UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

India and nationhood Story, Evelyn Sykes 1926

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CAT. WO. Lt*Ai'""**-IHDIA AIID IJA2I01<H00I) by E v e l y n Sykes S t o r y 0O0 A Thesis submitted for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of HISTORY — - 0 O 0 THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1926 INDIA AND NATIONHOOD Table of Contents Chapter I The Foundations of Nationality. Page s 1 - 6 I I Geographic, Ethnio, and Relig-ious Factors Affecting Ind i a ' s Nat iona l i ty . 7 - 2 3 III The Main Aspects of British Rule In India. 29 - 75 17 The Birth of Nationalism - A Reaction to Br i t i sh Sovereignty and to World Contacts. 76 - 97 From Nationalism to Nationhood. 96 -122 71 Whither India? 123 -137 Bibliography. 133 - 144 oOo IIDIA AID UTIOXBOOfi Chapter X. Tha gQttBdBtlODB Of i B t l Q B B l l t y The eyea of the t t i t t r o world are foaueaed upon Asia today. "The nat ional a p l r i t In Europe which lad to tna re* generation of Pruaaia, the n a l f i o a t l o n of I t a l y , and the rlaa of aodarn Oeraany, la f ind ing i t a oloaa analogy today la tna l a a t . Aaia ia ahapiag i t a a l f in oar ganaration aa Buropa did a oantury ago, on nat ional l i n e a . " Tha f i r a t quarter of thla oantury hat wltneeaed the rebirth of a nat-ioaal oonaolouaneaa la Japan and in China, and at l e a a t tha birth-panga of tha n a t i o n - t h a t - i a - t o - b e in India* It ia not tha purpoee of th la eaaay to e e t l a a t e tha degree to which the yoathfal and oorreepoadingly aggreaaire nat ional ism of Europe haa haatened l t a expreeeion in Aaia. That i t haa doae ao ia granted by a l l atudenta of oonteaporary h i e t o r y . The tank uadertaken hero l e that of t rac ing the derelopneat of the a p l r i t of a a t i o a a l i t y In India, together with a oonalderat loa Of the Tarlouo foroee which have a t l au la tad i t a growth. There are thoae who a f f i r a that India cannot r i g h t l y he regarded aa a na t ion , alnoe i t laoka many - aoae would eay a l l - of the foundationa upon which n a t i o n a l i t y »ay ae bated. (1) Andrewe - The Benaieeaaoe in India - Council of Miaalonary Bduoation, London, 1914, p .19 . - 2 -( 1 3 One soc io log i s t has l i s t e d these a s : - a common race, lang-uage, t e r r i t o r y , economic i n t e r e s t , cu l t u r e , or re l ig ion? a common p o l i t i c a l un i ty , or t r a d i t i o n ; p o l i t i c a l subject ion or domination. While succeeding chapters w i l l show tha t India lacks many of these bases , i t must be r eca l l ed t h a t : "Nation-a l i t y i s not to be i d e n t i f i e d with any or a l l of i t s found-a t ions - i t i s something e s s e n t i a l l y psychic , and necessar i ly i n d e f i n i t e , being a cer ta in consciousness of l ike-mindedness, which may develop in a great v a r i e t y of ways and under a great va r i e ty of c o n d i t i o n s . . . .One cannot determine the de-gree of like-mindedness which makes n a t i o n a l i t y , but must look at i t in terms of the desire of a group for p o l i t i c a l (2) un i ty , fo r a common p o l i t i c a l organization.*' The Ency-clopedia Bri tannica subscribes to t h i s view by defining ' na t i ona l i t y* as represent ing a common fee l ing and an organ-ized claim ra the r than d i s t i n c t a t t r i b u t e s which can be in-cluded in a s t r i c t de f i n i t i on . I t i s contended, that a very small percentage of tne population of India i s conscious of any desire for a p o l i t -ica l exis tence apart from the present system. This might render the claim of n a t i o n a l i t y inva l id were i t not for tne fact that the same might be urged concerning the ag r i cu l tu re ] laborers in the remote provinces of China, the human cogs in (1) Maclvor - The Foundations of Na t iona l i ty . The Sociol-ogical Review - Ju ly , 1915. Reprint p . 2 . (2) Ibid v - pp 4-5 . - 3 -the i n d u s t r i a l machine of Japan, the newly emancipated peas-ants of Russia. Since the claim of these countr ies to nat ion-hood i s recognized, that of India cannot be ignored, p a r t i c -u lar ly when s t i l l other f a c t o r s have to be considered. "India, eno iro led as she i s by seas and mountains i s i n -disputably a geographical u n i t , and, as such, i s r i g h t l y de-signated by one name. Her type of c i v i l i z a t i o n , too , has many fea tures which d i f f e r e n t i a t e i t from that of a l l other regions of the world, while they are common to the whole country, or sub-cont inent , in a degree s u f f i c i e n t to j u s t i f y i t s treatment as a uni t in the h i s t o r y of the s o c i a l , r e l i g -(1) ious and i n t e l l e c t u a l development of mankind." She express ion of n a t i o n a l i t y in the l i f e of a people i s as varied as i t s many foundations . The s truggle for uni ty in Germany was proceeded by a f lood of l i t e r a t u r e , and of p h i l -osophic w r i t i n g s . The l i t e r a r y renaissance of the 19th cent-ury in Serbia* and the r ich f lowering of Ce l t i c culture in our century ant i c ipa ted nat ional r e v o l t s . Ideas of s o c i a l , educ-at ional and r e l i g i o u s reform were a s s o c i a t e d with the nat ion-a l i s t movement in I t a l y , while a large measure of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was found in these countr ie s . A l a t e r chapter w i l l deal with ev idences of a s imi lar renaissance in India , in each of these f i e l d s , during the past twenty-f ive or t h i r t y years . (1) Vincent Smith - Early History of India, Clarendon Press . Oxford, 1915. p . 5 . - 4 -fhe foroes which serve to s t imulate the growth of nat-ional consciousness are as diverse as t h e i r means of express -ion. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of these foroes i s determined by tne trend of the t imes , and by the p a r t i c u l a r foundations for n a t i o n a l i t y obta in ing within any one r a c i a l group. A s t a t e of war suppl i e s the most powerful s t imulus , ror i t i n t e n s i f i e s , in a unique way, a consciousness of common q u a l i t i e s , whether of race, language or r e l i g i o n . Further-more, i t emphasizes common p o s s e s s i o n s , whether of t e r r i t o r y , p o l i t i c a l u n i t y or t r a d i t i o n s . The invas ion of Napoleon's armies was more e f f e c t i v e than any other circumstance in fus -ing the c o n f l i c t i n g l o y a l t i e s of the p o l y g l o t s t a t e s compris-ing the Germanic Federat ion. S i m i l a r l y , the war of 1812 gave a tremendous stimulus to the new-born nat ional ism of the young American Republic. More s u b t l e , but s carce ly l e s s powerful in i t s react ion upon a people , i s the impact of new ideas or of a new cul ture . If such ideas resemble very c l o s e l y those already sanct ioned, or i f they are markedly superior , they may be adopted with l i t t l e oppos i t ion . If they are r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t , v i o l e n t res i s tance to t h e i r acceptance w i l l very probably develop, and the re s i s tance w i l l be in proportion to the p o s s i b i l i t y 01 the new submerging the o ld . Such c o n f l i c t s , whether of arms or of i d e a s , have many r e s u l t s , both good and i l l . In any event , they lead to a revaluat ion of the o ld , and i f i t i s at a l l worthy, a new - 5 -loyal ty to i t r e s u l t s . A renaissance in tha t f i e l d frequent-ly follows, because of the new study d i rec ted to i t . The conf l i c t in our generat ion between the East and the West Is e s s e n t i a l l y a s t ruggle between opposing c u l t u r e s . Since the cul ture of a people - cul ture being used in the socio logica l sense - has to do with t h e i r e n t i r e manner of l i f e , the fa r - reach ing and fundamental nature of the conf l ic t becomes apparent . The economic, p o l i t i c a l , educa t iona l , socia l and re l ig ious i n s t i t u t i o n s of the East have been con-fronted by - in many ins tances replaced by - those of the West. Until comparatively recent years the supe r io r i t y of Western i n s t i t u t i o n s - including the so-ca l led 'Western* e s t -imate of what i s of supreme value - has not been se r ious ly challenged by the Eas t . In the Orient today the forces of na t o n a l i t y , of nascent nat ional ism - ca l l i t what you wi l l - a r vehemently declar ing that the easy acceptance of Western stan dards has been a mistake* Ardent Indian p a t r i o t s , with a l l the f i r e of a Kossuth or of a llazzinl are pleading for an India free from foreign, domination - whether of ideas or of arms. I t i s the purpose of the following chapters to t race the development of t h i s movement which has reached the proport ion of a nation-wide demand for home rule under Br i t i sh sovereign ty or - in rad ica l c i r c l e s - a demand for complete independ-ence from the Empire. This wi l l necess i t a te some study of the p re -Br i t l sh per iod, and p a r t i c u l a r l y a study of the -6-nature of the British contacts with India, for "Indian nationalism has a British no less than an Indian parentage... It Is not only the product hut the Justification of British (1) rule." (1) Grlgg - The Greatest Experiment in History. Yale University Press. Wllliamston,Mass.1924. p. 148-9 - 7 -Ohapter II* (Geographic, Ethnic , and Eeligious Factors Affecting Indian Nat iona l i ty . n . i. i . , ^ . . i P o l i t i c a l economists of the past generation did not speculate upon the nature of that turbulent force which in less than a century r ad i ca l l y a l t e r e d the map of the world. "In the eyes of i t s ea r ly prophets , n a t i o n a l i t y was a p r in -ciple e i t h e r too holy to be analysed, or too simple to re-(1) quire a n a l y s i s . " That t h i s a t t i t u d e no longer obtains i s evidence* by the large number of books wr i t t en upon t h i s sub-jec t during the present generat ion, and p a r t i c u l a r l y since the Great War. As a consequence, new l i g h t has been thrown upon the nature of n a t i o n a l i t y , and upon the var ious fac to rs aff-ec t ing i t s r i s e and expression. While others might very prof-i t ab ly be included in any study of th i s s o r t , the geographic, e thnic and re l ig ious fac to r s alone wi l l be deal t with here , together with a considerat ion of t h e i r effect upon Indian na t i ona l i t y . (a) geographic Factors The pos i t ion of India as a sub-cont inent , bounded on two sides by a coast l ine three thousand, four hundred miles in length, and on the th i rd side by lo f ty ranges of mountains, has given her a cer ta in separateness from the r e s t of A,sia. That t h i s separateness i s not i s o l a t i o n her h i s t o r y abundantly (1) B.M.MacIvor - The Foundations of Nat iona l i ty . p . l . - 8 -p r o v e s , for while he r c o a s t - l i n e o f fe red few good h a r b o r s to the t r a d e r s of the f i f t e e n t h cen tu ry , t he re were s u f f i c i e n t tc provide an e n t r a n c e . The mountain ranges of the North-West , Worth and Nor th-Eas t formed a b a r r i e r from, but not an e f f e c t -ive bulwark a g a i n s t , the w a r - l i k e r ace s of Afghan i s t an , Turk-e s t an and the Mongol Kingdoms. The f i r s t of t hese i n v a s i o n s by land Occurred a p p r o x i -mately four thousand y e a r s ago, and by 650 A. D. seven d i s t -i nc t waves of conquest a re r ecorded . During these c e n t u r i e s Indian c i v i l i z a t i o n came i n t o touch wi th Mongolian, Turk i sh , Afghan, P e r s i a n , Greek and Hornan c u l t u r e , and was profoundly in f luenced by the m a j o r i t y of these c o n t a c t s . As S i r Valen-t i ne Chirol has r eco rded : "Nature h e r s e l f f ash ioned Ind ia as a hug© c r u c i b l e i n t o which a t the dawn of h i s t o r y was poured from the high t a b l e l ands of Asia a g r ea t overf low of peop les s t i l l seek ing t h e i r p l ace in the sun. From t h e i r fus ion with e a r l i e r and ye t more p r i m i t i v e p o p u l a t i o n s a l r e a d y in p o s s e s s -ion have proceeded Indian forms of s o c i a l and r e l i g i o u s l i f e t l i as enduring as they are unique." With the 9th Oentury came the first Muhammadan invasion from Afghanistan, and by 1340 A. D. a great part of northern India was under Muslim control. Under Barbar, one of the more powerful and state sman-1 ike of these invaders the Moghul Empire took shape, and was the chief unifying force in India prior to the British occupation. Despite the hordes of host-(1) Sir Valentine Chirol. India. Scribners & Sons, New York. 1926. p. 1. - 9 -i l e warr iors who swept across the northern p l a in s from time to time, even pene t r a t ing to the Deccan and the peninsula , the change in r a c i a l stock and cul ture was very gradual for the steepness of the passes prevented women and chi ldren being brought over in large numbers. Hence, the o r i g i n a l inhab i t -ants were never wiped out , and any permanent se t t lements were made on the bas is of in ter -marr iage with the native s tock. To quote Si r Verney l o v e t t - "Thus the piece-meal nature of suc-cessive conquests, and the enforced in tercourse between con-querors and conquered have produced a remarkable cont inui ty of Indian c i v i l i z a t i o n . Despite pe r iod ic invasions of the country by peoples of widely divergent r a ce s , r e l i g ions and customs many aff luent s t r a i n s have been absorbed into two (1) p a r t i c u l a r systems." Accordingly I n d i a ' s geographic pos i t ion and the nature of her f ron t i e r s have decided the d i rec t ion and character of he r invasion, while the f e r t i l i t y of her s o i l tempted these in-hab i tan t s of s t e rne r lands . The t rop i ca l extremes of the climate a lso played an im-portant par t in determining Ind i a ' s masters . The v i r i l e races from beyond the mountains held t h e i r newly won possessions so long as they were re- inforced by immigration of t h e i r own nat-ive stock. This i s due to the fact tha t t h e i r v i r i l i t y grad-ua l ly changed to supineness under the enervat ing e f fec t s of the cl imate. When reinforcements no longer came, these temp-(1) Sir Verney Lovett - India - Hodder and Sons, London, p.4 1923 - 1 0 -orary masters in turn f e l l a prey to other and stronger raoes. l o t only has the h i s t o r y of India been shaped by i t s pos-i t i o n , f r o n t i e r s , f e r t i l i t y of the s o i l and c l imate , but a l so by i t s diverse r e l i e f . The Narbada Hirer and the Vlndhya Range of mountains form a natural barr ier between the great northern p l a i n s and the Deocan and Peninsula to the South. Ox the Horth, the mountain ranges s lop ing gradually or sharply up from the p l a i n s make the th ird great d i v i s i o n . Burma, to the Iforth-East and Baluchistan to the North West are in some degree geographical ly d i s t l n o t . These large areas are , in turn, dir lded into many parts by l e s s e r mountain ranges, larg-• r r i v e r s , and arid s t r e t c h e s , making nat ional un i ty almost imposs ib le , without the aid of modern methods of communicatioi Add to t h i s the immense s i z e of India, and her p o l i t i c a l con-d i t i o n at the opening of the 18th century might l a r g e l y be aooounted for on geographic l i n e s a lone . Indian n a t i o n a l i s t s , supported by h i s t o r i a n s of repute such as Sir Vincent Smith, claim that under the emperors Chandra <jupta, Aaoka, and Gupta and under the lioghul dynasty a large measure of p o l i t i c a l un i ty was a t t a i n e d , and a l s o a (1) d i s t i n c t type of c i v i l i z a t i o n . The phys ica l f ea tures men-tioned above were doubt less instrumental in f r u s t r a t i n g t h e i r dream of a united Indian Dominion. It has f a l l e n to the l o t of a fore ign power to hasten the f u l f i l ment of t h i s dream in furthering quite opposite des igns . (1) Vincent Smith - Early History of India. Clarendon Press Oxford 1924. p . 6 . -11-An exhaustive study of the peoples of India cannot he undertaken here, hut some knowledge of the racial strains com-prising the population is essential to an understanding of the problems presented by nationality at the present time. auth-orities are agreed that the Dravidian is the oldest strain ex-tant in India today, but it is rarely discovered in its purity. Using the five main geographic divisions recorded above, (1) the following summary of racial mixtures may prove helpful:-1. The Himalayas - the lower ranges - peoples of mixed Mongolian descent. (2) 2. The Northern Plain - peoples of mixed Aryan, Afghan and Turkish stock, with the Aryan pre-dominating. 3* The Deooan and Peninsula - Dravidlan, chiefly. 4. Baluchistan - blend of Arab, Afghan, Scythian and Turkish types. 5. Burma - blend of Mongolian types. (1) Bisley - Peoples of India. - quoted in L0vett - India. p. 7. (2) The term "Aryan" is here applied to the racial stock, but In order to prevent its use leaving the way open to mis-understandings, this explanation is given:- It is here used to describe the taller, fairer immigrants who found their way to India some time between 2000 and 1600 B.C. Owing to lack of reliable data it is difficult to trace the exact nature of their physical characteristics, or to locate the exact location of their original home. That there was suoh an in-flux mingling with the original negroid races is established by ethnologists. The language spoken by the people is known as Aryan, and it is possible that from the existence of a language historians or ethnologists deduced the existence of a distinct race. The new light being thrown upon anthropology today has done much to discredit commonly accepted views of an Aryan origin for all of the white races of Surope, and this fact makes dangerous any use of the term. However, to - 1 2 Any suoh d i v i s i o n i s of course a r b i t r a r y , and the fo l low-ing quotat ion may serve to express i t more o l e a r l y j -"Although at the c lose of a day's journey from one e thn ic traot to another, an observer whose a t t e n t i o n had been d i r e c t -ed to the subject would r e a l i z e c l e a r l y that the phys ica l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the people had undergone an appreciable change, he would c e r t a i n l y be unable to say at what p a r t i o u l -(1) ar stage in h i s progress the transformation had taken p l a c e . " The main types which gradually merge into each other may be tabulated under s ix heads , and given the fo l lowing general geographic p o s i t i o n : -1. Turko-Iranian - descendants of the Turk! and Persian mixture, and forming the Baluchistan r a c i a l mixture of the present day. 2 . Indo-Aryan - very c lose to the stock of the o r i g i n a l s o - c a l l e d Aryan invaders . The Rajputs, Khatris and Jats are the d i rec t descendants, and are found c h i e f l y on the Punjab, in Rajputana and in Kashmir. 3* Soytho-Aryan - Found c h i e f l y in the Deocan, and y i e l d -ing the Maratha Brahraans, Eumbis and Coorgs. 4 . Aryo-Dravidian - a combination of the Indo-Aryan and the D r avidian, with the Aryan predominating over the Dravidian in the higher types . Found chief-l y in Agra, Oudh, fiikar, and parts of Rajputana. date no more accurate term has been found to describe t h i s ear ly wave of immigration to India , so "Aryan*' must for the present stand* A f u l l e r treatment of t h i s subject may be found in Ripley - Races of Europe. Kegan Paul, French, Trubner & Go., London, 1899. Chaps.VI & XVII and a l so in Barnes - The New History and the Soc ia l S tudies . Century Co., Hew York. 1922. p. 292. (1) R i s l ey . Peoples of India, p . 3 3 . Quoted in L o v e t t . p . 1 0 . - 1 3 -5. Mongol-Dravidian - a Mongoloid-Dravidian s t r a i n with some Indo-Aryan blood in the superior types . These are chief ly in Bengal and Orissa . 6. Mongoloid - in the North-Eastern Himalayas, Napal, Assam and Burma. In addi t ion to being a country of many r a c i a l mixtures , (11 India i s a lso a country of many languages. Two hundred and twenty-two d i s t i n c t languages may be t raced , and may be group-ed under nine main fami l i e s . The l i t e r a r y language of North and cent ra l India i s akin to the Sanskr i t , the l i t e r a r y lang-uage of the Brahmins, and the sc r ip t i s pure Sanskr i t . A second l i t e r a r y language, using Persian s c r i p t grew up during and since the days of Muslim supremacy, and i s known as Urdu or Hindustani . I t i s a combination of Hindi and Pers ian , and while commonly used in the North, i s l i t t l e used or under-stood in the South and far Eas t . The spoken languages most commonly used today are Hindi, Bengali , Mahra t t i , Telugu and Tamil. A thorough-going account of the various waves of con-quest r e s u l t i n g in t h i s confusion of tongues and of peoples cannot be given he re . Nevertheless , ce r ta in land-marks in Indian h i s to ry wi l l be necessary and useful as a background in gaining a b e t t e r understanding of the s i t u a t i o n in India a t the time of the Br i t i sh occupation. The main sources of information for ea r ly Indian h i s t o r y are to be found in various ancient and sacred Hindu wr i t i ngs , (1) Chirol - India . p . 5 . -14-in the works of Persian h i s t o r i a n s and on coins, in v/orks of a r t and bu i ld ings . The most important of the sacred Hindu wr i t ings are the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, the Ifedas, Gita and Puranas. From these one i s able to plaoe tne beginnings of the Hindu per iod a t about 2000 B.C., when successive hands or t r i b e s of Aryans l a rge ly submerged the o r ig ina l inhab i t -ants - the Dravidians. These Aryan immigrants - or conquer-ors - brought with them, or developed a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l , a re l ig ion l a t e r known as Hinduism, and having i t s basis in (1) nature worship. From i t gradual ly evolved an e labora te ly - regula ted soc ia l order - the caste system. The f i r s t , or ru l ing cas te , was formed from the p r i e s t s and i n t e l l e c t u a l s , and was cal led Brahman; the second, composed of the war r io r s , was the Kshatrya; and the t h i r d , made up of t r a d e r s , c ra f t s -men and a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s was known as the Viaishyacaste. Last-ly came the Sudras, or those who performed the menial tasks -composed mainly of Dravidians. Gradually there grew up a 'pariah* or 'untouchable* c l a s s , known today as the *outcastes! As t h e i r name impl ies , they have no plaoe in tne Hindu system. They are regarded as l e s s than dogs by orthodox Hindus. These cas t e s , with many others which sprang up, are governed and kept i n t ac t by e labora te ru les r e l a t i n g to dining, d ivis ion of labor , b i r t h , death and marriage. A very i n t e r e s t i n g h i s t o r y of India might be wr i t ten con-cerning the struggle between the Hindu and other r e l ig ious (1) Chirol - India . p.12 -15-cultures for survival, resulting in the triumph - previous to the Muslim oooupation - of Hinduism. A gradual process of absorption took place, in which a place was found within the fold of Hinduism for any religion or culture which would accept the authority and the divine right of the Brahmans. "As a religious system it has always remained singularly fluid. Unlike the other great religions of the world it was never identified with the personal inspiration of any single great teacher or prop.net. It never had a Hoses or a Christ, a Confucius or a Mohammed. It was never encumbered with dog-mas. It never required the acceptance of any definite creed or the worship of any one or more particular deities. It can embrace every form of popular worship that appeals to the masses and It has opened wide the portals of its crowded Pantheon to the innumerable gods and goddesses of the more primitive Dravidian populations gradually drawn within its fold It lends itself to the most divergent schools of thought, sometimes drifting into absolute atheism, but more often resolving themselves into universal pantheism." These characteristic qualities of Hinduism have ^iven a remarkable continuity to Indian cultural, sooial and religious history, in spite of the mixture of races and creeds. The first foreign influence upon Hinduism of which we C XI Chirol - India. p.13. -16-have a record came with the invasion of Alexander the Great early in the 4th Century, B.C. Considering the comparatively short period of Persian ascendancy, a material influence was exerted, particularly in administration methods. These were carried on in later regimes through the presence of Persian nobles at court. Shortly after the death of Alexander, a (1) powerful ohief, Chandra Gupta, ruling much of Northern India, Baluchistan and Afghanistan, drove out the Persians, and est-ablished his power supreme. He is of historical importance as the great grandfather of Asoka. This famous Icing H. G. Wells places amongst the five greatest men of all time, asserting that he is the first ruler of conquered races to strive for their interests. He instit-uted a just form of government, Many economic reforms, and sent Buddhist missionaries amongst his own and neighboring peoples. Patriotic Indians today treasure his memory. This first attempt of an Empire in India was dissolved in approximately one hundred years by an invasion from central Asia, followed by confusion and chaos. Sufficient stability remained to repulse Menander, the Greek invader, from the Gangetic plain in 175 B.C. During the first and second centuries B.C., the Romans established trade connections with North West India, but neither their influence nor that of the Greeks is noticeable today. This presents a striking contrast to the Persian (1) For details of reign see Vincent Smith, Early History of India. - 1 7 -con tao t which may be observed in l anguage , in e t h n i c char-a c t e r i s t i c s , and in c e r t a i n i n s t i t u t i o n s . E a r l y in the 4 t h cen tury A.D. Gupta, ano the r powerful p r i n c e , welded the Horth i n to a second empi re , we l l -governed and happy. I t was overthrown by succes s ive i n v a s i o n s from Iran and T u r k i s t a n . The Huns were d r iven back by the Turks a t the Oxus, and so were p reven ted from o v e r - r u n n i n g I n d i a . "These Turkish w a r r i o r s were r ece ived in to the fo ld of Hinduism in the 6th cen tury as K s h a t r i y a s - in t h i s way demons t ra t ing the a d a p t i b i l i t y of Hinduism to a l l c o n d i t i o n s . The yea r 650 A.D. brought an i n v a s i o n from TiSe t , and from t h a t time u n t i l approx imate ly 1200 A.D. w a r - l i k e c lans -no tab ly the Bajputs - roamed Northern I n d i a . Confusion, d i s - . i n t e g r a t i o n and the decay of a l l c u l t u r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d those c e n t u r i e s . In time the Bajputs a l s o were accep ted as Kshat-r i y a s , and s t i l l ano the r race added to the Hindu fami ly . In the meantime some of the i nvade r s p r e s s i n g south a c r o s s the Deocan had p e n e t r a t e d over the whole p e n i n s u l a , and the re had e s t a b l i s h e d the Tamil Kingdoms. Comparatively und i s tu rbed by the h o s t i l e bands c o n t i n u a l l y h a r a s s i n g the n o r t h , they i n t e r - m a r r i e d with the na t i ve Hindu s tock and , ' s a t u r a t e d with the c u l t u r e of the Ganges v a l l e y ^ t h e y became Hindus in a l l but r a c e . Ear ly in the 9th century came the f i r s t of a s e r i e s of Muhammadan r a i d s through the pa s se s of Afghan i s t an , b r i n g i n g in t h e i r t r a i n rapine and d e s t r u c t i o n . Like o the r i nvade r s - 1 8 -before them, they were a t t r a c t e d by the r iches of India, and came with no idea of remaining and e s t a b l i s h i n g an empire. These p e r i o d i c incurs ions continued u n t i l the 13th century, and f i n a l l y under Muhammad-bin-Tughlak a l l of Northern India and much of the peninsula was contro l l ed by the Muhammadans. In 1398 t h i s empire suffered invas ion at the hands of Amir Tiraur of Samarquand. He conquered a l l of Northern India , carried off treasures and a r t i s a n s , but made no attempt to s e t t l e . The South too was troubled again , when Khan, a Muslim governor of Afghanistan conquered the Deooan and founded in t h i s stronghold of Hindu c i v i l i z a t i o n the Bahmani Kingdom. By the 15th century the ancient culture was s e r i o u s l y under-mined by the rapid inter-marriage of the mingled Turkish, Pers ian, Arab or Moghul invaders with the nat ive stock. In oppos i t ion to t h i s new empire the Hindu Princes to the South and West banded themselves together under the Vijayanaga league , with Nam Raya as l eader , but were defeated in 1565 by the Muslims. In t h i s manner that h igh ly organized and c u l t -ured ar i s tocracy which had been the bulwark of the best in Hinduism temporarily disappeared. To return to the North - predatory invas ions continued under the leadership of Barbar, a descendant of Timur. Be-tween the years 1519 and 1526 he invaded upper India four t imes , and a f t er h i s f i f t h raid e s t a b l i s h e d some measure of control over a large part of northern I n i i a . A loose type of -19-dynasty oontinued a f t e r h i s death, and the reign of Akbar, one of h i s successors , marks the beginning of the famous Moghul kingdom. By revers ing the pol icy of p i l l age and oppression pur-sued by h i s fo re - runners , and by taking a bride from a lead-ing Rajput house, Akbar won the confidence and good wi l l of the conquered peoples . He organized h i s whole domain from Kabul on the South to the Indus on the West under one centra l government. Hindus, Muslims, Bajputs, Afghans and a l l the l e s s e r t r i b e s of North India were uni ted in t h i s way and a period of p rosper i ty and progress , h i t h e r t o u n p a r a l l e l l e d , was inaugurated* Dividing h i s kingdom into d i s t r i c t s , with governors responsible to himself <*v?er each d i s t r i c t , he meted out j u s t -ice to a l l , regardless of race or creed, and r e l i g ious t o l e r -(1) a t ion was p rac t i sed in the f u l l e s t sense. The pomp and display , so a t t r a c t i v e to the o r i e n t a l mind, was a feature of h i s own and h i s governors ' cour t s , and a r c h i t e c t u r e , other forms of craftsmanship, and a r t f lourished under h i s generous patronage. In the l i gh t of what had gone before and what was to follow th i s period i s regarded by Hindus and Muslims a l ike (2) as the Golden Age of I nd i a ' s g rea tness . {1) I t i s well to note here that in the 40 years of h i s reign, but 21 Hindus were appointed to pos i t ions of command. Chirol - India, p .54 . (2) Chirol - India - p .37-38. -20-Owing to the dependence of success upon tne personality of the ruler, and owing to the indefinite methods of success-ion, the empire gradually declined under the leadership of his son and of his grandson. When his great grandson Aurangzeb came to the throne, disintegration had already set in, al-though the reforms of Aurangzeb and his apparent control dis-. guised this fact for a time. Weakened within by the dissatisfaction of his subjects over his fervent Muslim policy and over his curtailment of gorgeous court displays, he was less able to withstand the attacks of a Hindu rival who had been gaining strength during these years. In 1674 this Hindu leader, the Sivaji of Mahar-ashtra, as head of a federation of North-We stern Hindu states, defeated Aurangzeb decisively. This achievement raised the Hindus to a position of sovereignty, but the Sivaji died be-fore he had consolidated his control. Wars continued Between the Muslims and the Hindus, and by 1707, the year of Aurang-zeb' s death, the dismemberment of his empire was rapidly taking place. Badly shaken as it had been by the attack of the fed-erated Hindu states, it was now threatened on the South by the Marathas, on the North by the Bajputs, and in the Central Provinces by the Sikhs, who were already becoming a formidable military power. A seoond Persian invasion in 1739 was driven back by the Marathas, who also repulsed various Afghan sorties into the Punjab. Then in 1754 they defeated a league of Muslim princes - 2 1 -and destroyed the l a s t remnants of the Mo>?hul Empire. During the next s ix or seven years more raids were made by the Afghans, and In 1761 they d e c i s i v e l y defeated t h e i r er s twhi l e conquerors - the Ifarathas. However, "They had cone merely to conquer, plunder, massacre and r e t i r e . Who could conquer, (U govern, and protect?" Before cons ider ing b r i e f l y the second phase of India ' s invas ions - wi s . those by sea - i t ml^ht be well to pause nere for a moment in order to summarize some of the e f f e c t s of t h i s almost continuous c o n f l i c t . In the f i r s t place a gradual merging of widely d i f f e r i n g r a c i a l s tocks and cul tures took plaoe within the a l l - i n c l u s i v e fo ld of Hinduism. Secondly, a raoe oame, a sor lb ing to a r e l i g i o u s oreed which defied amal-gamation wi th , or submergence i n , Hinduism. The sovereignty Of t h i s people was expressed in the Moghul £ n p i r e , and for a s u f f i c i e n t l y long period to give to t h e i r descendants a ••glorious" t r a d i t i o n . Then oame the triumph of a Hindu race -the Marathas - over these Muslim invaders , l eav ing as part of Hindu h i s t o r y a t rad i t ion of Hindu rather than of Muslim sup re ma oy. From t h i s c o n f l i c t of t r a d i t i o n s have emerged two appar-e n t l y i r reconc i l ab l e cu l tures - the Hindu and the Muslim. Each has i t s own t ene t s of f a i t h , customs, t r a d i t i o n s and l o y a l t i e s , and these are often d iametr ica l ly opposed. (1) Lovett - India, p.58 -22-Another important and far reaching consequence of I n d i a ' s stormy h i s to ry has been the continuance of the caste system -amongst a l l but the Muslims and the Sikhs - a reformed branch of the Hindu f a i t h . I t has been the one permanent element in a chaotic world. The operat ion of the adoption pol icy was shown in another p lace , whereby whole t r i b e s were taken into one cas te . This produced an outward uni ty at l e a s t . Even more important in s t rengthening the pos i t ion of Hinduism was the dependence of any m i l i t a r y ru l e r upon the Brahmans, who were the only people s k i l l e d in admin is t ra t ion , and in the scholar ly a r t s , and the only people qua l i f i ed to dispense r e l -igious sanc t ions . The very confusion of these centur ies ren-dered the i n s t i t u t i o n of Hinduism more s t a p l e , and the p o s i t -ion of the Brahmans almost unas sa i l ab l e . As one student has expressed i t s "The Brahman who had been from yedic times, as the appointed servant of the gods, the only lawful expounder of the s c r i p t u r e s , the maker of the laws to be deduced from them, and the ordained dispenser of divine favor through prayer and s a c r i f i c e , continued to mould Hindu b e l i e f s , and i t i s not surpr i s ing tha t in bui ld ing up a unique soc ia l s t r u c t -ure on the basis of cas t e , he should have been able to secure for himself a pos i t ion of unchallenged supremacy at i t s very pinnacle . He invested i t with the highest sanctions of r e l i g -ion. The popular be l ie f in India i s s t i l l that the four great castes or d iv i s ions of Hindu socie ty proceeded respec t ive ly at the fireation of mankind from the head and the shoulders and - 2 3 -(1} the thighs and the feet of the creat ive Brahma." A t h i r d and equal ly important r e su l t of t h i s s e r i e s of conquests for plunder or of despotic empires, as the case might be, has been the development of a people with l i t t l e i n s t i n c t for and no experience in governing, I t has prod-uced a people of whom but a small percentage are possessed of any great degree of cu l tu re , and u n t i l r ecen t ly , they have possessed l i t t l e or no sense of nat ional un i ty . Much more might be said concerning the p o l i t i c a l , soc-i a l and re l ig ious r e s u l t s of t h e i r background, without re -fe r r ing at a l l to the more obvious economic consequrences, but t h i s wi l l perhaps serve to indica te in pa r t the ef fect exer t -ed upon Indian n a t i o n a l i t y by these invasions and occupations. The a t t en t ion of European Maritime en te rp r i se was d i r ec t -ed towards India at? the close of the 15th century, when Vasco di Gama of Portugal landed at Cal icut , and so a l t e r e d the whole trend of Indian h i s t o r y . The 16th century in India was one of constant r i v a l r y between the Portuguese, Dutch and English for the control of t r ade , and resu l ted in the el imin-a t ion of Portugal , In 1602 the Dutch East Indian Company was formed, and the English East India Company was organized under a charter from Queen El izabeth . The Dutch f i n a l l y l o s t out in the contest , leaving England and France as r i v a l s . This r i v a l -ry continued with increas ing vigor and b i t t e r n e s s throughout the 17th and 18th cen tu r ies . I t assumed the proport ions of a ( 1 | Chirol - India, p .15 . -24-l i f e and death s t rugg le , which was f i n a l l y decided in favor of England, under the leadership of Clive, at the b a t t l e of Plassey in June, 1757. The supremacy of Great Br i ta in in India was never again se r ious ly questioned by any European power. As a background to an understanding of England's pos i t ion in India, i t i s necessary to remember that the years during which she was gaining the control of trade were those years of ex te rna l confusion r e s u l t i n g from the decay of the Moghul (1) Empire. There i s no doubt that Clive, though a represen ta t ive of a t rad ing organizat ion , the East India Company, had v i s ions of an empire in India . But i t i s equal ly ce r t a in that the average B r i t i s h e r , i n t en t on p r o f i t s , only favored the extens-ion of p o l i t i c a l influence in order to assure those p r o f i t s . The chaotic conditions of the 17th and 13th centur ies seemed to make some form of t e r r i t o r i a l control e s s e n t i a l , p a r t i c u l -a r ly in view of the century-old r i va l ry of the French and English on three cont inen ts . T^e following quotat ions wi l l give different aspects of the same ques t ions-"The Empire of which he (Clive) l a i d the f i r s t found-a t ion was not, on r e f l e c t i o n , desired by h i s masters , the d i r e c t o r s . If they could, they would have evaded and in fact for some time they did t h e i r best to evade the heavy and in-def ini te r e s p o n s i b i l i t y with which Siraj-ud-daula*s a t t ack on (1) Chirol - India , p .45 . - 2 5 -(1) Calcut ta , and a l l i t s consequences* had invested them." " I t i s absurdly u n h i s t o r i c a l to say that we acquired India in a f i t of absent-minded p i racy ; but we did, acquire i t in an i n s t i n c t i v e s t ruggle which l e f t us no time for thought about anything except the immediate preserva t ion of our l i b e r t i e s . We had then comparatively few resources , and the enemy arrayed against us was seeking to dominate the world. I t was not a f ree-boot ing expedi t ion , but a century-long, l i fe -and-dea th s t ruggle which u l t ima te ly placed India (2) under the Br i t i sh f l a g . " I t i s not my purpose to argue here the meri ts of the case in regard to England's r igh t to a place in India , but r a the r to show her as but one in a long l ine of conquerors. These conquerors have, to a g rea te r or l e s s degree, imposed t h e i r wi l l and government upon India , and have shaped to a (3) large extent her des t iny . The e s s e n t i a l differences in-herent in the Br i t i sh occupation wi l l be deal t with in a l a t e r chapter. I t i s su f f i c i en t a t t h i s point to note that foreign occupation and suzerainty have been the normal con-d i t ion of India for 4000 years . I t w i l l be reca l led that the so-ca l led Aryans were themselves " invaders" . Her r a c i a l mixtures, dominated today by ce r ta in s t r a i n s , bear witness to ( l j Lovett. p .74. (2) Grrigg - The Greatest Experiment in History. Yale Univer-s i t y Press . Williamston,Mass.1924- p .13 . (3) Ramsay IMul r. - Character of the Br i t i sh Empire. Con-stable and Co. L td . , London. 1917. p . 2 1 . -26-the m u l t i p l i c i t y of her conquerors and makes her "many ( l i • countr ies packed into one geographical r ecep tac l e , " or (2} "not a s ingle s t a r but a c o n s t e l l a t i o n . " (c) Religious Factors The r e l ig ious fac tors a f fec t ing Indian n a t i o n a l i t y a r e , on the surface , as baf f l ing as the e thn ic . With the occup-a t ion of India by the Aryan races between the 20th and 15th centur ies B.C. Hinduism became the r e l i g ion of the sub-cont i -nent. The o r ig ina l inhab i tan t s - the Dravidians - were infer -io r in r e l i g ious cul ture to the Aryans, and subscribed to an an imis t i c form of worship. A student of Hinduism has explained the manner in which the Dravidians were received into i t s folds as a fourth caste - the Sudras. "In regard to Hinduism, i t i s a commonplace that i t i s not one re l ig ion but a cento of r e l i g i o n s ; tha t i t does not profess and maintain a s ingle creed, hut permits i t s adherents a l a t i t u d e of be l ief or of unbel ief wide enough, if adopted in the West, to bring about not only a re-union of Christendom, but a combination compre-hensive enough to include some of i t s b i t t e r e s t a n t a g o n i s t s . . . Lord Curzon t e l l s how a friend of h i s examined the arrows in the quiver of a native hunter . He found that the f i r s t was tipped with stone of the. Neol i thic age, and the next was tipped with e l e c t r i c telegraph wire - a thef t from the 20th century. Hinduism has i t s quiver f i l l e d with ideas equally remote from ( l i Lovett. p . 9. Quoting N. Tagore. (2) Macniool. The Making of Modern India . Oxford Univer-s i t y Press . 1924. - 2 7 -(1) each other in time, and equally a l i e n in a s soc i a t i on . " As the cen tur ies passed, Jainism and Buddhism sprang from the bosom of Hinduism. The former s t ressed the saoredness of a l l l i f e and the l a t t e r preached freedom from the "Wheel of Destiny" by r igh t l i v i n g and th inking . I t a lso subs t i t u t ed Hirvana or nothingness for the Supreme S p i r i t oi Hinduism. The genius of the Hindu fa i th i s shown in the manner in which i t p r o f i t t e d by these two attempts to purify i t s doct-r i n e s . Ahimsa - or the avoidance of injury to a l l l i f e - was incorporated as one of i t s t e n e t s , while the need of moral ac t ion to save one from re - inca rna t ion was added through a new emphasis upon the r e l a t i o n of r e l ig ion to moral conduct. Perhaps for t h i s reason ne i the r Jainism nor Buddhism ser ious ly disputed the supremacy of Hinduism, although Buddhism spread rapidly from India to Ceylon, Tibet , China, Siam, Burma and Japan. Unti l the Muhammadan occupation each invading t r i b e was received in to the great system, as indicated in a previous sec t ion . There was a place for the warr ior , the merchant, the scholar , the a r t i s a n . Hence i t was not u n t i l the coming of the Muslims that the ascendancy of Hinduism and the power of the Brahmans were ser ious ly questioned. Then only was the b i t t e r n e s s of r e l i g ious s t r i f e added to the clash of races . One of the important circumstances in the downfall of the Moghul Empire i s conceded to be Aurengzeb's reversal of Akbar's (1) MaoNicol. -p .37 - 2 8 -( 1 ) p o l i o y of t o l e r a t i o n f o r t h e Hindu f a i t h . Any s t u d e n t of I n d i a n h i s t o r y t o d a y w i l l admi t t h a t the r e s u l t a n t Musl im-Hindu a n t a g o n i s m h a s been and s t i l l i s one of the most v i t a l p r o b l e m s w i t h which t h e B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and i n d e e d I n d i a h e r s e l f h a s to d e a l . I t s r e l a t i o n to I n d i a ' s s t r u g g l e f o r n a t i o n a l u n i t y w i l l be d i s c u s s e d more f u l l y i n a l a t e r s e c t i o n , b u t one migh t o b s e r v e , i n p a s s i n g , t h a t a f a i t h so a l l - e m b r a c i n g , so e l a s t i c , and y e t so b u t t r e s s e d by custom and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s a s t h a t of H i n d u i s m , may y e t accomp-l i s h t h e e r s t w h i l e i m p o s s i b l e t a s k of a Mus l im-Hindu u n i t y . T h i s u n i t y w i l l be a c h i e v e d more p r o b a b l y t h r o u g h a c o n v i c t -i o n t h a t common p o l i t i c a l a s p i r a t i o n s u n i t e t h e w a r r i n g f a c t i o n s more t h a n r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s d i v i d e . While p r o s p e c t s were b r i g h t d u r i n g t h e y e a r s of t h e Grea t War f o r a submerg-ence of r e l i g i o u s d i f f e r e n c e s in a n a t i o n - w i d e movement f o r p o l i t i c a l autonomy w i t h i n t h e E m p i r e , t h e Muslim Congress of 1925 c l o s e d w i t h the fo rmer n o t e of d i s t r u s t and b i t t e r n e s s ( 2 ) t o w a r d s t h e H i n d u s . March , 1 9 2 6 , w i t n e s s e d one of the b l o o d i e s t c l a s h e s y e t r e c o r d e d be tween t h e s e two o p p o s i n g f a c t i o n s . p . 41 H i s t o r y . F e b . , 1 9 2 6 . C u r r e n t H i s t o r y s e c t i o n p . 742 (1 ) L o v e t t . ( 2 ) C u r r e n t - 2 9 Chapter I I I . The Main Aspects of Br i t i sh Rule in In^ia "A free t r ade , a peaceable res idence , and a very good esteem" with the nat ive r u l e r s were the words used by Chap-l a in Terry to describe the accomplishment of Sir Thomas Roe (1) a t the Moghul Court in 1619. In l ess than one hundred and f i f t y years , (by 1758}, the grea te r par t of India was under B r i t i s h sovereignty, and despite the fact that i t was the declared pol icy of the East India Company to abs ta in from wars of conquest, the next f i f t y years were marked by gradual a cqu i s i t i ons of t e r r i t o r y and consol idat ion of cont ro l . By 1818 B r i t i s h power was supreme in India outside the Punjab and Sind , while in 1825, as a r e su l t of defensive operat ions agains t the Burmese, the Br i t i sh f l ag f loa ted over Burma and Assam. There were s t i l l - as there are today - a number of independent nat ive s t a t e s , but in them England's influence was recognized, together with her r igh t to control t h e i r f i s c a l and foreign p o l i c i e s . "In India , concessions granted by, or wrested from nat-ive ru le r s gradually es tab l i shed the Company and the Crown as t e r r i t o r i a l sovereigns, in r i v a l r y with other country powers, and f i n a l l y l e f t the Br i t i sh Crown exerc is ing undivided sov-ere ignty throughout B r i t i s h India , and paramount in au thor i ty (2) over the subordinate native s t a t e s . " The credi t - or (1) Macdonald. The ^Government of India. Swarthmore Press , London. p.3u (2) I l be r t - Government of India . Clarendon Press , Oxford. 1915. p . l . -30-d i s c r e d i t , according to one 's point of view - for t h i s re -markable achievement must go to such Empire bui lders as Clive, Hast ings , Cornwallis , the Marquis of Hastings and Lord Moira, who subjugated a sub-continent while bui ld ing up the l a rges t mercanti le enterprise.known to h i s t o r y . J. Ramsay Macdonald well expresses the novel nature of t h i s conquest. '•The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c fea ture of th i s conquest was tha t the Company did not en te r upon i t u n t i l i t had secured an eoonomic gr ip upon the country. As a l i e n as Alexander 's army, i t did not impose p o l i t i c a l au thor i ty u n t i l i t had acquired economic au tho r i t y . I t ins inuated i t s e l f into Indian l i fe„before i t seized Indian government* I t s f i r s t concern was nothing more than to secure wa free t r ade , a peaceful res idence , and a very good esteem" with the native r u l e r s . Prom tha t everything e lse followed. "As the red patches advanced over the map of India , sect-ions pul led themselves together to r e s i s t , but no power then ex i s t i ng could develop tha t Indian cohesion wnich was necess-ary if the new t rad ing invader was to be hurled back. We were not accepted, but we could not be r e s i s t e d . India challenged, but could not make good her chal lenge. I t was a new method of conquest. Unlike previous conquerors we did not come in through a narrow neck of land so that our force was spent before we reached the peninsula . Moreover we were not a m i l i t a r y conquering power imposing t r i bu te and hastening h i t h e r and t h i t h e r in our conquests. The s t a b i l i t y -31-of trade was always in our minds. The invasion was not of hordes of men seeking new settlements, nor of military capt-ains seeking spoil, but of capital seeking investment, of merchants seeking profit. It was necessarily slow; it div-ided to rule, and enlisted Indians to subdue India. It assimilated as it went. It presents to the student of hist-ory an interesting contrast in the methods and efficiency of conquest by economic penetration compared with conquest by military victory, though the former always merges into the (1) latter in the end." Such a succ inct account of the method by which the Indian Empire was acquired might prove unpopular with the thorough-going i m p e r i a l i s t , but has the v ir tue of s t a t i n g c l e a r l y the foundations upon which the e n t i r e superstructure of B r i t i s h adminis trat ion was b u i l t . India wag regarded as an i n v i t i n g f i e l d for bus iness - not missionary - e n t e r p r i s e ; asd as an e x c e l l e n t place in which to amass a fortune , a very poor place in'which to make a home. Some apprec iat ion of these fundamental assumptions i s e s s e n t i a l i f one would under-stand e i t h e r the gradual evo lut ion of Br i t i sh p o l i c y in India, or the h o s t i l i t y of the present-day Indian N a t i o n a l i s t . Par-adoxical as i t may seem, even more than the s o - c a l l e d "exp lo i t -ation'* of the Englishman does the aloof nature of h i s contaot with India offend i t s c i t i z e n s . "Never before was India governed by a handful of (l)Macdonald - pp.30-31 -32-officials, military and civil, who came to rule for a period, going away when that period was over, only to be replaced by another set equally temporary. Their sons and grandsons also may in their turn come as rulers, but never as sons. The sons of India, who gain the rank of offioe, are only ser-vants of the British. Their position in the Indian Services is generally that of drawers of water and hewers of wood for (1) t h e i r B r i t i s h masters ." Anyone who i s a fair-minded student of B r i t i s h p o l i c y must admit that a l truism has on many occas ions shaped that pol icy* On the other hand, i t i s e s s e n t i a l to r e c a l l that the primary motive has been, and s t i l l i s , one of economic advantage* AB an American observer has said:"The B r i t i s h e r i s s incere in h i s patr iot ism* He b e l i e v e s he i s serving h i s country, i f not humanity* But i f he would analyse the motive behind B r i t i s h rule in India, and h i s presence there , he could not escape the conclusion that 'bearing the white man's burden* means s e l l i n g goods in a market where otners do not enjoy an equal opportunity; preference in investments and (2) concession p r i v i l e g e s ; g e t t i n g on the p a y r o l l . H While t h i s may be s t a t i n g the case somewhat baldly , i t more nearly approaches the truth than the opinion advanced in the heat of war-time pa tr io t i sm by Bamsay Muin "A dispatch o (1) Lajpat Bai. Young India. B.W.Hyebsch. New York.1917.p. (2) Gibbons. New Map of Asia. Century Co.,New York. 1919. Pp.43-4. - 3 3 -1833 says - ' I t is recognized as an indisputable p r inc ip le that the i n t e r e s t s of the native subjects are to be consulted wherever the two come into competition.* Ho one can read the h i s t o r y of Br i t i sh rule in India during th i s period with-out f ee l ing t h a t , in sp i t e of occasional l apses , t h i s was tne (1) rea l s p i r i t . " A f a i r e r statement than e i t n e r of the fore-going i s given by Chirol when he es t imates t n a t : "We nad sought i t (wea l th) , and e spec i a l l y in India , in the develop-ment of t r ade , and, by the middle of the XVIIIth oentury when the p ro tec t ion of our trade in the pecu l i a r circumstances of India had led Englishmen"to assume far - reaching r igh t s of government, we were l ea rn ing almost i n s t i n c t i v e l y t h a t , even in deal ing with remote and a l i en peoples, power could not be d i ssoc ia ted from r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , and tha t the r igh t s which we claimed in v i r tue of our higher c i v i l i z a t i o n involved also (2) du t ies to be discharged." P o l i t i c a l Evolution - 1602-1926 The East India Company, previous to Lord North 's Regul-a t i ng Act of 1773 was responsible for the adminis t ra t ion of Indian a f f a i r s , under a s e r i e s of Royal Charters . With va r i -a t ions from time to time, these char te r s provided for three counci ls , each composed of a Governor or President and a Board of Di rec tors , who were the chief merchants. Their (1) Bamsay Muir. The Expansion of Europe. Constable & Co., London. 1915. p.122 (2) Chirol. India , p . 62 -34-function was to administer the commercial, legislative and Judicial affairs in each of the three Presidencies of MadraB, Bombay and Bengal. These Boards remained, distinct until 1833, when they were centralized under one government in Bengal - a condition which lasted until 1861, and which has influenced Indian administration ever since. In tracing the evolution of British policy in India, three main tendencies may be observed. The first of these is the gradual separation of the various functions of government, the second, the increased association of India with every branch of the administration, and the third is the growth of responsible government. The first movement manifested itself earlier than either of the others. These have only recently gained large pro-portions. The enactments of 1833, 1853, 1861, 1892, 1909 and lastly of 1919 may all be regarded as milestones in the evolution of Indian administration, which had its feeble be-ginnings under the charters issued to the East India Company. The attempt of one Board to administer justice, to make and enforoe laws, and at the same time to acquire territory was doomed from the outset. When one adds to tnis the con-fusion and civil wars which marked the downfall of the Moghul Empire, the corrupt and even oppressive rule instituted by the East India Company is accounted for. As William Bolts recorded in his "Considerations on Indian Affairs" - 1772:--35 -"In t h i s s i t u a t i o n of th ings , as the trade of the Company increased those e v i l s , which a t f i r s t were scarcely f e l t , became at l a s t un iversa l throughout the Bengal provinces; and i t may with t ru th be now sa id , that the whole inland trade of the country, as a t present conducted, and that a t the Comply's investment for Europe in a more pecu l ia r degree, has been one continued scene of oppressions the baneful e f fec t s of which are severely f e l t by every weaver and manufacturer in the country, every a r t i c l e produced being made a monopoly; in which the Engl ish, with t h e i r 'banyans* and black 'gomastas*, a r b i t r a r i l y decide what q u a n t i t i e s of goods each manufacturer sha l l de l i ve r , and the p r i c e s he sha l l reoeive for them. Various and innumerable are the methods of oppressing tne poor weavers, which are duly p rac t i ced by the Company's agents and 'gomastas ' such as f i n e s , imprisonments, f loggings, forc-ing bonds from them, e t c . , by which the number of weavers in the country has been g rea t ly decreased. The na tura l conse-quences whereof have been the s c a r c i t y , dearness and debase-ment of the manufactures as well as a great diminution of the revenues; and the provision of the Company'cS investment has thereby now become a monopoly, to the almost e n t i r e exclusion of a l l o the r s , excepting the servants of the Company highest in s t a t i o n , who having the management of the investment, pro-vide as much as t h e i r consciences wi l l l e t them for the ( l ) Company, themselves and t h e i r f avor i t e s . ' 1 (1) Muir- Making of Br i t i sh India . Univers i ty Press , Manchester, 1915. p . 39 -36 -(1) The Regulating Act of 1773 replaced the Board of mer-chants by a Governor General and council of four members, holding office for five years . Three of these counci l lors were to be sent out from England, one to be employed by the [2) Company. I n 1774 much of the business of the Company was given over to a Board of Trade. This marked the separat ion of the commercial from the j u d i c i a l and l e g i s l a t i v e funct ions . The same year saw the Court of Bengal e s t a b l i s h e d , v/i th wide j u d i c i a l powers, and with the r ight to pass an ac t s of the Council. f r i c t i o n r e su l t ed , and in 1731 the powers of the (3) Court were made subsidiary to those of the Council. In 1861 High Courts and a jud ic i a ry were created in the other provinces . The Councils created in 1773 were recons t i tu ted under (4) Pi t t ' s Act in 1734. The membership was reduced to t h r e e , two of these to be covenanted servants of the Company, and one the Commander-in-Chief of the army. (5) The Charter Act of 1833 took away the t rading r igh t s of the East India Company, and recons t i tu ted the Councils. One law member was added, Macaulay being the f i r s t to occupy th i s o f f i ce . The Councils of Madras and Bombay were cen t ra l ized under the Government of Bengal, and the whole was known as the Government of India . While the D i s t r i c t Councils were (1) I l b e r t . p . 44 (4) I l b e r t . p . 62 (2) I l b e r t . p . 50 (5) I l b e r t . p . 81-82 (3) I l b e r t . p . 54 -37-re ta ined they were given no control over l e g i s l a t i o n u n t i l 1861, nor over finance u n t i l 1871. This concentration of au tho r i t y was brought about because the times seemed to de-mand a s t rong cent ra l government. Despite i t s disadvantages, i t paved the way for the conversion of t h i s new government of India in to a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l par l iament . (1) This change was formally recognized in 1853 by the establishment of the f i r s t Legis la t ive Council, composed of the Governor General and Council of four, a law member, the Chief Ju s t i ce of Bengal and four covenanted c i v i l servants of the Company who were to represent o f f i c i a l l y the pres idencies of Madras, Bombay, Bengal, and the North-West Provinces* These r ep resen ta t ives were to supply information in regard to the a f f a i r s of t h e i r respect ive provinces , and in t h i s way were the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l fore-runners of regular ly e l ec ted members to the government. This newly formed body conducted i t s e l f l ike a miniature par l iament , but had to submit to the veto of the Governor General in Council a t any time. I t should a lso be noted tha t a l l of i t s members were o f f i c i a l s and Englishmen, although as ea r ly as 1833 i t was declared that wno person s h a l l , by reason of h i s r e l i g i o n , place of b i r t h , descent, color , or any of them, be disabled from hold-(21 ing any p lace , office or employment under tJae Company." (1) Ibid. p. 90 (2) ;:lbidn p . 52. I l b e r t pp. 88-9 - 3 8 -The Mutiny of 1357, p r e s l p l t a t e d by an a l l e g e d v i o l a t i o n of r e l i g i o u s pre judices and nat ional r i gh t s and customs, plao-sd the Indian Empire d l r e o t l y under the Crown, as rsoorded in (1) the Government of India Aot, 1868. In 1861 the L e g i s l a t i v e body was again r e c o n s t i t u t e d , and the Governor General known as the Viceroy. This new Counoll inc luded, in addi t ion to B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s , n o n - o f f i c i a l s and Indians, and marked an (2) advance towards democracy. "To Lord Canning, who guided India through the dark days of the Mutiny, and was nick-named 'Clemency* Canning on account of h i s e f f o r t s to reap peaoe instead or b i t t e r n e s s from that ever t r a g i c ep i sode , must be given the credit for t h i s new and l i b e r a l departure in B r i t i s h p o l i c y in India; and by h i s hands may thus be sa id to have been sown the f i r s t (3 ) seeds of representat ive i n s t i t u t i o n s in B r i t i s h India,** • further provis ion of the Aot restored l e g i s l a t i v e powers to the Councils of Bombay and Madras, and organlzsd a s imi lar oounoil for Bengal. In t h i s manner the foundations were l a i d for the Prov inc ia l and L e g i s l a t i v e Councils and Assemblies of today. Al l l e g i s l a t i o n was subject to the veto of the Lieutenant Governor or the Governor General, and no execut ive funct ions were a l lowed. These were in the hands of the Civi l Serv i ce , a h igh ly organised and c e n t r a l i s e d body which was in r e a l i t y the execut ive descendant of the East India Company, Just as the Councils were i t s l e g i s l a t i v e (1) I l b e r t . p. 94 (2) Ib id . p . 98 . p . 104. Home p. 54 (3) Borne, p. 64. - 3 9 -d e s c e n d a n t s * In 1692 the L e g i s l a t i v e Counoil m e n l a r g e d to admit • o r e n o n - o f f l o l a l g i n c l u d i n g I n d i a n s , and " a l b e i t In a t imid and roundabout way, a b e g i n n i n g was made a t p l a c i n g i t upon CD an e l e c t i v e b a s i s . " The p r i v i l e g e of d l s o u s s i n g the feudal and of q u e s t i o n i n g the E x e c u t i v e was g r a n t e d , and the e l s e , c o m p o s i t i o n and f u n c t i o n s of the P r o v i n c i a l Counc i l s were c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y i n c r e a s e d . fio change of Importance in the o r g a n i s a t i o n of these C o u n c i l s o c c u r r e d u n t i l 1*09, when, under Lord U o r l e y , the Ind ian C o u n c i l ' s a c t was l a u n c h e d , p r o v i d i n g tor a g r e a t i n -crease In the e l e c t e d e l e m e n t ; f o r a narrow and i n d i r e c t f r a n c h i s e ; and f o r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n on the b a s i s of " r e l i g i o u s c o m m u n i t i e s . " T h i s l a s t p r o v i s i o n c r e a t e d a precedent " fraught w i t h grave c o n s e q u e n c e s f o r the f u t u r e of r e p r e s e n t -( 2 ) a t i v e i n s t i t u t i o n s In I n d i a . " The e f f e c t of t h i s d i v i s i o n on r e l i g i o u s l i n e s I s ecen In the reformed c o n s t i t u t i o n of ( 3 ) 1 9 1 9 , and w i l l be d i s c u s s e d more f u l l y In a n o t h e r p l a c e . . In s p i t e o f the i n c r e a s e d n o n - o f f i c i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , the o f f l o l a l b l o c was a lways l a r g e enough to dominate the s i t -u a t i o n . While the c o u n c i l was p e r m i t t e d to p r e s e n t r e s o l -u t i o n s r e g a r d i n g a change in the budge t , to q u e s t i o n the Ex-e c u t i v e , and to formulate r e s o l u t i o n s on m a t t e r s h a v i n g to do w i t h the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t , i t had no a d m i n i s t r a t i v e powers . Consoious a lways of the p a r a l y s i n g e f f e c t of an Irremovable ( 1 ) H o m e . p . 5 6 . I l b e r t . p . 107 ( 2 ) Borne , p . 69 ( 3 ) See Chapter IJLI.pp. 4 4 - 6 , 63-9 - 4 0 -f l ) e x e o u t i v e , and of the o f f i c i a l b loc , f r i c t i o n of ten r e s u l t e d . Another unfortunate re su l t of the system was that sug-g e s t i o n s from the Council were apt to be i rrespons ib le or im-p r a c t i c a l , for the persons making them knew they would have no r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for carrying them out. gradually the memb-ers came to f e e l the f u t i l i t y of suggest ions or re so lu t ions which were very often never aoted upon, and they clamored for an e f f e c t i v e parliamentary system. Paradoxical as i t may seem, Lord Morley disclaimed any in t en t ion of h i s reforms l ead ing to such a r e s u l t . It i s d i f f i c u l t to understand such a f a i l u r e to apply the l e s s o n s of h i s t o r y . "If i t could be sa id that t h i s chapter of reforms led d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y to the establ ishment of a p a r l i a -mentary system in India, X f o r one would have nothing to do (2) with i t . " The Councils so e s t a b l i s h e d did have the value of serving as t r a i n i n g grounds for parliamentary prooedure and opened the door for the f i r s t time to an Indian member on the Governor General'8 Executive Council or Cabinet - Lord Sinha had the honor of being the f i r s t , a c t i n g in the capacity of Law Member. Since that time there has always been at l e a s t one Indian on the Cabinet. While these changes were taking place in the Government of India, the Home Government was being reorganized. The (1) I l b e r t . . p p . 1 1 0 - 1 1 4 (2) Home. p .55 . Quoted from Lord Morley's own words. Roberts - Western Races and the World. Milford Pres s , Oxford.1922. p .169 . - 4 1 -Regulating Act of 1773 had created a Court of Di rec tors , twenty-four in number, not responsible to par l iament , and p r a c t i c a l l y control led by the East India Company. P i t t ' s Act of 1784 placed the Court of Directors under a Board, respons-ible to the Parliament and s tyled "The Commissioners for the Affairs of India .» With the t r ans fe r to the Crown in 1858, a Secretary of State with a council of f i f t een replaced the Court of Direc tors and the Board of Commissioners. A majority of these members must have had experience in India, and the Parl iament, through the Secretary of S t a t e , control led Indian a f f a i r s . There have been s l i gh t va r i a t i ons s ince , but in the main i t i s true that the Secretary of Sta te i s r e a l l y supreme over Indian a f f a i r s , so fa r as parliament i s concerned. For reasons s t a t ed above, the Morley reforms proved highly unsa t i s f ac to ry , and the Government of India Act of 1915, amended in 1919 in accordance with the Montagu -Chelmsford Report, introduced a new p o l i t i c a l e ra . £. S. Montagu, the Seeretary of State for India, prepared the way for tne reform in h i s pronouncement in the House of Commons, August 20th, 1917. "The pol icy of His Majesty 's Government, with wh i oh the Government of India are in complete accord, i s that of in-creasing the assoc ia t ion of Indians in every branch of the adminis t ra t ion , and the gradual development of self-governing i n s t i t u t i o n s , with a view to the progressive r ea l i za t i on of responsible government in India as an in teg ra l par t of the Br i t i sh Empire. - 4 2 -I would add that p r o g r e s s In t h i s p o l i c y can on ly be a c h i e v e d by s u c c e s s i v e s t a g e s . The B r i t i s h Government, and the Government of I s d l a , on whom the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y l i e s for the w e l f a r e and advancement of the Indian p e o p l e s , must be Judges of the time and measure of each advance-, and they must be gu ided by the c o - o p e r a t i o n r e c e i v e d from those upon whom new o p p o r t u n i t i e s of s e r v i c e w i l l tnus be c o n f e r r e d , and by the e x t e n t to which i t i s found t h a t c o n f i d e n c e can ( 1 ) be reposed In t h e i r s e n s e of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . * * • t h o r o u g h - g o i n g a n a l y s i s of the new c o n s t i t u t i o n can-not be under taken h e r e , but i t p r o v i d e s f o r ( a ) a Governor £Jeneral and Counci l of two members - one o f f i c i a l and one n o n - o f f i c i a l - a t l e a s t one of whom must be an I n d i a m (b) A Counci l of S t a t e numbering s i x t y , one t h i r d of whom must be o f f i c i a l s ; ( c ) A L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly of one hundred and f o r t y members, f i v e - s e v e n t h s of whom must be e l e o t e d , and ( 2 ) o n l y t w o - t h i r d s of the ba lance t o be o f f i c i a l s . The o u t s t a n d i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the C o n s t i t u t i o n - and the one which must s h o r t l y be m o d i f i e d - i s the p r i n c i p l e of Dyarchy w i t h i n the P r o v i n c i a l a s s e m b l i e s * The E x e c u t i v e i s not r e s p o n s i b l e to the Assembly and may o v e r - r u l e any of i t s a c t s . C o n s i d e r i n g the I n e x p e r i e n c e of the Ind ians In govern-ment the reason f o r such a p r o v i s i o n i s r e a d i l y s e e n , but even more apparent are the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of dead lock . "The ( 1 ) H o m e . p . 2? ( 2 ) I b i d • PP. 11^-113 - im-p a r t i a l dyarchy of the reformed c o n s t i t u t i o n i s a complex, oonfused system, having no l o g i c a l b a s i s , rooted in compromise, (1) and defens ib le only as a t r a n s i t i o n expedient ,« i s tne opin-ion of one author i ty . 81r Frederick Whyte summarises both i t s merits and i t s f a u l t s , emphasising the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l ad-vance in responsible government. "Lord lforley*s L e g i s l a t i v e Councils were not parl iaments . The germ of h i s p o l i c y lay far back In the days of the East India Company; and he made no departure from e s t a b l i s h e d p r i n c i p l e s . The new p o l i c y represents the abdicat ion of auto-cracy and the Inauguration of a genuine p o l i c y of cooperation between the Government and the people of India . The change wrought by the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms was so sub-s t a n t i a l as to amount to a p o l i t i c a l r e v o l u t i o n . No longer are the Prov inc ia l L e g i s l a t i v e Councils or the Indian Leg-i s l a t u r e s mere c o n s u l t a t i v e committees with certa in powers which merely whet i n q u i s i t l v e n e s s . They are l e g i s l a t u r e s enjoying large p o l i t i c a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s . The prac t i ce of the Const i tut ion during the past three years proves the truth of t h i s s tatement , for though the Governor General s t i l l p o s s e s s -es c o n s t i t u t i o n a l powers, which may be ca l l ed the residue of the old autocracy, he has used them so sparingly that no one can accuse him of l i g h t l y d isregarding the wishes of h i s L e g i s l a t u r e . Moreover, though the Governor i s not , in s t r i c t c o n s t i t u t i o n a l usage, responsible to the Indian L e g i s l a t u r e , the h i s t o r y of the Delhi Parliament since 1920 shows that he (1) Lord O l i v i e r . Disease of Indian Dyarchy. Contemporary Sevlew. May,1925. p.566 - 4 4 -(1) i s responsive to i t . •• Other fea tures are {1} a broadened f ranchise ; (2) rep-resen ta t ion on the bas is of r e l i g i o u s communities, and ce r t -ain specia l communities such as the U n i v e r s i t i e s ; (3) a tremendous increase in the number of Indian o f f i c i a l and non-of f ic ia l members; (4) a broad scheme of devolution of control from the cent ra l to the provinc ia l assemblies. The last-mentioned change has been inaugurated by " t r ans fe r r ing" ce r t a in important departments to these assemblies . Amongst the so-ca l led t rans fe r red subjects are the Departments of Local Self-Government, Education, San i t a t ion , Agriculture and Publ ic Works, while under "reserved sub jec t s " , u l t ima te ly control led by the G0vernment of India , are I r r i g a t i o n , Famine Belief, Prisons and Pol ioe , Factory Inspect ion, Agency Functions, Land Laws and Revenue Administrat ion. Certain phases of the "reserved subjects" are handled by the Prov-i n c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s , but for the sake of uniformity and e f f i c -iency they are co-ordinated under the cent ra l government. Possibly the most important provision of a l l i s the grant of (Z) almost complete f inanoia l autonomy to the Provinces. The u l t imate control of the Budget i s in the hands of the Governor General in Council, who is supported, on matters of f inance, by the o f f i c i a l *b loc ' . This provision is at the basis of many of the d i f f i c u l t i e s in other departments of the ( l ) S i r Frederick White. P o l i t i c a l Evolution in India. Foreign Affa i r s . Jan. ,1926. p. 224 (3} Chirol. India, pp.228-232. - 4 5 -a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The A s s e m b l i e s - b o t h P r o v i n c i a l and N a t i o n -a l - f e e l v e r y s t r o n g l y t h a t , owing t o t h e i r f i n a n c i a l i m p o t e n c e , d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e amount s a r e d e v o t e d to the Army and t o t h e O i v i l S e r v i c e , w i t h t he r e s u l t t h a t r e f o r m s v o t e d f o r by them i n t h e f i e l d s of E d u c a t i o n , A g r i c u l t u r e and o t h e r s o - c a l l e d " n a t i o n - b u i l d i n g " b r a n c h e s of t h e government canno t be u n d e r t a k e n . They a l s o f e e l t h e heed f o r a d e q u a t e c o n t r o l of t h e I n d i a n f i s c a l p o l i c y . The f a c t t h a t such men a s Lord B e a d i n g , S i r V a l e n t i n e C h i r o l , Lord O l i v i e r and S i r F r e d e r i c k Whyte r e c o g n i z e t h e d i v i s i v e n a t u r e of t h e new c o n s t i t u t i o n , would seem t o make a r e v i s i o n e v e n b e f o r e t he d a t e s e t i n ( 1 ) 1929 a d v i s a b l e . N e v e r t h e l e s s r e c e n t p r o n o u n c e m e n t s from ( 2 } the Government i n d i c a t e t h a t an e a r l i e r r e v i s i o n i s u n l i k e l y . oOo GENERAL REFERENCES The P o l i t i c a l S i t u a t i o n . The Round T a b l e , M a r c h , 1 9 2 4 , p p . 3 4 4 - 6 1 The New L e g i s l a t u r e s . The Round T a b l e , J u n e , 19 2 4 , p p . 5 5 5 - 5 7 2 A S u r v e y of t h e S i t u a t i o n . The Round T a b l e , D e c . , 1 9 2 4 , p p . 137-155 The Political Ohaos in India. The Round Table, Mar. ,19-25, pp.335-352. (1 ) C u r r e n t H i s t o r y . Augus t 2 5 , 1 9 2 5 . p . 9 8 5 . ( 2 ) "La rd B i r k e n h e a d on I n d i a " . The New S t a t e s m a n . J u l y 1 1 , 1925 . p 3 6 0 . -46-The Economic Gonditioa of India - 1602-1926 The economic bas is of England's contact with India has been ind ica ted in the preceding pages, and reference made to the undisguised exp lo i t a t ion of Indian wealth in the ear ly days of the East India Company. The various Regulating Acts, while a l t e r i n g the form of government, a l so endeavored to el iminate the worst of the t rad ing e v i l s . Before these res -t r i c t i v e measures could become e f f ec t i ve , inca lculable Harm had al ready been done to native i n d u s t r i e s , which were never res tored to t h e i r old-time vigor . The condition e x i s t i n g amongst the weavers in the 18th century has already been quoted ( see page 3 5 ) , and wr i t e r s of the ea r ly 19th century record a s imi la r s t a t e of a f f a i r s in t h e i r day. Hon. F. J. Shore s t a t e s thatj"The fundamental p r inc ip le of the English had been to make the whole Indian nation subservient in every poss ible way to the i n t e r e s t s and benef i t s of themselve They have been taxed to the utmost l i m i t ; every successive Province, as i t has fa l l en into our possession, has been made a f i e ld for higher exact ion; and i t has always been our boast how grea t ly we have ra ised the revenue above that which the (1) nat ive r u l e r s were able to e x t o r t . " While wholesale ex to r t ion can scarcely be cal led a pract ice of recent t imes, there are many thoughtful Englishmen (1) Hon. F .J .Shore . Notes on Indian Affai rs . London, 1837. Vol. I I . p . 616. -47-amongst the number of those who feel that the taxes on land are still much higher than the income of the people warrants. A reform of the Land Tax is being undertaken during 1926. Lieut.-Colonel Briggs, writing on this matter in 1838 states his conviction in no uncertain terms:*'I conscientiously be-lieve that under no government whatever, Hindu or Muhamm-adan, professing to be actuated by law, was any system so subvers-ive of the prosperity of the people at large as that which has marked our administration. ... A Land Tax like that which now exists in India, professing to absorb the whole of the landlords' rent, was never known in any government in (1) England or in Asia ." This statement placed beside f igures quoted from the Government Year Book of 1913-14 would indicate that an unequitable condit ion has p e r s i s t e d . "Increase in Land Bevenues 1881-1914 from £ 13,287,000 to £ 21,392,000, or (2) s ix ty per cent i n c r e a s e . " "The f i s c a l po l icy of India during the l a s t t h i r t y or for ty years has been shaped more in Manchester than in (3) Calcutta" was the opinion of Lord Curzon expressed in the House of Lords on May 21st , 1908. This view i s fur ther sup-ported by a wr i t e r to the Times when he says: "The ta le of England's deal ing with Indian Industry was one of l i t t l e n e s s and i n j u s t i c e . By pos i t ive p roh ib i t ion and by heavy dut ies (1) Hai. p .233 , quoting Lieut-Col. Briggs. The Present Land Tax in India . London, 1838. (2) Eai . § .241, quoting Government Year Book. 1913-4. (3) Curzon. Parliamentary Papers. 1908. Quoted in Hai, p . 160. - 4 8 -the Indian t e x t i l e t rade was destroyed, and our own trade (1) fo s t e red . " The tax imposed in 1917 on Cotton and recent ly removed, i s a modern example of p r e f e r e n t i a l t a r i f f s which have been a feature of the f i s c a l po l i cy . In addi t ion to the ordinary demands of government, a large revenue i s needed in order that India may support the Civil Service and the Army - two branches which absorb a very large share of the revenue. Figures compiled for the (2) Statesmans Tear Book, 1925, show tha t in 1924, with a t o t a l revenue of 1,30,^9,37,000 R s . , 18,32,57,000 R s were expended upon i n t e r e s t charges, 9,80,28,000 R s on the Civil Service, 63,00,16,000 R s - or one-half the e n t i r e revenue - upon the Army, and but 19,04,04,036 R s upon Education. Of t h i s l a s t amount, qui te a percentage came from fees and specia l don-a t i o n s . The ac tual r a t i o between educat ional and army ex-(3) pendi tures is about one to f i ve . The mi l i t a ry budget for 1914 was £ 19,789,239, while the est imated budget for 1925 was £59 ,881,000. Ho corresponding increase of expenditure has been made in o ther departments, despite the i n s i s t e n t de-mands on the par t of the people for b e t t e r educat ional f a c i l -i t i e s and for a ids to Agricul ture - to mention but two of the most outstanding demands. India i s s t i l l predominately r u r a l , seventy-two per cent. (1) L. W. For res t . The Times. London, Mar. 14th, 1917. (2) Statesman's Year Book. 1925. MacMillan & Co., New York. pp. 140-142 (3} Chirol. India , p . 316. - 4 9 -( 1 ) i n 1 9 2 4 , n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g the rap id i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n of tier economic l i f e now t a k i n g p l a c e . Hence one of the l a r g e s t q u e s t i o n s the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n has to faoe i s t h a t of improving a g r i c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s . This has been a t t empted through e x t e n s i v e i r r i g a t i o n schemes; through p r o v i s i o n f o r i n s t r u c t -i on in b e t t e r methods of c u l t i v a t i o n , through the o r g a n i z -a t i o n of c o o p e r a t i v e s o c i e t i e s , through government c r e d i t aad l a s t l y through famine r e l i e f . Aooording to a survey of Indian a g r i c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s , ( 2 ) i s s u e d by the Department of Trade and Commerce a t Ottawa, much s t i l l remains f o r the government to do a l o n g a l l of the l i n e s i n d i c a t e d above . In an a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n number-i n g p r a c t i c a l l y s e v e n t y per cent of the e n t i r e p o p u l a t i o n , many e x i s t In p r a c t i c a l s l a v e r y to the "banya" owing to debt s I n c u r r e d . The p e a s a n t s - "ryots**- are not a v e r s e to adopt -i n g new methods , but are hampered through t h e i r extreme pov-e r t y . The c o n c l u s i o n i s reached t h a t , w i t h adequate funds a t the d i s p o s a l of the Department of A g r i c u l t u r e to p r o v i d e f o r a s s i s t a n c e and f o r an e f f i c i e n t s t a f f , a g r e a t improve-ment i n c o n d i t i o n s might be made. C r i t i c s of the Government c laim that w h i l e e x t e n s i v e i r r i g a t i o n schemes have r e l i e v e d c o n d i t i o n s in some d i s t r i c t s , much remains to be done , or the d e p l o r a b l e c o n d i t i o n s of p o v e r t y , p lague and famine could not repeat t h e m s e l v e s y e s r ( 1 ) S t a t e s m a n ' s Year Book. 1925. p. 143 ( 2 ) H . B . P o u s s e t t e . The Indian Empire a s a Market f o r Canadian Products* Dept. of Trade & Commerce, Ottawa, 1922 . pp. 16-18 -50-(1) after year. As one economist has said: "There is one fact of all supreme importance - the extreme poverty of the Indian cultivator, and indeed of the whole Indian people. Poverty in England or America or Germany is a question of the distri-(2) bution of wealth. In India i t i s a question of production. " ••According to Sir William Hunter, 40,000,000 Indians go through l i f e without suf f ic ien t food; Sir Charles E l l i o t t es t imates tha t one hal f of the a g r i c u l t u r a l population never s a t i s f y hunger from one y e a r ' s end to the o ther ; from t h i r t y to f i f t y mi l l ions of fami l ies l ive in India on an income which does not exceed three pence per day. The poverty of (3) I n dia i s not an opinion, i t i s a f a c t . " Writing of the s i t ua t i on In 1908, another student of M0dern India has s a i d : - "But in India , whether or not the country as a whole, as some maintain, i s growing r i che r , there can be l i t t l e question tha t for the great mass of i t s inhabi-t a n t s d i s t r e s s and hunger are no f a r t h e r from them today than they were of old.--—-It i s not that we have not won the hear t s of t h i s people; we have not even s a t i s f i e d t h e i r hunger. The one aim tha t Br i t a in se t s before herse l f in the government of lands lilce India and Egypt i s the br inging to them of a mater-i a l content. If she has f a i l e d to accomplish that she can boast of no success. And ce r t a in ly in India she has not suc-ceeded. But plague and famine and a l l the many i l l s of ( l j Chirol. India . pp.313 - 315. (2) Loveday. The History and Economics of Indian Famines. London,1914. p. 6. (3) Macdonald. The Awakening of India. 1910. p.260 -51-India find still today, even after fifty years of British rule, a people the great hulk of whom, in the words of G. K. Gokhale, * go down the precipice* at the first touch of calamity. The bonds which bind India to the British Gov-ernment are its power to protect, its power to feed. India does not realize that she is protected; she knows bitterly (1) that she is not fed." Sir Valentine Chirol , in h i s ana lys i s of the reasons for the poverty of the masses concludes tha t the condition of ag r i cu l t u r e gives the key. He contends tha t the pos i t ion of the peasant i s r a the r b e t t e r under Br i t i sh rule than under native rule but sees no reason for pride on that account. "The l i f e of the Indian * r y o t ' p resents nearly everywhere cer ta in fea tures common to t h i s vast a g r i c u l t u r a l , populat ion, and the most un iversa l feature of a l l i s poverty. That th i s i s so i s an unpleasant admission to have to make a f t e r a oentury-and-a-half of B r i t i sh r u l e , which has done l i t t l e so f a r to quicken the dead waters of ignorance that have s tunted (2) the moral and i n t e l l e c t u a l development of the Indian peasant ." Believing that there is no easy explanation for t h i s poverty, as there i s no easy remedy for i t , he summarizes the s i t u a t i o n as follows: Agr icul tura l India , at a l l times wretchedly poor, has enjoyed under Br i t i sh rule generations of peace, with a subsequent increase in populat ion; (from (1) Maoniool. p . 7. (2) Chirol. India, p . 168 - 5 2 -(1) 200,000,000 in 1800 to over 300,000,000 in 1925) . This has l ed to a further d i v i s i o n of the already minute h o l d i n g s , g i v i n g to eaoh family an average of 2^ acres . The Government has f a i l e d to eduoate the peasants in b e t t e r means of pro-duct ion, which would have ameliorated cond i t i ons , at l e a s t in part* This ignorance has a l so permitted the continuance of s u p e r s t i t i o n s and tabus which further reduce the product-i v i t y of l abor , and c o n s t i t u t e a drain on the already in -s u f f i c i e n t resources of the peasant . Many of these wasteful customs have t h e i r bas i s in the caste system, and a l s o in the r i t e s of b i r t h , marriage and death for which the r e l i g i o n of the peasant demands expendi-tures e n t i r e l y d isproport ionate to h i s income. Debt i n e v i t -ably f o l l o w s , and v i r t u a l bondage to the v i l l a g e money-lender. Whatever ambition the peasant might have for throwing off the yoke of poverty i s e f f e c t i v e l y k i l l e d by a further tenet of h i s faith-Karma. According to t h i s a u t h o r i t y , then, overpopulat ion , ignorance, and a r e l i g i o n characterized by s u p e r s t i t i o n , by extravagant customs and by apathy account for the condit ion of rural India. I t w i l l only be changed for the bet ter/when a v a s t l y l arger proportion of the country's revenue i s turned back to be used for construct ive measures of a g r i c u l t u r a l r e l i e f , p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r educat ion . To th iswe would add an (1) Chirol. India, p. 170 (2) See Chirol. India, p. 312-515. -53-alleviation of the burden of taxation, which still falls in-equitably upon agriculture, when its productivity is compared with that of other industries. Some students of the problem look for an improvement in the economic condition of India, through a change in the gov-ernment, and through a new fiscal policy. Others champion a change in industrial organization. All are agreed on the seriousness and the complexity of the situation, on the need for action of some sort. An Indian economist writes in July, 1916: "The Indian population grows, her earning power per head is stationary, and such increase as has taken place in her industries is as nothing compared to the growth of her population. The infer-ence is irresistible. Life in India continues on the lowest plane, untouched by all the movements and progress that is in (1> the air," T^ose who fee l that the "drain" in the matter of a pre-f e r e n t i a l t a r i f f , i n t e r e s t on debts incurred in bui ld ing ra i lways , publ ic works, e t c . , m i l i t a r y expendi ture , and ex-cessive s a l a r i e s to members of the Civil Service, see no hope of improvement un t i l - India has s e l f - r u l e . They feel that t h i s wi l l lower overhead expenses, and consequently taxa t ion , and a general improvement in economic conditions wi l l r e s u l t . I t i s claimed by some tha t famines themselves are not so much due to lack of production as to poverty. "Famines are becoming (1) Monohan Lai,B.A.,Prof. of Economics, Calcutta Universi ty . The Indian Journal of Economics, Ju ly , 1916. -54-more and more frequent . Trade re turns show that England is taking one hundred and f i f t y mil l ion do l l a r s every year out of India without oommeasurate or mater ia l r e tu rn . This has been going on so long tha t India has become the most impov-(1) er ished country in the world.* Table of Famines recorded 1767-1901 shows eighteen famines for the f i r s t one hundred yea r s , fourteen famines for the l a s t f i f t y years , that i s , an increase, of almost f i f t y percen t . They do not r e s u l t in such a high ra te of mor t a l i t y owing to an e f f i c i en t system (2) of famine r e l i e f which has been worked out . Ins tancing the one mat ter of s a l a r i e s in the Indian Civil and Mi l i t a ry Service as compared to the s a l a r i e s paid in the United S ta tes and Japan for s imi la r p o s t s , the claim i s made tha t exp lo i t a t i on i s being carr ied on under these 13) departments. Administration Costs. India u. S. Japan. S a l a r i e s . Head of Government $83,000 and $75,000 $6,000 allowances. Heady of Navy $24,000 $13,500 Subordinate Off ic ia l s $7,000-$14,000 $2,000- $2,750-$4,000 $8,000 Governors of S ta tes or $12,000 - $2,500-Provinces $40,000 $12,000 Chief of Police $8,000 - $3,500 $12,000 Chief Jus t ioe $24,000 #15,000 $3,000 ( l)Gibbons. Hew Map of Asia. Century Co.,1919.New York.fl. 42 (2)Imperial Gazetteer of India . Clarendon Press , Oxford, 1908. p 502. See Chirol. India . p .50 . (3) Bai. EnglandVs Debt to India . p . 355-56. - 5 5 -I-t i s a lso a s se r t ed that p r i o r to 1920 the Indianiza t ion of the Civil Service was very slow, the higher s a l a r i ed pos-i t i o n s being reserved for Englishmen. Thus in 1913, of 2501 p o s t s , 2153 were held by Englishmen, 242 by Indians , and (1) 106 by Anglo-Indians. We consider that an improvement in a g r i c u l t u r a l condit ions along the l i n e s a lready ind ica ted , an app l i ca t ion of the new f i s c a l pol icy inaugurated in 1925, and a regulated i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of India wi l l br ing a marked change. Unt i l the present time, the in t roduct ion of modern industry has merely served to complicate the economic s i t -(2) ua t ion , according to cer ta in close observers . "One notable feature of our i n d u s t r i a l organizat ion ( to quote Mr. A. C. Ghat ter jee , Secretary to the Government of India , Department of Indus t r i e s ) i s tha t the workers are p r a c t i c a l l y a l l re-cru i ted from the ranks of a g r i c u l t u r e . They t rave l long d is -tances* in many cases hundreds of mi les , to t r a c t s where a d i f fe ren t language, a d i f ferent cl imate, an e n t i r e l y different environment confront them, in addi t ion to the strangeness of unfami l ia r , continuous, and sometimes dangerous work in (3) closed bui ldings and a r e a s . " Some idea of the condit ions under which they work, and the consequent r e s u l t s are found in a study of s t a t i s t i c s for (1) Macdonald. p . 105 (2)Mukerjee - Ground Work of Economics. Longmans, Green & Co., Calcutta and London. 1925. pp. 174-5 178-191 (3) Macnichol. p . 34 - 5 6-Bombay. The a v e r a g e m o r t a l i t y r a t e f o r i n f a n t s u n d e r one y e a r was 572 p e r t h o u s a n d , a s compared w i t h 80 p e r t h o u s a n d i n London, d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d 1 9 1 7 - 1 9 2 2 . The a v e r a g e wage f o r a f a m i l y of f i v e was . 4 0 R s p e r mon th , and 97 p e r c e n t of ( 1 ) t h e f a m i l i e s h a d b u t one room. Thus the t a l e of 18 th and 1 9 t h c e n t u r y i n d u s t r i a l E n g l a n d i s b e i n g r e p e a t e d i n l o n g h o u r s , low w a g e s , bad h o u s i n g , i n s u f f i c i e n t p r o t e c t i o n f o r w o r k e r s , woman and (2 ) c h i l d l a b o r , and s i m i l a r e v i l s . One i t em - t h a t of wages -may s e r v e t o g i v e a g l i m p s e of t h e s i t u a t i o n . In 1910 , wages f o r u n s k i l l e d a d u l t male l a b o r i n the v a r i o u s i n d u s t -r i e s r a n g e d from t h i r t y - f i v e c e n t s , to one d o l l a r and t h i r t y -t h r e e c e n t s p e r week; i n 1914 a s l i g h t improvement i s n o t e d , w i t h wages r a n g i n g from s i x t y - s i x c e n t s to t h r e e d o l l a r s p e r ( 3 ) week, A dispassionate picture given by Sir Theodore Morison, an enthusiastic advocate of the industrialization of India, presents substantially the same facts to the thoughtful (4) reader. The Oxford Survey of t he B r i t i s h Empire p r o v i d e s a summary of I n d i a n I n d u s t r y ( p . p . 150-167 J and a f f i r m s t h e above s t a t e m e n t s , showing t h a t the c o n d i t i o n s o b t a i n i n g i n ( 1 ) The Economic and F i n a n c i a l O o n d i t i o n of I n d i a . The Bound T a b l e . D e c , 1923 . p . 9 6 . ( 2 ) R a i . E n g l a n d ' s Debt t o I n d i a . p . 354 ( 3 ) B. K. D a s . , M. A. ,M. Sc . , Ph. D. F a c t o r y Labor i n I n d i a . W a l t e r de G r u y t e r & Go., B e r l i n . 1923 . ( 4 ) S i r Theodore M o r i s o n . The Economic T r a n s i t i o n of I n d i a . John Mur ray , London. 1 9 1 1 . p . 180 -57-Bombay may be dupl icated in the majority or tne mi l l s and f a c t o r i e s sca t t e red across India . A succinct statement of the s i t u a t i o n , and of ltB u l t -imate solut ion are recorded below, in quotat ions from the works of Indian economists* "With raw mater ia l ava i l ab le in super-abundance within our f r o n t i e r s ; with a labor supply which, i f somewhat ineff-i c i e n t i s never theless cheap and abundant; with a market a t home whose exis tence and extent may be Judged from the con-sumption of imported goods made out of the raw mater ia l s ex-por ted; i t would seem tha t a l l the prime r e q u i s i t e s of ind-u s t r i a l success are present in India ." Furthermore: "India must manufacture a t l e a s t her own production of raw ma te r i a l s . (1) or she must command her own markets ." The same w r i t e r urges the need of b e t t e r conditions of housing, s a n i t a t i o n , wages and communications. Another economist summarizes the s i t u a t i o n , and points the way to progress . "The productive capacity of the nation has not kept pace with the growth of i t s populat ion. I t i s the lack of power to u t i l i z e her resources most e f f i c i e n t l y that i s the e s s e n t i a l cause of I nd i a ' s poverty* India must devote her whole-hearted energy to the appl ica t ion of science and invention to the productive processes , e spec ia l ly the (2) fac tory system." (1) Shah. Trade, Tariffs and Transport in India. National Book Depot, Bombay., 1923. p. 89. (2) Das. p. 194. - 6 8 -(1) The improved means of communication within the country and with o ther countr ies - the rai lway, the steamsnip s e r v i c e , cable , t e legraph, and te lephone, roads and canals - have hastened t h i s r e v o l u t i o n . Just as the increased lntercnange of ideas I s gradually bringing about a greater uniformity of thought and of l i f e . Age old barr iers are s lowly crumbling before the r e l e n t l e s s demand of a fac tory age for "hands". With a l l the charges of e x p l o i t a t i o n of natural resources l e v e l l e d a t England, the fo l lowing unique charge i s of i n t e r -e s t , as represent ing an unfortunate ly large body of Br i t i sh opinion. "We have not s u f f i c i e n t l y developed the natural resources of India. The whole system of B r i t i s h adminis trat ion l a India has been concentrated for three generat ions upon moral and p o l i t i c a l progres s , g iv ing l i t t l e thought to the oommerolal side* The average c i v i l i a n has always set h i s face against the plans for commercial e x p l o i t a t i o n which have been presented to him. The government has proceeded with vast and (2) excess ive caut ion." In view of the gloomy pioture recorded, i t i s encouraging to observe that forces are a c t i v e l y at work for the a l l e v i -a t ion of the worst i n d u s t r i a l e v i l s in t h i s country which now ( 3 | ranks as the e ighth i n d u s t r i a l power in the world. Already schemes of housing reform and of c i t y planning are in operation (1) Statesman's Tear Book. 1925. Railway Figures for 1924»-India ,38 ,008; Great Br l t . , 20 ,294; Prance,25,808; Canada,52,365; U. S . , 250 ,222 m i l e s . (2 ) Gtrlgg. The Greatest Experiment in His tory . p. 154. (3) Ghlrol. India , p. 327. -69-in Bombay, Calcut ta , Madras, Cawnpore, and other i n d u s t r i a l cen t res , sponsored by Indian and foreign c a p i t a l i s t s a l i k e . Tentative at tempts have been made to l e g i s l a t e in regard to hours and condit ions of l abor , wages, and the employment of women and chi ldren , by means of a new Factory Act which has been passed in accordance with the recommendations of the (1) Washington Conference. The d i f f i c u l t y of pu t t i ng tn i s act into operation i s due to the usual h o s t i l i t y of the employers and also to the apparent I n a b i l i t y of the Indian Indus t r i a l s to per fec t e f fec t ive organizat ions on the l ines l a i d down by western labor . The ef fec t of the typ ica l Br i t i sh l a i s s e z -fa i re pol icy as applied to indus t ry , and a lso the fa i lu re of England to put Ind i a ' s I n t e r e s t on an equal foot ing with her own wi l l be dea l t with in a l a t e r chapter . 0O0 GENERAL REFERENCES The Commercial and Economic S i t u a t i o n i n I n d i a . The Bound T a b l e . March , 1 9 2 3 . p . p . 3 6 6 - 3 6 . ( 1 ) C a l r o l . I n d i a . p . 194-196 -60-Th e Establishment of the Judic ia ry . 1753-1926 The beginning of a separat ion between the Judic iary and the other branches of government was sketched in the ear ly pages of t h i s chapter . Unti l recent ly there has been a f a i r l y close connection between the executive and the jud-i c i a r y in the D i s t r i c t s , and much f r i c t i o n has resu l ted . Indica t ions today point to a much wider separa t ion. By slow degrees a net-work of law courts were spun across India , with ul t imate power r e s t i n g in the Supreme Court. In the ea r ly days of the East India Company these courts administered j u s t i c e through the medium of Hindu and Muhammadan law, but t h i s proved so unsa t i s fac tory that Br i t i sh law was s u b s t i t u t e d . This in turn was ine f f ec t ive , and in 1833 a system of oodified law, arranged from both the Indian and the Br i t i sh codes, was evolved, "paying due regard (1) for the feelings and peculiar usages of the people." The temperament of the educated Indian seems particular-ly suited to the law profession, and Indian lawyers are found in great numbers. The lower courts are manned entirely by them, and the law member on the Cabinet is today an Indian. This very aptitude of the Indians for law has led to an abuse of the system - a system so different from native ideas of justice and its administration that there are those who (l)Lovett. p. - 6 1 -question whether i t can ever be made i n t e l l i g i b l e to the Indian mind. The zest of the lawyers and of the people a l ike for l i t i g a t i o n has resu l ted in the courts being choked with pe t ty cases , while the manufacture of evidence, corruption of the p o l i c e , e x p l o i t a t i o n of the poor by the r i ch , and even the concoction of cases have led to a deplorable con-d i t ion of a f f a i r s . Blame for th i s cannot be l a i d a t the door of the B r i t i s h Government; excepting in so far as i t may be blamed for i n s t i t u t i n g such a complete change of system. An i n t e r e s t i n g p a r a l l e l might be drawn between th i s s i t u a t i o n of excessive l i t i g a t i o n and the condition which obtained in French Canada in the ea r ly days of the Br i t i sh admin is t ra t ion . If the analogy:' ho lds , the number of law cases in the Indian courts should decrease as the p rosper i ty of the peasantry inc reases . Today there is a movement for the establishment of small local t r i b u n a l s , more sui ted to the needs of the people. The Educational System. 1313-1926 As ear ly as 1813 the East India C0mpany was required to spend ^ 1 0 , 0 0 0 annually upon Indian education. Sporadic attempts a t e s t a b l i s h i n g schools and colleges were made from time to t ime, but not u n t i l 1833 was a def in i te pol icy shaped. (1) 0-rigg. p. 149. Macdonald. pp. 192-9. Forester. A Passage to India. Arnold and Co., London. 1925. p. 220-230. - 6 2 -Zn that year a commission headed by Lord Macaulay made a survey of the s i t u a t i o n , and what has coma to be known as 'Maoaulay's Minute* marked a turning point in Indian History . The government of India now embarked upon i t s po l i cy of "teaching a knowledge of English l i t e r a t u r e and sc ience through the medium of the Engl ish language" inau<jurat lng-- - "a system of r e a l l y nat iona l educat ion, which sha l l in (1) time embrace every v i l l a g e in the country, " E a r l i e r educators such as S i r Charles Grant and David Hare had a profound respect for Indian ou l ture , and had advised i t s rev iva l and encouragement through g iv ing a s s i s t -ance to the many native i n s t i t u t i o n s of l earning then in e x i s t e n c e . These were d e t e r i o r a t i n g owing to the u n s e t t l e d s t a t e of the country as a imole . Others supported this view, but the A n g l i c i s t s - such as Haoaulay and Alexander Duff -triumphed a l b e i t a f t e r a b i t t e r controversy, and the "root and branch" method of education was soon under way. As Maodonald expresses i t s "The self-same s p i r i t which applauded Haoaulay k i l l e d the indigenous schools of Bengal, scrapped the whole system of Bengal elementary educat ion , and began a new system, the purpose of which was to educate the middle and l i t e r a r y c l a s s e s on English models, in the expectat ion tha t , through the agency of these scholars the reformed education (2) would descend to the lower vernacular s c h o o l s . " However, (1 ) Maodonald. p. 167. (2) Ibid. p. 67 - 6 3 -i t i s only f a i r to add that Indian Reformers such as Ram Roy (1) were amongst the f i r s t to advocate th i s system. In 1854, following Sir Charles Wood's d ispatch, more a t t e n t i o n was given to educat ion, hut the schools were then -as they are now - poorly b u i l t and equipped, and manned with teachers inadequately t ra ined and paid. In 1857 Univers i t i es were founded in Calcut ta , Madras and Bombay; in 1882 the Punjab Univers i ty was founded, and in 1887 one at Allahabad. In 1904 another commission made a survey of education, and as a resu l t in 1910 a specia l department of education was crea t -ed* and l a r g e r grants for primary education were made. To summarize: "Education in India under the Br i t i sh government was f i r s t ignored* then successful ly opposed, then const i tu ted on a system now admitted to have been erroneous, and f i na l l y "(2) placed in i t s present pos i t i on . The westerniza t ion of Indian education was fur tner hastened by the fac t tha t many young Indians went to Oxford, Cambridge, and other Br i t i sh Unive r s i t i e s for t h e i r t r a i n ing , and on t h e i r re turn were "more English than the Engl ish ." The f indings of any commission on Indian education since 1854 have always included c r i t i c i sms of the mat ter , method and emphasis of the i n s t ruc t ion given. They point out the lack of p r a c t i c a l - including technica l - i n s t r u c t i o n ; the (l)Beview on "The Heart of Aryavarta". The New Statesman. June 27, 1925. (2) H. Sharp. Progress of Education in Indian. 6th Quinquennial Review. government P r i n t e r s , Calcutta 1913. p . 5. - 6 4 -absence of i n s t r u c t i o n in the vernacular ; and the f a i l u r e to f ami l i a r i ze the students with the great l i t e r a t u r e s of the Orient . The cul ture of the West i s subs t i tu ted for the culture of the Eas t , instead of being grafted upon i t . Ramsay Macdonald has summarized h i s view of tne reforms ne c-(1) essary under six headings : -(a) English education must no longer be dominated and control led by Englishmen, and the pol icy of supplying the bulk of professors from Great Br i ta in must be stopped. (bj More freedom from Government control must be accorded the U n i v e r s i t i e s . (c) More a t t e n t i o n must be given to elementary schools and to t h e i r t e ache r s , the indigenous schools being used where pos s ib l e . {N. .£» I t has always been the policy of the Government to give g r an t s - i n - a id to missionary schools which come up t'o the required s tandards . Today th i s i s being ex-tended to native vernacular schools of a cer ta in types . ) (d) A b e t t e r system of technical and of a g r i c u l t u r a l schools must be provided. (e) More a t t e n t i o n must be paid to the education of women and g i r l s . ( f ) A subs tan t i a l increase in the amount ava i lab le for ed-ucat ion must be made, in order to make possible an adequate system of compulsory education. (1) Macdonald. p. 183. -65-Substantially the same reoommendations are made by an Indian educator, -who contends that the curriculum is too narrow, not sufficiently practical, and largely ineffective because too little instruction is given through the medium (1) of the vernacular . He recommends the following reformss-(a) That education be given through the medium of Hindust-ani or Hindi, English being re ta ined as a compulsory or opt-ional study, not as the medium of i n s t r u c t i o n . (b) That an adequate system of textB in h i s t o r y , geography, science and other sub j ec t s , including technical ones, be supplied in the vernacular . (0) That a system of technical schools and colleges be supplied by the s t a t e . (d) That education be free and compulsory. (2) Figures quoted from the Statesman's Year Book, 1925, support the c r i t i c i sm that the Br i t i sh Government has not supplied an adequate system of educat ion. With an education-a l pol icy inaugurated for over f i f t y yea r s , the census of 1921 shows tha t only 2,782,213 females and 19,841,438 males -or about 7% of the populat ion are able to read and w r i t e . I t a l so l i s t s 210,672 U n i v e r s i t i e s , Colleges and schools with a t o t a l enrolment of 8,791,090, but t h i s includes many mission and pr iva te schools. Of t h i s number, but 279 are technical schools , and 13 are schools of a g r i c u l t u r e . On the face of (1) Lai Chand ltehra. "Some Problems in National Education Of Ind ia . - School and Society. " Feb. 21,1925.p. 217 (2) Statesman's Year Book- 1925. p . 137. -66-the needs of ru r a l India s t r e s sed in the foregoing sec t ion , the ser iousness of t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s apparent . In 1923, with a t o t a l arevenue of approximately 1,30,00,00,000 Rs but 19,04, 04,036 Rs were expended on educat ion, as compared with (1) 64,00,76,000 Rs on the m i l i t a r y s e rv i ce s . This d ispropor t -ionate expenditure cons t i t u t e s one of the gravest charges (21 against the Br i t i sh admin i s t r a t ion . Probably the g rea t e s t menace to education in India has been i t s popu la r i ty . As long as the schools and u n i v e r s i t i e s were manned with f i r s t c lass r ep resen ta t ives of Br i t i sh cu l t -ure - whether of Anglo-Saxon or of Indian stock - a f a i r l y s a t i s f ac to ry "product" was obta ined. But with the thousands of youths - not only from the scholar ly and wel l - to-do castes -clamouring for educat ional f a c i l i t i e s , the supply of f i r s t c lass teachers could not be maintained, and a consequent de-t e r i o r a t i o n set in . The r e s u l t s are manifest today in the army of semi-educated youths who, divorced from t h e i r own cul ture and t r a d i t i o n s and inadequately t ra ined for any pro-fession or c a l l i n g , provide the f e r t i l e mater ia l for p o l i t i c a l unrest and anarchy. "A f a i l ed B. A." i s today but another name for a p o l i t i o a l a g i t a t o r . One s ign i f i can t feature of the Bengal upr i s ing in 1905-10, was t h a t , of the 136 convict ions , (3) 68 were s tuden ts , 60 of whom were under twenty years of age. ( l )S ta tesman ' s Year Book - 1925. pp. 138-140 (2) Macdonald. p . 181. (3) Chirol . India, p. 124. -67-But when a l l has been said in regard to the inadequacy of the system, the fact remains that " i t has kept a l i gh t shin-(1) ing in the I ndian mind" i t has helped to produce such men as Hanade, Telang and aokhale, and i t has unif ied India under one un ive r s i t y system. It has helped to break down class d i s t i n c t i o n s , i t has provided the government with a great mass of c iv i l s e rvan t s , and above a l l , i t has st imulated the Indian to a revaluat ion of h i s own cu l tu re . Religion and the Br i t i sh Regime. I t i s the pride of the Br i t i sh adminis t ra t ion that re 1-(2) iglous tolerance has been one of i t s chief c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . In no case were Hindu and Muslim oustoms wi t t i ng ly in te r fe red with, excepting where they ran counter to Br i t i sh ideas of humane conduct. Thus the p rac t i ce of burning widows and of offer ing infant s a c r i f i c e s was in large measure discontinued I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note tha t even an ardent Nat iona l i s t l ike Lajpat Bai brings no ser ious charge of r e l ig ious i n t e r -ference. Chris t ian miss ionar ies were at f i r s t refused admittance, but in time the s t e r l i n g achievements of such men as Alexander Duff were recognized, and in the main the Government of India has cooperated whole-heartedly with the missionary e n t e r p r i s e , (1) Chirol. India, p. 316. (2) Ibid.l "-, p.p. 25-26. -68-p a r t i c u l a r l y In the mat ter of education. So well has t h i s cooperation been worked out that in these days of n a t i o n a l i s t propaganda the miss ionar ies are on occasion iden t i f i ed with the government* Friendly as well as harsh c r i t i c s of the adminis t ra t ion claim t h a t , from time to time, one r e l ig ious fact ionhas been played off against another , in order to "divide and ru l e" . I t i s d i f f i c u l t to quote spec i f i c cases of t h i s , but i t is a faot that the councils cons t i tu ted under Lord Morley's Reforms in 1909 provided for e l ec t ion on a bas i s of " re l ig ious communities." No doubt there are grounds for such a system when one r e c a l l s the h i s t o r y of r e l i g ious feuds in India. Nevertheless such men as Lord Ol iv ier regre t that th i s should have es tab l i shed a precedent whereby re l ig ious differences are recognized by the Const i tut ion of 1919. In reference to th i s he says: "The only way to el iminate re l ig ious faotionism from p o l i t i c s - - - i s to make secular i n t e r e s t s the basis of p o l i t i c a l r epresen ta t ion . The adversar ies of Indian de-mocracy incessant ly harp on the sec t iona l fanaticism of Indians because they see in r e l i g ious antagonisms a bu t t r e s s of t h e i r pol icy of dividing and ru l ing - which, however a l i en i t may be from the minds of our responsible s t a t e s m e n - i s as every one who has consorted with Anglo-Indians and mi l i t a ry club p o l i t i c i a n s knows, s t i l l t h e i r cherished stand-by as an assurance against ' sed i t ion* - meaning Indian National P o l i t i c s . Nationalism is the only foroe that ac t ive ly and - 6 9 -(1) e f f e o t i » e l y oombats t h a t d l s » i d e n o e . " The v o l u n t a r y union between the Al l Ind ia Muslim League and the Indian Nat iona l (2) Congress in 1916 i n d i c a t e d a t one s t age t h a t t h e i r common p l a t fo rm of demands was overcoming t h e i r p o i n t s of d i f f e r e n c e . This coope ra t i on oont lnued u n t i l a f t e r the war, when the P a n - I s l a n movement among the Muslims i n t e n s i f i e d t h e i r con-s c i o u s n e s s of r e l i g i o u s d i f f e r e n c e s . A l so , the extreme a t t i t u d e of some of the Hindu n a t i o n a l i s t s roused the s u s p i c -ion of the Muslims, and a t the l a s t meet ing of the All Ind ia Muslim League, December, 1925, the P r e s i d e n t s t a t e d t h a t the whole S w a r a j i s t movement was s imply a campaign on the p a r t of middle c l a s s Hindus to dr ive out the Muslims, and i n s t i t -13) ute Hindu r u l e . I t i s our conv i c t i on t h a t with the i n c r e a s e d ooopera t ion of a l l p a r t i e s in government, and with a h i g h e r s t a n d a r d of e d u o a t i o n , t h i s su sp i c ion w i l l g r a d u a l l y d i s -a p p e a r . The i n f luence of Western Re l ig ion upon the Eas t e rn mind w i l l be d i soussed In ano the r p l a c e , but i t may be recorded here t h a t for the most p a r t the Government of I nd i a has been respons ive to s u g g e s t i o n s made by the v a r i o u s r e l i g i o u s com-m u n i t i e s . This i s seen both in i t s e d u c a t i o n a l p o l i c y , and in the more humani t a r i an a s p e c t s of i t s eoonomic p r o j e c t s . What may be regarded in the fu tu re as the most profound (1 ) O l i v i e r . p . 660. (2) Maodonald. p . 13 (3) Current H i s t o r y . January 1926. p . 742. -70-effect socially has been the work of the Christian missionaries amongst the outcastes. This effect is scarcely apparent yet, for converts from this section of the population now number little more than 4,000,000, However, they are demanding and obtaining education, and a probable mass movement amongst this large section of the population is destined to have very far-ID reaching effects on future developments. The Array and the Civil Service From the earliest days of the East India Company Indians were allowed to enlist in the army, and in this capacity they were instrumental in subduing their own countrymen and in establishing British Rule. It has been the declared policy of the Government to maintain only sufficient troops to insure order, and to reduce the number of British soldiers in com-parison with the number of Indians. The normal proportion has been about one British to three Indian Battalions. The (2) f i g u r e s for 1924 were 71,109 to 161 ,711 , which shows the p r o p o r t i o n of B r i t i s h as somewhat h i g h e r . Cer ta in s e r v i c e s such as the Tank Corps and the Hoyal Air Force are e n t i r e l y B r i t i s h . The annual cost of the army since the war has been 4 approximate ly •% 60 ,000 ,000 , and has occas ioned i n s i s t e n t (1) Maodonald. p . 263. (2) S t a t e sman ' s Year Book - 1925. p . 143. - 7 1 -demands from the Indian l e g i s l a t u r e s for i t s reduction. It i s urged that a l a rger proport ion of Indian u n i t s and of Indian o f f i ce r s would help in th i s reduction, since Br i t i sh o f f ice rs and men are paid on a higher sca le . The f inanoia l i s but one aspect of a movement which gained great momentum during and since the war. I t is ex-pressed in a demand that Indian under -of f leers be accorded the same oppor tun i t i es for advancement as that accorded to Br i t i sh o f f i o e r s . Some s teps have been made in t h i s d i r ec t -ion, but there i s v io len t opposi t ion in cer ta in c i r c l e s - both army and c i v i l . The object ions advanced range a l l the way from the real d i f f i o u l t y of overcoming caste d i s t i no t i ons to tne l e s s v i t a l matter of matrimonial advantages. One member of the opposi t-ion - an ex-of f icer of the Indian army- was heard to advanoe the following argument in a l l se r iousness : "What i s more p leas ing than that a chap should see h i s daughter marry into h i s own regiment? And yet with t h i s new system for which im-poss ib le i d e a l i s t s and banal p o l i t i c i a n s are press ing what chance i s there for such a Jol ly occurrence? I t e l l you, S i r , when one looks a t i t from tha t point of view, i t puts an e n t i r e l y d i f ferent l i gh t upon the whole matter of the Indian-i s a t ion of the Serv ice ." I t i s d i f f i c u l t to forecast what may happen in these days of change, but for the present the Indian army s t i l l offers a -72-remunerative and colorful career to Br i t i sh 'younger sons ' , and an i n v i t i n g f i e l d of matrimonial opportunity to B r i t a i n ' s daughters . 1926 wi l l see the organizat ion of the Royal Indian Navy-for use both in peace and in war. At present off icers wi l l he added at the rate of three per year, and of these one-each year i s to be an Indian, providing su i table mater ia l i s a v a i l a b l e . The main s ignif icance at present i s that the ranks of commissioned o f f i ce r s are opened to Indians. For the fu tu re , when India a t t a i n s the rank of a Dominion with complete control over her own navy, i t may serve as a whole-some check on Br i t i sh i m p e r i a l i s t i c ambitions. The Civil Service I t has already been s ta ted that the Civil Service i s the d i rec t descendant of the adminis t ra t ive branch of the East India Company, and has cons t i tu ted one of the most important departments of the government. Two main trends may be ob-served, ivsiz. : i t s evolution from being a preserve of the Br i t i sh n o b i l i t y , ac t ing d i r e c t l y for the Governor General in C0unoil, to being an increas ingly democratic service open to Indians and Br i t i sh a l i k e , and functioning according to the wishes of a responsible Assembly. In other words, the gradual Indianizat ion of the Service i s taking p lace , while ( l ) L i e u t . J. M. Kenworthy.-"The Meaning of the Eoyal Indian Navy." Foreign Affa i rs . March,1926. pp.255-6. - 7 3 -many of i t s important dut ies are being assumed by the re-(1) formed Councils - now become regular ly organized par l iaments . The dec lara t ion made by Mr. Montagu on August 20th, 1917, tha t "the pol icy of His Majesty 's Government •- i s tha t of the increased assoc ia t ion of Indians in every branch (2) of the administration'* was but the modern r e i t e r a t i o n of the Declaration of 1833 in which "no native of Br i t i sh India -— is disabled from holding any p lace , office or employ under (3) His Majesty in Ind ia . " With the reorganizat ion of Indian a f f a i r s since 1920, the number of Indians in a l l branches of the Civil Service —-espec ia l ly in the higher off ices - has been increased, and while many problems in regard to examination requirements, e t c . , remain to be solved, the gradual Indianiza t ion of t h i s U) Service is becoming a f a c t . The heavy cost of maintaining i t has already been re fer red t o , and i t i s the hope of Indians today that the present process may gradually reduce the over-head expense. An aspect of the question with which the average Indian Nat ional i s t does not agree i s the present necessi ty for a cer ta in number of Englishmen of high qua l i f i ca t ions in (1) Oxford Survey of the Br i t i sh Empire - Vol. I I . Vincent Smith - Clarendon Press,1924. p. 761-2 ( 2 ) Whyte. p . 223 (3) I l b e r t . p . 262 (4) Current His tory, July, 1925, p. 640. Lord Birkenhead s ta ted that in accordance with the report of the Lee Commission, one half would henceforth be Indians. (2) Oxford Survey of Br i t i sh Empire. p . 261-262. -74-the Service. Agitat ion in the past few years has brought about some reduction in the s a l a r i e s of the Civil Servants, but , even more important, has tended to reduce the p res t ige which t h i s Service has always ca r r i ed . Hence the number of B r i t i s h e r s seeking admission has f a l l en off se r ious ly , with the r e s u l t t ha t in 1925 an ac t ive campaign was car r ied on in the Univers i t i e s to secure r e c r u i t s . I t has met with a f a i r success , and there has been an appreciable increase in the number of candidates . That such a campaign nas been necessary is a s ign i f i can t comment on the fa r - reach ing e f fec t s of the CD Nat iona l i s t movement. The task of the Government in securing the r ight type of c i v i l servant to carry on under the new conditions i s a d i f f i c u l t one* And yet the success of the new experiment in India today depends to a large degree upon the s p i r i t and a b i l i t y of each adminis t ra tor sent out from England - whether he be a d i s t r i c t o f f i ce r , or whether he be the viceroy. That t h i s i s recognized by the Government i s evidenced by the care displayed in choosing Lord Beading's successor. Sir Edward Wood i s a grandson of S i r Charles Wood who conducted the famous educational survey of 1854* He has had wide exper-ience in the adminis t ra t ion of education and of a g r i c u l t u r a l a f f a i r s - experience much needed in India today. I t has been (l)The New Statesman. The Calm in India. Oct. 24, 1925. p . 39. -75-well said that j_"The days are gone when a Prise Minister had only to choose, from the titled members of his party, a man who would make a good figurehead, had a wife who liked pageantry, and did not object to five years of exile. "India will test him, as it has tested all his predecessors. In relation to his general intelligence, his power of decis-ion, and his ability to compass the most challenging and the (1) most fascinating task of governance in the world." (1) Hew Statesman. "The Viceroyalty of India." Nov. 7, 1926. p. 1023. - 7 6 -Chapter IV. The Birth of Nationalism -A Reaction to B r i t i s h Sovereignty and to World Contacts The preceding chapters have considered India ' s r ight to be regarded as a nat ion, have est imated the geographic and other fac tors which both weaken and strengthen t n i s claim, and l a s t l y , have recorded the nature of B r i t a i n ' s contact with India. The resu l t of t h i s contact i s summarized by Ramsay Macdonald in these words: "The contact between Ore at Br i ta in and India awoke India. Educators l ike Hare, miss ion-a r i e s l i k e Carey, administrators l i k e Maoaulay, taught the Indian western modes of thought; the Indian read the h i s t o r y and the p o l i t i c a l works of the West and they opened up a (1) new world for him, which he soon entered with bold f e e t . " Hot only did a new world of ideas open before the Indian s tudent , but a new world of fac t - a l so a d irec t re-s u l t of the B r i t i s h adminis trat ion . As Mathews has expressed i t s "The bare Idea of an Indian nation was unthinkable in a sub-continent 1500 mi les wide by 1900 mi les long , in which l i v e more than 300,000,000 people of d i f f erent r a c e s , ta lk-ing 150 d i f f erent languages, divided p h y s i c a l l y by h i l l s and plateaux and deser t s ; broken s o c i a l l y into thousands of cas tes and sub-cas tes ; and riven r e l i g i o u s l y by the antag-(1) Macdonald. Government of India. p. 2. - T T -(1) o o l i a i of Moslem and Hindu." And why "unthinkable"? Unthinkable beoauee the vast d is tances* tha apparently Insurmountable physical b a r r i e r s , and tha deeply-out d l f feronoas of raoe ( customs and r e l i g i o n made uni ty - the f i r s t p r e r e q u i s i t e of nation-hood - a seem-ing l a p o s s l b l i t y . Because England has given to India a sense of "unity" i t oan tru ly ba said that the b ir th of nationalism in India i s due to tha Br i t i sh occupation. Tha cana l s , roads, rai lways and telegraph l i n e s hare overcome to a large extant tha phys ica l b a r r i e r s . Mora s lowly , but as sure ly , tha system of government schools and univers -i t i e s gave to Indian s tudents , and l a t e r to Indian p o l i t i c -ians a common language. This served as a veh ic le of express -ion for common ideas inspired by the curricula of these univ-e r s i t i e s . Tha p a r a l l e l J u d i c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and adminis trat ive i n s t i t u t i o n s e s t a b l i s h e d in each d i a t r l o t and province , and c e n t r a l i s e d under one nat ional government, tended to bind tha whole country in to one vast p o l i t i c a l u n i t . In more recent years the forces of modern industry have spread themselves across India in an i n t r i c a t e network of f a c t o r i e s and m i l l s , bringing workers from t h e i r remote farms and v i l l a g e s Into new and olose oontaota with workers from other par t s . The pr in t ing press has oome a l s o , contr ibut ing I t s share to the uni fy ing of Indian thought. ( l ) B a s i l Mathews. - The Clash of Color. Edinburgh House Press . London - 1926. p. 87 -78-As though to give these forces working for uni ty every chance to achieve t h e i r unconscious end* the strong arm of Br i t a in as expressed in her navy and in her army, has made poss ible two centur ies of comparative peace. A fur ther sense of nat ional uni ty has come through the pol icy of a s soc i a t ing Indians with the Civil Service and l a t e r with the Government. Not only have such o f f i c i a l s learned in some measure to think in terms of India ra ther than in terms of t h e i r own d i s t r i c t or r e l ig ious community, hut they have learned to think of present-day India and her problems apar t from inher i t ed prejudices and preconceptions. The inev i tab le r e s u l t has been t h a t , inc reas ing ly , Indians -whether from the Punjab or the Deccan, whether from Bengal or Madras, whether Muslim, Sikh, Parseeor Hindu - are r e a l i z i n g that they are a l l c i t i z ens of one country - India , and are of one people - Indians. Incomplete as t h i s r ea l i za t ion s t i l l i s , i t has been st imulated not only by Br i t i sh i n s t i t u t i o n s but by personal contacts with the Br i t i sh admin is t ra to r . His loya l ty to h i s homeland - which he makes no attempt to disguise - begets in h i s Indian colleague a s imi la r loya l ty for India. S imi lar ly , the Englishman's concern - o f t e n quite unconscious - that B r i t a i n ' s i n t e r e s t s sha l l not suffer , makes the Indian equally eager that h i s country shal l have f a i r t reatment. And the B r i t i s h e r ' s inevi tab le and obvious, though unacknowledged, socia l separateness has piqued the pride of the Indian, making -79-him increas ingly f r iendly to h i s own people. This loya l ty t<& things and to people Indian i s a na tura l r e s u l t of the wholesale adoption of Br i t i sh i n s t i t -u t ions and standards -which character ized the middle and even the l a t e r 19th century. Students clamoured for in-s t ruc t ion in Western His tory , Science and Philosophy, and a generat ion of men was produced who almost scorned t h e i r own cul ture and t r a d i t i o n s . The subs t i t u t ion of Br i t i sh for Indian methods of j u s t i c e , the root and branch method applied to educat ion, the revolut ion in i n d u s t r i a l l i f e a l l brought t h e i r inev i tab le reac t ion , often expressed in a pos i t ive antagonism for the new order . Signs of t h i s react ion were f i r s t seen in a genuine renaissance in Indian l i t e r a t u r e and r e l i g i o n , and in soc ia l reform movements. These were begun ea r ly in the 19th Century, (1) and were car r ied forward in to the 20th Century. The e a r l i e s t of these reform movements was the Brahmo Samaj, founded by Bammohan Boy in 1828. I t included in i t s platform an attempt to combine the best of Western learn ing with Indian cu l tu re , and an endeavor to reform the Hindu fa i th in accordance with Christ ian modes of thought. A l a t e r e f for t i s seen 18 the Arya Samaj, formed in 1875, and s t r e s s -ing more p a r t i c u l a r l y a re turn to the purer forms of Hindu worship. The Servants of India Society, under the leadership of Mr. GrOkhale, emphasizes s o c i a l , educational and re l ig ious (1) Chirol. India. p . 74 -80-reform. The Brahmo SamaJ is declining in influence today, but all three have consistently championed the cause of social, religious and educational reform. Such universities as Poona, Fergusson College, Lahore College and the Central Hindu College owe their origin and success to their patronage. These residential colleges are for the most part staffed by scholars who practically give their services. Rabindranath Tagore is responsible for the founding of a school along sim-ilar lines, for Jboys. He is an active member of the Servants of India Society* At this point it might be of interest to consider brief-ly a unique figure who is today regarded as the pioneer of this movement, contributing so largely to the making of Modern India. Such a man was Ram Mohan Boy, best known as the founder of that truly remarkable society for religious and social reform - the Brahma SamaJ. He was a sincere admirer of the Christian faith, having come under the influence of Alexander Duff. He directed his efforts to the restoration of the pure and ancient religious faith of India. He was also a tireless worker for social reform, and it was in no small degree due to his efforts that Lord Bentinck was able to pass the act abolishing "sati" in 1829. He further aided the cause of womanhood by working for the abolition of polygamy, and the sale of women. A product of English education himself, he was an active protagonist for the anglicizing of the Indian system of -81-education. He worked in hearty accord with Duff and Macaulay, believing that through the door of western learning alone could his people be emancipated. The doubtful success of his • policy - carr ied to extremes, p o s s i b l y - has been discussed in another sec t ion , but the s t imula t ing effect goes without quest ion. He was an ardent advocate of the freedom of the p r e s s , and the law grant ing t h i s in 1835 was in par t due to h i s e f f o r t s . The p r iv i l ege of having Indian jurymen was f i r s t urged by him, and he inaugurated one of the e a r l i e s t programs for agra r ian r e l i e f . In addi t ion to these a c t i v i t -i e s he hawk found time to become a student of world r e l i g i o n s , a scholar of Sanskr i t , Arabic, Persian and Hebrew, and was a ID j o u r n a l i s t of no mean mer i t . Outstanding in h i s ov7n and l a t e r per iods , he was, never the less , representa t ive of a large group of men who, in h i s generation and since, have helped to d i rec t Indian h i s t o r y , and have in par t vindioated the Br i t i sh Raj. While these reform movements were at work in the Hindu communities, the founding of the Muhammadan college at Aligarh evidenced a s imi la r a c t i v i t y amongst the Muslims. Indeed, the devotion of moderate Indian Nationals to the cause of educational and sooial reform has been one of the s t r i k i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the movement, and has l e f t i t s mark upon India. As one observer records: "These colleges (1) Bose. I nd i a ' s Dffbt to Raja Rafn Mohan Ray. Calcutta Review, Dec. 1925. p . 467-79 -82-a l l developed d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the i r own, and are a l l helping to carry forward in various ways the one (1) great n a t i o n a l i s t movement." The spread of u n i v e r s i t i e s under r e l ig ious auspices has been recognized as a grave menace to nat ional uni ty , and some far -see ing leaders are suggesting and are working out plans for separate r e l ig ious residences in connection with non-sec ta r i an government u n i v e r s i t i e s , in accordance with our system. In t h i s way i t i s thought to provide a re l ig ious atmosphere, hut to prevent a fur ther Hindu-Muslim cleavage. The Arya Samaj movement in p a r t i c u l a r i s responsible for a new i n t e r e s t in the great Hindu ep ios , and there has been a corresponding increase in t h e i r inf luence. " The Yedas and Upanishradas, the Bhagavad Gita, the Ramayana and the Grrantha, are the chief sources s tudied , and have led to a flowering of Hindu verse . Rahindranath Tagore owes h i s i n sp i r a t ion d i r ec t -ly to t h i s school. The importance of t h i s study of a nat ional l i t e r a t u r e l i e s p a r t l y in the increased poe t i ca l expression, but more espec ia l ly in the revived i n t e r e s t in n a t i o n a l ' h i s tory. That much of i t i s of doubtful v a l i d i t y , unduly i dea l i z ing ancient Indian l i f e , has serious p o l i t i c a l consequences. This in-tense study of ancient h i s t o r y , combined with the ferment of Western learn ing , had produced by the ear ly years of the 20th (1) Andrew»s.• p . 42* - 8 3 -Century a s i t ua t i on which an eye witness in 1908 descr ibes , in the following words:- "There i s a t ide of new learning surging, destroying ancient f a i t h and p r a c t i c e , undermining the old foundations of moral i ty and of Indian sooiety, pro-ducing an eager, r e s t l e s s , throbbing mass of student l i f e , pushing onward amid a ferment of new ideas , and the moral un-sett lement of a period of t r a n s i t i o n . An impressive sight i t i s - impressive as a stormy sea, impressive to look upon, but l i k e l y to awaken other thoughts than that of the mere im-press iveness of the s ight when one s t r i v e s to propel the f r a i l bark of temporal government on the r e s t l e s s waters . Only a few thousand s tuden t s , of no p a r t i c u l a r importance. Ho, these are the precursors of a new age, these are the f i r s t f r u i t s of a renaissance . These are the future leaders of a nation that has been dumb for centur ies and i s being d i s i l l -(1) usioaed." When we consider the subject matter contained in the curr icula of the schools and co l leges , we are not surpr ised a t the evidences of p o l i t i c a l unres t . For the e a r l i e r educ-a to r s prescr ibed books that are "the in tox ica t ing wine of f igh t ing Nationalism clamouring for freedom. Mill on Liberty; H i l t on ' s Areopagitica - that immortal flaming appeal for l i b e r -ty of the p r e s s ; Burke on the American Colonies and the French Revolution; and, most astounding of a l l , Cromwell as a specia l (l)Maonicol. p . 49 - 8 4 -subject - Cromwell the most b r i l l i a n t , remorseless and sucoess-ful f i g h t e r agains t the ru l ing executive in a l l Br i t i sh (1) history."* Not only were the seeds of revol t sown through the s tud ies provided, hut many thousands of young men educat-ed in t h i s manner oould find no su i t ab le employment, so had ample l i e su re to t a lk sed i t ion . While Indian unrest i s by no means accounted for e n t i r e l y in the educational system, i t must bear a measure of the respons ib i l i ty* In another sect ion has been traced the increased assoc-i a t i o n of Indians with the government. I t i s t rue that a t a s te of power whets the appe t i t e for more power. Therefore, each increase in represen ta t ion created a fur ther demand, and each accession of democracy had the appearance of being wrested from the B r i t i s h overlord. Each g i f t f e l l far short of what had been expected; and ins tead of g r a t i t ude , scorn and d i s t r u s t were the rewards of the donor. Previous to 1890 the body of educated Indian opinion was f r iendly to the Br i t i sh Baj, and the formation of the Indian National Congress in 1885 was not in the nature of a p r o t e s t , but was r a the r the attempt to secure a medium of expression for publ ic opinion. The prac t ice of high caste Indians ob-ta in ing an education e i t h e r in England or in India had grad-ua l ly developed t h i s body of Indian opinion. Cautiously at f i r s t , but l a t e r with increas ing seve r i t y , i t c r i t i c i s e d the (ljMathews. p . 98 Chirol. India. p . 126-130 -85 -adminis t ra t ion . This c r i t i c i sm was carr ied on through the Press , through meetings, and a lso through more or less in-formal organizat ions such as the Bombay Associat ion, which met for the f i r s t time in 1848. In 1866 the Indian National Association was formed, and may be regarded as the fore run-ner of the Indian National Congress. During Lord Lyt ton 's regime (1876-80) Telang and other c r i t i c s of the government carr ied on an act ive campaign which continued throughout Lord Ripon's tenure of office {1880-1884). At t h i s time the I l be r t B i l l , designed to grant equa l i ty between Englishmen and Indians before the law, was defeated, and a storm of p ro t e s t followed* In 1883 the Indian Associat ion, meeting at Calcutta , cal led for a National Conference, and represen ta t ives from Bengal, Bombay, and the United Provinces assembled. Assoc-ia ted with the Calcutta organizat ion was an Englishman by the name of Mr. Allan Octavius Hume. As a r e su l t of h i s appeal to the educated men'of India to work for her p o l i t i c a l and sooial redemption, the Indian National Congress was organized. I t held i t s f i r s t session in December, 1885, at Poona, and was representa t ive of the en t i re Hindu community, even number-ing in i t s membership some Muslims. I t has met in December of each year s ince , and u n t i l 1920 was the recognized channel through which Indian p o l i t i c a l opinion expressed i t s e l f . During the ear ly years of i t s existence the r e l a t i ons between the government of India and the Indian National Cong--86-ress were of a very cordial nature. The government welcomed its recommendations and was glad to have some means of as-certaining Indian opinion. At first it concerned itself largely with matters of social reform, and was active in recommending educational advances. So long as it was con-tent to he a purely consultative assembly it enjoyed the favor of at least the liberal section of the government. When it developed into an opposition - as it rapidly did -the government frowned upon it as an independent organization, which would inevitably interfere with, and ultimately chal-lenge, the whole status and authority of the government. The nature of its resolutions, passed from year to year, indicate that the surmise of the government was well-founded. The first resolution called for an inquiry into the working of the Indian administration; the second for the abolition of the Gounoil of the Secretary of State; tne third demanded an extension of the Legislative Council; the fourth asked for simultaneous examinations for the Civil Service in India and in England; the fifth asked for a reduction in the milit-ary expenditure, and a guarantee of the Indian Debt by Great Britain; the sixth asked that Upper Burma be made a Crown Colony, and not added to India ; the eighth referred all of the above to the Provincial Associations which had been org-anized in the years following 1885. - 8 7 -During the ear ly years , the National Congress was con-t r o l l e d by men who believed tha t the best i n t e r e s t s of India lay in a gradual attainment of power under Br i t i sh ru l e . Such leaders as Gokhale, who founded the Servants of India Society, Telang and S. J. Banerjea, i t s f i r s t p res iden t , guided i t s discussions and reso lu t ions along sane and moderate l i n e s . Gradually power passed from the hands of th i s group to the Extremis ts , led by Tilak. He not only opposed the Br i t i sh Baj by r a i s i ng for the f i r s t time the cry of Swaraj, but opposed everything in the way of eduoat ional , socia l and re l ig ious reform ins t i ga t ed by the Moderates on the grounds that i t was not ' I n d i a n ' . Under h i s leadership the corrupt worship of Kali was revived and the i n s t i t u t i o n of Caste, which had been weakening under the blows dealt by the Moder-a t e s , was strengthened* He openly opposed the r a i s i n g of the marriage age as being unorthodox and un-Indian, and set h i s face r e so lu te ly against education for women. The P a r t i t i o n of Bengal, over which h is Press waxed v ic ious , caused both p a r t i e s to sink t h e i r p o l i t i c a l d i f fer -ences for the tiime, but the violence openly advocated toy Tilak and h i s followers was never sanctioned by the Moderates. The h i s to ry of the Congress from 1910 i s a h i s to ry of the s truggle between the moderates and the extremists for the ascendancy. Whilst t h i s National Congress, composed almost e n t i r e l y of Hindus, was gaining in s t rength , a s imi lar movement was on -88-foot amongst the Muslims. As ea r ly as 1861 an i n f l u e n t i a l and devout educator and reformer, Sir Syed Ahmed by name -was urging h i s people to take advantage of the educat ional oppor tun i t i e s provided by the government* He rea l ized that. , by t h e i r aloof a t t i t u d e the Mohammadans were being l e f t far behind t h e i r he red i t a ry enemies s- the Hindus. Gradually he succeeded in convincing at l e a s t a port ion of h i s community that contact with Western ideas need not be a harmful inf lu-ence, and he was l a rge ly responsible for the founding of the Aligarb College in 1877. Here Muslim youths received an English educat ion, but were under the influence of t h e i r own (1) fa i thJ Sir Syed was act ive in p o l i t i c s , and was even in s t ru -mental in forming the Indian Association of 1866. However, he seemed to fear the submergence of h i s community by the Hindu major i ty , and as a member of the Legis la t ive Council in both 1878 and 1883, he opposed representa t ion by d i rec t e l ec t i on . When the Congress met in 1885, he was a passive observer, and a f t e r three years de f in i t e ly declared himself opposed to such a union of Hindus and Muslims, Had h i s a t t i t u d e been di f ferent a t t h i s po in t , I nd i a ' s p o l i t i c a l h i s to ry might well have had a d i f ferent tone. While h i s aloofness kept the majority of h is people from ident i fy ing themselves with the Congress, the t ide of new {1) Maodonald. p. 11-12. Chirol. India, pp.146-7 -89-learn ing and the assoc ia t ion with Hindus on the Councils con-tinued to draw the educated s t r a t a of these r iva l groups together . While b i t t e r antagonism character ized the r e l a t -ions of the lower o rders , and while d i s t r u s t s t i l l exis ted amongst the educated, there were an increas ing number on e i t h e r side who recognized the importance of cooperation for p o l i t i c a l purposes. As the number of educated Muslims increased, a Muslim congress par ty a rose , and in 1906 the All India Muslim League was organized on s imi la r l i ne s to the Congress. From - year to year t h e i r demands and p o l i c i e s tended to converge, and in 1916, as already noted, the two bodies a t t a ined a temporary union upon a common platform. The a g i t a t i o n amongst the educated classes for p o l i t i c a l power was but one phase of an unrest which might be traced back to the beginnings of Br i t i sh ru l e . I t found violent expression in the Indian Mutiny in 1857, which had i t s or igin in antagonism for the foreign Raj, as well as in re l ig ious causes. T^e reforms of 1861 quieted the discontent , but with the defeat of the I l b e r t B i l l i t flamed out afresh. The org-aniza t ion of the Indian Congress in 1885 brought together and made vocal Indian publ ic opinion, and a vigorous p ro tes t was made against the inadequacy of the reforms of 1892. This smouldering discontent against p o l i t i c a l conditions was fur ther increased by the devastat ing famines of 1896, 1899 and 1900. One of the worst plagues in the History of India -9,0-swept over the country following the famines, -and the r ad ic -a l combative measures adopted by the government in connection with the plague were used as propaganda. Furthermore, the ignorant masses required l i t t l e urging in the belief that the Br i t i sh Baj was indeed responsible for t h e i r misfortunes. The growth of Indian industry and commerce produced fur ther complications, for p r e f e r e n t i a l t a r i f f s to pro tec t Br i t i sh trade and manufacture were imposed, and weighed heav-i l y upon the Indian business man. There were also determined p r o t e s t s agains t the use of the Indian army in wars which did not concern her safe ty . The t a l e of the Boer war was read by educated Indians who saw in i t not only the unmitigated self-ishness of a great power oppressing a weaker one, but also a sign of B r i t a i n ' s decadence in mi l i t a ry s t rength . The defeat of the I t a l i a n army in Abyssinia, contr ibuted to t h e i r growing doubts concerning the e s s e n t i a l supe r io r i ty of the white race . The return of educated Indians from England, where they (13 had met with democratic treatment increased the tension between the governing and the governed. These young men could not accept the customary a t t i t u d e of super io r i ty which character ized the Br i t i sh o f f i c i a l , and the l a t t e r was equally annoyed at the former 's assumption of oomaraderie. With the growth of industry the number of Europeans in India increased tremendously, with a corresponding increase in contacts between the two peoples . The agents of commercialism ( l ) This was la rge ly true before the war, according to Mr. Gobar. - 9 1 -were often of a type i n f e r i o r to the "picked" Englishmen to be found in the Service or a t the Br i t i sh u n i v e r s i t i e s , and did much to d i s c red i t the white man p a r t i c u l a r l y in the eyes of Indians used to these other contac ts . Many clashes oc-curred between the two groups in which the white man, with the law behind him, came out the v i c t o r , but with grea t ly lowered p r e s t i g e . The passage of the 'Pub l i c Service Beport (1) in 1887 , which separated Indians from Englishmen in the Civil Service, widened the breach g rea t ly . The s i t u a t i o n has been rendered even worse by the a t t i -tude of Englishwomen, who came to India in increas ing num-bers during the past three decades. Being prevented, owing to the soc ia l custom of the l a t t e r , from meeting the majority of Indian l a d i e s . Englishwomen have been* incl ined to draw the oolor l ine quite r i g id ly in any socia l l i f e whloh might in-clude the Indian as soc ia t e s of t h e i r husbands. E. M, For-s t e r , in h i s study of present day India pa in t s a merci less p ic ture of the s i t ua t i on created when Indians and English people exchange socia l ameni t ies . Ho doubt there are raaiiy English women more broad-minded and understanding than h i s olympian Mrs. Turton, but her ins t ruc t ions to the newcomer bear a l l the ear-marks of a commonly accepted a t t i t u d e , as she adv i ses : - "You're superior to them, anyway. Don't for-get t ha t . You're superior to every one in India except one (2) or two of the Banis, and they ' re on an e q u a l i t y . " (1) Ohirol. India. p . 102 (2) E. M. Fors te r . Passage to India. p . 40 - 9 2 -Bqually convincing i s the p ictured react ion of the young Indian doctor , into whose mouth the author puts these words: "Clear out , a l l you Turtons and Burtons. We wanted to know HI you ten years back - now i t ' s too la te J" The rac ia l an i -mosity of 1925 did not grow up over-n ight , and without cause. The B.US80-Japanese War of 1904-05 had the e f f e c t of fus ing the accumulating causes of unrest into one vast pro-t e s t against the assumption of super ior i ty on the part of the West, whether that s u p e r i o r i t y be claimed on the grounds of government, co lor or arms. Lord Curzon's pronouncement con-cerning the p a r t i t i o n of Bengal in 1905 provided the occasion for a long s e r i e s of v i o l e n t outbreaks whose percussions were f e l t acrosB the e n t i r e breadth of India for over a decade. Diametrical ly opposed accounts of t h i s period may be found In Lajpat Hal's "Young India" and In Chlrol*s "Indian Unrest". The former t r e a t s the s e r i e s of outrages occurring between 1906 and 1914 as j u s t i f i a b l e ac t s against unjust tyranny. The fac t that the author was himself deported in 1907 for in jud ic ious press ut terances g ives point to h i s a t t -i tude . S ir Valentine Ghirol, on the other hand, censures the government severe ly for us ing i n s u f f i c i e n t l y s tern measures against the i n i t i a l d is turbances . These took the form of l i b -e l l o u s and incendiary press n o t i c e s , boycotts on English goods and schoo l s , u n i v e r s i t i e s and courts of law. Later there were ac t s of v i o l e n c e , inc luding bomb outrages . He says , in (1)B. It. Forster . Passage to India. p. 323. -93-substancej "A very heavy responsibility must at the same time attach to those responsible both at home and in India for the extraordinary tolerance too long extended to this criminal propaganda. For two whole years it was carried on with rel-ative impunity under the very eyes of the Government of India (1) in Calcutta." In the l i g h t of l a t e r developments, i t would appear that the exercise of force , which had to be used in the end, might b e t t e r have been applied e a r l i e r in the day. Unfortunately, the c loser one i s to events in the point of time, the harder i t sometimes is to Judge of t h e i r s ign i f icance . The govern-ment apparent ly f a i l ed to appreciate a t f i r s t the fundamental nature of the r evo l t , and was loath to exer t force u n t i l i t was absolute ly necessary. When such force was exer ted, i t was e f f e c t i v e , but l e f t the usual t r a i n of b i t t e r n e s s , render-ed grea ter because the delay had made s t e rne r measures necess-ary. In 1906 the Press was s i lenced , and Dy 1908 the majority of the leaders were imprisoned, deported or otne.rwise disposed of. There were spasmodic outbursts during 1909, followed by a l u l l in 1910-11. In 1911 the King revoked the order p a r t i t i o n -ing Bengal, but the outrages broke out afresh almost immediate-ly a f t e r . Lord Hardinge was bombed in 1912, which indicated c lear ly that the P a r t i t i o n of Bengal was the occasion ra ther than the cause of the outburs t . ( l ) C h i r o l . Indian Unrest. MacMillan & Co., London, 1911. p. 98 Before analysing the underlying cause of this revolt it might be well to pause for a moment and note the significance of the uprising. In the first place, it crystallized a sense of national unity. It has been said that "Historical inductions seem to lead inevitably to the conclusion that the spirit of nationality, wherever it shows itself, must nec-essarily grow on or crystallize around opposition to, it may (1) be hostility to, somebody or something. »• The Partition of Bengal supplied that opposition, whioh resulted in the com-plete unity of all classes in their opposition to the British KaJ. In the second place it brought to the front certain leaders who, in the years immediately following, were active in the nationalist movement. Such men were Telak, who with Lajpat Rai conducted the Press campaign, Arahindra Gosh who organized a national university in opposition to the state university, and S. H. Banerjea, who organized the boycott on British goods. Thirdly, it gave to the students a place in political agitation as trained volunteers who enforced the boycott. Of the 186 arrests made during this period, over one third were students, of whom the great majority were under twenty years of age. Most important of all, the fact that the Partition order was revoked following the outrages, oreated in the minds of (1) Laicus - in "The Lahore Magazine", May, 1919. p. 19 -95-many Indian Nationalists the conviction that violence was the way to attain national ends. With almost diabolical cunning Tilak contrived to give the entire revolt a religious signi-ficance and sanction, in such press utterances as the follow-ing:- "Lay down your life, but first take a life. The wor-ship of the goddess (Kali) will not be consummated if you sacrifice your lives on the shrine of independence without (1) shedding blood." The violence which has since characterized the Extremist agitation is directly traceable to the excesses of these years. The national unrest of this period is further analyzed by Chirol as due to the skilful press campaign conducted by T41ak prior to 1905, in which he capitalized the plagues and famines already referred to, and by which he seconded his own destructive activities in the Legislature of Bombay. The traditional hatred of the former ruling Muslim caste for the British is also regarded as a factor, as well as the ambitions of the Mahratta Brahmans, of whom Tilak was one. The Bengali Brahmans, having had the benefit of western education for a longer period than some sections of India, also supplied a large group of political malcontents, whose case has been considered at greater length in a previous section. The unrest in the years immediately preceding the Great War may then be accounted for in the circumstances just re-lated, with special emphasis being placed upon the effect of {1) Chirol. Indian Unrest. p. 93. -96-the Busso-Japanese War, which in t ens i f i ed the pride in o r i en t -a l t r a d i t i o n s and h i s t o r y . Contact with western education and with western p o l i t i c a l thought had awakened ambitions which the slow evolution of Br i t i sh cons t i t u t i ona l methods f a i l ed to s a t i s f y . The crying economic and educational needs of the day which they were free to see but powerless to r ec t -i fy , f i l l e d the n a t i o n a l i s t s with a fur ther sense of impotence. That Indian l e g i s l a t o r s might have done no b e t t e r , if as we l l , does not a l t e r the problem. I t was not so much the kind of government which concerned them, as i t was the per-sonell of the government. As Sir Charles Lucas sa id , in h i s " P a r t i t i o n and Colonization of Africa", (p . 207), " i f you give freedom and education and the Christ ian Religion to col-ored men you cannot confine them to a future of permanent sub-* ordinat ion*" G^ven a measure of t r a i n i n g and no f i e l d in which to exercise i t excepting that of des t ruc t ive c r i t i c i sm , and one has the conditions under which revolu t ionar ies are born* The death in 1915 of a moderate and inf luent ian nation-a l i s t , Mr. Gokhale, gave the leadership de f in i t e ly to a n t i -Br i t i sh and revolut ionary Indians* The apparently unavoidable but d isas t rous blunders in economic pol icy , the root and branch method in education and the jud ic i a ry , the inadequacy of f inancia l support given to / the na t ion-bui ld ing departments of the government, the back-wash of human suffer ing r e s u l t i n g from the i n d u s t r i a l revol-u t ion , the constant pressure of poverty - whether from lack of -9 7-agri cultural reform, from a defective fiscal policy, from excessive taxation or from excessive population - all have combined to produce a situation for which there can be no simple remedy, as there is no simple explanation. Those who offer such explanations or such remedies show a certain lack of insight. The more extensive his knowledge, the more hum-bly does the thoughtful student offer his conclusion. Sum-mung up the situation as he saw it in 1908 - a situation not altered substantially by 1914 - Dr. Macniool records:- "It would be a complete mistake to suppose that the discontent in India is either limited to certain classes, or that it is the product of agitation. It is as widespread and as deep in the land as are its poverty and Its hunger. So doubt in the educated classes the hunger is not for bread but - a no less natural appetite - for place and power. They (the educ-ated classes) have not created the discontent, but they, by the fact that they express it, have given it a power that cannot be neglected or ignored. They give the movement its (1) direction and utter its demand*" Wjth the creation in 1910 of a special OommiTsion on Agriculture, and a Department of Education, the Government of India was applying itself with renewed seal to satisfying the hunger of the people - whether for bread or for political power. The declaration of war in 1914 Interrupted all con-structive reforms for three long years. (1} Macniool. p. 8. 9 8 -Chapter 7. grog Nat ional! sn) to Katlonhood To t h i s land, vexed with many re l ig ious and economic problems, torn by p o l i t i c a l s t r i f e and d i s l o y a l t i e s - dis loy-a l t i e s openly applauded as expressions of the f ines t Indian pa t r io t i sm - came the thunderbolt of August, 1914. Dis in ter -ested observers prophesied that India would take th i s oppor-tuni ty of f reeing herse l f from the irksome yoke of the Br i t i sh BaJ. Hot only was there bad blood in India over the repress-ive measures used in crushing the revo l t s in Bengal, but in June, 1914, the Komogata Maru had been refused admission at the port of Vancouver, and had been forced to return to India with her f u l l quota of "aggress ively discontented" passengers . Instead of at tempts a t rebe l l ion upon dec lara t ion of war, what ac tua l ly occurred? The Calcutta Bengali, a paper which had heaped anathemas upon the Government of India but a few months - or even weeks - before, gives a c lear -cut p ic ture : -"Of the a t t i t u d e of the people we desire to say that behind the se r r i ed ranks of one of the f ines t armies in the world, there are the multi tudinous peoples of India, ready to co-operate with the Government in the defense of the Empire, which for them means, in i t s ul t imate evolut ion, the complete recognit ion of t h e i r r i gh t s as c i t i zens of the f ines t s t a t e in the world. We may have our differences with the Government-and what people have not? - but in the presence of a common -99-eneray, "be i t Germany or any other power, we sink our di f fer-ences, we forget our l i t t l e qua r r e l s , and close our ranks and offer a l l tha t we possess in defense of the great Empire to which we are a l l so proud to belong, and with which the future p rosper i ty and advancement of our people are bound up, (1) India has always been loyal in the hour of danger." These gracious and loyal expressions of sentiment were followed by deeds which l e f t no doubt of Ind i a ' s desire that Br i t a in should be v ic to r ious in the great s t rugg le . Seven of the nine Br i t i sh regiments res ident in India were sent over-seas , fo r ty - four Br i t i sh b a t t a l i o n s of infantry out of f i f t y -two and fo r ty - th ree ba t t a l i ons of Royal A r t i l l e r y from a t o t a l of f i f t y - s i x were despatched. Twenty regiments of Ind-ian Oavalry out of t h i r t y -n ine and ninety-e ight ba t t a l i ons of Indian Infantry out of one hundred and t h i r t y - e i g h t were sent to the thea t res of war. For a time the garr ison in India was reduced to but f i f t een thousand men, and yet there was no attempt a t r evo l t . Lord Hardinge, commenting upon th i s s i t -ua t ion , in a speech before the House of Lords in July, 1917, says: "The safety of India was thus imperi l led in the i n t e r -e s t s of the Empire as a whole. In such a cause I was natur-a l l y prepared to take r i s k s , and I took them confidently, be-cause I t rus ted the people of India, and I am proud to say (2) they ful ly j u s t i f i e d my confidence in them." (1) E. J. Trevelyan. India and the War. Oxford Universi ty Press - London, 1914. p. 9. (2 3 Home. P . 33. - 1 0 0 -At t h i s time 210,000 was the number of Indian o f f i c e r s and men despatched o v e r s e a s . By the end of the war e n l i s t -ments had r i s e n to 1 ,457,000, and of t h i s number 552,000 com-b a t a n t s and 391,000 non-combatants Berved on the v a r i o u s f r o n t s . These numbers were only made p o s s i b l e because of the suppor t accorded by the Ind ian L e g i s l a t i v e Counci l , the p r i n c e s and the people of B r i t i s h I n d i a , and the p r i n c e s of the Native S t a t e s . To mention but a few of the l a s t : - The Maharaja of Nipal p l aced the e n t i r e r e s o u r c e s of h i s country a t the s e rv i ce of the Empire, and he fu rn i shed the Gurkha r eg imen t s . The Raja of Mysore c o n t r i b u t e d in the f i r s t y e a r of the war over £300,000 to the upkeep of the army. The Raja of Pudukata o f f e red h i s " e n t i r e p o s s e s s i o n s " , i n c l u d i n g a regiment of h i s (1) s u b j e o t s . Even the women of I nd i a made p u b l i c s t a t e m e n t s of t h e i r l o y a l t y , in such messages as a re conta ined in the fo l lowing e x t r a c t : " and may I .add t h a t the women of Ind ia have not only p a r t e d o h e e r f u l l y with t h e i r s o n s , husbands and b r o t h e r s a t the c a l l of the King, but I have r ece ived communications from Ind ia t h a t many of them are w i l l i n g , i f need be , to p a r t with t h e i r p e r s o n a l j ewe l ry and ornaments - t h i n g s which in Ind ia c o n s t i t u t e the women's insurance fund ." T^e t o t a l i n c r e a s e of m i l i t a r y expend i tu re amounted to (3) over £40 ,000 ,000 , and in a d d i t i o n to t h i s the Government of (1) Trevelyan . p . 6-7 . (g) Home. p . 33 (2) Trevelyan. p . 8 -101-India in 1917 assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for £100,000,000 of B r i t a i n ' s war debt. The importance of th i s t ransac t ion wi l l be discussed in another connection. The signif icance of her en t i r e war e f fo r t i s that i t ra ised high the hopes of Indian Na t iona l i s t s , fixed on p o l i t i c a l advancement. These hopes seemed to be j u s t i f i e d in the l i g h t of Mr* Montagu's pro-nouncement in August, 1917. There are various i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of Ind ia ' s "about face" on the outbreak of the war. One observer rendered somewhat undiscerning under the influence of war-time psychology - we judge char i tab ly - wri tes in 1914: " I t i s a proud day for us when we discover tha t the honest , s t r a i g h t -forward work in the path of duty which our ancestors carr ied on in India i s now bearing i t s f r u i t . I t i s the old s tory that nothing pays so well in the end as honesty and s t r a igh t dea l ing ." Quite apar t from one's personal opinion of the Br i t i sh adminis t ra t ion , in the l i g h t of Indian h i s to ry as recorded in previous chapters , one fact surely stands forth with absolute clearness - v i z . the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n of the Indian with that adminis t ra t ion ; h i s conviction that i t was not e n t i r e l y a case of "honesty and s t r a igh t dea l ing ." Ind ia ' s war cont r ibut ion , in o.ur0pinion, was l e s s an expression of loyal ty to the Empire as her benevolent master, than an ind ica t ion of her fear of an unknown one. I t ex-pressed l a s s the affect ionate and spontaneous loyal ty of a (1) Trevelyan. p. 9. -102-daughter than i t expressed the considered and ca lcu la t ing policy of a s t ep - ch i l d . In making sweeping genera l iza t ions , one i s in constant danger of ove r - s t a t i ng the case. Neverthe-l e s s , I believe that I n d i a ' s generous contr ibut ion in men and money was prompted by a fear of the unknown, together with a hope of the future p o l i t i c a l advantages which would surely accrue to her as a reward for her loyal stand in the hour of need. No doubt there were many in India who cherished a gen-uine af fec t ion for the Br i t i sh Raj - despite the fact that t h e i r voices were seldom heard above the din of B r i t a i n ' s c r i t i c s . But i t i s not reasonable, in the l i g h t of Indian p o l i t i c a l conditions during the l a s t f i f t y years , to imagine that a whole nation would be swept into a fever of loya l ty for a master whose tyrannies were more often acclaimed than were h i s v i r t u e s , a master who was more feared than loved. To put Ind i a ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the war upon a basis of s e l f - i n t e r e s t i s not doing any d i sc red i t to her . A nation of 315,000,000 people, l a rge ly i l l i t e r a t e , ourdened with debt, and s t ruggl ing with discouraging slowness towards a recog-nized place in the Empire and in the world - such a nation cannot afford the luxury of d i s in t e r e s t ed ac t ion . And even had she been able to afford such a luxury, i t i s doubtful whether she would have so indulged herse l f . Ireland did not. As the war dragged on, and India continued to pour for th her t reasures of men and gold, the Home G-overnment made -103-increas ingly frequent references to her loya l ty , h in t ing broadly that i t would not go unrewarded. With very few ex-cept ions , the hopes of every Indian n a t i o n a l i s t ren high. J r . Montagu's pronouncement convinced the majority of those who doubted B r i t a i n ' s s i n c e r i t y , that Home Rule and the s t a t -us of a Dominion were assured. Before analysing the p o l i t i c a l s i tua t ion in India at the close of the war, her new s ta tus within the Empire must be noted. In 1917 India was admitted to the Imperial War Confer-. ence and to the Imperial War Council on the same footing as the self-governing Dominions. Two of her delegates were Br i t -ish o f f i c i a l s , but Br i t i sh India and the Native States were fur ther represented by Sir Satyendranath Sinha, and the Mah-araja of Bikamir. In 1919 her delegates were found at the Paris Peace Conference, and they signed not only the Treaty of V e r s a i l l e s , but the Covenant of the League of Nations as wel l . From that time India has been a member of the League, and she had her r epresen ta t ives a t the Imperial Conference in London and at the Disarmament Conference in Washington. These sign-i f i can t ac t s mark the recognit ion of India as a nation in the eyes of the Empire and of the World. Within India herse l f a new re la t ion to the Native States was sought, and in 1921 a Chamber of Princes was organized to function as a consul ta t ive and de l ibera t ive body. I t s object was the promotion of closer r e l a t ions between the G-overnment of India and these s t a t e s . A representa t ive from th i s Chamber -104-was given a seat at the Imperial Conference, and Indian State Forces were organized, to serve as British auxiliaries in the event of war. In December, 1920, the Montagu-Ohelmsi'ord Eeforms, as expressed in the new constitution, were launched. As had oc-curred so often before, the expectations of the people had exceeded the concessions the Government was prepared to grant. A constitution which would have completely satisfied the nationalists of 1900, failed to awaken even a semblance of enthusiasm. On the contrary, a spirit of hostile criticism was immediately apparent. During the past five years this attitude has continually menaced the existence of a.constit-utional government in India. In order to understand adequately this attitude on the part of the Indian people, it is necessary to take cognizance of the effect of the war upon their life and thought. In the first place, India had been recognized as a nation within the British Empire. She was conscious of having conducted herself, both at home and on the battlefield, in sucn a way as to war-rant a further substantial advance in her political status. She had been assured from time to time that this advance would be hers. The war ended, her men - some of them - re-turned, her representatives sat at the Peace Conference and helped to dictate the settlement, while the nation waited for the final declaration of the terms of the new constitution. - 1 0 5 -I t s main p r o v i s i o n s have a l r e a d y been d i scussed some-ID what f u l l y i n ano the r c h a p t e r , and i t i s apparen t t h a t they o f f e r e d d e f i n i t e p r o g r e s s towards se l f -government . The Nat-i o n a l Congress, which had been dominated 6ince 1917 by the Ex t remis t s e c t i o n , d e c l a r e d t h a t the advance in democracy was e n t i r e l y i n a d e q u a t e , and f ive yea r s of p o l i t i c a l chaos were ushered i n , u n p a r a l l e l l e d in the h i s t o r y of B r i t i s h I n d i a . The Modera tes , whose in f luence had been n e g l i g i b l e in the Congress for s e v e r a l y e a r s , dec la red for coopera t ion with the government, and i t i s due to the l oya l e f f o r t s of such men as the l a t e S. J . Banerjea t h a t the c o n s t i t u t i o n su rv ived these stormy years* Bot only did p o l i t i c a l chaos c h a r a c t e r i z e the yea r s immediately fo l lowing the war, but u n r e s t on a sca l e h i t h e r t o unknown mani fes ted I t s e l f in every p a r t of I n d i a , and in {2} every phase of h e r l i f e . A b r i e f p e r i o d of i n d u s t r i a l p r o s p e r i t y , wi th c o r r e s -pondingly h igh p r i c e s for a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s , was fo l low-ed by the p e r i o d of depress ion common to p r a c t i c a l l y every country a f t e r the war. I t s e f f e c t was f e l t more s e v e r e l y in Ind ia because of the s e r i o u s plague of 1917-18, the meagre h a r v e s t of 1919-20, the very narrow margin of sus tenance enjoyed a t any time by the ' r y o t * , and because of the i n -creased burden of t a x a t i o n , amounting to K 6,000,000 a n n u a l l y . [1) Chapter I I I . ( 2 ) Demangeon. p . 2 5 1 . -106-When it was learned that, without consulting Indian opinion, the Government of India had made a "gift" of £ 100,000,000 to the British Government, in addition to all other war charges, the feeling of revolt ran high. The iondon Hation, commenting on this 'gift' in Uarch, 1917, says: "The people of India have no voioe in this or in any other act of Government, and if they had, they would be forced to think twice before contributing, out of their dire poverty, this huge sum of £ 100,000,000 to the resources of their wealthy rulers. H0r ought a poor subject people, al-ready burdened with large increases of war taxation be com-pelled by its Government to make this gift It is merely a case of one official in India signalling to another •"•in England. •• Hot only were the educated classes stirred, but the masses too awoke from their lethargy. Such an awakening in rural India was not caused wholly by physical need - they were used to that - but rather by the new interest which the war had aroused in affairs beyond their own villages. The unrest increased as the hundreds of thousands of soldiers returned to their thousands of villages, scattered across the entire face of India. From these men the simple villagers learned much of We8tern life and ways - often the darker side - while the exploits of the Indian regiments did not suffer in the telling. The whole tendency was to discredit Western nations and particularly England, the success of the allied forces - 1 0 7 -be ing a t t r i b u t e d to the Ind ian b a t t a l i o n s . The glimpses gain-ed of peasan t l i f e in France and Belgium p re sen t ed a c rue l c o n t r a s t to the l o t of the Indian * r y o t ' ; and added f u r t h e r fuel to the f i r e of r e v o l t t h a t was smoulder ing amongst the (1) s o - c a l l e d " s i l e n t : m a s s e s . " Another force of d i v i s i o n in India before the war, and immeasurably i n c r e a s e d as a r e s u l t of the peace terms was the Pan Islam movement. I t s r o o t s are to be found in Eng land , s p ro -Turk i sh p o l i c y of the 19th cen tu ry . Her concern to p r e -serve Turkey as a buf fe r s t a t e between Russia and her Indian p o s s e s s i o n s had l ed England to speak, with wel l assumed e n t h -us iasm, of the c lose community of i n t e r e s t between Turkish and Indian Muslims. She succeeded in making her Indian Mus-l ims p l e a s a n t l y conscious t h a t B r i t a i n was the g r e a t e s t Muham-madan power in the wor ld , and i t only r equ i r ed the genius of an Abdul Hamid in. 1876 to make c a p i t a l of t h i s s en t imen t . He conceived a p l an of making r e a l the Muhammadan dream of a Muslim world u n i t e d i n t o one vas t r e l i g i o u s f e d e r a t i o n , wi th h imsel f as the c a l i p h . fhia P a n - I s l a m i c propaganda was s u f f i c i e n t to keep Indian Muslims f ree from the t a i n t of Western l e a r n i n g u n t i l S i r Syed Ahmed* s days , but they s t i l l remained l o y a l to the B r i t -i sh Raj . n e v e r t h e l e s s , i n common wi th the r e s t of the Muham-madan wor ld , they t h r i l l e d to the news of the Turkish v i c t o r y over Sreeoe in 1897. The c r e a t i o n of the A l l - I n d i a n Muslim (1) Ch i ro l . I n d i a , p . 185. -108-League in 1906 united them politically, and at the same time created the possibility of organized opposition to the Nat-ional Congress. The gradual isolation of Turkey by the other European powers was watched with sympathetic alarm by the Indian Muslims while the partition of her African possessions rous-ed their indignation. The Balkan Wars convinced them that England, in common with other European nations, was deter-mined to destroy Turkey. The young Muhammadans of India con-sequently joined hands with the young Turks. Had Turkey entered the Great War in August instead of three months later, it is probable that Britain would have been unable to command the whole-hearted support of her Muslim subjects. When the war was over the Ali brothers, who had been interned because of their disloyal utterances, revived the Pan-Islam movement afresh. It was given a renewed religious content, taking for its objective the restoration of the Caliphate. This movement gained such proportions that Brit-ain was induced to favor more generous peace terms for Turkey than she had purposed - clear indication of the Muslim influence upon British foreign policy. Gandhi increased the popularity of the movement by giving it his sanction, and in 1922 certain Muslim fanatics attacked the British residents on the Malabar Coast. The reign of terror quickly spread and the atrocities were soon directed against the Muslims' hereditary foe - the Hinuu -109 -community. Hideous r i o t s broke out from time to t ime, and the Al l b r o t h e r s were aga in imprisoned. Gradual ly the ou t -breaks became l e s s f r e q u e n t , and the a c t i o n of the Angora Assembly in a b o l i s h i n g the Cal iphate in 1924 robbed the movement of much of i t s r e l i g i o u s f e r v o r . There has been a co r respond ing decrease in p o l i t i c a l a g i t a t i o n s ince t h a t t ime , but the legacy of b i t t e r n e s s remains . ' The Pan- I s l amic sympathies of the Muslims must s t i l l be reckoned wit l i , both as a f a c t o r i n f l u e n c i n g Ind ian u n i t y , and i n f l u e n c i n g (U British foreign policy. The Punjab, so long the cradle of Indian loyalty to Britain, was the centre of serious disaffection, particular-ly after 1915. Despite the attempts of the Government to control the movements of the malcontents who were forced to return to India on the Komogata Maru in 1914, a number of them made their way to the Punjab. Serious disorders broke out in 1916, and continued at intervals until the close of the war. They recurred with increasing severity in the winter of 1919, and in April that province was the scene of (1) Chirol - Islam and the War. The Quarterly Review, April, 1918 Chirol - The Outlook in India. " " " July, 1922 Chirol - Islam and British Foreign Policy. Foreign Affairs. ^  March 1923. p. 51-2 Chirol - The Downfall of the' Caliphat. Foreign Affairs June, 1924. p.577-82 Current History. The All India Muslim League. Current History. Feb., 1926. p. 742. - 1 1 0 -a t r agedy of which the mal ignant in f luence w i l l be f e l t for many y e a r s . Af t e r a succes s ion of u p r i s i n g s , the m i l i t a r y commander of one d i s t r i c t - General Dyer - f e l t t h a t s t e r n measures were n e c e s s a r y . Consequent ly , on a day when approx-ima te ly 10,000 people were ga the red wi th in a walled e n c l o s -ure - the J a l l l a n Wala Bagh - a t Amri tza r , he opened f i r e wi thou t warning , and k i l l e d 379 of them. Ho a t tempt was made to d i spose of the s l a i n or to succor the wounded. This a p p a l l i n g ac t was followed by an order compel l ing a l l Ind ians to "c rawl" when p a s s i n g a c e r t a i n s t r e e t , where An Englishwoman had been a t t a c k e d by a mob a few days p rev-i o u s l y . A b e l a t e d o f f i c i a l i n q u i r y s e v e r e l y censured General Dyer* but the damage had been done and, to quote the Duke of Connaught in h i s i n a u g u r a l addres s before the Indian Ra t iona l Assembly in February , 1921, "The shadow of Amri tzar has (2) l eng thened over the f a i r face of I n d i a . * The t r e a t m e n t of Ind ian c o l o n i s t s in Kenya Colony, (3) S 0 uth Af r i ca , added ano the r cause of d i s c o n t e n t , and render -ed even more hope l e s s the ou t look for the new c o n s t i t u t i o n . Dr. Macnicol g ives a b i r d s - e y e view of the u n r e s t of t h i s p e r i o d : - "There are o t h e r and l e s s e r symptoms of u n r e s t t ha t one can note in every p r o v i n c e . Today i t a f f e c t s the c o o l i e -workers in Assam; tomorrow the employees of the East Ind ia (1) Ch i ro l . I n d i a , p . 210 (2) Mathews. p . 9 6 (3) Demangeon. The B r i t i s h Empire. Harcour t , Brace & Co., New York, 1925. p . 260 - I l l -Rai lway. I t b reaks out among the h i l lmen of the f r o n t i e r ; among the Bhi l s of a Eajputana s t a t e ; among mi l l -worke r s in Madras. I n d u s t r i a l d i s c o n t e n t , a g r a r i a n d i s c o n t e n t , d iscon-t e n t with l o n g - t o l e r a t e d cas te - e x c l u s i v e n e s s and p r ide -every wrong however a n c i e n t , now looms through the mis t of i l l - w i l l wi th an a spec t to e x a s p e r a t e and e m b i t t e r tha t i t (1) never bore b e f o r e ' " It is almost impossible to picture the chaos of con-flict into which the new instrument of government was thrust. Even so, the resulting tragedy might have been averted had a discerning leader been forthcoming, fired with a determin-ation to make India forget the bitterness of the past in the assured realities of the present, and in the alluring poss-ibilities of the future. Instead of such a leader, the man of the hour was Mr. M. K. Gandhi. Historians of a later day may be able to form a fairer estimate of this ^nique figure and of his message. Many of his contemporaries agree with Mr. Basil Mathews, when he writes:- "Mr. Gandhi was the supreme prophet of Indian Nationalism. But he flung away one of the greatest opportunities in the world's history. For he proclaimed a polioy of race separateness in an hour (2) when the whole world is interdependent." By failing to lead the Indian nation along the path of cooperation, which was destined to result in complete Home Rule, he retarded to an incalculable degree the wheels of constitutional reform and (1) Maenicol. p. 32. (2) Mathews, p. 97. - 1 1 2 -the movements m-kin^ f o r r a c i a l u n i t y . A Hindu l a w y e r , the product ->t the bes t in Eas tern and Western c u l t u r e , una a l o y a l supporter of tho B r i t i s h HaJ, Mr. Jandhi worked f o r the e m a n s i p a t i o n of the Indians In 3outh A f r i c a in the l a t e y e a r s of the 19th Century, and the e a r l y y e a r s of the 20th Century. '.Vhile d i s a p p o i n t e d in the treatment accorded h i s peop le by the South Afr ican »overt -ment, he s t e a d f a s t l y b e l i e v e d in tho J u s t i c e and ^ood f a i t h of the Crown. He was d e c o r a t e d f o r h i s s e r v i c e s dur ing the Boer Var in o r g a n i z i n g an ambulance corps , and was an un-t i r i n g war-worker in the y e a r s 1 9 1 4 - 1 8 . He had a l r e a d y ga ined prominence through h i s campaign a g a i n s t " u n t o u c h a b i l -i t y " and o t h e r abuses of the c a s t e s y s t e m , and rue an ardent n a t i o n a l i s t of the n o n - r l o l e n t t y p e . F o l l o w i n g the war, h i s c o n s t r u c t i v e p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y was changed to r a o e - r e b e l l i o n , conducted on the l i n e s of non-c o o p e r a t i o n . He d e c l a r e d t h a t h i s complete r e v e r s a l of p o l i c y was brought about through h i s l o s s of f a i t h in the B r i t i s h B a j . C o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r s were the Bowlat t Act - a r e p r e s s -i v e measure d i r e o t e d a g a i n s t s e d i t i o n , and the l e g a l j u s t i f i -c a t i o n for the Amritsar Massacre - h i s d i sappo intment over the terms of the new c o n s t i t u t i o n , and the peace t r e a t y with Turkey. I t i s g e n e r a l l y f e l t that tho l a s t c ircumstance was added in order to secure the support of the Kuhararaadans f o r h i s n o n - c o o p e r a t i v e movement. -113-Gandhi had beer a l l i e d with the Indian National Con-gress for some years , but had never favored the use of v io lence . Consequently, when he announced h is conviction that Ifcdia could only a t t a i n Swaraj by her own e f f o r t s , he urged the use of "soul force" , supplemented by "Swadeshi" -a complete boycott of Br i t i sh goods. He prophesied t h a t , if h i s plans were followed, com-p le te self-government, or "Swaraj", would be a t ta ined within a year . He found i t necessary to extend th i s period on various occasions, but he apparently saw in that no incon-s i s tency . Another p e c u l i a r i t y has been his f a i lu re to give an exact'^connotation to the term "Swaraj". Sometimes he used i t in the sense of Home Hule , sometimes with the person-CD a l appl ica t ion of s e l f - d i s c i p l i n e . He has been equally vague concerning the condition of India , on the attainment * of Swaraj, though he has seemed to favor a return to the s impl ic i ty of pre-Vedic days. Some wr i t e r s have been incl ined to regard Sandhi and h i s professions with cynicism, but the vast majority of opinion c red i t s him with being a man of unequivocal i n t e g r i t y , of unusual s p i r i t u a l capacity, of remarkable personal magnet-ism, and of quixot ic pa t r io t i sm. He is pass ionate ly sincere in h i s be l ie f in the power of love and of kindness, and he quotes even more freely from the Christian sc r ip tu res than he (1) Whyte. The P o l i t i c a l Evolution of India . p. 232. • - 1 1 4 -does from h i s Hindu sacred books, in suppor t of h i s p o s i t i o n . His t r a g i c f a i l u r e has c o n s i s t e d in h i s i n a b i l i t y to read the s i gns of the t i m e s . His ingen ious t a c t i c s in s e c u r i n g Muslim support have a l r e a d y been no ted , and he was able fo r some time to p re sen t a u n i t e d I n d i a in h i s Swaraj campaign. Since i t involved ab-s t inenoe from a l l c o n t a c t s with the B r i t i s h i t was e s s e n t i a l l y a v a s t movement fo r race d i v i s i o n . I t s n o n - v i o l e n t na tu re was s t r e s s e d by Gandhi a t a l l t imes and h i s s e l f - s t y l e d "Himalayan e r r o r " l ay in h i s f a i l u r e to unde r s t and t h a t v io l ence must i n e v i t a b l y fo l low. B r i e f l y , the f ive p lanks of h i s p l a t fo rm were (a ) A boycott of a l l B r i t i s h schools and c o l l e g e s ; (b) A r e n u n c i a t i o n of a l l honoure confer-red by the B r i t i s h Government, and a r e f u s a l td accept any o f f i ce under the Grown* (c) A boyco t t of the law o o u r t s : (d) A boycot t of a l l f o r e ign goods, and the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the sp inn ing wheel which t y p i f i e d a r e t u r n to p r i m i t i v e i n d u s t -ry , and to p r i m i t i v e ways of l i f e . The fundamental p r i n c i p l e upon which he based h i s e n t i r e campaign was t h a t Western c i v i l i z a t i o n i s , in i t s very n a t u r e , (1) e v i l . I t has produced not only the e v i l s of Ind ia but the e v i l s of the wor ld . He blamed i t r a t h e r than the B r i t i s h , f o r I n d i a ' s c o n d i t i o n , r e g a r d i n g the B r i t i s h as v i c t ims of the same e v i l g e n i u s . ( l j B. Hol land. Mahatma Gandhi. Century Go. 1924. p . 52 - 1 1 5 -The a t r o c i t i e s committed a t Ohaura Chauri in the name of n o n - v i o l e n c e , and h i s cont inued n o n - v i o l e n t u t t e r a n c e s which were , in t u r n , so p roduc t ive of v i o l e n c e , r e s u l t e d in h i s imprisonment in 1922. The v a s t movement swept on, a l -though he was no l o n g e r t he re to d i r e c t i t . On h i s r e l ea se in 1924 he cont inued h i s a g i t a t i o n , and on more than one occas ion did penance fo r the excesses of h i s f o l l o w e r s . In e s t i m a t i n g the c h a r a c t e r of t h i s movement, Chirol has s a i d : - "The v i s i o n a r y world of Swaraj t h a t Gandhi dwelt in was a world not of r eason , but of pure emotion. I t was by a p a s s i o n a t e appea l to emotion t h a t Gandhi swept a g rea t p a r t of Ind ia with him. In i t s f i n e r a s p e c t s h i s appeal was fo r s e l f - s a c r i f i c e , f o r p e r s o n a l e f f o r t , t r a n s l a t e d fo r the m u l t i t u d e i n t o the c o n s e c r a t i o n of two h o u r s ' work every day a t the domest ic sp inn ing wheel a s a symbol, nay, .as an a s s u r -ed means of I n d i a ' s l i b e r a t i o n from the incubt/s of Western m a t e r i a l i s m whi ch "had d e l i b e r a t e l y crushed her home i n d u s t -(1) r i e s in o rde r to more s u r e l y des t roy h e r s o u l . " I t i s a m a t t e r of h i s t o r y t h a t h i s campaign has de f in -i t e l y f a i l e d in each of i t s o b j e c t i v e s , but the e f f e c t of the non-coopera t ive movement w i l l be long f e l t in the deqpth of r a c i a l h a t r e d and p o l i t i c a l b i t t e r n e s s engendered. Such a r e s u l t was f a r from h i s thought , but the e f f e c t i s no l e s s s e r i o u s . I t w i l l go down in h i s t o r y as one of the g r ea t t r a g e d i e s t h a t India should have tu rned away a t the very (1) Ohi ro l . I n d i a . - p . 286. -116-moraent when Br i ta in was offer ing her , for the f i r s t time, the opportuni ty of l i v i n g her own l i f e , of determining her own des t iny . I t i s a s t i l l greater tragedy that a f te r almost two oenturies of sovereignty, Br i ta in should have fa i led to win through to a place in Ind ia ' s confidence. The fa i lu re would be l e s s t r a g i c had Br i ta in recognized no sense of t r u s t e e - s h i p , had she made no attempt to carry the "white man's "burden". A merci less presenta t ion of the s i t ua t ion in 1923 i s given by Dr. Macniool, and corroborated by numbers of other students of the problem. "There i s no more s i n i s t e r aspect of the s i tua t ion than the deep, invincible d i s t r u s t of the good fa i th of Great Br i ta in and her represen ta t ives in India that possesses the leaders of the people. Moderates and extremists a l ike be-l ieve - and much in recent f inanc ia l t ransact ions gives them va l id excuse for t h e i r be l ie f - that shop-keeper England i s out for loot in her r e l a t ion to India. This widespread con-v ic t ion has wrought d i sas t rous ly upon the a t t i t u d e of the thoughtful and a r t i c u l a t e classes toward the foreign r u l e r . . . *The white man's burden* i s the occasion only of a sneer. . . . We see her turning away, c r i t i c a l and suspicious, 'ashes to the very s o u l . ' D is t rus t , deepening into 'non-v io len t ' hate on the one hand, and on the other a new ambition to l ive her own l i f e , a new fa i th in herse l f , and an in tox ica t ing dream of power - these make together a mood that i s fu l l of - 1 1 7 -(1 ) p e r i l t o t h e p u b l i c p e a c e . " O t h e r l e a d e r s had s t i r r e d the e d u c a t e d c l a s s e s , b o t h Hindu and Muhammadan, but i t r e q u i r e d a Gandhi to awaken t h e w r e t c h e d ' r y o t s ' i n t h e i r remote v i l l a g e s , and the ' s i l e n t m a s s e s ' of the g r e a t i n d u s t r i a l c e n t r e s to a c o n s c i o u s n e s s of n a t i o n a l a m b i t i o n . I t i s no t o f t e n t h a t t h e c h i e f of a g r e a t g o v e r n i n g body p a y s open t r i b u t e to a p o l i t i c a l c r i m i n a l , and y e t S i r F r e d e r i c k Whyte does t h i s v e r y t h i n g i n h i s e s t i m a t e of Gandhi and h i s m e s s a g e . "But i t none t h e l e s s r ema ins t r u e t h a t h i s i n f l u e n c e b o t h f o r good and f o r e v i l s t r e t c h e d more w i d e l y t h r o u g h o u t I n d i a t h a n the i n f l u e n c e of any o t h e r man i n o u r g e n e r a t i o n , o r p e r h a p s i n any o t h e r . No n-co ope r a t i o n i n some of i t s a s p e c t s w i l l soon be f o r g o t t e n , o r w i l l o n l y be remembered a s a movement composed of mixed good and e v i l which was m a r r e d by some h i d e o u s b l o o d s h e d . But w h e t h e r non- coop-e r a t i o n i s remembered o r n o t , t h e r e i s no shadow of doubt t h a t t h e I n f l u e n c e of Mahatma Gandhi w i l l r e m a i n , not i n v i r t u e of h i s s p i n n i n g whee l o r of h i s homespun, b u t i n the v i r t u e of a p e r s o n a l e x a m p l e . I t i s i d l e to i n q u i r e what p e r s o n a l i t y i § , whence i t comes, o r how i t can move m o u n t a i n s , b u t the f a c t r e m a i n s t h a t the most n o v e l f e a t u r e in t h e whole l a n d s c a p e of I n d i a d u r i n g the p a s t f i v e y e a r s h a s been the awaken ing of t he masses to t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and economic c o n d i t i o n . That awak-( 2 ) e n i n g was Mahatma G a n d h i ' s w o r k . " ( 1 ) M a c n i c o J . p . 2 9 . (2 ) Whyte. p p . 2 3 2 - 3 . - 1 1 8 -During the p e r i o d of Gandhi 's imprisonment the non-c o o p e r a t o r s s t e a d i l y re fused to accept any p o s i t i o n s under the new government, moderate members alone a l lowing them-s e l v e s to be e l e c t e d . In p a r t owing to Gandhi ' s absence , in p a r t owing to the i n a b i l i t y of the average person to e x i s t on such" a l o f t y p l a n e , the m a t e r i a l a s p e c t s of the Swaraj movement became i n c r e a s i n g l y prominent . There was a n o t i c e -able l e s s e n i n g in the movements fo r s o c i a l reform and in the a t t e m p t s a t p e r s o n a l r e g e n e r a t i o n , more emphasis be ing p l a c -ed upon p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n . A wing of the p a r t y , led by Mr. C. R. Das, s t r o n g l y advocated en t rance i n to the government, and a p o l i c y of o b s t r u c t i o n from w i t h i n . On h i s r e l e a s e from p r i s o n in 1924, Mr. Gandhi opposed t h i s compromise, but f i n a l l y gave in t o i t . Prom t h a t hour h i s in f luence was on the d e c l i n e , and Mr.%Das was s h o r t l y recognized as l e a d e r of the Swaraj p a r t y . Under h i s d i r e c t i o n the Swaraj p a r t y was ab le to cause i n c a l c u l a b l e de lays and p e t t y annoyances w i t h i n the Provin-c i a l and Cent ra l Assembl ies . They were unable to h a l t the government machine owing to the p r i n c i p l e of Dyarchy, which gave to the execu t ive the power to ' c e r t i f y ' any a c t s nec-e s s a r y to the cont inuance of i t s f u n c t i o n s . Consequently on more than one occas ion a Governor had to force through f i n a n c i a l or o t h e r measures . Gradual ly Mr. Das and c e r t a i n members of h i s p a r t y began to r e a l i z e the f u t i l i t y of t h e i r t a c t i c s , and on May 2 l s t , 1925, j u s t th ree weeks before h i s premature death from - 1 1 9 -o v e r - w o r k , Mr. Das announced t h a t t he Swaraj P a r t y would a c t i v e l y c o o p e r a t e w i t h the g o v e r n m e n t . He acknowledged t h e r e a l d i f f i c u l t y of a t t a i n i n g any measure of p o l i t i c a l u n i t y w i t h i n I n d i a , and r e p u d i a t e d t h e methods of v i o l e n c e p u r -(1) sued on o c c a s i o n by h i s p a r t y . The d e a t h of Mr. Das h a s been a s e r i o u s f a c t o r i n i n -f l u e n c i n g t h e c o u r s e of e v e n t s . Under h i s l e a d e r s h i p i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t a g r e a t e r d e g r e e of u n i t y migh t have been a t t a i n e d . While h i s p a r t y had v o t e d i n f a v o r of c o o p e r a t i n g w i t h t h e g o v e r n m e n t , no c l e a r - c u t p o l i c y had been f o r m u l a t e d i n r e g a r d to t h e a c c e p t a n c e s of a p p o i n t m e n t s u n d e r the gov-e r n m e n t . T h i s r e s u l t e d i n a c l e a v a g e i n the p a r t y a t the l a s t Congress s e s s i o n . By t h e end of O c t o b e r t h r e e p r o m i n -e n t Swara j members had a c c e p t e d a p p o i n t m e n t s of i m p o r t a n c e , and a s p e c i a l m e e t i n g of the Congress was c a l l e d a t Nagpur t o d e c i d e upon i t s a t t i t u d e . A m o t i o n t h a t such a p p o i n t -men t s s h o u l d be a c c e p t e d was d e f e a t e d by a nar row m a j o r i t y , and a s a r e s u l t a number of t h e p r o m i n e n t members have s e v e r e d t h e i r c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the C o n g r e s s . In S e p t e m b e r , 1 9 2 5 , Mr. Sandhi made a l a s t a t t e m p t to s e c u r e the l e a d e r s h i p of the Swaraj p a r t y , b u t he was (3) p a s s e d o v e r i n f a v o r of Mr. P a n d i t M o t i l a l Nehru. In November he announced h i s i n t e n t i o n of a g a i n f a s t i n g i n penance f o r t h e s i n s of h i s p a r t y and of t h e g o v e r n m e n t , bu t ( 1 ) The flai-re^r of Mr. Das . The New S t a t e s m a n . June 2 0 t h , 1925 . p p . 2 7 2 1 - 5 ( 2 ) C u r r e n t H i s t o r y . C u r r e n t H i s t o r y S e c t i o n . J a n . , 1 9 2 6 ( 3 ) C u r r e n t H i s t o r y . C u r r e n t H i s t o r y S e c t i o n . O c t . , 1 9 2 5 -120-i t i s a l toge the r probable that as a p o l i t i c a l force h is power is spent . With the opening of the new session of the Assemblies in 1926, the government has met with increasing cooperation, and in the words of Lord Mestonj- "The fo l ly of purely des-t ruc t ive t a c t i c s has been demonstrated, and there i s reason to hope that moderate men wi l l be found ready to pick up the threads of progress where Mr. Oandhi severed them in 1919.—-The broad road of advance to which we are pledged is open, and our help and par tnersh ip wi l l be avai lable to a l l men (13 of good-will who are t r a v e l l i n g on i t . " In the Assemblies, as const i tu ted now, there are three main p a r t i e s . On the extreme l e f t i s the revolutionary pa r ty , represent ing in a sense Mr. Gandhi's stand on non-cooperation. This par ty today lacks unity and coherence, and wi l l become increas ingly ineffect ive unless i t i s able to agree upon a common platform. At the moment i t seems unable to reach such an agreement. Occupying a pos i t ion which might be referred to as the " le f t centre" i s the Swaraj or Home Hule par ty , newly pledged to seek self-government through p o l i t i c a l channels. Had Mr. Das l ived , he would have been i t s l og ica l leader . Mr. Pandit Motilal Nehru occupies that post at present . On the r ight wing are representa t ives of the. National Liberal Federation of India. This organization numbers in (1) Meston. Lord I rwin 's Task in India. Contemporary Review. March, 1926. p . 282 -121-i t s membership those Moderates who were forced out of the National Congress by the Extremists in the years a f t e r 1915. To th i s comparatively small body of men i s due the c red i t of preserving the Reformed Consti tut ion of 1921. For five years they have served under very t ry ing circumstances, the butt of r id icu le and the object of suspicion. With these years of p o l i t i c a l experience behind them, they provide the log ica l mater ia l for the cabinet minis ters of the new govern-ment, and they wi l l be invaluable in t r a i n i n g the new rec ru i t s (1) - t h e i r ers twhi le defamers. While t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n may e r r in being too simple, i t has the advantage of emphasizing the main trends of pol-i t i c a l opinion in India today. So long as the issue of Nat ional i ty obscures - or overshadows in i n t e r e s t - a l l oth-ers , there can be no rea l alignment of p a r t i e s in the Western senae of the term. Nevertheless these three pa r t i e s do rep-resent three forces d i r ec t ing p o l i t i c a l act ion - the group s t i l l pledged to obs t ruc t ion i s t t a c t i c s , the group working de f in i t e ly for Swaraj a t an ear ly date , through p o l i t i c a l channels, and the more conservative group which sees Swaraj as a somewhat d i s t an t goal, des i rab le , but only a t t a inab le through slow p o l i t i c a l development. This party is more con-cerned that India shal l have good rule than self ru le , and i t be l ieves firmly that a continued associa t ion of Englishmen (1) Whyte. pp. 229-30 - 1 2 2 -wi th the Government and with the Civ i l Service i s exped-i e n t f o r the p r e s e n t . S i r F r e d e r i c k Y/hyte, former p r e s i d e n t of the Indian L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, and e d i t o r of "New Europe" makes a comment t h a t i s of i n t e r e s t when p a s s i n g to a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the p o s s i b l e developments which awai t Ind ia dur ing the term of h e r new v i c e r o y . " I n d i a thus p r e s e n t s to the po l -i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t , to the p o l i t i c i a n and to the h i s t o r i a n a s tudy in p o l i t i c a l e v o l u t i o n wi thou t a r i v a l in the modern (1) wor ld . " ( j j Whyte. p . 236. - 1 2 3 -Chapter VI. Whither Ind ia? And hea r ye the beat Of the a g e ' s f e e t In s t r i d e s of thousands of y e a r s ; A muffled note That low doth f l o a t On h i s t o r y ' s b r ea th to l i s t ' n i n g e a r s . - E. Loyd Pease . At no o t h e r time in h i s t o r y have the na t ions of the world been so aware of themselves and of each o t h e r . This consc iousness nay pos se s s e lements of danger , but i t p rov ides an o p p o r t u n i t y fo r a n a l y s i n g , i n t e r p r e t i n g and t he r e fo re d i r -e c t i n g the t r end of even t s on a s ca l e h i t h e r t o unequal led in human e x p e r i e n c e . Such an o p p o r t u n i t y awai t s Lord I rwin , I n d i a ' s ne-~ v i c e r o y , in the term of o f f i ce upon which he has r e c e n t l y e n t e r e d . A more e x a c t i n g , f a s c i n a t i n g and momentous t a s k can s c a r c e l y be imagined. I t w i l l be p o s s i b l e to ind-i c a t e b r i e f l y but a few of the problems which w i l l immed-i a t e l y confront him. The f i r s t of these i s the adjustment of the d e l i c a t e r e l a t i o n s which e x i s t between the v ice roy and the c e n t r a l government. These r e l a t i o n s have been t e s t e d many t imes In the p a s t f ive y e a r s , owing to the a u t o c r a t i c na ture of the powers s t i l l v e s t ed in the execu t ive - powers which are l i t -t l e checked by the p r i n c i p l e of dyarchy o b t a i n i n g in the p r o v i n c i a l governments. Lord Irwin must a l s o endeavor to -124-reduce the f r i c t i o n between the provincial and the centra l a u t h o r i t i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the matter of f inance. In cer t -ain quar ters a system of almost complete autonomy for the Provinces i s being advocated, and the implicat ion of such a suggestion in a country as large and varied as India can be (1) p l a in ly seen. The revis ion of the cons t i tu t ion i s scheduled for 1929, and wi l l therefore be undertaken during h i s term of of f ice . The nature of the new instrument of government wi l l be deter-mined to a large extent by Lord Irwin'B estimate of the suc-cess or f a i lu re of the provis ional draft of 1919. This pre-supposes some very c lear thinking on h i s p a r t . Lord Meston declares that "India has made the mistake of # looking upon democracy as a mechanical system instead of a s p i r i t u a l conception. The mistake must be r ec t i f i ed before India can r i se to a f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the oppor tuni t ies which England intended to offer he r . " He adds tha t , "Happily i t i s the mistake of a small c l a s s , impatient at the slow (29 process of evolut ion , and not of the people as a whole." How large tha t c lass i s , i t is d i f f i c u l t to es t imate , but i t i s vocal , and of consequent importance. Already one wing of the Swarajist pa r ty , under the leadership of Mrs. Besant, has prepared a draft of a cons t i tu t ion for the " Commonwealth of India" , and Lord Birkenhead has promised i t careful consider-a t ion . • # some Indians f a i l to recognize the democracy inherent in the new cons t i tu t ion , because cer ta in (1) Deraangean. p . 254. outward forms are lacking. (2} Meston. p. 277 -125-The condit ion of ag r i cu l tu re u l t imate ly determine* the condit ion of Ind ia . Enough has been wr i t t en In the fore-going pages to ind ica te that a g r i c u l t u r a l reform on a thorough-going scale must be pursued, if the needs of the nation - economical, p o l i t i c a l and soc ia l - are to be met in any adequate measure. Not only must b e t t e r methods of farm-ing be introduced, but the problems of land tenure, of rent , of t axa t ion and of morcollement (small and sca t te red hold-ings) wi l l have to be faced more ser ious ly . Agricul tural education w i l l play a large share in any program of agrar ian r e l i e f , while b e t t e r t r anspor t a t ion , n a r t e t t i n g and i r r i g -a t ion f a c i l i t i e s should be provided. Education - p a r t i c u l a r l y in the primary schools - i s another problem of vast propor t ions . The best thought of the government and a la rgely increased proportion of the revenue must be applied to t h i s department if s a t i s f ac to ry progress i s to be made. The years 1913 to 1920 showed a f a i r increase in the number of primary schools, but there i s s t i l l room for great improvement, e spec ia l ly in regard to educ-a t ion for women and g i r l s . There is also a vast f ie ld for i n s t r u c t i o n in publ ic hea l th , only possible when accompanied by an adequate system of primary education. The problem of regula t ing the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of India i s in i t s e l f enough for one term of five years . Some-thing has already beon wr i t ten about the conditions obtaining in the new factory cen t res . A recent v i s i t o r to Bombay -126 -r eco rds h i s Impress ions in one g raph ic s e n t e n c e . "?rom i t s i s l a n d "body Bombay r a d i a t e s long t e n t a s l e s of suburban (1) squa lo r i n t o the l a n d . " The i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y f i g u r e s a l -ready quoted for t h i s one c i t y - 572 per 1000, as comnared (2) wi th 30 per 1000 fo r London in the same yeur - render more concre te the d e s c r i p t i v e term "suburban s q u a l o r " . I t i s d i f f i c u l t fo r the Westerner to v i s u a l i z e cond i t i ons in which 97 p e r cent of the f a m i l i e s engaged in i n d u s t r y occupy but one room. The programs of c i t y p l ann ing a l r e a d y r e f e r r e d t o , and the endeavor to r a i s e the s t andard of wages w i l l need a l l the suppor t a sympa the t i c execu t ive can g i v e . Ques t ions of cu r rency , exchange and f inance form a vexing background f o r the problems of revenue and of expend-i t u r e . The acumen d i sp l ayed in h a n d l i n g these impor tant m a t t e r s of government w i l l have a d i r e c t b e a r i n g upon any program of reform r e f e r r e d to above. Because the upkeep of the army has always c o n s t i t u t e d the h e a v i e s t d ra in upon the r e s o u r c e s of the coun t ry , i t s s i z e and equipment a r e of the utmost importance in d e a l i n g with a l l q u e s t i o n s of f i n a n c e . The s i z e of the Ind ian Army - a ma t t e r of BO much d i spu t e - has been determined to a g r e a t e x t e n t by the un-s e t t l e d c o n d i t i o n s on the North-We s t e r n f r o n t i e r . This t r a d i t i o n a l b a t t l e g r o u n d was the scene of the Indo-Afghan wars of 1893, and when they were over the f r o n t i e r was l e f t (1) Huxley. Diary of an Eastward Journey. The E§tion and The Athenaeum. March 6, 1926. pp. 774. ( 2 ) F i n a n c i a l and Economic Condit ion of I n d i a . Round Table . D e c , 19 2 •'.. p . 96. -127-in d ispute . During the years 1919-1922 there were in a l l (1) 1196 r a i d s , mostly across the disputed t e r r i t o r y , known as Wazir is tan. In 1921 the government of India concluded a t r ea ty with Afghanistan, with the r e su l t that the raids dur-ing 1922 were grea t ly reduced* and have been even fewer in recent yea rs . This has been in par t due to the t r e a ty , and In part due to the pol icy of organizing the loosely const i tu ted h i l l t r i b e s of t h i s d i s t r i c t , in such a way as to offer more eff-ec t ive res i s tance to these predatory expedi t ions . In addi t -ion to m i l i t a r y organizat ion, the government has embarked upon a systematic plan for c i v i l i z i n g t h i s t e r r i t o r y , which may u l t imate ly form a new province of India,. Another factor making for. peace i s the increased fr iendship between Great Br i ta in and Afghanistan - a fr iendship rendered impossible before owing to the lack of an enlightened government.in Afghanistan, and also because of Russian i n t r i g u e s . T0day Afghanistan i s being touched by the leaven of Western inf lue-nce, and the success of the t r ea ty of 1921 augurs well for a peaceful set t lement of the vexatious f ron t i e r problem. If t h i s i s accomplished a subs tan t ia l reduction in the Indian army may be looked for at some future date . In the meantime, the i n t e r e s t of the new executive wi l l be required in t h i s troubled sect ion of India. (1) Indian Front ier Problem. The Round Table. Dec.,1925. Pp. 96-114 - 1 2 8 -Any changes i n B r i t i s h I n d i a m u s t , i n t h e v e r y n a t u r e of t h i n g s , i n f l u e n c e c o n d i t i o n s w i t h i n the N a t i v e S t a t e s . The i n t r o d u c t i o n of a c o m p a r a t i v e l y d e m o c r a t i c form of government i n B r i t i s h I n d i a may r e s u l t i n demands f o r s i m i l a r c o n c e s s i o n s , on t h e p a r t of t h e p e o p l e of t h e H a t i v e S t a t e s . S ince t h e i r p r i n c e s a r e , i n the m a i n , a u t o c r a t i c i n o u t l o o k , an a n t a g o n -ism t o t h e B r i t i s h Raj may r e s u l t . Moreove r , t h e s e a r i s t o -c r a t i c d e s p o t s may o b j e c t t o t r e a t i n g wi t h .a d e m o c r a t i c g o v e r n m e n t . The a d e q u a c y of t he Chamber of P r i n c e s w i l l be t e s t e d i n t h e s e coming y e a r s . Gandhi h a s s a i d t h a t , were he c o n v i n c e d t h a t B r i t a i n (1) was t r u l y s o l i c i t o u s f o r t h e economic and mora l w e l f a r e of I n d i a , he would l o s e much of h i s h o s t i l i t y t o the f o r e i g n R a j . U n f o r t u n a t e l y c e r t a i n f e a t u r e s of t he i n t e r n a l p o l i c y g ive r i s e t o g r a v e d o u b t s c o n c e r n i n g B r i t a i n ' s d e s i r e to e l e v a t e the m o r a l t o n e of I n d i a . These d o u b t s a r e p a r t i c u l a r l y j u s t i f i e d i n r e g a r d to t h e m a n u f a c t u r e and s a l e of a l c o h o l u n d e r government a u s p i c e s , and the g r o w t h , e x p o r t and home consumpt ion of l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s of opium, from which t h e government d e r i v e s a r evenue of s e v e r a l m i l l i o n s of d o l l a r s ( 2 ) e ach y e a r . Many outstanding Indians contend that, because of this revenue, the government has systematically blocked all (2) attempts to curtail the sale and consumption of opium. (1) Ohlrol. India. p. 321 t2) Gr. Williams. India and Opium. The Nation. Aug.26, 1925. p.229 - 1 2 9 -The League of H a t l o n s a u t h o r i s e s 6 s e e r s of opium p e r 10 ,000 of t h e p o p u l a t i o n p e r week. In I n d i a the consumpt ion m r a n g e s from 6 to 237 s e e r s p e r 10 ,000 of t he p o p u l a t i o n . Such a s h o c k i n g s t a t e of a f f a i r s , b r i n g i n g i n i t s t r a i n u n s p e a k a b l e c o n d i t i o n s of m o r a l , m e n t a l and p h y s i c a l d e g r a d -a t i o n , c a n n o t c o n t i n u e i f the B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s to have a r e c o r d of which i t can be even r e a s o n a b l y p r o u d , and any r e p u t a t i o n f o r d i s i n t e r e s t e d a l t r u i s m . The I n d i a n r e f o r m e r s w i l l no doub t make an a t t e m p t to r e a c h t h e e a r of the new v i c e r o y . S i r V a l e n t i n e C h i r o l s t a t e s i t a s h i s o p i n i o n t h a t an a d e q u a t e sys tem of a g r i c -u l t u r a l r e f o r m would be of c o n s i d e r a b l y more v a l u e to I n d i a (2 ) t h a n a s e a t a t the I m p e r i a l Confe rence o r a t Geneva. The same m i ; h t be s a i d f o r a p o l i c y g r a n t i n g I n d i a some measure of c o n t r o l o v e r t h e e v i l s which a r e t a i n t i n g h e r n a t i o n a l l i f e a t i t s v e r y s o u r c e . While t h e i n t e r n a l p r o b l e m s which must be f a c e d a r e s e r -i o u s , t h o s e which have to do w i t h I n d i a ' s r e l a t i o n to t he B r i t i s h Empire a r e e q u a l l y v e x i n g . 7/hl le I n d i a h a s been r e c -o g n i z e d a s a n a t i o n , i t must be remembered t h a t she i s - -"A n a t i o n s t i l l i n many ways un fo rmed , and w i t h a v i s i o n r a t h e r t h a n the r e a l i t y of common n a t i o n h o o d , t o w a r d s which she i s g r o p i n g h e r way out of a w e l t e r of d i f f e r e n t r a c e s and c r e e d s and l a n g u a g e s , and w i t h o n l y one symbol of n a t i o n a l ( 1 ) S i r D. S a r v a d h e k a r y . An I n d i a n on Opium. p . 24Z. {Z) C h i r o l . I n d i a . p . 316 - 1 3 0 -(1) u n i t y , and t h a t symbol a f o r e i g n one - the B r i t i s h Crown." This l a c k of u n i t y w i t h i n h e r s e l f makes i t bard for he r to formula te and s u s t a i n a c o n s i s t e n t demand for r e c o g n i t i o n w i t h i n the Empire and in the world. The a t t i t u d e of the B r i t i s h government concerning Ind-i a ' s demand fo r a c o n t r o l of the Opium Question - to mention but one o u t s t a n d i n g problem - would I n d i c a t e t h a t I n d i a ' s p lace a t Geneva i s more in the nature of a d ip lomat i c ge s t -ure than of a r e a l i t y . Whether i t i s a ges tu re or not , the f a c t remains t h a t the s t a t u s of Ind ia wi th in the Empire must be f aced . This i n c l u d e s the presence and t rea tment of Ind-ians in the s e l f - g o v e r n i n g c o l o n i e s , and the r e l a t i o n s of B r i t i s h and Anglo- Ind ians wi th the Ind ians in t h e i r own coun t ry . Bishop Oldham, in h i s " G h r i s t i a n i ty and the Race Problem", s t a t e s i t as h i s conv ic t ion t h a t the main d i f f i -c u l t y in our government of India i s a p sycho log i ca l one. The Ind ian g ives to the Englishman a " s u p e r i o r i t y complex" while the l a t t e r i n s i s t s upon the Indian m a i n t a i n i n g an a t t i t u d e of i n f e r i o r i t y , which he deeply r e s e n t s . This f r i c t i o n ia seen not only In s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s but in the f i e l d of po l -i t i c s and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n as w e l l . The Englishman so con-sc ious of h i s own e f f i c i e n c y , h e s i t a t e s to de lega te work to l e s s competent hands , much as a capable mother brushes a s i d e (1) Ch i ro l . I n d i a . p . 3 2 3 . Demangeon. p . 253. -131-the enterprising but inexperienced and therefore troublesome little daughter, while she completes the household tasks herself. Neither the British official nor the busy mother is conscious of having denied a rightful opportunity to the aspiring helper. But in each case the one rhose offer of help has been refused is resentful towards the one who has denied him the opportunity of gaining experience. This re-sentment is increased when the lack of that experience is one day keenly felt. The social problem has already been referred to at some length, and contact with Europeans who have sojourned for any length of time in India leads one to conclude that the fol-lowing caustic estimate of the effect of life in the East upon the average 3ritisher is not exaggerated. While there are doubtless many residents of India, official and non-official, to whom this does not apply, it holds for the majority!- "Life in the East satisfies the profoundest and most powerful of all the instincts - that of self assertion. The young man who goes out from a London suburb to take up a clerkship in India finds himself a member of a small ruling community; he has slavish servants to order about, dark-skinned subordinates to whom it is ri *ht and proper to be rude. Three hundred and twenty million Indians surround him; he feels incomparably superior to them all, from the coolie to the maharaja, from the untouchable to the thoroughbred - 1 3 2 -Brahman, from t h e i l l i t e r a t e p e a s a n t to t he h o l d e r of h a l f a dozen E u r o p e a n d e g r e e s . He may he i l l - b r e d , s t u p i d , uned-u c a t e d ; no m a t t e r . His s k i n i s w h i t e . S u p e r i o r i t y i n I n d i a i s a q u e s t i o n of e p i d e r r a s . No wonder he l o v e s the E a s t . The i n t o x i c a t i o n of the E a s t i s p e r m a n e n t , and the s ense of g r e a t n e s s no t e n t i r e l y an i l l u s i o n . What man l i k e s to be (1 ) s e d i m e n t when he m i g h t f l o a t g a l l a n t l y on the s u n l i t s u r f a c e ? " There must c e r t a i n l y be a g r e a t e r h u m i l i t y on the p a r t of t h e B r i t i s h e r , w i t h a c o r r e s p o n d i n g i n c r e a s e in a p p r e c -i a t i o n of I n d i a n v i r t u e s , w h i l e t h e I n d i a n must r e c o v e r a measure of t h a t t e a c h a b l e s p i r i t which h a s made p o s s i b l e h i s r e m a r k a b l e p r o g r e s s u n d e r B r i t i s h t u t e l a g e . Both must s t r i v e f o r a d e g r e e of mutua l , t r u s t and c o n f i d e n c e i n each o t h e r ' s good f a i t h - a c o n f i d e n c e w o e f u l l y l a c k i n g a t t he p r e s e n t t ime i n many q u a r t e r s . With the w e l t e r of e c o n o m i c , p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l p r o b -lems c o n f r o n t i n g the B r i t i s h a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , and w i t h t he f e v e r of u n r e s t , b i t t e r n e s s and s u s p i c i o n which accompany them, t h e r e a r e some who m a i n t a i n t h a t t he c o n t a c t of the E a s t w i t h t h e West h a s been a v a s t m i s t a k e . Before g r a n t i n g t h a t i t h a s been an e r r o r , l e t us r e a l i z e t h a t t h i s c o n t a c t w a s , i n t he v e r y n a t u r e of t h i n g s , i n e v i t a b l e , and i t i s an open q u e s t i o n w h e t h e r a n y t h i n g i n e v i t a b l e i s , i n i t s e s s e n c e , (1 ) Aldotls H u x l e y . D ia ry of an E a s t w a r d J o u r n e y . The N a t i o n . The Athenaeum. March 6, 1926 . p . 774-5 (2 ) The Round T a b l e . March, 1924. p . 360 - 1 3 3 -e n t l r e l y e v i l . The h i s t o r y of human s o c i e t y h a s beon the s t o r y of the v o l u n t a r y o r f o r c e d m e r l i n ; of l o c a l o r r a c i a l g r o u p s . Looked a t i n the l a r g e , t he B r i t i s h conquest; of I n d i a was "but a n o t h e r s t a g e in t h i s v a s t p r o c e s s . As one s o c i o l o g i s t h a s e x p r e s s e d i t : "The compounding and re compound! n~ of raen by f o r c e h a s immensely a c c e l e r a t e d s o c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n . At p r e s e n t a l l mankind a r e embraced i n not more than h a l f a h u n d r e d s o v e r e i g n g r o u p - u n i t s . Had the f r a t e r n a l t e a c h i n g s of Buddha and J e s u 6 , of E p i c l l e t u s and F r a n c i s and (Jeorge Fox b e e n f o l l o w e d , such a s t a g e of m a s s i n g might no t have been r e a c h e d f o r t h o u s a n d s of y e a r s . The r a d i a t i o n and i n t e r -change of c u l t u r a l e l e m e n t s would in t ime have p roduced l i k e -m i n d e d n e s s , v/hich p a v e s the way f o r the s p o n t a n e o u s f u s i o n of s o c i a l g r o u p s ; b u t , w i t h o u t w a i t i n g f o r t h i s s low p r o c e s s to a c h i e v e r e s u l t s , c o n q u e r o r s and e m p i r e - b u i l d e r s i n t e g r a t e d ( 1 ) men by v i o l e n t m e t h o d s . " Regarded i n t h i s l i g h t , the B r i t i s h o c c u p a t i o n i s m e r e l y a n o t h e r i n s t a n c e of man ' s a t t e m p t to f i n d a s h o r t cut t o some d imly d e f i n e d bu t a p p a r e n t l y i n e v i t a b l e consummat ion . The s u p e r i o r m a s t e r y of t h e f o r c e s of n a t u r e - t h a t i s tha s u p e r i o r t e c h n i q u e - of t he Wes te rn r a c e s h a s made them the a g g r e s s o r s of the modern w o r l d , even a s the men of the O r i e n t , i n a n o t h e r day , s u p e r i m p o s e d t h e i r w i l l upon the l e s s ( 1 ) E . A . R o s s . P r i n c i p l e s of S o c i o l o g y . The Century Co . , New York. 19 20 . p . 9 3 . - 1 3 4 -advanced peop les to the Y/est. The " l ikemindedness" which did not precede the enforced con tac t between England and I n d i a , must now be s t r i v e n f o r in a conscious a t tempt to fuse t h e s e widely d ive rgen t c u l t u r e s * The r e s u l t i n g f r i c t i o n , c o n f l i c t and chaos support the t r u t h of the s ta tement t h a t , while Nature , o p e r a t i n g in the realm of human a s s o c i a t i o n s , may consent to be h u r r i e d , she w i l l not be stampeded. For the above reasons i t i s our b e l i e f t h a t one i s j u s t i f i e d in h o l d i n g an o p t i m i s t i c view. The B r i t i s h Raj has brought to Ind ia much t h a t i s good, as wel l as much t h a t i s to be dep lo red . If the B r i t i s h o f f i c i a l s of t h i s gener-a t i o n can achieve the s i n g l e n e s s of purpose and sense of t r u s t e e s h i p which c h a r a c t e r i z e d such a d m i n i s t r a t o r s as Da lhous ie , and such s ta tesmen as P i t t and Burke, the ba lance w i l l be in favor of Western c o n t a c t s . The g rea t need of I nd i a today i s a changed a t t i t u d e on the p a r t of B r i t i s h and Ind ians a l i k e - an i n c r e a s e d s i n c e r i t y of purpose in the former, and a g r e a t e r p a t i e n c e and confidence on the p a r t of the l a t t e r . Given these c o n d i t i o n s , one can await wi thout a n x i e t y the e v o l u t i o n of r e s p o n s i b l e government in I n d i a . P ro fe s so r Dutcher , a f t e r a thought fu l s tudy of Ind ia under B r i t i s h r u l e , o u t l i n e s her fu ture development in hope-fu l te rms. .'•The fu ture of I n d i a , t h e r e f o r e , would seem to l i e in the s t eady growth of se l f -government under B r i t i s h p r o t e c t i o n and gu idance . The s a f e ty of the fu ture depends not upon l i s t e n i n g to the rab id d o c t r i n e s of the B r i t i s h Tory - 1 3 5 -or of the Bengali Brahman e x t r e m i s t , "but in the development of eve r -deepen ing sympathy and ever -widening coopera t ion . As the u n i f i c a t i o n under B r i t i s h rule was the g r e a t e s t achievement of i t s s o r t in the 19th Oentury, so the success -fu l e s t a b l i s h m e n t of Ind ian se l f -government under B r i t i s h l e a d e r s h i p may be the g r e a t e s t f ac t of i t s so r t in the 20th Oentury, and prove one of the most important s t eps towards (1) p r e p a r i n g the world for an e f f e c t i v e brotherhood of n a t i o n s . " The succes s fu l outcome of t h i s " g r e a t e s t experiment of h i s t o r y " - B r i t a i n ' s contac t wi th Ind i a - would indeed augur we l l f o r the fu tu re peace of the wor ld . If w i t h i n one Empire the Eas t and the West can l e a r n to dwell t o g e t h e r in mutual agreement , n e i t h e r cu l tu re seeking to dominate the o t h e r , but each g iv ing of i t s bes t to the o t h e r , a r e a l ad-vance w i l l have been made towards i n t e r n a t i o n a l f e l l o w s h i p . In the p a s t , people have been too much concerned with quot-ing the f i r s t two l i n e s of t h a t well-known s tanza from Kip l ing*s "Ba l l ad of East and West", f o r g e t t i n g t h a t i t concludes in t h i s w i s e : -"But t h e r e i s n e i t h e r East nor West, Border nor Breed nor B i r th When two s t r o n g men s t and face to f ace , though they come from the ends of the ea r th . ' " And i f , a t a l a t e r d a t e , from her p o s i t i o n w i th in the Empire as a s e l f - g o v e r n i n g dominion, Ind ia wishes to { l l D u t c h e r . The P o l i t i c a l Awakening of the E a s t . Abingdon P r e s s , New York, 1925. p . 104 -136-advance to an independent ex i s tence , i t wil l surely be in the best i n t e r e s t s of India, of the Empire, and of the world, (1) that she should be allowed peaceably to make that advance. When one considers the India of today, i t is d i f f i cu l t to v i sua l i ze a time when she may be safely l e f t to work out her own des t iny . Antagonist ic as she is to the things of the West, and with the ever-present menace of Bolshevism seeking admission from Russia, Great Br i ta in cannot at present relax her hold, e i t h e r in Ind ia ' s best i n t e r e s t s or in her own. But one must r eca l l the long ages of Ind ia ' s evolut ion, and the words of the wise man who observed that "a thousand years in Thy s ight are but as yesterday, when i t i s passed . . " Considering India, past and present , one is forced to the conclusion that the Br i t i sh Raj, with a l l i t s f a i l u r e s and short-comings, has been and s t i l l i s a factor in Ind ia ' s evolution towards a more effect ive r ea l i za t i on of her poten-t i a l i t i e s . I t is the power, par excel lence, which has made possible the India of today, and i s helping to determine the India of tomorrow. One cannot forecast with any degree of cer ta in ty the nature of our contact with that India of the future. But the lessons of h i s to ry would lead to the conclusion that Br i t i sh sovereignty i s a t best a t r an s i t o ry thing. As a foremost au thor i ty has said: "That i t should ever cease (1) Chirol. India. p. 334. - 1 3 7 -seems i n c o n c e i v a b l e . But from i t s very na ture the dominion of the B r i t i s h p e o p l e , whose cen t r e of s t a b i l i t y l i e s thousands of mi l e s away on the Western f r inge of the European c o n t i n e n t , over an A s i a t i c sub -con t inon t con ta in ing n e a r l y one f i f t h of the human r a c e , can s c a r c e l y bo more (1) than a g r e a t and wonderful i n c i d e n t in the v/orld' e h i s t o r y . ' ' (1 ) Ghxrol. 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