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Education, training, and non-metropolitan development Courtney, Lyle George 2000

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EDUCATION, TRAINING, AND NON-METROPOLITAN DEVELOPMENT by LYLE GEORGE COURTNEY B.A., Open University of British Columbia, 1989 M.A., The University of British Columbia, 1993  A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Geography)  We accept this dissertation as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2000  © Lyle George Courtney, 2000  In presenting this dissertation in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this dissertation for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this dissertation for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of Geography The University of British Columbia Vancouver Canada Date: 28 September, 2000.  ABSTRACT Many non-metropolitan areas in British Columbia experienced chronic instability in the resource extraction economy on which they traditionally relied. Beginning in the early 1980s, shifts in employment and the organization of work led to persistent socioeconomic turbulence. Despite the range of development, education, and training programmes available, efforts to return these regions to stability had only sporadic success. In the late 1980s, policy reviews led to the introduction of initiatives for greater local self-direction over development, complemented by partnering in programme delivery, and shifts in educational funding towards targeted groups. This study examines certain interactions between post-secondary education and development programmes in non-metropolitan British Columbia from 1980 to 1996. Using a living systems view, and drawing on studies in geography and adult education, a model of resources needed by outlying regions for successful development was constructed. The model was used to examine socioeconomic changes, policy changes designed to foster sustainable development, and shifts in emphasis in post-secondary education and training programmes, as they affected the study areas. The main conclusions were: (1) there were distinct socioeconomic differences among non-metropolitan regions; (2) in some, significant internal migration resulted in opportunities to create new work, and so achieve more self-directed development, and (3) the implementation of local sustainability and partnering did not reach levels expected, in part due to contradictory demands for innovation and cost cutting. Supporting evidence was derived from combining (a) an extensive review of census indicators over the province and in four selected case study regions, with (b) a series of some 100 semi-structured interviews with resident stakeholders who were involved in directing, managing, and delivering educational, training and community development services, and (c) a review of contemporary socioeconomic plans and profiles. The empirical data was analyzed using a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis, which featured the application of principles of grounded theory and the method of triangulation, widely used in social sciences. Case study communities were those that were successfully returning to stability by means of the benefits flowing from internal migration combined with opportunities to create new work. The methods of investigation developed here can be applied to other situations where communities are trying to change their prospects from within. The living systems view is appropriate for broadly-based research into local community development.  -  Ill  -  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT  ii  TABLE OF CONTENTS  iii  LIST OF TABLES  vii  LIST OF FIGURES  xii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  xiv  DEDICATION  CHAPTER 1:  CHAPTER 2:  xv  OVERVIEW: RESEARCH GOALS AND APPROACHES:  1  1.1  Conceptual Approach  5  1.2  Research Contexts  9  1.3  Empirical Approach  14  1.4  Chapter Organization  17  LIVING SYSTEMS, LEARNING, AND DEVELOPMENT:  20  2.1  Living Systems and the Ecological Triangle  23  2.1.1. 2.1.2  System types and characteristics System dynamics and transformations  24 28  2.1.3  Mindscapes and Complexity  31  2.2  2.3  2.4  Teaching and Learning  34  2.2.1  Learning and work within the lifespan  35  2.2.2 Learning processes and learning style 2.2.3 Contextual factors and lifestyle 2.2.4 Teaching: art and science Organization and Community Development  37 40 44 48  2.3.1 2.3.2 2.3.3 2.3.4 2.3.5  50 52 57 63 67  Summary  Resource networks for community development Organizational cultures and work Organizations, communities, and new work Mobility and migration Educational approaches to community development  69  - iv TABLE OF CONTENTS [continued] Page CHAPTER 3:  DATA BASES AND RESEARCH DESIGN:  71  3.1  Models, Component Measures, and Data Bases  74  3.2  Survey of Conditions and Selection of Case Studies  81  3.2.1  Census indicators of socioeconomic conditions  81  3.2.2  Case study selection  85  3.3  3.4  CHAPTER 4:  Interview Sample and Design  88  3.3.1  89  Sampling and recruiting  3.3.2 Interviewee and organization descriptors 3.3.3 Interview structure and process 3.3.4 Interview coding categories 3.3.5 Questionnaire items and scales Data Analysis  90 93 95 97 101  3.4.1 3.4.2 3.4.3  103 104 108  Descriptive techniques Inferential tests Validity and reliability  3.5  Adequacy of The Interview Sample  111  3.6  Summary  116  THE PROVINCE: POPULATION FLOWS, SOCIOECONOMIC CHANGE, AND CASE STUDY SELECTION  117  4.1  Residential Migration and Counterurbanization  119  4.2  Socioeconomic Character and Change  128  4.2.1  129  Family life cycle  4.3  4.2.2 4.2.3 4.2.4 4.2.5 Selection  Levels of formal education Work patterns, household income, and employment Economic activity and occupations Summary: statistical significance of changes of Case Studies  4.4  Summary  132 137 149 158 160 171  -VTABLE OF CONTENTS [continued] Page CHAPTER 5  THE POLICY AND PROGRAMME CONTEXT  172  5.1  The Geography of Education and Development  174  5.1.1  Post-secondary education and training  175  5.1.2  Community economic and social development  183  5.2  5.3 CHAPTER 6:  189  5.2.1 5.2.2  Overview of politics and the policy framework Policy and programme analysis  191 196  5.2.3  The rationale for change - a critical analysis  206  Successes in Community Development  210  CASE STUDIES: SOCIOECONOMIC CHARACTER  213  6.1  Variations in Non-Metropolitan Migration  215  6.2  A Typology of Non-Metropolitan Settlements  225  6.3  Socioeconomic Character: Census Evidence  229  6.3.1  230  Family life cycle  6.3.2 Levels of formal education 6.3.3 Work patterns, household income, and employment 6.3.4 Economic activity and occupations The Case Studies - Similarities and Differences 6.4.1 Courtenay-Comox 6.4.2 Salmon Arm-Sicamous 6.4.3 Nelson-Castlegar 6.4.4 Gibsons-Sechelt - The Sunshine Coast  235 239 245 249 252 256 259 263  Socioeconomic Character - Interview Commentary  266  6.5.1 6.5.2 6.5.3  Non-metropolitan migration Economic character Social character  267 271 273  DEVELOPMENT OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES  279  7.1  Socioeconomic Change  281  7.2  Development Opportunities and Challenges  286  7.3  Programmes, Liaison, and Partnering  293  6.4  6.5  CHAPTER 7  Policy Shifts and Programme Analysis  - vi TABLE OF CONTENTS [continued] Page 7.4  CHAPTER 8  Post-Secondary Education and Training  297  7.4.1 7.4.2 7.4.3 7.4.4  298 299 302 305  Opportunities Organization and programme issues Instructor issues and teaching techniques Learner issues  7.5  Attitudes towards Education and Training Issues  306  7.6  Patterns of Comments and Responses  312  7.6.1  The interview sample  312  7.6.2  Questionnaire response analysis  316  DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS  319  8.1  Non-Metropolitan Transformations  320  8.2  Assessment of Policies and Programmes  325  8.3  Futures: More Self-Organizing Development  330  8.4  Comments on Methods and Conceptual Framework  333  BIBLIOGRAPHY  340  APPENDICES Appendix 1 Field Interviews: Sample Letters and Questionnaire Appendix 2 Brtish Columbia - Analysis of Regions and Places  358 359  371  - Vll -  LIST OF TABLES Table  Page  1.1  Summary of Conceptual Models Developed  15  2.1  Summary - Kolb's Learning Styles  39  2.2  Mindscapes, Specific Learning Styles, and Teaching Perspectives  47  2.3  Classes of Organizations and Their Values  53  2.4  Genealogy of Organizational Forms and Styles  59  2.5  Influences on Counterurbanization Decisions  65  3.1  Learning and Work Within the Lifespan: Component Measures, Indicators, and Data Bases  77  3.2  Resource Networks for Community Development: Component Measures, Indicators, and Source Data Bases  79  3.3  Interviewee Descriptors and Case Study Census Indicators  91  3.4  Interview Comments - Topics, Questions, and Coding Categories  96  3.5  Questionnaire Items and Attitudinal Scales  99  3.6  Questionnaire Items and Inferred Teaching Perspective  100  3.7  Overview - Data Analysis  102  3.8  Statistical Measures - Interview Analysis  106  3.9  Number of Interviews by Organization Type and Sub-Type  112  3.10  Interviewees by Position and Organization Type  113  3.11  Teaching Perspectives of Interviewees by Position and Learning Style  114  3.12  Interviewee Descriptors - Feedback Patterns  115  4.1  British Columbia Population Density 1976-1996 [non-metropolitan RDs] British Columbia Population Density 1976-1996 [metropolitan and remote-northern RDs]  122  Net International Migration - Regional Districts - 1976-1996  125  4.2 4.3  123  - viii LIST OF TABLES [continued} Table  Page  4.4  Net Internal Migration Components 1976-1996 [non-metropolitan RDs]  4.5  Net Internal Migration Components 1976-1996 [metropolitan and remote-northern RDs]  126  127  4.6  Summary - Rank of Socioeconomic Indicators - 1996  130  4.7  Family Life Cycle - Provincial Summary  131  4.8  Population by Age Groups 1986-1996: Non-metropolitan RDs  133  4.9  Population by Age Groups 1986-1996: Metropolitan and Remote-Northern RDs  134  4.10  Households by Family Structure 1981-1996: Non-metropolitan RDs  135  4.11  Households by Family Structure 1981-1996: Metropolitan and Remote-Northern RDs Population by Attained Level of Education 1981-1996: Non-Metropol itan RDs  136  4.12 4.13  Population by Attained Level of Education 1981-1996: Metropolitan and Remote-Northern RDs  4.14  Education by Age Group: British Columbia 1981-1991  4.15  Work Patterns, Household Income, and Employment: British Columbia 1981 -1996 Population by Place of Work Compared to Residence 1991-1996: Non-Metropolitan RDs  4.16  4.17  4.18  4.19  4.20  4.21  138  139 140  142 143  Population by Place of Work Compared to Residence 1991-1996: Metropolitan and Remote-Northern RDs  144  Households by Income Structure 1986-1996: Non-Metropolitan RDs  146  Households by Income Structure 1986-1996: Metropolitan and Remote-Northern RDs  147  Full-time Employment and Low Income Households Provincial Summary 1981-1996  148  Labour Force Participation and Self-Employment - Provincial Summary 1981-1996  150  - ix LIST OF TABLES [continued] Table 4.22  4.23  4.24  4.25  4.26  4.27  Page Economic Activity and Occupations - Provincial Summary 1981-1996  151  Labour Force by Economic Sector - Goods Production: Regional Districts 1981 -1996  153  Labour Force by Economic Sector - Services: Regional Districts 1981 -1996  154  Labour Force by Occupation Classification - Part 1: Regional Districts 1981-1996  155  Labour Force by Occupation Classification - Part 2: Regional Districts 1981-1996  156  Labour Force by Occupation Classification - Part 3: Regional Districts 1981 -1996  4.28  Analysis of Variance - Census Indicators: Regional Districts 1991  4.29  Case Study Selection - Ranking of Non-Metropolitan RDs by Internal Migration 1989-1996  157 159  161  4.30  Case Study Sample-Number of Places Surveyed  161  4.31  British Columbia - Major Geographic Regions and Settlements - 1996 Community Colleges - Estimated Population with Access to  162  5.1  Campuses  178  5.2  British Columbia - Participation in Adult Education 1986, 1991  179  5.3  Imputed Participation in Adult Education: British Columbia and Case Study Regions - 1986-1996 Case Study SRNs - Community College Specialty Programmes, 1996/97  180  5.4 5.5  6.1  6.2  ' 182  Distribution of Regional Offices of Selected Provincial Ministries - Case Study RDs  190  Non-Metropolitan Regional Districts - Population Density 1976-1996 [cities and towns]  217  Non-Metropolitan Regional Districts - Population Density 1976-1996 [villages and reserves]  218  - X-  LIST OF TABLES [continued] Table 6.3  6.4  6.5  6.6  6.7  6.8  6.9  6.10  6.11  6.12  6.13  6.14  6.15  6.16  6.17  6.18  Page Non-Metropolitan Regional Districts - Population Density 1976-1996 [unorganized subdivisions]  219  Remote-Northern Regional Districts - Population Density 1976-1996 [organized settlements]  221  Remote-Northern Regional Districts - Population Density 1976-1996 [unorganized settlements]  222  Non-Metropolitan RDs - Sub-Regional Nodes Selected: Population Density 1976-1996  223  Remote-Northern RDs - Sub-Regional Nodes Selected: Population Density 1976-1996  224  Analysis of Variance - Census Indicators by Socioeconomic Type: Sub-Regional Nodes -1991 and 1996  228  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Diversified and Highway Commercial Types - Age Groups 1991 -1996  231  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Resource Extraction and Alternative Lifestyle Types - Age Groups 1991 -1996  232  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Diversified and Highway Commercial Types - Family Structure 1991-1996  233  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Resource Extraction and Alternative Lifestyle Types - Family Structure 1991-1996  234  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Diversified and Highway Commercial Types - Formal Education 1991-1996  236  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Resource Extraction and Alternative Lifestyle Types - Formal Education 1991-1996  237  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Diversified and Highway Commercial Types-Place of Work Patterns 1991-1996  240  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Resource Extraction and Alternative Lifestyle Types - Place of Work Patterns 1991 -1996  241  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Diversified and Highway Commercial Types - Household Income and Employment Patterns 1991-1996  243  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Resource Extraction and Alternative LifestyleTypes - Income and Employment Patterns 1991-1996  244  - xi LIST OF TABLES [continued] Table 6.19  6.20  6.21  6.22  Page Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Diversified and Highway Commercial Types - Economic Sector Activity 1991-1996  247  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Resource Extraction and Alternative Lifestyle Types - Economic Sector Activity 1991-1996  248  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Diversified and Highway Commercial Types - Occupation Patterns 1991-1996  250  Selected Sub-Regional Nodes - Resource Extraction and Alternative Lifestyle Types - Occupation Patterns 1991-1996  251  7.1  Questionnaire Responses - Interviewees'Experience Scale  307  7.2  Questionnaire Responses - 'Education for Jobs' vs. 'Education for Life' Scale Questionnaire Responses - 'Universal Access' vs. 'Pay as You Go'  309  7.3  Scale  311  7.4  Interview Patterns - Number of Comments and Range of Topics  313  7.5  Interview Patterns - Intensity of Comments by Topic  315  7.6  Crosstabulations - Interview Comments by Questionnaire Responses  317  - xii LIST OF FIGURES Figure  Page  1.1  British Columbia - Regional Districts and Case Studies  2.1  Person, Societies, and Environments: Systems and Processes  25  2.2  States of Systems: Stasis through Chaos  29  2.3  Mindscapes: Levels of Systemic Complexity  33  2.4  Learning and Work Within the Lifespan  36  2.5  Resource Networks for Community Development  51  2.6  Types of Residential Migrants and Motivations for Moving  66  3.1  Comox-Strathcona Regional District: Cities, Towns, and Census Subdivisions  4  88  3.2  Interview Structure and Sequence of Major Topics  94  4.1  Regional Districts by Type and Case Study Selections  120  4.2  Sunshine Coast Regional District - Cities, Towns, and Sub-Regions  164  4.3  Comox-Strathcona Regional District - Cities, Towns, and Sub-Regions  165  4.4  Central Kootenay Regional District - Cities, Towns, and Sub-Regions  166  4.5  Columbia-Shuswap Regional District - Cities, Towns, and Sub-Regions Kitimat-Stikine Regional District - Cities, Towns, and  167  4.6  Sub-Regions  169  4.7  Peace River Regional District - Cities, Towns, and Sub-Regions  170  5.1  British Columbia - Community College System  176  5.2  British Columbia - Administrative Regions  185  5.3  British Columbia - Regional Economic Development Areas and Community Futures Offices British Columbia - Tourism Development Areas  187  5.4  188  - XU1 -  LIST OF FIGURES [continued] Figure  Page  6.1  The Comox Valley  253  6.2  Salmon Arm and 'the Shuswap' Region  257  6.3  Nelson-Castlegar  260  6.4  The Sunshine Coast  264  6.5  Non-Metropolitan Migration  268  6.6  Non-metropolitan Migration: Correlations - Intensity of Comments  270  6.7  Economic Character  272  6.8  Economic Character: Correlations - Intensity of Comments  274  6.9  Social Character  275  6.10  Social Character: Correlations - Intensity of Comments  277  7.1  Socioeconomic Change  282  7.2  Socioeconomic Change: Correlations - Intensity of Comments  285  7.3  Development Opportunities  287  7.4  Community Development Challenges  289  7.5  Community Development Opportunities and Challenges: Correlations - Intensity of Comments  292  7.6  Programme and Liaison Comments  295  7.7  PSET Challenges and Teaching Techniques Used  300  7.8  PSET Opportunities and Challenges: Correlations - Intensity of Comments Attitudinal Scales - Correlations  303 308  7.9  - xiv -  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  No researcher is an island. Many people helped me in designing and completing this study, some unknowingly. A number contributed at the idea stage; foremost among them are three. Dr. James C. Whitehead recruited me as a collaborator on a study in the Kootenays. Although I grew up in a non-metropolitan place, this trip triggered a resurgent interest in finding out what happens, and with luck, gaining some insight into what may happen to, such places. Dr. John K. Friesen graciously agreed to a series of discussions about his experiences in the Manitoba co-operative movement, beginning in the 1930s. He offered insights into what happens in hard times, from the emergence of self-direction as a solution when all else is failing, to the meaning of human dignity. Dr Olav Slaymaker taught me many things, formally and otherwise, including how to overcome fear of flying, and how to be a geographer without adjectives. His ready wit was often an envelope for thoughtful suggestions. Others helped me to place ideas in perspective; and still others were friends who listened. As well as being an excellent listener, and hosting one of my research trips to the Interior, Henk Gauw put me on the track of grounded theory, something I was doing already, but didn't know it. Jan Johnson, a long-time co-author and co-worker, listened to both my ups and downs, read some of my earlier and considerably denser drafts, and provided much needed encouragement. Mike Kirkham also listened and encouraged, as usual with great physical distances separating us, over the last twenty years or so. Judith Eby has been through the whole trip, from the ground floor up, warts and all, and remains a constant friend and confidant who keeps me focused on the sunny, funny, and most welcome, the really far side of life. Likewise, my wife Rosanne Tinckler has endured from start to finish, not only in simply putting up with me over the past twelve years, no small undertaking, but also reading the at times seemingly endless drafts I produced. What can I say, except...we did it. My students, both in geography and the Instructor Diploma Programme over the last eight years have listened to many of my initial results, at times unknowingly, and have provided a special kind of commentary...feedback from people who were actually doing, in diverse ways, what I was thinking and writing about. To one and all, including the many who I have inadvertently not mentioned, thank you.  - XV -  For my parents and my children: stand fast.  CHAPTER 1 O V E R V I E W :  R E S E A R C H G O A L S A N D  A P P R O A C H E S  Selective emphasis, choice, is inevitable whenever reflection occurs. This is not an evil. Deception comes only when the presence and operation of choice is concealed, disguised, denied. John Dewey, Experience and Nature (1927)  This study is a geography of educational activity. Its purpose is to assess certain interactions between postsecondary education and development programmes in non-metropolitan regions in British Columbia since the 1980s. I seek to improve understanding of the likely future of non-metropolitan places, in the light of certain trends unfolding since then, and the role of post-secondary education and training in that future. Much research has been done on how places develop, and how education programmes are designed, directed, and delivered. There is little research, particularly in resource-based regions such as British Columbia, however, on the linkages between the two sets of processes, even though they are related. Planning for postsecondary education in the province has been aided before by the more ecological perspective of geographers (Chapman and Hardwick 1994). This study expands that work by a critical examination of relationships between post-secondary education and community development, within the context of changes in the socioeconomy of non-metropolitan regions and the direction of relevant policies and programmes, beginning in the late 1980s. My thesis consists of three parts. First, I argue that shifts in sectoral employment and work organization, along with changes in land use policy, addressing questions of sustainability and resources, contributed to a continuing stagnation in many non-metropolitan regions, and deepened the uncertainty of their future prospects. Second, significant intraprovincial migration to these regions led to opportunities to develop new work and thereby improve socioeconomic stability. The need to create new work, for example to replace lost jobs in forestry (Barnes and Hayter 1992), was widely recognized. Third, however, despite the range of development -1 -  -2programmes offered, and career and technical education available, efforts to reach this goal had only sporadic success. Programmes neither maintained stability nor enabled an optimization of opportunities for nonmetropolitan regions, notwithstanding two changes in policy direction that were launched around the same time. One was an initiative to establish education for sustainable development. Its goals included (a) increased regional and local self-direction of programmes, and (b) delivery innovations in education and development based on public-private sector partnering. The other was a shift in emphasis to education for job skills, particularly for people who had lost jobs to economic restructuring, youth, and those receiving social assistance. Adequate skills and structures to realize education for sustainability were not cultivated. I argue this lack of response is related to the nature of public institutions. Government agencies, for example, do not adapt well to rapidly changing conditions, especially where mandated reforms are poorly understood, or thought to threaten the status quo. Programmes remain predicated upon uniform, bureaucratic administration from the centre. In times of socioeconomic turbulence, which I conceptualize as a state of instability where internal systemic change occurs too slowly to cope with the demands of the environment, I argue that more flexibility is needed. The following is a summary of the specific research questions emerging from my thesis: •  how did the socioeconomy of non-metropolitan regions develop from 1976 to 1996?  •  to what degree did migration to these regions occur from 1989 to 1996, and for what reasons?  •  how did the socioeconomy change during this migration, i.e. what social and economic opportunities and challenges emerged?  •  did the changes in education and development policy implemented from 1989 to 1996 help improve socioeconomic stability and/or education for sustainability in these regions?  •  did the British Columbia post-secondary education and training system respond adequately to the opportunities and challenges created by the migration, and the changes in policy?  •  are non-metropolitan regions willing and able to adopt a more self-directed form of development?  To test my assertions about non-metropolitan socioeconomic change, I constructed a detailed account of demographic and economic transformations in the provincefrom1976 to 1996, based on census indicators, and augmented by local and regional profiles. I reviewed education and training programmes since the late 1980s to assess their performance with respect to changes in direction; and development programmes to assess their performance with respect to restabilizing the socioeconomics of non-metropolitan regions in sustainable ways.  -3To complement this review of records, I interviewed 101 residents in four case study areas - CourtenayComox, Nelson-Castlegar, Salmon Arm, and the Sunshine Coast - who were involved in local post-secondary education, training, and community development [see Figure 1.1 overleaf]. Interviewees assessed the overall socioeconomic character of the area, how it had changed over the review period, opportunities and challenges arisingfromthe changes, education and development programmes and practices, and likely community futures. The review period is of long enough duration to support suggestions for improvement of existing networks and future programmes. It includes the 1970s upturn, the 1982-1986 recession, and the subsequent, tenuous recovery to 1996. Innovations emerging from this research may help regions adapt better to socioeconomic transformations, approach policy goals concerning sustainability, and direct their own future development. The subject matter of this study is a set of complex relationships at the scale of communities. In effect, it is an ecology. My conceptual approach is living systems, an ecological view. It sheds light on development in people, organizations, and places, and stability and turbulence in a range of social networks. In this view, stability includes resilience, the capacity to adapt and innovate spontaneously in the face of external transformations; and equity, the ability to maintain fairness towards and mediate conflicts among its members. Elements of both are needed to anticipate and optimize the effects of socioeconomic turbulence. Its integrated geography complements more narrowly, socially focused geographies preeminent in the past generation, as set out in § 1.1. I draw on other studies in adult education and training, organizational and environmental science, human ecology, community planning, and geography. Emerging practices and programmes in post-secondary education and development were influenced by ecological approaches in these fields, as outlined in § 1.2. For example, the disciplines of learning organizations (Senge 1990), an innovation in workplace training, emphasize the skills of working in teams within a less hierarchical structure. Application of learning organization principles should help address equity issues, and enable communities and organizations to achieve greater self-direction. An overview of my empirical approach is set out in § 1.3. The case studies are field experiments (Yin 1994). This kind of research is more intensive, but less extensive, than formal surveys; and conversely, less intensive, but more extensive, than participant observation. I combine cross-sectional and time-series analysis, using quantitative and qualitative methods. The key principle is triangulation, comparison of information from  -4-  Figure 1.1 British Columbia - Regional Districts and Case Studies  ©  Stikine Region  Regional District boundary Case Study Location 1. Courtenay-Comox 2. Nelson-Castlegar 3. Salmon Arm 4. Sunshine Coast  Fort Nelson-Liard  Peace River  KitimatStikine  iSkeenaf Queen' Charlotte  Bulkley-Nechako  -" If  FraserFort George  Central Coast  Cariboo Powell River  Mount Waddington  , / SquamisnJ Lillooet / ThompsonNicola K°>  Comox-Strathcona AlberniClayoquot Nanaimo  Adapted from: Statistics Canada 1996b  FraserT Valley f Cowichan / ' Valley '  fColumbiaShuswap  Central  TnjKootenayf  Greater / ^ \ : " Vancouver n : tenayCapital Sunshine okanagan^orth Boundary Coast similkameen okanagan Q  w  o k a n a g a  Koo  )  * ' Kootenay , E i  s t  -5qualitatively different data bases to arrive at a richer understanding of the contributions and limitations of each. This study is oriented to enhancing understanding more than prediction. Teaching and learning, education and training, and planning processes affect personal, organizational, and community development. Change in one can influence any of the others, positively or negatively. Accordingly, it is as instructive to examine them together as separately.  I review interactions of people and organizations in particular places with variable  resources, which infers that geography is important. I further propose that small cities in non-metropolitan regions are a particularly rich and distinctive setting in which to examine the geography of education. Although it is addressed primarily to academic researchers in thefieldsof geography and adult education, this study may also assist a variety of directors and managers in a range of government ministries, firms, colleges, and community service organizations to assess the effectiveness of their policies and programmes that are related to post-secondary education, training, and community development.  1.1  C O N C E P T U A L  A P P R O A C H :  I adopt a living systems approach. This is suitable for research into complex human networks, including those of education, training and community development. Living systems integrates a range of principles concerning self-direction and sustainability that are discernible as policy and programme goals in these networks. Its focus on the intricate interactions between people, organizations, and places involves ecological thinking. Itfitsmy own humanist and pragmatic values, and may help others undertaking broadly-based, interdisciplinary study. My choice is one among many possible. It is not advanced as a sine qua non of any discipline. A growing number of geographers do see a return to ecologically oriented approaches as important to maintaining geography as a distinct research mode (McTaggart 1993, Andrey and Nelson 1994, Slaymaker 1994). Similar support is discernible in education, organizational study, and planning, the other branches of research within which this study is located (Bergquist 1993, Senge 1990, Bertuglia et al. 1995). The purpose of this section is to position my approach broadly within other conceptual approaches in geography and adult education. Cloke et al. (1991) include marxist, humanist, realist, and postmodernist views, together with structuration and critical realism, as contemporary approaches in geography. Boshier (1993) includes radical structuralism,  -6-  radical humanism and interpretivism as current critiques of the modernist view, which he calls functionalism, and precursors to the postmodern turn in adult education. Marxist and realist approaches are roughly equivalent to radical structuralism and functionalism, the humanistic and postmodern views to interpretivism and radical humanism. Structuration and critical realism are attempts to reconcile marxist, humanist, and realist approaches. My approach resides between realism and humanism, with some differences. Versions listed above arose from critiques of applying modernist science to social systems, i.e. social physics or functionalism, in sociology, political science, and later, semiotics. Living systems emergedfromcritiques of modernist science from within the sciences themselves; mainly biology, psychology, ecology, and later on, economics. Unlike education, geography includes studies of physical systems and, in that sense, living systems has wider application there. Many geographers, including me, prefer a geography without its present strong 'human/physical' boundaries. Living systems concepts apply to physical and human networks. Analogous, though not homologous, processes of change are integral to both. Human systems emerged from, and are rooted in, physical systems. They have emergent properties, e.g. language, separable only for purposes of analysis. This is acknowledged in principle in social views, e.g. structuration (Giddens 1984), but not in their models. Living systems presumes one world that is partly knowable, and so is realist. The world is seen as a set of partly determinate processes, that evolve within a continuous flux, where entities, including humans, self-organize into systems variably open and complex. It is post-positivist in its view on objectivity, but wary of idealism. In living systems, there are no prime causes or ideal end states. I am skeptical of radical views, since so much of the world is a compromise. Social approaches arise from two rubrics. One is social theory, including political economy and critical theory. The former centres on the politics of'capitalist' production, distribution and development: the latter on its cultures of communication, legitimation of knowledge, and social development. Proponents draw on marxist historical materialism, whose focus is macro-scale and structural interpretations of the organization and dynamics of human activity. From this perspective, the human world is a stable set of social relations and structures, summarized in a variety of conceptions of social class, subject to episodic conflict between competing interests who have durable, often hidden agendas of self-interest, and operate within closed systems of power. A weakness of this rubric is its construction of authority as a network of domination and deference. I doubt  -7-  that human relations entail domination. This cannot account for friend-friend relationships or intergroup cooperation. Some people do abuse power, and others are exploited, but that does not imply domination is intrinsic, or even endemic. Large organizations do tend to develop into hierarchies that rely on detailed central control via superior-subordinate relations, but this structure is not restricted to a separate 'capitalist' world. Social theory offers insights into marginalized groups. I included some such groups in recruiting interviewees, and provided opportunities for people to talk about local 'establishments' and their efforts to maintain the status quo. But I am wary of the tendency in social theory to presume "that the task of radical intellectuals was to plot the collective destiny of other people" (Gregory 1989). The second rubric is interpretive humanism. Its focus is more on personal perceptions of places and people, experiential aspects of development, and micro-scale economic and social networks. Proponents draw on phenomenology, and rely on building concepts from the bottom up rather than the top down. In this view, the world is a set of actors whose consciousness and intent are prominent, where social structures are contingent and people somehow manage to cooperate within the messy complexity of everyday life. It is more eclectic than social theory, and less concerned about developing rigorous normative or predictive concepts. Contemporary human ecology is a key link between living systems and interpretive humanism. One of its goals is concepts of human agency that contemplate more proactive persons and organizations. Another is re-integrating biophysical ecosystems in a person-society-environment triangle (Steiner and Nauser 1993). Lack of attention to macro-scale concepts means humanistic research tends to be hard to generalize. I favour interpretive humanism, but its eclecticism often means its methodology is only weakly coherent. I find living systems offers a conceptual structure, consistent with humanism, that enhances methodology. Its concepts apply at a wide range of scales. In my version, persons have moderate power to act, knowledge of their own problems, desire to contribute to both common welfare and self-interest, and mutual trust. I assume they have garnered valuable intelligence about their world, regardless of their formal education. They can collaborate with researchers, and are able and willing to provide experiential accounts that are acceptable at close to face value. Structuration has gained currency in human ecology. Its main limitation is that social phenomena "cannot be discussed in separation from the body, its mediations with the surrounding world, and the coherence of an  -8acting self (Giddens 1984, 3). Like living systems, it tries to reconcile the focus of modern science on systems and structures with that of social theory on person-society relations. Proponents take aim at the emphasis in functionalist social science on facts and actions over values and relations, without resorting to what Collier (1994) calls the superidealistic notion that the world is constituted entirely within human discourses about it. Superidealism here means radical poststructuralism or postmodernism. This set of approaches, widely seen as a synthesis between social theory and humanism (Ley 1989, Gregory 1994), advances three postulates: social organization is defined and contested via language, rather than what words signify in an external environment; subjectivity is a process imbued with contradiction, and not a state; and so, in more radical variations, there are no knowing, rational subjects. Its goal is destabilizing modern scientific 'truth' by deconstruction of texts. This uncovers incoherences in language, and reveals what groups were marginalized in the assembly of knowledge. Postmodern geographers (e.g. Harley 1992) propose that landscapes and maps are similarly interpretable as texts. Clearly, how the term 'text' is construed is important; anything providing information can be called a text. In this perspective, the human world is a set of texts whose meaning and intent is contingent upon the reading. Though there may appear to be shared assumptions in social life, there are only negotiated discourses. Validity and reliability are not addressed. Both are part of modernist methodology, rejected for lack of emphasis on difference. Without shared assumptions about meaning or reality, however, there is little scope for fruitful discourse (Blau 1993). Understanding difference and diversity is important, but so is understanding similarity. Postructuralism offers insights into the nature of discourse. One is its emphasis on individuals and their own narratives, as opposed to the tendency in social research to create 'dividuals' (Hagerstrand 1970) by forcing subjects into rigid categorical frameworks (Gould 1981). This is an important issue, although not new, and I attend to it in my categorical analysis [see § 1.3]. Another is the dialogical quality of conversation, where meanings are only partly understood by conversants and so constantly interact (Folch-Serra 1985). In a living systems perspective, however, people can interact, but meanings and discourses themselves cannot. Some argue, plausibly I think, that living system and poststructuralism aim at the same end, understanding, from opposite and complementary directions (Bergquist 1993a). My methodological choice is the middle ground of research as a collaboration, where mainstream and marginalized can engage in worthwhile discourse.  -9Living systems provided conceptual models that summarized relevant concepts and classifications from the literature review of the various research contexts, and so enabled the research questions to be operationalized.  1.2  R E S E A R C H  C O N T E X T S :  In living systems, explanations are advanced in terms of the character of people, organizations, and communities, and the interactions among them. This study proceeds within a series of nested contexts: post-secondary classrooms, education and training institutions, local firms and organizations employing residents, and the places and regions where they reside. Relevant changes in larger-scale socioeconomic networks include the post-1980 restructuring of employment, particularly in resource extraction, intraprovincial migration to the study areas, and shifts in provincial policy and programmes in post-secondary education and community development. Here, I outline bodies of literature on which I draw, and position aspects of change addressed within wider academic contexts. I begin by defining key terms, then set out baseline relationships between the people and networks of interest, and conclude with emerging changes in the structures and processes of those systems. Learning is a personal process of assimilating, applying, and evaluating information. Grounded in experience, it unfolds mainly, though not solely, in conjunction with others. Education is a social process, the "systematic creation of conditions that facilitate learning" (Boshier 1986,22). Teaching refers to the practices of people more experienced in some area of expertise, in directing the learning of others less experienced. Teaching and education influence personal lifestyle, organizational cultures, and community development. The baseline teaching practice is contained within the transmission perspective (Pratt 1997), where a stable body of knowledge is assumed, and learners are seen as passive receivers of information. Effective teaching is defined as the efficient delivery of knowledge. Beginning in the 1970s, more humanistic views emerged. Learners were seen as self-directing (Tough 1981), learning as grounded in experience and varying with personal style (Kolb 1984), and effective teaching as enabling the skills of learning (Ramsden 1992). Social theory views also appeared, advancing effective teaching as an agent of social reform (Freire 1970, Rubenson 1989). Much of the literature in adult education focuses on classroom learning within publically funded, formally accredited programmes. Most adult learning, however, occurs outside classrooms in the realms of caregiving,  -10recreation, and employment (Handy 1989). Ecological views admit familiar learning or lateral thinking (de Bono 1970), and experiential knowledge (Kolb 1984). Environmental perception, the main source of familiar learning, is a long-standing theme in geography (Tuan 1974, Hagerstrand 1982) Learning has been seen since the 1970s (Faure 1972), at least ideally, as a lifelong process in the discipline of adult education (Cranton 1992). Formal education and training are carried out within two interrelated contexts. One concerns courses of study or programmes, the other cultures of educational organization. Programme development and evaluation is a central theme in adult education (Guba and Lincoln 1989). The baseline mode of development, known as the institutional mode, assumes clear programme objectives, known in advance, and classroom authority vested in instructors, who work within accredited institutions (Blaney 1974). Accreditation is directed by national or provincial entities, rangingfromindustry councils to professional associations (Friedson 1986). These bodies coordinate programme evaluations with ministries, and institutions evaluate instructor performance internally. The institutional mode matches the transmission perspective of teaching.  In parallel, critiques of  institutional programme development emerged in the mid-1970s. Criticisms included its tendencies to 'managerialism', where relations between programme evaluators and managers are less than independent. This disempowers other stakeholders, such as taxpayers and learners. The institutional mode does not accommodate value pluralism, so some groups become marginalized (Guba and Lincoln 1989), e.g. First Nations. Alternative modes prefer more negotiated processes that use more resources, but lead to greater accessibility in programmes. The alternative programme development modes are shared membership and individual. In the first of these, the emphasis is on a positive, accepting group 'climate', instructors as facilitators, and ensuring that group members have full access to resources. In the second, the focus is on the learner as primary 'explorer' of bodies of knowlege, who selects appropriate technologies, and the instructor as a specialist/consultant. These are used commonly in programmes of independent study, self-help, and extension education (Blaney 1974) and rely more, respectively, on collaborative and self-directed learning. They attracted more attention as the shortcomings of the institutional mode came to light, chiefly in the operation of organizations (Senge 1990, Bergquist 1993a). I assessed programme effectiveness by interviewing practitioners in a range of programmes. All appeared to be cultural intermediaries, in my adaptation of Bourdieu (1984), people directing dissemination of knowledge  -11 and the skills of learning. The interviewees shed light on effectiveness in both teaching and programme design. Organizational culture, the second context of formal education, is a key concept that describes the social environment in which teaching, education programmes, and more generally, work takes place (Mintzberg 1981, Jacobs 1992, Bergquist 1992). Organizations are defined here to include households, community organizations, firms, colleges, and governments. I see organizational culture and its dynamics as similar to personal lifestyle, dicsussed below, in the sense of a set of durable preferences for ways of communicating and expressing identity. Lifestyle is a coherent set of practices that express personal and group identity (Giddens 1991). Physical and social environments enable and constrain their form. People with diverse lifestyles often coexist in places without confrontation, though seldom without conflict. Lifestyles change over the lifespan, as identity evolves through experience. Organizations with diverse cultures similarly coexist, and their cultures evolve, though shaped more by social than physical factors, e.g. management fashions, markets, and technology cycles. Baseline modern organizations are the divisional form in the goods sector, where work is coordinated by standardization of outputs, and the professional bureaucracy in services, where work is coordinated by standardization of skills (Mintzberg 1981). The equivalent in education is the managerial culture (Bergquist 1992), coupled with institutional programme development. I call these technocratic forms of organization, a term that emphasizes the formal and technical knowledge of managers, and bureaucratic communication networks. In technocracy, policy is centrally created and directed, and interventions are 'top-down' (Friedson 1986). It presupposes goals are known, the environment is stable, and implementation is best done in impersonal ways. Technocracies are typically (a) too insensitive to local conditions, (b) reluctant to relinquish central control over the agenda, and so (c) unable to improvise soon enough when environments become turbulent. An alternative is learning organizations, whose direction and management are collaborative and thereby more flexible (Senge 1990, Schein 1992). Here, learning from and adapting to complexity, rather than trying to impose simple, single purpose solutions on it (cf. Goldberg 1989), is important. They can identify and act on turbulence earlier. Learning organizations are most effective when socioeconomic conditions are in flux, e.g. when the organization of work is changed (Emery and Trist 1981, Bennett and Estall 1991, Blau 1993). A community, like an organization, is a group of people who collaborate for some shared purpose. In this  -12study, communities are seen as complex systems of organizations, subsisting within some place or places. Building community entails a partial, negotiated commonality of lifestyle and development goals. Community development, then, refers to changes in the capacities of a group of people with partially shared goals to adapt and innovate within some common socioeconomic and biophysical environment. Learning is the core process underlying the development of people, organizations, and communities. Having the capacity for development, naturally, does not imply its application. Like planning, education can enable, but not guarantee, development. People and organizations are mobile, and so residential migration and where organizations locate are salient factors in community development. People move for both economic and lifestyle reasons (Morill et al. 1986, Frey 1987, Cadwallader 1989). The role of each varies with the kind of migration (Perry et al. 1986), e.g.the transfer from one branch of an employer to another, compared to retirement migration. Residential migration in the modern era has been mainly to large urban areas from smaller places. Flow in the opposite direction, which is more of interest here, is known as counterurbanization (Berry 1988, Champion 1989). Migrants can add to community development, but their lifestyles often differ from those of residents. Development programmes can enhance or diminish contributions of residents and migrants, and to be effective, should include conflict-resolving mechanisms. Much current research in education and geography focuses on fragmentationfrominequities among groups; e.g. men and women, whites and non-whites, workers and owners of firms. I examine inclusion issues from another perspective; migrants and established residents of places. Organizations move mainly for economic reasons, which vary by occupational sector, stage of their development, and phases in long-term economic cycles. In goods producing sectors, resource availability and current production technology are key factors. Services are more mobile, and tend to follow population flows. Resource extraction and processing, the baseline sector for most non-metropolitan areas in Canada, trades in global markets and tends to experience more turbulent economic cycles. Concurrently, automation technology has enabled firms to reduce employee numbers. I draw on a large body of Canadian research on the results of economic restructuring, and implications of changes in the organization of work, for non-metropolitan regions (e.g. Barnes and Hayter 1992, Davis 1993, Norcliffe 1994, Randall and Ironside 1996). Expanding a community's range of economic activity means creating new work (Jacobs 1984), by replacing  -13imports or creating exports. In smaller places, import-replacing opportunities lie in developing restorative, rather than exploitative, environmental technologies, and quaternary direction and management services from within. Export-creating opportunities include 'niche' manufacturing, where location relative to markets is less important, and services based on experience of place, including tourism and retirement, in effect 'permanent' tourism. I adapt economic base theory (Tiebout 1962) to measure economic development in the case studies. Creating new work often involves innovation, which is typically associated with high technology, i.e. bodies of knowledge and skill centred on communication and dissemination of information (Hepworth 1989). In this study, I call innovations in environmental restoration and tourism low technology. New work involves more than the application of principles of economics and technology. Value shifts around resource preservation, alternative lifestyles, and competing land tenure claims, e.g. by First Nations, are also important. Reconciling these factors along with intergenerational equity and local self-direction are at the core of social sustainability (diZerega 1993, Reed and Slaymaker 1993). Innovations in planning for common property management (Bromley 1992) derive from ecological approaches which recognize the roles of local knowledge and action. I see the process of social change as individuals adjusting to organizations in an interdependent, recursive way. Competition and cooperation are both necessary to this interaction (Blau 1993). Each contributes to the quality of physical and social environments, to discharging stewardship towards them, and to social equity. Since interdependence and equity both rely on inter-cultural trust, creating mechanisms to resolve conflicts is equally as necessary to community development as is content knowledge of technologies and resources. Effectiveness in education, in terms of helping to adapt to socioeconomic transformations, is assessed in terms of actual and potential economies ofscope. I borrow this term from economics, and broaden it to denote community capacities to create, direct and manage many kinds of work from within. I assume one role of education is to enhance such capacities, and that its relationship to community development is more than remote or contingent (Bhasin 1991, Steiner et al. 1993). Effectiveness in community development programmes is assessed by comparing and contrasting commentary on local expectations, development capacities, and the processes whereby these goals and capacities evolve (Bromley 1992, Bertuglia et al. 1994, Blakely 1994).  - 14-  1.3  E M P I R I C A L  A P P R O A C H :  The design of this study was guided by the ecological thinking of living systems. I wished to better accommodate the concept of research as a collaboration between researcher and participants, and to coordinate diverse information from multiple data bases. In this section, I connect salient aspects of my conceptual approach to the methodology or empirical approach, and then to the more specific methods that were used in practice. Methodology lies at the interface between how researchers conceptualize, and what they do to examine, the phenomena of interest. The researcher's role is pivotal in empirical approaches that value collaboration. I question the view of researchers as people who should be heardfrom,but not seen. Two variations include the technician, remote from personal interest in the 'objects' of study, and the activist, subservient to strong interpretations of subjects' narratives, in accordance with some already worked out ideals. Both researcher and subjects are better seen as persons, in the sense of those who learn from each other's experience (Secord 1990). Neither the technician nor the activist is effective in practice. Stated simply, people do not wish to be manipulated, neither 'examined' nor 'persuaded'. As humanistic researchers (e.g. Rowles 1978, Whyte 1984, Merriam and Clark 1991) demonstrate, 'de-throning' the researcher is an important step in establishing mutual trust, itself a precondition to collaboration. To construct an effective methodology, researchers must know about their own assumptions and also those of the participants (Sayer 1992). In studying non-social systems, this extra layer is absent, and accordingly, more credence can be given to 'detached' objective observation. I integrated my own assumptions into my version of living systems in § 1.1. Its methodological core is systems or ecological thinking, where explanation is advanced in terms of persons, groups, and the interactions among them (Bunge 1985). Systems thinking is a discipline of learning organizations (Senge 1990), and is central to ecological views in geography (McTaggart 1993). The sequence of tasks is (a) setting out conceptual models, as initial templates of how systems of interest interact, (b) gathering data from each system level, ideally from a variety of sources, and (c) triangulating to construct patterns of interactions, which then test the models. I constructed or adapted five models, which emergedfromthe conceptual review, and helped to frame the empirical analysis. Two were preliminary; an overview of the ecology of human settlements [Figure 2.1], which  - 15-  Table 1.1 Summary of Main Conceptual Models Developed  Name and function Mindscapes: - identifies ways of assessing system effectiveness in terms of complexity and openness of interactions and processes in a typology of organizations  Figure  2.3  Learning and Work within the Lifespan: - identifies key factors in the learning process and elements of diversity in teaching practices  2.4  Resource Networks for Community Development: - maps levels and components of resources needed by a community to realize its development goals  2.5  Research questions addressed - were policy and programme changes implemented effectively? [provides criteria] - do organizations and regions have the capacity for self-direction, in terms of their processes? - provides criteria for assessment of effectiveness of delivery of post-secondary education - provides a basis for evaluating programmes in terms of their promoting diversity - how did the socioeconomy change over time? - did policy changes improve stability? - do regions have adequate resources for a more self-directed form of development?  identifies the networks explored in this study and states of systems [Figure 2.2], which defines the key terms stability and turbulence. The other three, detailed in Table 1.1 above, address specific research questions My models set out my thinking 'as it was' before the empirical work began. No researcher begins with a blank mind, so a conceptual review is a key prelude to analysis oriented towards understanding (Sayer 1992, Yin 1994). Triangulation, iterative comparison of datafromdifferent bases, e.g. interviews and census indicators, leads to reconsideration of the model in the light of the data, and the findings emerge from a combined top-down and bottom-up analysis. I tested my models by gathering quantitative and qualitative, as well as time series and cross-sectional data. Quantitative analysis was based on regional geography, including the construction of layered case study regions and the use of location quotients to compare inter-regional socioeconomic character. The qualitative analysis was based on grounded theory (Corbin and Strauss 1990), an approach using continuous comparison of commentary, often used in research about professional practice, e.g. in education and health care. It appeared in geographyfirstin a recent study of environmental resource management (Shute and Knight 1995). Primary sources of data were census indicators, case studies, and face-to-face interviews. I employed census indicatorsfirstto confirm that significant changes in socioeconomic character actually occurred in nonmetropolitan regions as a whole between 1976 and 1996. Then I used them to select specific areas for case  -16study, a practice that Bertuglia et al. (1994) suggest is appropriate to research that evaluates planning performance. After selection of case studies, I described their socioeconomic character in terms of census indicators expressed as location quotients. Locally prepared profiles were added to augment census evidence. The case study areas were small city centred regions [I refer to them as sub-regional nodes] in nonmetropolitan regional districts of British Columbia. The criteria for selection were comparable population size, patterns of residential migration, and occupational structure. I limited my selections to places whose population range was from 10,000 - 30,000. This excluded metropolitan areas, but included places large enough to have reasonable diversity in employment and lifestyle, and to recruit interviewees from a range of organizations. I selected 6from35 places, and confined my choices to places with at least a sub-campus of a community college, to ensure each had one centre of education whose size and structure was comparable. I recruited residents in case study areas involved in education, training, and planning services for interviews. Interviews were semi-structured, comprising a questionnaire and face-to-face discussion of about 45 minutes duration. I noted my impressions of case study areas and interviewee organizations at that time. I elicited personal histories and discussed community futures with those who had familiar knowledge of study areas. Semi-structured interviews encouraged interviewees to initiate their own questions, and so collaborate in the study. The main benefit or advantage I expected to derive was more vivid and realistic accounts of experience: the cost or drawback a more diffuse range of responses. I interviewed officials whose duties include providing information of public record, including ministry and regional development officers, government agents, planners and college administrators. No personal information was soughtfromthis 'institutional' group, though some was volunteered. The 'personal' interviewees included directors, managers, instructors andfieldworkers,working in community and private colleges, private training firms and community service organizations. These included groups oriented to non-formal, self-directed training, e.g. arts and crafts; sociocultural minorities, e.g. First Nations and seniors; advocacy groups, especially those focused on employment or environmental issues; and auxiliaries to institutions, e.g. health care education groups. Interviews included public, private, and non-government sectors. Recruiting proceeded, in line with University of British Columbia research ethics, as follows: contact  -17letters were sent requesting agency consent, then for individual consent; then interviews were arranged. Guarantees of confidentiality were required from agencies and given to interviewees. I expected to encounter the unavoidable bias of surveys, overrepresentation from people who enjoy doing them [see Appendix 1]. Interview topics included types of resources and work done by the organization; labour force and training programmes, development initiatives and projects in progress in the community, communication and education technologies, liaison with other organizations, appropriateness of programmes, and community futures. The 'personal' interviewees completed a questionnaire, including a learning style inventory, scaled statements about issues in education, and demographic data. The interview materials are reproduced in Appendix 1. Numerate data analysis was performed using non-parametric statistics, both descriptive and inferential. Census and interview questionnaire indicators used are almost entirely nominal or ordinal. For some variables, e.g. education level and occupation, I selected on a non-random basis, and so I was unable to assume a normal distribution. Parametric statistics were inappropriate in these circumstances. I addressed representativeness and significance when possible, but all case study research sacrifices some external validity in exchange for more internal validity and a wider scope of examination. I expected my research design to have low to moderate potential for generalization, but on the other hand, moderate to high prospects for construct validity. This is typical of the scope and depth of most dissertation research in the social sciences (Merriam and Simpson 1995).  1.4  C H A P T E R  O R G A N I Z A T I O N :  This study is set out in eight chapters. In the next two, the broad concepts discussed above are worked into a research design. In Chapter 2, living systems is set out in detail, including its concepts of systems, organization, stability and turbulence, and their role in understanding developmental processes relevant to the construction of knowledge and building of communities. The conceptual models shown in Table 1.1 above are explained, and related to like concepts in the literature review. Then the discussion moves into the more specific issues as questions relevant to the study, in each of the substantive areas that were reviewed; teaching and learning practices, programme development, the character and dynamics of organizations, and community development. Chapter 3 develops the outline in § 1.3 into a detailed research design. The conceptual measures in the  -18models are expanded into a set of indicators, which are then clustered into component measures. Procedures for selection of case studies and recruiting of interviewees are detailed, together with comments on the representativeness of the actual interviewee sample. This chapter concludes with an account of methods of data analysis, and a review of applicable considerations of validity and reliability in the study. Chapter 4 contains the beginning of the empirical work. I review census indicators at the provincial and regional district level to (a) establish that significant counterurbanization occurred, and (b) describe the socioeconomic character of a typology of regional districts in the province as a whole. From this review, I show how the case studies were selected, and comment on the representativeness of that sample. I include findings on socioeconomic variability and transformations at the regional district level, the basic unit of analysis in the census. These helped me understand policy and programme trends in education, training, and development. The geography of education and training in British Columbia is outlined in Chapter 5, along with an account of the development of policies and programmes relevant to the study, and how those changed over the study period. Descriptions were derivedfromprogramme documents and secondary reports. I comment on the nature of education and development networks in the province, including capacity, accessibility, and connectivity. The degree to which these systems are sensitive to local diversity is of particular interest. Chapter 6 contains the body of the case studies. This includes comments on the construction of the case study regions, i.e. sub-regional nodes, and a review of census indicators at that level. Interview commentary on the socioeconomic character of the case study regions is compared to the census information and local socioeconomic profiles, to test research questions about the nature of the socioeconomy of case study regions, and the extent of migration to these regions during the review periods. These comparisons also test how well the interviewees understood conditions in their own region. Information derivedfromthis review sets the stage for assessments of programme effectiveness, in the light of those changing conditions, in Chapter 7. There, the focus shifts from particular places to people and organizations in non-metropolitan regions more generally, and to the issues in education and community development that influence the effectiveness of programmes. Topics include commentary on socioeconomic change, development opportunities and challenges emergingfromthat change, programme interconnections and the quality of inter-agency liaison, and evaluation  -19of post-secondary education and training programmes and practices. I conclude with a section summarizing questionnaire responses an issues in education and training, and an analysis of patterns of interview comments. In Chapter 8,1 summarize my findings and identify implications for future programmes. This is set out in three parts:firstan account of salient non-metropolitan transformations over the review period; then an assessment of the effectiveness of policies and programmes reviewed; followed by comments on likely futures for the case study areas. I assess my original argument in the light of the findings. In the final section, I comment on the effectiveness of the conceptual approach, models constructed and methodology selected, and finally consider possible directions for future research.  CHAPTER 2  LIVING SYSTEMS, LEARNING, AND DEVELOPMENT Human occupance of area, like other biotic phenomena, carries within itself the seed of its own transformation. Derwent Whittlesey, "Sequent Occupance", 1929.  This chapter has two purposes. One is to set out the conceptual models, developedfroma review of the relevant literature, that were used as guidelines for the research design. The other is to show that living systems is a workable conceptual approach for this study. I do so by connecting its general concepts to more specific applications and typologies derived from relevant areas of literature. This study is an evaluation of the effectiveness and adequacy of programmes, and an examination of complex socioeconomic interactions that are concerned with sustainable development. Performance assessment is based on criteria related in orderly ways to needs, resource constraints, and system capacities. All three are perceived qualities that vary with what is valued by the participants. Programme evaluation in education and community development has moved, in principle at least, to accepting greater plurality in such perceptions by a range of stakeholders (Guba and Lincoln 1989, Bertuglia et al. 1994). The synoptic approach of living systems offers a workable common ground for that kind of systemic assessment. As applied here, living systems sets out an ecology of learning and development. The models developed in this chapter address the research questions as outlined in Table 1.1. The first, mindscapes (Maruyama 1994), derived from organizational study, identifies ways of assessing system effectiveness in terms of the complexity and openness of interactions and processes in a range of organizations [§ 2.1]. This provides criteria to assess the effectiveness of education and development programmes, in the context of their capacity for self-direction. This quality is integral to the concept of education for sustainability. The second, Learning and Work within the Lifespan, identifies key factors in the learning process, and elements of diversity encountered in teaching practice. This also provides criteria to assess effectiveness in -20-  -21 programmes, in two respects; modes of delivery, and promoting diversity, again an integral part of sustainability. Components from this model, as outlined in Chapter 3, are used to show regional variations in the socioeconomy of the study areas, based on census indicators, that are relevant to the characteristics of education programmes and also variations in the preferred teaching practices of interviewees. My review suggests that learning emerges mainly from individual experience, and is shared with others in conversation. Experiential or familiar learning links people to local environments, and influences value development, conceptualized here as sets of preferences or styles. Formal learning provides people with the means to communicate, skills to learn systematically, and attitudes to survive in the mainstream culture. Teachers develop styles, which are applied, ideally, in ways that are consistent with the nature of the educational programme and needs of each learner group. The model of teaching and learning processes is set out in § 2.2. The third and central model used in this study, Resource Networks for Community Development, describes a matrix of resources for development in organizations, and is set out in § 2.3. It is used to assess the capacities of individual organizations and systems of organizations, i.e. communities. The model is connected to the others by a discussion of programme planning and evaluation in education, training, and development. Programmes include those at personal level, i.e. paths and projects (Hagerstrand 1982), and at organizational level, e.g. strategies to achieve corporate and community development goals. While the character of programmes at each level is different, the processes are analogous. First, the needs of various stakeholders are identified and prioritized, and then resource allocation decisions are made. While they are 'legal persons' with rights and duties, organizations have no life of their own, except through their members. They have two roles; (a) as structures for accumulating, storing, and allocating economic assets, and (b) as meeting places where social interactions unfold, in some cultural, political, and technological framework. The connection between the models is that people, who direct and manage organizations, do so by learning themselves and then teaching others. Organizational cultures are the social equivalent of personal styles, and represent diverse value sets preserved by the people directing them. In the modern era, roughly 1920-1980, North American organizations moved towards technocratic cultures, whose politics were based on detailed central control over programmes and operations, via hierarchical social relations. As the limitations of central control over systems, including  -22organizations, became evident in the 1960s, earlier organizational forms were revisited as alternatives. My review includes a plurality of types, system structures and processes, and comments on what each values. Innovations emerging in education and community development emphasize self-regulation, self-direction, and similar ideas (Anderson and Bone 1995, Bertuglia et al. 1994, Shute and Knight 1995). More regional decision making was a goal of economic and education development policy in the province (British Columbia Round Table on the Environment and the Economy 1993; Premier's Summit 1993b, 1995). The more general term in living systems, self-organization, helps to synthesize terms from a wide spectrum of research, and thereby to assess key concepts that underpin the rationale, values and future implications of such programmes. Since it was coined in the late 1980s, sustainable development has become a catchphrase for programme developers. Sustainability, meeting present needs without compromising the needs of future generations, is endorsed widely in principle. In practice, it is not articulated well, for example in rankings of levels of national economic development (Straussfogel 1997). The concept emerged initiallyfromresearch on physical environments. 'Social' sustainability, which was added later, remains at an earlier stage of conceptual development. Living systems helps reconcile these only apparently disparate aspects of sustainability. Its concepts of stability, turbulence, resilience, surprise, and attractors apply, with some modifications to both levels. They help in understanding the complex relationships between physical and social systems that are at the core of sustainability. Living systems concepts, set out in § 2.1, are used as a unifying schema that draws together the other models, and ensures that their concepts and assumptions are reasonably consistent. As noted in Chapter 1, this approach is under development, i.e. receiving greater recognition in a range of fields relevant to this study. A secondary purpose of the research was to extend ecological thinking, which includes living systems and other perspectives, from the very general conceptual level to the more specific level of applications of conceptual models within the context of an empirical study. Given the interdisciplinary nature of this study, achieving this goal inevitably involved some sacrifice of parsimony, both in the process of literature review, and later in the review of empirical data. On the other hand, a thorough conceptual review is consistent with its central method of examination, triangulation, and in my view, is an appropriate part of the broadly-based tradition in geography.  -23-  2.1  L I V I N G S Y S T E M S A N D T H E E C O L O G I C A L  T R I A N G L E :  Any ecological approach must be framed at a general level to accommodate wider ranges of structures, relations, and processes. Originally introduced into geography as systemics (Hardwick 1990), living systems emerged from a variety of studies into complex networks. The general principles of systems were articulated by Mario Bunge in his Treatise on Basic Philosophy (1974-1989). Complex systems research details the qualities of continuity 1  and flux in specific physical and human networks. As a whole, living systems is an way of knowing still under development. It has been reviewed favourably in principle in social science, but not yet widely applied. Ifirstapply living systems by linking its ideas explicitly to the person-society-environment triangle that has long been an intrinsic part of human ecology. I explore processes of development at the levels of people, organizations, and places, the basic layers of socioeconomic networks. My departure point is that persons, who are members of organizations and reside in communities, are an integral aspect of places. To understand any of these layers separately, some knowledge of all of them, in interaction, is required. Systems at all levels have common characteristics; openness to interactions, behavioural complexity, and self-organization. These are the topic of § 2.1.1. In the course of their development, systems may be in states of either stability or turbulence. Their capacity to return to stability from turbulence, and avoid unpleasant surprises, is called resilience. An emergent aspect of resilience in human systems is equity, which mediates interpersonal and intergroup turbulence. I review concepts and measures of resilience in § 2.1.2, and include applications to the networks of interest. Some suggest criteria for assessment in education and development. Mindscapes emergefromexperiential images. I use this model to link sets of ideal types [e.g. teaching and learning styles in Table 2.4], as a schema of perceived orders of complexity in systemic interactions, which accounts for variations in system design and criteria for performance. I also apply mindscapes to explore mindsets of various organizations involved in assessing post-secondary education and development [see § 2.1.3].  1. Complex systems research is referred to variously as 'complex systems theory' (Straussfogel 1997). 'complexity theory' (Goerner 1994), 'systems thinking' (Senge 1990), 'non-linear dynamics' and the study of 'dissipative structures' (Dyke 1988, Mainzer 1994), and 'ecological thinking' (McTaggart 1994). I borrowed the term 'living systems'froman essay on the nature of organizations (Somerhoff 1969).  -24-  2.1.1  SYSTEM TYPES AND CHARACTERISTICS:  Living systems presupposes one world which is partially knowable. In this perspective, the world is viewed as a set of partly determinate processes, evolving within a continuous flux, where entities at diverse levels, including humans, self-organize into systems that are variably open and complex. Systems, as distinct from aggregates, are bounded entities whose components are connected by internal processes of organization. Systems relate in ordered ways to other systems within external environments. Boundaries are selectively permeable, i.e. open to interactions, which vary over time and space. External environments, at both physical and social levels, are sometimes configured in non-contiguous or patchy patterns (Zimmerer 1994). When the structure of an entity, processes maintaining its organization and coherence, and its boundaries with other entities that influence its dynamics, have been specified, a system has been described. Figure 2.1 overleaf is a schematic of system types, that builds on the person-society environment triangle (Steiner and Nauser 1993). Persons are living entities, bounded in bodies comprised of sub-systems, linked by internal, interdependent physiological and psychological processes that evolve over a life cycle of birth, development, and death. Humans interact physically in ecosystems, where they reside. Personal capacities to assimilate and exchange information, and so accommodate to change, emerge from our psychological organization. We interact within social systems, e.g. families, of which we are members. Collective powers to transform biophysical landscapes, by creating artefacts and redirecting energy, derivefromour social organization. The terms physiological, psychological, biophysical and social are all aspects of an indivisible whole in everyday experience. People reside in places. Expanding on the regionalization principle (Crowe 1938), places are seen as fields of people, things, energy, and information moving. "When a place is named, its cores and edges delimited, its genesis explored, and its attributes considered separately and in combination, we have an understanding of its geography" (Hardwick 1995). Who does the naming, delimiting, and exploring are important, but landscapes are more than just social constructions. People construct places individually and collectively, but also interact with non-social systems, in a process of partly accepting and partly remaking their physical surroundings. People are members of organizations, which in this context are information ecosystems. Although  25-  Figure2.1 Persons, Societies, and Environments: Systems and Processes increasing scales of social system, e.g. families, ethnic groups, nations [ultimately, the abstract or conceptual domain] j T  ;  i i i i  HUMAN COMMUNITY [social system]  i linked by membership in organizations j ;  i i  r  J  I  INDIVIDUAL PERSON  linked by residence in places  material and energy flows  BIOPHYSICAL COMMUNITY  physiological processes  [ecosystem]  increasing scales of ecosystem, e.g. chores, regions, continents [ultimately, the material or concrete domain]  -26information is bounded in persons, it is exchanged and evaluated in organizations, whose prevailing cultures influence the processes of exchange.  Knowledge, then, is both personally and socially constructed.  Organizations cannot think or feel; only people can. The more that the boundaries of interaction are defined in advance, the more formal the organization. Unlike people, organizations may be located in many places simultaneously. I call complex systems of people, places, and organizations communities. There are communities of residence, which are centred on places, and communities of interest, based on communication networks. Over human history, organizations have become more complex, and so has equity, the 'rules of the game'. Work, social activity directed at some purpose thought useful (Bunge 1979), but not confined to employment, creates coherence in places, organizations, and communities. As the space-time scale expands, humans visualize biophysical and social systems more abstractly. One endpoint of the continuum in Figure 2.1 is the concrete domain, concepts about things: the other is the abstract domain, concepts about concepts (Sayer 1992). At the endpoints, these are hard to separate, but their properties differ fundamentally. Material or concrete systems exist, e.g. have location. Conceptual or abstract systems subsist, e.g. have meaning. Subsistence is stipulated existence in some mind. "Existents which you can touch I can touch as well, but the subsistents in my head and your head may not be the same" (Olsson 1980, 44b). Ecosystem processes include the material and energy flows of non-living systems, which support life. Organisms, including humans, have physiological processes, where materials and energy are consumed; coping behaviours, by which they adapt or innovate in response to change; and genetic codes for reproduction, whose end is species continuance. Organisms compete and cooperate in ecosystems. The capacity to transform them, at least in the biologically short run, has provided humans their main competitive advantage over other species. There are analogous processes in social systems. Economy, where flows of material and energy are consumed, is that most directly linked to ecosystems. Technology, in effect the physiology of society, extends human physical capacities by means of artefacts, and their coping behaviours by learning how to create and use them. Organizations are social artefacts. Politics, where decisions how to respond to change and allocate resource are made, mediates adaptation and innovation, and also tries to maintain equity. Culture evokes thoughts and feelings, adds coherence to communities, and thereby tries to ensure their continuance.  -27At some spatial-temporal scale, persons, ecosystems, and social systems are self-organizing. Inputs into systems are usually transformed by processes into outputs without appreciable change in the system's structure. In some conditions, however, system processes may be restructured spontaneously by outputs. For example, people while learning at times experience spontaneous insight, which may alter the neural networks of cognition or affect (Edelman 1992, Eiser 1994). Insight often follows a struggle with the unfamiliar. This is an example of turbulence [see § 2.1.2]. A like idea in education is lateral thinking, where minds are considered "an environment for the self-organization of information into patterns" (de Bono 1970). Effectiveness in education systems may be assessed in part on its contribution to improving lateral thinking. This process is crucial to innovation, although lateral thinking does not guarantee innovations are appropriate. Mechanisms of self-organization in social systems include markets, elections, and discourses. These are typically entrenched as rights in social systems (Lohmann 1992). How well they are maintained is another basis for the assessment of system equity. Like ecosystems, social systems have competition and cooperation. The various modes of organization, and their political-cultural mechanisms, are susceptible to abuses of power. Self-organization may include separation from or recombination with other proximate systems. An example is partnering, where institutions in a network share resources, both having input into an innovation, which neither could organize as effectively alone. Related issues in education programmes and in organizations are how well they advance learner/member ability to be self-directing, competitive, and cooperative, with equity. Self-organization implies no system can control others entirely. Neither sociosystems nor ecosystems determine the intent or behaviour of people, nor the reverse. Each level of system is nested in its precursors, systems that preceded it historically. A community cannot subsist without people, who cannot exist without an ecosystem. This ordering is not a hierarchy. Levels can neither command nor obey one another (Bunge 1979). In living systems parlance, all levels of system tended to evolve towards higher orders of complexity . 2  Complexity has two dimensions; number or size of components, and range of system capacities to cope with change. Increased numbers or size are referred to as growth, and range of capacities, as development (Daly  2. This does not necessarily apply to individuals or system types within a level. The evolution of species includes both emergence and extinction, for example, but biophysical communities as a whole continue to evolve in the direction of greater diversity, which is a form of complexity (Gould 1983, Depew and Weber 1995).  -28and Cobb 1989). A risk in evaluating community activities is confusing indicators of growth with those of development. Growth in population of a place, for example, does not imply its economic development: the range of viable economic activities, and so its economic resilience may remain the same (Goldberg 1989). Combining openness and complexity implies no prime causes. Interaction loops occur among all levels of system. Explanation of one by any other, e.g. personal acts by abstract, supra-individual social structures, is at best partial. All levels continue to evolve, and so there are no ideal end states. Increased complexity does not imply inevitable progress. In times of rapid change, systems are more vulnerable to decline or dissipation. As issues of limits to control by humans, over ecosystems and each other, came to be more prominent, notions of long-term sustainability emerged. This set of ideas recognizes simultaneously the potential for and the risks of socioeconomic growth and development. Both are easier to understand in the light of the principles of system dynamics and transformations, to which I now turn.  2.1.2  S Y S T E M DYNAMICS AND TRANSFORMATIONS:  Periods of stability and turbulence occur in all systems. These states are shown in Figure 2.2 overleaf as middle points on a continuum. Stasis is one pole, where change is so slow it cannot be discerned, and chaos the other, where change is so fast, that it cannot be ordered. Change at all intermediate points on the continuum is orderly, but its pace increases as the system moves towards chaos (Lorenz 1993) Stability is the state desired by people at most times. The term implies that system change is occurring at a rate rapid enough to cope with environmental change, avoiding stagnation, but not so rapidly that the system loses coherence, and encounters dispersion. For example, an aircraft that becomes stagnant, stalls and crashes; one that becomes too turbulent spins out of control and crashes. In this simple case, the salient system characteristics are velocity and path of the aircraft. The mechanisms for maintaining aircraft stability are control systems operated by the flight crew. Similarly, long lectures may lead to psychological stagnation, followed by an attention crash among learners. Too many rapid changes in the classroom, however, can lead to dispersion,  3. The omega-shaped figure is adaptedfromthe work of Hannah Arendt (1939). Her fundamental hypothesis was that in politics, the extreme left and extreme right have more similarities than differences. In effect, if the two ends of a line, representing these positions, are brought together, an omega shape results.  -29-  Figure 2.2 States of Systems: Stasis Through Chaos  stability stagnation stasis  turbulence dispersion chaos  Adaptedfrom:Lorenz (1993), Holling (1986)  where learner attention oscillates between the activities and content. The salient characteristic here is attention, and a mechanisms for maintaining stability are the teaching experience and training of the instructor. Turbulence is necessary for change. It usually precedes transformations from one state to another, and is triggered by disturbance to normal system operation. A simple teaching example is the 'probing' question. The goal is to develop critical thinking by creating cognitive dissonance (Mezirow 1989). Turbulence is most often afluctuationwithin stability limits, but some disturbances lead to system-wide change, e.g. the 1990s decline of the Newfoundland northern cod fishery, and dispersion of communities dependent on it. The fish population self-organized at a lower, but presumably sustainable, level of growth. The human fishers suffered catastrophe. The difficulty in assessing such complex systems is differentiating incipient turbulence that may lead to decline,fluctuationswithin stability limits , and the normal transitions of development. A crucial skill in planning, leading, or directing human enterprises is cultivating sensitivity to the differences. The more complex the system, the more ways it can become either stagnant or turbulent and break down. All systems evolve, so the longer the time elapsed, the more chance of encountering either breakdown mode. More complex systems, e.g. technology, evolve more rapidly, and encounter turbulence more often. Biological evolution is slower, and so appears more stable, than social evolution (Clark 1985). A core sustainability issue is resource extraction pushing ecosystem stability to its limits. Time scales for evaluating economic efficiency  -30and sustainability are different (Goldberg 1989), and we cannot know all long-term effects of our activity. Social systems subsist on an edge between turbulence and stagnation. Development or decline can emerge from interactions with ecosystems, political decisions, technological changes, and shifts in values. Alternative lifestyles often signal value turbulence (Berry 1992) that ends in migration, for example the 1990s political transformations in Hong Kong. Innovations of all kinds can engender opportunities for economic development in one place but dispersion in another, or can lead to the stagnation of technological lock-ins (Arthur 1988). Stability is a state maintained by resilience, a property of systems, which I define as the capacity to resist disturbance. This is a 'double-edged sword', since some perturbation is integral to system development. Four kinds of resilience are measured in biophysical environmental assessment: •  elasticity, how fast a system returns to its former state;  •  power, the magnitude of turbulence a system can withstand in one event, without catastrophic damage ensuing;  •  hysteresis, the number of paths that return the system to stability;  •  malleability, the system's tendency to transform in small increments, so avoiding catastrophic transformation (Westman 1985, Goldberg 1989).  The first two comprise the 'K' or climax phase in ecosystem succession, the other two the V or pioneering phase. Variations on these have been adapted for the assessement of social systems (Adams 1988, Schein 1992, Jacobs 1994). During the modern period, about 1920-1980, North American organizations inclined towards the 'K' strategy. Large, powerful organizations, national champions, were the focus of resource allocation (Reich 1992), and fast, single-purpose responses in public planning were most valued (Goldberg 1989) [see § 2.3.1]. An aspect of resilience in social systems is equity, which is concerned with the fair allocation of resources, defined herein as rights to a stream of perceived benefits (Oakerson 1992). Equity is assessed on three qualities; accessibility to the allocation or distribution network, connectivity among its parts, and system capacity relative to overall use. Accessibility means all community members may use a system without undue disruption or delay. Providing distance education to people in remote places is an accessibility issue. Connectivity means the ease of movingfromone part of a system to another, once it is accessed. Integrating job search skills into training programmes is a connectivity issue. Capacity refers to how many a network can accommodate without the  -31 quality of benefits deteriorating. In educational programme assessment, class size and frequency of course offerings, and in community development, migration leading to pressure on infrastructures, are capacity issues. If either resilience or equity weakens, surprise can ensue. 'Social' surprises include discrete events, e.g. the 1970s oil shocks, discontinuity in long-term trends, e.g. stagflation (Jacobs 1985) and movements for greater inclusion of women in professional work (Massey 1984), or sudden emergence of new information, e.g. about the long-term effects of flourocarbons on the ozone layer (Brooks 1986). The usual means to avoid surprise are control mechanisms, ranging from the automatic, e.g. aircraft stabilizers, to formal, e.g. resource extraction quotas, to informal, e.g. theatrical skills of instructors. Knowing system capacity for self-organization, relative to the goal sought, is a key skill in any human enterprise. When economies are turbulent, for example, using formal controls such as price freezes, is effective only in the short run. In the long run, such controls may push an economy closer to its stability limits, by reducing its capacity to self-organize (Goldberg 1989). Another key skill in directing organizations is remembering that, during development transitions, they are less stable. Living systems postulates attractors as stability states. Some attractors are depicted as points, i.e. 'eitheror' conditions, others as cycles, still others, strange attractors, as momentary chaotic states (Goerner 1994).. Human physiology is regulated by homeostasis, a point attractor, at micro-scale. Homeostasis is constrained by the human lifespan, a cycle attractor at macro-scale. Insight is a strange attractor that fosters longer-term change in attitudes or cognition. Although chaotic in operation, the mechanisms in the human limbic system, that enable insight are highly elastic and hysteretic, and so resilient (Edelman 1993, Eiser 1994). Attractors along with their associated measures of resilience [in humans and organizations, values], suggest optimum levels of control. Mindscapes is a set of attractors that examines levels of complexity, in learning, both in formal and informal settings. As set out below, mindscapes can be applied to persons, organizations, and communities.  2.1.3  MINDSCAPES AND COMPLEXITY:  Mindscapes is a schema of root metaphors describing levels of complexity that account for preferences in ways of visualizing the interactions, such as conversation and experimentation, that enable the development of knowledge, policy, and innovations (Maruyama 1994). A similar measure of cognitive maturity in people is their  -32ability to appreciate insights from other views, while remaining committed to their own (Perry 1988), i.e. to know at increasing levels of complexity. Applied to organizations, mindscapes are a measure of their ability to maintain value plurality among their members. Mindscapes helped me understand variability in programme evaluation that arisesfrommismatches between the mental models of designers and evaluators. Mental models, and ways of building visionfromwithin, are two key disciplines of learning organizations (Senge 1990). I use mindscapes to compare certain assumptions underlying teaching and learning and organizational cultures. The four mindscapes are denoted by the bold letters [H, I, S, G] in Figure 2.3 overleaf, and shown as a continuum, somewhat like the system states shown in Figure 2.2. Degrees of complexity rangefromthe relative stasis of the H- or transitive causality type to the dispersion of the I- or independent events type. H-mindscapes seek predictability and rely on transitive, one-way causality. In this perspective, "Differences generate conflict, sameness fosters peace; therefore all persons should be made equal or similar" (Maruyama 1994, 9). Learning is thought logical and sequential, proceedingfromaxioms or categories towards some unitary truth, expressed in terms of abstract concepts or general laws. Similarly, there is one best way to do things. Value systems and organizations should be ordered on a hierarchy, e.g. of utility or authority. Economic activity, relative to physical environments, is a zero-sum game. Gain to one must be loss to the other. This is the mindscape of master planning, modern technocratic organizations, and most functionalist views. I-mindscapes anticipate, at best, random interaction. Ordered patterns and structures are thought to decay towards states of entropy. Society is seen more as an aggregate of individuals than a system of groups. Learners should acquire the knowledge they need for their own immediate activities. In organizations, people should develop on their own. Reducing the scale of economic activity, ideally to self-sufficiency, is the best strategy for finding solutions to environmental problems. Utopians,fromarch-conservative individualists to back-to-thelanders, together with postmodern subjectivists, are likely to be comfortable within this mindscape. S-mindscapes seek similarity, and advance homeostasis as a social model. Interactions are considered nonhierarchical. People, though heterogeneous as individuals, interact in homogeneous and harmonious patterns as groups. Knowledge involves the understanding of mutuality, and is acquired by cooperation. This is the language and fundamental mental model of commons-type organizations (see Table 2.3 on p. 56). Each member  -33-  Figure 2.3 Mindscapes: Levels of Systemic Complexity ECOLOGICAL THINKING [mutual interactions] Homeostatic networks [S] HOMEOGENEITY [ [similarity] / Transitive I causation [H] V PREDICTABILITY [one-way interactions]  Morphogenetic networks [G] \. HETEROGENEITY \ [difference] J Independent J events [I] RANDOMNESS [stochastic interactions]  Adapted from: Maruyama 1994  shares responsibility for the development of the group. Biophysical environments are thought to operate on a delicate equilibrium, where everything is connected to every thing else. Most variations on humanism, along with grassroots environmental activism (cf. Hardin 1985) are situated within this mindscape. G- or morphogenetic mindscapes are the most complex. Feedback loops can maintain similarity or increase difference in systems, via self-organization. In this perspective, learners seek higher orders of complexity by combining individual and collaborative work. Labour and management, or firms and governments, may both gain by cooperating, e.g. pooling funds for joint research (Maruyama 1994).. Authority stemsfrommutual adjustment on an informal basis. Values cannot be ranked on one scale (Bunge 1989). Person-society-environment relations can be a 'positive-sum game', where total benefits may grow, given suitable conditions. Collaborative learning and learning organizations reside between the S- and G- mindscapes. I compare mindscapes to other typologies used in Chapter 3 to construct operational variables; learning styles and teaching perspectives [Table 2.2], and organizational cultures [Table 2.3]. This is one way of ensuring that the ideas contained in them are reasonably consistent, despite their sources in a range of literature in education and development. This concludes the review of my interpretation of living systems. Applications  -34cited here are developed later in this chapter. I begin from the 'inside' out, with the personal processes of learning, and proceed towards the most complex levels of systems, that is social systems or communities.  2.2  T E A C H I N G  A N D L E A R N I N G :  In § 2.1, I proposed that assessing education systems is based on criteria relating to learning, specifically capacities for self-direction, competition and cooperation; all within a framework of accessibility, connectivity, and system capacity that promotes lifelong learning. Here, I show education systems promote these abilities in three contexts; education for 'life', for 'jobs', and for 'community development'. Emphasis on each varies with the needs of the learners, goals of the programme, and socioeconomic conditions in the place [see § 2.3]. I construct a model of teaching and learning processes, as a means to assess how education systems contribute to personal development, within these three contexts. I show learning is open, complex and self-organizing. Learning involves periods of intellectual stability and turbulence. Some turbulence is integral to learner development, but too much at once may be destructive. Sources of conflict in the classroom include mismatches between learning and teaching styles, and unwarranted expectations, at times by the organization delivering the programme, of (a) learner readiness to undertake it, or (b) learner ability to assimilate content in the order or at the pace presented. Beyond the classroom, turbulence may stemfromfamily, occupation, and lifestyle factors. Formal learning is better articulated in adult education than is familiar learning. In geography, the focus has been more on the familiar. Combining insightsfromthese disciplines, I construct a model called 'learning and work within the lifespan' in § 2.2.1. Its main construct is that people learn in two 'loops'; the formal or propositional, largely in education systems and at work, and the familiar or experiential, mainly within everyday family life. This model is further connected in Chapter 3 to the actual indicators and measures that I employ. Basic learning processes are related to kinds of knowledge and how people develop styles of learning in § 2.2.2. Contextual factors ranging from environmental perception through conversation and the paths and projects of lifestyle, are explored in § 2.2.3. This section concludes with § 2.2.4, a review of teaching as an interactive link between people, organizations and their cultures.  -35-  2.2.1  LEARNING AND WORK WITHIN THE LIFESPAN:  Figure 2.4 overleaf is a schematic of learning processes, arranged into the formal and familiar loops. The first of these includes measures of the basic technical, communication and social interaction skills that people develop within the formal system of public education, employment, and community organizations. These, respectively, are one side of learning for life, jobs, and community development. The second includes measures of the influences of aging, the duties of family life, and the fund of informal experience that learners accumulate over the course of their life paths and projects. In my view, which has support in the literature, as noted in the next three sections, the state of personal learning development at any time, varies with the following influences: •  stage in the family life cycle;  •  lifestyle and learning style, durable sets of preferences that are parts of personality;  •  past and present experience of a range of communities or places;  •  attained level of formal education and training,  •  past and present experience of organizations, divided into employment and volunteer work;  The loops are concepts for analysis: in practice, each continuously interacts with the other. Over time, represented by the dashed line't,... t ', learning as a whole evolves, though not always in a positive direction. 2  Most knowledge, skill, and attitudes have an effective shelf life, and need active use to be retained. Learning style itself varies with preferences for formality or informality, and so is shown as the link connecting the loops. Stage in family life cycle affects learning in two ways. The fund of experience that learners can draw on increases with age. Their ability to access education varies with family structure, e.g. caregiving duties. Past experience of places and lifestyle influence how people perceive their current setting, what they attend to in the landscape, and what experiences they engage in and learnfrom.Attained level of formal education is a measure of the level of intellectual complexity to which people have been exposed.  Occupational history and  participation in NGOs reflect past experience of organizations, and in parallel to experience of places and lifestyle, influence what people attend to in the landscape where they work. Learning processes as a whole, within individuals, interact with teaching perspectives and organizational  -36Figure 2A Learning and Work within the Lifespan  ti  cultures. Learning style and teaching perspectives are preferences, i.e. measure central tendency. One person is not restricted to one type. Competent instructors have the capacity to use a range of teaching perspectives in the appropriate circumstances. This is a measure of the accessibility of programmes to people with diverse styles. Teaching perspective applies not only to instructors, but to other people with whom a learner interacts in an instructional or training setting. In effect, those directing or managing organizations are teaching as well. Both instructors and learners are influenced by organizational culture in the learning setting. For example, in public colleges, where most funding is made via per capita grants, there is considerable emphasis on minimizing costs per student. Access to instructors by learners is often limited, for example, by class size. In community service institutions, by contrast, where more funding is made on a project basis, there is typically  -37an emphasis on output criteria. A typical such criterion is the percentage of learners placed in jobs. I now move to describing learning processes themselves and how they unfold over the lifespan. The next section focuses on the development of processes 'within' the person, and it combines ideasfromboth psychology and education. Section 2.2.3 sets out how these processes are shaped by interactions between the person and environment, and is focused on ideas from geography and ecology.  2.2.2  LEARNING PROCESSES AND LEARNING STYLE:  Learning is a set of mental processes bounded in persons, who interact with ecosystems in places, and people in organizations. Structures of learning include cognition, where thoughts in the abstract are generated; motor networks, where concrete physical actions are mastered; and affect, where a complex of judgements, feelings and beliefs about self and community are activated. These self-organizing structures emergefromlife processes of aging, acting, and experiencing. They mediate each other to transform inputsfromenvironmental perceptions and conversations to specific skills of learning; reflection, abstraction, experimentation, and application. In turn, the skills or modes of learning are used preferentially in a cycle attractor called learning style. One self-organizing property of human minds is proactivity. This is visible in spontaneous curiosity and purposive behaviour, which unfold when people are alone or in groups (Schelling 1978). Another is plasticity, a form of malleability. Humans modify their actions readily in response to or anticipation of changing conditions (Bennett 1993). Finally, the high redundancy in neural networks allows people to assimilate information using multiple paths simultaneously (Edelman 1992), a form of hysteresis. Human minds, then, are highly resilient, capable of withstanding, arguably even seeking out, a good deal of turbulence. Inputs are reordered continuously, by processes that resemble imaging, into neural clusters that represent 'patterns as a whole' rather than strings of'memory bits' (Goertzel 1993). This accounts for why humans reason so often by analogy or metaphor. Agreeing on the meaning of terms is one representation of resolving experiential complexity (Luhmann 1984). Cumulative memory patterns, the output of learning, are classified into a taxonomy of knowledge, skills, and attitudes (Bloom et al. 1956). Cognition, in my adaptation of Bloom, means knowledge in the abstract. Skills, i.e. perceptual and motor abilities, mean knowledge in the concrete [see Figure 2.1]. Attitudes are  -38knowledge of the beliefs and values of oneself and some community, e.g. 'thinking like an engineer'. These concepts have implications for adult education. In British Columbia, for example, the planned shift in programme emphasisfromknowledge to skills (Premier's Summit 1993a) required value transformations, which applied to people who designed, administered, instructed, and evaluated post-secondary education and training. In my model of learning, knowledge in the abstract is formal. It relies on unambiguous conceptual language, logical-rational propositions, and well-defined procedures. Outputs are easy to evaluate using written tests (Gardner 1993). Most academic knowledge is formal, i.e. abstracts essentials from within the complex contexts of experience (Sayer 1992). Skills and attitudes are familiar knowledge. This is more holistic and tacit, i.e. hard to describe in words (Janik 1988), and relies on 'feel', dynamic sensitivity to complex conditions. The outputs, for example, interpersonal and bodily-kinesthetic skills, are difficult to evaluate except by means of performance tests (Gardner 1993, Josefson 1993). A key point made in the Premier's Summit referred to above was emphasizing a more holistic outcomes approach to curriculum, including employability skills. Formal knowledge provides basic skills that allow people to access and interpret texts, maps and histories, converse using a common language, measure and predict with precision. Familiar knowledge provides the skills of everyday practice, working and living in real time, and developing judgement based upon experience. Learning capacities emerge in a developmental sequence, and continue to change over the life span. With increasing age, the fund of experiences expands, and in the sense that humans continuously try to make sense of their experience, learning is a lifelong process. Capacities to acquire some kinds of formal knowledge, e.g. language, however, reach optimum in childhood. Processes for gaining familiar knowledge, by comparison, develop more slowly, as accumulated experience becomes available. The ability to integrate formal and familiar reaches an optimum in middle age (Bergquist 1993b). As the adult learner population ages (Rubenson and Willms 1992), the application of experiential learning techniques in the classroom becomes more prominent. Experiencing combines the memory of actions and environmental images emergingfromthem. Memories, which are images or patterns as a whole, enable reflection, and foster intrapersonal skills (Gardner 1993) and attachment to place (Tuan 1989a). Experience is holistic, and thereby difficult to describe precisely. Affect mediates attention, which drives learning. Imaging is a factor in creating value added in services, e.g. cultural  -39and ecotourism (Murphy 1990). Experiencing as part of the visioning process is also recognized [see § 2.3.3]. Formal learning requires abilities to communicate in the abstract, in literate or numerate form.  At higher  levels or orders of complexity, the learner becomes the teacher, i.e. learning becomes more self-directed. Lower levels of formal learning have well-researched norms, but advanced levels are more variable in their emergence, and advancing norms is risky. As post-secondary education systems in British Columbia shifted emphasis towards familiar learning, methods of evaluation of learning, teaching, and programmes became less precise. Style emerges during adolescence as a set of preferences that express personal identity. Learning style is the relative reliance people place on acting, experiencing, reflecting, and experimenting. The last two express the degree of proactivity or risk-taking preferred. Table 2.1 below sets out Kolb's model of learning style, which I use as one of two indicators of preferred teaching practices among interviewees, and to flesh out the concept of learning style as a variable in my model. The other is teaching perspectives [see Table 2.2]. This model centred on the mechanisms of learning, and drew on Lewin'sfieldtheory of environmental  Table 2.1 Summary - Kolb's Learning Styles  Preferred Specific Ways of Learning reflective observation: focus on interpreting, versus applying, ideas and situations; emphasis on value plurality, thoughtful judgement. abstract conceptualization: focus on building models, scientific as opposed to artistic, emphasis on logic, precision, systematic analysis. active experimentation: focus on changing situations; doing versus observing; emphasis on practical applications, willing to take risks. concrete experience: focused on dealing personally with immediate situations; emphasis on intuition, affect, the complex present. reflective observation [see above]  Source: Kolb 1984  General Learning Style ASSIMILAFORS: prefer the reflective and abstract, strength lies in consolidating Observations into integrated explanation*, inclined to rational and impersonal stud\ and .social surroundings.  CONVKRGLRS. prefer the active and abstract: strength tici> in problem solving, decision milking, practical application, incline to independent technical and scientific study.  ACCOMODA I'ORS prefer the active and concrete, strength lie,s in doing, getting involved, seek new experiences, spontaneous; adaptation? to changing circumstances  DIVKRGKRS" prefer the reflective and concrete, strength lies in senstii\it> to meaning and values, seek the interpersonal Gestalt emerging from critical discussion.  -40perception. Using percentiles to rank preferences for specific ways of learning, Kolb mapped the scores on two continua, abstract/concrete and reflective/active. From this mapping, he identified four general styles of learning His ideal was a learner adept with all four specific ways of learning, and he acknowledged that most people combine learning styles in a situational way. Other models are centred on cognitive traits (Gregorc 1982, Sibley 1993), communication channels (Fleming and Mills 1992), or classroom behaviour (Grasha 1990). The later versions rely less on questionnaires, and more on anecdotal reports. The main advantages of Kolb's inventory, comparatively, are that it is based on a better-articulated theoretical foundation, and it is easier to administer Kolb's sample was 1,900 Americans, mainly young college graduates in Ivy League universities, during the 1970s. My interpretation of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (Myers and Briggs 1980), which differs somewhat from Kolb's, shows frequencies of about 40% assimilators, 30% divergers, and 15% each of the others. Kolb tried to predict which learning styles were typical of what disciplines, in an effort to make the selection process for students more efficient, and he drew criticism for this, much of it justified, in my view.  2.2.3  CONTEXTUAL FACTORS AND LIFESTYLE:  Learning style is influenced by the qualities of the settings and conversations where learning unfolds. I now place learning processes in three contexts: environmental perception, where people develop familiarity with and, as they gain experience, envision opportunities or affordances within in a landscape; conversation, where they share experiences, and arrive at partial mutual understanding; and paths and projects, streams of personal action within some place. Principles brought out here helped me interpret personal accounts of experience and lifestyle from interviewees, and also underpin other indicators in my model. Environmental perception is organization of sensory inputs into a coherent, valued experience of a set of surroundings, known as a landscape. This is a concept "grasping the momentary thereness and relative location of all continuant [things in it]" (Hagerstrand 1982,325). As people move in a landscape, its appearance changes. They 'travel' through it with a set of interpretive preconceptions which he refers to as a diorama. Over time, "people develop distinctive styles of dealing with the environment" (Aitken 1991,182). Landscape and diorama, respectively, are the more objective and subjective arenas of events within which familiar knowledge evolves.  -41 At an early stage in each of the interviews carried out in this study, I asked questions to elicit descriptions of the character of the case study area, in the interviewees' own words. The responses set out their diorama as a reference point for conversation. We 'travelled' through the interview with that diorama in the background, then returned to it at the end, by means of questions about interviewees' perceived futures for that place. One approach to eliciting possibilities for a landscape envisaged by a person or group is establishing what affordances (Gibson 1979) are present within it. Applying this notion shed light on the nature of residents' knowledge of their own local region, and on the elusive concept of visioning for purposes of planning. Gibson constructed an ecological, systemic approach to physical vision, as a critique of conventional theories of optics in physics. He found that visual awareness is panoramic and dynamic. People see, not just objects, but objects integrated into surfaces within a moving landscape. This conception closely resembles diorama. People perceive a landscape primarily for what it affords them as a habitat, and alter their environments to enhance these affordances. A system of affordances is called a niche, an ecological term used in geography (Buttimer 1993). In Gibson's view, (a) an organism and its surroundings comprise an irreducible system, (b) perception is dynamic, and so cannot be separatedfromaction. I thought political vision might work in similar ways. I saw parallels among social physics and neo-classical economics applied in planning, environmental perception as a pattern-making system, and the lateral thinking (de Bono 1970) that is at the core of innovation and design. Affordances highlight the subjective qualities of settings, and link familiar knowledge to personal value (Carello 1993). They explain cultural variation in environmental perception (Harre 1990). Familiar knowledge is shaped by affect, so affordances address aspects of topophilia (Tuan 1974). Individual preferences, cultural variations, and attachment to place are all aspects of lifestyle. To transform subjective preferences into lifestyle as a social construction, the context of conversation, where these preferences are shared, must be considered. Conversation is both verbal and non-verbal. Information from environmental perceptions, and written or pictorial accounts of conversations, i.e. texts, is exchanged, interpreted and evaluated. People learn from conversations and texts how the rest of the world thinks the world works. I applied conversation principles in my interviewing in two ways: to assess the quality or level of my rapport with interviewees, and to map the variations in the paths of conversations from topic to topic through the interview protocol.  - 42 Conversations occur constantly during each person's waking hours. When humans are not conversing to some other person, they talk to an 'inner voice' in their own minds (Scott 1991). People reflect both alone and together, constructing interpretive patterns and meanings, as an integral part of perception. Along with the conventions of organizational cultures, the 'rules of the game' (Dyke 1988), conversations both enable and constrain the personal exchanges that are intrinsic to maintaining social coherence. Affordances apply to conversations, especially where there is mutual presence. The usual arrangement of classrooms, for example, where learners face the teacher, not each other, signals the kind of conversation contemplated. Classroom 'landscape' and perceived roles of participants influence the quality of discourse (Perry 1988). Conversation does not require face-to-face proximity, but when proximity is there, nonverbal expression is important. Conversations are proactive. Participants collaborate in seeking experiential coherence. When conflicts arise, there is usually agreement to disagree, that leads to efforts to re-establish commonality. While there are often at least temporary disagreements, as the conversation proceeds, the conversants typically modify exchanges in a self-organizing manner in order to continue the conversation in an orderly way. On this reasoning, the most frequent outcome of conversation is a partial, dialogical understanding (Folch-Serra 1990). Social constructions emergefromconversations. A key dimension is trust in the process of conversation itself. Where participants know each other, dialogueflowssmoothly. Where they are strangers, "the encounter is awkward because there is no common ground for definition of self and others" (Coser 1991, 1). People construct their identity mainly from reflections, then seek confirmation and modification by conversations. Texts are one-way conversations. Learning is influenced by their formality. At one pole are the non-verbal, symbolic 'conversations' of advertising (Featherstone 1987); at the other, the formal, more purposive academic discourse. If participants are not present simultaneously, conversations become episodic, and since they may be rationalized in advance, are more formal. Dialogue can introduce or resolve cognitive dissonance, a kind of turbulence. Conversation as a means to contemplation and self-reflection is the main application at higher levels of learning (Mezirow 1989). In this view, critical thinking is iterative and emerges mainly from experience. Like perceptions and conversations, actions unfold in a diorama. Paths and projects are streams of action. Paths are a network of links, and projects a pattern of nodes (Hagerstrand 1984). Existing paths and projects  -43constrain access to new networks, e.g. the caregiving duties of single parents reduce their access to education. Paths and projects influence lifestyles. Those whose work is located far from home must adjust their social activities, sometimes into new networks. Paths and projects define space-time regions for persons and groups. I used place of work data, for example, as a lifestyle factor and in defining case study regions . 4  Competing paths teach people to be selective when planning projects. Some require the co-presence of many people, and entail cooperation, even among competitors. At any point, a new activity network may be planned. Every network, however, potentially contains unanticipated circumstances or unintended consequences (Giddens 1991) that act as sources of project turbulence, in proportion to network complexity. Starting a new job, for example, may require a change of residence, and needs tofindnew nodes for ongoing life projects. Learning paths and projects vary over the life cycle. Young adults try to stabilize adolescent identity crises by projects directed to establishing a secure career and family intimacy. During middle adulthood, turbulence re-emerges. Projects at this time of life involve seeking generativity. Mid-life crises can lead to major changes in lifestyle and work (Merriam and Clark 1991, Bergquist 1993b). People are more receptive to education during periods of life cycle turbulence (Cranton 1992). I pursued this point in the interviews by asking questions concerning the socioeconomic characteristics of learners. Paths and projects were measured by personal accounts of occupational history and other organization experiences. Some, e.g. employment and education, were placed in the formal 'loop', and others, e.g. experience of places, were considered familiar. Lifestyle is a network of paths and projects, mediated by personality and familiarity with places. As used in organizations, personality measures assess the fit between style and occupational requirements. The most widely known (e.g. Myers and Briggs 1980) see identity as rooted in environmental perceptions. Similarly, lifestyle emerges from a quest for concrete environmental identity, an "integrated set of practices which an individual embraces, not only because such practices fulfil utilitarian needs, but because they give material form to a particular narrative of self-identity" (Giddens 1991, 81). In one model, lifestyle is envisioned in five clusters; values and attitudes, life cycle and occupational factors, leisure activities and participation in voluntary "Hagerstrand used the terms 'bundle', to denote a chunk of time devoted to one kind of project, 'domain' to denote a bundle plus travel time, and 'station' to denote places, e.g. workplaces, where projects must be carried out because of dependence on fixed equipment. I use a less detailed lexicon, partly since my analysis is not as detailed, and partly since electronic technologies have enabled more space-time flexible stations.  -44organizations, place of residence, and symbolic factors where people communicate family identity (Gill 1980). Other versions centre on lifestyle in terms of landscape elements (Ley 1983), the quality of conversations in parenting and friendship networks (Hultsch and Deutsch 1981), changes in occupation and level of education (Betz 1993), and shifts in political beliefs (Inglehart 1990). My empirical work addresses most of these factors. The three contexts explored here are developed further in the sections on organization and community development. Lifestyle, like affordances in perception and mutuality in conversation, is a proactive, coping pattern. In communities, maintaining lifestyle plurality in an overall mosaic for living (Steiner et al. 1993) is integral to social sustainability, and so a criterion for the assessment of education and development programmes.  2.2.4 TEACHING: ART AND SCIENCE  Teaching is an art in the sense of being a 'front-line', experiential activity requiring both 'feel' and creativity: and a science in that it involves a range of rationally explicable factors and information exchanges among teachers, learners, and educational organizations. Teaching and learning process is shaped by programme objectives, including the kinds of knowledge, skills, and attitudes, and the kinds and levels of learning development contemplated by programme designers and directors. Here, the focus transforms from learning as a personal process to education as a social process. I describe four dimensions of adult learning that are accepted criteria for effectiveness in programmes (Fulton 1993, Premier's Summit 1993a), then examine teaching perspectives, epistemic beliefs about teaching (Pratt 1992), as a framework for assessment of classroom practices. Teachers are cultural intermediaries in the classroom and in this study. Two key challenges of their role are teaching groups whose styles, existing knowledge, and expectations of programmes vary; and evaluating learning fairly from the perspective of the needs of learners and programmes. Post-secondary education is effective to the degree that it advances the ability to plan, direct, manage, act on, and evaluate some body of information. Knowledge, skills, and attitudes needed vary with the technology being learned. The classroom is the usual setting for formal education. Like any other environment, its affordances shape its potential as a learning 'habitat'. The affordances of a classrom are influenced by the styles of those present, teacher and learners, and by processes referred to as classroom practices. Four examined here are experiential,  -45transformative, self-directed, and collaborative learning. Each develops learner capacities that are relevant to the disciplines of learning organizations, advanced as an alternative to more conventional cultures [see § 2.3]. Experiential learning is defined as a complementary combination of familiar and formal learning, whose primary focus is on the needs of the learner, rather than those of the instructor or institution (Kolb 1984). This practice includes (a) beginning lessons from a point within learners' existing experiences, (b) using simulation and other 'rehearsal' techniques and (c) learners applying the lesson content to interpret past and present experiences. By making sense of them, learners are likely to become more self-directed. As adults age, more of their knowledge becomes familiar. Experiential practices are particularly important for older learners (Cranton 1992), and are integral to developing personal mastery in organizations (Senge 1990). The concept of learner-centred education implies knowledge of present and future needs (Boshier 1986), and so must be tempered with instructor experience of programmes and knowledge of'outside' conditions. Transformative learning begins with critical reflection, which leads to reformulation of frameworks for interpreting meaning from experience (Mezirow 1989), i.e. the frames of mind that make up multiple intelligences (Gardner 1983). It includes (a) teachers challenging learners' assumptions, and from the cognitive dissonance or conversational turbulence created, (b) designing conversations to encourage "more inclusive, discriminating, and integrative understanding" (Mezirow 1990, xvi). Transformative learning is relevant to the construction of mental models, and developing systems thinking, other disciplines of learning organizations. Key dimensions of classroom conversations are learners' abilities to reflect, their trust in the process, and conflict-resolving mechanisms. Teachers must allow their assumptions to be challenged as well, to create the affordances that encourage critique, including a reflective posture that distances people from the here-and-now (Kolb 1984). Open dialogue, where "meaning is validated through a best judgement consensus arrived at through critical discourse." (Mezirow 1989,170), also depends on learner confidence. Transformative learning, then, requires respect for learner experience, and emergesfromactivities that develop abilities for collaboration. Reflection is a capacity integral to self-directed learning practices that "permit the learners to identify problems or needs, to pace themselves, to evaluate their own learning" (Cropley 1989,11). Self-direction, a goal of education, is variously known as expertise, professionalism, creativity, and self-reliance. Most adults are  -46involved in self-directed learning projects throughout their lives (Tough 1981). Fully functioning adults achieve self-actualization (Maslow 1970) via their paths and projects. Desirable learning outcomes can be identified and cultivated by teachers, but learners cannot become fully self-motivated unless they 'buy into' the outcomes. Needs to be self-directed vary (Brookfield 1984) with learning style and the goals of the programme. In the early stages, motivation is low. Learners have little knowledge on which to base self-direction (Joblin 1988). Ways to develop self-direction include exercises for reflecting on content relevance, developing goals and learning strategies, applying substantive concepts to experiences and situations, chiefly by means of seminar discussion and group projects, and self-directed work by groups or individuals (Grow 1991). Group or collaborative learning plays an intermediate role in the process of developing both critical and self-directed learning. It enhances the sense of community interdependence, promotes active participation and inclusivity, and improves the quality of the output. All its principles promote the individual confidence and competence which beginning learners need to become self-directed: •  positive interdependence, where learners are situated so the success of the group learning project depends on involvement by all group members;  •  face-to-face interaction, which develops inclusivity and participation;  •  individual accountability, where each group member can be called upon to present or explain any part of the learning project;  •  group processing, which is a regular self-evaluation of the progress of the learning project by the learners. (Johnson, Johnson and Smith 1991).  Many studies show higher achievement levels in collaborative than individual learning projects (Johnson and Johnson 1992). Some work requires compliance with authority, and people are accredited as individuals, not groups, so collaborative learning should not be considered a panacea (Slavin 1992). There is little doubt, however, that it enhances appreciation of the social complexities of work (Beckman 1990). Collaborative learning is a key to developing shared vision and team learning, two more disciplines of learning organizations. Group projects take time to organize and carry out. Involving learners in monitoring their own work means some de-throning of instructor authority, and so some risk in practice. Participation in collaborative projects is, ideally, voluntary. Barriers to voluntary participation include family problems, lack of money, questions about programme relevance or the value of education generally, indifference to learning, and lack of  -47confidence (Valentine and Darkenwald 1991). The first two are contextual issues discussed in § 2.3.2, and the others relate to learner motivation, which is in turn influenced by the instructor's approach and motivation. Teaching perspectives, a mapping of "epistemic and procedural beliefs about education" (Pratt 1992, 210) are compared to mindscapes and specific ways of learning, the components of learning style, in Table 2.2 below. Pratt developed the perspectives from content analysis of some 250 interviews with adult learners and instructors in Canada,the US, and three Pacific Rim countries. They were set out as teaching perspectives, i.e. diverse modes of practice. Like learning styles, teaching perspectives are situational. Most instructors prefer one, but use two or three. In this study, preferred teaching perspectives of the interviewees were estimated from their responses to questions on issues in education, and then compared to their learning styles.  Table 2.2 Mindscapes, Specific Learning Styles, and Teaching Perspectives  Learning Style  Mindscape TR ANSI FIVE C A U S A H O N |H|: seeks predictability, logical sequences, generalization fiom detailed analysts  H O M E O S T A T I C [S]: seeks homogeneity, harmonious patterns of action within traditions of the particular craft MOllPHOC'.ENl-.llCIG]. seeks higher orders of complexity ^alucs diversits in though!, girnuh through co-operation and critique H O M E O S T A T I C [S]: seeks harmony through mutual respect, respects heterogeneity in individuals  Transitional between Transitive Causation and Homeostatic  Teaching Perspective " 1  0  abstract conceptualization  active experimentation  concrete experience  T R A N S M I S S I O N : beliel'thal a lairlj stable both of knowledge C M S I S , which curt he transmitted it> learners The teacher's primary focus is on efficient coverage and effective delivery. APPRENTICESHIP: belief that expert knowledge is best learned by repeated application at gradually increasing levels of difficulty. The teacher is an exemplar of professional practice. DEVI" I , O P M H N T A I b e l i e f in potential emergence o f more complex fomis of thought related to coment,discipline or practice Teachers are facilitators, and goals include setf-dircuton  reflective observation  N U R T U R I N G : belief in a key relationship between learner self-concept and learning. The teacher's main role is to encourage learner trust, and from there reflection and transformation.  abstract conceptualization S O C I A L R K I ' O R M - belief in the dissemination and advocacy of explicit, welt-articulated social ideals The teacher's role is to promote awareness o f social justice and responsibility*  Adapted from:  Maruyama (1994)', Pratt (1992) , Kolb (1984) b  c  -48Transmission is often appropriate in lower level courses, and during the introduction of new topics, where learners have insufficient basic knowledge to contribute more actively to the classroom discussion. However, from a programme planning perspective, especially in the institutional mode [see § 2.3.2], it is considered the baseline or most desirable-approach, since content is delivered in the most cost-efficient manner. Apprenticeship is applied in 'hands on' learning, ranging from computer skills to trades and careertechnical training, to professional internships, e.g. in medicine. As the emphasis shiftsfromknowledge to skills, this perspective is increasing in importance, though it was rarely encountered. The most commonly seen perspective is the developmental. This focuses on teaching the arts of self-directed education, e.g. engaging in independent study projects. It is visible in advanced levels of degree and professional programmes, where there is an emphasis on lifetime continuing education. The nurturing perspective is visible in counselling, life and employment skills, and programmes for marginal groups. Its orientation is to building community, from experiential accounts of some shared past. Social reform, a complement to nurturing, is seen in grassroots advocacy movements, and also religions. The ideals typically emergefroman interpretation of the past, though a social theory perspective is not necessary. These perspectives were preferred in the fewest number of cases. Experiential, transformative, self-directed, and collaborative practices are integral to creating learning organizations, and in a wider sense social sustainability. These four characteristics are major criteria for the evaluation of teaching practices in adult education programmes. There are linkages between them and the disciplines of learning organizations, which are posed in § 2.3.3 as a means for achieving greater adaptability and self-direction. In turn, this is integral to education for sustainability, discussed further in Chapter 5. Teaching perspectives add direction learners' efforts in the classroom, and so help shape future attitudes within organizations. They are also a key variable used to categorize teaching preferences and practices in this study.  2.3  O R G A N I Z A T I O N  A N D C O M M U N I T Y  D E V E L O P M E N T :  Assessing education is partly based on criteria relating to organization and community development, i.e. how it advances group capacities for self-direction, competition and cooperation, within the framework of sustainability. This term implies intergenerational equity, consuming present resources while preserving future  -49potentials, and maintaining mechanisms of self-organization in ways likely to enhance resilience and equity. In the short run, relative emphasis on these goals varies with the state of communities at particular times. Economic interventions by governments may be needed to re-stabilize a place. However, in the long run, continuing interventions create dependence, weaken community resilience, and invite surprise. In this section, I examine the nature of development in organizations and communities. I show that organizations, as a sub-system of places, are also variably open, complex, and self-organizing. Communities, as networks of people and organizations, have similar qualities. Organizations are a social artefact, whose purpose is to organize work systematically and with equity. Learning occurs within organizations and communities, but in the living systems perspective, since they are not people, they cannot learn themselves. Development, like learning, involves periods of stability and turbulence. Some turbulence is necessary for community development, to avoid stagnation, but too much at once may lead to dissipation and eventual decline. Sources of turbulence at this level include change in lifestyle or technology, the organization of work, or sudden changes in the flow of income from resources. Part of my thesis is that all four of these sources of change were discernible in non-metropolitan places in British Columbia during the study period. Learning in organizations and communities is discernible in what knowledge and resources are valued in a landscape, including economic, technological, political and cultural aspects. Development is a common ground of geography and adult education. Principles of programme development in education resemble those of'place' development in geography, organizational study and community planning. I combined insightsfromthese fields in my model of resource networks for community development, set out in § 2.3.1. Organizational cultures and their interactions are outlined in § 2.3.2. After reviewing three general kinds of organizations (Lohmann 1992), their functions and values, I examine how each of them designs, administers, and evaluates policies and programmes. This is a review of the political layer of my model. In § 2.3.3, the focus moves to the economic layer. I trace the evolution of modern organizations into the technocratic forms that now direct and administer programmes, and from the viewpoint of differences in work organization, compare their features to learning organizations, and their precursors, as alternatives. Then, I advance economic base theory (Tiebout 1962), with modifications from the literature on the  -50impacts of restructuring in Canada and British Columbia, as a means to assess the state of development in nonmetropolitan places, including a review of influencesfromlarger networks. I conclude by examining the effects of mobility on community development. Residential migration and organization location, key factors in this study, are reviewed in terms of the opportunities and challenges they present, in § 2.3.4. I conclude with an examination of selected studies that develop linkages between educational and community development systems.  2.3.1  RESOURCE NETWORKS FOR COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT  A community of place resembles a hologram. Its parts, people, organizations, and ecosystems, contain processes and structures that are similar to each another. People direct and manage households, organizations made up of people direct and manage internal divisions of labour, and communities, complex systems of organizations and people, the allocation of public resources in a place. The focus here is on people and organizations more than the physical aspects of places. My model, 'Learning Networks for Community Development' draws on the layered landscapes of Tarnqvist (1979), and is shown in Figure 2.5 overleaf. Communities as social systems are comprised of political, economic, cultural and technological subsystems or networks [see Figure 2.1]. Model components should be viewed as a geometric cylinder. Initiatives for innovation, for example, interact with and emergefromliaison and cooperative structures. Features of each network are arranged in three dimensions. On the left, there are organizational cultures, which influence the direction and management of work, and also the degree to which organizations liaise or cooperate. In the middle are what I call landscape features, i.e. what is most visible in a place. This comprises the physical resources and skills inventories, e.g. kinds of work done; demographic structure, technological and educational infrastructures, and the pattern of organizational types, including major employers and facilities. On the right, I list direct change agents, whose processes are nearest the other model. Lifestyle and work experience are elements in both, and post-secondary education and training are at least indirect initiatives for innovation. Like the other model, the layers here interact continuously, and the configuration changes over time, denoted by the't,...^' line. Here, the elements are variably  mobile  and durable.  Residential migration and  organizational location are important. Physical resources may not be renewable, and infrastructures wear out  -51 -  Figure 2.5 Resource Networks for Community Development  change agents  organizational cultures  landscape features  Physical resources, combined with skills and investment [shown as 'sources of income'] and a particular organization of work produce more income, along with a distribution of employment. This interacts with the demographic structure. An issue in development in small places, for example, is finding work for young adults so they remain. Their decision is based in part on perceptions of work opportunities and lifestyle options available. An associated factor is the quality of the education and training infrastructure that is accessible.  -52The pattern of organization types affects the operation of co-operative structures for development. When one large organization, for example, employs a large part of the work force, it is reasonable to expect that a significant portion of the technological and educational infrastructure will be immediately useful to its operations. This in turn may stifle initiatives for innovation, narrow the range of lifestyle options available in the community, and lead to out-migration by the people who are most mobile. Both these examples can be applied to similar circumstances within organizations themselves. Learning networks within organizations vary by their domain of operations, size, and other factors that are explored in the next two sections.  2.3.2  ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURES AND WORK:  Organizations are social artefacts created to organize work. They subsist as a framework for the accumulation, allocation, and distribution of assets, and as information and innovation ecosystems. Relative emphasis on each of these roles varies with the kind of work they do, and prevailing cultural and political values of the communities where they operate. Two aspects of organizational development are relevant to this study. First, their culture and politics are a major influence on how programmes are evaluated, including those for education, training and community development. Second, North American organizations, including those providing education, have tended towards technocratic forms. The focus here is more on the political layer of the model. Self-organizing mechanisms in social systems include markets, discourses, and elections. One aspect of organizational cultures is who has ownership, i.e. exclusive rights to benefits from, or control over the assets they deal with. Privately owned assets are handled by market organizations; those held in common, and not owned, by commons organizations, and public goods and services by state organizations. Table 2.3 overleaf shows how each sector defines its purpose, its criteria of resilience and equity, and characteristic mind