victim of the flu epidemic that was also sweeping the country. When a visiting school friend came to the Boll house with the unsettling news that Hitler had become "Reichskanzler," Boll's mother immediately responded: "Das bedeutet Krieg" (Boll, "Drei Tage" 367). Time would prove her assumption correct. Boll would later find great wisdom in Saint-Exupery's comment about war: "But war is not a true adventure. It is a mere ersatz. [. . .] It is a disease. It is like typhus" (Saint-Exupery, Flight to Arras 81). For Boll, adventure was something one voluntarily went in search of, however, war, like illness, was foisted upon one. In fact, Boll was convinced that his sinus problem would have begun when Hitler seized power in 1933 and triumphantly announced the "birth" of the Third Reich: "Ich hatte [...] damals chronische Stirnhdhlenvereiterung, [...] Manchmal denke ich heute, daB diese Krankheit nazigen war (mdgen Arzte und Psychologen dariiber griibeln, gewiB gibt es politisch- oder systembedingte Krankheiten)" (Jungen 54; ch. 7). Boll also maintained that his sinus problems persisted all through the war and only cleared after he became a prisoner of war was "liberated" from Hitler's army by the Allies: 72  73  74  Es blieb auch die Krankheit - sie blieb auch im glorreichen Arbeitsdienst, in der ebenso glorreichen Wehrmacht -, aber schon im Gefangenenlager, in diesem merkwiirdigen Zustand von Befreiung und Gefangenschaft zugleich, und erst wahrend der Nachkriegszeit und bis heute: keine Spur von ihr! War sie wirklich nazigen? Das mag schon sein, den ich war gegen die Nazis auch allergisch. (Jungen 61: ch. 9) 15  His illness, therefore, was a metaphor for all that the National Socialist regime represented. Ever since his childhood days, illness had been Boll's ally. In fact, because his chronic sinus infection gave him headaches and nausea as soon as he tried to lower his head, Boll was often excused from gym. He hated gym: "[D]a roch es immer so nach MannerschweiB und Vater Jahn, nach harter Leistung" (Boll, Jungen 54; ch. 7). But to be excused from gym also automatically meant to be excluded from participating in track and field, and games that he liked. However, with the introduction of National Youth Day everything came to a halt: Sport und Spiele hatte ich gem betrieben - ach, dieser Manner-Ernst beim Turnen hatte j a auch etwas Lacherliches - Handball, FuBball, Schlagball, Leichtathletik, On January 30 1933, the German President, Hindenburg, named the Nazi leader, Hitler, Chancellor of Germany. Hitler took over from Chancellor Franz von Papen. At that time, Hitler, Goring, and Dr. William Frick were the only Nazis in the Cabinet. On March 05 Hitler and Nationalists allies win Reichstag majority, and on March 12 Hindenburg lowers the flag of the German Republic and orders the swastika and empire banner to be flown side by side (Chronicle of the Twentieth Century). 72  73  The emphasis is mine.  Boll not only admitted to rejoicing every time that he was wounded during the war, but also to simulating illnesses in order to avoid service at the front. 74  75  The emphasis is mine .  44 das alles fiel nach der Einflihrung des Staatsjugendtages aus. [...] Inzwischen war es verboten, nicht "organisiert" Sport zu treiben. (Boll, Jungen 55; ch. 7) Sport, in the Third Reich, became a synchronised mass movement aimed specifically at preparing the German youth for their future role as soldiers in Hitler's armies. Strength and health became synonymous with "Schonheit." However, the Nazi aesthetic of beauty was unacceptable to the young Boll since it excluded much of humanity. When Alois, Boll's brother, was briefly arrested for playing soccer, an unorganised sport with some parish friends in a meadow, Boll limited himself to cycling. He became, as he remarked almost a '"Reisender ohne Gepack'" (Boll, Jungen 56; ch. 7). In a way, Boll became a sort of "flaneur" on wheels: "Nur das Fahrrad und das Schulschwanzen rettete mich davor, ein Stubenhocker zu werden" (Jungen 65; ch. 9). In a way, Boll was practising a form of "desertion" when he voluntarily escaped from the streets of Cologne to the peace and quiet of the suburbs. Boll also took refuge from the rowdy Nazi hordes by going to the movies whenever possible. Film as either an escape from, or as a substitute for reality would star prominently in Boll's novel Haus ohne Huter. The themes of illness and the plight of women whose husbands fell in the war effort will be further explored in Und sagte kein einziges Wort. Der Engel schwieg. and Haus ohne Huter. 76  77  Reaction to the Reign of Terror Begins Compared to the visible, audible, and tangible barbarous acts of "cleansing" that took place between late January 1933 and the March election, the symbolic act of book "burning" at Boll's school, shortly after Hitler became chancellor, seemed rather tame: 78  Die nichtsymbolischen Sauberungen waren sichtbar und horbar, waren spiirbar: Sozialdemokraten verschwanden [...] Zentrumspolitiker, Kommunisten ohnehin, und es war kein Geheimnis, dafJ in den Kasematten rings um den Kolner Militarring von der S A Konzentrationslager eingerichtet wurden: die Worter "Schutzhaft" und "auf der Flucht erschossen" waren gelaufig [...] die Nazihorden, brutal und blutriinstig, sorgten dafur, daB der Terror nicht nur Geriicht blieb. (Boll Jungen 19-20; ch. 3) Shortly after the Reichstag fire and before the March election, many streets were blocked off. Boll experienced the terror that was suffocating the city on his way to school as he walked along streets and through "politically" unsafe places: "[W]elche Frau schrie da im Achtergafichen, welcher Mann in der Landsberg-, wer in der Rosenstrafie? [...] Da wurde offenbar gepriigelt, aus Hausfluren gezerrt" (Jungen 20; ch. 3). Hitler, however, had not won a majority vote in the Cologne/Aachen region in the March 1933 election. Twenty-six years later, Boll still took pride in the city and its mostly non-fanatical population which had made it uncomfortable for Hitler and his Nazi followers: "Ich habe immer einen Zettel bei mir [...] eine Statistik iiber die Wahlergebnisse bei der ersten Nazi-Wahl 1933  After a family discussion, Alois was "sacrificed" to the NSDAP. It had been suggested that at least one member of the Boll family had to join the Nazi organisation. 76  According to the social scientist, Steve Pile: '"The flaneur' [is] the embodiment of power-infused spatial practices of walking and looking" (Pile The Body and the City 228-229). 77  78  According to Boll, authors like Remarque and Tucholsky were removed from the curriculum.  45 B e i d i e s e m W a h l e r g e b n i s hat d e r [...] G a u K d l n - A a c h e n [...] n u r 3 0 P r o z e n t N a z i - S t i m m e n " ( B o l l , " K o l n g i b t ' s s c h o n " 182). F o r B o l l , this w a s r e m a r k a b l e s i n c e the e l e c t i o n o c c u r r e d after the N a z i s h a d d i s p a t c h e d their p o l i t i c a l o p p o n e n t s , n a m e l y S o c i a l D e m o c r a t s a n d C o m m u n i s t s , t o r a p i d l y e x p a n d i n g c o n c e n t r a t i o n c a m p s . B o l l , h o w e v e r , s t i l l h a d to a d m i t that the R h e i n l a n d h a d n o t e s c a p e d the N a z i - T e r r o r : " E s hat d i e V e r t r e i b u n g u n d E r m o r d u n g u n s e r e r j i i d i s c h e n M i t b i i r g e r a u c h h i e r gegeben." A l l t h e s a m e , t h e e l e c t i o n r e s u l t o f f e r e d h i m a s e n s e o f c o n s o l a t i o n : " D i e g e r i n g e Anfalligkeit fur D e m a g o g i e , M i B t r a u e n gegenuber bombastischer Autoritat, das steckt hier drin. D a s s t e c k t n a t i i r l i c h a u c h i n K o l n u n d ist e i n g r o B e r P l u s p u n k t " ( B o l l " K o l n " 182). A p a r t i c u l a r l y b r u t a l event, h o w e v e r , left B o l l a n d h i s f e l l o w c i t i z e n s p e t r i f i e d a n d h o r r o r s t r i c k e n . I n N o v e m b e r 1933, G o r i n g o r d e r e d that s e v e n o f the s e v e n t e e n m e m b e r s o f the R e d Front Fighters' League, who had been accused o f murdering two Storm Troopers, be decapitated w i t h a n axe. S u c h v i o l e n t , o f f i c i a l l y s a n c t i o n e d acts n o l o n g e r left a n y d o u b t i n a n y o n e ' s m i n d as to the m e r c i l e s s i n t e n t i o n o f the N a z i s to l a u n c h i n t o a the strict o p p r e s s i o n o f a l l o p p o s i t i o n . B o l l m o c k e d Gdring's "Maskengesicht mit den Morphiumglitzeraugen," his vanity, and his p o m p o s i t y w h i c h h e o b s e r v e d d u r i n g a p a r a d e that h e a n d o t h e r s c h o o l c h i l d r e n w e r e f o r c e d to w a t c h ( J u n g e n 34-38; ch. 5). T h e strange, s h i n i n g , e x h a u s t e d e y e s o f a f e l l o w s t u d e n t i n h i s b l a c k S S u n i f o r m after a f a i l e d attempt at h u n t i n g d o w n s o m e u n f o r t u n a t e " e n e m y o f the s t a t e " a l s o r e m a i n e d i n B o l l ' s m e m o r y ( J u n g e n 10; ch. 1). L e s s t h a n a y e a r later, the d e a d l y c o u r s e that the N a z i s h a d c h a r t e d f o r t h e m s e l v e s a n d the c o u n t r y w a s f u r t h e r r e v e a l e d . J u n e 30, 1934 b e c a m e k n o w n as the " N i g h t o f the L o n g K n i v e s . " F e a r i n g a m o v e t o u n d e r m i n e h i s s u p r e m e authority, H i t l e r o r d e r e d a " b l o o d p u r g e , " a n d m a n y p r o m i n e n t N a z i s , i n c l u d i n g H e i n e u n d R o h m , w e r e shot. R u m o u r s a b o u t i n c r e a s i n g c r i m i n a l i t y a n d h o m o s e x u a l i t y a m o n g N a z i o f f i c i a l s h a d l o n g b e e n rampant, a n d R o h m , c h i e f o f s t a f f o f the s t o r m t r o o p e r s w a s a k n o w n h o m o s e x u a l . I n fact, a c c o r d i n g to B o l l , e v e n b e f o r e 1933, s l o g a n s s u c h as: " S A A R S C H W A S C H E N R O H M K O M M T , " h a d a l r e a d y b e e n a p p e a r i n g o n h o u s e w a l l s ( B o l l J u n g e n 42: ch. 6). T h e b l o o d y p u r g e s y m b o l i s e d the r e g i m e ' s r u t h l e s s d r i v e f o r total p o w e r a n d c o n t r o l o v e r a l l o f its m e m b e r s . A s B o l l w r o t e : D a s war, [...] n i c h t n u r d i e e n d g i i l t i g e M a c h t e r g r e i f u n g , es w a r a u c h d i e letzte M a c h t p r o b e , es w a r d i e e n d g i i l t i g e E n t l a r v u n g P a p e n s u n d H i n d e n b u r g s : [...] u n d da m u c k t e offenbar niemand, jedenfalls nicht hdrbar, m u c k t e niemand, geschah n i c h t s . D i e E w i g k e i t des N a z i s m u s b r a c h an. [...] d e r T a g v o n P o t s d a m , a m 21. M a r z 1933, a l s H i n d e n b u r g e i n e m H e r r n i m F r a c k D e u t s c h l a n d iiberreichte, h a t sie w o h l alle g e b l e n d e t . ( J u n g e n 43-44; ch. 6) S c h i r a c h ' s w e e k l y N a t i o n a l Y o u t h D a y , d e c r e e d s h o r t l y after H i t l e r s e i z e d p o w e r , w a s y e t a n o t h e r m a j o r s y m b o l o f a l o s s o f the f r e e d o m a n d the i n e v i t a b l e m i l i t a r i z a t i o n o f G e r m a n y ' s y o u n g p e o p l e . B o l l h a t e d the H i t l e r Y o u t h shirts a n d the S t o r m T r o o p e r s ' u n i f o r m s b e c a u s e o f w h a t t h e y s t o o d for. U n i f o r m s w e r e e m b l e m a t i c o f a u t h o r i t y a n d h i e r a r c h i c a l p o w e r , a n d t h e r e f o r e r e p r e s e n t e d f o r h i m , a l o s s o f p e r s o n a l f r e e d o m , a l l o f w h i c h B o l l v e h e m e n t l y resented. F r o m t h e n on, G e r m a n y m a r c h e d i n e x o r a b l y t o w a r d w a r i n 1 9 3 9 a n d total d e f e a t i n 1945. 79  Baldur von Schirach was a poet and the leader of the German youth organisations. Boll suggested that Schirach, in his words, as "ein Blatt im Raum," had finally found "seinen Baum" to attach himself to, namely, Hitler. Boll also indignantly commented: "Diese Schirach-Flatsche [sic] verfugte also iiber die deutsche Jugend, und die deutschen Eltem lieBen ihn iiber ihre Sonne und Tochter verfugen" (Boll Jungen 44-45). 79  46  The Young Citizen Considers his "Volk" It was Boll's opinion that school prepared its students for death rather than life. However, he was determined not to learn for dying, but rather for life. Boll was essentially a truant for most of the last four years of high school. The city streets became his classrooms. As he roamed the streets of old Cologne, supposedly on his way to school, but often minus his schoolbag, Boll absorbed the multiplicity of everyday life situations he encountered. He freely admitted his desire to travel unencumbered: Schon lange, bevor ich Anouilhs Stuck "Der Reisende ohne Gepack" kannte, war ich gern ein solcher, und es ist bis heute mein (nie erfullter) Traum, einer zu sein. Hande in der Tasche, Augen auf, StraBenhandler, Trodler, Markte, Kirchen, auch Museen, [...] Huren (an denen in Koln kaum ein Weg vorbeifuhrte) - Hunde und Katzen, Nonnen und Priester, Monche - und der Rhein, [...] dieser groBe und graue Rhein, belebt und lebhaft, an dem ich stundenlang sitzen konnte; [...]. (Boll Jjmgen 13; ch. 2) However, as far as Boll was concerned, the Nazis ruined Cologne's streets as "Heimat." He interpreted the Nazi hordes that flowed through the arteries of the city's body as an illness. Refusing to let himself become infected by these murderous hordes, Boll escaped as often as possible to the countryside. Following Susan Sontag's concept of illness as metaphor, we find that Boll's political views were more tolerant, more traditional, even romantic in comparison to the radical views of the Nazis for whom the Jews were a fatal disease eating away at the body politic. In his epilogue to Chargesheimer's picture book Unter Krahnenbaumen - Bilder aus einer StraBe (1958), Boll described his school route as follows: Viele tausend Male bin ich durch solche StraBen gegangen, aber nie in sie eingedrungen; erst viel spater - in der Erinnerung - begriff ich, was StraBen wie diese bedeuten, [...] Diese StraBen konnen nur als Ganzes leben, nicht in Partikeln, sie sind wie Pfianzenkolonien, die sich aus geheimen Wurzeln nahren; in ihnen lebt es noch, uralt, stolz, unnahbar und seinen Gesetzen treu: Volk." ("StraBen" 251,253) Boll observed schoolgirls on street corners who seemed to turn into young women the next day, and the day after that into young mothers taking their kids to school: "[Wjeinend taten sie es, sie wuBten, daB geschriebene Gesetze anfingen, wirksam zu werden" ("StraBen" 251). The first day of school marked the beginning of the process set in motion by the institution of government to politically shape the bodies and minds of children, and to restrict their personal freedom. Following Foucault's ideas on the subject, it is a deliberate process by which the institution can exercise its power and control over the individual. Boll resented this power. For Boll, people were the essence of the streets. They were the "Volk." However, for the Nazis, the term "Volk" was symbolic of a racial unity, a shared history, fate and consciousness, and was played out on the physical human body. The term took on mystical proportions and was used to subordinate individuals to the NSDAP, a party which claimed to represent the people, that is, the "Volk." In addition, the Nazis used the term "Volk" to ostracise and exclude "undesirables" and other "parasites" accused of living off dwindling resources and of infecting the body politic. In order to acquire "Lebensraum" for the German "Volk," Hitler confiscated land owned and operated by "inferior" people. They were then forced to provide slave labour to  47 help make their former land yield raw materials, and to establish markets for his imperialist drive. However, Boll freely admitted that he personally did not have the courage to escape the coming war: Ich war zu feige, eine Verweigerung zuriskieren.Das wufite ich: die stummen, steinern aus KZs Entlassenen, die Vorstellung von moglicher Folter: nein ich war nicht mutig. Dem Krieg zu entgehen, ganz gleich, wo - war aufierhalb der Vorstellungsmoglichkeit. ([...] natiirlich wufiten wir, daB Menschen emigriert waren: jiidische Bekannte [...] aber [...] damals war es einfach weit auBerhalb unserer Gedanken; [...] und so desertierte ich nach innen: nach Hause). (Jungen 41-42; ch. 6) From an early age on, however, Boll tried to avoid any type of organised institutional activities or jobs. Consequently, school seemed to offer him a hiding place. He firmly rejected the Churchapproved theory that by joining the Nazi organisations one would gain the opportunity to convert them to Christianity. Boll's school principal tried to coerce him into participating in either Schirach's National Youth Day, the Hitler Youth, or the Storm Troopers. However, as outraged as Boll and his family were when the Reich Concordat was signed with the Vatican in 1934, they refrained from leaving the Church. They did not want any action on their part to be construed as support for the Nazis. Earlier on, as a member of the Catholic Marian Fellowship, Boll participated in their processions. However, as soon as these began to resemble military manoeuvres, Boll withdrew: "[I]ch trat aus dieser Kongregation aus, als man dort anfing, Exerzieriibungen einzufiihren, bis hin zu erheblichen 'Schwenkungen' fast in Kompaniebreite" (Jungen 30; 4). With the full support of his family and the help of a sympathetic doctor, Boll was able to avoid joining, or coming into any sustained contact with Nazi associations. Boll came to associate certain smells with activities and certain spaces and places where people gathered. Church congregations seemed to give off a stale smell of a forced fervour that Boll described as fug [sic]. Bureaucracy of any kind smelled. Even outdoor school activities, in spite of the potential for "fresh air," "smelled" of forcible organisation. As previously mentioned, Boll hated gym because he associated it with the smell of male sweat, of strenuous male physical exercise and the male-oriented Nazi regime. Unlike most young Germans, Boll avoided the marching Nazi hordes, thus escaping the need to salute them. Boll also detested the joint three-week secondary school training camps that housed students in youth hostels. For Boll, the rowdy behaviour of the rapidly emerging Hitler Youth ruined the camp's potential for outdoor hiking, sports and marches, listening to guest speakers, and meeting local people. On one occasion, Boll commented that the writer Johannes Kirchweng seemed uncomfortable with his sudden fame, and the whole Nazi ideology: 80  In Dudweiler hielt uns der Dichter Johannes Kirchweng eine Lesung; ganz wohl so schien es mir jedenfalls - war ihm bei der Sache nicht, und mit der "Sache" ist hier der ganze Nazikram und auch das "heim ins Reich" gemeint. [. ..] er traute wohl auch seinem frischen Ruhm nicht so ganz, ahnte wohl schon den MiBbrauch. (Boll, Jjmgen 91-92; ch. 15)  This gave the Nazis their first international recognition.  48 Boll and a friend risked the ire and abuse of the HJ in the youth hostels when they did not join in their triumphant singing. However, he soon lost his nerve (as he often did) and finally went home, once more with a taste of things to come in his mouth. In 1937, in the midst of Boll's preparations for his final exams at the Kaiser WilhelmGymnasium, the Nazis reduced the nine year high school program to eight years. More than a decade earlier, Hitler had already begun to devise this idea: "Die hierdurch erreichte Kurzung des Lehrplanes und der Stundenzahl kommt der Ausbildung des Kdrpers, des Charakters, der Willens- und EntschluBkraft zugute" (Kampf 469). For him: "Was wir heute Gymnasium heifit, ist ein Hohn auf das griechische Vorbild. Man hat bei unserer Erziehung vollkommen vergessen, daB auf die Dauer ein gesunder Geist auch nur in einem gesunden Korper zu wohnen vermag" (Hitler, Kampf 469). Hitler regarded the contemporary school training, especially in high schools, as irrelevant. What was needed, he felt, was a better balance in education between mental instruction and physical training. In the last high school summer, thinking about which Greek texts would appear on his final exams caused Boll to reflect on the 1936 Berlin Olympic Games: Da gab's ja auch die Olympischen Spiele mit dem enormen, hochst deprimierenden Propagandaerfolg der Nazis im In- und Ausland, und wir sahen in einem "Nachspiel" im Kdlner Stadion die absolut ungermanischen Olympiasieger Jesse Owens und Ralph Metcalfe, der sich vor dem Start bekreuzigte! Ein katholischer Sieger und Neger! (Jungen 95; ch. 16) The irony for Boll must have been acute. In a country so violently ruled by the extreme racial mythology and body beautiful aesthetic of its government, the athletic excellence and religiosity of the non-Aryan Olympic champions must have been a bitter pill for Hitler and his Nazi followers to swallow. The quotation also demonstrates his disgust at the successful Nazi propaganda employed in the production of the Games. The hypocrisy and the deception evident in the Berlin Olympic Games entailed had obviously made a strong impression on the young Boll. His writings would eventually reflect these apparent paradoxes and ambivalences in various ways. Boll successfully completed his exams, including biology with its compulsory knowledge of Mendelian laws. According to Hitler: "Es soli kein Knabe und kein Madchen die Schule verlassen, ohne zur letzten Erkenntnis iiber die Notwendigkeit und das Wesen der Blutreinheit gefuhrt worden zu sein" (Karnpf 475-476). Boll wasfreeto be caught up in Hitler's coming war. New Angles on Women The clean,freshcountry air Boll inhaled on his way to visit his brother, Alfred, starkly contrasted with the stale, sweaty atmosphere in the dark, damp casemates that had been built in 1880 as fortifications. Boll would also later experience these same sweaty, male smells during his active duty as a uniformed foot soldier among other soldiers in Hitler's army, in transport vehicles, waiting rooms, trains, and the trenches. War, as well as many other occupations, showed Boll just how ridiculous men really were: "[...] fast alle lacherlich in ihrer Mannlichkeit, in ihrer Wichtigtuerei und in ihrem Gerede" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 43). Although Boll had compassion for the men who died or were wounded in war, it was war and its absurdity that made him become a "Verachter des Marines" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 43). Boll categorically rejected the myth of masculinity and success. It was a theme that he would return to throughout his life. Boll explains his position on the sexes to Wintzen:  49 Aber [...] nicht nur die Lacherlichkeit, sondern auch die Hilflosigkeit des Mannes im Krieg, dieses Hinundherbewegtwerden wie eine Herde und immer mitmachen, laufen. [...] Das konnte ein Grand dafiir sein, dafi ich so viel iiber Frauen geschrieben habe. [...] Es ist fur mich selbstverstandlich, daB Frauen mindestens so wichtig sind wie Manner. Jetzt gar nicht nur erotisch, sexuell, und nicht nur als Hausfrauen und Mutterchen, sondern als Existenz, als existientielles Eins. (Wintzen, Erinnerung 43-44) In fact, Boll seemed to be advocating a feminisation of the all too "male" society that had dominated Germany's society, especially since the birth of the Third Reich. Boll considered that women had much more to offer society than just their bodies as sexual objects, or by being housewives and mothers. He wanted to convey this in his writings. Boll's family home was his refuge. His memories of his mother, her restricted liberty, and the stifled childhood of his parents moved him deeply. But the naturalness of his own wife, Annemarie, and that of other women and young girls that he had known, had also impressed him greatly. Boll was also seemed aware that women were being exploited by the Nazi regime. For example, he knew that the Nazis' glorification of mothers, and their support of Mother's Day had very little to do with sentiment. As the feminist writer Irmgard Weyrather remarked: "Die Nationalsozialisten beanspruchten den Muttertag nicht nur fur ihre Ideologic, sondern sie nutzten ihn auch als Feiertag, um bestimmte NS-Organisationen oder MaBnahmen aufzuwerten" (Muttertag 49). The Nazis "honoured" mothers for their selfless service to, and their willingness to sacrifice themselves for the Fatherland. They appropriated women's bodies for the sole purpose of peopling the Reich. Last but not least, Mother's Day was a calculated boon to the economy. According to Feminist writer, Karin Hausen: "Mother's Day was promoted by florists, other business interests, and public non-profit organisations used by these same interests. [...] It served not only to camouflage the real social and economic conditions burdening women but also to promote the idea of a racially pure and healthy Volk" ("Mother's Day" 131-132). "As we look behind the meaning of Mother's Day," comments Karin Hausen, "we begin to notice many phrases, mind sets, and groups that helped to pave the way for, and later found a comfortable home in, Nazi Germany." She also argues that, "By the time of the Nazi seizure of power, German society had already become used to racial, volkisch ideas and language, to moral and clerical conservatism, and to the beginnings of modern propaganda politics, all of which had been promoted by - among others - the Mother's Day advocates ("Mother's Day" 132). Women also play an important role in some of Boll's early prose in which he investigates their physical beauty, or lack of it, and their fear of losing their bloom in a post-war Germany bent on forgetting the past and restoring its economy. For example, Boll highlights the plight of needy war widows in his portrayal of Frau Brielach in Haus ohne Huter. In her article "Foucault, Femininity, and Patriarchal Power" Sandra Lee Bartky suggests: "To have a body felt to be 'feminine' [...] is in most cases crucial to a woman's sense of herself as female [...]" (145). In his novels Der Zug war punktlich. Und sagte kein einziges Wort. Der Engel schwieg. Haus ohne Huter. Boll's women figures try to become independent and liberated, to take charge of their own bodies, and to be the organisers of survival, in other words, to take back their power from men. 81  82  1  See Karin Hausen's article "Mother's Day in the Weimar Republic."  2  See Boll's comments on this topic in Jungen 26, 105.  50 In the same vein he noted: "Frauen [haben] ein weniger komplexes und weniger kompliziertes und weniger intellektuelles Verhaltnis zu sich selber, zu ihrem Korper und zur Natur [...]. Und das macht sie freier und befreiungsfahiger" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 43). Boll was convinced that the sensitivity and imaginative resources that women demonstrated needed to be more fully explored. Unlike the contemporary Nazi body discourses, Boll appeared to reject in his writings what Wintzen defined as: "Die karikierte, stereotyp durch die beriihmten drei K (Kirche, Kiiche, Kinder) gekennzeichnete deutsche Frau" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 44). However, he also considered that women who stayed at home and prepared meals for their family were every bit as capable of feeling liberated as those who worked outside the home. For Boll: "Das ist ja Unsinn, diese Alternative Kiiche oder Freiheit" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 44). Boll explores these two spheres of female activities in his early prose through his unvarnished portrayal of women characters such as Kate Bogner and Frau Brielach. 83  Disagreeing with Wintzen who described his male characters as being either good or bad, strong or weak, or as successful or unsuccessful, Boll comments: Ich glaube nicht, daB man das so schwarz-weiB sehen kann, wie Sie es zu interpretieren versucht haben, schwache Manner, starke Manner, weiche Manner, erfolglose, erfolgreiche. Ich glaube eher, daB die Generation, die aus dem Krieg kam oder den Krieg noch mitgemacht hat, sehr stark gepragt worden ist von einem gewissen Nihilismus, der mit der vdlligen Unsicherheit gegeniiber Leben und Tod, und daB dieser Typ, der so vom Krieg gepragte Mann, beide Potenzen in sich hat. Die Brutalitat oder Harte oder Kalte, die zum Erfolg ndtig ist, aber auch die Gleichgiiltigkeit diesem gegeniiber. (Boll, Erinnerung 45) He further argues: "In dem Sinne, sehe ich diese Menschen, auch [...] [als] erfolgreiche Wiederaufbauleute, nicht als Burger im klassischen Sinne, weil sie alle innerhalb eines gewissen Risikos leben" (Boll, Erinnerung 45). It was therefore not the suffering of the individuals but the absurdity and difference between planning and reality that made him interpret war asridiculous.It seemed clear to him that this fact also had a lot to do with the sexuality of men: "Ich glaube schon, dafi die Analytiker recht haben, die Zusammenhange zwischen Krieg und Sexualitat des Marines erkennen" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 47). Boll was also aware that no matter how well planned invasions, battles and attacks may have been in army headquarters, in the heat of battle: "Die AusfUhrung dieses Plans ist meistens so vielen Zufallen unterworfen, daB man eigentlich nicht mehr von Ordnung sprechen kann" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 46-47). Isolated in a foreign country, soldiers often resorted to violent contacts with other human beings, even with prostitutes. As Boll remarked: "Man konnte kein Madchen ansprechen, man konnte mit keinem Menschen, mit dem man gerne mal geredet hatte, offen reden. [...] Der Hauptkontaktpunkt der Soldaten waren die Bordelle" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 124-125). Sexuality, for Boll, was an aspect of war, and of everyone's daily life that should not be ignored. It is a topic that is explored in much of his early prose. While Boll reflected on the need for human warmth, companionship, and physical communication, the body discourses in the Third Reich interpreted sexuality quite differently. Long before he seized power, Hitler had railed against contact between Aryans and prostitutes since for him such liaisons would  As far as Hitler was concerned: "The goal of female education must invariably be the future mother" (Mein Kampf 414). 83  51 inevitably lead to the mixing of good German blood with the dirty blood of "the Other." He argued that the purity of the German race began its decline during the Thirty Years War when the country borders of the German states were continually being traversed by invading armies of soldiers and mercenaries, and by refugees from other countries. Hitler fervently believed that early marriage and constant physical exercise would deter young Germans from being corrupted and infected by deviant prostitutes. As Hitler explains: "Nach Beendigung der Heeresdienstleistung sind ihm zwei Dokumente auszustellen: sein Staatsbiirgerdiplom als Rechtsurkunde, die ihm nunmehr offentliche Betatigung gestattet, und sein Gesundheitsattest als Bestatigung korperlicher Gesundheit fur die Ehe" (Kampf 459). A clean bill of health was essential before marriages could be sanctioned by the state. While German women were to be trained to be future mothers, German soldiers were expected to be ready to spill their certified pure Aryan blood in the service of the Fatherland. Boll speaks out against these and related topics in his early writings in such works as: Haus ohne Huter. Der Engel schwieg. Und sagte kein einziges Wort . Das Brot der fruehen Jahre. Der Zug war piinktlich. Der blasse Hund. Wanderer kommst du nach Spa.... Das Vermachtnis. The Soldier Ich habe immer viel geschimpft aufMilitdr, Kaserne und so weiter; [...] Du mufit es wissen, dafl esfiir mich tatsachlich, wirklich und wahrhaftig, das verkdrperte Grauen ist. (Heinrich Boll 1940)  Heinrich Boll, in his autobiographical account of his schooldays, admitted that he lacked the strength and courage to avoid the two uniforms slated for him upon graduation: the uniform of the Labour Service and that of the military. Courage, of course, was one of the essential characteristics of honourable German men and soldiers that had been promoted by both the duelling fraternities and the military. He described the "Reichsarbeitsdienst" as a pure "Terrororganisation" with "fast KZ-artige Ztige [...] die schwerste Arbeit unter sehr schweren Bedingungen mit sehr wenig zu essen und kaum Geld" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 119). Originally based on a non-Nazi concept by Social Democrats and Christian society people to get the unemployed off the streets, the labour service later became a National Socialist organisation. For Boll, these seven peacetime months in the labour service organisation did far more to deepen his inherent anti-militarism than the seven years he later spent involved in the war, as an infantryman in the army. All the same, his enrolment in the army in July 1939 was a more pleasant experience for him than his stint in the labour service. As he explained, it was not that he had any love for the German army, on the contrary, he hated it. It was just that before the war broke out there had still been some equality in both its regulations and its routines: "Die preuBische Tradition hat ja ihre Ordentlichkeit, und das spiirte man sehr deutlich" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 120). When the war broke out, Boll was already stationed at the Osnabriick Barracks. However, since he had not yet completed his military training, he was not among the first German soldiers in 1939 to march off to war. At that time two things stood out in his mind, the obvious lack of enthusiasm among the soldiers, and the improvised look of the equipment they carried. It was not quite the classic picture of the well-oiled Prussian military machine that one would have perhaps 84  Enrolment at the university was contingent upon the completion of "voluntary" labour service. However, since war was imminent, Boll's attendance at the university was at best half-hearted. He often preferred to ride his bike instead through Cologne to a park where he could sit and read, or do some writing. 84  52 imagined or expected. The men were mainly reserve soldiers who seemed to be picking up their commissionfromwhere they left off at the end of the First World War. This struck him as peculiar: "Weil wir ja alle, [...] erzogen worden waren mit den Berichten iiber diese ungeheure Begeisterung von 1914" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 121). Boll was later transferred to Poland where he spent about three months in the most awful, ancient Prussian barracks in Bromberg. It was there that he experienced how SS terror tactics of sudden arrests and raids, worked. While in Poland, Boll also became good friends with some Polish people, male and female, whose conversations with him proved to be an invaluable source of material for Der Zug war piinktlich. According to Boll, after Germany defeated France the mood among Germans became transparent: "[D]as war, [...] eigentlich der entscheidende Augenblick, um zu priifen, wer vom Nazismus infiziert war und wer nicht" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 122). Boll's use of a pathological image reinforces the present study's insistence on the importance of the body in his prose. German nationalism was based on the body. For Boll, Nazism was a disease which had infected the bodies of the German people and nation. His corporeal language expressed how the institutional life of the military and the barracks affected him physically as a human being and as a soldier. For amny Germans, the decisive victory over France seemed to make up in part for the 1918 defeat of the German army. The "Nazi infection" of state officials and other institutions, as well as of many German citizens, rapidly spread to epidemic proportions. When Boll left Poland he went to France as a member of the German occupation troops. However, for German soldiers in defeated France, revenge was not the issue, rather it was a prosperous country in which they could indulge themselves, almost with impunity, in much of its riches. By contrast, while on duty in France, Boll became ill and was forced to return to Germany where he recuperated in several decrepit garrisons. In his March/April 1941 letter to his wife, Boll writes: "Du glaubst gar nicht, wie entsetzlich es ist, morgens von einem gellenden Pfiff und einem Briill [sic] geweckt zu werden, und sich dann in einer von 20 Leibern verpesteten Atmosphare zu finden. Und dann immer mit der Gewifiheit, nur eineinhalb Tage lang dasselbe zu tun, was man schon bald zwei Jahre getan hat" (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 88). Boll again expresses his disgust at everything to do with the war in vivid bodily terms. Here, the filthy, smelly bodies of the soldiers contrast negatively with all the positive Nazi propaganda of cleanliness and purity that had washed over Germans in recent years. The myth of the perfect Aryan/Nazi body continued to disintegrate as the war dragged on. The tension in the barracks grew. No one wanted to be sent to Russia. Boll was lucky enough to be sent back to France, where he spent more than a year. Seemingly overnight the single word "Stalingrad" appeared on French walls. For Boll, this was a far more powerful display of French sentiment than the imperative "Nazis get out!" Any contacts made by soldiers took place in brothels. Although he enjoyed some pleasant moments of French life, he also worked, in a small way, against the regime. While collecting personal items left behind by his superiors, Boll removed any wanted posters of German deserters. Boll could have simulated an eye infection in order to avoid going to the Russian front, but he did not. Even though he knew it would disgust him and possibly be fatal, Boll wanted the first hand experience of the battlefrontwith its blend of fascination and violence. As he explained to Wintzen: 85  See Wintzen Erinnerung 1 2 0 - 1 2 1 .  53  Wie lange war ich Soldat? Fast vier Jahre, hatte noch nie die Front gesehen [...]. Aber ich wollte es, das mtissen Sie verstehen, man horte davon, man redet davon, alle diese Heldengeschichten, positiv und negativ, und Schwejk und Remarque und der ganze Krempel, ich dachte, verdammt noch mal, jetzt guckst du dir das mal an. Das mifigluckte, ich war nicht schwer verwundet, aber hatte noch Krankheiten, eine Art Malaria, [...]. (Wintzen, Erinnerung 128) The German army's ill-fated march into Russia, however, abruptly quelled Boll's desire to experience at first hand the action at the front. With the 1942/43 German winter offensive in Russia turning into a complete and deadly disaster, Boll soon found himself trying to cope with his feelings of sheer terror. The French blew up the train in which he was travelling to the Russian Front. Only slightly injured, he continued on and spent three months under fire in a desolate part of the Crimea. There he was again wounded, this time more seriously: "Meine Bedurfnis, meine Neugierde auf das Fronterlebnis war befriedigt" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 128). He was flown back to Odessa, and then slowly made his way back home, making every effort to avoid a return to the front. However, unable to convince the doctors that he was still not fit for active duty, Boll was sent back to the front in May 1944, to Romania. The huge battle again captured his curiosity and again he expressed this in understated and ironic terms: "Wenn du schon dahin muBt, guck dir den Kram auch an" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 129). The German troops staged a massive advance that lasted three or four days, and the toll it took on his and the bodies of other soldiers was enormous. In a letter of June 19. 1944, written in Debrecen, Hungary, Boll broke the news to his wife that he was wounded: Ich habe am Morgen des dritten Tages 20 Meter vor unserer Einbruchstelle drei Splitter einer russischen Handgranate ins Kreuz bekommen und bin dann, obwohl ich durch dreitagigen Hunger, Durst und graBliche Hitze schon fast tot war, noch etliche Kilometer geturmt, weil ich mit meiner Verwundung nicht allein liegen bleiben wollte und [...] die russischen Panzer schon hinter mir waren. (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 97-98) Boll was not impressed with his front-experience in Romania: "Es war schrecklich, physisch schrecklich. Wir hatten nichts zu trinken, kaum etwas zu essen, [...] Es miBgliickte vollkommen. Ich wurde wieder verwundet, [...] Tausende von Soldaten fliehen, fliehen, fliehen. Die Armee war schon vollig demoralisiert, [...] diese Kampfkraft oder Kampfmoral, [...] war ja nicht da" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 129). The bodily deprivation and suffering that he and the other soldiers endured erased all thoughts of war as an adventure. In the field hospital, infested with lice and angry, B611 finally exploded: "Ich hasse den Krieg und alle die, die ihn lieben!..." (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 98). Experiences such as these echo loudly throughout his early prose in works like Die Verwundung. Wanderer, kommst du nach Spa.... and Wo warst du. Adam?. Heinrich Boll, the soldier, had now experienced war at the front. Needless to say, however, the failed German attack had been a terrifying experience for him: "Jeder wollte nur sein Leben retten, moglichst weg, [...] das war schon Terror. Ich lief mit zuriick und wurde kontrolliert, ob ich wirklich verwundet war, dann gab es einen sogenannten Verwundetenzettel, [...] und das war eigentlich die Lebensrettung" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 130). This and many other profound experiences eventually found their way into his early prose, especially his novel fragment entitled "Die Verwundung" which appears in a collection of stories with the same name.  54  However, some of Boll's colourful experiences of the war were void of danger: During the war, everything was for sale,froma proof-of-being-wounded document to military equipment and clothing. In France, German soldiers of all ranks stole every imaginable item and then sold it on the black market. In chapter six of Das Vermachtnis. Boll portrayed an almost unbelievable example of this activity. In it, a French children's camp was beeing surreptitiously dismantled by several groups of German soldiers and then mailed in small packages to Germany where they would be sold. Later, in his post-war interview with Wintzen, Boll exclaimed: "[W]ie die Tiichtigkeit und auch die kaufmannische Tuchtigkeit der Deutschen nach dem Krieg zu erklaren ist, die hat bestimmt eine Wurzel im Krieg" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 130). Boll got an important tip in the Hungarian army hospital: "Wunden heilen sehr schlecht, wenn man viel Alkohol trinkt" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 131). Boll made good use of this bodily advice whenever the need arose. Paradoxically, the soldier's body could be preserved by preventing its healing or by causing it to be damaged. One had to risk dying in order to live. Clearly, the perfect body no longer seemed to be such a desirable asset. In fact, the damaged, vulnerable bodies of German soldiers made Hitler's claim of the superiority and invincibility of the "new" Aryan/Nazis body appear hollow. Works such as Die Verwundung. Wanderer. kommst du nach Spa.... Der Engel schwieg. Und sagte kein einziges Wort. Der blasse Hund. Der Zug war piinktlich. Der General stand auf einem Htigel.... deal with this important theme. Avoiding the War  Having had his fill of thefrontexperience, Boll decided to take his destiny into his own hands in order to regain control over his own life and body. He wanted to befreeto write. For that, he had to first survive and then be productive. He also wanted to love and be loved, and not to have to ignore the degradation that assaulted his disciplined soldier's body. He did not want to be a soldier: "Ich hatte immer gefalschte Papiere bei mir, die hatte ich auf einen Schreibstube gestohlen, blanko Urlaubsscheine, Dienstfahrt-Ausweise, ich hatte einen Stempel bei mir, den ich mir auch geklaut hatte" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 132). Releasedfromhospital, he received "einen Entlassungsschein" for an immediate return to the Romanianfront.After talking the secretary into leaving the destination open, Boll changed it to Metz, the most western place where Germans still had control. However, this was an especially dangerous time to be a deserter. Now deserters were being shot on sight. In addition, soldiers on leave were grabbed off the streets and sent back to thefrontthrough an act known as "Heldenklau." Boll arrived by train in Mainz wrapped up in a red Turkish sofa cover, since only wounded soldiers had coats. He continued to falsify, steal documents, fake various illnesses, as well as retard the healing process of his wounds. Boll, the deserter, now used the very institutional processes and discourses he had tried so hard to resist as an active soldier for his own purposes. He used sick leave, holiday leave, and hospitalisation documents, whichever worked best to keep him out of military service. Boll's efforts to try and change the course of his life finally became toorisky.In fact, he was just as restricted and in just as much physical danger as when he was in the army. Almost like an example of Foucault's argument on the rationality of "panopticism," Boll had become his own supervisor, and had to constantly keep moving in order to avoid being captured. 86  87  On July 20. 1944, while Bl was still in hospital, the failed assassination attempt on Hitler had taken place, and the terror in the army had become palpable. 86  87  See Foucault, "Panopticism" 206-213.  55 Using false papers, Boll transferred himself to a nearby stationed German troop. He decided that the army was the safest place for a deserter to wait out the war: "Weil tatsachlich an jeder StraBenecke ein Deserteur erschossen werden konnte" (Wintzen, Erinnerung 133). The bodies of deserters were then hung from trees and posts as a warning to other would-be deserters. Boll's posthumously released works, Der blasse Hund. and Der Engel schwieg treat this topic with deep understanding for the plight of soldiers who become so disgusted with the carnage and the senselessness of war, desert the army. Back in the army, he was again compelled to carry a heavy machine-gun. Boll, in another futile attempt to make his way back home through the bush, was captured by the Americans. However, on his way to the Bruchemiihle concentration camp, he broke loose and re-armed himself with a machine gun. He felt terrorised by the unseen enemy, the Americans, who were systematically firing into the woods. Finally, he was taken captive a second time on April 9. 1945, about one month before Germany's unconditional capitulation on May 8. 1945. Boll spent approximately four months in POW camps in a series of locations in France and Belgium. In them he endured the insults, taunts, kicks and stone throwing of the victors. As Boll's biographer wrote: In der Kriegsgefangenschaft wandelte Boll sich. Er erlebte die Beschimpfungen der Sieger ... Den ganzen Kriegtiberhatte Boll sich seinen Mitsoldaten fern gefuhlt, jetzt, wo sie gefangen waren, hatte er auf keinen Fall nicht zu ihnen gehoren mogen. [...] Er hatte sich als Rheinlander, Kolner verstanden. Das Wort "Deutscher" - zumal in Hitlers Mund - hatte er nie auf sich bezogen. Jetzt ftihlte er sich zum erstenmal als Deutscher: "Weil dieses Volk so verachtet wurde, wollte ich auch dazugehoren." (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 77) Boll's compassion for the weak, the "inferior," the downtrodden and the despised also resounds in the pages of works such as Wo warst du. Adam?. Haus ohne Huter. Und sagte kein einziges Wort. Der Engel schwieg. Der blasse Hund. among many others. War Letters Heinrich Boll, the soldier, remained an infantryman during his entire six years in the army. Although it had been tempting to become an officer, Boll stuck to his ideals at the expense of seeing himself, as he put it, as nothing more than a piece of shit. At times he felt either lost in the masses, or pushed down into the mud or toward the back. He constantly experienced degradation, humiliation, a lack of nourishment, sickness, isolation, and the deprivation of human warmth. Above all, he deeply resented being subordinated to a totalitarian authority, and to tyrannical institutions and language that he did not believe in. On July 19. 1942, while in France, Boll wrote to his mother and expressed his deep affection and concern for her and family: "Wir alle, unsere ganze Familie, haben unendlich viel zusammen leiden und ertragen miissen;... niemals vergesse ich auch, daB Du das meiste dabei ertragen hast; wir gehoren wirklich zusammen" (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 96). He explained his decision to remain an infantryman in this way: Ich habe es mir oft [...] uberlegt, ob ich nicht Offizier werden soil; [...] Ich konnte es einfach nicht tiber mich bringen, auf dem RoB zu sitzen, stolz und sauber, und zu meinen FtiBen die drekkige [sic], erschopfte Masse nach einem langen Marsch. Irgendwie gehore ich viel mehr und viel inniger in die Masse, die leiden muB, mehr, tausendmal mehr als alle die, die zu RoB sitzen. (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 96^  56 Torn between his desire for bodily comfort in a cruel war and his fear of losing his sense of solidarity with his fellow foot soldiers, Boll exclaims: "Es ist ja unheimlich verlockend, die Aussicht, die Moglichkeit, dem ganzen bidden Gesindel uberlegen zu sein; einen Putzer zu haben, der alles erledigt, [...] und ein Bett haben und Ruhe und vorne zu sein, [...] nicht mehr hinten weit drin in der Masse wie ein Stuck ScheiBe; [...] aber es ware ein Verrat, und deshalb will ich es nicht" (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 96). In the hierarchical world of the military, power was derivedfrompractising a corporeal schema that positioned bodies according to their rank and insignia. Boll's reaction to this system was ambivalent. Boll consciously wanted to remain within the ranks of the lowly infantryman, yet bubbling upfromthe depths of his unconscious was this startling desire to be an officer. However, identifying himself as an officer forced him to recognise himself as neither an officer nor a superior. After he suppressed this desire, Boll realised that it was far more important to him to maintain his solidarity with his fellow infantrymen. Many of these thoughts also find their way into his future writings. In his letter dated June 4. 1941, Boll bitterly regretted his wasted years as a soldier since they deprived him of valuable time to write as a profession: 88  Jeder Tag, [...] in diesem ewigen Einerlei, ist auch verloren fur mein Werk, deshalb qualt es mich so mafilos, dieses Militarleben. [...] ich bin nicht verzweifelt, [...] nur irgendwie auBerst ungeduldig und sterbe vor Sehnsucht nach Schlaf und Ruhe, nach Friede; aber es gibt keinen Frieden auf dieser Welt, das weiB ich. (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 91) His abiding faith in God, the cross, and hope lit up his dark days and nights. In addition, his firm belief in a better, more productive and peaceful existence, even if it would only be possible in the hereafter, also helped him to survive his bouts of depression, impatience, boredom and physical discomforts. Boll's staunch belief in the dignity of human life also persisted in the face of utter degradation: Ich leide jede Sekunde maBlos unter meinem uniformierten Zustand, [...] das Schlimmste an unserem Leben ist, diese andauemden Demiitigungen vor alien und in allem; [...] Ich weiB naturlich, im Grunde genommen kann mich niemand demutigen, wenn ich nicht will, kann mir niemand meine Menschenwurde rauben. (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 86) The very discipline forced on him in the army also helped him to discipline himself for his own future goals. In another letter dated June 5. 1941, he shared his desire to write a huge book about the tremendous potential and power of human life: Ichfiihleeine unbandige Lust, ein groBes, dickes Buch zu schreiben, [...] von der Gewaltigkeit des menschlichen Lebens, [...] jedenfalls will ich mich nicht mehr von meiner qualerischen Ungeduld stdren lassen, die mich leer macht und ode und alle Freude aus meinem Herzen nimmt; ich will die Unruhe meines Herzens bezahmen und sie nicht sterben lassen an dieser vernichtenden Ungeduld. (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 91) In The Body and the City 250 ff., Steve Pile offers some interesting insights into this phenomenon.  57 However, his future ability to write would depend on his ability, as a soldier, to control his emotions, anxieties, and, in general, his body in his current situation. Soldiers, commented Boll in a November 6. 1940 letter, found waiting difficult: "Wir warten immer auf irgend etwas, auf Versetzung, Einsatz, Urlaub, auf die Erfullung oder Dementierung irgendeines Geruchts,... doch letztlich immer auf unsere Entlassung" (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 80). However, Boll felt that God would not allow his deep desire for a more intellectual life to die, and that the day would surely come when borders would be fixed and, "dafi man einmal mit brennendem Herzen und gltihendem Mund wird fur die Wahrheit sprechen dtirfen und mtissen" (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 92). The war would end, and peace would return in some manner, and he would be free to speak the truth as he knew it. Boll's vow in a letter dated November 1940, that if God allowed him to survive the war and return to Germany where his damaged body could finally heal, reveals his future path: "[I]ch mochte wieder soviel Leben haben, wie ich hatte, und dann, dann will ich - nicht die Toten begraben - nein, den Ermordeten will ich ein Lied singen" (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 80). He clearly wanted to honour the millions of souls that the war had consumed and then spewed out as so much chaff. In the same month, Boll discussed the tenseness and nervousness he experienced sitting in the barracks in the early mornings, listening to the loud shouting outside and dreading being collared at any given moment by an unannounced corporal or sergeant. Imagining a future time of peace, Boll wrote: "Wir werden keine Uniform mehr tragen, dafi heiBt, wir durfen wieder - in einem sehr beschrankten Mafie - wir selbst sein" (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 81). As early as 1933, it had already become clear to him that uniforms and military decorations, or the lack of either, would define the body of the German male during the Hitler regime. They would honour or stigmatise the wearer and/or non-wearer. Boll analysed this in many stories such as Wo warst du Adam? Das Vermachtnis. Der Zug war ptinktlich. Der Engel schwieg. Der blasse Hund. among others. God, according to Boll, gave mankind three possibilities to regain paradise: the artist, lovers, and children. They could be seen, in all guises, by those who had eyes to see: f  Wer Augen hat zu sehen, der sieht sie; in alien Masken, alien Berufen [...] Es gibt keine interessantere Wissenschaft oder Kunst [...] als die Physiognomik. Sieh Dir die Gesichter aller Leute an, die Dir begegnen. [...] wie ein Arzt der [...] tiber das stille Schlachtfeld schreitet [...] Leichen, Leichen, Leichen - und manchmal findest Du einen Lebenden, einen lebendigen Menschen. Du siehst Gesichter, die vor Gluck strahlen, und solche, die vom Ungluck beleuchtet sind wie von einem dunklen Feuer; aber sie leben [...] sie leben. (G. Hoffmann, Heinrich Boll 84) The ability to show and experience elementary emotions such as joy, sorrow, pain and anger by smiling, laughing, crying or screaming is what makes a person human. To prevent someone from feeling or expressing his emotions is demonic and grossly inhumane. Through the regime of the drill, he who became a soldier learned how to detach himself from his body both physically and spiritually. The Writer Emerges The soldier's body, with its professional inscriptions, could be read like a map. One look at a soldier's body revealed a great deal about his identity, worth, potential, power, tours of duty, and his position in the military hierarchy. One is informed not only by what is invisible and by what is visible, but also by what is lacking and by what is present. As the uniformed Boll sat  58 with his wife in a Cologne streetcar, he unexpectedly met his former high school principal and history teacher. Boll remembered him as "anstandig", a congenial, polite, non-Nazi, and a trueblue "Frontkampfer." When a former student fell in the Spanish Civil War, as a member of the German Condor Legion, he arranged a sombre memorial service for him. His teacher at that time seemed almost to regret not having been killed at thefrontin the First World War. Was dying for the fatherland really the highest honour and symbol of a soldier's worth? Boll was not convinced then or now. He, personally, wanted to live so he could write about his fellow Germans who had been so horribly led astray by Hitler. The bodily reaction of Boll's former teacher when he realised that Boll was on leave from the Crimea revealed what he called the "Hindenburgfluch" that burdened decent, national German academicians. It was a curse that reflected theridiculousmentality that anything undocumented did not occur. The principal's misplaced priorities left an indelible impression on Boll: Im funften Kriegsherbst, in einer Kdlner StraBenbahn, ein halbes Jahr nach Stalingrad, wo gewiB viele seinerfriiherenSchuler gestorben und verelendet waren, blickte er erst auf meinen Armel, dann mir kopfschiittelnd ins Gesicht. (Boll, "An einen Bischof' 239) The history teacher read the soldier body of his former student and found it sorely lacking. Boll would debate these questions and this mentality in several of his works. For example, in Wo warst du. Adam?. Der Engel schwieg. Haus ohne Hitter. Das Vermachtnis. and "Der General stand auf einen Hiigel...," military ranks, and the body discourses of the Nazis help to reveal the hypocrisy, senselessness, and horror of war and its aftermath. In his interview with Rene Wintzen, Boll remarked that his desire to write in his own language about all of his wartime experiences was established while he was in the prisoner of war camps: Dieses Land war unsere Heimat, mit einer eigenen Sprache, und in dieser Sprache wollten wir schreiben, ohne Herablassung und auch ohne Anbiederung zu spiiren. Das ist [...] nicht besonders schmerzlich, weil ich im Gefangenenlager schon diesen Stolz entwickelt habe. Wenn Sie so monatelang als fucking German Nazi behandelt werden und in den Hintern getreten, dann denken Sie, also nun leek mich am Arsch, ich bin trotzdem Deutscher, und ich werde schreiben. (Wintzen, Erinnerung 96) Up to this point in his life, Boll had often found it necessary to "hide" his identity. He hid himself in school, at home, in the countryside, in cinemas, in hospitals, even in the army, and now finally in POW camps. However, with his soldier days finally behind him, and his civilian days stretching before him, Boll no longer had to hide or suppress his opinions: he would not be silenced for four decades. However, before he would attain the future he had so passionately longed for, a future in which he would write, Boll would have to let his damaged mind and body heal. He would also have to survive the present. It would be this physical and mental struggle, one shared by all of his fellow Germans, that Boll would eventually put down on paper. He would not write in a vacuum because he would have more than enough experiences in the first thirty years of his life to fill volumes. Boll's early prose, therefore, is a discussion of mentally, physically, and psychologically war-damaged bodies. Body language is his literary tool for conveying the horror, tenderness,frustration,disappointments, pain, joy, and suffering that he and his fellow German  59 citizens experienced under the Nazi tyranny. As Boll and his wife approached Cologne on that cold November day in 1945, the devastation that confronted them moved them to tears.  60  CHAPTER IV. T H E DISCIPLINED BODY  Wenn zwei Truppenkdrper miteinander kampfen, wird nicht derjenige siegen, bei dem jeder einzelne die hochste strategische Ausbildung erhielt, sondern derjenige, der die uberlegenste Fuhrung und zugleich die diszipliniertest blindgehorsamste, bestgedrillte Truppe hat. (Adolf Hitler)  Discipline "makes " individuals; it is the specific technique of a power that regards individuals both as objects an as instruments of its exercise. (Michel Foucault)  Das Ziel der Ausbildung, einen anderen, besseren Leib zu bekommen, hat er [der Vorgesetzte] erreicht und stellt e dar. Im neuen Leib liegt die ersehnte Garantie, "in keiner Weise lacherlich " zu sein. (Klaus Theweleit)  The "Making" of a Disciplined German Soldier Heinrich Boll's early prose provides deep insights into the nature and role of the German soldier in Hitler's armies during the Second World War. Boll draws heavily upon his own army experience (1939-1945), his observations of fellow soldiers, and the contemporary military discourses, especially those expounded by Hitler in Mein Kampf (1925). a text which he closely read and then had to summarise in part, as a class assignment. Although I refer to other sources, I also turn to this notoriously famous document which distils the militaristic rules and model images propagated throughout National Socialist Germany at the time I am concerned with in my dissertation. My own close reading of it has revealed what Hitler expects from his German soldiers. He demands absolute discipline, obedience, loyalty, and faith in the justness and power of his plans for creating a healthy and expanded new empire. Above all, his soldiers had to be prepared to unquestioningly sacrifice themselves in the service of their community and fatherland. In my view, Boll's intimate knowledge of Hitler's ideology and theory on the disciplined Aryan body, which did not persuade him to join the Nazis, is clearly reflected in his early prose. For this reason, our awareness as readers of the Nazi body discourses helps us to understand the prominent role Boll assigns the body. In his writings, Boll portrays German soldiers of all ranks. They appear on or off duty; in barracks, towns, brothels, bars, restaurants, and hospitals; in trenches, and at the front; in vehicles, and on foot. They are seldom healthy in both mind and body, in fact, many are sick, injured, dead, or dying. Some are corrupt, some are deserters, and others commit acts of indecency, murder, and treason. In fact, soldiers in Boll's narratives seldom approximate Hitler's projected images of brave, honourable, disciplined, triumphant, and physically robust Aryan bodies. In the context of this chapter on the soldier's disciplined body, Hitler's general views on the making of the soldier bear revisiting. If Foucault can be viewed as the theorist of the disciplined body, then Hitler can surely be considered to be one of its practitioners par excellence. Foucault declares: "The classical age discovered the body as object and target of power." For him, therefore, a "docile," disciplined body is one "that may be subjected, used, transformed, and improved. The celebrated automata [...] were also political puppets, small-scale models of power: Frederick II, the meticulous king of well-trained regiments, and long exercises, was obsessed with them" (Foucault, "Docile Bodies" 180). Hitler, himself a great admirer of "celebrated automata," that is, well-trained soldiers, refers to Frederick the Great no less than six times in Mein Kampf. For Hitler, only what is practised at an early age can be performed with precision at a mature age. During the demilitarised period of the Weimar Republic (1919-1933) military training was non-existent. However, after seizing power, Hitler decreed that a future soldier's  61  training had to begin in school. Through the medium of state sponsored sports of all types, including gymnastics, fencing (duelling) and boxing, this goal was achieved. Hitler also deemed it the duty of schools, and therefore of the state, to inculcate in young minds important values such as loyalty, the spirit of sacrifice, discretion, self-control, will-power, determination, the joy of responsibility, courage for action, and self-confidence. In addition, he expected these institutions to teach his future soldiers to endure suffering, adversity, rebuke, and humiliation, even when undeserved, in silence. ' Apparently, Hitler was convinced that this type of physical education would develop courage, deep national pride, and strong, healthy bodies immune to the weaknesses that ultimately cause nations to crumble. Consequently, in his opinion, the virtues of "Treue," "Opferwilligkeit," and "Verschwiegenheit," essential for the formation of a great nation, must be based on the well-trained German body and mind. Completing his racial education in human selection during his military service, the German soldier is eligible for his citizen's diploma and a certificate of health, without which he cannot marry. While the army provides the soldier with his highest education in patriotism, his previously acquired physical prowess and mental abilities, gained both during and after his school career, provide the basis for his military training. Hitler therefore insists that education alone does not make a man brave. Equally, a courageous man must also be physically fit if he is to successfully challenge a more agile and physically prepared opponent. Superior training in peace time, therefore, injects the entire national organism with an indestructible faith in its own superiority and that of the nation as a whole. Hitler is convinced that weaker bodies benefit from this sense of self-confidence and invincibility even in the worst battle situations. Consequently, state-sponsored paramilitary training and education in the schools filled the void created by the demilitarised Weimar period, and continued even after rearmament to produce well-trained young recruits for Hitler's military machine. Hitler and his military leaders, first secretly and then openly, reinstated the old army regulations. As a result, soldiers only needed to be trained in the correct use of weapons. Hitler also insisted on the primacy of the old Prussian army's personality principle of authority downward and responsibility upward toward the higher personality of the leader. Clearly, for 89  90  9  92  93  94  95  96  97  98  99  89  See Hitler, Kampf 458: vol. 2, ch. 2.  Duelling as a means of getting satisfaction, and fencing as a sport activity, were both supported by the Nazis not only for their potential to train the body in agility and quick decision-making, but also because they are traditionally steeped in the mystique of blood and honour. 9 0  91  See Hitler, Kampf 459: vol. 2, ch. 2.  9 2  See Hitler, Kampf 418: vol. 2, ch. 2.  93  See Hitler, Kampf 461: vol. 2, ch. 2.  94  See Hitler, Kampf 459: vol. 2, ch. 2.  9 5  See Hitler, Kampf 459: vol. 2, ch. 2.  9 6  See Hitler, Kampf 458-459: vol. 2, ch. 2.  9 7  See Hitler, Kampf 455-456: vol. 2, ch. 2.  98  See Hitler, Kampf 459: vol. 2, ch. 2.  9 9  See Hitler, Kampf 501-502; vol. 2, ch. 4.  62 Hitler: "Das Entscheidende ist die Fuhrung selbst" (Kampf 510: vol. 2, ch. 5). The army, therefore, would only be able to preserve its inner discipline and to succeed in its campaigns if it had both a broad mass of common soldiers and a reserve of intelligent leaders. In addition, according to Hitler: 100  So wie er [der einzelne Soldat] vielmehr zu straffer Disziplin und zur fanatischen Uberzeugung von dem Recht und der Kraft einer Sache und zu restloser Einstellung auf sie erzogen wird, so mufl diese auch beim einzelnen Anhanger einer Bewegung [...] geschehen. (Kampf 508-509: vol. 2, ch. 5) The disciplined soldier and follower were the backbone of Hitler's military regime. Foucault argues that discipline creates individuals. For him, its unqualified success is assured with the use of the simple tools of "hierarchical observation, normalising judgement, and their combination in a procedure that is specific to it - the examination" (Foucault, "Correct Training" 188). Disciplinary power is therefore as discreet as it is indiscreet. Surveillance techniques, like the constant gaze of another human being or some electronic device, turn the soldier into an object to be examined. In fact, the soldier ends up policing his own activities out of fear of being observed committing some indiscretion or of deviating from the established norm. Like other institutions, the army is also subject to a whole system that penalises tardiness, absences, slackness, inattention, negligence, inappropriate behaviour, insolence, gossip, poor body posture, uncleanness, and sexual misconduct. In fact, even the most minute forms of nonconformity subject the soldier to punishment. "The perpetual penalty that traverses all points and supervises every instant in the disciplinary institutions," Foucault explains, "compares, differentiates, hierarchies, homogenises, excludes. In short, it normalises" ("Correct Training" 195). The examination is the most effective tool of all the mechanisms of discipline since its normalising gaze enables the qualifying, classifying, and punishing of the individual, e.g., the soldier. In fact, as Foucault notes, "At the heart of the procedures of discipline it manifests the subjection of those who are perceived as objects and the objedification of those who are subjected" ("Correct Training" 197). In addition, it is the '"examination,"' with "its rituals, its methods, its characters and their roles, its play of questions and answers, its systems of marking and classification," that provides the examiner with knowledge and power to control the individual (Foucault, "Correct Training" 197). For Klaus Theweleit: "Der 'neue Mensch,' gezeugt aus dem vom Drill organisierten Kampf des alten Menschen gegen sich selbst, ist lediglich der Maschine verpflichtet, die ihn geboren hat. Er ist eine wirkliche Zeugung der Drillmaschine, gezeugt ohne Zuhilfenahme der Frau, ohne Eltern." (Mannerphantasien 2: 161; ch.4). The bodies of German soldiers, with their rope-like muscles, broad chests, and strong legs and arms, are presented as well-oiled components of a troop/military machine. Relentlessly moving forward to the front, it is energised with spare parts (men) and fuel (food) from the rear by Germany, its ultimate operator. Moreover, for Klaus Theweleit: "Die notwendigste Arbeit der Stahlnaturen: alles zu verfolgen, einzudammen, zu unterwerfen, was sie zuruckverwandeln konnte in das schrecklich desorganisierte Gewimmel aus Fleisch, Haaren, Haut, Knochen, Darmen, Gefuhlen, das Mensch heiBt, alter Mensch" (Mannerphantasien 2: 161; ch. 4). The soldier, like the machine which needs an operator, only responds and moves on the commands of his superior. The disciplined soldier's loyalty lies only with his creator, his drill master and upward to his "Fiihrer."  See Hitler, Kampf 508-509; vol. 2, ch. 5.  63 For Elias Canetti, the army is Germany's symbol of the masses and of "the marching forest." Deeply rooted as it is in the German people's understanding of the mysterious forest as the home of their German forefathers, the forest symbolises for them a place where they can feel both at home and secure. For Canetti, trees in Germany's temperate forests have an "orderly separation and the stress on the vertical [...] [as well as] a conspicuous rhythm. The eye moves along lines of clearly visible trees into a uniform distance" (Crowds 173). As each tree strives toward the light, it grows into a giant. In addition: Its steadfastness has much in common with the same virtue in a warrior. In a single tree the bark resembles a coat of mail; in a whole forest, where there are many trees of the same kind growing together, it suggests rather the uniforms of an army. [.. .] He was never afraid in it; he felt protected, one amongst others. He took the rigidity and straightness of trees for his own law. (Canetti, Crowds 173) In fact, the feeling of belonging that Germans experience, once they enter the forest, is recorded in many early romantic poems and songs in which the forest is often dubbed "'German'" (Canetti Crowds 174). What do all of these theories on the disciplined body have or do not have in common? Michel Foucault traces the history of the disciplined body and body technologies with the help of sociology, psychology, and philosophy.In Discipline and Punishment (1977), he posits problems that arisefromimposing power, whether political, familial, or institutional, on bodies. However, in his earlier Archaeology of Knowledge (1972), Foucault's efforts to define a theory of history led him to try to excavate concealed assumptions and thought patterns not readily discernible to observers. Foucault, apparently uninterested in the physiological aspects of the lived body, clearly prefers to focus on how bodies are reflections of knowledge and discipline. The importance of psychoanalysis and technology for defining the "new" rigidly obedient man desired and "designed" by the Freikorps and the Nazis, is explored by Klaus Theweleit. For him, the drill trains men to suppress their fears and emotions by developing an impenetrable outer body armour. The new man of "steel," therefore, loses his individuality and becomes, as it were, a cog in a machine. Foucault's ignoring of the physical changes taking place in the body seemed to suggest to Klaus Theweleit that "the human body was disciplined in relation to the construction of social institutions, which were meant to serve as models for the body." In Crowds and Power (1960), Elias Canetti uses a metaphor—the forest—which is deeply embedded in Germanic culture to explain why Germans feel at home and secure in it. For him, the human hand has imposed a sort of military order and precision on nature that mirrors Nazi Germany's efforts to create a "new man" who would fit its expectations. Again, for Klaus Theweleit, Canetti, in completely neglecting to describe the role of what he terms the "stereometrische Figur" as an element of the troop machine, he limits the reader to only consider the individual soldier as a figure who experiences securityfromhis "body armour" and the surrounding walls of the barracks, block arrangement of his troops, etc. 101  102  103  In all three cases, the historical authenticity of the discourses and institutions that shape the disciplined body play an important part in defining the image of the future human being. In 101  See Theweleit, Mannerphantasien 2 432 ["Ganzheitsmaschine Truppe"], note 7.  Canetti, however, could not have used this same image for Canada's forests which, unlike Germany's planted forests, reflect the variety of natural growth. 102  103  See Theweleit, Mannerphantasien 2: 154; ch. 4.  64 accordance with Hitler and members of the National Socialist regime for whom body discourses are also "historically" based, the disciplined body of the new man must remain intact in order to fulfil its claims of superiority. The German army, therefore, is the super body as it were of every soldier who enters its folds. For Hitler, the block formation, that is the mass, is the security blanket that he offers his disciplined soldier. The individual is of no consequence. It is important to note, however, that while Boll's writings explore the disadvantages of the disciplined body of the individual soldier, Hitler's is firmly fixed on the advantages of being an almost indiscernible part of moving masses of bodies that unhesitatingly act as one body. For Boll and Hitler, the human body is both means and end to their markedly divergent views on humanity, and to their understanding of an ethics and aesthetics of the body. I therefore argue that Heinrich Boll's awareness of the body's interdisciplinary "history," and his familiarity with, and understanding of the power that contemporary discourses of body technologies, surveillance, examination, and knowledge gives to superiors, frequently emerge in his multi-layered descriptions of his characters' body language. For him, the drive for a perfect, "mechanical," unthinking, unemotional automaton deprives human beings of their dignity. Instead, Boll insists that man must be seen as both "Korper" und "Leib." How do literary body language and its codes, symbols, and conventions help to develop the underlying theme of damaged bodies of individuals in his works? This chapter will focus on Boll's treatment of the "disciplined" bodies of generals, colonels, captains, first lieutenants, noncommissioned officers, and foot soldiers. Boll's emphasis on the individual rather than on the mass, and the value he places on humanity in his works will be explored with the help of our imagination. According to Korte, body language in painting, sculpture, and photography is especially significant. In these art forms, the body can be described as basically "frozen" in its most meaningful pose, or perceptibly slowed down, as in films, in its temporal quality. The same effect can also be achieved in literature since, depending on the method of presentation, the story's action can either seem dynamic in tempo or inherently "static" in its temporal quality. The static, "frozen" nature of body language functions like a close-up lens to reveal and focus on important personality features like a character's disposition, opinion, attitude, values, as well as his age, cultural belonging, and social status. Boll, of course, can either slant his interpretation of his characters' body language, or complement it with detailed, informative comments. For example, words and phrases like "seemed," " looked," "it was as if," and "it was possible," tend to suggest the uncertainty and ambiguity of some of the information about the body language of characters that is given to the reader. According to Barbara Korte, this is because the opinions expounded are influenced not only by the narrator's external or internal location in relation to the narrative action but by his emotional, perceptive, and ideological stance. Again, following Korte, body language also establishes fictional reality. It may be used as an image, as a way to develop a theme, perform a technical and/or structural role, or to elicit a particular effect in the reader. 104  105  106  107  108  See Gotthold Ephraim Lessing's Laokoon. Chapter 16. See Korte, Body Language 104-106 See Korte, Body Language 110-111. See Korte, Body Language 115. See Korte, Body Language 159.  65 The General: Wo warst du. Adam? Boll's choice of an epigraph for his war novel Wo warst du. Adam?, is takenfromSaintExupery's novel Flight to Arras (1942). Its comparison of war to a disease has been both praised and criticised by critics. Paul Konrad Kurz rejects the metaphor because for him while illness belongs to the realm of nature, war can only belong to history and responsibility. Hans Joachim Bernhard, however, vigorously defends the illness metaphor because it reflects the dangerous, life-threatening and abhorrent nature of war. Also for him, war, like a disease, has causes. Rainer Nagele, however, with regard to this disease metaphor, offers a cautionary note: "Ursachen schon, aber, [...] Zumindest ladt eine solche Metapher zu MiBverstandnissen ein, indem sie die Ursachen als vom menschlichen Handeln ausgehende eher verbirgt und fatale Schicksalhaftigkeit nahelegt" (Heinrich Boll 126). Susan Sontag also uses this metaphor in her discussion of her personal battle with cancer. In my opinion, Boll specifically chooses this physical metaphor because he does want to put a face, a bodyfromits conception, birth, life, death and decay, on war. War,fromhis bodily experience of it, is not an abstract concept. As early as his "Gymnasium" days, as discussed earlier, Boll insisted that the start of his sinus problems coincided with Hitler's seizure of power and its cure with the end of the war. Yes, war for him is a disease, one that has causes and can be cured if we pay attention to the symptoms and treat it effectively. It is for this reason that the emotional, suffering body is constantly present in his texts. In the first two paragraphs of Boll's war novel Wo warst du. Adam?, the important role of the body is immediately apparent. It is especially significant that Boll begins the novel with a description of a General who has been plagued with bad luck throughout the war, and whose face seems to "float" past the soldiers standing at attention on the review grounds. A careful analysis of the body language in these two paragraphs will show layers of meaning for the story: "Zuerst ging ein groBes, gelbes, tragisches Gesicht an ihnen vorbei, das war der General. Der General sah miide aus. Hastig trug er seinen Kopf mit den blaulichen Tranensacken, den gelben Malariaaugen und dem schlaffen, diinnlippigen Mund eines Mannes, der Pech hat, an den tausend Mannern vorbei" (7; ch. 1). The protracted description of the General's seemingly fragmented body is revealing. His nondescript tired-looking face with puffy, bluish bags under eyes yellowedfrombouts of malaria, and a thin-lipped, slack mouth, signals to the reader that although he is officially the "head" of the group as the highest ranked officer there, he fails to project an image of unquestionable leadership, authority, and success. In fact, with each new detail of his body language that we learn, this becomes more and more obvious. The long, detailed description "freezes" his face so that we can focus our attention on it. In addition, his utter silence makes the narrative seem more static than dynamic. Although they have been drilled only to look unflinchingly straight ahead when being examined by a superior, as they observe the General's "disembodied" face, the collective thoughts of the disciplined soldiers are conveyed to us: 109  110  Er [...] blickte jedem traurig ins Gesicht, nahm die Kurven schlapp, ohne Schwung und Zackigkeit, und sie sahen es alle: auf der Brust hatte er Orden genug, aber sein Hals war leer, ohne Orden. Und obwohl sie wuBten, daB das Kreuz am Halse eines Generals nicht viel bedeutete, so lahmte es sie doch, daB er See Saint-Exupery, Flight to Arras 81. See Rainer Nagele's discussion of these two opposed views in his book Heinrich Boll 1976, 126.  66 nicht einmal das hatte. Dieser magere, gelbe Generalshals ohne Schmuck liefi an verlorene Schlachten denken, miBlungene Ruckziige, an Riiffel, peinliche, bissige Riiffel, wie sie hohe Offiziere untereinander austauschten, an ironische Telefongesprache, versetzte Stabschefs und einen mtiden Mann, der hoffnungslos aussah, wenn er abends den Rock auszog und sich mit seinen diinnen Beinen, dem ausgemergelten Malariakorper auf den Rand seines Bettes setzte, um Schnaps zu trinken. Alle die dreihundertunddreiunddreilJig mal drei Mann [...] fuhlten [...] Wut auf diesen Krieg, der schon viel zu lange dauerte, [...] als da£ der Hals eines Generals noch ohne den gehorigen Schmuck hatte sein diirfen. Der General hielt seine Hand an die verschlissene Miitze, die Hand wenigstens hielt er gerade, [...]. (7; ch. 1) Boll has managed to provide many significant details in this long description of the General. How important for the reader is the General's body language to the novel's action? What does it tell us about the man and his relationship to those with whom he comes into contact with during the course of performing his duties? Beginning with this paragraph, Boll's novel soon makes it obvious that Nazi Germany's claims regarding the invincibility, superiority, self-confidence, professionalism, as well as the beautiful, erect, and healthy bodies of its military personnel are at best inaccurate. For example, the General's body is neither tall, well-built, nor young. In fact, his thin legs bear the signs of malaria, perhaps signifying past service in the tropics or the German colonies in Africa. There is nothing about the General that reminds us of the northern Aryan. The yellow hue of another disease, probably jaundice, is ever present in his eyes, and on his neck and face. His unhealthylooking skin and diseased body, therefore, do not meet the Nazis concept of a rosy-hued, healthy skin that is well-nourished with blood. The seemingly hopeless General looks sadly into each soldier's face as he reviews the troops. His listless movements lack the precise, smart military quality normally associated with a high-ranking officer of the German army. Even his officer's salute as he raises his hand to his cap is lessened by the comment that his cap is shabby. His body language seems to reflect the tension he feels about the "shameful" military losses, failed strategies, and the lack of comradeship among officers. In this first paragraph, the General's neck is mentioned five times, fixing our full attention on this part of his body. His neck is described as being "empty," "without the Knight's Cross," "skinny, yellow and unadorned," "void of its rightful decoration," and "undecorated." Although the General's chest is covered with medals, the narrator makes it clear that in the eyes of German soldiers of all ranks, to see a General without the Knight's Cross is a discouraging and embarrassing. In addition, the narrator's comment that in the evenings, when he takes off his tunic (presumably the one covered with medals), the General's body is exposed as being thin, and racked with malaria. His sitting down on the army bed to have a schnapps also fosters an image of a man trying to drown his misery and insecurities in alcohol, a vice which further weakens the body. It also destroys the image of an erect figure in full control of himself and his duties. The Generals "empty" neck is a reminder of lost battles, ill-fated retreats, of derisive telephone calls, the nasty and bitterly severe rebukes of senior officers, and of chiefs of staff that have been transferred. According to the narrator, the General discerns in the eyes of each of the soldiers a feeling of sorrow, pity, fear, and a rage that in spite of the long war he has been unable to qualify for the Knight's Cross. Everyone there is especially embarrassed when the sun's rays, glinting off of the Knight's Crosses of lower-ranked officers in his midst, figuratively and literally eclipse the general, while at the same time illuminating them: "[...] und es war peinlich, ihn dort zu sehen, ohne  67 Halsschmuck, wahrend andere, Rangniedrigere, das Kreuz in der Sonne blitzen lassen" (7; ch. 1). His reaction to this situation is swift: Er schien erst etwas sagen zu wollen, aber er nahm nur noch einmal sehr pldtzlich die Hand an die Mtitze und machte so unerwartet kehrt, daB der Schwann von Offizieren sich erschreckt verteilte, um ihm Platz zu machen. Und sie sahen alle, wie das kleine, schmale Mannchen in seinen Wagen stieg, [...] und dann zeigte eine aufwirbelnde weiBe Staubwolke an, daB der General nach Westen fuhr, dorthin, wo die Sonne schon ziemlich niedrig stand, [...] dorthin, wo keine Front war. (7-8; ch.l) The General's body language, whether intentionally or unintentionally, seems to indicate that he feels humiliated or perhaps even "demoted." The longer that the symbol of his vulnerability, his neck, remains bare of the insignia of successful campaigns, the less he appears able to project an image of the superiority of his rank and leadership, and of being a General in the German army. It could be argued that there is a nexus between body and mind, but it is a nexus that is not perfect. It should be his link with the soldiers and ultimately with the state's body. Unfortunately, the connection is incomplete, and everyone, including himself, as the text implies, is painfully aware of this fact. The pace of the General's hurried walking is actually slowed down by the drawn out description of his face. Tension is therefore created between the words in the text that indicate haste and movement, and the descriptive words that retard and even stop the action in its tracks. This tug of war between the dynamic and static narrative quality of the text is indicative of the General's conflicting mental state. While one part of him wants to fleefromthe embarrassment, pity, and/or rebuke in the eyes of his subordinates, the other part demands that he stay and silently accept their rebukes. His ultimate duty, according to the assumptions the text raises in the reader, is to try to inspire his men with confidence and to project the personality of good leadership. Another aspect of his dilemma can be deducedfromthe narrator's description of the body language of the General and the soldiers on the review ground. The review is a form of military examination. Under normal circumstances, it clearly shows the subjection of the soldiers who become the objects, as it were, of the reviewing officer's gaze. Following Foucault's theory of the power of the examination "to qualify, to classify, and to punish," however, in this instance the tables appear to be turned ("Correct Training" 197). The General's body language seems to infer that he has now become an item of inspection. Subjected to the gaze of his lower-ranked soldiers, he appears to feel uncertain of both his position and his authority over them. As a result, the General feels compelled to escape. The narrator, however, does not spare the beleaguered general any further embarrassment. Rather, his comments pursue the demoralised general as he perhaps with a mixture of wistfullness and irony reports that he and his car are speeding off to the west, into the setting sun. Does it also symbolise the dying days of the Third Reich? At the end of the first chapter, the General reappears once more, but this time at an army hospital to visit recently wounded soldiers. After the noisy approach of his car, the General's visit is again characterised by silence: Ein sanft heulender Motor kam nSher, schnell und fast drohend, [...] dann war er plotzlich still, [...] und als sie sich umwandten, [...] sahen sie den General, der langsam an den Bahren vorbeiging und wortlos Zigarettenschachteln in die SchdBe der Manner legte. Die Stille wurde driickender, je naher die Schritte des kleinen Marines von hinten kamen, und dann sah Feinhals das Gesicht des  68 Generals ganz nah: gelb, groB und traurig mit schneeweiBen Brauen, eine schwarzliche Spur von Staub um den diinnen Mund, und in diesem Gesicht war zu lesen, daB auch diese Schlacht verloren war. (16; ch. 1) The entire scene is permeated by a sense of loss and defeat expressed by the close description of the General's face. The narrator of the third appearance of the general in the novel is a widowed innkeeper who participates in the non-verbal action of the novel. She describes his arrival on the scene three years after the bridge at Berczaba was blown up: Aber eines Tages, [...] kam ein sehr hoher Offizier mit roten Streifen an der Hose und einem goldenen Kragen - sie horte spater, daB er ein richtiger General war -, dieser hohe Offizier kam [...] in einem sehr schnellen Auto aus Tesarzy heriibergefahren; er war ganz gelb im Gesicht, sah traurig aus und brullte [...] den Feldwebel Peter an, weil er ohne Koppel und Pistole herausgekommen war, um zu melden - und dann stand er wtitend drauBen und wartete. Sie sah, daB er mit dem FuB aufstampfte, sein Gesicht schien kleiner und noch gelber zu werden, und er sprach heftig schimpfend auf einen anderen Offizier an. (110; ch. 8) Although there is no mention of the General's "empty" neck, we, of course, recognise him by his signature yellow, sad face. What is uncharacteristic for him, however, is his visible display of anger at the insubordination of sergeant Peter and his serious neglect of his discipline as a soldier. The general's temper tantrum is marked by his stamping his foot, and by his face "seeming" to shrink and turn even more yellow. His body language expresses it all. There is no need to know his angry words. Another reason why the General remains "unidentified" may be explained by the fact that the narrator is an unsophisticated, hard-working country woman whose perspective on war is cynical: "Wahrscheinlich bestand der Krieg daraus, daB die Manner nichts taten und zu diesem Zweck in andere Lander fuhren, damit niemand es sah" (109). For three years she has watched them in disgust get well-paid to play cards, drink, run a black market, and once a year go shooting in error at animals and poor women in the forest taking their sick children to the doctor at night. In contrast, however, her work is endless since she must cook, clean, wash, mend, and also tend bar at night. No, medals and insignia, whether absent or present, mean nothing to this female narrator. Only later does she find out that he is a general. The completion of the bridge at Berczaba turns out to be a symbol for the completed "reconstitution" of the general. Even though the bridge is immediately destroyed, it represents a successfully concluded project and a successfully executed military tactic to cut off the advancing enemy (although many of their own men as well). We meet the General for the last time in chapter nine which details the fate of many high-ranking German officers who have been taken prisoner and interrogated by the Allies in "Fincks Weinstuben und Hotel seit 1710." The General is immediately recognised by a deserter from the German army: Feinhals erkannte den General sofort: er sah besser aus, entspannter, und er hatte jetzt das Kreuz am Hals, er schien sogar leise zu lacheln und ging ruhig und gehorsam vor den beiden Posten her, die Laufe ihrer Maschinenpistolen auf ihn gerichtet hatten. Der General war fast gar nicht mehr gelb im Gesicht, und er sah auch nicht mehr miide aus, sein Gesicht war ebenmaBig, ruhig, gebildet und human, das sehr sanfte Lacheln verschonte sein Gesicht. (128-129; ch. 9)  69  The narrator again provides a careful description of the General's body language. The Knight's Cross that had been so conspicuous by its absence to the narrator at the start of chapter one, is now conspicuous by its presence. His neck, now finally decorated with the Cross is a visible symbol that his Berczaba mission has been successfully completed. His docility seems out of character, and his quiet smile of contentment seems bizarre in the light of the fact that he is now a prisoner of war and is about to be interrogated for possible war crimes. Even in defeat, the only thing that seems to matter to him is that his body is now inscribed with the trappings that will now make him deserving of the recognition and respect o f his fellow officers. His physical ailments almost seem to be psychosomatic at their source. In fact, the contentment that he seems to experience in his mind, is reflected in his body. The Knight's Cross certifies his "Tauglichkeit" which gives him the sense of being a worthy German officer. More than this, however, Boll seems to be stressing that the General's own honour and the success of his mission, even when they still lose the war and many of his own men, seems more important to him than Germany's victory. For Boll, the General's selfishness is unbounded despite the fact that he is nothing but an unthinking machine, a cog in a wheel. After receiving the order to rebuild the bridge and successfully executing it, he receives his reward, the "Ritterkreuz," and that is all that seems to matter to him. Boll takes this attitude even further when he introduces us in chapter seven to First Lieutenant Filskeit, the head of a concentration/death camp, for whom nothing is more sacred than following orders. The General's docile attitude to military commands which is played out on his body, continues to be reflected in parts of the German military mentality even after the war. It is a mentality that would be expressed time and time again by the accused at the Niirnberg Trials. The General: "Der General stand auf einem Hiigel..." Further insights into the "disciplined body" and the disciplined mind of a German general can be found in Boll's novel fragment "Der General stand auf einem Hiigel...". In this thirdperson narrative, Boll introduces us to yet another general standing on a hill facing the enemy. He is surrounded by his staff and all the trappings of his rank as he awaits the start of the impending battle. His men must again cross over the river that separates themfromthe Russian enemy. The dilemma that confronts the General is whether to follow his intuition and rescind the order to attack, or to maintain his discipline and simply obey the orders he received: to cross the river and begin the battle. If he gives the order, he would be sending his disciplined soldiers to their certain death: Der General wuBte, daB seine Truppen den FluB nicht erreichen wiirden, und wenn er gereizt und argerlich war, so war er es deshalb, weil er in seinem Inneren uneins war; weil er sich furchtete, der klaren Einsicht zu folgen, die ihm sagte, daB es nicht zu verantworten war, auch nur eines Menschen Leben noch in dieses hoffhungslose Spiel zu werfen ... Durch das Fernglas beobachtete er die Einschlage seiner Artillerie. [...] Pldtzlich blieb dem General fast das Herz stehen ... er entdeckte, vdllig unberiihrt und unbeschadigt vom Feuer seiner Kanonen, einige fabelhaft, [...] getarnte Batterien [...]. (30) The General's physical features are not described in his first appearance in the novel. The narrator, however, reflects on his dispositions, opinions, attitudes, and values in the above quote.  70  As dawn begins to break the general discovers that his guns have not damaged the enemy's batteries. His heart, the motor that drives his "mechanical," soldierly body, almost stops as he recognises the hopelessness of the situation. Because the enemy is hiding in the distant forest waiting to attack, the forest's traditional role in German culture, as expressed by Elias Canetti, loses its potential to offer his beleaguered troops security. However, as the highest ranking officer in charge, the General must decide to fight or not to fight: "[...] er zauderte, sollte er alle Befehle widerrufen, oder?" (31). Our observation of the General's body language helps to convey his initial ambivalence, and the consequences of his final decision. As he stands and surveys the battlefield from on high, the terrifying sounds of the enemies' fire jolts him back to reality and elicits his decision: Da horte er das graBliche, leise und trockene Gerausch der Abschiisse, und kurz darauf riB die furchtbare Rasanz der Einschlage die letzte Mudigkeit aus den Gliedern aller Umstehenden ... Die ersten Strahlen der Sonne, die frisch und zart weit, weit hinter den feindlichen Linien aufging, fingen sich in den roten Aufschlagen am Mantel des Generals. [...] es stand nun fest: in zehn Minuten sollte der Angriff beginnen." (31) In spite of the fact that his troops are without reinforcements and supplies of either food or fuel, the disciplined general relies on his strict military training to guide his decision. His training leaves no room for personal opinions and the second guessing of orders. His unsuspecting soldiers are caught by the enemy's surprise attack. The screams of his wounded men reach him on the hill, but to no avail. Orders are orders. The general stands firm: the battle must begin on schedule. Although the pre-emptive strike is under way, they must wait ten minutes longer before the general will give the order to respond. The result is catastrophic. As the senseless slaughter begins, the general has a change of heart, but it is too late: Der General saB unterdessen mit grauem Gesicht und toten Augen in seinem Gefechtsstand und horte scheinbar den Meldungen und Vorschlagen der ihn umgebenden Offiziere zu; er horte in Wirklichkeit keines der Worte; [...] wie sinnlos erschien ihm mit einem Mal der Satz, dafi der Soldat nur seinen Befehl auszufuhren habe, ohne nachzudenken; [...]. (42-43) His grey face and dead eyes reflect the horror and the death and mayhem taking place both on the battlefield and in his soul. Although he appears to hear the words spoken by his officers around him, Boll's interpretation makes it clear that they fall on his deaf ears. Boll appears to be providing the reader with an example of a German officer who finally becomes aware of his conscience and begins to doubt Hitler's demand that military orders be carried out without hesitation. In fact, it is in this horrific arena of war that he finally come to his senses: "[...] in diesem eingefahrenen Spiel [...] geschah es plotzlich, daB ein Mensch, eine entscheidende Person sich zu sich selbst bekannte" (43). Boll, through this character, criticises Hitler's views on the disciplined soldier while suggesting that some German officers still had the potential to think on their own and act accordingly. The General decides to fight along his doomed men. In the midst of the raging battle, the solitary image of the General's erect, god-like figure calmly walking, with just a stick in his hand, over to his entrenched soldiers barely 150 meters from the Russianfront,is astonishing. The comments of the narrator reflect the General's  71 powerlessness: "Er war so machtlos den Unerbittlichkeiten des Krieges ausgeliefert wie sie, was ntitzte da dieser wunderschone Orden am Hals, wenn der Hunger sie qualte und der Durst sie bis zum Irrsinn trieb" (47). Body language again gives structure to the narrative. The static quality of the text caused by the protracted discussion of the soldiers' thoughts is suddenly, but only momentarily, broken when the narrator informs us that the General has jumped into the trench. Up until then, he had been alone on the battlefield, "frozen" by the narrator's digression, in a striding position with a stick in his hand. Now the focus is once again on him as he listens to his lieutenant's battle reports with a serious face The General's awareness of the soldiers' seeming indifference to their hopeless situation is emphasised even further by the description of the relaxed positions of their bodies. In fact, they never leap to their feet either to salute or to stand at attention upon his arrival. Their non-verbal behaviour almost suggests that he is not even there in their midst. His rank becomes a mere abstraction and he becomes one of them. In the middle of a raging battle, as mechanical, "celebrated automata," their sole responsibility is simply to kill or be killed. In Antoine de Saint-Exupery's Flight to Arras (1942), a French war pilot's understanding of his relationship to his body during war is informative in this regard: I felt safe in that bed. No danger could reach me there. During the day [...] my body was available for transformation into a lair of agony and undeserved laceration. [...] my body was [...] no longer mine. Any of its members might at any moment be commandeered; its blood [...] be drawn off without my acquiescence. For it is another consequence of war that the soldier's body becomes a stock of accessories that are no longer his property. The bailiff arrives and demands a pair of eyes - you yield up the gift of sight. [...] demands a pair of legs - you yield up the gift of movement. [...] demands the flesh off your face and you yield up the gift of smiling and manifesting yourfriendshipfor your kind, become a monster. [...] Yet this body had to be [...] made respectable before presenting itself to the bursts of steel. (82-83) His account drives home the point that the body of the disciplined soldier basically belongs to his superior and, like a well-oiled machine, must leap into action when the command is given. As the sun grows hotter, the corpses in thefieldbegin to give off the sweet smell of decay. The General, "mit unbewegtem Gesicht," gives the order to charge and leads the way. His body signals his ultimate intention to the reader: clearly, he does not intend to return alivefromthis encounter with the enemy. However, no match for the well-armed Russians, the Germans turn and fleefromthe steadily approaching Russian tanks: "Nur der General stand mit dem verzweifelten Gesicht eines Selbstmdrders vorne, mit wirrem Haar, in den Augen die harte Kalte, die ihm entgegenstiefl aus dem Abgrund, in den er sich stiirzen wollte" (50). The narrator's careful description of his body language againfreezesthe image of the General, upright amidst the raging battle scene. This desperate, untidy image is in stark contrast to the last reference (only a few pages earlier in the story) to the erect, almost regalfigureof the General. Here, Boll seems to be ambivalent about the image of the General that he wants to project. Should we regard him as brave, or as foolhardy? Is his death heroic or the cowardly suicidal act of a desperate man who knows that the battle is already lost and cannot face the wrath and the humiliation of his superiors or, for that matter, the silent rebuke of his men?  72  By discussing Boll's work as a discourse of war-damaged bodies many important insights are brought to light, namely, the central role of non-verbal and vocal behaviour. This approach also shows that Boll's focus falls not only on the ordinary infantryman but also on high-ranking officers like the two German generals discussed above. Although Boll himself never seriously desired to rise in the ranks of the mi