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Claiming the land : Indians, goldseekers, and the rush to British Columbia Marshall, Daniel Patrick 2000

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CLAIMING THE LAND: INDIANS, GOLDSEEKERS, AND THE RUSH TO BRITISH COLUMBIA By DANIEL PATRICK MARSHALL B.A. The University of Victoria, 1989 M.A. The University of Victoria, 1991  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL F U L F I L L M E N T OF T H E REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E D E G R E E OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES (Department of History) We accept this thesis as corrforrning to the reguif^d standard  THE U N I V E R S I T Y OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A 13 February 2000 © Daniel Patrick Marshall, 2000  In  presenting  degree freely  at  this  the  available  copying  of  department publication  of  in  partial  fulfilment  University  of  British  Columbia,  for  this or  thesis  reference and  thesis by  this  for  his thesis  scholarly  or  her  for  of  \r\^~\Q  The University of British Vancouver, Canada  DE-6  (2/88)  °- ^ Columbia  I  I further  purposes  gain  the  shall  requirements  agree  that  agree  may  representatives.  financial  permission.  Department  study.  of  be  It not  is  that  the  Library  permission  granted  by  understood be  for  allowed  an  advanced  shall for  the that  without  make  it  extensive  head  of  my  copying  or  my  written  11  ABSTRACT During the Fraser River gold rush of 1858, over 30,000 goldseekers invaded the Aboriginal lands of southern British Columbia, setting off Native-White conflicts similar to the Indian Wars of the American Pacific Northwest. Prior to the establishment of the Colony of British Columbia, 19 November 1858, British sovereignty was marginal and the Fraser gold fields clearly an extension of the American West. The Native world was not defined by the 49 parallel, nor the kind of violence th  that crossed the international border with the expansion of the California mining frontier. These goldseekers, in prosecuting military-like campaigns, engaged in significant battles with First Nations, broke the back of full-scale Native resistance in both southern British Columbia and eastern Washington State, and brokered Treaties of Peace on foreign soil. The very roots of Native sovereignty, rights and unrest, current in the province today, may be traced to the 1858 gold rush. This dissertation maintains that British Columbia's 'founding' event has not been explored due to the transboundary nature of the subject. It has little or no presence in Canadian historiography as presently written. The year 1858 represents a period of exceptional flux and population mobility within an ill-defined space. I argue that the key to the Fraser Rush is to be found south of the border: in geographic space (the Pacific Slope) and in place (California mining frontier). It examines the three principal cultures that inhabited the middle ground of the gold fields, those of the Fur Trade (Hudson's Bay Company and Native), Californian, and British world views. The year 1858 represents a power struggle on the frontier: a struggle of local Indian power, the entrance of an overwhelming outsiders' power, transplanted locally and directed largely from California, and regional and long-distance British power. It is a clash of two "frontier" creations: that of "California culture" and "fur trade culture" that not only produced violence but the formal inauguration of colonialism, Indian reserves, and ultimately the expansion of Canada to the Pacific Slope.  Ul  T A B L E OF CONTENTS Abstract Table of Contents List of Illustrations Acknowledgements Dedication  ii II  i  iv vi viii  CHAPTER INTRODUCTION I.  'FRASER RIVER FEVER' AND THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE PACIFIC SLOPE  1  PARTI: BEGINNINGS II.  PROPHETIC PATTERNS: THE SEARCH FOR A NEW ELDORADO  32  PART II: WORLDS IN COLLISION III.  THE FUR TRADE WORLD  64  IV.  THE CALIFORNIAN WORLD  95  V.  THE BRITISH WORLD  151  PART III: CLAIMING THE LAND VI.  FORTUNES FORETOLD: THE FRASER RIVER WAR  199  VII.  MAPPING THE NEW ELDORADO  260  VIII.  INVENTING CANADA FROM WEST TO EAST  296  CONCLUSION IX.  'THE RIVER BEARS SOUTH'  Bibliography Appendices  330  iv  LIST O F ILLUSTRATIONS  Figure 1: The Fraser River Thermometer: Great Gold Discoveries of 1858  2  Figure 2: Freezing: "Country Merchant — Waiting for Customers"  3  Figure 3: 80° F: "Gets a Letter from his  3  friend"  Figure 4: 100° F: "Rushes for a Ticket"  4  Figure 5: 110° F: "Law Limit 400!"  4  Figure 6: 120° F: "Jonathan takes the Fever"  5  Figure 7: 120° F: "Leaves his family"  6  Figure 8: 125° F: "Wildest anticipations realized -- Gold by the cart load!"  7  Figure 9: "Indian Diggings": Alfred Waddington's 1858 map of the gold fields  84  Figure 10: Lower Fraser Mines Location Map: Hill's Bar  87  Figure 11: Advertisement for the Steamer Panama  96  Figure 12: Shipping Column from the San Francisco Bulletin  97  Figure 13: Advertisement for Frazer River Wines and Liquors  100  Figure 14: Advertisement for A . C . Anderson's Handbook to the Gold Fields  100  Figure 15: Express Company Advertisements  101  Figure 16: Advertisement for the Quincy Hall Clothing House  101  Figure 17: Lower Fraser Mines Location Map: Hill's Bar  102  Figure 18: John Callbreath's Route from Kamloops via Thompson's River  108  Figure 19: John Callbreath's Route from Hat Creek via Marble Canyon  109  Figure 20: "Map of Frazer's River." Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper  112  V  Figure 21: "Noon on the Frazer," The New El Dorado; or British Columbia  119  Figure 22: "Sketch of Part of British Columbia" (Lower Mines) by R.C. Mayne  122  Figure 23: "Sketch of Part of British Columbia" (Upper Mines) by R.C. Mayne  123  Figure 24: "Reconnaissance Sketch of the Fraser River" (1858)  133  Figure 25: New Caledonia Miner's License issued for Cornish Bar  156  Figure 26: Diagram: Governor James Douglas: Consummate Middle Man  157  Figure 27: Alfred Waddington's Map of the Fraser River Gold Fields (1858)  160  Figure 28: Lower Fraser Mines Location Map: Hill's Bar  164  Figure 29: The Harrison-Lillooet Route, 1858. R.C. Mayne's Map  173  Figure 30: The Harrison-Lillooet Route: Port Douglas to Old Lillooet  175  Figure 31: The Harrison-Lillooet Route: Old Lillooet to Port Anderson  176  Figure 32: The Harrison-Lillooet Route: Port Anderson to Cayoosh (Lillooet)  177  Figure 33: The End of the Trail: Cayoosh or present-day Lillooet  178  Figure 34: Sketch Map of Spuzzum Showing Native village and garden sites  216  Figure 35: Lower Fraser Mines Location Map: Puget Sound Bar  218  Figure 36: Fort Hope & District: R.C. Mayne Sketch Map (1858)  220  Figure 37: Military Campaign Routes taken by Militias, Fraser River War, 1858  234  Figure 38: Gold Rush bar place names reflecting race and ethnicity, Fraser River, 1858  267  Figure 39: A.C. Anderson's Fur Trade oriented map featuring Native place names  271  Figure 40: San Francisco Bulletin map and the language of the California gold rush  273  vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS O f the many people who have provided assistance during the research and preparation of this dissertation, I am most indebted to my supervisor Dianne Newell for her incredible support, friendship, trust and encouragement over the last many years. Professor Newell is one of those rare academics who skillfully combines personal excellence in scholarly pursuits while, in equal measure, furthering the intellectual growth of her students. This work would not have been possible without her continued enthusiasm and guiding hand throughout. In the same way, I am most appreciative of the invaluable contributions made by other members of my advisory committee. The two historical geographers, Professors Arthur J. Ray and Cole Harris allowed me to understand the Fraser River landscape from uniquely different perspectives. I also gratefully acknowledge the key support of Brian Dippie of the University of Victoria. Professor Dippie's expertise in Western American history aided immeasurably in placing the Fraser River gold rush into the larger transboundary context of the Pacific Slope. I would also like to thank Professor Richard Maxwell Brown, Beekman Professor Emeritus of Northwest and Pacific History, who, as external examiner, provided invaluable commentary. Also, Professors Paul Tenant and Robert Kubicek for their thoughtful insights on the final draft of this dissertation. Among others who offered encouragement and support over the years are Jean Barman, Peter Baskerville, Patrick Dunae, John Findlay, Robin Fisher, Hamar Foster, Robert Galois, James Hendrickson, Susan Johnston, Lloyd Keith, John Lutz, Richard Mackie, Robert McDonald, John McLaren, Jeremy Mouat, Pat Roy, David Peterson del Mar, Eric Sager, Ruth Sandwell and Wendy Wickwire. During my time at U B C many excellent friendships were made from a diverse and intellectually stimulating group of graduate students. In particular, thanks to Adrian Clark, Keith Carlson, Ken Favrholdt, Brenda Ireland, Chad Reimer and Paulette Regan. Special appreciation is also reserved for Susan Neylan who has been a good friend and kindred soul throughout the doctoral programme. Computer expert Markus Parker deserves special acknowledgment for sorting-out the technical complexities of scanning the many maps found here, in addition to re-building my computer each time it refused to perform as expected. Also, I would be most remiss if I did not thank the Cowichan Tribes for their patience and understanding in waiting for book projects often delayed by academic pursuits. I would also like to acknowledge a doctoral fellowship from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada which funded the formative years of this research. A tremendous number of archival repositories were consulted throughout the transboundary region explored. I am most indebted to the staff of the B C Archives: in particular, John Bovey, senior archivist now retired, Kathryn Bridge, Jim Cline, Fran Gundry, Cathy Henderson, David Mattison, Brent McBride, Kelly Nolin and Brian Young. B C Archives-aficionados Brad Morrison and Chris Hanna were always generous with their research. Bob Griffin, of the Royal British Columbia Museum, was a fellow mining enthusiast who gave me a first-hand look at their wonderful collections. George Brandak and Anne Yandle of U B C ' s Special Collections were always ready with a helping hand. Outside British Columbia, research requests were thoughtfully addressed. Special thanks must be extended to Kris White, Manuscripts Librarian, Oregon Historical Society Library; Eleanor Swent, Regional Oral History Office and Walter Brem, Assistant Curator, Bancroft Library; Robert Chandler, Wells Fargo Archives, San Francisco; George Miles, Curator, Western Americana, the Beineke Rare  vu Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University; Anne Morton, Head of Research, Hudson's Bay Company Archives, Winnipeg; Patricia Keats, Director of Library, California Historical Society; John R. Gonzales, California History Room, California State Library, Sacramento; and R.H. Limbaugh, Director, John Muir Center for Regional Studies, University of the Pacific, Stockton. Closer to home, many goodfriendsand fine acquaintances were made from among the people who live along the Fraser and Thompson River corridors. I must tharLkfully acknowledge Anita Nixon and Graham Everett of Lyttorr, Terry Raymond and the Fisher family of Boston Bar and North Bend; Doreen Hooper of Alexandra Lodge; and Walter Crane and Eva Wunderman of Hope. John Adams of the B C Heritage Branch gave me my first formal introduction to many of the townspeople of Yale. My goodfriendBlake McKenzie, who managed the historic Yale church and museum, was a superb host offering many afinenight's stay in the 1860's Ward House. Blake and I have traveled many a forgotten trail in search of the gold rush. Special thanks are also owing to Bruce and Sidney Mason, the Barry family, the MacQueens, Richard and Anna Kotecki, Christy Dieckman, Ray Hatch, Jason Homey, Irene Bjerky, Dave Hope, Beatrice Bonneau and the Yale First Nation, and most particularly, the Baerg family — Susan, Darwin, Haley, Willy and Jake — of Fraser River Rafting Expeditions. The Baerg's gave me the privilege of staying at the historic 1860's Teague House, home of an early gold commissioner, and quite probably the Fraser Canyon's oldest remaining building from gold rush days. Here I lived for almost three months, iinagining the tumultuous goldseeking society of 1858, my field of vision encompassing Lady Franklin's Rock to the north while downstream, just around the corner, lay the infamous Hill's Bar. M y own Cornish ancestors traveled this landscape in 1858 in the pursuit of gold. In the 1870's, my great-great-great Uncle William was charged with rebuilding the early Hope to Yale road, the remains of which are still visible just below the Teague House porch. As William Teague and my distant uncle were both Cornish goldseekers, I could easily imagine the two having enjoyed the occasional dish of tea within this very house, perhaps recalling the turbulent days of '58. It was here, too, that the better portion of this dissertation was written. M y sole companion during the quiet of the evening was the stem countenance of Sir James Douglas, his portrait hanging on a wall at the foot of the bed, oftentimes admonishing me to get the untold story right. As a fifth generation British Columbian, Yale has become my 'spiritual' home. As a young boy from Vancouver Island, I can remember being immediately drawn to the sublime landscape of the Fraser Canyon during trips made to Ashcroft in the company of my father. My parents, Tom and Joyce, have always had a keen interest in the history of the province, spending many holidays traveling the back roads, and it is to them I owe my greatest thanks. They not only instilled in me an appreciation for the past but have always supported my love for, and academic pursuit of, history. In the same way, my partner in life, Susan, encourages the freedom to explore new pathways: not just the trails of old, but new directions that lead to the riches of the heart. Finally, though family stories of the gold rush served to fuel my fascination, it was an early reading of Margaret Ormsby's British Columbia: a History that kindled a sustained interest in the gold colony. It was my good fortune to meet Professor Ormsby on several occasions before her passing in 1996, and it is to her that this dissertation is dedicated.  MARGARET A. ORMSBY British Columbian Historian 1909-1996  CHAPTER ONE 'FRASER RIVER F E V E R ' AND T H E H I S T O R I O G R A P H Y O F T H E PACIFIC S L O P E  Gold rushes have become one of the most explored topics in history, usually romanticised as a free-spirited, golden age of opportunity played out on European frontiers. They have thrilled populations, both past and present, regardless of age, profession, social and economic standing, race, religion or creed. Anyone might join and break free from the drudgery in which daily existence held them: indentured labourers and ship-bound sailors, bankrupted merchants and 'liberated' slaves, young men and women who rebelled against fathers, and fathers considered knaves. Abraham Lincoln's future secretary of war, who declared, " A marvellous thing is now going on here. . . [that] will prove one of the most important events on the Globe," was not the only American to be swept up by the excitement of the Fraser River gold rush. In 1858, Edwin Stanton, then federal agent for 1  land claims settlement in California, merely observed the effects of the massive rush north. But those to whom the call of gold was irresistible ~ over thirty thousand migrants — were to invade the lands along the Fraser and Thompson Rivers in search of the elusive metal that had been the sole mining preserve of the Salishan peoples.  1  2 As the mining frontier moved northward from California, through Oregon and Washington, it was the Native discoveries of gold in British Columbia that diverted Euro-American populations north of the forty-ninth parallel precipitating the Fraser River gold rush: "Never, perhaps, was there so large an immigration in so short a space of time into so small a place." Those who could afford 2  passage, at least 23,000 miners, dashed north to Victoria, Port Townsend, or Bellingham Bay via sailing ships and larger steam-powered vessels. At least 8,000 others trod overland from such places as Sacramento, Placerville, or Yreka through northern California to Oregon, along the Columbia and Okanagan rivers of Washington Territory, and across the 49th parallel to the northern fur trade preserve of New Caledonia, the unconstituted territory of Britain. The 'Fraser River Fever' was of such consequence that American President James Buchanan was compelled to take the unprecedented step of appointing an emissary  THE FRAZKR lilM'.l! THERMOMETER. OSSAT OOXJD DieCOVBRUB O T  ;J  IMS  MM. F I M I I MUM  to the region to represent and protect American interests. Contemporary accounts claimed the flood tide of immigration north surpassed thirty thousand to as many as one hundred thousand people.  3  The  effects  of such  a massive  outpouring of population from the American Pacific coast states impacted particularly on the gold rush metropolis of San Francisco. B y Figure 1. The Frazer River Thermometer: Great Gold 1858, the placer mines of California were Discoveries of1858. Popular Broadsheet distributed to news depots throughout California by Sterett & Butler, San Francisco. BC Archives.  largely played out leaving many an old 49er  3  without any serious occupation but to frequent the bars, boarding houses, or back alleys of San Francisco. Capital and labour intensive hydraulic rnining had replaced the halcyon days of picks, pans, and shovels, and marginalised the average sourdough, or made him a  ifff  ~^ _  Figure 2. wage labourer at best. At the very depths of a city wide  Freezing:  Jff  "Country Merchant —  Waiting for customers - or something to turn  upr depression, the golden state's lustre became further tarnished as a huge unemployed class was increasingly desperate for news of a 'New Eldorado.'  4  Word of the Fraser discovery reached a news hungry press. Early in the spring of 1858, San Francisco presses began publishing rumours about the riches in surface-diggings to be found along a previously unknown river in a supposedly foreign land. The isolated reports grew in size, flavour, and frequency; a handful of old Californians and perhaps a few hundred from Washington, Oregon, and Vancouver Island, who had necessary experience in placer mining, but no capital, were immediately attracted by the emergent 'New Eldorado' that was offering renewed hope for a return to the glory days of '49. News of these 'pioneer' successes reached others who also were without needed capital to compete in California's mines, and they in turn travelled north. The word was out, and Fraser River quickly became a home for thousands upon thousands of impoverished placer miners. Forty years before the exodus to the Klondike goldfields, crowds of emigrants Francisco.  5  flooded the docks of San  A line of steamers to Victoria, Port  Townsend, and the instant town of Whatcom were Figure 3. 80° F . "Gets a Letter from his inaugurated, with other lines quickly added. friend: Can I believe my eyes and what I read! — It must be true—then I am off with speed!"  Every  available sailing craft, no matter how run-down, was put into service to accommodate the swelling crowds. With each departure of thousands for the new gold fields, the vacant space left behind in San Francisco was quickly filled by those hopeful goldseekers who were "pulling up stakes," Figure 4. 100° F. "Rushes for a Ticket: Just wait your packing up "lock, stock, and barrel," from the turn we '11 give you all a show! See what a rush! — will every body go?"  interior niining regions of California, ever anxious  to be the first on the ground. Soon real estate prices plummeted throughout the State, and labour prices surged ever higher, "and still the emigration went on, each week doubling the number of the week before." The Fraser River Fever became the all-consuming passion among West Coast towns 6  and settlements, so much so that one San Franciscan wryly observed, "We had a revival of religion here, but Fraser river knocked it cold. People care less, apparently, just now, for salvation than gold."  7  Manton Marble in  the New York based Knickerbocker Magazine g  5. 110° F. "Law Limit 400! So great the rush we  outlined the frenzied pace of change to his  F i  Eastern audience when he wrote:  have no time to count, Just fill the Ship, we 11 guess at the amount!"  U r e  During this brief period, ten steamers, making the round trip between San Francisco and Victoria in ten days, had been plying back and forth at their best speed, taking five hundred passengers and full freights up, with only thirty passengers and no freights down. Clipper-ships, and ships that were not clipper built, in scores, were crowded alike — the Custom-House sometimes clearing seven in a day. Many of the steamers and vessels went up with men huddled like sheep ~ so full that all could not sit or he down together... Nothing else was discussed in the prints, nothing else talked of on  the street; all the merchants labelled their goods 'for Fraser River:' there were Fraser River clothes and Fraser River Hats, Fraser River shovels and crowbars, Fraser River tents and provisions, Fraser River clocks, watches, and fish-lines, and Fraser River bedsteads, literature, and soda-water. Nothing was saleable except it was labelled 'Fraser River.' 8  The Fraser Fever reached such intensity that before long just about everyone had an opinion as to the great New Eldorado that was threatening to emerge as a replacement to California as the most important region on the Pacific Slope.  9  Victoria, Whatcom, Port Townsend and Sehome, to name the most important water ports in the vicinity of the gold fields of Fraser, all felt the impact of this huge emigration. The mad rush for real estate in Victoria created a major land boom that inflated the price of lots by as much as 1000 per cent.  10  Victoria itself was transformed from a quiet fur trading post of the Hudson's Bay  Company and "San Francisco in 1849 was reproduced on Vancouver's Island."  11  And just as  Washington and Oregon newspaper reports of gold on the Fraser had been faithfully transcribed or discussed in the California dailies, the California press reports were subsequently reproduced in Eastern American, Canadian, British, Australian, and other international papers fuelling successive waves of interest in the New Eldorado of the north. Overland companies organised direct for Fraser River  from  such points  St.  Louis,  Philadelphia, Chicago, and St. Paul.  Large  ocean-going  steamers  as  were  12  secured  to  accommodate Eastern American and Canadian passengers from the ports of Boston and New York to Panama, with connections to San 6. 120° F. "Jonathan takes the Fever: Confound Francisco and Fraser River. And by the yer Steamboat! Guess I'll show my pluck! Come on, old woman, let us try our luck!" ,^ ^ ^ ^ Figure  s  u  m  m  e  r  o f  m  m  6 like Australia, the first Australian miners to make the long Pacific crossing arrived in Victoria in late fall of the year.  13  Just as Melbourne and San  Francisco owed their original importance to the discoveries of gold in their interior regions, this 14  too, would soon be the case of Victoria in relation to the new Colony of British Columbia proclaimed  Figure 7. 120° F. "Leaves his family: / ain 't a goin' to wait for her, 'I swow,' There's gold ahead—I oughter be there now!"  at Fort Langley, 19 November 1858.  What's the matter? What a clatter! All seem Fraser-river mad, On they're rushing, boldly pushing, Old and young, both good and bad; Lawyers, doctors, judges, proctors, Politicians, stout and thin; Some law-makers, some law-breakers, Rogues as well as honest men. Hurly-burly! What a hurry! All confusion! 'Tis a sin To see the sacrifice they're making For the Frazer river tin. Poor exchanges, price it ranges Low, and profits they are small: But they care not, for they can not Crush the Frazer river call. Ballot-stuffers, steamer-puffers Bribed with money ~ sums untold; They may stick to it, but they'll rue it, If the people find they're 'sold.' Picks and shovels, washing cradles, Packing saddles, pans and bags — On they rush by every steamer, 'Packed like pickled pork in kegs.' 15  Figure 8. 125° F. "Wildest anticipations realized: Our hopes are realized—We've found the 'tin'! But where's the bags to put our money in? Gold by the cart load! One half the truth to us was never told, For here we are, all ankle deep in gold!"  Such is a brief portrait of the dramatic and highly publicised accounts of this mass migration — a signal event in the history of Western North America that gripped the attention of the world. Yet the Fraser River gold rush of 1858 has never been awarded an adequate place in the historiography of either Canada or the United States, the regional historiographies of British Columbia, the American Pacific Northwest or the larger Pacific Slope region, or in Native history or Aboriginal rights issues. It is my contention that these historiographies are all blind to transboundary events, especially the Fraser River gold rush of 1858 where a mass invasion of a foreign mining population happened extremely quickly, only to recede just as fast, taking with it not only the participants in this dramatic event, but much of the historical record that today resides south of the international border. The fact that European diseases effectively wiped-out substantial numbers of Native peoples also contributed to this general loss of memory. Our respective tendencies toward nation-building histories have precluded any serious examination of cross-border comparisons. With this in mind, I would like to briefly examine the main trends found in these historiographies within the Pacific Slope region, before resituating the Fraser River Rush within them — and certainly before estabhshing through the work of this dissertation the dramatic and lasting consequences of 1858 to Canada and the United States  8  of America.  Historian John Walton Caughey wrote in 1938 that "Interrelations of the parts of the coast . . . suggest the need for a regional view as a setting for any local study."  16  In reviewing the historical  literature found on either side of the forty-ninth parallel, one is immediately struck by the fact that early regional histories of the Pacific Slope of North America had a much broader or 'hemispheric' point of view compared to regional histories of later times. On both sides of the Canadian-American border, historians sought to fit their locales into a larger North-South dialogue, especially before the pull of transcontinental railways which effectively redirected attention towards a national East-West focus. Today, we seem to have come full circle with tranboundary history, or the history of 'border regions,' again in vogue, perhaps due to current-day political developments that have made NorthSouth linkages of greater consequence in the Western hemisphere. The promotion of 'Cascadia,' the transboundary economic trade block comprising Alaska, British Columbia, Washington, and Oregon, is the most recent expression of this long-standing regional perspective. It is possible to divide Pacific Slope historiography somewhat tentatively into four main approaches. I refer to these chronological, yet overlapping, themes as: (1) Hemispheric; (2) Frontier Thesis Overturned; (3) Nation-Building History; and (4) Regions within Regions. Both Canadian and American historians have followed similar trends in the writing of regional histories that have often been a function of political developments from earliest times to present. Likewise, the degree to which these histories of two neighbouring countries have focussed on the Fraser River gold rush has been marginal at best.  17  In examining works from the early, or what I term, 'Hemispheric' period, the most noticeable fact in both Canadian and American writings is the general breadth of coverage that has crossed  9 international boundaries, unlike transboundary regional histories today. Hubert Howe Bancroft's mammoth thirty-nine volume history of the entire Pacific Coast from Panama to Alaska is typical of this kind of hemispheric point of view. Bancroft, a businessman in San Francisco, "dealt with the principal Pacific ports from British Columbia to Mexico" during the later 1800's when the natural North-South trade lines were still an established fact. In Bancroft's own words, a parochial California view did not make sense. "Gradually and almost imperceptibly had the area of my efforts enlarged," he stated. "From Oregon it was but a step to British Columbia and Alaska; and as I was obliged for California to go to Mexico and Spain, it finally became settled in my mind to make the western half of North America my field, including in it the whole of Mexico and Central America."  18  The volume History of British Columbia, 1792-1887 in Bancroft's series began the trend in American scholarship of including the Pacific province's development in a total Pacific Slope approach to historical writing.  19  The transboundary themes were readily apparent: 18th-century  Spanish, English, and American maritime exploration, early fur trade travels into the Columbia region, the Fraser River gold rush as an extension of Californian mining society, British Columbia demands for proper political representation in the national government (not unlike Washington and Oregon), and the necessity of a transcontinental rail connection with the East ~ to name a few. The tendency of American hemispheric scholarship towards "breadth of historical vision" is rightly claimed to be a "common characteristic" of such early literature.  20  As a successor to Bancroft's work, John Walton Caughey's first book, A History of the Pacific Coast (1938), continued the tradition of placing California, Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia within a larger Pacific Slope perspective.  21  Eschewing the tendency of early historians of  the Pacific Coast towards romanticism and antiquarianism, Caughey attempted to provide a clear picture of not only European achievements on the coast, from Mexico to Alaska, but also the First  10 Nations presence from the 16th century until the early 20th century.  22  The themes are once again  those of Bancroft: maritime exploration, fur trade, gold rushes, and the like. Unlike Bancroft's multivolume work, Caughey's book offered a regional study within the covers of a single volume. If we compare these two authors to British Columbia historians of the period, we also find more interest in the North-South perspective than is recorded in modern scholarship, but not to the same degree as concurrent American writings. Walter Sage claimed that, "Canadians have not as a rule regarded their history from the North American point of view, still less from the standpoint of an historian of the Americas who sketches the evolution of the twin continents from the North Pole to Cape Horn."  23  One can only assume that the distinct "British bias" of B.C. scholars, as identified  by Sage, in some way tempered the North-South view of the province's early historians.  24  Or,  perhaps it is that Americans with their earlier claims of "fifty-four forty or fight" had always a more continental point of view in keeping with the political climate of their foreign policy of Manifest Destiny. Writing just after the time of Bancroft, Alexander Begg in History of British Columbia (1894) concerned himself with furnishing "a continuous history of this portion of the British Empire." Begg 25  objected to Bancroft's "moralizing" over the supposed iniquities of Governor James Douglas and the Hudson Bay Company's monopoly on Vancouver Island. Yet his own neglect in recording American influence in B.C. within the pages of his general history is readily apparent.  26  Typical of the period,  historical writing promoted the achievements of young regions vvithin young nation-states. Yet not all British Columbia historians were to be quite so parochial as Alexander Begg. In British Columbia and the United States, B.C. historians F.W. Howay, W.N. Sage and H.F.  Angus noted at the time of World War II "the absence of a clear sense of the political border" during the period of Anglo-American exploration along the Pacific Slope region. Their North-South  11 examination was further extended when they concurred that "the omnipresence of the United States was a factor of vital importance. The metropolis of the Pacific Coast was San Francisco; and Victoria, the capital and chief port of British Columbia, was only its northern outpost, the gate way to the rapidly declining goldfields of the Fraser Valley. British Columbia was part of the great hinterland of San Francisco, a hinterland which included Oregon and Washington . . . San Francisco was Victoria's connecting link with the outside world."  27  Frederick Howay, as the likely author of  this sentiment, was said to have been "as well known in historical circles of the Northwest on the other side of the border as he was in Canada."  28  The former judge had a keen interest in B . C . legal  history and had researched the application of California mining laws and techniques to the Fraser River Gold rush of 1858. Yet the California connection was never emphasized to the degree which Bancroft and Caughey confirmed the larger Pacific Slope or hemispheric views. One can only assume that in wartime Canadian historians were more interested in championing national ties or Imperial links than in effect boosting American claims to their region. The memories of the Oregon Boundary Settlement (1846), the U.S. purchase of Alaska (1867), and the San Juan Islands decision (1872) could only have signalled a cautionary approach to the writing of early transnational history. Yet by the late 1940s and early 1950s Canada's position in the world was, perhaps, felt to be a Little more secure, and the advancement of the historical American presence not quite so offensive a thing. Willard Ireland's influential article "British Columbia's American Heritage," published in 1948, was considered "in its day a new emphasis."  29  Nevertheless, despite Allan Smith's view that  provincial historians had "a strong and consistent commitment to the idea that British Columbia could not be understood without taking full account of its relationship to the world around it," B.C.'s earliest historians never developed transboundary themes to the extent of their colleagues to the south.  12  Ultimately, similar currents developed in both Canadian and American historiography which redirected attention into an East-West point of view. Scholarship on both sides of the border acknowledged the influence of Frederick Jackson Turner's Frontier Thesis in an attempt to attribute West Coast uniqueness to the extraordinary geography of ocean, mountain and climate.  30  British  Columbia, Washington, Oregon, and California often revelled in their isolation from eastern counterparts, and although earlier historians' geographically determined North-South focus was not sustained, there still remained within each of these regions a feeling of distinctiveness. If the larger transboundary Pacific Slope was no longer a distinct region, at least the individual components parts were still considered as such. Nevertheless, the publication of Earl Pomeroy's The Pacific Slope (1965) framed the American West Coast within a national perspective that had "little in common with the popular view of the region's distinctive characteristics."  31  Viewed by some as "one of the most erudite and  thoughtful historians of the American Far West," Pomeroy maintained that "the process of moving across the continent no longer screened and transformed men and institutions as it once had." The 32  Pacific Slope did not replace Caughey, but supplemented it by examining more of the post-frontier period. Central to Pomeroy's "reorientation" of Pacific Slope history was his objection to the application of the Turner thesis to this region  33  By contrast, Pomeroy maintained that California was  "in almost every respect an intensification of the American spirit.... A l l this is merely America, 'only more so'". By dispensing with the uniqueness of California, Pomeroy detailed the pivotal role played 34  by eastern capital, politics and culture in the development of the state. In the same way, he stressed a metropolitan-hinterland relationship between San Francisco and the regional centres of Portland, Seattle and Spokane. "Whatever the neighboring states were," claimed Pomeroy, "they were in large part because it (California) served as catalyst, banker, and base of operations."  35  13  Unfortunately, British Columbia is nowhere to be seen in this framework. British Columbia is virtually ignored even though much of the centre-periphery model could be equally well applied north of Washington state. Comments by Pomeroy to the effect that "Canadians and Americans — and their money ~ moved easily and almost imperceptibly over the border, seldom distinguished by appearance or accent," suggest room for further comparative research.  36  In the same way that Pomeroy was the acknowledged father of the "federal school," which addressed the role of national government on Pacific Slope development, Margaret Ormsby, in British Columbia: A History (1958), sought wider ties to the nation and the empire.  37  One can safely assume  that Sir John A . Macdonald's National Policy was not only a concerted effort to shape-shift the Canadian economy, but also the North-South orientation indicative of old British Columbia as reflected in much of its early historiography. Pomeroy was adamant that California was perhaps more East than the East, and, similarly, Ormsby often portrayed British Columbia as more British than the British. It was not until the coming of the railway that British Columbia was truly incorporated into 38  the Dominion of Canada.  39  If Ormsby is correct, then undoubtedly the coming of respective  transcontinental railways ~ the Canadian Pacific in the north, and the Northern Pacific to the south ~ transformed the distinctive character of Pacific Slope societies on both sides of the border. Both Ormsby and Pomeroy were more clearly interested in promoting East-West linkages in a kind of nation-building history, as opposed to earlier works that focussed on the North-South pull. Frontier society was now perceived to be more orderly on the American West Coast due to the predominance of eastern influences, and frontier society in British Columbia was certainly more controlled through shared B.C. and Canadian institutions of British Empire.  40  Ormsby did not really ignore the presence of the American southward pull so much as she checked it at every step with British institutions and British personalities. If Bancroft attacked the  14  Hudson's Bay Company monopoly and the "autocratic" power of Sir James Douglas, Ormsby instead used the company and the man in positive fashion to counteract the American thrust. In doing so, Ormsby divorced the Pacific province from metropolitan San Francisco and hitched it up to Ottawa and London. Both Ormsby, and particularly Pomeroy, forced succeeding generations of historians to look at the Pacific Slope in new ways. And yet, later historians were not entirely willing to give up the thesis that Pacific Slope regions are distinctly different from eastern North America. Historians Robert Ficken and Charles LeWarne noted this fact in their recent history of Washington State (1988).  41  These historians  concluded that rather than being unique, as Washingtonians have routinely claimed, the state merely reflected its former isolation. For many, it was the micro-regions contained within the large West Coast expanse that were really unique. Of the Pacific Slope generally, Fulmer Mood suggested as early as 1942 that "It is many lands, not one land." Mood gave a brief listing of just a few of the subregions which he offered as incontrovertible proof of such diversity. Offering-up among others the Puget Sound country, the Inland Empire, the Willamette Valley, and San Francisco itself, Mood believed that historians writing in any one of these different subregions "would more or less reflect the special local conditions."  42  Certainly Pomeroy was writing from a Oregon-California position,  and Ormsby too, more specifically from an Okanagan Valley perspective.  43  Here again, Ficken and  LeWarne were apparently writing from a Western Washington point of view.  44  What perhaps becomes clear from all of the forgoing discussion is that nobody is quite sure what really constitutes a region proper. In Carlos Schwantes' recent popular study, The Pacific Northwest (1989), "a region is defined by discontinuities that mark its borders and by the geographical, political, economic, social, and cultural bonds that give it a sense of internal unity."  45  15  Whereas the works of Bancroft and Caughey were determined largely by geographical considerations, Ormsby by political, and Pomeroy largely economic, Schwantes looked at all facets of his comprehensive definition. This led reviewer John Allen to conclude that "it becomes less and less clear whether the author is producing a historical geography, an economic history, or a political history of the region."  46  Schwantes excluded any worthwhile discussion of British Columbia within  his American Pacific Northwest analysis. British Columbia is just as isolated as its southern neighbour: it is a resource-based hinterland with similar coastal geography and a typical exportdriven, "boom and bust" economy. If anyone should have been able to see the similarities between Washington and British Columbia, it should be Schwantes, who is one of the few authors to have seriously undertaken such comparative writing. His earlier book, Radical Heritage: Labour Socialism and Reform in Washington and British Columbia 1885-1917 (1970) is testimony to his expertise in this field.  47  Schwantes' British Columbia counterpart, Jean Barman, also advanced a more comprehensive analysis of regional history in her recent study The West Beyond the West (1996). The title of her work, in itself, alludes to the character of British Columbia as separate and distinct from the rest of Western Canada. She clearly insisted that "No one perspective, be it geographic, economic, political or social, is sufficient to interpret this west beyond the west."  Barman, noting the central  48  importance of geography in any regional analysis, claimed that geography, of itself, "has not encouraged a strong sense of identity [in B.C.] as a single province."  49  She concludes, "out of their  experiences a British Columbia identity emerges. British Columbians are not bound together by geographic coherence. Nor can they be so, given the province's difficult topography and the differing character of its ten regions. But a cohesive physical entity need not exist for there to be a distinct identity."  50  Presumably, B.C. has had many shared experiences with its neighbours to the south: such  16  as the themes of maritime exploration, Coast Salish territories and resource exploitation, the joint occupancy of the fur trade, the Fraser River gold rush, Puget Sound-Fraser River fisheries, isolationism, railways; or more contemporary concerns regarding transboundary Aboriginal populations, resource economies, international trade unions, to name only the most obvious. These are questions related to the geographical proximity of the two countries. Like Schwantes, Barman often stops just short of pursuing these larger transboundary links.  51  One thing that all historians have had in common is that they all in their own way were writing from the perspective of the present with each new generation revising the work of its predecessor. Bancroft wrote about the Pacific Slope from a hemispheric view because his world operated along natural North-South lines. Begg stressed the imperial connection probably due to the Canadian government's poor record with regard to fulfilment of the Terms of Union by which British Columbia joined Confederation. Ormsby and Pomeroy gave the Pacific Slope a voice in national history once their regions had been fully integrated into respective nation-states. The dilemma for the current field of transboundary historians is that they are now grappling with two distinct orientations which have been submerged under a 'comprehensive' approach; this is perhaps in itself a reflection of the clouded appearance of current-day global realities. If it is true that historians perceive history through the lens of the present, then the present suggests a reemergence at the turn of the millennium of both North-South dialogue and larger transboundary regional history in general. National politics is no longer as potent a force, yet Schwantes, Barman, Ficken and LeWarne, are still writing from past perspectives while attempting to recognize the larger transboundary region which is (re)emerging. One suspects that comprehensive approaches applied to the writing of general histories is an attempt to satisfy all local, regional, national and international views, yet at the expense of providing a coherent picture of historical development. Is British  17 Columbia part of a larger coastal region of North America, Canada, or is it distinctly British Columbia? Probably, all of these influences have been applicable at one time or another, but a reorientation back toward the Pacific Slope region also foretells of new approaches to the historical study of Pacific Coast regionalism. Laurie Ricou observed that Schwantes' The Pacific Northwest best described the need for such an historical expression of this emerging reality. In giving attention to early linkages between both sides of the border, Ricou stated that, "the 'Oregon Territory' once included much of present-day British Columbia... Although most of Schwantes' dozen and a half references to Canada and British Columbia are incidental and passing, this history of shared occupation . . . provides a dimension of regional definition which Schwantes might have profitably pursued."  52  Joel Garreau's The Nine  Nations of North America represents a minority movement that promotes the idea of a West Coast, ranging from San Francisco to Alaska, within which B.C. is firmly planted.  53  With few exceptions,  historians of the Pacific Slope have not responded to the new political, economic and cultural forces which continental free trade has engendered.  54  Some believe that there is currently "a renaissance in west coast art and literature," yet the move towards any trans-regional recognition has been most slow. Charles Lillard's comment with respect to the triangle formed by Seattle, Victoria, and Vancouver perhaps indicated more clearly why historians have been slow to examine events on both sides of the border. Lillard tellingly remarked that "from a distance, the triangle of Seattle-Victoria-Vancouver might be expected to generate a powerful cultural force, containing as it does four large universities, dozens of publishing houses and art galleries; yet so far this force has lain dormant. The result is regionalism, a regionalism of the worst type for it is totally self-inflicted."  55  Modern-day historians of the Pacific Slope region are still  concerned with traditional approaches that place their region within nation-states or highlight the  18  exclusive nature of their region.  56  And, as a general rule, if there is little attention given to cross-  border people, places and events in the written histories of these two countries, is it little wonder that the Fraser River gold rush ~ and its dramatic consequences and lasting legacies — should remain virtually a forgotten past.  To date, only one historian has focussed on the pivotal role played by Native peoples in the discovery of Fraser River gold. Writing at the same time as Caughey in 1938, U.S. mining historian T.A. Rickard's "Indian Participation in the Gold Discoveries" is important both for its early and unique recognition of Native discoveries and, for the time in which it was written, the sometimes sympathetic voice it lent to Natives overwhelmed by the immense rush of an intransigent mining population.  57  So little has been written about the Fraser River gold rush, and the devastating effects  it had upon Aboriginal populations of southern British Columbia and Washington State, that one must conclude that Rickard's perceptive work went virtually unnoticed. Since 1938, Rolf Knight has been one of the few to recognize the role of Native labour in the gold fields beyond simple gold panning. Knight stated: "Indian placer miners participated in the Tranquille, Fraser and the Cariboo gold rushes. They rapidly learned the techniques and acquired the equipment which allowed for a more systematic working of claims they continued to hold."  58  Lack of recognition of many of the important  questions addressed by Rickard perhaps tell us more about prevalent stereotypes of Native peoples and the kind of colonial history then written, than about Native participation in a dramatic event.  59  Even though the sources on Native participation are ovemhelrningly the stories of non-Native observers, it is clear that Native peoples not only participated in gold discoveries throughout the northern Pacific Slope region, but actively mined the resource, adopted Euro-American technology when to their benefit, provided guiding and other assistance to parties of miners, and attempted, at  19 the same time, to forcefully defend their lucrative claims to the land through full-scale resistance.  60  That Rickard recognized Indian participation does not preclude him from the general critique that the Fraser rush has not been taken seriously. What is immediately apparent in reading Rickard's "Indian Participation in the Gold Discoveries" is that for all of the author's immense knowledge of mining technology and gold rushes around the world, British Columbia was not placed in a larger context, of say, the American West, beyond listing successive discoveries of gold along the West Coast that ultimately linked the California gold rush of 1849 to the later strikes on Fraser and Thompson Rivers in 1858. And although Rickard thought that on many matters he was well-suited to make "comparisons between the ideas and methods of living among our two peoples," those of Britain and America, this he clearly did not consider for British Columbia and Western America.  61  If the British Columbia gold rush is placed in a larger transboundary setting of the American West, as it is here, then a number of Rickard's observations and conclusions need substantial revision.  62  This is the aim of my dissertation research which explores the Fraser River gold rush within the larger transboundary setting of the Pacific Slope. It is a comprehensive examination of a hidden landscape of archival sources that remain deposited in collections all along the Pacific Slope region and beyond. The New El Dorado of the Fraser River was, in effect, (re)discovered by sifting through gold rush documents that were found to be an integral part of the gold rush landscape, part of the old miners' trails. In my own way, I have prospected throughout British Columbia, Washington, Oregon and California, following in the footsteps of these miners. Though, like the prospectors of 1858,1 was unable to locate the mother lode, rich archival pay streaks were discovered throughout the transboundary region and many golden nuggets unearthed. I will maintain that the reason that a history of British Columbia's 'founding' event has never been written ~ over one hundred and forty  20 years later — is due to the transboundary nature of the subject. Much of the required archival source material consulted exists in collections in Washington, Oregon, California, or in far off places like Connecticut, which is proof in itself that British Columbia belonged to a larger North-South region during the time of the 1858 gold rush, making a transboundary approach imperative. This is an intensely focussed study upon a single critical year, and as a consequence, I have structured my research findings in such a way as to deal with the many temporal, spatial, cultural and political overlaps that were projected on the Fraser River goldfields. The year of 1858 represents a period of great flux and population mobility within an ill-defined space full of political and economic uncertainty.  The key to the Fraser River gold rush is, in large part, I would argue, to be found south  of the border: in geographic space (the Pacific Slope) and in place (California mining frontier). In each chapter, the Fraser River corridor, in particular, and British Columbia in general, will be placed within these larger transboundary contexts.  Chapter Two, "Prophetic Patterns: The Search for a New Eldorado," offers both a general discussion of the myths and legends that have driven exploration and the pursuit of gold all over the Western hemisphere and a detailed look at competing claims of discovery in the British Columbia gold fields. Since the time of the early Spanish conquistadors and their destruction of Aboriginal populations such as the Kingdom of E l Dorado, Europeans have envisioned vast wealth in terra incognita guarded by fierce Native protectors jealous of their golden kingdoms. The discourse of gold discovery and Native-White conflict have gone hand in hand from the very beginning in the Americas right up to the discovery of gold on Fraser River and the creation of the Tvfew Eldorado,' or British Columbia, and beyond. The Fraser River gold rush is part of a continuum of discovery and conquest since 1492. No one is exactly sure who it was that first discovered gold in mainland British  21 Columbia, thus precipitating the Fraser River gold rush of 1858. Unlike the California and Klondike gold rushes, no single person provides neat closure to this question, although clearly Indians figure prominently in the process.  In Part II, chapters Three, Four, and Five are organised as a trilogy, of sorts. This section is referred to as "Worlds in Collision," in that it examines the three principal cultures inhabiting the middle ground of the Fraser River gold fields in the first, crucial year of the rush. I treat each separately in order to develop and present individual perspectives of the Fur Trade (Hudson's Bay Company and Native), Californian, and British world views. The year 1858 represents a power struggle on thefrontier:a struggle of local Indian power, the entrance of an overwhelming outsiders' power, transplanted locally and directed largely from California, and regional and long-distance British power. More particularly it is, in fact, a clash of two 'frontier' creations: that of 'California culture' and 'British Columbia fur trade culture' that not only produced violence but the formal inauguration of colonialism. It should be stated at the outset that Native peoples can not be isolated as a separate 'story' since they were such integrated players in the fur trade world. Also, gold rush sources from Native peoples themselves have been largely lost to time. Yet, the few solitary sources that remain shine through the chaos of the rush, through the destruction of indigenous populations by infectious disease, and are more than a mere flash-in-the-pan in that they corroborate and build-upon the accounts of non-Native peoples. In my travels along the Fraser, Thompson, Okanagan and Columbia Rivers, I searched for Native memories of this cataclysmic event, but few were to be found. I have smoked, drank, and shared food and good times with members of the Yale First Nation, the Siska Band north of Boston Bar, and the Native people of Spence's Bridge. There are still potent feelings  22  that have been passed down over generations, emotions born of the events of 1858, yet the memories on which they are based have become largely intangible, residual, though nevertheless, powerful. During a gathering of historians and First Nations people at the old St. Paul's Mission, near Fort Colville, Washington, I was given the opportunity to present some of my research findings on the devastating effects of the gold rush on Okanagan peoples. At the conclusion of my remarks, an Okanagan Elder expressed thanks for what I had said and proceeded to tell of a far-distant memory that spoke of White miners on the trail to Fraser River having killed many of his people. Tears began to fill his eyes and soon he cried, the audience fell silent in rapt attention, his pain the testimony of past wrongs. As an academic, how I would have loved to record his heart-felt words, but as a fellow human, the personal tragedies of this family did not require that I intrude upon them further, to document this 'informant' in order to validate his past. Though the vast array of archival sources that I have collected tend to look through the eyes of 'others,' that is, non-Native observers, they nevertheless give a clear understanding of the destructive force of the gold rush to Native peoples, their land and property, and, particularly, their freedom. I think it is safe to say that these three main cultures — those of the fur trade, Californian and British world views ~ that operated in the Fraser and Thompson River corridors and competed for supremacy, each existed in a type of vacuum full of the insular prejudices that were common place in the last century.  The culmination of the "Worlds in Collision" is Chapter Six, "Fortunes Foretold: The Fraser River War." There was a great exclusivity and lack of understanding between the three principal cultures that I have compartmentalised for effect. This chapter brings it all to a head for a full reexamination of the Fraser River War, surely one of the most dramatic instances of Native-White conflict to have occurred in Canada. Although it is certain that in the first crucial year of the gold  23 rush, Fraser River was an extension of Californian rnining society, the dramatic consequences of the Fraser River War plunges the gold fields south of the 49th parallel firmly into the orb of the tumultuous American West and its Indian wars. This conflict on the Fraser in 1858 illustrates better than anything else how British sovereignty was marginal at best, prior to the proclamation of the Crown Colony of British Columbia, 19 November 1858, and in terms of Native sovereignty, the very roots of Native rights and unrest current in the province today may be traced to their origin in the events of the 1858 gold rush.  In Chapter Seven, "Mapping the New Eldorado," I examine how a largely unknown fiir trade preserve called New Caledonia is quickly transformed through the images and words of the California miningfrontierinto an invented place that further encouraged miners south of the international divide to make the arduous journey north to Fraser River. Analysis of some of the first published maps of British Columbia highlight the way in which a foreign mining culture asserted near-sovereign control over unconstituted British territory. Miners described the Fraser River in terms of the language of 1849 — the very glory days of the placer miner returned ~ and the stretches of river in British territory they literally claimed for themselves were renamed and refashioned into a familiar White, California-like landscape. The Fraser River gold rush certainly may be portrayed in colourful and romantic images of the miningfrontier,an event that led to the founding of a province of Canada, but there are also many dark legacies that we must be reminded of, or in the case of this untold story, informed of, in order to see the events of today — Native road blockades, land claims, and the on-going modern Treatymaking process being the most obvious -- in a new and informed light. The Fraser River gold rush was the transboundary event that caused major Native-White conflicts throughout southern British  24 Columbia and Eastern Washington State. It was the event which broke the back of full scale Native resistance, not only in this province, but also in Washington State. And it was also the event which precipitated the formation of Indian Reserves in two different countries.  In Chapter Eight, "Inventing Canada From West to East," I argue that the Fraser River gold rush also had a significant impact on the future expansion of the Canadian State into a transcontinental nation. It was this rush in 1858 which renewed British, Canadian, and American interest in building transcontinental rail links to the Pacific Ocean. It was this rush that coincided with the explorations of Palliser to find a feasible route to the Pacific. Fraser River gold effectively redirected Canadian and American attention to the thought of opening up the Canadian West. And finally, it was also this rush that played a significant factor in the International Financial Society's purchase of the U B C in 1863 and the Company's eventual loss of title in 1870. The mineral wealth of British Columbia, as opposed to furs, attracted British investors to view the Canadian West in a new light. In the same way that California gold encouraged dreams of transcontinental links and the creation of a Pacific Coast state, the Fraser River rush excited the imagination of British and Canadian interests to prosecute continent-wide links for an all red route and the formation of a Crown colony. The reading of practically any North American newspaper in the year 1858 will highlight the fact that discussion of Palliser's expedition, transcontinental rails, British North America and Fraser River gold are completely interconnected. If I am (re)inventing Canada from West to East it is simply a larger call to historians to consider Canada from a new angle: The Pacific. I seek to put British Columbia into the national story, and for once, for better or for worse, it is British Columbia that builds a nation from coast to coast.  25  M y conclusion, Chapter Nine, "The River Bears South," is that at bottom, British Columbia in the first year of the rush is not the orderly world of British 'Law & Order' that historians have sought to portray — it is clearly an extension of the American West. Three competing sovereignties 63  were at play, and only one maintained supremacy. Canadian historiography must recognise that British Columbia does not fit any simple Laurentian thesis, whereby Canada's gradual westward expansion was based upon the commercial fur trade empire and economic system of the St. Lawrence region. The river systems of the Columbia, Mississippi, and Missouri, provided strong North-South links to British Columbia, the Alberta and Saskatchewan plains, and Manitoba's Red River Settlement, respectively.  One of the goals of Confederation, the National Policy, and the  establishment of a transcontinental railway above the 49 parallel, was to reorient these connections. th  During the time of the gold rush British Columbia existed within a North-South Pacific Slope world. Also, the peaceful frontier that we have perpetuated as a counter to the violence of the American West is not applicable in this instance. There certainly were winners and losers in this rush beyond the miners who gained or lost fortunes in gold. For Native peoples, the legacy of this rush, although virtually nonexistent in our national historiography, can be found in the myriad of place names and Indian Reserves that are an intertwined remnant of this past. The consequences of the Fraser River gold rush can be found in the conflict over disputed Native lands that continue today. And of course, the Fraser Rush signalled the end of the Hudson's Bay Company's monopolistic hegemony to the region, the discovery of gold having brought increased political pressure to revoke their rights on the Pacific Slope.  26  NOTES  1. "A marvellous thing is now going on here. The mining districts of California are being depopulated by the rush of emigration to the British possessions on Frazers [sic] river. Most disastrous results must follow in California for a season. Nor is it any delusion. There can be no doubt of the richness of the gold fields there. This moreover will prove one of the most important events on the Globe — to us and to mankind." Edwin M. Stanton to P.H. Watson, San Francisco, California, 19 June 1858. The Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut. Hereafter referred to as Beinecke Library. In 1858, Stanton was sent to California by the U.S. Attorney General as special Federal agent for the settlement of land claims. By 1860, Stanton became President James Buchanan's attorney general and later President Abraham Lincoln's minister of war. This post he continued within President Andrew Johnson's cabinet. 2. Alfred Waddington, The Fraser Mines Vindicated (Victoria: 1858), 16-17. 3.Sources rangefrom30,0000 to as many as 100,000 participants in the rush. See John Nugent, Special Agent appointed to Fraser River by U.S. President James Buchanan, Message from the President of the United States (Ex. Doc. No. I l l ) 35th Congress, 2d Session, House of Representatives, 28 February 1859, p. 2. American Historian Clinton A. Snowden estimated that between 75,000 to 100,000 persons entered B.C. and Washington Territory in the summer of 1858. See chapter ten, "Fraser River Stampede" in Lelah Jackson Edson, The Fourth Corner: Highlights from the Early Northwest (Bellingham, Washington: 1968). Also, Robie L. Reid, "John Nugent: The Impertinent Envoy." British Columbia Historical Quarterly VIII, 53-71. Hereafter cited as BCHQ. 4. The Bulletin alerted its readership to an alarming and growing despondency that had triggered a general "suicide mania" amongst the miners. Bulletin, 9 February 1858, p. 3. An examination of the San Francisco Weekly Gleaner broadens this context of despair by having published a "statistics of insanity." Twenty-four individuals suffered from cases of "acute mania." "Statistics of Insanity", Weekly Gleaner, A Periodical devoted to Religion, Education,, Biblical & Jewish Antiquities, San Francisco, 2 July 1858. The Gleaner's departurefromthe usual topics it explored was a last attempt to salvage its falling readership. In an editorial for the same issue, "The future of the Gleaner is, in consequence of the all overwhelming Frazer [sic] River commotion, not yet decided" due to the "consequent paralysation of all business." 5. Dianne Newell, "The Importance of Information and Misinformation in the Making of the Klondike Gold Rush," Journal of Canadian Studies 21:4 (Winter 1986-87): 95-111. 6. "The new Argonauts took with them all the capital they could command, and behind them left declining property values." Rodman Paul, California Gold: The Beginning of Mining in the Far West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1947), 178. For a good synopsis of the Fraser River Feverfromwhich much of the above is based, see Manton M. Marble, "Fraser River" in Knickerbocker, New-York Monthly Magazine UFA (October 1858), 331-340. 7. John S. Hittel, Mining in the Pacific States of North America (San Francisco: 1878), 29-35. Also, Elwood Evans, "The Fraser River Excitement, 1858 -- its philosophy and claims to historical notice" (1878). Reminiscences. Bancroft Library. University of California, Berkeley. Hereafter cited as Bancroft Library. 8. Marble in Knickerbocker, 333-34. Marble's description of all manner of items marketed as 'Fraser River' is extremely accurate. A daily reading of the San Francisco Bulletin for the year 1858 confirms the nature of the marketing craze described. ,  27 9. "The new gold mines are a reality, and the number of persons en route for that vicinity has no parallel, either in California or Australia. The excitement consequent on this rapid congregation of human beings daily arriving at the mines is such as was never before witnessed." "Letter from General M.M. McCarver", Bulletin, 9 July 1858, p. 2. Also, Reverend R.C. Lundin Brown, British Columbia: An Essay (New Westminster, B.C.: Royal Engineer Press, 1863), 3, where it is stated: "Never in the history of the migrations of men has been seen a 'rush' so sudden and so vast." For an interesting account of the effects on Victoria, see Alfred Charles Bay ley, "Early Life on Vancouver Island." Reminiscences. Bancroft Library. For the effects on Portland, Oregon, see Jean-Nicolas Perlot, Gold Seeker: Adventures of a Belgian Argonaut during the Gold Rush Years Howard R. Lamar, ed. (New Haven & London: Yale University Press), Ch. XXVI "The Fraser River Rush," pp. 359-366. Frank Tarbell, "Life and Trade in Victoria During the Fraser River Excitement," (1878) Reminiscences. Bancroft Library. 10. The original town lot record books for Victoria in 1858 testify to the dramatic increase in real estate speculation. These are deposited at Surveyor General Branch, Department of Lands, Davidson Street, Victoria, B.C. 11 .Knickerbocker, 334. 12.See Richard Thomas Wright, Overlanders: 1858 Gold (Saskatoon, Saskatchewan: Western Producer, 1985). 13. "The Frazer Fever in Melbourne," Bulletin, 28 October 1858, p. 1 noted that as of 4th August "excitement is spreading wide and rapidly among the miners." See also, "First Australian Departure of Fraserites," Bulletin, 23 November 1858, p. 2 & "Later from the British Possessions," Bulletin, 29 November 1858, p. 1 where it notes that the first ship to arrive from Melbourne carrying 50 passengers is the Orestes arriving via Port Townsend on its way to Victoria, 19 November 1858, and apparently an earlier ship was on its way, called Norton, with some 500 passengers . 14. For a comparison of Australia and California see David Goodman, Gold Seeking: Victoria and California in the 1850s (St. Leonard's, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1994). My thanks to Lyn Riddett of Australia for a copy of the above. 15. "The New Yellow-Fever," Bulletin, 19 June 1858, p. 3. 16. John Walton Caughey, History of the Pacific Coast ofNorth America (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1938), vii. Similarly, George Woodcock also attributed cultural and geographic distinctiveness to British Columbia within the larger political entity of Canada. See Woodcock, British Columbia: A History of the Province (Vancouver & Toronto: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1990), xi. 17. Jean Barman in her recent book, The West Beyond the West, has placed British Columbia within the regional label "Pacific Northwest," yet some authors have objected to the extension of an apparently American derivative to the Pacific province. Charles Lillard, well-known writer of popular B.C. history, asserted that: 'Pacific Northwest' is also misleading. In the United States it is an area including Washington, Oregon, Idaho and western Montana. Quite often, and for no discernable reason, Alaska, northern California and Canada's Yukon Territory are thought to belong to the Pacific Northwest. The term is not used in Canada. Historically, British Columbia's North-west Coast was the northwest coast of Vancouver Island, the Queen Charlotte Islands and the coast north of Alert Bay. North of this area, the Alaskans call their Panhandle Southeastern Alaska.  28 In other words, the American Pacific Northwest could also be considered the Canadian Pacific Southwest. Lillard noted that the larger geographical term of "West Coast" was just as "confusing." While the West Coast of Canada referred to the coastal region between Vancouver and Prince Rupert, West Coast in Alaska meant those islands lying off the Alaskan Panhandle, whereas the West Coast or Pacific Slope of the contiguous states of continental America extended from the 49th parallel all the way to Mexico. Since California, particularly San Francisco, played an extraordinary role in the American and Canadian regions to the north, especially during the gold rush period, I have decided to use the term Pacific Slope to describe the transboundary region covered in this dissertation: that of British Columbia, Washington, Oregon, & California. See Jean Barman, The West Beyond the West: A History of British Columbia 2 ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), for instance, p. 94. Charles Lillard, "Comment", The Malahat Review L X (October 1981), 5. nd  18. Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of British Columbia, 1792-1887 XXXII (San Francisco: The History Company, 1887). 19. For an examination of early British Columbia historiography, see Chad Reimer, '"Historic Explorations Northward': Hubert Howe Bancroft and the Begirinings of British Columbia History," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 86:3 (Summer 1995): 131-138. 20. Mood, "Pacific Coast Influences on Historical Writing," p. 206. 21 .Caughey, History of the Pacific Coast (1938). See chapter twenty-two entitled, "British Columbia," pp. 359-370. Caughey wrote a biography on Bancroft entitled Hubert Howe Bancroft: Historian of the West (1946). 22.Stephen Dow Beckman, "John Walton Caughey, Historian and Civil Libertarian," Pacific Historical Review LVI (1987): 484-485. 23. W.N. Sage, "Some Aspects of the Frontier in Canadian History," Canadian Historical Association Annual Report, 1928, as quoted in Allan Smith, "The Writing of British Columbia History," BC Studies 45 (Spring 1980). Reprinted in British Columbia: Historical Readings, eds. W. Peter Ward and Robert A.J. McDonald (Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre, 1981), 13. 24. W.N. Sage, "Geographical and Cultural Aspects of the Five Canadas," Canadian Historical Association Annual Report, 1937, as quoted in Smith, "The Writing of British Columbia History," in Ward and McDonald, 14. 2 5. Alexander Begg, The History of British Columbia From Its Earliest Discovery to Present (Toronto: William Briggs, 1894), 7. 26.See "Bancroft Moralizes," Ibid., p. 140. 27. H.F. Angus, ed. et al. British Columbia and the United States: The North Pacific Slope from Fur Trade to Aviation (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1942), v and 184. 28. Noel Robinson, "An Intimate Portrait," F.W. Howay: A Bibliography, ed. W. Kaye Lamb (Vancouver: 1928). 29. Willard E. Ireland, "British Columbia's American Heritage," The Canadian Historical Association Annual Report (1948). Reprinted in Historical Essays on British Columbia, eds. J. Friesen and H.K. Ralston (Toronto: Gage Publishing, 1980), 113-121.  29  30.See Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History (1920). Reprint (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1986). 31.Kent D. Richards, "In Search of the Pacific Northwest: The Historiography of Oregon and Washington," Pacific Historical Review 50 (1981): 417. 3 2. Earl Pomeroy, The Pacific Slope: A History ofCalifornia, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Utah, and Nevada (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1965), p. 374. For a reviewer's comments as quoted above, see Don E. Fehrenbacher, Pacific Historical Review X X X V (1966): 101 -102. 33.Howard R. Lamar, "Earl Pomeroy, Historian's Historian," Pacific Historical Review LVI (1987): 552. Pomeroy is quoted from "Toward a Reorientation of Western History: Continuity and Environment," Mississippi Valley Historical Review XLI (1955): 579. Of Pomeroy's reorientation model, Brian Dippie wrote "But just as Turner had found his attempt to downplay inherited culture construed by others as a denial of inherited culture, Pomeroy's case for continuity over environment has rigidified into a new orthodoxy. . . Pomeroy's model robbed the West of its distinctiveness, making it simply an appendage of the East that was neither exceptional nor especially consequential historically." Brian W. Dippie, "American Wests: Historiographical Perspectives," American Studies International XXVIL2 (1989): 3-25. 34.1bid. 35.Pomeroy, The Pacific Slope, vi. 36.1bid., 264. 37. Margaret A. Ormsby, British Columbia: A History (Toronto: MacMillan, 1958). 38. Earl Pomeroy, In Search of the Golden West: The Tourist in Western America (1957) Reprint. (Lincoln & London: University of Nebraska Press, 1990). 39. Margaret A. Ormsby, "Canada and the New British Columbia," Canadian Historical Association Annual Report (1948). Reprint. J. Friesen and H.K. Ralston, Historical Essays on British Columbia, 96. 40.See Barry M. Gough, "The Character of the British Columbia Frontier," BC Studies, XXXII (Winter 197677). Reprint. Ward and McDonald, British Columbia: Historical Readings, Part III, 240-241. 41. Robert E. Ficken and Charles P. LeWarne, Washington: A Centennial History (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1988), 185. 42. Mood, "Pacific Coast Influences and Historical Writing," 201-202. 43. Allan Smith notes Ormsby's environmentalist point of view which stressed the province's diversity in internal geography. Smith, "The Writing of British Columbia History," 14-15. 44.See the review by John Fahey, Eastern Washington University, American Historical Review LXLV:2 (April 1990): 596-597. 45.Carlos A. Schwantes, The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive History (Lincoln & London: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 2.  30  46.See the review by John L. Allen, University of Connecticut, American Historical Review LXLV:5 (December 1990): 1641. 47. Carlos A. Schwantes, Radical Heritage: Labor Socialism and Reform in Washington and British Columbia 1885-1917 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1970). 48. Jean Barman, The West Beyond the West: A History of British Columbia 2 ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), 353. nd  49.1bid., 4. 50.1bid., 339. 51. William Seward, U.S.